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THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER

GENERAL EDITOR: N. M. PENZER, M.A., F.R.G.S.

VOLUME II

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•1 M

THE THREE VOYAGES OF
MARTIN FROBISHER

In search of a passage to Cathay and India by the North-West,
A.D. 1576-8. From the original 1578 text of George Best

Together with numerous other versions, Additions, etc.

Now edited, with Preface, Introduction, Motes,

Appendixes and Bibliography, by

VILHJALMUR STEFANSSON

A.B., A.M., Ph.D., LL.D.

With the collaboration of ELOISE M^CASKILL, A.M.

together with numerous maps and

illustrations

IN TWO VOLUMES

1938

THE ARGONAUT PRESS

EMPIRE HOUSE, 175, PICCADILLY

LONDON

Swk3^

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY W. LEWIS, M.A., AT THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

CONTENTS
VOLUME TWO

PAGE

DIONYSE settle's ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND VOYAGE.

London, 1577 5

A true report of Capteine Frobisher his last voyage 1 1

THOMAS ELLIS'S ACCOUNT OF THE THIRD VOYAGE. London,

1578 31

The third and last voyage into Meta Incognita 35

Poems 45

EDWARD SELLMAN's ACCOUNT OF THE THIRD VOYAGE.
From first printed edition in Hakluyt Society's Frobisher^s Three
Voyages, London, 1867 55

SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL. From The Three Voyages of Martin
Frobisher, edited for the Hakluyt Society by Rear-Admiral Richard
Gollinson, London, 1867

{a) The First Voyage

1. Expenses & Equipment of the i*'zVj-^ Fojvfl^^ 77

2. Mr Lok, Captain Frobisher, and the Ore 79

3. Lok's Contract with Agnello 90

{b) The Second Voyage

1. Frobisher's Petition 94

2. Expenses & Equipment of the Second Voyage 95

3. Names of the Venturars 99

4. Report upon the Outfit 102

5. Graunt from the Queene's Majestic 103

6. Articles consented and agreede 106

7. A Brief Note of all the Cost 107

8. State Papers subsequent to the Second Voyage 109

9. State Papers relative to the Trial of the Ore subsequent to the

Second Voyage 1 1 9

10. State Papers concerning the Triall of the Ewr previous to the

Third Voyage 132

vi CONTENTS

1. State Papers relative to the Outfit for the Third Voyage 152

2. State Papers subsequent to the Third Voyage 168

APPENDIXES

1. New Material on the Third Voyage from the Huntington Library. By

Professor George B. Parks 215

2. Bibliography of Martin Frobisher 224

3. Notes on the Accounts of Frobisher's Voyages 226

4. Richard Willes 229

5. Thomas Churchyard 230

6. The Spellings of " Frobisher " 232

7. The Eskimo Words in Frobisher's Voyages 233

8. The Eskimos Brought to England by Frobisher 237

9. The Mystery of the Frobisher Relics 240

10. The Frobisher Mineral 248

1 1 . The report of Thomas VViars passenger in the Emanuel 253

12. Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt 254

13. Frobisher's Will 258

14. Biographical Notes on the Authors of the Frobisher Narratives 273

INDEX 275

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

The Frobisher, Davis and Waymouth voyages Frontispiece

Title page of Dionyse Settle's True Report of the Last Voyage page 3

Title page of Thomas Ellis's True Report of the Third and Last Voyage 29

Sketches of iceberg in Thomas Ellis's account of the Third Voyage 39

Frobisher Bay and Islands facing page 1 18

Frobisher Bay 152

Maps showing varied placing of "Frobisher Straits" 214

Photographs of Frobisher's mining trenches and house foundations,

Kodlunarn Island ' page 246

Facsimile of portion of Martin Frobisher's will 269

DIONYSE SETTLE'S ACCOUNT OF THE

SECOND VOYAGEi

1 Dionyse Settle's account of the second voyage is printed from the London, Middleton,
1577 edition. (See infra, Appendix 3, p. 226.)

FVII

Jt^ A true repdfte ofj

^*'Mthe Mc voyage ipto thr*

{led bj CapsdfMt Fr^bimcf erf,

the faydc v?f4gC«Kc firft

Wff A adefcrtftgm of the people
there t»h4^siiii^iaKd other

ctrctimUmces

^4r> . ? ■^•*, -

■©'.Httnhp IMaayfcScKle, OrWOf

ttjf conipattu' m tilt 6(?i^ l»0P*
NtlmoYtaUhm orditHtn eU.

Imprinted at Lon-^^

dpa by Hcoric Middle-^'
ton. Anno.t S77'

Ti^J^

5 A rythme decafyllabicall,

vpon this laft luckie voyage of worthie

Capteine Frobijher. 1577.

~^Hrough fundrie foming fretes, and ftorming ftreightes,
That ventrous knight of Ithac' foyle did faile :

- L Againft the force of Syrens baulmed beightes,

His noble fkill and courage did preuaile.

His hap was hard, his hope yet nothing fraile.
Not ragged Rockes, not fmking Syrtes or fands
His ftoutnefTe ft aide, from viewing forreigne lands.

That Poets penne and paines was well employd,
His braines bedeawd with dropps of ParnafTe fpring :
Whereby renowne deferued he enioyd.
Yea, nowe (though dead) the Mufes fweetly fing,
Melodioully by note, and tuned ftring.

They found in th'eares of people farre and neere,

Th' exceeding praife of that approued Peere.

A right Heroicall heart of Britanne blood,
Vlyffes match in fkill and Martiall might :
For Princes fame, and countries fpeciall good.
Through brackifh feas (where Neptune reignes by right)
Hath fafely faild, in perils great defpight :

The Golden fleece (like lafon) hath he got,

And rich returnd, faunce loffe or lucklelfe lot.

O that I had old Homers worthy witt,
O that I had, this prefent houre, his head :
With penne in hand, then mufmg would I fitt,
And our Vlylfes valiant venture fpread
In vaunting verfe, that when his corps is dead,

(Which long may Hue) his true renowne may reft,

As one whome God aboundantly hath bleft.

Abraham Fleming.

5 To the Right honourable and my lingular good Lord,

George Earle of Cumberland,

Baron Clifford ^ Lord of Skipton and Veffeie:

his humble feruaunt Dionyfe Settle, wilheth the
fulnefle of all perfe6l felicitie.

|T both is, and hath beene, {Right Honourable) the bountie of a
noble mynde, not to exped remuneration or fatiffadlion for liberalitie
)j frankly beHowed. It both is, and alfo hath beene accounted a great
vice, to feeme vnthankfull, or at the lea§t not fomthing carefull,
of whom, when, and how, we Jhould receiue liberalitie. I am not
obliuious, neither carelejje, when, and how, your Honour [aboue my
expectation) nobly fatiffied the request of me your humble feruant. I am moB
affured, that the vertue of your noble heart expedleth nothing of me, but that your
goodneffe might abound to my profite: vppon which occafion, and bicaufe I would not
be accounted ingratefull, I haue both boldly pajfed the limittes of my duetie, and alfo
vnlearnedly taken vpon me to fet foorth fome thing worthie notice, in this laH voyage
of our Capteine and Generall, Maimer Martine Frobijher, your Honours worthie
Countrie man: vnder whome {as your Honours vnworthie feruant) I was one in the
faid voyage. By his great diligence, the voyage is worthily finifhed: whereby I am
perfuaded, that he will refill the rehearfall ofthofe opprobrious wordes, namely, that.
All euill Cometh from or hath originall in the North : not onely he, but many
worthie fubiedes more.

I haue publifhed this fcantling, vnder the noble title of your Honor, to whom
I offer the fame in dedication: which, though it be not decorated with good learning,
apte for the fetting foorth of fo notable a matter: yet, the fame is beautified with
good will and trueth. Wherein your Honour, {ifitfhallfo pleafe you) for recreation
fake, may vnderMand, what people, countries, and other commodities we haue found
out, fince our departure from England, which haue not ben knowne before. Thus,
prefuming vpon hope and affuraunce of your Honours pardon for my bolde attempt
herein, I reU humbly at your Lordfhips commaundement: wifhingyour timefofpent
in this world, that you may inioy the felicitie in the worlde to come. Amen.

Your Lordfhips moft humble feruaunt to commaund,

Dionyfe Settle.

To the Chriftian

Reader.

iVch countries and people, (good Chriftian Reader) which
almoft from the deluge, or at the leaft, fo long as anye
humane creature hath had habitation on the earth, haue
of late yeres, by y induftrie of diligent fearchers ben ex-
plored : it hath likewife pleafed God, y they fhould be found
out by thofe people, which for the temperature of their
habitatio, are moft apt to atchiue the fame. As for example, the Spaniards,
the Weft Indies. Spaine is fituated much more neere y Tropike of Cancer,
then other Chriftian countries be : wherby, the Spaniards are better able
to tolerate Phoebus burning beames, then others whiche are more Septen-
trional the they. Wherfore, I fuppofe them the moft apte men for the
inioying of the habitation of the Weft Indies : and efpecially fo much, as
is vexed with continual heate, or that is agreeable to their temperature,
God hath ben pleafed that they, as the moft apt people, fhould both
explore & inioy y fame. Semblably, y Portugals, whofe temperature is
correfpondent to y Spaniards, God is alfo contented, that they haue
explored Africa, euen through the burning Zone, both the Weft and South
coaft, with al y coaft of Afia, vnto the Oriental cape therof, and the Iflands
adiacent to them both : wherefore, both for their habitation, and tempera-
ture, I account them y moft apt people to atchiue y fame, and to reape
the benefite, whereabout they haue taken no fmall paines and labor. In
like maner, the French men, where y Spaniards thought y place not apt
for their temperature, difcouered Noua Francia, and other places in
America: wherfore, I iudge them worthie the commoditie thereof, as
people moft apt to inioy and poffefte the fame. Laftly, it hath plefed
God, at this prefent, by the great diligence & care of our worthie Countrie-
man, Mafter Mar tine Frobiftier, in the i8. and 19. yeare of oure Queenes
Maiefties reigne, to difcouer, for the vtilitie of his Prince and Gountrie,
other regions more Septentrional, then thofe before rehearfed: which,
from the beginning, as vnknowne till nowe, haue bene concealed and
hidden. Which difcouerie, I iudge moft apt for vs Englifh men, and more
agreeing to our temperature, then others aboue rehearfed. I leaue the
famous difcouerie of Mofcouie, and other countries on thofe partes, (whiche
of late yeares haue bene explored by the induftrie of other our worthie

10 THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER

countrimen) to the diligent Reader : whereby he may confider, that this
our countrie, hath foftered vp men of no lefTe value and excellencie, then
thofe, which are intituled, The fecond, thirde, and fourth Neptune, And
doubtleffe, hee, by whofe endeuour this laft difcouerie of the world is
explored, may bee celebrated as well with the title of Aeolus, as alfo
of Neptune. By whofe fmgular knowledge and cunning, God hath pre-
ferued vs in this voyage, from bothe their cruell daungers.

Thus (Chriftia Reader) thou maift perceiue, that the worlde, of late
yeares, hath beene difcouered by fundrie regions of this our Europe:
which God hath fo diuided in the exploring of the fame, that it feemeth
apt and agreeable to the difcouerer, more then to any other, to inioy all
fuch commodities as they yealde and affoorde. Confider alfo, that Chriftians
haue difcouered thefe countries and people, which fo long haue lyen
vnknowne, and they not vs : which plainely may argue, that it is Gods
good will and pleafure, that they fhould be inftrucled in his diuine feruice
and religion, whiche from the beginning, haue beene nouzeled and
nourifhed in Atheifme, groffe ignorance, and barbarous behauiour. Where-
fore, this is my iudgement, (in conclufion) that who fo euer can winne
them from their infidelitie, to the perfect knowledge of his diuine inftitu-
tions and feruice, hee or they are worthie to receiue the greateft rewarde
at Gods hands, and the greater benefites from thofe countries, which he
hath difcouered. Fare well.

5 A true report of Capteme Frobijher his laft voyage

into the Wefh and Northweft regions,

this prefent yere 1577. With a defcription of
the people there inhabiting.

N Whitfunday laft paft, being the 26. of May, in this prefent
yeare of our Lorde God 1577. Capteine Frobifher departed
from Blacke Wall, with one of the Queenes Maiefties fhippes,
called The Aide, of nine fcore tunne, or there aboutes : and
two other little Barkes likewife, the one called The Gabriel,
whereof Maifter Fenton a Gentlema of my Lord of War-
wicks was Capteine : and the other. The Michael, whereof Maifter Yorke
a Gentleman of my Lorde Admerals was Gaptein, accompanied with
feuen fcore gentlemen, fouldiers and faylers, well furnifhed with viduals,
and other prouifio neceflarie for one halfe yere, on this his feconde voyage,
for the further difcouering of the paflage to Cataia, and other countries
therevnto adiacent, by Weft and Northweft Nauigations : whiche paflage,
or way, is fuppofed to be on the North and Northweft partes of America:
and the fayd America to be an Iflande inuironed with the fea, where-
through our Merchaunts might haue courfe and recourfe with their
merchandize, from thefe our Northernmoft parts of Europe, to thofe
oriental coafts of Afia, in much fhorter time, and with greater benefit then
any others, to their no little commoditie and profite that doe traffique
the fame. Oure fayde Capteine and Generall of this prefent voyage and
companie, hauing the yere before, with two little Pinnifies, to his great
daunger and no fmall commendations, giuen a worthy attempt towardes
the performaunce thereof, is alfo preft (when occafion fhall be miniftred,
to the benefite of his Prince and natiue countrie) to aduenture him felfe
further therein. As for this fecond voyage, it feemeth fufficient, that he
hath better explored and fearched the commodities of thofe people and
countries, with fufficient commoditie vnto the aduenturers, which in his
firft voyage the yeare before he had found out.

Upon which confiderations, the day and yeare before exprefled, we
departed from Blacke Wall to Harwiche, where making an accomplifh-
ment of thinges neceflarie, the laft of Maye we hoyfed vp failes, and with orchfcks'^or
a mery windejhe 7. th^erof we arriued at the Iflands called Orchades, or Orkney. '

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The Orchadiatu

vponfial occa-

Jionflee their

home.

Simple houfes
in Orkney.

No wood in
Orkney.

Fijhermen of

England haue

daily trafique

to Orkney.

In lun: and

lulie, no night

in thoje Wejl

and North-

wejl regions.

Freejland.

IJlandes of
yce.

vulgarly Orkney, being in number 30. fubied and adiacent to Scodand,
where we made prouifion of frefhe water: in the doing whereof, our
Generall licenced the Gentlemen and Souldiers, for their recreation, to
go on fhoare. At our landing, the people fled from their poore cotages,
with fhrikes and alarums, to warne their neighbors of enimies : but by
gentle perfuafions we reclaimed them to their houfes. It feemeth they are
often frighted with Pirates, or fome other enimies, that moueth them to
fuch fouden feare. Their houfes are very fimplie builded with pibble flone,
without any chimneys, the fire being made in the middefl thereof The
good man, wife, children, and other of their familie, eate and fleepe on
the one fide of the houfe, and their cattell on the other, very beaflly and
rudely, in refped of ciuilitie. They are deflitute of wood, their fire is
turffes and Cowe fhardes. They haue corne, bigge, and oates, with whiche
they paye their Kinges rente, to the maintenance of his houfe. They take
great quantitie of fifhe, which they drie in the winde and Sunne. They
dreffe their meate very filthily, and eate it without fait. Their apparell
is after the rudeft fort of Scotland. Their money is all bafe. Their churche
and religion is reformed according to the Scots. The fifher men of England,
can better declare the difpofitions of thofe people than I : wherfore,
I remit other their vfages to their reportes, as yearely repairers thither,
in their courfe to and from Ifland for fifh.

Wee departed herehence, the 8. of June, and followed our courfe
betweene Wefl and Northwefl, vntill the 4. of Julie: all which time, we
had no night, but that eafily, and without any impediment, we had when
we were fo difpofed, the fruition of our bookes, and other pleafures to
paffe awaye the time : a thinge of no fmall moment, to fuch as wander
in vnknowen feas and longe Nauigations, efpecially, when both the winds,
and raging furges, do paffe their common and wonted courfe. This benefite
endureth in thofe partes not fixe weekes, whilefl the Sunne is neere the
Tropike of Cancer: but where the Pole is raifed to 70. or 80. degrees,
it continueth the longer.

All along thefe feas, after we were 6. dayes fayling from Orkney, we
met floting in the fea, great Firre trees, which as wee iudged, were with
the furie of great floudes rooted vp, and fo driuen into the fea. Ifland
hath almoft no other wood nor fewel, but fuch as they take vp vpon their
coaftes. It feemeth, that thefe trees are driuen from fome parte of the
New found land, with the Current that fetteth from the Wefl to the Eafl.

The 4. of Julie, we came within the making of Freefeland. From this
fhoare 10. or 12. leagues, we met great Iflands of yce, of halfe a mile,
fome more, fome leffe in compaffe, fhewing aboue the fea 30. or 40.

MARTIN FROBISHER I3

fathomes, and as we fuppofed, faft on ground, where, with oure leade
wee could fcarfe found the bottome for deapth.

Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant fmelles of fweete gummes, and
pleafant notes of muficall birdes, which other Countries in more tem-
perate Zone do yeeld, we tafted the moft boifterous Boreall blafts, mixt
with fnow and haile, in the moneth of June and Julie, nothing inferiour
to oure vntemperate Winter: a foudeine alteration, and efpecially in a
place or Paralele, where the Pole is not eleuate aboue 6i. degrees: at
which height other countries more to the North, yea, vnto 70. degrees,
fhewe thefelues more temperat than this doth.

All along this coaft yce lyeth, as a continuall bullworke, and fo defendeth
the countrie, that thofe whiche would land there incurre great daunger.
Our Generall three dayes together, attempted with the fhippboate to
haue gone on fhoare, whiche, for that without great daunger he could
not accomplifhe, he deferred it vntil a more conuenient time. All along
the coaft lye very highe mounteines couered with fnowe, excepte in fuch
places, where, through the fteepeneffe of the mounteines, of force it muft
needes fall.

Foure dayes coaftinge along this Land, we found no figne of habitation.
Little birdes, whiche we iudged to haue loft y fhoare, by reafon of thicke
fogges, which that countrie is much fubied vnto, came fleeing to oure
fhippes, whiche caufeth vs to fuppofe, that the countrie is both more
tollerable, and alfo habitable within, then the outward fhoare maketh
fhewe or fignification.

From hence we departed the eight of Julie : and the 16. of the fame, we
came within the making of land, whiche land our Generall, the yeare
before, had named The Q,ueenes foreland, beeing an Ifland, as we iudge,
lying neere the fuppofed continent with America: & on the other fide,
oppofite to y fame, one other Ifland called Halles Ifle, after the name of
the Maifter of our fhippe, neere adiacent to the firme land, fuppofed
continent with Afia. Betweene the which two Iflandes, there is a large
entrance or ftreight, called Frobifliers ftreight, after the name of oure
Generall, the firft finder thereof This faid ftreight, is fuppofed to haue
paflage into the Sea of Sur, which I leaue vnknowne as yet.

It feemeth, that either here, or not farre hence, the Sea fhould haue
more large entraunce, than in other partes, within the frofen or vntem-
perate Zone : and that fome contrarie tide, either from the Eaft or Weft,
with maine force cafteth out that great quantitie of yce, which commeth
floating from this coaft, euen vnto Freefland, cauflng that countrie to
feeme more vntemperate than others, muche more Northerly than they are.

Tee, fnowe,
and haile in
June and lulie.

Yce defendeth
Freefland.

Thefhoares of
Freefland haue
highe vfioun-
teines.

Freefland fub-

ie£l tofogge.
Little birdes
figne and
token of
habitation.

Queenes
foreland.

Halles I/le.

Frobifhers
ftreight.

IJlands ofyce

comparable to

mounteines.

Capteine

Frobijher his

Jpeciall care and

diligence/or

the berufite of

his Prince

and Countrey.

The order of

the people

appearing on

Jhoare.

Fierce and
hould people.

One taken.

14 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

I cannot iudge, that any temperature vnder the Pole, beeing the time
of the Sunnes Northerne dedination, halfe a yeare together and one whole
day, (confidering, that the Sunnes eleuation furmounteth not 23. degrees
and 30. minutes,) can haue power to diffolue fuch monftruous and huge
yce, comparable to great mounteines, excepte by fome other force, as by
fwift Currents and tydes, with the helpe of the faid day of halfe a yeare.

Before we came within the making of thefe Landes, we tailed cold
ftormes, infomuch that it feemed, we had chaunged Summer with winter,
if the length of the dayes had not remoued vs from that opinion.

At our firft comming, the flreightes feemed to be fhutt vp with a long
mure ofyce, whiche gaue no little caufe of difcomfort vnto vs all : but our
Generall, (to whofe diligence, imminent daungers, and difficult attemptes
feemed nothing, in refpe6l of his willing mind, for the commoditie of his
Prince and countrie,) with two little Pinnifes prepared of purpofe, palfed
twife thoroughe them to the Eaff: fhoare, and the Iflands therevnto ad-
iacent : and the fhippe, with the two barks, lay off and on fomething
further into the fea, from the daunger of the yce.

Whilefl; he was fearching the countrie neere the fhoare, fome of the
people of the countrie fhewed themfelues, leaping and dauncing, with
ftraunge fhrikes and cryes, whiche gaue no little admiration to our men.
Our Generall defirous to allure them vnto him by faire meanes, caufed
kniues, & other thinges, to be proferred vnto them, whiche they would
not take at our handes : but beeing layd on the ground, & the partie
going away, they came and tooke vp, leaning fomething of theirs to
counteruaile y fame. At the length, two of them leaning their weapons,
came downe to our Generall and Maifter, who did the like to them,
commaunding the companie to flay, and went vnto them: who, after
certeine dumbe fignes and mute congratulations, began to lay handes
vpon them, but they deliuerly efcaped, and ranne to their bowes and
arrowes, and came fiercely vppon them, (not refpeding the reft of our
companie, which were readie for their defence) but with their arrowes
hurt diuerfe of them : we tooke the one, and the other efcaped.

Whileft our Generall was bufied in fearching the countrie and thofe
Iflands adiacent on the Eaft fhoare, the fhip and barckes hauing great
care, not to put farre into the fea from him, for that he had fmall ftore
of viduals, were forced to abide in a cruell tempeft, chancing in the night,
amongft and in the thickeft of the yce, which was fo monftruous, that
euen the leaft of a thoufand had beene of force fufficient, to haue fhiuered
oure fhippe and barkes into fmall portions, if God (who in all neceflities,
hath care vpon the infirmitie of man) had not prouided for this our

MARTIN FROBISHER I5

extremitie a fufficient remedie, through the hght of the night, whereby
we might well difcerne to flee from fuch imminent daungers, whiche wee
auoyded with 14. Bourdes in one watch the fpace of 4. houres. If we
had not incurred this danger amongfl thefe monftrous Iflandes of yce,
wee fhould haue loft our Generall and Maifter, and the moft of our beft
failers, which were on the fhoare deftitute of vidualls : but by the valure
of our Maifter Gunner, being expert both in Nauigation and other good
qualities, we were all content to incurre the dangers afore rehearfed,
before we would, with oure owne fafetie, runne into the Seas, to the
deftrudion of oure faid Generall and his companie.

The day following, being the 19. of Julie, oure Capteine returned to
the fliippe, with good newes of great riches, which fhewed it felfe in the
bowelles of thofe barren mounteines, wherewith we were all fatiffied.
A fouden mutation. The one parte of vs being almoft fwallowed vp the
night before, w cruell Neptunes force, and the reft on fhoare, taking
thought for their greedie paunches, how to find the way to New found
land : at one moment we were all rapt with ioye, forgetting, both where
we were, and what we had fuffred. Behold the glorie of man, to night
contemning riches, and rather looking for death than otherwife : and to
morrowe deuifmg howe to fatiffie his greedie appetite with Golde.

Within foure days after we had ben at the entraunce of the Streightes,
the Northweft and Weft windes difperfed the yce into the Sea, and made
vs a large entrance into the Streights, that without any impediment, on
the 19. of Julie, we entred them, and the 20. therof oure Generall and
Maifter, with great diligence, fought out and founded the Weft fhoare,
and found out a fayre Harborough for the fliip and barkes to ride in,
and named it after our Maifters mate, lackmans found, and brought the
fhip, barkes, and all their companie to fafe anchor, except one man,
whiche dyed by Gods vifitation.

Who fo maketh Nauigations to thefe contries, hath not only extreme
winds, and furious Seas, to encounter withall, but alfo many monftrous
and great Iflandes of yce : a thing both rare, wonderfuU, and greatly to
be regarded.

We were forced, fundrie times, while the fhip did ride here at anchor,
to haue continuall watch, with boates and men readie with Halfers, to
knit faft vnto fuch yce, which with the ebbe and floud were tofled to and
fro in the Harboroughe, and with force of oares to hale__them away, for
indaungering the fhip.

Our Generall, certeine dayes fearched this fuppofed continent with
America, and not finding the commoditie to aunfwere his expedation.

Richard Coxe
Maifter Gun-
ner.

Newfound
land.

lackmans
found.

Yce needefull
to be regarded
offeafaring
men.

Great watche
with men and
boates for yce
indaungering
the fhip at
anchor.

Stones gli/ler
withfparckle

like Golde.

A common
Prouerbe.

The Sea
Vnicorne.

A era/tie
people.

A fierce qffault
of a few.

l6 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

after he had made tryall thereof, he departed thence with two little
barkes, and men fufficient, to the Eafl fhoare, being the fuppofed con-
tinent of Afia, & left the fhip with moft of the Gentlemen, Souldiers, and
Saylers, vntill fuch time as he, eyther thought good to fend, or come for
them.

The ftones of this fuppofed continent with America, be altogether
fparkled, and glifter in the Sunne like Gold : fo likewife doth the fande in
the bright water, yet they verifie the olde Prouerbe : All is not golde that
gliflereth.

On this Weft Ihoare we found a dead fifhe floating, whiche had in his
nofe a home ftreight & torquet, of lengthe two yardes lacking two ynches,
being broken in the top, where we might perceiue it hollowe, into which
fome of our Saylers putting Spiders, they prefently dyed. I fawe not the
tryall hereof, but it was reported vnto me of a trueth : by the vertue whereof,
we fuppofed it to be the fea Unicorne.

After our Generall had founde out good harborough for the Ship and
Barkes to anchor in : and alfo fuche ftore of Golde oare as he thought
him felfe fatiffied withall, he fent backe oure Maifter with one of the
Barkes, to condude the great Ship vnto him, who coafting along the Weft
flioare, perceiued a faire harborough, and willing to found the fame, at
the enterance thereof they efpyed two tentes of Scale Ikinnes.

At the fight of oure men, the people fled into the mounteines : neuer-
thelefle, our fayde Maifter went to their tents, and left fome of our trifles,
as Kniues, Bels, and Glafles, and departed, not taking any thing of theirs,
excepte one Dogge to our Shippe.

On the fame day, after confultation had, we determined to fee, if by
fayre meanes we could eyther allure them to familiaritie, or otherwife
take fome of them, and fo atteine to fome knowlege of thofe men, whome
our Generall loft the yeare before.

At our comming backe againe, to the place where their tentes were
before, they had remoued their tentes further into the faid Bay or Sound,
where they might, if they were driuen from the land, flee with their boates
into the fea. Wee parting our felues into two companies, and compafling
a mounteine, came foudeinly vppon them by land, who efpying vs, with-
out any tarying fled to their boates, leaning the moft part of their oares
behind them for haft, and rowed downe the Bay, where our two Piniffes
met them, & droue them to fhoare: but, if they had had all their
oares, fo fwift are they in rowing, it had bene loft time to haue chafed
them.

When they were landed, they fiercely aflaulted oure men with their

MARTIN FROBISHER l"]

bowes and arrowes, who wounded three of them with our arrowes : and
perceyuing them felues thus hurt, they defperately leapt off the Rocks
into the Sea, and drowned them felues : which if they had not done, but
had fubmitted them felues : or if by any meanes we could haue taken them
aliue, (being their enimies as they iudged) we would both haue faued
them, and alfo haue fought remedie to cure their woundes receiued at
our handes. But they, altogether voyde of humanitie, and ignorant what
mercy^eaneth, in extremities looke for no other then death : and per-
ceiuing tEey fhould fall into our hands, thus miferably by drowning rather
defired death, then otherwife to be faued by vs : the reft, perceiuing their
fellowes in this diftreffe, fled into the highe mounteines. Two WDmen,
not being fo apt to efcape as the men were, the one for her age, and the
other being incombred with a yong childe, we tooke. The olde wretch,
whome diuers of oure Saylers fuppofed to be eyther a Diuell, or a Witche,
plucked off her bufkins, to fee, if fhe were clouen footed, and for her ougly
hewe and deformitie, we let her goe : the young woman and the childe,
we brought away. We named the place where they were flayne, Bloudie
point : and the Bay or Harborough, Yorkes found, after the name of one
oTtlie Capteines of the two Barkes.

Hauing this knowledge, both of their fierceneffe and crueltie, and per-
ceiuing that fayre meanes, as yet, is not able to allure them to familiaritie,
we difpofed our felues, contrarie to our inclination, fomething to be cruel,
returned to their tentes, and made a fpoyle of the fame. Their riches are
neyther Gold, Siluer, or precious Draperie, but their fayde tentes and
boates, made of the fkinnes of red Deare and Scale fkinnes : alfo, Dogges
like vnto Woolues, but for the moft part black, with other trifles, more
to be wondred at for their ftrangeneffe, then for any other commoditie
needeful for our vfe.

Thus returning to our Ship, the 3. of Auguft, we departed from the
Weft fhoare, fuppofed firme with America, after we had anchored there
13. dayes: and fo, the 4. thereof, we came to our Generall on the Eaft
fhoare, and anchored in a fayre Harborough named Anne Warrwickes
found, vnto whiche is annexed an Iflande both named after the Counteffe
of Warrwicke, Anne Warrwickes found and Ifle.

In this Ifle, our Generall thought good, for this voyage, to frayght both
the Ship and Barkes, with fuche Stone or Gold minerall, as he iudged to
counteruaile the charges of his firft, and this his fecond Nauigation to
thefe contries, w fufficient intereft to y venturers, wherby they might
bothe be fatiffied for this time, and alfo in time to come, (if it pleafe God
and our Prince,) to exfped a much more large benefite, out of the bowells

Defperate
people.

Ignoraunt
what mercy
ineaneth.

Two women
taken and a
childe.

An olde woman
a fuppofed
Diuell or
Witch.

Bloudie point.
Torks found.

Faire meanes
not able to
allure them to
familiaritie.

Boates of
fkinnes.

Oure departure
from the Wefl
fhoare.

The countejje
of Warwickes
found & Ifle.

Oure fraight
furmounteth
the charges of
thefirjl and
fecond voyage,
with fufficient
interefl to the
venturers.

FVII

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Riches long

concealed

prefently dif-

couered by

capteine

Frobijher.

By Capteine

Frobijhers

diligence other

men in-

couraged to

labor.

The countrie

people Jhewe

themjelues

vnto vs.

The care

which our

General had

to heare of his

men that

were lojl.

Signesfor

penne, ynck,

and paper.

Cacough
their King.

Their vfage in

trqffique or

exchange.

The people

Jhewe them

Jelues againe

onfirme land.

Their craft to

betray fome

of vs.

The people

Jhewe them

Jelues the

third time.

of thofe Septentrionall Paralels, which long time hath concealed it felf,
til at this prefent, through the wonderfull diligence, & great danger of our
Generall and others, God is contented with the reuealing thereof It
rifeth fo aboundantly, that from the beginning of Auguft, to the 22. thereof,
(euery man following the diligence of our General) we rayfed aboue
grounde 200. tunne, whiche we iudged a reafonable fraight for the Shippe
and two Barkes, in the fayde Anne Warrwicks Ifle.

In the time of our abode here, fome of the countrie people, came to
fhewe them felues vnto vs, fundrie times on y maine fhoare, neere ad-
iacent to the fayd Ifle. Our Generall, defirous to haue fome newes of his
men, whome he loft the yeare before, with fome companie with him
repayred with the Ship boat, to common, or figne with them for familiaritie,
wherevnto he is perfuaded to bring them. They, at the firft ftiewe, made
tokens, that three of his hue men were aliue, and defired penne, ynck,
and paper, and that within three or foure dayes, they would returne, and
(as we iudged) bring thofe of our men, whiche were lining, with them.

They alfo made fignes or tokens of their King, whom they called
Gacough, and how he was carried on mens fboulders, and a man farre
furmounting any of our companie, in bignelfe and ftature.

With thefe tokens and fignes of writing, penne, yncke, and paper was
deliuered them, which they woulde not take at our handes: but being
layde vpon the fhoare, and the partie gone away, they tooke vp : which
likewife they doe, when they defire any thing for chaunge of theirs, laying
for that which is left, fo much as they think wil couteruaile the fame,
and not comming neare together. It feemeth they haue bene vfed to this
trade or traffique, with fome other people adioyning, or not farre diftant
from their Countrie.

After 4. dayes, fome of them fhewed themfelues vpon the firme land,
but not where they were before. Our General, very glad thereof, fup-
pofmg to heare of our men, went from the Iflande, with the boate, and
fufficient companie \\dth him. They feemed very glad, and allured him,
about a certeine point of the land : behind which they might perceiue
a companie of the craftie villains to lye lurking, whome our Generall
woulde not deale withall, for that he knewe not what companie they were,
and fo with fewe fignes difmifled them, and returned to his companie.

An other time, as our faid Generall was coafting the contrie, with two
litle Pinilfes, whereby at oure returne hee might make the better relation
thereof, three of the craftie villains, with a white fkin allured vs to them.
Once againe, our Generall, for y he hoped to heare of his men, went
towardes them: at oure comming neere the fhoare, wheron they were

MARTIN FROBISHER I9

we might perceiue a number of them He hidden behinde great ftones,
& thofe three in fight labouring by al meanes poffible, that fome woulde
come on land: & perceyuing wee made no haft by words nor friendly
fignes, which they vfed by clapping of their handes, and beeing without
weapon, and but three in fighte, they fought further meanes to prouoke
vs therevnto. One alone layd flefti on the fhoare, whiche we tooke vpp
with the Boate hooke, as neceffarie vidualls for the relieuing of the man,
woman, & child, whom we had taken : for y as yet, they could not digeft
oure meate : whereby they perceiued themfelues deceiued of their expeda-
tion, for all their craftie allurements. Yet once againe, to make (as it
were) a full fhewe of their craftie natures, and fubtile fleightes, to the
intent thereby to haue intrapped and taken fome of our men, one of them
counterfeyted himfelfe impotent and lame of his legges, who feemed to
defcend to the water fide, with great difficultie: and to couer his crafte
the more, one of his fellowes came downe with him, and in fuch places,
where he feemed vnable to paffe, hee tooke him on his fhoulders, fet him
by the water fide, and departed from him, leaning him (as it fhould
feeme) all alone, who playing his counterfeite pageant very well, thought
thereby to prouoke fome of vs to come on fhoare, not fearing, but that
any one of vs might make oure partie good with a lame man.

Our Generall, hauing^ compaffion of his impotencie, thought good (if it
were poflible) to cure him therof : wherfore, hee caufed a fouldiour to
fhoote at him with liis Caleeuer, which grafed before his face. The counter-
feite villeine deliuerly fled, without any impediment at all, and gott him
to his bowe and arrowes, and the reft from their lurking holes, with their
weapons, bowes, arrowes, flings, and dartes. Our Generall caufed fome
Caleeuers to be fhot off at them, whereby fome being hurt, they mighte
hereafter ftand in more feare of vs.

This was all the aunfwere, for this time, wee could haue of our men, or
of our Generalls letter. Their craftie dealing, at thefe three feuerall times,
being thus manifeft vnto vs, maye plainely fhewe, their difpofition in other
thinges to be correfpondent. We iudged, that they vfed thefe ftratagemmes,
thereby to haue caught fome of vs, for the deliuering of the man, woman,
& child whome we haue taken.

They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion : their colour
is not much vnlike the Sunne burnte Gountrie man, who laboureth daily
in the Sunne for his lining.

They weare their haire fomethinge long, and cut before, either with
ftone or knife, very diforderly. Their women weare their haire long, and
knit vp with two loupes, fhewing forth on either fide of their faces, and

A number of
them hidden
behindjlones
to betray vs.

Their firjle
meanes to
allure vs to
Jhoare.
Their feconde
meanes.

Their thirde
and crafliejl
allurement.

A craftie
counterfet
villaine.

Compafsion
to cure a
craftie lame
man.

0
I, o 0

Some hurt
with ourjhol.

By thefe
craftie trickes
the reft of their
life is eafy to
be iudged

Their ftature
and making.

Their apparell
as we I women
as men.

2-2

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Their meate,

drinke, and

other

necejfities.

They eate the

grajfe whiche

groweth in

the countrie.

Barbarous
behauiouT.

Dogges like
vnto wolues.

They eate
dogges Jlejh.

Sinewes of

beajls feruing

them in place

of thread.

Hoodes and

tailes to their

apparell.

Their hofe,

and how they

are worm.

Their
gartering.

the reft foltred vp on a knot. Alfo, fome of their women race their faces
proportionally, as cliinne, cheekes, and forehead, and the wrifles of their
handes, wherevpon they lay a colour, which continueth darke azurine.

They eate their meate all rawe, both flefhe, fifhe, and foule, or fome-
thing perboyled with bloud & a little water, whiche they drinke. For
lacke of water, they wil eate yce, that is hard frofen, as pleafantly as we
will doe Sugar Candie, or other Sugar.

If they, for neceffities fake, ftand in neede of the premiffes, fuch graffe
as the countrie yeeldeth they plucke vppe, and eate, not deintily, or
falletwife, to allure their flomaches to appetite: but for neceffities fake,
without either fait, oyles, or waffiing, like brutifh beafls deuoure the fame.
They neither vfe table, ftoole, or table cloth for comelineffe: but when
they are imbrued with bloud, knuckle deepe, and their kniues in like fort,
they vfe their tongues as apt inftruments to licke them cleane : in doeing
whereof, they are affiared to loofe none of their vi duals.

They franck or keep certeine doggs, not much vnlike Wolues, whiche
they yoke together, as we do oxen and horfes, to a fled or traile : and fo
Carrie their neceffaries ouer the yce and fnowe, from place to place: as
the captiue, whom we haue, made perfede fignes. And when thofe
Dogges are not apt for the fame vfe: or when with hunger they are
conftreyned, for lacke of other victuals, they eate them: fo that they
are as needefuU for them, in refped of their bigneffe, as our oxen are
for vs.

They apparell themfelues in the fkinnes of fuch beaftes as they kill,
fewed together with the fmewes of them. All the fowle which they kill,
they fkin, and make thereof one kinde of garment or other, to defend
them from the cold.

They make their apparell with hoods and tailes, which tailes they giue,
when they thinke to gratifie any friendffiippe ffiewed vnto them : a great
figne of friendffiippe with them. The men haue them not fo fyde as the
women.

The men and women weare their hofe clofe to their legges, from the
waft to the knee, without any open before, as well the one kinde as the
other. Uppon their legges, they weare hofe of lether, with the furre fide
inward, two or three paire on at once, and efpecially the women. In thofe
hofe, they put their kniues, needles, and other thinges needefull to beare
about. They put a bone within their hofe, whiche reacheth from the foote
to the knee, wherevpon they drawe their faid hofe, and fo in place of
garters, they are holden from falling downe about their feete.

They dreffe their fkinnes very fofte and fouple with the haire on. In

MARTIN FROBISHER

cold weather or Winter, they weare y furre fide inward : and in Summer
outward. Other apparell they haue none, but the faid fldnnes.

Thofe beaftes, flefh, fifhes, and fowles, which they kil, they are both
meate, drinke, apparel, houfes, bedding, hofe, Ihooes, thred, faile for their
boates, with many other neceflaries, whereof they flande in neede, and
almofl all their riches.

Their houfes are tentes, made of Scale fkinns, pitched with foure Firre
quarters, foure fquare, meeting at the toppe, and the fkinnes fewed
together with fmowes, and layd therevppon : fo pitched they are, that the
entraunce into them, is alwayes South, or againft the Sunne.

They haue other fortes of houfes, whiche wee found, not to be inhabited,^
which are raifed with ftones and Whal bones, and a fkinne layd ouer
them, to withftand the raine, or other weather : the entraunce of them
beeing not much vnlike an Ouens mouth, whereto, I thincke, they refort
for a time, to fifhe, hunt, and fowle, and fo leaue them for the next time
they come thether againe.

Their weapons are Bowes, Arrowes, Dartes, and Slinges. Their Bowes
are of a yard long of wood, fmewed on the back with flrong veines, not
glued too, but faft girded and tyed on. Their Bowe ftringes are likewife
fmewes. Their arrowes are three peeces, nocked with bone, and ended
with bone, with thofe two ends, and the wood in the middft, they paffe
not in lengthe halfe a yard or little more. They are fethered with two
fethers, the penne end being cutte away, and the fethers layd vppon the
arrowe with the broad fide to the woode: in fomuch that they feeme,
when they are tyed on, to haue foure fethers. They haue likewife three
fortes of heades to thofe arrowes : one fort of ftone or yron, proportioned
like to a heart : the fecond fort of bone, much like vnto a ftopte head,
with a hooke on the fame : the thirde fort of bone likewife, made fharpe
at both fides, and fharpe pointed. They are not made very fall, but
lightly tyed to, or elfe fet in a nocke, that vppon fmall occafion, the
arrowe leaueth thefe heades behinde them: and they are of fmall force,
except they be very neere, when they fhoote.

Their Darts are made of two forts : the one with many forkes of bone
in the fore ende, and likewife in the middeft: their proportions are not
muche vnlike our toafting yrons, but longer : thefe they caft out of an
inftrument of wood, very readily. The other forte is greater then the firft

^ It is a custom general with Eskimos to live in tents from the beginning of the spring
thaws until the winter is so advanced that temperatures run about zero, Fahrenheit.
These houses were, therefore (in all likelihood), uninhabited merely because it was
summer.

Their chiefe
riches.

Their houfes
of Scale
fkinnes and
Firre.

Their weapons
of defence.

Three fortes of
heades to their
arrowes.

Two fortes of
dartes.

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Two fortes of

Boates made

of Leather.

They vfe to

fowlejijh, &

hunt.

It is to be

fuppofed that

their inhabiting

is elfewhere.

Their tentes

are moueable

from place

to place.

Their vfe of
yron.

Wherin they
delight.

aforefayde, with a long bone made fharp on both fides, not much vnlike
a Rapier, which I take to be their moft hurtfull weapon.

They haue two forts of boates, made of Lether, fet out on the inner fide
with quarters of wood, artificially tyed together with thongs of the fame :
the greater fort are not much vnlike our Wherries, wherein fixteene or
twentie men may fitte : they haue for a fayle, dreft the guttes of fuch
beaftes as they kyll, very fine and thinne, which they fewe together : the
other boate is but for one man to fitte and rowe in, with one oare.

Their order of fifliing, hunting, and fowling, are with thefe fayde
weapons: but in what fort, or how they vfe them, we haue no perfect
knowledge as yet.

I can not fuppofe their abode or habitation to be here, for that neither
their houfes, or apparell, are of no fuch force to withftand the extremitie
of colde,^ that the countrie feemeth to be infeded with all : neyther doe
I fee any figne likely to performe the fame.

Thofe houfes, or rather dennes, which ftand there, haue no figne of
footway,^ or any thing elfe troden, whiche is one of the chiefeft tokens
of habitation. And thofe tents, which they bring with them, when they
haue fufficiently hunted and fifhed, they remoue to other places: and
when they haue fufficiently ftored them of fuche viduals, as the countrie
yeldeth, or bringeth foorth, they returne to their Winter ftations or habita-
tions. This coniedure do I make, for the infertilitie, whiche I perceiue
to be in that countrie.

They haue fome yron, whereof they make arrowe heades, kniues, and
other little inftrumentes, to woorke their boates, bowes, arrowes, and dartes
withal, whiche are very vnapt to doe any thing withall, but with great labour.

It feemeth, that they haue conuerfation with fome other people, of
whome, for exchaunge, they fhould receiue the fame. They are greatly
delighted with any thinge that is brighte, or giueth a found.

^ Settle, not realizing that the uninhabited houses he has just described are the winter
houses, is here merely saying that the summer dwellings (tents) of the Eskimos are not
good enough for the winter. Similarly he is judging that their summer clothes would be
inadequate for really cold weather.

^ There is never visible in summer any "figne of footway" around Eskimo winter
houses because, as said in a previous note, these houses are inhabited only during the
severely cold part of winter. At that time the ground is, with the frost, as hard as concrete;
besides, it is cushioned with snow and the only trails are necessarily in the snow, melting
and disappearing when the snow melts. These considerations invalidate Settle's conclu-
sions which immediately follow, that because there are no trails between any of the houses
he saw, therefore none of them were being inhabited and the people, in consequence,
must spend their winters in some other country.

ome

MARTIN FROBISHER 23

What knowledge they haue of God, or what Idol they adore, wee haue

no perfed intelligence. I thincke them rather Anthropophagi,^ or de- Anthropo

uourers of mans flefhe, then otherwife : for that there is no flelh or fifhe, ^^'^^'"

which they finde dead, (fmell it neuer fo filthily) but they will eate it, Afiithk

as they finde it, without any other drefling. A loathfome fpedacle, either •^"Sm

to the beholders, or hearers. fpedacie.

There is no maner of creeping beafi: hurtful, except fome-.Spiders (which, :--

as many affirme, are fignes of great ftore of Golde:) and alfo certeine sigmsof

flinging Gnattes; which bite fo fiercely, that the place where they bite, ff^g^g' "

fhortly after fwelleth, and itcheth very fore. Gnatus.

They make fignes of certeine people, that weare bright plates of Gold Signes of gold

in their forheads, and other places of their bodies. ^beTbk^"

The Countries, on both fides the ftreightes, lye very highe with roughe Description

ftonie mounteynes, and great quantitie of fnowe thereon. There is very of the countries.

little plaine ground, and no grafle, except a litle, whiche is much like Nograjfe,

vnto mofle that groweth on foft-ground, fuch as we gett Turfes in. There ^AcZitrk

is no wood at all. To be briefe, there is nothing fitte, or profitable for y thatyeeideth

vfe of man,^ which that Countrie with roote yeeldeth or bringeth forth: wote"fit7for

Howbeit, there is great quantitie_of^Deere,^ whofe fldnnes are like vnto ^^ ^/« qfman.

AfleSj their heads or homes doe farre exceed^ as wel in length as alfo fkinnesUke

in breadth, any in thefe oure partes or Countrie : their feete likewife, are '^-^"•
as great as oure oxens, whiche we meafured to be feuen or eight ynches

in breadth. There are alfo Hares, Wolues, fifhing Beares, and Sea foule Hares, Woiues,

of fundrie fortes. 2Jf;'"^

As the Countrie is barren and vnfertile, fo are they rude and of no
capacitie to culture the fame, to any perfedion : but are contented by
their hunting, fifhing, and fowling, with rawe fiefh and warme blpud, to
fatiffie their greedie panches, whiche is their onely glorie,

1 The charge of cannibahsm is harped on by the Frobisher documents, but in each
connection the want of proof leaps to the eye. The general literature on the Eskimos wUl
show that among them cannibalism appears under the conditions which bring it among
all peoples, those of famine. There is ceremonial cannibalism, too, as when a murderer
eats, or takes one bite from, the kidney of his victim in the belief that the soul of the
dead is thereby kept from seeking vengeance.

2 That there is "no graffe, except a litle, whiche is much like vnto mofle", but that
"there is great quantitie of Deere", is probably the first appearance in English of an
ill-assorted pair of statements destined to recur in books of travel and in comments upon
the Arctic for centuries. Settle has them in one paragraph, which constrains him to
a "howbeit" before the second assertion. Strange indeed (as he noticed) that there should
be a great quantity of herbivorous animals where there is such a small quantity of herbage.
Most later writers have made the statements paragraphs or pages from each other and
have failed to give sign that they were awake to the contradiction.

Afigneof

Earthquakes

or thunder.

No riuers,

butfuch as

the Sunne

doeth cauje

to come of

Jnowe.

A probabilitie,

that there

Jhould be

neither Jf)ring

or riuers in

the ground.

Springes the

original of

great waters.

Thejlones

frofen within

the earth 4. or

^.fathoms.

The heate in

Summer not

comparable

to the cold in

Winter.

Springes vnder

the force of the

frojl within

the earth.

The earth on

occajion of

frq/l kept the

warmer.

Springs

nourijh gold.

An end of

conieduring

tillfurther

truth and triall.

24 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

There is great likelyhood of Earthquakes, or thunder : for that huge and
monftruous mounteynes, whofe greateft fubflaunce are flones, and thofe
ftones fo fhaken with fome extraordinarie meanes, that one is feparated
from another, whiche is difcordant from all other Quarries.

There are no riuers, or running fpringes, but fuch, as through the heate
of the Sunne, with fuch water as defcendeth from the mounteines and
hills, whereon great driftes of fnowe doe lie, are ingendred.

It argueth alfo, that there fhould be none: for that the earth, which
with the extremitie of the Winter, is fo frofen within, that that water,
whiche fhould haue recourfe within the fame, to mainteine Springes, hath
not his motion, whereof great waters haue their originall, as by experience
is feene otherwhere. Such valleies, as are capable to receiue the water,
that in the Summer time, by the operation of the Sunne, defcendeth from
great abundance of fnow, whiche continually lyeth on the mounteines,
and hath no paffage, finketh into the earth, and fo vanifheth awaye, with-
out any runnell aboue the earth, by which occafion, or continual Handing
of the faid water, the earth is opened, and the great froft yeldeth to the
force thereof, whiche in other places, foure or hue fathoms within the
ground, for lacke of the faid moyflure, (the earth, euen in the very
Summer time,) is frofen, and fo combineth the ftones together, that
fcarcely inftruments, with great force, can vnknitte them.

Alfo, where the water in thofe vallies can haue no fuch paffage away,
by the continuaunce of time, in fuch order as is before rehearfed, the yearely
defcent from the mounteines, filleth them ful, that at the loweft banck
of the fame, they fall into the next vallie, and fo continue, as fifhing
Pondes or Stagnes in the Summer time full of water, and in the Winter
hard frofen : as by fkarres that remaine thereof in Summer, may eafily
be perceiued : fo that, the heate of Summer, is nothing comparable, or
of force, to diffolue the extremitie of colde, that commeth in Winter.

Neuertheleffe, I am affured, that belowe the force of the froft, within
the earth, the waters haue recourfe, and emptie themfelues out of fighte
into the fea, which through the extremitie of the froft, are conftreyned
to doe the fame, by which occafion, the earth within is kept the warmer,
and fpringes haue their recourfe, which is the onely nutriment of Gold
and Minerals within the fame.

There is much to be faid of the commodities of thefe Countries, which
are couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let pafie till more
perfe6t triall be made thereof

Thus conieduring, till time, with the earneft induftrie of our Generall
and others (who by al diligence remaine preft to explore the truth of that

MARTIN FROBISHER 25

which is vnexplored, as he hath to his euerlafting praife found out that
whiche is Hke to yeelde an innumerable benefite to his Prince & countrie :)
offer further triall, I conclude.

The 23. of Auguft, after wee had fatiffied our mindes with frayght shippesjatif-
fufficient for oure vefTels, though not our couetous defires, with fuch know- -^^f^^iJ^ b^t
ledge of the countrie people and other commodities as are before re- mens mindes
hearfed, the 24. therof wee departed therehence: the 17. of September ^oJ%parture
we fell with y lands end of England, and fo to Milford hauen, from whence -^^^/^{^
our General rode to the Court, for order, to what port or hauen to con-
dud the fhdppe.

We loft our two Barkes in the way homeward, the one, the 29. of Howe, and
Auguft, the other, the 31. of the fame moneth, by occafion of great ^jj^"'. 5ar??,
tempeft and fogge. Howbeit, God reftored the one to Briftowe, and y which God
other making his courfe by Scotland to Vermouth. In this voyage wee '^ejiored.
loft two_rneii, one in the waye by Gods vifitation, and the other home-
warde caft ouer borde with a furge of the fea.

I Could declare vnto your Honour, the Latitude and Longitude of fuch The con-
places and regions, as wee haue beene at, but not altogether fo perfect '^^""^'''
as our maifters and others, with many circumftances of tempefts and other
accidents incident to fea faring men, which feeme not altogether ftraunge,
I let paffe to their reportes as men moft apte to fett forth and declare the
fame. I haue alfo left the names of the countries on both the fhoares
vntouched, for lacke of vnderftanding the Peoples language : as alfo for
fundrie refpedes, not needfull as yet to be declared.

Countries new explored, where commoditie is to be loked for, doe better
accord \vith a new name giuen by the explorers, then an vncerteine name
by a doubtfull Authour.

Our General named fundrie Iflands, Mounteines, Capes, and Har-
boroughs after the names of diuers Noble men, and other gentlemen his
friends, as wel on the one fhoare, as alfo on the other: not forgetting
amongeft the refte your Lordfhip : whiche hereafter (when occafion ferueth)
are to be declared in his own Mapps or Charts.

THOMAS ELLIS'S ACCOUNT OF THE

THIRD VOYAGEi

^ Thomas Ellis's account of the third voyage is printed from the rare edition, London,
1578, in the Huntington Library in San Marino, California. (See infra, Appendix 3,
p. 227.)

^»**^:^"*'^

^^A true report of
the third andlaft

voyagcinto xJMttdmctfg-'

Ailnoj[578.

Written !^lh<H«asBlU
Smler W we «f

^im Arc* dr«3««lfoi «b« '^savt^

A rythme decafyllabicall^ comparatiue ,
and congratulatorie.

IN forreigne foile Vlyffes lead his life,
Yeares foure times fiue, till gliftering gray he grew :
Home when he came, Penelope his wife,
Her hoarie husband chaunged fcarfely knew :
Nay, of his face and fauour taking vew.
An allien he appeared in her fight,
Yet lookt his Ladie long vppon her knight.

A toothlelTe curre, all ruggie and vnshorne,

Remembring well his Maifters friendly face,
Though twentie winters he abrode had worne,
He yawnes, he fawnes, he leapes from place to place,
(As free and frollicke as a hound in chace :)

Vvith fouden ioy furprifde at his returne,

(Poore curre) a kinde of loue in him doeth burne.

A mumping nourfe, farre fpent, all fkinne and bone,

Sufpeding true the thing the dogge foretold,
Did watch a time to make the matter knowne,
If he Vlylfes were, a Gray beard old :
His feete to feele and finger (Beldam bold)

Shee did prefume, and knew her Maifter fo,

Euen by a wart which grewe vppon his toe.

O bhlTefull Brute, farre better be thy lucke.

The powers fupernall profper flill thy faile :
Of fowre aflaulte the fweetneffe who should fucke,
But he, whofe paines in perill did preuaile?
Long laft thy lucke, thy fortune neuer faile.

Not as Vlyffes aged and vnknowne,

But Gallant like arriue among thine owne.

Abraham Fleming.

The Preface.

[Or as muche (right noble & worthie Countrimen) as I am
afTured, that at this our fafe arriuall and returning from the
Northwefl partes, nowe called by the Queenes moft excel-
lent Maieftie, Meta incognita^ and lately found out by the
trauell and induftrie of the right worthie & aduenturous
Capteine, Alaijier Martiiie Frobijher Efquire, that you will be
no leffe earnefl and defirous, to learne & enquire, than attentiue to knowe
and heare, as well of our trauelles, troubles, toyles, and daungers, as of
our labours, aduentures, happes, and good fucceffes, together with the
prowefTe and induftrie, of our Generall, with the refidue of his companie,
and alfo the order of our voyage, the commoditie of our Contrie, the
fafhion of the people, with the vfe & orders of the fame, with all others
thinges thereto apperteining or belonging: then we will be readie and
willing to declare and make manifeft the fame, with the circumftances
vnto you.

I therefore, as one not of the beft learned, or ableft : whofe knowledge
I confelfe to be fmall, and of none accompt, in refped of others that were
prefent : but as one moft prone and willing to fatiffie and anfweare your
defire and expedation, feeing that it is our chaunce and fortune, to be
one of the firft arriued, and hearing that thofe which landed before vs,
haue hitherto fette forth nothing, whereby your ferious affedion might be
fatiftied, thought it not amifle, but rather meete and conuenient, with all
expedition to accomplifh the fame, knowing, that the nature of man is
always deftrours of newes : although I know right well, that manie learned
and fldlfull Gentlemen were prefent in our companie, whofe bookes, as
well for eloquence, as found iudgement, I am not worthie to beare : yet
becaufe I know not the time of their arriuall and returne, becaufe the
Seas are various, the windes fickle, the tempeftes rigorous, & the paflage
dangerous, that nothing can bee brought to effed, or done, before the
appointed time afligned from the celeftiall throne. And though perchance
there be fome men, that will fay, my iudgement was to fmall, and my
learning to fimple, to take in hand a matter of fuch weight and importance :
I will geue place and agree vnto them. For why? my fimple wit and
iudgement, cannot attaine and reache vnto the flowing ftyle of graue
Plutarch, nor yet the eloquence of the noble Tullie : I being a Sailer, more
ftudied and vfed in my Charde and Compalfe, and other thinges belonging

FVII

34 THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER

to Nauigation, than trayned vp in Mineruas Court, or taught by the fage
Philofophers the fathers of eloquence, whofe fweete and facred fappe I
neuer fucked. But yet, becaufe I knowe, that the beft part of men, will
weigh my good will, rather than finde fault with my fimple fkill. For
them, and not for the other, I thought good to take in hand to write thefe
fewe lines, conteining in breefe the fumme & effed of all the accidences
and chances that happened and befell, from the beginning of this our
voyage, (being nowe the thirde, that our worthie Generall hath made,
vnto thofe parts,) vnto this our arriuall againe in our natiue countrie.

Thomas Ellis.

5 The third and lafl voyage into

Met a Incognita.

Hefe are to let you knowe, that vpon the 25. of Maie, The
Thomas AlHne, being the Viceadmerall, whofe Gaptein was
M. Yorke, M. Gibbes Maifter, Ghriftopher Hall Pilot, ac-
companied with the Reareadmerall named The Hopewell,
whole Gapteine was Maifter Henrie Garewe, the Maifter
Andrew Dier, and certaine other Ihippes, came to Graues

M. Yorke.

Ghriftopher

Hall.

The Hopewell.

Gapteine

Garew.

Andrew Dier.

end, where we anchored & abode the comming of certaine other of our
fleete, which were not yet come.

The 27. of the fame Moneth, our fleete being no we gone together, and
all thinges preft in a redinefte, the winde fauouring, and Tide feruing,
we being of failes in number 8. waide anchors, and hoifed our failes
toward Harwich, to meet with our Admerall, and the refidue, which then Harwich
and there abode our arriuall: where we fafely arriued, the 28. thereof,
finding there our Admerall, where we, with the difcharge of certeine
peeces, faluted (according to order and dutie) and were welcomed with
the like courtefie : which being finifhed, we landed : where our Generall
continued muftring his Souldiers and Miners, and fetting thinges in order
apperteining to the voyage, vntill the laft of the faide Moneth of Maie,
which day we hoifed our failes, and committing our felues to the con-
ducing of almightie God, we fet forward toward the Weft Gountrie, in
fuch luckie wife, and good fuccefle, that by the .5. of June, we pafled the
Durfies, being the vtmoft part of Ireland, to the Weftward.

And here it were not much amifte, nor farre from our purpofe, if I
fhoulde a little difcourfe and fpeake of our aduentures and chances by
the way, at our landing at Plimmouth, as alfo the meeting of certeine Piimmouth
poore men, which were robbed and fpoiled of all that they had, by
Pirates and Rouers : amongft whom was a man of Briftowe, on whom our
Generall vfed his liberalitie, and fent him away with letters into England.

But becaufe fuch thinges are impertinent to the matter, I will returne
(without any more mentioning of the fame) to that, from the which I haue
digrefled, and fwarued, I meane our fhippes nowe failing on the fourging
feas, fometime pafting at pleafure with a wiftied Eafterne winde, fometime
hindered of our courfe againe by the Wefterne blaftes, vntill the .20. day
of the forefaid Moneth of June, on which day in the morning we fell

3-2

Durfies.
Ireland.

Brijlowe.
England.

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Frizeiand. with Frizcland, which is a very high and cragged land, & being almoft
cleane couered with fnowe, fo that we might fee nought but the craggie
rockes, and the toppes of high and huge hilles, fometimes (and for the
mofl part) all couered with foggie mifles. There might we alfo perceiue
the great Ifles of yce lying on the feas, like mountaines, fome fmall, fome
bigge, of fundrie kindes of fhapes, and fuch a number of them, that we
coulde not come neere the Ihoare for them.

Thus failing alongeft the coafl, at the laft we fawe a place fomewhat
voyde of yce, where our Generall, (accompanied with certaine other)
went a ftioare, where they fawe certaine tentes made of beafles fkinnes,
and boates much like vnto theirs of Meta incog?iita. The tentes were
furniflied with flelhe, fifhe, fkinnes, and other trifles : amongeft; the which
was found a boxe of nailes : whereby we did coniedure, that they had
either Artificers amongfl them, or elfe a trafficke with fome other nation.^
The men ranne away, fo that we could haue no conferrence or communica-
Thecourtefie tiou with them. Our Generall (becaufe he would haue them no more to
Ge°ruraii. ^^^j ^^^ rather incouraged to flay through his courteous dealing) gaue
commaundement, that his men fhould take nothing away with them,
fauing onely a couple of white Dogges, for which he left pinnes, pointes,
kniues, and other trifling thinges, and departed, without taking or hurting
any thing, and fo came a boord, and hoifed failes, and pafled forwardes.

But beeing fcarfe out of the fight thereof, there fell fuch a fogge and
hidious mift, that we coulde not fee one another : whervpon we ftroke our
drummes, and founded our trumpets, to the ende we might keepe together :
and fo continued all that day and night, till the next day, that the mift
brake vp: fo that we might eafily perceiue all the fliippes thus failing
together all that day, vntill the next day, being the .22. of the fame:
on which day we fawe an infinite number of yce, from the which we caft
about to fhun the daunger thereof.
Majier But ouc of our fmall barkes, named The Michael, whofe Captein was
Barthotmlw Maiftcr Kindcrflie, the Mafter Bartholomew Bull, loft our companie, info-
Buii. muche that we coulde not obteine the fight of her many days after, of
whom I purpofe to fpeake further anon, when occafion fhalbe miniftred,
and opportunitie ferue. Thus we continued on our courfe, vntill the .2. of
Julie, on which day we fell with The Queenes foreland, where we fawe
fo much yce, that we thought it vnpofi^ible to get into the Streightes : yet
at the laft we gaue the aduenture, and entered the yce.

^ As noted, aiite, Best has these same alternatives of artificers or traffic, while Settle has
it merely that it seems " they haue conuersation with some other people, of whome, for
exchaunge, they should receiue" the iron.

MARTIN FROBISHER 37

Being in amongft it, we fawe The Michael, of whom I fpake before, The Michael.
accompanied with The ludith, whofe Captaine was Maifter Fenton, the Theiuditk.
Maifter Charles lackman, bearing into the forefaid yce, farre diftant from ^LS^"*
vs, who in a florme that fell that prefent night, (whereof I will at large, lackman.
God willing, difcourfe hereafter) were feuered from vs, & being in, wan-
dered vp and downe the Streightes, amongeft the yce, many dayes, in
great perill, till at the laft, (by the prouidence of GOD) they came fafely
to harbour in their wifhed port, in The Counteffe of Warwickes found, The Counuffe
the .20. of Julie aforefaid, lo. dayes before any of the other fhippes: who y{„^^''"^^^
going on fhoare found where the people of the Countrie had bene, and
had hid their prouifion in great heapes of ftones, being both of flefhe, and
fifhe, which they had killed : whereof we alfo found great ftore in other
places after our arriuall. They found alfo diuerfe engines: as bowes,
flings, & dartes. They found likewife certeine peeces of the Pinnifle which
our Generall left there the yeare before, which Pinnifle he had foonke,
minding to haue him againe the next yeare.

Now, feeing I haue entreated fo much of The ludith, and The Michael :
I will returne to the reft of the other fhippes, and will fpeake a little of
the ftorme which fell, with the miffehappes that we had, the night that
we put into the yce : whereof I made mention before.

At the firft entrie into the yce, in the mouth of the Streightes, our our entraunce
paflage was very narrowe, and difficill : but being once gotten in, we had ^^/'«/^^«»
a faire open place without any yce, for the moft part : being a league in
compafle, the yce being round about vs, and inclofmg vs, as it were within
the pales of a Parke. In which place, (becaufe it was almoft night) we
minded to take in our failes, and lie a hull all that night. But the ftorme
fo increafed, and the wanes began to mount aloft, which brought the yce
fo neere vs, and comming on fo faft vpon vs, that we were feigne to beare
in and out, where we might efpie an open place. Thus the yce comming
on vs fo faft, we were in great danger, looking euerie houre for death.
And thus paffed we on in that great danger, feeing both our felues, and
the reft of our fhips fo troubled and tofled amongft the yce, that it woulde
make the ftrongeft heart to relent.

At the laft, the Barke Dionyfe, being but a weake fhippe, & brufed Barke
afore amongft the yce, being fo leake that fhe no longer could tarrie ^'""^yf^-
aboue the water, fanke without fauing any of the goodes which were
within her : which fight fo abafhed the whole fleete, that we thought verily ^
we fhould haue tafted of the fame fauce. But neuerthelefle, we feeing
them in fuch daunger, manned out boates, and faued all the men, in
fuch wife, that not one perifhed, (God be thanked.)

Narowe

Jliiftesfor

fafetie.

Gods proui-
dence.

A mounteine
ofyce ap-
pearing in
Jundrie figures .

38 THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER

The jftorme flill increafed, and the yce inclofed vs, that we were faine
to take downe toppe and toppe maftes: for the yce hadfo enuironedvs,
that we could fee neither land, nor Sea, as farre as we could kenne: fo
that we were faine to cutte our gables, to hang ouer boorde for fenders,
fomewhat to eafe the fhippes fides, from the great and drierie flrokes of
the yce : fome Capftan barres, fome fending off with Oares, fome with
planckes of .2. ynches thicke, which were broken immediatly with the
force of the yce, fome going out vppon the yce to beare it off with theij^
fhoulders from the fhippes. But the rigoroufneffe of the tempefl was fuche,
and the force of the yce fo great, that not only they burft and fpoiled the
forefaid prouifion: but likewife fo raced the fides of the fhippes, that it
was pitifull to behold, and caufed the heartes of many to faint.

Thus continued we all that difmall and lamentable night, plunged in
this perplexitie, looking for inftant death: but our God, (who neuer
leaueth them deftitute which faithfully call vpon him,) although he often
punilheth, for amendments fake, in the morning he caufed the windes to
ceafe : and the fogge which all that night lay on the face of the water to
cleare : fo that we might perceiue, about a mile from vs, a certaine place
cleare from any yce, to the which with an eafie breath of wdnde, which
our God fent vs, we bent our felues. And furthermore, he prouided better
for vs than we deferued, or hoped for : for when we were in the forefaid
cleare place, he fent vs a frefh gale at Weft, or at Weft Southweft, which
fet vs cleare without all the yce. And further, he added more: for he
fent vs fo pleafant a day, as the like we had not of a long time before, as
after punifhment, confolation.

Thus we ioyfull wightes, being at libertie, tooke in all our failes, and
lay a hull, praifmg God for our deliuerance : and ftaide to gather together
our fleete, which once being done, we feeing that none of them had any
great hurt, neither any of them wanted, fauing onely they of whom I fpake
before, & the fhippe which was loft, then at the laft we hoifed our failes,
and lay bulting off and on, till fuch time as it would pleafe God to take
away the yce, that we might get into the Streightes.

And as we thus lay off and on, we came by a maruellous huge moun-
taine ofyce, which furpaffed all the reft that euer we fawe : for we iudged
him to be neere a foure fcore fadams aboue water, and we thought him
to be a ground for any thing that we could perceue, being there nine
fcore fadams deepe, and of compaffe about halfe a mile, of which Ifland
I haue, as neere as I coulde, drawne and here fet downe the true pro-
portion, as he appeared in diuerfe fhapes pafling alongeft by him.

At the firfl: fight of this great and
monfi:ruous peece of yce, it appeared
in this waye

In comming near unto it, it fhewed
after this fhape

In approaching right againfl: it, it
opened in fhape like unto this, Ihewing
hollow within

In departing from it, it appeared in
this fhape

9Thefe foure being but one Ifland of yce,
and as we came neere vnto it, and departed v/
from it, in fo many fhapes it appeared.

Alfo the .5. of Julie, there fell a hidious fogge and mift, that continued Afoggeof
till the .19. of the fame: fo that one fhippe could not fee another. There- ["nuaZT
fore, we were feigne to beare a fmall faile, and to obferue the time : but
there ranne fuch a current of a Tide, that it fet vs to the Northweft of the
Queenes forelande : the backefide of all the Streightes : where (through
the contagious fogge hauing no fight either of Sun or Starre) we fcarfe
knewe where we were. In this fogge the .10. of Julie, we loft the com-
panie of The Viceadmerall, the Anne Francis, the Buffe of Bridgewater,
and the Francis of Foy. The .16. day, one of our fmall Barks, named
The Gabriel, was fent by our Generall to beare in with the land, to The Gabriel.

The people

offer to

trafficke

with vs.

Warning

peeces offafe

pqffage dij-

charged.

A faire

founde

betweene

the Queenes

foreland and

lackmarts

founde.

40 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

defcrie it, where being on lande, they mette with the people of the contrie,
which feemed very humane and ciuil, and offered to trafficke with our
men, profering them foules, and fkinnes, for kniues, and other trifles:
whofe courtefie caufed vs to thinke, that they had fmall conuerfation with
the other of the Streightes.

Then we bare backe againe, to goe with The Queenes forelande : and
the .18. day we came by .2. Iflandes, whereon we went on fhoare, and
founde where the people had bene : but we fawe none of them. This day
we were againe in the yce, and like to be in as great perill as wee were
at the firft. For through the darkeneffe and obfcuritie of the foggie mift,
we were almofl runne on rockes and Iflandes, before we fawe them : But
God (euen miraculoufly) prouided for vs, opening the fogges, that we
might fee clearely, both where, and in what daunger we prefently were,
and alfo the way to efcape : or elfe, without faile, we had ruinoufly ranne
vpon the rockes.

When we knewe perfe6lly our inftant cafe, we caft about, to get againe
on Sea boorde, which (God be thanked) by night we obteined and praifed
God. The cleare continued fcarfe an houre, but the fogge fell againe as
thicke as euer it was.

Then The Reareadmerall, and The Beare got themfelues cleare without
danger of yce and rockes, ftroke their failes, and lay at hull, flaying to
haue the reft of the fleete come foorth : which as yet had not found the
right way to cleare themfelues, from the danger of rockes and yce, vntill
the next morning, at what time The Reareadmerall difcharged certeine
warning peeces to geue notice that fhe had efcaped, and that the reft
(by following of her) might fet them felues free, which they did that
day.

Then hauing gathered our felues together, we proceeded on our pur-
pofed voyage, bearing off, and keeping our felues diftant from the coaft,
till the .19. day of Julie : at which time the fogges brake vp and difperfed,
fo that we might plainely and clearely beholde the pleafant aire, which
fo long had bene taken from vs, by the obfcuritie of the foggie miftes :
and after that time, wee were not much encombred therewith, vntill we
had left the confines of the countrie.

Then we efpying a faire found, fuppofed it to go into the Streightes,
betweene The Queenes foreland, and lackemans found, which proued,
as we imagined. For our Generall fent forth again The Gabriel, to dif-
couer it, who paffed through with much difficultie : for there ran fuch an
extreme current of a Tide, with fo horrible a gulfe, that with a frefli
gale of winde they were fcarfe able to flemme it : yet at the length with

MARTIN FROBISHER 4I

greate trauell they pafTed it, and came to the Streights, where they met
with The Thomas AUine, The Thomas of Ipfewich, and the BufTe of
Bridgwater: who all together aduentured to beare into the yce againe,
to fee if they could obteine their wifhed port. But they were fo encombred,
that with muche difficultie they were able to get out againe, yet at the
laft they efcaping, The Thomas Alline, and the Gabriel bare in with the
Wefterne fhore, where they founde harbour, and there mored their fhippes,
vntill the 4. of Auguft, at whiche time they came to vs in The Counteffe
of warwiks found. The Thomas of Ipfewich caught a great leake, which
caufed her to caft againe to Sea boorde, and fo was mended.

We failed along ftill by the coaft, vntill wee came againe to The Queenes
foreland, at the point wherof we met with part of the gulfe aforefaid,
which place or gulfe (as fome of our Mailers do credibly report) doeth
flowe .9 houres, and ebbes but 3. At that point we difcouered certeine
lands Southwarde, to the which neither time nor opportunitie would ferue
to ferch. Then being come to the mouth of the Streights, we met with
the Anne Francis, who had laine bulting vp and downe euer fmce her
departure alone, neuer finding any of her companie. Wee met then alfo
The Francis of Foy, with whome againe wee intended to venter and get
in : but the yce was yet fo thicke, that we were compelled againe to retire
and gett vs on Sea boord.

There fell alfo the fame day, being the 26. day of Julie, fuch an horrible An horrible
fnowe, that it laye a^foote thicke ypon the hatches, which frofe as fall inMie.
as it fell.

We had alfo at other times, diuers cruell flormes, both of fnowe and
haile, which manifeflly declared the diflemperature of the Couritne : yet
for afl that, we were fo many times repulfed and put backe from our
purpofe, knowing that long lingering delay was not profitable for vs, but
hurtfull to our voyage, we mutually confented to our valiant Generall
once againe, to geue the onfet.

The 28. day therefore of the fame Julie wee affaid, and with little
trouble (God be praifed) we palfed the dangers, by day light. Then night
falling on the face of the earth, we hull in the cleare, till the chearefull
light of the day had chafed away the noyfome darkenelfe of the night :
at which time wee fet forward towards our wifhed port: by the 30. day Thetinuof
we obteined our expeded defire, where we found The ludith, and the 'foreward,&c.
Michael : which brought no fmall ioy vnto our Generall, and great con-
folation to the heuie heartes of thofe wearied wightes.

The 30. day of Julie wee brought our fhippes into The Counteffe of
Warwickes founde, and mored them, namely thefe fhips. The Admerall,

The Countejfe

of Sujfex

rjland.

Winters

Fornace.

Dauides

found.

The policie of

the people for

fafetie of

themfelues.

Their Jpeedie

flight at our

Geruralles

arriuall.

42 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The Reareadmerall, The Francis of Foy, The Beare, Armenell, The
Salomon, & The BufTe of BridgA\ ater which being done, our Generall
commaunded vs all to come a fhore, vpon The Counteffe Ifland, where
he fet his miners to work vpon the mine, geuing charge with expedition
to difpatche with their lading.

Our Generall himfelfe, accompanied with his Gentlemen, diuerfe times
made rodes into fundrie partes of the Countrie, as well to finde newe
mines, as alfo to finde out and fee the people of the Countrie. He found
out one mine, vppon an Ifland by Beares found, and named it The Coun-
teffe of Suffex Ifland. One other was founde in Winters Fornace, with
diuers others, to which the fhippes were fent funderly, to be laden. In
the fame rodes he mette with diuerfe of the people of the Countrie, at
fundrie times, as once at a place called Dauids found : who fhotte at our
men, and very defperately gaue them the onfet, being not aboue three
or foure in number, there being of our Countrimen aboue a dozen : but
feeing themfelues not able to preuaile, they tooke themfelues to flight:
whom our men purfued, but being not vfed to fuche craggie cliffes, they
foone loft the fight of them, and fo in vaine returned.

We alfo fawe of them, at Beares founde, both by Sea and Land, in great
companies : but they would at all times keepe the water betweene them
and vs. And if any of our fhips chaunced to bee in the found, (as they
came diuers times,) becaufe the harbor was not verie good, the fhip laded,
and departed again then fo long as any fhips were in fight, the people
would not be feene. But when as they perceiued the fhips to be gone, they
would not onely fhew them felues ftanding vppon highe cliffes, and call
vs to come ouer vnto them : but alfo would come in their botes, very neere
to vs, as it were to bragge at vs : whereof our Generall hauing aduertife-
ment, fent for the Capteines and Gentlemen of the fhippes, to accom-
panie and attende vpon him, with the Capteine alfo of the Anne Francis,
who was but the night before come vnto vs. For they, and The flee-
bote hauing loft vs the 26. day, in the great fnowe, put into an harbour
in the Queenes foreland, where they found good oare, wherwith they
laded them felues, and came to feeke the Generall : fo that nowe we had
all our fliippes, fauing one Barke, which was loft, and the Thomas of
Ipfewiche, who compelled (by what furie I knowe not,) forfooke our com-
panie, and returned home without lading.

Our Generall acompanied, with his Gentlemen, (of whom I fpake)
came altogether to The Countefle of Suflex Ifland, neare to Beares found,
where he manned out certein Pinnifles, and went ouer to the people:
who perceiuing his arriuall, fled away with all fpeede, and in haft left

MARTIN FROBISHER

Gentlemen
Jhoulde haue
enhabited the
Countrie.

certeine dartes and other engines behind them, which we found : but the
people we could not finde.

The next morning, our Generall perceiuing certeine of them in bote
vppon the Sea, gaue chafe to them, in a Pinniffe vnder faile, with a
frelh_gale_of wind, but could by no meanes come neere vnto them: for
the longer he failed, the further off he was from them : which well fhewed
theix-Cunning & adiuitie. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our
departure approching, our Generall commanded to lade with all expedi-
tion, that we might be againe on Sea boord with our fhip: for whileft
we were in the countrie, we were in continuall danger of frifmg in : for
often times we had ftormes and tempefts, often fnpw and haile, often the
water was fo much frofen and congeled in the night, that in the morning
wejcpuld fcarfe rowe our botes or Pinniffes, efpecially in Diers found,
which is a calme and ftill water : which caufed our Generall to make the
more hafte, fo that by the 30 day of Auguft we were all laden, and made
all thinges readie to depart.

But before I proceed any further herein, to fhewe what fortune befell
at our departure, I will tume my penne a little to M. Gapteine Fenton,
and thofe Gentlemen, which fhould haue enhabited all the yeare in thofe
countries, whofe valiant minds were much to be commended, that neither
feare of force, nor the cmeIl_jiip^ingliQri]Qe^sp£ihe raging winter, neither
the intemperature of fo vnhealthfome a Countrie, neither the fauageneffe
of the people, neither the fight and fhew^e of fuche and fo many ftraunge
Meteores, neither the defire to returne to their natiue foile, neither regarde
of friendes, neither care of poffeffions and inheritances : finally, not the
loue of life (a thing of all other moft fweete) neither the terrour of dread-
full death it felfe, might feeme to bee of fufficient force, to withdrawe their
proneffe, or to reftraine from that purpofe, thereby to haue profited their /
countrie: but that with moft willing heartes, venturous mindes, ftoute
ft^machs, & fingular, manhod they were content there to haue tarried,
and for the time (among a barbarous and vnciuill people. Infidels and
mifcreantes) to haue made their dwelling, not terrified with the manifolde Dejerued
and imminent daungers which they were like to runne into: &--i£eing ^mmeTdation
before their eyes fo many cafualties, whereto their life was obied, the
leaft whereof would haue made a mil^pg^Therfites aftonifhed and
vtterly difcomfited : being I fay thus minded and purpofed, they deferue
fpecialT'commendation : For doubtlefle, they had done as they intended,
if lucke had not withftood their willingnefle, & if that fortune had not
fo frowned vpon their intentes.

For the Barck Dionyfe, which was loft, had in her much of their houfe.

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

An houje

ere£led and

garnijhed

with diuerje

trinkets.

An outragions
tempejl.

Ourjhippes

feuered by a

Jlorme.

Our entring

the coajles

daungerous.

which was prepared and fhould haue bene builded for them, with many
other implementes. Alfo The Thomas of Ipfewich, which had mofte of
their prouifion in her, came not into the Streightes at ah : neither did we
fee her, fmce the day we were feparated in the great fnowe, (of which
I fpake before.) For thefe caufes, hauing not their houfe, nor yet prouifion,
they were difapointed of their pretence to tarie, and therefore laded their
fhippes, and fo came away with vs.

But before we toke fhipping, we builded a litle houfe in The Counteffe
of Warwickes Ifland, & garnifhed it with many kindes of trifles, as Pinnes,
Pointes, Laces, Glaffes, Kombes, Babes on horfebacke and on foote, with
innumerable other fuch fanfies & toyes : thereby to allure & entice the
people to fome familiaritie againfl other yeares.

Thus hauing finifhed all things, we departed the contrie, (as I faid
before :) but becafe The Bulfe had not lading enough in her, ftie put into
Beares found to take in a litle more. In the meane while. The AdmeraU,
and the reft, without in the Sea, ftayed for her. And that night fell fuch
an outragious tempeft, beating on our fhipps, with fuch vehement rigor,
that anchor and gable auailed naught : for we were driuen on rockes and
Iflandes of yce, infomuch that (had not the great goodnelfe of God bene
miraculoufly fhewed to vs,) we had bene caft away euery man. This
daunger was more doubtfuU and terrible, than any that preceded or went
before: for there was not any one fhip, (I thinke) that efcaped without
damage. Some loft anchor and alfo gables, fome botes, fome Pinnifles:
fome anchor, gables, botes, and Pinniffes.

This boyfterous ftorme fo feuered vs, one from another, that one fhip
knewe not what was becom of another. The Admerall knew not where
to finde the Viceadmerall or Reareadmerall, or any other fhippe of our
companie. Our Generall being on lande in Beares founde, coulde not
come to his fhippe, but was compelled to goe a boorde The Gabriel,
where he continued al the way homewarde : for the. boyfterous blaftes
continued fo extreamely and fo long a time, that it fent vs homewarde :
(which was Gods fauour towardes vs,) will we, nill we, in fuch haft, as
not any one of vs were able to keepe in companie of other, but were
feparated. And if by chaunce, any one fhippe did ouertake other, by
fwiftnefle of Saile, or mette (as they often did :) yet was the rigour of the
winde fo hidious, that they could not continue companie together the
fpace of one whole night.

Thus our iourney outwarde was not fo pleafaunt, but our comming
thither, entering the coaftes and countrie, by narrowe Streightes, perillous
yce, and fwift tides, our time of aboade there in fnowe, and ftormes, and

MARTIN FROBISHER 45

our departure from ihence, the .3. of Augufl, with daungerous bluftering
windes and tempeftes, whiche that night arofe, was as vncomfortable :
feparating vs fo, as we failed, that not any of vs mette together, vntill
the 28. of September, whiche day we fell on The Englifhe coaftes, betweene
Scylla and The landes ende, and paffed the channell, vntill our arriuall, &c.
Thus hauing finifhed my purpofe, and perfourmed my promife, I ende
with thefe rude lines, compiled with the ruflicall ftyle of rurall God Pan,
becaufe I want Apollos fkill : neither haue I euer fucked the fugred fappe
of eloquence, trufting that euerie one, who is of good difpofition, will
accept my willing hart, and not defpife my fimple fkill. As for the other
fort of men, which haue bene foftered in Momus fchole by Maifter Zoilus :
I weigh them as they doe deferue : and yeelding thankes to God, befeech
him (for Chrift Jefus fake) to preferue our noble Queene, and graunt her
Neftors long and happie yeares, with her noble Counfell, and Commons,
in all her litle Iflandes: and to our Generall long life, good health, and
fortunate fuccelfe, in all his voyages, to the profite and commoditie of
our natiue foile and Countrie. Amen.

5 Thomas Ellis in praife of
Maifter Martine Frobijher.

'YJ^F Graecians floute did right extoll
their worthie wightes of fame,
And gaue to them great honours high,

which did deferue the fame.
If they had caufe for to aduance,

Alcides for his might,
Which did fubdue cache fturdie foe,

and monfter fierce in fight :
Which brought from Hefperis Ifle the fruite

which glittered like to_gQlde,
And did enriche his countrie foyle,

with heapes of golden mold.
Or if that they deferuedly,

enrolld the valiant factes,
Of the aduenturous lafqn braue,

with all his noble actes :

46 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

And all his noble Knightlie troope,

from Colcliis Ifle, the which
Did bring away the golden fleece,

his Countrie to enriche.
If thefe (I fay) with flickering fame,

were lift to loftie fkie,
That euen till now in thefe our dayes,

their fame a frefh doth flie :
Why fhould not then our Frobifher,

who farre doeth them furmount,
With golden trumpe of thundering fame,
, y^ fj^ ' be had in like account?

r\r y^ I y His heart as valiant is, as theirs :
(>j^ .\f^ his hazardes, were more harde :

' y His good fucceffe, doth theirs furpafle :

if they be well comparde.
The glittering fleece tha^he doth bring,

in value fure is more, '

Than lafons was, or Alcides fruite,

whereof was made fuche ftore :
And cruell monfters he doeth tame, \y^

and men of fauage kinde,
And fearcheth out the fwelling Seas,

and countries ftraunge doth finde :
And bringes home treafure to his lande,

and doth enrich the fame,
And courage geues to noble heartes,

to feeke for flight of fame.
Giue place, therefore, you Grascians now,

and to me geue aflent :
This worthie wight excelles your impes,

the which before him went.

Thomas Ellis.

MARTIN FROBISHER 47

lohn Stanley to his friend

Thomas Ellis,

MY friend, I haue your booke perufde,
and well haue waide your paine :
Wherein you haue no toyle refufde.

the voyage to make plaine,
That Frobifher hath finifhed, .^^^

who well deferues to bee
Amongft the bell canonized,

that euer wight may fee.
He doeth the Trumpe of Fame obtaine,

and fhall doe all his dales :
And you for taking of this paine,

do merite to haue praife.
You neede not feare the flattering traine,

of craftie Sycophant,
Nor yet the enuious carping tongues.

which Zoilus fchole doe hante.
No Momus can your booke controll,

wherein is nought containd,
Saue only trueth, and trauelles, which

in voyage were fuftaind.
As for your ftyle, if any one,

a fault therewith doe find,
Let him goe mend it, if he can,

or breath his venomous winde.
Or elfe I fay (as once was faid,)

vnto a clowting fotte,
Which fought a fault in image braue,

Apelles fame to blotte :
Thou fowter vile, why medleft thou,

where thou haft nought to doe?
Thy only charge to fhoes belongs,

palTe not therefore the fhoe.
And thus (my friend) I make an end,

accept my willing mind.
And eke good will, though want of fkill,

in this my verfe you finde,

lohn Stanley.

^8 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

lohrt Kirkham in the praife of
M. Martine Frobifher.

YOU Mufes guide my quiuering quill,
Calliope drawe neare,
Sicilian Nymphes accord my fute,

and to my heftes giue eare :
Your facred aide, a while I craue,

my fhiuering fenfe to flay.
Such haught exploytes I take in hand,

that men to me may fay,
Thy ragged rimes, and rurall verfe,

can not afcend fo hie :
To touche the top of Martines praifCf,

which fleeth to higheft fkie.
Where whirling fpheres doe it refound,

and dewifhe flarres containe,
With thundring trumpe of golden fame,

in azure aire fo plaine :
Whofe hautie actes not heauens alone, .

contented are to haue,
But earth, and fkies, the fourging feas,

and Syluane Ecchos braue.
Do all refound with tuned firing

of filuer harmonic.
How Frobifher, in euery coafl, j

with flickering fame doth flie,
A Martiall Knight, aduenturous,

whofe valure great was fuch.
That hazardes hard he light efleemd,

his countrie to inrich.
No chaunces dire could him difmay,

no doubt could daunt his hart,
No peruerfe haps could force him feare,

nor yet his minde reuart.
He fhund no tedious trauelles hard,

but toild with troublous paine,
Till he the way to golden Fleece,

to Brittane had made plaine :

MARTIN FROBISHER 49

A Fleece in value that exceedes,

the Fleece of Colchis ground,
Or golden fruite of Hefperis land,

Which Hercules out found.
Though Perfeus flout from Indians blacke

a conqueft braue did bring.
Yet well he may to Frobifher,

giue place in euerie thing.
Though lafon fauage bulles did tame,

and Alcide monflers flew,
Yet now they muft of right geue place,

and venture foorth a new.
If that they will obteine the branche,

and twift of Oliue tree.
For all thats pafl, for to geue place,

to Frobifher we fee.
He monflers fierce hath brought to wracke,

and fauage men doth tame,
And feekes to bring them to the trueth,

if Fates permit the fame.
His toylfome trauelles nought he weighed,

his life he light efleemd.
To doe his natiue countrie good,

as by his ventures feemd.
He ventred not to knowen coaftes,

nor landes devoide of feare,
Nor ciuill realmes he feemd to touch,

nor to his Countrie neare.
To vncoth coafles his fleppes he bent,

and places diflant farre,
Euen to the colde congealed Pole,

and Northerne frofen ftarre :
Where Boreas boyflerous blafts ftill blow,

and nipping Saturne colde,
With fleeting fnowes and hoarie frofles,

his manfion houfe doeth holde.
Where rigorous ftormes do alwaies beate

in fearce and cruell wife.
And heape vp mightie mountaines huge,

of colde congealedjyce^:

FVII

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Where dreadfull daungers are not fcarce,

where pleafures few are found,
Where fauage beafles deuoyde of fenfe,

doe runne like men on ground.
Where neither lafon, Hercules,

nor Perfeus hautie grace,
Durft euer once attempt to feeke,

or come in any cafe :
But this our Knight which fearde no force,

Whofe fame can neuer die,
Though that his fprites fhall perce at laft,

the loftieft place in ikie.
An Hedor flout he is on land,

Vlyffes on the feas.
Whole painfull pilgrimage hath brought,

vnto his countrie eafe.
The noble heartes that went with him,

are likewife to be praifd,
Whofe hautie courage to the heauens,

with fhrilling trump is raifde.
But for becaufe my barraine Mufe,

In droufie dregges is drownd.
Of foggie mifles of ignorance,

wherein no fenfe is found :
Which neuer climb Olympus cleere,

nor fawe Parnaffus hill,
Nor learnd yet of the Mufes nine,

the fweete and facred ikill.
I will no further ftriue to fwim,

againft the wanes that wend :
Nor yet to climbe the hautie cliffes.

Where I can not afcend :
Nor fcarce the lerned Nymphs themfelues,

which Ida mount do vewe,
Nor all the welles of HelHcon,

his praife at large can fhewe.

MARTIN FROBISHER 5I

The Authour to the Reader.

'HAT fo you be that do perufe,

this Httle booke of mine,
Looke not to heare the dulcet tunes,
of facred Mufes nine :
Nor yet to vew graue Tullies phrafe,

nor Plutarches flowing ftyle :
Who fo pretendes affuredly,
he Ihall himfelfe beguile.
For why : I neither can, nor meane,

fuch thinges to enterprife,
But voyage laft of Frobifher,

to Ihew I doe deuife :
Whofe praife my pen can not depaint,

nor Ample fenfe forth tell.
Nor fcarfly thofe that haue ben trainde,
about Mineruas well.

Thomas Ellis.

FINIS.

4-2

EDWARD SELLMAN'S ACCOUNT OF
THE THIRD VOYAGE^

^ See infra. Appendix 3, p. 228.

Account of the Third Voyage

by Sellman.

jDward Sellmann wrote this booke; and he dehvered yt to
Michael Lok, the 2 of Odober 1578, in London: —

The 2 of May 1578, we departed from Brifloll with the
Ayde and the Gabriell, Chriflopher Hall, and Robert
Davis M\

The 6 faid we arrived at Plymouth, where we flayed to
take in our myners.

The 19 faid we departed from Plymouth, with the Ayde, the Fraunces,
and the Aloone of Foy, the Admirrell, and the bark Denis, and arrived at
the Downes the 24^"^ faid and the faid at midnight we departed thence
and arrived at Harwiche the 22 faid to flay for the refte of the fleete,
where we found the Thomas of Harwich.

The 27 faid, there arrived at Harwich, the Thomas Aim, the An Fraunces,
the Hopewell, the Beare Lejler, the Judith, the Gabriell, and the Michael, the
Salomon of Weymouth came to us to Harwich, and the Emanuel

The 31 faid the Aide with all the above named fhips departed from
Harwiche with the winde at N.E. making our paffage towards the weft
coaft and arrived at Plymouth the 3 of June.

The 3 of June, 1578, at night we departed from Plymouth, with the
winde weft hand at eaft, and to the weflwards of the Cape 7 leags we
had fight of a bark of Brifloll with whome after we had fpoken, they
declared that they came out of Spayne and were robbed by 2 French
men-of-war, and five of their companye flayne, their lading was oyle and
fack, they fpoiled them of all their viduall allfo and left them nothing
to eate of but^yle^beryes : The Generall gave them 3 fackes of bifket,
and j barrell of butter, peas and chefe to releve them ^thall, by which
bark I wrote a letter, and fent it to Mr. Kitchen to be conveyed to my
mafter, Mr. Michael Lock, advertifing him of all the fleets arrivale
uppon the coaft of Zealand.

The 7 faid we failed N.W. and by W. the winde at S.E. a fyne bearing
gale, with the winde fometimes at N.E. fometimes at E. fometimes at S. W.
ftill keping our courfe (for the mofl part) N.W. and by W. and N.W.
untill the 19 faid at none, at which time we went in 60 degrees of latitude,
and to the eaftwards of Frifeland, 30 leags, by the reckening of fome 40,

56 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

and 50 by others, and bearing N.W. and by W. and W.N.W. of us at
the going down of the funne, but at that time we had not made the land
perfed, and fo fayhng untill mydnight, we came nerer unto yt and made
yt perfectly. At which tyme we fhot of a pece of ordonance to geve the
flete warning thereof: I judge the voyage is better to be attempted, fol-
lowed and ufed by the weft parts, then by the north parts, as well for the
avoyding of much cold within the north paflage we had, as allfo redyer
windes to follow our faid viadge, as by the falling out of this paflage
doth appere.

The 20 of June, 1578, earely in the morning, the Generall caufed a
fmall pynnas to be hoyfed out of the Ajde, and with her he paflTed a boord
the Gabriell, and did beare in with the land fayling alongft yt, untill he
found a found to enter in uppon the fouth fide of the land, which found
after he was entred, called yt Luke's Sound, by reafon of one Luke Ward
that went with him a land; in which found they found people and tents,
but the people fled from them, and they entred their tents, finding
thereby by all things therein that they are a people like the people of
Meta Incognita with like boates of all fortes, but the Generall doth take
them to be a more delicat people in lodging and feeding then the other :
They found of their feals which they had taken fundry, and other viduaill
which they could not tell what flefh or fifh yt was: At their faid tente
they found allfo 40 yong whelps, whereof 2 they brought away with them,
they are allfo like the dogs of the place afore named : Some of our men
that were with the Generall aland did fee in their tente nayles like fcupper
y nayles, and a tryvet of yron, but the Generall toke order with the com-
pany, that none fhold bring any of their things away: The Generall hath
named this iland Weft England, and a certayn hedland uppon the fouth
fide, he hath called yt Furbufhers foreland, with other names he hath
geven to particular places which I know not.

The faid at night we departed thens with the winde N.E. and fayled
W.N.W. towards the Streits untill 9 or 10 a clock the 21 faid.

The 21 faid the winde N.W. we fayled N.E. and by E. towards the
faid Weft England to make better difcovery of yt, bycaufe yt ferved not
us to procede of our pretended viage, and fo fayling till 3 a clock, yt fell
caulme, being 16 leags from yt: About 6 a clock the winde at N.N.E.
we fayled N.W. and by W. towards the ftraits.

The 22 the winde at E.S.E. we fayled N.W. and by W. untill none,
and then we met with great ftore of yfe, of broken ilands in great peeces,
which we iudge to be the ilands diffolved, that were there feene the laft
yere and driven upon the N.W. coaft, by reafon of the eafterly windes

MARTIN FROBISHER 57

which we had comming hitherwards, and for that we coveted to difcover
more of the north weft coaft by reafon of clere weather which we had,
we were the rather put amongft them, and thereby to clere ourfelves of
them againe, to fayle fouth, S. and by W. and S.W. for the fpace of 3 or
4 howres with a great gale of winde : And we feared the coaft to lye out
more wefterly then we could make yt by reafon of foggy weather and
thereby might have bin driven uppon a lee coaft, but ofter we found
ourfelves clere of the yfe we fayled agayne N.W. and by W. with the
winde at S.E. untill the 25 faid, and then the winde came W. and we
failed N.N.W. untill the 27 faid, at which time we came amongft as well
great ilands of yfe, as allfo great quantity of broken yfe of both fides of
us being fhotte within channells' of them, whereby yt was iudged that
we were open of the ftraits, and we made fundry foggy land to be the
Queens foreland, and thereuppon did beare the bolder in amongft them,
at which tyme we found our felves in the latitude of 62 1 and fome 62 J.
And the 28 faid they obferved the latitude by the funne and found them
in 62! of latitude and afterwards had fight of 2 ilands to the northwards
of Warwicks foreland, and after had fight of the fame foreland, we being
to northwards of yt 14 or 16 leags. And the faid day we lay to the ofwards
fouth-eaft and fouth-fouth-eaft : And the 29 faid fouth-weft, the winde
at W.N.W. untill the 30 faid, and then we fayled fouth and by E. and
S.S.E. untill we came in the latitude of 6if the firft of July, at which
tyme we had the winde at S.S.E. and then we failed in W. And the
2 faid we had fight of the Queens foreland and fometimes did beare in
N.W. and by W. and N.W. finding ftragling over all the ftraids and after
we did beare in further uppon the fouth fide we found great quantity
of yfe driving together, yet we had fundry channels to pas betwene them,
and after that we fent the pynnas from the fhip to difcover the beft way
our paflage amongft them, and fo we followed with divers other of the
fleete after the pynnas, untill fhe could not pas any furder, fynding the
yfe all clofed abowt us, and afterward fent our boate and pynnafies of
divers of the flete to breake a fmall neck of yfe for paflage farder places
that we did fee clere: and at that tyme the winde began to blow vere
boyftrous at the S.S.E. and caufed the fea to heave and fet very cruell;
at that inftant we were divers of the flete in a great channell indifferent
free of yfe, in which channell we determined to fpend the night with
bearing fmall fayles, being environed with yfe: The bark Denis at that
tyme plying up and down, did ftrike uppon a great yfe and there perifhed,
fo that the boates which were fent to breake the yfe for paflage, returned
to her to fave her men and prefently after the ihip did fink down right;

58 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

divers of the flete, notwithftanding with fmall fayles did ply up and down
in the fame channell, and others as they could fynde all that night, but
we in the Ayde, and the Thomas Alin did forfake yt, bearing no fayle, but
lay adrift amongft the yfe all the night, being terribly tormented therewith
untill 1 1 of the clock, the 3 of July, occupying our men with oares, pikes
and other powles to break the force of the yfe from beating of the fhip
as much as we might, notwithftanding we had terrible blowes therewith,
and were preferved by the mighty power of God from perrifhing, contrary
to our expectations. The winde afterwards comming to the S.W. and
having the with us, we did drive out, fometyme fetting fayle

and fometimes a hull fouth eafl : And being allmoft out of the danger
of the yfe, wt did difcrye the mofl of the flete, which rejoyced us very
much : And the faid 3 day about night, fome of us talking with others
did underftand we were all in faffety, except onely the Michael of whome
as yet we cannot underftand where fhe ys, we did arme the bowe of the
fhip with fundry planks of 3 inches thick and with capftayne barrs and
junks, for that the yfe ftroke terribly againft that place of her in fo much
that fome of the planks did perrifh with the blowes : The reft of the flete
except one or two more did not pas the like myfery, by reafon they did
kepe the channell betwene the yfe with fmall fayles, which we could not
do, for that our fhip was long, and could not work with her as others did :
And befides that yf we had kep|; that channell with fayle, where the reft
did, we had burded one an other and thereby perifhed, as we had like
to have don by the fhip of Weymouth (owner Hugh Randall) in boording
of us that night by drift and forcing uppon us by yfe, the boyftrous winde
that then did blow did caufe us to unrig and take down both our topmafts
for the eafe of the fhip, the which topmafts we did hang over boord allfo
to fave the fhip from the )d^e.

The 4 faid being in the morning clere withowt the ftreids and the
winde at weft, we did fayle S.S.W. bearing alongft the coaft of America,
fynding yfe driving from the coaft as though yt were long hedges into
the fea to the eaftwards, we fayled as aforefaid untill 4 a clocke at after-
none, and then we layde yt a hull, untill 6 aclock the 5 faid, and then we
failed fouthweft alongft America coaft, the winde at W. northweft untill
the 5 faid at night about 6 aclock at which tyme we had fight of the coaft,
and very huge ilands of yfe, higher than ever we did fee any, at which
time we did caft about and did lye north of the land, the winde as before
untill the 6 faid at night, at which time we were within the ftreids and
did perfectly make the Queens forelande; to the fouthwards of the Qiaeens
foreland, we had fight of a head of a land, being from yt about 20 leags,

MARTIN FROBISHER 59

which untill we had taken the latitude of yt we made yt to be the Queens
foreland all but the Mafter Robert Davis onely, but he would not agree
to yt, nor fo allow yt, alledging fundry reafons to prove the contrary by
his marks when he faw yt a few dayes before. The 6 faid being as aforefaid
fliot within the Queens forelande on the fouth fide, the winde came up
to the S.S.E. and did blow a great gale, and the weather waxed thick
and foggy, and therefore all the night we layde yt a hull. And uppon
the 7 faid following we had fight of the north fhore as we toke yt : And
the 8 and g we did beare wyth yt and alongfl yt lying north and by weft,
but did not make yt perfedly; fome imagining rather that yt was the
S. fide of the Queens foreland (as afterwards yt proved in dede), and Mafter
Hall of the fame opinion, but yf yt fall out fo, they were deceyved with
the fetting of the tides. The Generall and our mafter could not be dilfuaded,
but doth ftill make yt to be the north fhore, the Generall afluring himfelf
thereof to this prefent (the lo faid) that yt is fo, and Jame Beare allfo,
but being foggy and darkened with myftes, they cannot yet make yt
perfedly, I pray God fend yt clere, that we may make yt perfedly:
Alongft the faid fhore in fight and out of fight by reafon of fogs, we did
runne in by the judgement of the mafter 35 leags bearing fayle

and hulling, and there did remaine hulling being dark and foggy untill
the 16 faid, at which tyme we had yt fomewhat clere, and thereuppon
did beare towards the fhore to make yt, at which tyme we did fall with
the opening of a found which we made the Counte's Sound and did beare
in with yt, all men that had feene it the yere before (except two, called
Stobern and Bert) allowed yt to be the fame, which afterwards proved
the contrary : The 1 7 faid we toke the altitude of the funne and found us
but in the latitude of 62 and 10 minuts, and thereuppon found the error
which we were in, then knowing that we were uppon the S. fide of the
S. fhore called the Queens foreland, and with the winde at W. we did
beare out agayne, and the 18 faid being fhot out fo far as to the mafters
judgement that we had fight of the Queens foreland being E. from us
^nd then running alongft till we brought yt thwart of us the weather being
foggy, notwithftanding we did alter our courfe more northerly and brought
us to be impatched with great quantity of yfe and dark weather, being
allfo fhot very nere the fhore, ftill thinking that we had byn at the Queens
foreland, and altering our courfe more northerly, did bring ourfelves
hard aboord the fhore, at which tyme yt pleafed God to geve us fight
of yt, and thereby found yt did not lye as the Queens foreland did, fynding
us deceyved and not fo far fhot as the faid foreland, but being imbayed
uppon a lee coaft and in fight of divers ilands and rocks, not knowing

6o THE THREE VOYAGES OF

how to efcape with Hfe, and in the depe of 50 faddoms of water, so that
we could not well anker, but yet fometimes in mynde to anker yf we could
have got a poynt of an iland which we made unto, and then fearing allfo
we fhold have had byn put from our anker, or greatly impatched with
yfe which we were allfo amongft and then caulme, and could not get
of from the rocks or ilands which we did fee, did ftrike all our fayles to
anker, but before we were all ready to caft anker, the Eternall God (who
delivereth all men being in perills) did fend us a gale of winde to beare
of from the faid ilands, but afterward we wifhed that we had ankered
there, for that when we were of a fmall way from yt we founded and found
us in but 7 faddoms of water and hard rocks, we lying under fayle towards
the weft which was our beft way, for fure we were we could not dubble
the land to the eaftwards, the winde being at S.S.E. and the land lying
E.S.E. and W.N.W. we after yt pleafed God to fend us 10 faddoms and
then 1 7, and then 25, and fo into 30 and 40, and allfo did fende us the
winde at W.S.W. fo that we did lye S.S.W. of into the fea untill we came
into 120 faddoms with our fayling and towing out with our boates, ftill
having the eb with us untill night and then being caulme and little winde,
we did ftrike our fayles and did lye a hulling, fo that the flud did port us
in towards the fhore againe untill we came into 80 faddoms, and then
we were forced to make a brude of cabells, and did anker untill the eb
did come being the 19 day of July in the morning, at which tyme we did
fet fayle with a fmall gale of winde, the winde at S. and by E. and did
fayle S.W. and by W. the weather ftill foggy. The 20 faid the weather
began to clere, the winde wefterly, at which tyme we had fight of the
fhips that were before in our company, and towards the afternone we
came to fpeake with fome of them, and they declared that fome of our
company were in 2 faddoms of water uppon the lee fhore, being in great
danger amongft the rocks and broken grounds, and delivered by Gods
allmighty power thus twife from periffhing, towards night yt waxed fom-
what foggy agayn, and a little before night we having fight of a point of
land, bearing E.S.E. of us making yt the Queens foreland, we did beare
with it in fuch fort as we thought to go clere of yt, and the land lying out
farder then we had fight of yt, we being not fo far fhot out of the ftreid
that we were in by 20 leags which 20 leags we were in furder then we
made account of, being entred within yt at the leaft 60 leags, fell agayn
in danger of that land in the night, but kept us of from yt, by our founding
lead : And in the morning the 2 1 faid yt waxed clerer, and then we made
the land of the Queens foreland perfed and towards night opening a
great bay at the wefter end of the fouther parte of that land, which we

MARTIN FROBISHER 6l

imagined to go through into the Streids of Frobufher, which to make
triall thereof, the Gabriell was fent to difcover, and we bearing about with
the eafter end of yt the 22 towards night, had fight of the Gabriell com-
ming into the ftreids through that found paffage at the Cape of Good
Hope, fo that it is proved that the land of the Qjaeens foreland to be an
iland; the Gabriell having order to palfe to the Countelfes Sound, did beare
in towards yt, and we followed untill we could not paffe any farder for
yfe lying fo thick, and the Gabriell being within the yfe, did ftill beare up
into the ftreids, and we forced to retire outwards agayn, being very much
impatched therewith all the whole night.

The 23 faid we had fight of the Anfraunces, whofe company we loft as
before faid, and when we came to the fpeeche of the captayne and mafter,
they declared they had layn of and on open of the ftreids 12 dayes and
could not entre for fogs and yfe, and was in danger before that uppon
the lee fhore of the S. fide after fhe departed from us.

The 24 faid the Generall being mynded to beare into the ftreids,
bycaufe the Gabriell paffed up in our fight, fuppofmg allfo the Tho. Alin,
the Fraunces ofFoy, the Emanuell of Bridgewater, the Judith, and the Michael,
to be above in the found ; notwithftanding the great quantity of yfe, we
were impatched withall the 23 faid, and the winde at S.W. a good and
reafonable gale, did mynde to beare up into the flreids agayn this prefent,
alledging that the faid wynde had brought out all the yfe, whereof great
quantity we did fee blown uppon the lee coaft : but yt pleafed God to
fend us a melTinger out of the flreids called the Fraunces of Foy, who did
kepe company with the Tho. Alin, and the Emanuel of Bridgewater, and
did enter into the ftreids the 19 faid and the 20 faid, being fhut up as far
as Jackmans Sound, did put over with the Countes Sound among very
much yfe and were environned therewith, frofen and fhut up therein,
being marveyloufly tormented therewith, not onely with yfe comming
down, but allfo with yfe carried up with the winde and tyde. This Ffraunces
of Foy (I fay) was a blelfed mefTmger of God, fent to us to warn us of the
daungers that fhe and the others palfed, who ftill did leaye the Tho. Alin,
the Buffe or Emanuel of Bridgewater, and the Gabriell, laft come unto them
in great danger, being carried towards the coaft lee in the frofen and thick
yfe as the winde did carry them. God deliver them for his mercyes fake
and for his bleffed fonne Jefus Chriftes fake. The Mafter Tho. Noris of
the faid fhip the Ffraunces of Foy, before Mafter Hall, and he with others
entred the ftreid was in a found uppon the N. fide of the Queens Foreland,
where they were they found very good owr by our judgements to the
fight, and therefore the Generall is gone this morning a land to feke the

62 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

fame, purpofing to go into the faid found with all our 9 fhips now in
company untill tyme may ferve us to go farder and other our ports of
lading. The 25 at night we did beare into the ftreids and then had fight
of the Emanuel of Bridgewater. And, comming to the fpeche of them, the
mafter of her affirmed that the yfe did ly very thick over all the ftreids,
fo that we could not attayn to the Countefs Sound as yet; the Generall,
notwithftanding, wold geve no credit thereunto, but did beare in with
the flreids to make triall thereof the 26 in the morning, and finding great
ftore of yfe did retire back or out agayn with the winde at north and
much yfe following us. At that tyme (the 25 faid) thefe fhips did entre
in with us, the Emanuel, the Armo?iell, the Hopewell, and the Beare, and 5
others of the flete did put to fea, having the winde then at the S.E. and
eaft, which was a fcant winde for them to dubble out the foreland, being
nere the land.

The 26, at night, we came back to the fea againe and brought the fore-
land of us fouth-weft.

The 27, towards night, the winde at weft, we did beare in towards
the foreland, and did lye of and on all the night.

The 28, in the morning, we did beare agayn into the ftraight, the winde
wefterly, bearing inwards ftill untill we were repulfed and forced to put
out agayn by reafon of much yfe driving out, but the Hopewell finding
fome clerer flade then we could do, did ftill beare in. God fend her good
hap. And then we did feke to recover the wether ffiore which was the
foreland, the winde at W.N.W., blowing fomewhat boyftrous.

The 29, in the morning, we did beare into the ftrei6l agayn with winde
at W., a fmall leading gale, and fometimes at W.S.W., we lying up N.W.,
paffing up amongft great quantity of yfe, fometime thick, and fometime
thinner, and fo did ftill procede, bearing inwards untill the 30 faid at
none, keping about the middle of the ftreid. And in the morning the
30 faid we were thwart of Yorks Sound, which I affirmed to the Generall
to be fo : but he denyed yt, faying that we were not ffiot up as high as
Jackmans Sound by 16 leags, at which inftant the Generall went up to
the top and defcried Gabriels Hand, making yt to be Penbroke Hand,
going into the Countefs Sound; and fo directing his courfe with yt,
Chriftopher Jackfon, the trumpetter, being in the top, did make yt playnly
Gabriels Hand, and allfo made the Countefs Sound, to the which the
Generall yelded, and then prefently did allter his courfe, and embarked
him felf in a pynnas with fayles and oares, bycaufe yt did blow but little
wynde for the ffiip, and gave us tokens to follow him, and fo fignifyed
to us thereby that yt was the right place or found as before is faid. Into

MARTIN FROBISHER 63

the which he entred with his pynnas, and being entred therein fownd
there the Judith and the Michael, and caufe them to fhote of certayn peces
of ordonance, to geve knowledge there were certayn of our flete which
comforted us very muche; but we imagined thofe fliips to be the Tho.
Alin and the Gabriel; for we did think verily the Judith and the Michael
could not have efcaped the dangers that they were in, being not of our
company a month or more.

The 30 of July, at night, we entred into the mowth of the Cowntelfe
Sound, and there came to us fent from the generall, Charles Jackman, to
bring in the Ayde, and for that yt fell caulme we came to an anker in the
entring thereof, being ebbing water abowt 9 of the clock at night, the
mafter, his mate, and Charles Jackman going then to fupper, gave charge
to the company to looke well owt for yfe, driving towards the fhip, willing
them to prevent y t in tyme ; and before the mafter had half fupped, one
of the company came to the mafter to know whether they fhold watche
half watche or quarter watche. The mafter gave order to watche halfe
watche, charging them to loke well owt for yfe ; but the watche neglecting
their dutyes, there came driving thwart the halfe of the fhip a great pece
of yfe, and the weather being caulme did ly uppon the cabell \ of an
howre before we could be clere of yt fretting the cable in fuche fort, that
yf yt had put us from our anker we had byn in danger of rocks lying
not far from us. God be honored, there chaunced no hurt of yt. Not-
withftanding, I thought yt good and my duty to fay fomething unto the
watche of their negligence therein, bycaufe the charge of the vyage did
depend upon the favegard of the Ayde being the Admirall, whereuppon
I rebuked one Holmes, a quarter mafter, and Hill, bote fwayn mate,
charging them they fhold aunfwere their negligent loking to fo greet a
charge, but they with one other called did will me to meddle

with that I had to do, demaunding whether I had commiffioned

to fpeake or deale therein, and this did Hill, and willed me to

get me to my cabben, and wold not be checked at my hands. I aunfwered
them, whither I had commyflion or not, I wold tell them their duties,
and go to my cabben when I did fee caufe, and thus with multiplying ]/
of words they abufed me very much, which I was fayn to put up at their
hands. The mafter can beare no rule amongft them, bycaufe he is not ^
cowntenanced by the General, and therefore all things hath fallen owt the
worfe with us, and that hath caufed me to fpeake more earneftly in this
caufe; for weyther the boat fwayn, nor any officer yet hitherto hath byn
obedient to the mafter, and the difobedience of the officers, doth caufe
the company allfo to difobey and neglegt their duties. We had not byn

64 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

above 2 howres at an anker, but that there came very muche yfe driving
inwards towards us : at which time, I being ftill abrode, and the mailers
mate allfo, I faid to him, yt were good to way our anker to prevent the
danger of the yfe ; and prefently he called vp Charles Jackman, and they
caufed the company to way the anker with the winde eafterly, a fmale gale ;
and after they had purchafed home their faid anker, there came yfe
uppon us, but they fetting fayle before the anker was catted, the yfe ftroke
the flok of the anker through the bow of the fhip, that the water came
in fercely, in fo muche that we had water in hold 4 fote above the fealing
within an howre or les. And our pumps being unready, could not free
the fhip of yt, but kept yt ftill at a ftay, the leak being flopped as well as
they could with beffe and other provifions. And thus we remayned
pumping and freeing of the fhip with buckets from 1 2 a clock at night,
being the 30 of July, until 9 a clock in the morning, the 31 faid, at which
tyme we were come into harbour. And then provifion was made to beare
the fhip over of the one fide, and the hole mended with lead untill we
may come better to yt.

There came into the Gowntelfe Sound in company with us and in our
fight, the Hopewell, the Ffrances of Foy, the Armonell, the Emanuell, the
Salomon of Weymouth, and the Bear. The Judith and the Michael came into
this fownd the 21 of July, and for the fpace of 3 wekes before they con-
L tinually were-torHieftted up and down within the ftreids amongft the yfe,
and could not by any meanes get this place nor clere themfelves of the
yfe : the Judith being bilged with yfe in the bowes, having 2 great holes
made in her, every howre loking when they fhold perifh therewith, but
God delivered them, geving them fayre weather to work for their favegard.

The fyrft of Auguft the Generall did order to make tents uppon the
iland of the myne for the myners to fuccour them in their working there,
and then began their work.

The fecond faid, the Generall with 2 pynnaffes, paffed to Beares Sownd,
to bring prooffs of the owr there, and to vew what quantity there was to
be had, and returned agayn at night, being diftant from the Gowntelfe
Sound 9 leags.

The faid, at night, the Gabriel came into the Gowntefs Sound and Mafler
Hall in her to vew whither the ftreids were clere of yfe, and left the Tho.
Alin in a fownd nere Oxford mount untill his return thither agayn.

The fyrft of Auguft the Fraunces of Foy toke in 2 pynnaffes, ladings of
owre, and the 2 day as much.

The faid the Generall, with 4 pynnaffes and boates with a men,

foldiers, and marriners, and Denham with him, went to Jonas Mownt,

MARTIN FROBISHER 65

to feke for owr, and brought fundry famples, whereof as yet no alTay
is made, but of the riche owr that Jonas fownd the laft yere, we could
not Hght of any fuche.

The 8 of Auguft the Thomas Alin and the Gabriel arrived here towards
night, by whome we could not here of the Thomas oflpfwiche, the Anfraunces^
and the Mom. I pray God fend us good newes of them.

The 9 faid, the Generall with the Gabriell and the Michael, with mariners,
myners, and foldiers, departed towards Beares Sound to get owr, for that
the myne in the Countefs Hand fayled.

The faid, the moft part of the myners and foldiers were removed to a
place called Fentons Fortune, being at the entrance of CountelTe Sound
to the eaftwards. And yt was reported that there were a looo tunnes to
be had there; but Mafter Denham, at his returne from thence, this
prefent at night, fayeth he can not fee how 40 tunnes will there be had,
and that with great travayle to bring yt to the fea fide.

The 1 1 fayd, the mafter, Robert Davis, Thomas Morice, mafter of the
Fraunces of Foy, and I in company with them, travyled with a pynnas
to the northwards of the Cowntefle Sound, about 4 myles alongft the
coaft, and there fownd a myne of black owr, and allfo an other of red and
of fundry fortes of both, of which forts we brought enfamples, whereof
Denham made proof; and the 1 3 faid Gapten Fenton and Denham paffed
thyther, liking the place very well, and afwell our mariners as the mariners
of the faid Fraunces were there fet to work, and by the 1 5 faid we had
gotten aboord the Ayde of the black fort and fome of the red abowt
15 tunnes.

The 15 faid, towards the evening, the Gabriell and the Michael came
to the GountelTe Sound, both laden with owre from Beares Sound, and
the 16 faid difcharged yt into the Ayde, theire lading was adiudged to
be abowt 50 tunnes of owr.

The faid, all fuch myners and foldiours as were fent from the Countefle
Sound to Fentons Fortune, were removed to the myne that we found to
the northwards, which was better liked than yt of Fentons Fortune,
where, in the tyme they were there was but 60 or 70 tunnes of owre,
they being myners and fouldiours that wrought their 6 dayes 60 perfons.

The 16 faid, the Generall and Denham with him, is gon to a fownd
called Dyers Paffage, which is uppon the fouther land of the Cowntefs
Sound, to vew a myne there, fownd by Andrew Dyer, and to make
affayes thereof.

The faid, God called to his mercy Philip, who had charge of certayn
apparell brought in by the Generall for the marriners and myners, and

FVII

66 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

allfo one of the bark Denys, men called Trelos, one allfo owt of the Armonell,
and an other owt of the Fraunces ofFoy, all buryed uppon Winters Furnace
this prefent day. ~

The 1 8 fayd, the Gabriell and the Michael departed hence to Beares
Sound to lade o\vr and to bring yt hither to the Ayde.

The 1 9 faid, the Solomon of Weymouth departed towards Bears Sound
to take in her lading of owr.

The 20 faid, the Beare departed towards Dyers PalTage to lade there.

The 19 faid, the Hopewell departed towards Dyers Paffage to lade
there.

The 2 1 faid, the Buje of Bridgewater departed to Dyers Paffage to take
her lading of owr there.

The 2 1 of Auguft, the Fraunces of Fay was full laden, part of the owr
of the Counteffe Hand, and the reft of the owr of the myne to the north-
wards of the Counteffe Sound, carrying in all tunnes by eftimation 140,
whereof 70 from the Counteffe Hand, and the reft as aforefaid.

The 19 faid, Capten Fenton came to make complaint to the Generall
of the boatfwayn, and others of the Aydes mariners, for difobeying him
in certayn fervice to have byn don for the furderance and difpatche of
the fhips lading at two feverall tymes, his fpeches tending to due punifh-
ment for the fame, and after long recitall of their abufes, did loke that
the Generall fhold have ayded him therein, and to have commanded
// due punifhments for their deferts. The Generall not taking ordeTj^there-
f^^' \\'/ (1 fore Mafter Ff.nton^and he did grow^tp hoat fpeclies, by whome eche
' others credit came by him, and he denying the fame, left their former

matter, and fell to reafon uppon the fame with many-.hoaL woords, in
fomuche that in the end, the Generall afhrming he preferred Mafter
Fenton to be the Queens fer\^ant, and he denying, alledging that the
Generall did not well to rob them that did prefer them both to that
fervice ; and then at Mafter Ffentons departure, he faid he had offred him
great difgrace in that he wold Jiot punnifh the offenders which he com-
playned of, but rather did aninia,te them againft him in negleding of yt,
which he could not take in good part, being his lieutenant generan7 and
recommending them to do nothing but their duties in their Maiefties
fendce.

The 22 faid the Gabriel arrived here at the Countefs Sound being ladden
with owr from Bears Sound, and difcharged yt a boord the Ayde, bringing
tunnes 25 by eftimation.

The faid, here at the Countefs Sound arrived a pynnas of the An
Fraunces, wherein Captayn Beft came, leaving the An Fraunces and the

MARTIN FROBISHER 67

Mone of Foy at anker in a fownd nere the Queens forelande, and they
reported that they had not fene the Thomas of Ipfwich this 14 dayes, with
the faid pynnas they came coding up allongfl the fowth coaft to feke us,
and did feke us in Jackmans Sound and Yorks Sound and pafTed up as
far as Gabriels Hand and returned hither this prefent, bringing them
famples of owres, much hke that of Winters furnace, and doth purpofe
that Denham fhall make tryall thereof, and fynding yt good, they will
lade of yt, having great plenty of yt as they report, they have by report
palfed great troubles fms they departed from us, by dangers of yfe, and
rocks, I pray God fend us good newes of the Thomas of Ipfwich.

The 23 faid the Generall, Captayn Fenton (his lievtenant), Gilbert
York, and George Befte, gentlemen, alfembled themfelves together,
Chriftopher Hall, and Charles Jackman, mafters, with them, for caufes
touching their inflrudions, and amongfl other matters, did call in queflion
the abufes of the .blltefwa,yn and one Robinfon ufed towards the Generalls
faid lievtenant, and after yt had byn argued of amongfl the faid Com-
miffioners, the Generall referred the punnifhment thereof to them to
determyn; then they called the jaid_offenders before them, who acknow-
ledged their abufes, and uppon their fubmiffion, as allfo affirming they
did not know Capteyn^jenton Jo_^ jh£_.Generalls faid lievtenant, they
were pardoned and forgeven.

The 23 faid of Auguft, the Michael arrived here laden with owr from
Bears Sound bringing tunnes 25 by eftimation and difcharged yt aboord
the Ayde.

The 24 faid the Sollomon of Weymouth arrived here laden with owr of
Bears Sound and with owr taken in her before her departure hence, all
tunnes by eftimation 1 30 tunnes, whereof Bears Sound tunnes 60, and
of the Countefle Hand Suflex myne 60 tunnes, and Wynters furnace
tuns 10.

The Generall departed this prefent towards Bears Sound in a pynnas
and will return hither agayn before he go up into the Streids.

The faid Captayn Befte departed with his pynnas toward the Queens
foreland to a fownd where the An Fraunces and the Mone refteth and ftayeth
his comming. The faid Ffraunces and Mone by their marriners reports
were almoft laden with owr before their comming hither, the famples
thereof hath byn proved and are reafonably well liked of Denham, and
therefore I here order is taken that the Moone ffiall difcharge all her owr
into the An Fraunces^ and that the faid Mone fhall take in all fuch here as
the An Fraunces hath difcharged there a land which was provided for
Captayn Fenton and his company, and as wynde and weather ffiall ferve

5-2

68 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

to come hither with the fame, and at Bears Sound fhe fhall have her
lading of owr provided.

The faid the Thomas Alin departed hens, having taken in here
I GO tunnes of owr had at the north myne called the Counteffe of Suffex
Myne, and the reft of her lading fhe is to take in at Beares Sound, and
to that end she is gon thither where fhe is to lade 60 tuns more.

The 26 at night the Generall returned from Bears Sound with the
pynnas that he departed from hens. And the 27 in the morning he paffed
with the fame up into the Streid as well to difcover mynes as allfo to
take of the people yf he may conveniently have them.

The 27 faid at night the Thomas Alin arrived here from Bears Sound
being fully laden.

The 28 faid in the morning the An Fraunces arrived here from a fownd
called being nere the Queens foreland and laden with o^at of

that place.

The faid at night, the Generall returned with fowle weather and the winde
eafterly with rayne and fnow and fo continued till the 30 towards night.

The 31 faid in the morning we wayed and made fayle from Counteffe
of Warwick Sound with the Ayde, the Thomas Alin, the Bear, the Salomon,
the Armonell, and the two barks, and for that yt fell caulme, we ankered
all that night at the mowth of the fownd, being all night caulme and the
Fraunces of Foy.

The fyrft of September 1578 in the morning the Gahriell and the Michael
did put into Bears Sound to lade there.

The faid the Generall with a pynnas departed towards Beares Sound
to provide 10 or 12 tunnes of lading more for the Ayde and to fend yt
owt to us with boats and pynnaffes.

The faid the Ayde and all the other fhips aforefaid wayde, the winde
northerly, bearing alongft towards Bears Sound with a fmall gale, and
about none ankered thwart of Bears Sound.

The 28 of Auguft before, God called to his mercy Roger Littleftonne
the Generalls fervant, who by the judgement of the surgian had the
horrible difease of the pox.

The laft of July at night, God called to his mercy Anthony Sparrow,
one of the quarter-mafters of the Ayde.

The Fraujices of Foy, the Armonell, the Thomas Alin, the Beare, the Salomon
came all laden owt of the Countefs Sound, the Ayde lacked 10 or 12 tunnes
but laden of fundry mynes as before is faid.

The An Fraunces, the Hopewell, and the Judith arrived with us thwart
of the faid Bears Sound the fyrft of September and kept under fayle by us.

MARTIN FROBISHER 69

The firfl of September faid we receyved tunns of owre into the Ayde^
and all the myners this prefent at night were ready to come aboord
from thens.

The faid at night the winde chopping up to the N.W. a fmall gale
and the fea growing thereby, forced us to way and made fayle, bearing
of S.W. untill we came into 23 faddoms, and then ankered agayn, flaying
for the comming of the Generall, and abowt 2 howres after, our fhip did
drive, our anker being broken, which caufed us to fet faile agayn and did
beare of W. and W. and by S. and afterwards did lye a hull, flaying for
the Generall, the winde ftill growing of great force at N.N.W. caufed
us to fet our forefaile agayn, bearing of fowth towards the foreland the
fecond day of September and towing our gondelo at flarn, fhe did fplit
therewith and fo we were forced to cut her of from the fhip and lofl her
and then we did flrike our fayle and fpooned before the fea S.E. untill
the Queens foreland did beare of us, the Generall is condemned of all
men for bringing the flete in danger to anker there, thwart of Beares
Sound onely for 2 boates of owre and in daungering him felf allfo, whome
they iudge will hardly recover to come aboord of us, but rather forced
to go with the barks or the Emanuel of Bridgewater into England ; of the
whole flete, there is now in our company, or to be feen but 6 failes.

Mafler Hall went aland after the fhip came firfh to an anker thwart
the faid Bears Sound, and did geve him counfaill to make haft a boord
before night : God fend him well to recover us and all his company.

The Ayde hath lading of owr in her as followeth : — Of Bears Sound
tunnes by eftimation no; of the Countefs of Suffex myne, tunnes 20.

The Thomas Alin, owr in her as followeth :— Of the Countefs of Suffex
myne, tunnes 100; of Beares Sound owre, tunnes 60.

The Hopewell, owr in her as followeth : — Of Dyers Paffage or Sound,
tunnes 140.

The Fraunces ofFoy hath our laden in her as followeth : — Of the Cowntefs
of Warwiks myne, tuns 50; of the Countefs of Suffex myne, tunnes 80.

The An Fraunces hath owr in her as followeth : — Of the Queens foreland,
tunnes 130.

The Mone of Foy hath owr in her as followeth : — Of the Queens fore-
land, tunnes 100.

The Beare Leycejlr hath owr laden in her^Of Dyers Paffage, tunnes 100.

The Judith hath owr laden in her as followeth : — Of the Countefs of
Suffex myne, tunnes 80.

The Gabriell hath owr laden in her as followeth : — Of Beares Sound,
tunnes 20.

yo THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The Michael hath owr laden in her as followeth : — ^Of Beares Sound,
tunnes 20.

The Armonell hath owr laden in her as followeth : — Of Fentons fortune,
tunnes 5; of the Countefs of Warwicks myne, tunnes 5; of Winters furnace,
tunnes 5; of the Counteffe of Suffex myne, tunnes 85.

The Emanuel of Bridgewater hath owr laden in her as followeth : — Of
the Countefs of Suffex myne, tunnes 30 ; of Dyers Paffage, tunnes 20 ; of
Bears Sound, tunnes 60.

The Salomon hath owr laden in her as followeth : — Of the Countefs of
Warwicks myne, tuns 10; of the Countefs of Suffex myne, tunnes 60;
of Beares Sound, tunnes 60.

Forafmuch as the Counteffe of Warwick myne fayled being fo hard
flone to breke and by iudgementjv^W^^/ not above a hundreth tunnes, we were
driven to feke mynes as above named and having but a fhort tyme to
tarry and fome proofs made of the befl owr fownd in thofe mynes above-
faid, men were willed to get there lading of them and every man fo
employed him felf to have lading, that many fymple men (I iudge) toke
good and bad together: fo that amongft the fleets lading I think much
bad owr will be found.

If the owr now laden doth prove good, at the mynes and places above-
faid is plenty thereof, but gotten with hard labour and travayle : uppon
the Counteffe of Warwick's Hand Capteyn Fenton hath hidden and
covered in the place of the myne all the tymber that came hither for the
howfe, and divers other things, to whofe note I refer me.

Allfo he hath caufed to be buylded a little howfe uppon the fame iland
and covered yt with boords to prove how yt will abyde or ftand untill
the next yere and hath left in yt fundry things.

The fecond faid of September, the Queens foreland bearing from us
to N.W. and by north, there paffed by us thefe fhips bearing to feawards
we lying a hull: the Hopewell, the Fraunces of Foy, the Beare Leycejlr, the
Armonell, and the Salomon, the Armonell at that inflant lofl her boat and
one man ; the Salomon loft her boat before her comming by us. All which
fliips the 3 prefent in the morning was owt of our fighte homewards bound
lying to feawards S.S.E. with the winde at N.W. a great gale of wynde.

The fecond faid at night came unto us our pynnas with 8 mariners
in her who came from Bears Sound that morning, and bearing over with
the S. coaft with 18 mariners in her, landed uppon certayn ilands to loke
to feawards for us, and after them came the Generall in the Gabriell and
in their company the Judith and the Michael, our men at that inftant
aland and loking for us, did fcry 2 fhips one under fayle and the other

MARTIN FROBISHER 7I

at hull, whereof we in the Ayde was one and the Armonell the other, fhe
under fayle and we a hull, allfo betwene us and them was the Mone ofFoy,
our men which were landed as beforefaid embarked them felves agayn in
theyr pynnas an did beare after the Gabriell, the Michael, and the Judith,
and did put aboord the Gabriell and Michael all the 1 8 mariners and then
being fomewhat nearer the Judith did put a man allfo aboord her : and
ha\dng order before of the Generall, the mariners remayning in the pynnas
did beare from the Judith towards the Mone ofFfoy willing them to remayn
with her, but they having a bold pynnas with fayles afterwards efpying
us a hull, but not knowing us to be the Ayde did owt fayle the Mone ofFoy
and at the clofmg up of the evening we made the faid pynnas to be the
Michael and the Moone to be the Gabriel and fometymes lying fpooning
before the fea and fometymes thwart remayning their comming up at
length we fownd yt the pynnas as abovefaid : then they bringing us newes
that the Generall was comming in the bark abovefaid and in the company
of the fhips allfo aforefaid with the An Fraunces allfo, the faid night we
did ly a hull and did hang owt lights for them all night long to fhow
him and burnt a pike of wylde fyre to the end they might the better fynde
us we hoping to have had them a boord long before day; but when day
was come, we loking owt for them could not fee any of them but the
Mone of Foy : then we iudging they had overfhot us or did afterwards
fpone before the fea 3 or 4 howres, and the Thomas Alin then being to
feawards and wyndwards of us came bearing toward us and after we had
fpoken with them, they allfo iudged them to be a hed of us and then we
made our fayle with our corfes and foretopfaile, the winde at N.W. a
great gale, and we fayled S.S.E. and towards night the winde came at
W.S.W. and we fayled allfo S.S.E. the winde fomwhat flacked our leffer
ftill keeping company with the Thomas Alin and the Mone of Foy.

The fecond faid allfo our mariners of the pynnas declared that they at
their comming over from Bears Sound did fee the Emanuel of Bridgewater
in great danger to be loft to the leewards of the fownd and did ftrike
their fayles uppon the laft of the flud to anker as they did iudge amongft
the rocks, and then yt was not likely they fhold ride to efcape all the
next eb, the winde at N.N.W. and a very great gale: God be mercifull
unto them.

The faid allfo they declared that the captayn of the An Fraunces, George
Befte, was with his pynnas in Beare's Sound laden with owr and the
number of myners and mariners in her about 30 perfons : they rowed
with the faid pynnas towards the Michael, but whither they boorded her,
they cannot tell, and at that inftant the Michael had the Thomas Alins

72 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

pynnas at her ftarn, which the mafter faid he wold cut of yf Ihe did
hinder him his comming owt as yt was thought fhe wold do : and afterwards
our faid men did fee the Michael withowt any pynnas at her ftarn, and
thereby do iudge that the An Fraunces pynnafs and her men remayned in
the faid fownd and are in dowt of their getting their fhip.

The 4 faid ftill keping our courfe homewards S.S.E. the winde at N.W.
a reafonable bearing gale : in the morning our company did hale up our
pynnas which we towed at her ftarn to clere the water owt : the fea thruft
her up with great force againft the ftarn of the fhip whereby fhe perifhed,
and fo they did cut of the tow ropes : fhe came up with fuch force, that
yf fhe had byn ftrong as fhe was but weak, fhe mought have put the fhip
allfo in danger ftriking in fome plank ; the blow was fuch that a company
were commaunded to loke whether we had hurt thereby or not, but God
be thanked we had none.

The 5 faid at night in a ftorme we loft the company of the Mone
ofFoy.

The 6 faid Thomas Batterby God called to his mercy.

The 10 faid, being in the latitude of 53 J, about 2 of the clock after
midnight, our mayn yard did break a fundre in mydds which to recover
in we did beare rome with our forefaile before the winde, the winde at
S.W. and prefently did put owt 2 lights and fhot of a pece to geve the
Thomas Alin knowledge of our mifhap, but yt fhold feme they loked not
owt for owr light nor pece, but ftill carry all their failes and in the morning
we could not fee her: the fayd yard was peryfhed 5 or 6 dayes before
ftriking of yt tarrying for them at which tyme yt gave a great crak, but
we could not finde where yt was, nor what yt was that craked.

The 1 1 faid yt was amended and ftrengthened with a plank and anker
ftocks and woulded with ropes, and then we brought a new mayn faile
to the yard : and about 7 of the clock at night we did fet faile with yt
with a reafonable gale of winde and immediately yt being but weakly
fiflhed gave a great clak and therewithall we ftroke yt agayn and fo refted
with it all that night.

The 1 2 faid yt fell caulme and then we fifhed the faid yard and woulded
yt with ropes in fundry other places and fo ftrengthened yt very ftrong
fo that we had the ufe of yt agayne.

The 14 faid at 3 of the clock at aftemone, the winde at fowth S.E.
began very fiercely and fo encreafed all that night growing to a terrible
ftorme contynuing untill the 15 faid to 8 a clock but altered uppon fundry
points increafing that yt was not fayle worthy, whereuppon we were forced
to fpone before the fea withowt fayle and at the end of the fecond watche,
the feas was fo terribly grown that one fea came fo faft after the other, the

MARTIN FROBISHER 73

one carrying up her head and an other came with fuch force that yt
brake in all the ftarn of the Generalls cabbin and did beare down with
yt the cowbredge head of the faid cabben, ftriking allfo one Fraunces
Auflin from the helme, who called to the company for help fearing we
fhold have perifhed, but withall fpede yt was amended, God be prayfed,
and we by his Godly providence wonderfully delivered.

The 17 faid^God called to his mercy George Yong myner.

The 19 faid being in the latitude of 52 degrees we encountred with the
Hopewell being to leewards of us they declared that the Beare and the
Salomon were to weatherwards of us, and that they were feperated in the
great ftorme from the Armonell and the Fraunces of Foy : the Hopewell loft
her boat and a cable and an anker at her comming from the ftreid.

The 2 1 faid we had fight of 3 fayles being in the latitude of 5 1 , whereof 2
was to leewards of us and one to weatherwards, we did fufped them to
be men of war by their working, and therefore we did hale clofe by the
winde to fpeak with the weathermoft fbip, and being inowgh in the
weather of the leeward fhips did ly les in the winde untill the weathermoft
fhip did come within our knowledge, and then we did fynde her to be
the An Fraunces at the fhutting in of the evening and did lofe fight of the
other 2 fayles, but we iudge them to be of our company, the winde was
then at N.W. and by W. by the An Fraunces we had underftanding the
Generall to be in the Gabriell, and was feperated from their company the
14 faid in a ftorme, they iudge them to be a head of us : the Judith and
the Michael they left in company together, which they judge to be a ftarn
and allfo the Mone, they fpake with her and left her a ftarn allfo. And
the Bujfe of Bridgewater they left at an anker to leewards of Beares Sound
amongft the rocks. God fend good newes of her, fhe was left in great perill.

Owt of the An Fraunces we received men of ours this inftant 22 faid.

The 23 faid we loft the company of the Hopewell and the An Fraunces
in a ftorme, which began the 22 at 6 a clock at night and continued till
8 of the clock the 24 in the morning, the winde at weft and weft N.W.

The 24 faid God called to his mercy Water Krelle and Thomas Tort.

The faid we fownded and had 70 faddems oofy fand, whereby we iudged
us to the northwards of Silly, and afterwards fayled fowth eaft all that
night, the winde at north ftormy weather.

The 25 faid God called to his mercy Thomas Coningham.

The 27 in the morning we had fight of the Start, 5 leags of, God be
prayfed therefore and make us thankfull for delivering us from innumer-
able dangers this prefent vyage.

The faid, God called to his mercy Corneyles Riche a Dutchman.

The 28 of the faid God called to his mercy John Wilmet.

SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL

From The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher

Edited for the Hakluyt Society by

Rear-Admiral Richard CoUinson.

London, 1867.

'a) The First Voyage.

I . Expenses & Equipment of the First Voyage.

The following account of the expenses of the First Voyage is abstracted from the
report of the Commissioners on the Public Records, folio, 1837.

The amount of subscription to the first voyage amounted to ;^875.

Bill for Maps and Nautical Instruments.

Paid for a book of cofmographie in French of Andreas Thevet
Paid to Humphry Cole and others —

For a greate globe of metal in blanke in a cafe

For a great inftrument of braffe named Armilla Tolomei or

Hemifperium ........

For an inftrument of braffe named Sphera Nautica

For a great inftrument of brafle named Compaffum Meri'

dianum .........

For a great inftrument of brafle named Holometrum Geo

metricum .........

For a great inftrument of brafle named Horologium Univerfale

For a ringe of brafle named Annulus Aftronomicus

For a little ftanding level of brafle

For an inftrument of wood a ftafe named Baleftetta

For a very great carte of navigation

For a great mappe univerfall of Mercator in prente

For three other fmall mappes prented

For 6 cartes of navigation written in blacke parchment whereof

4 ruled playne & 2 rounde .....

For a Bible Englifhe great volume .....
For a cofmographical glafle & caftell knowlege
For a new World of Andreas Thevett Englifhe & French
For a Regiment of Medena (Spanifhe)
For Sir John Mandevylle (Englifhe)
For 20 compafles of divers forts
For 18 hower glafles
For a aftrolabium ....

£ s. d.
240

7 13 4

468
468

468

3 10 o

78 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The following drugs shew the contents of a ship's medicine chest in Queen
Elizabeth's reign: — Ambra Grisi oriental, Gibetti, Masche oriental, Agallorbi,
Ligne Aloes, Rubarbi agarisi, Turpenti, Dragridii, Gipri India, Turmerick, Galam
aromatica, Irios, Galanga, Myrrha fine, Mastichus, Argenti viti, Ladderi, Aumne
Gomme, Oppoponax, Oppen, Allocs, Bellzonica, Styrax Galmuc, Myrobboralia
chebue Bellerichi, Indioru citrini, Ledoria, Spica Nardi, Gardamomi, Ligne
Rhode, Golucuthes, Magarite, Boli oriental. Lapis Lazuli, Gantatri Gitemi,
Gorralina, Goralli Rubili, Borax, Gamphora, Gastorium.

Among the payments made by Michael Lok for the furniture of the first
voyage the following occur :

For bote hyre of Mr. Furbifher following his buffynefs alle this
tyme ...........

Paid to Ducke upholfler for beddinge for Mr. Gaptayne Frobifer

U- Paid for a bottell of aquavite for Mr. Frobifer paid it to his

manne Borrowes ........

Paid to Mr. Frobifer on accompte as followithe for beare and
breade at launchinge of the Gabriell and for maryners dyners
then ...........

I Paid to Nicholas Gooke for aquavite 3 hogfheads paid to Anthonye
Duffilde bruer .........

Paid for v tonne of beare at 42^". bought of my Lord Admiral by
Arthur Pett .........

Paid to Mr. Frobifer at divers tymes for his paynes takeing on this
voyage & his endevor untill his retorne which was paid to
clere him out of England one the voyage ....

Paid for divers implements of houfliold neceflarye for the fliippes
furniture as followithe : —
For a great kettle pan braffe with yron ball
For a great baflbne of braffe to bake one
For a bakinge pan of yron with cover
For a chaffinge difh of braffe .
For a Ikimer of braffe
For a greate potte of yron for meat
For a little pane braffe with handle yrone
For a tryvet yrone .
For ij fringe panes .
For a drippinge pane yron
For a grydyron
For ij fpyttes .
For a payre of potte hokes

£ s. d.

10 10 o

3 16 5

o 10

MARTIN FROBISHER

For a flyfe of yron .....
For a flefhoke of yron ....
For ij hokes yron flat ....
For a clever great choppinge knyfe of yron
For iij wooden platters Mufkovia painted
For a great baflbne or ewar of pewtar
For iij pynte bottes of beare & wyne
For a faltefellar of pewtare .
Summe of all the faid charges of furnyture of the faid fliippes
outwardes cofle as followithe : —
For implements howlhold
For wages of men .
For inftrumentes of navigatione
For vyttelles ....
For ordonans munition .
For tackelinge of fhippes

For buyldinge the fhippe Gabriell & the pynace (newe)
For the fhipe Michael with furnitur of her bought .

213

387

100

172

152

120

Somme outwardes of fhippinge...;^i205 11 8

2. Mr Lok, Captain Frobisher, and the Ore.

[Colonial, 27. Otho E. viii, fol. 41 (42).]

Passed Anno 1577.

[The] gracious favor of Allmighty God hath byn [alwaies my Projtedor thefe
xlv yeres in manner following [and I truft the] fame will fl:ill proted me allfo the
reft of my [life to] his glory, to others benefit, and to the cum[fort of] me and myne.

My late father Sir William Lok, knight, alderman of [Lon]don, kept me at
fcholes of grammer in England [un]till I was xiij yeres olde, which was a.d^i545,
[and] he being fworn fervant to King Henry Vlljth [as] his mercer; and alllo'
his agent beyond the feas [in] dyvers affayres, he then fent me over feas to Flan[d]ers
and France to learn thofe languages and to know the world. Synce which tyme
I have contynned thefe xxxij yeres in travaile of body and ftudy of mynde, following
my vocation in the trade of merchandife, whereoft I have fpent the firft xv yeres
in contynuall [t]ravaile of body, pafTmg through almofl: all the cun[t]ries of
Chriftianity, namely owt of England [i]nto Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Germany,
France, Spayne, Italy, and Grece, both by land and by fea, not without great

8o THE THREE VOYAGES OF

labours, cares, dangers and expenfes of mony incident; having had the_charge
(as capitayn) of a great fhip of burden looo tuns by the fpace of more then iij
yeres in dy\'ers voyages in the Levant Seas wherewithal! I returned into England.
In which travailes befides the knowlege of all thofe famous " common ' languages
of thofe cuntries I fought alfo for the knowledge of the flate of all their common-
wealths chiefly in all matters apperteining to the traffique of merchants. And the
reft of my tyme I have fpent in England under the happy raigne of the Queues
Majeftie now being. Where by a certayn forcible inclination of mynde I have byn
drawn contynually as my vocation and care for my family wolde. Cof-

mo[graphy] arts appertening as in voiages I could get for my mony.

And [alfo] acquyring by dyvers conferences with many [foreign] nations, travailers
and merchants fa [miliar knowledge] of the ftate of the whole worlde as might
[appert]ayn to the benefit of myn aturall cuntry w[ith the] maintenance of my^elfe
and my family by the tr[ade in] merchandife according to my vocation. And as
[Horatius] fayth : Impiger extremes currit mercator ad Indos : Pauperiem fugiens
per faxa, per mare, per ignes. The diligent merchant runneth to the furdeft
Indians flying poverty by roks, by feas, by fyers; as by m[a]nifold notes thereof
in writing and remaining ftill by m[e], which being put together wolde not be
conteined in an[y] hundred fhetes of paper that I have made for my own pryvate
fatiffa6lion yt may appere. Whereby I am perfwaded of great matters. And

of late by God's good pro\idence renuyng myne old acquayntance with Martyn
Frobifher gentleman; and fynding him fuflficient and ready to execute the attemp[t]
of fo great matters, I ioyned with him, and to my power advanced him to the
world with credit and above myne own power for my parte furniflied him with
things neceflary for his fuft voyage lately made to the north weft ward for the
difcovery of Cathay and other new cuntries, to thintent the whole world might be
opened unto England which hitherto hath byn hydden from yt by the flowthfulnes
of fome and policy of other. In the which voyage allready made by that way are
difcovered fuch new lands as the world now doth talk of which very fhortly by
God's grace the world fhall playnly fee to yelde to the Queues Majeftie great
honor, and to the whole realm infinit treafor and benefit, which God graunt and
make us thankfull.

And bycaufe that of late dayes fyns the return home of Martyn Frobiflier,
dyvers men fpeake dyverfly of his dooings.

Moneth of Anno 1574.

[Mart]yn Frobifher brought a letter under the [c]ertayn of the Queues
Majefties most honora[ble Privy] Cownfaile direded to the Cumpany of Mofco[via]
conteining this effed: That, forafmuch as [the difcov]ery of the cuntry of Cathay
by fea wold be t[o En] gland, a matter of great commodity, and they being a

MARTIN FROBISHER 8l

[cumjpany priveleged and encorporated for the difcovery of [n]ewe trades. Againfl
whofe privelege they would not [at] tempt any matter without their Hcence. There-
fore [I exjhorted and perfwaded them to attempt that matter now [o]nce agayn,
themfelves, after xx yeres allready paft, fyns their firft enterprife thereof Or els,
to grant their licence to others which are defyrous now to 'attept' at[t]empt the
fame. Uppon the recept of which letter the faid Cumpany affembled themfelves
at their Court, to confyder the fame : And thereunto made anfwer by their letter,
requiring to have conference with the parties that were defyrous to attempt that
matter that thereby they might determyn what were mete to be done therein.
Wherupon the fayd Martyn Frobilher agayn repayred to the fayd Cumpany with
order for himfelfe and others not then named to have conference with them ; and
theruppon the Cumpany appointed certayn of them felves, namely, Mr. George
Barn, now Shrief of London, William Jowerfon and Steven Borough, mariner;
and me, as their agent, having the charge of all their bufynes to underftand the
ground of tHiscafe. And in the conference of the matter, we perceiving the purpofe
to be to the north weft ward, and no good evidence fhewed by the parties for the proof
of the matter : upon one relation therof made to they Company, they fufpeded
fome other matter to be meant by the parties. And forafmuch as they themfelves
with their very great charges allready had difcovered more than half the way to
Cathay by the northeaftward, and purpofed to doo the reft fo fone as they might
have good ad [vice] [a]ny good [gr]eatly hurtful to them to to any

others. And therefore appo[inted] Hey ward their Governour, and

man and me to certify the right honora[ble Lord] [Bur]ghley, Lord High Treaforer
of England of [the f]tate of the matter; which they did in the p[refence of] Martyn
Frobilher aforefayd. Yet neverth[elefs] very fliortly afterward by the fute of the
fay[d] Martyn Frobyfher, an other letter was brought [to the] Cumpany, requiring
them either to attempt the matt[er] them felves or to grant licence to other to
doo yt by the northweftwards, wherupon for dyvers confyderations then moving
the Cumpany they did grant licence and privilege therof to me and Martyn
Frobiftier and fuch other as would be venturers with us in the fa [me] as appereth
by the writings under their common fea[l], dated in the moneth of February,
Anno Domini 1574.

Wherupon prefently we made fuch preparation for ftup[s], and all other necef-
faries as we could. But for lak of fufficient mony thereto in due tyme the enterprife
was ftayed that yere. Nevertheles, by the good afliftance of the mony and favour
of dyvers perfons of honour and worftiip, and others hereunder named the matter
toke fuch effedl the yere following that we furnifhed two fmall barks of xxv tuns
the pece: the one named the Gabriell, wherof was Mafter Chriftofer Hall of Lyme-
hous, mariner. And the other named the Michael! wherof was Mafter Owen
Gryffyn of , mariner. And a fmall pinnes of X-tuiLwith a clofe dek to fayle

with them. And with them pafled the fayd Martyn Frobilher for capitayn and

FVII 6

82 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

pylot ; and with them in all 34 perfons, whofe names be hereunder : who departed
together from Gravefend, on their voyage, the xijth day of June, Anno Domini
1576. And, allthough the world in all the yere, and other tyme before hering
talke of this purpofed enterprife, did not beleve that yt wolde take any good
effed; but rather the moft of the others which were of [wijfdom

and dignity in the common the enterprife and affift the fame as tyme.

Wherin I will now fpeake p[recifely„.and. fjaythetruthe that every mans good
dede [may have] his iuft commendation. The learned man, Mr. John Dee, hering
the common [report] of this new enterprife and underftanding of the prepa [rations]
for furniture of the fhips being thereby perfwa[ded] that it would now procede,
and having not byn acquain[ted] with our 'new enterprife', purpofe in any parte
before, [abo]ut the xxth day of May, Anno 1576, of his own good na[tu]re favoring
this enterprife in refped of the fervice and commodity of his naturall cuntry came
, y unto me, defy[r]ing to know of me the reafons 'and' of my foundation and purpofe
in this enterprife, and offering his furderance thereof with fuch inftrudions and
advife, as by his learning he could geve therin. Wherupon I conceved a great good
opinion of him : and therefore apointed a tyme of meeting in m,y houfe, wherat
were prefent Martyn Frobyfher, Steven Burrough, Chriflofer Hall, with other.
^y Where freely and playnly I layd open to him at large my whole purpofe in the
traffike of merchandife by thofe new partes of the world for the benefit of the realm
by many meanes as well in the cuntries of Eaft India, yf the fea this way be open
as allfo otherwife, though that this ' ne ' new land fhould chance to bar us from
the fea of India. And allfo declared fuch coniedures and probabilities as I had
conceved of a palfage by fea into the fame fea of Eafl India by that way of the
northwefl from England. And for the proof of thefe two matters I layd before
him my bokes and authors, my cardes and inllruments, and my notes therof made
in writing, as I had made them of many yeres fludy before. Which matters, when
he had thus hard and fene, he anfwered that he was right glad to know of me
thus much of this matter, and that he was greatly fatiffyed in his defyre about his
expedation, and that I was fo well grounded in this [pur]pofe he fh[e]wed
me all[fo] his own. And allfo fhewed me I did very well like. And afterw[ards]
[the while] the fhips remayned here, he toke pay[ns to learn the] rules of geometry
and cofmography for [the informal] ion of the maflers and mariners in the ufe
of [the in]ftruments for navigation in their voyage and fo[r caf]uallties happening
at fea which did them fervice whereby he deferveth iufl commendation. Allfo
[Sir] Humfrey Gilbert, knight, hath byn of many yeres (as I am enformed) a
great good wilier to this like enterpr[ife]. And fyns I came acquainted with him
which was abo[ut] Eafler laft. Anno Domini 1575, I have hard him make dyvers
good difcourfes in the favour therof, and allfo his go[od] wilT and fludy therein
doth well appere in the boke which he made and put in prynt in the monthe of
May, Anno 157, for the mayntenance of the good hope and likelyhood in this

MARTIN FROBISHER 83

enterprife of new difcovery. Whereby men may fee many good caufes to move
them to Hke well thereof. Allthough to fay_thejiLery_tmtbejs^thout geving any
offence: neither that boke comming out fo late nor yet his former difcourfes,
being none others than were wel[l] known to us long before, were any manner
of caufes o[r] inftrudlions to the chief enterprifes of this new voyage of difcovery
to attempt the fame or to dired us therin. And William Burrough, allthough
he was not fo well perfwaded of this enterprife, that he would venter his money
therein : yet, in refped of the fervice of his cuntr}^, he did take paynes to procure
a mafter and many mariners for the Ihips. And gave his good advife in the furniture
of thfLfhips : and did confent unto the opinion and mynde of the capitayn in the
diredion of the fhips courfe in the voyage which was to very good purpofe. And
befides thefe men, I know none other worthy of name for any thing done by them
to the help of this enterprife, but onely the venturers which did help the fame.

\Otho, E. viii, fol. 45 b (47) ; Colonial, 35.]

I crave pardon with the reading of this writ[ing] xiij day of Odober

laft, Mr. Fro[byfher gave me a] ^one aboord his fhip : Saying, that acco[rding
to his promijfe he did geve me the fyrfl thinge that he founde [in the new l]and,
which he gave me openly in the prefence of two [other] men, whome I know not.
But Rowland York and many [others] were then in the fhip; and they for the
ftrangers the[rof brake off aj^pece which they caryed away with them. Within
the fpace of one month after, I gave a fmall pece to [Mr.] Williams, faymafter
of the Towr, not telling what nor wh[ence]. He made proof and aunfwered
that it was but a marquefite f [tone] . And theruppon, I gave an other fmall pece
to one Wheler g[old] fyner by Mr. Williams order. He aunfwered allfo tha[t]
he made proof and founde it but a marquefite ftone. And allfo an other fmall
pece to George Nedam : he aunfwered allfo that he made proof and colde fynde
no mettall therin.

Herewithall I flayed, making fmall account of the flone, and at more leyfure
mufing more thereon. In the begynning of January I delivered a fmall pece
thereof to John Baptifta Agnello, not telling what nor from whence. But prayed
him_to_prove what mettall was therein. And within three dayes I came to hym
for aunfwer. He fhewed me a very little powder of gold : Saying, it came therowt,
and willed me to give him an other pece to make a better proof I did fo, and
within three dayes agayne, he fhewed me more powder of golde. I tolde hym
I wold not beleve it, without better proof. He afked an other pece to make a
better proof: Saying, that he wold make anatomy thereof, I gave it him : Saying,
that I marveyled much of his doings, fith I had given peces to other iij to make
proof who could fynde no fuch thinge therin : he aunfwered me, ' Bifogna fapere
adulare la natura', and fo I^departed.

6-2

84 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The xviij day of January he fent me by his mayde this Httle fcrap of paper
written, No. i, hereinclofed ; and thereinclofed the grayne of gold, which after-
ward I dehvered to your majefly, &c., i577-

[Colonial, 34. Domestic Eliz., cxii, No. 25.]
Mr. Lockes Difcoors touching the Ewre, 1577.

To the Queues Mofte Excellent Ma*^%

Mofle humbly I crave pardon, in troubhnge yo"^ ma*^^ w*^ the readynge of this
wrytynge.

In the xiij day of Odobar lafle, Mr. Furbofher gave me a ftone, abord his
Ihyp, fayenge, that accordynge to his promeffe, he dyd gyve me the fyrft thynge
that he found in the newland, w^^ he gave me openly in prefens of 2 yonge gentle-
men whome I knowe not; but Rowland York was then in the Ihyp, and they
for the ftraungenes therof brake of a pece w'^'^ they caried awaye w^^ them.

Within the fpace of one monthe after, I gave a fmall pece thereof to Mr. Williams,
faymafter of the Towar, not tellynge what nor whens. He made proffe, and
anfwered that it was but a markefyte (lone. And another fmall pece to one Whelar,
goldfyner, by Mr. Williams order. He anfwered alfo that he made proffe and
found it but a markefyte ftone, and another fmall pece to George Nedam; he
anfwered alfo, that he made prooffe and could fynd no mettal therin.

Herewithall I ftayed, makynge fmall account of the ftone.

And at more leyfure mufynge more theron, in the begynnynge of Januarie,
I delyvred a fmall pece thereof to John Baptifta Agnello, not tellynge what nor
from whens, but prayed hym to prove what mettall was therin; and within iij
dayes I came to hym for anfwere. He fhewed me a very litle powder of gold,
fayenge it came therout, and w}dled me to gyve hym a better pece to make a
better prooffe. I dyd fo, and within iij dayes agayne he fhewed me more powdar
of gold. I told hym I would not beleve yt without better prooffe. He afked another
pece to make a better prooffe, fayenge that he would make anatomie therof.
I gave it hym, fayenge that I marvayled moche of hys doynges, fythe I had gyven
peces to other iij to make prooffe, who could fynd no fuche thinge therin. He
anfwered me, 'Bifogna fapere adulare la natura'. And fo I departed.

The xviij day of Januarie he fent me by his mayde this lytle fcrap of paper
hereinclofed, wrytten. No. i, and therinclofed the grayne of gold w'^^ afterwardes
I delyvred to yo"^ Ma^ie.

And herevppon I had large conferens dyvers tymes w*^ hym parfawdynge,
exhortinge, and conjuringe hym by many caufes of great importaunce betwene
us, to tell me the trewthe hereof He fatiffyed me by all dewtyfull meanes of
honefly and of Chriftianitie that it was trew. Whervppon he entred into many
difcourfes w^^ me, yf we might have fum quantyte therof, for our owne ufe, and

MARTIN FROBISHER 85

erneftly exhorted me to fecreatnes, and greatly prefTed me to knowe where it was
had I defyred refpyte of a few dayes, to confyder what were beft to be done in
the matter.

The xxiiij day of Januarie, havynge refolved my fellfe of my dewtye towardes
yo'^ Ma^i^ I dyd retorne to John Baptifta, to avoyde fufpicion of doble dealyng
w^h hym, at w<=^ tyme he entred agayne w*^ me, to have fum quantyte therof for
our owne accountt. Then I delt w*^ hym fumwhat playne, and told hym, that it
would be a hard matter for us to have ytt, for that in trewthe it was had in the
new land difcovred by Mr. Furboifher, wherof there is priviledge graunted to a
companye. Wherto he anfwered, that fum devyfe might be made to lade it as
ftones, for ballafl ofjthe fhyp. Whervppon agayne I toke furder tyme to confyder
what might be done therin. And at my departynge he exhorted to fecreatnes,
and fpecially to concealle his knowledge hereof.

The next day Mr. Furboifher at my table at dynner, was very defyrous to know
what was found in the ftone he gave me. I anfwered, that I had gyven prooffes
to iij or iiij, and they found nothinge in ytt, favynge one man found tynne and
a litle fylver therin, w^^ was worthy of the fetchynge awaye, wherat he was
very glad.

The xxviij day, I delyvred to yo^ Ma^^^ in wrytynge, the veryLtjiewe information
of all that I had knowen herein. And the fame daye Mr. Secretary Walfyngham,
in yo"^ Ma*i^^ name fayd unto me, that in my wrytynge I dyd promes a thinge
•w^'^ I had not delyvred. I anfwered the very trewthe of my meanynge, that bycaus
the bulke therof was fumwhat great, I dyd referve it to a fecond fpeche w^^ yo"^
Ma^i^, at which tyme I dyd purpofe to have declared more of this matter, and
prefently I dyd delyver it to hym. And he faid yo^ Ma^^^ had told hym theffed
of my wrytynge, and therfore he wylled me to tell hym the circumflance of this
matter. I told hym prefently theffed of all this herebefore wrytten, and that John
Baptifta was the man, but that he would not be acknowen to be the man. Never-
thelefle I fayd he might know the matter of hym by others then by me. Whervppon
he anfwered me, that he dyd thynk it to be but an alchamift matter, fuch as dyvers
others before had byn brought to yo*" Ma^i^ by others" without trewethe. And in
my prefens he brake the ftone into iij or iiij peces, wh^h he fayd he would delyver ^^
to dyvers men to make "prooffes. And fo he lycenfed me to depart to London
that night.

The xxxi day of Januarie, John Baptifta fent for me agayne, as fhall appere
by his fecond wrytynge hereinclofed, at w'^'^ tyme he devyfed that a fhip might
go fecready out of fum place, and brynge the thynge to another place farre from
London. But I anfwered that was not poftible, for that none knowe the place but
G. Furbifher and the fhip mafter, who would not be corrupted. Then he thought
to revele it to the captayne. I faid I thought he would reveale it to yo"" Ma^^^,
but I devyfed w^^ hym, that I would fend a fhip to the place in company of

86 . THE THREE VOYAGES OF

the captayne under culler of fyflhynge, and when the captayne were gone throughe
to Kathai, the fhip fhould lade this thinge for ballad, and retorne hether. He
allowed well of this devyfe, and fo I departed for that tyme.

The i day of Februarie, I retomed to Mr. Secretarie, who fayd to me that he
had gyven peces of this ure to certayne very excellent men, and that fum found
nothinge therein, but one found a litle fylver, and that Mr. Dyar had made prooffe
therof, and found the lyke, and that hym fellfe had feene the proffe made, wherby
he was parfwaded to be fo, and that Baptifta dyd but play the alchemift w^^ me.
I anfwered that yefterday I had fpoken agayne w*^ Baptifta, and that he dothe
ftyll confyrme to me his former fayenges, and wyll juftefie the fame, but Mr.
Secretarie would not beleve me. Wheruppon I prayed hym to confyder better
of the matter, for that I was well alTured that it was trew, wheruppon he lycenfed
me to retorne to London.

The iiij day of Februarie, I went agayne to John Baptifta, as well to intertayne
hym w^h funi matter to avoide fufpicion of doble delynge untill I might have
anfwere of Mr. Secretarie of yo'^ Ma^^^^^ plefure herein, as alfo to urge more matter
wherby more tryall of the trewthe might be had. And I moved hym to know how
he would deale w^'^ me, yf I fliould fynde meanes to fend a fhyp for this ure. After
longe difcourfynge he refolved, that he had a. frynde that would furniflie a fhip
at his charges, and that yf I would gyv^e hym a man to fliew hym the place where
he might have i oo tons hereof, he would gyve me ;^20 of money for every ton,
within iij monthes after the arivall therof here, and would put me in good afturans
for the parformans therof, and at the arivall in London he woulde teache me the
art, yf he fhould chaunfe to dye. I told hym I would take tyme to confider whether
he fhould fend a fhip, or I fend a fhyp.

The vi day of Februarie, I retorned to Mr. Secretarie, and gave hym in wrytynge,
this offer made to me by Baptifta. He anfwered, it was but devyfes of alchamifts,
for that Baptifta was but poore, and not able to put furetyes, neverthelefs he fayd
he would confyder of the matter. And fo I retorned to London.

The xiij day I went to Baptifta, and put of tyme, hopinge for better anfwere
of Mr. Secretarie. I faid to Baptifta that I was informed by a frynd learned in
the lawes, that we have a lawe termed trefor trouvee, wherby it is not lawfull
for any fubjed to dealle in fuche a matter as this, without lycens of the prynce,
and therefore (meanynge to dryve hym to dyfcover the matter to yo^ Ma^^^,
wherby you might be certiffied of the trewthe) I fayd ther muft be fum meanes
found, to have a lycence of yo'* Ma*^® for a fhip to pafle thether, or ells there is
daungier bothe of yo'" Ma^'^^ dyfpleafure, and alfo of the companye who are
privileged therin, wherin I fayd I woulde travaylle, yf he could not. He anfwered,
he had a frynd in the courte by whofe meanes he would move^yo'^ Ma"^^^ therof

The xyj day I went agayne to Mr. Secretarie for anfwere. He fayd the matter
had no good foundacion, excepte good furetyes might be put for-parformance,

MARTIN FROBISHER 87

alfo that he had agayne caufed others to make proofFe, and that there was no
fuche thinge found therin. I faid that I did marvaile moche therat; for that
Baptifta dothe ftyll juftifie the matter, and for prooffe therof. I would become
bound to her Ma*'^ for the fame. He faid he would not wifhe me to venture fo
farre uppon the worde of an alchamift. And fo the matter refted untyll anfwere
might be had from yo"" Ma^^^.

The xxvij day I had a letter from Baptifta, w*^^ ig the third writinge herein-
clofed, wherby yo'^ Ma*^^^ may parceave, what anfwere he receved uppon his fute
to have lycens for a fhip to palfe thether. Wheruppon he would have proceded
w*^ me, that I fhould fend a fhip thether in fecreat, accordinge to our firft talke.
Neverthelefs, I parfwaded hym that he fhould wryte a lettar to yo"^ Ma^^*^, wherby
to gyve you knowledge of his meanynge in fendynge a fhip thether, and to dyfclofe
part of the matter to yo"^ Ma^^^. Wherin my meanynge was, that uppon this
occafion I thought yo"^ Ma*^^ would have appointed fum to hvae had full conferens
w^^ hym, to have ferched the trewthe of this great matter to your fatiffadion.

The vi day of Marche, I went agayne to Baptifta, to know what anfwere he had
from yo^ Ma^^^ to his lettar. He faid the anfwere was dilatorie, fo as he had no
more courage in that fute. Wheruppon I faid to hym, that I had a frynd in the
court^by whofe meanes I would attempt to have a lycens to fend a fhyp, for that
without that lycens I durft not deale therin. He bad me prove.

The vii day of Marche, I went agayne to Mr. Secretarie, and told hym theffedl
that I had paffed with Baptifta, and he faid that yf Baptifta would put good
furetyes for the parformans of payment, he would warrant me to have lycenfe
for a fhyp of 100 tons to fetch this ure. Wheruppon I retorned to Baptifta as in
myne owne name to know what affurans I fhould have. He faid I fhould have
very good affurans to my contentement ; but named no man, which I reported
agayne unto Mr. Secretarie, and offredjny owne b^aid, and the ure to be delyvred
into yo^ Ma^*^^ cuftodye at the arivall.

In this mean tyme entringe more deepely into the matter, and confyderynge
that the weigh tynes therof would be myne utter undoynge yf the matter were not i^
good, J[ went agayne unto Baptifta, and more effedually dyd enter into talk of
the maner of the contrad to delyver hym c. tons of this ure. Wheruppon he offred
me to pay xxx li. a ton, being delyvred here at my charges, and the beft affurans
that I could then gett was to have the ure in myne owne cuftodye, and for the
reft I muft credit his honeftie. That the ure was of fufficient valew to make me t'^i^
ryche^JL was fo well perfwaded of his honeftie, that I was fully refolved to put
the whole matter in hafard, theruppon makynge this account w^^^ my felfe that
the charges of the fhip and the men to dyg the ure would coft me x li. the ton,
and I would gyve to y^ Ma^^^ for the lycens x li. the ton, and the other x li. the ton
fhould be to reliefe me and my children, yf that yo^ Ma^>^ would not deale w^^^
this matter for yourfellfe.

88 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The xi day, I came agayne to Mr. Secretarie, and gave hym my requeft in
wry tinge. That yf it were fo that y*" Ma^'^ could not be fatiffied of the trewthe of
this matter, and were not mynded to deale therein for yourfellfe, that for the triall
of the matter I would venture on it at my charges. Yf it would plefe y*" Ma*^^ to
gyve me lycens to bryng hether iij c tons of this vre at my cofles and charges,
I would pay y"^ Ma*^*^ iij m li. of money within one yere after the arrivall, and for
alfurans would gyve my bond, and the ure into y^ Ma*^^^ cuflodie. He faid this
demand was to great. I remytted it to his owne moderation. He promyfed he
would move yo"^ Ma*'^, and faid I fhould have lycens for a reafonable quantyte,
which I dyd beleve verely to obtayne, confyderynge the manyfold refufall had more
then X tymes ; and the great dyfcredite of my playne report made of the trewthe
of the matter from tyme to tyme, accordinge to my dewtye, and the reportes
he had of others to whome he had put the ure to proffe, who found no gold.

The xvi day of Marche I came agayne to Mr. Secretarie for anfwere. He faid
he had no leyfure as yet to move yo^ Ma*^^ thereof, but he would doo. He afked
of me yf M. Furbifher knew of this matter, I faid no, nor none other parfon by
me, but onely yo'" Ma*^^, and he and Baptifta, which is the very trewthe.

In this meane tyme I was dayly urged by Baptifta to fynifhe the contract
betwene us as yo"^ Ma*^^ may parceave by his iij billes. No. 4, 5, 6, hereinclofed.
Whereuppon, at the xix day of Marche I fynifhed and fubfcribed the fame, as
yo^ Ma^*^ may parceave by the fame contrad hereinclofed, hopynge that eyther
by yo"^ Ma^i^^ lycens, I Ihould be able to parforme the fame, or ells that by yo"^
Ma^i^^ favour I fhould be dyfcharged therof againfte the faid Baptifta, fythe I
dyd it onely for the better tryall of the trewthe of this great matter, and dyd
declare theffed: of all my doynges therin dayly vnto Mr. Secretary. And when
I came to the houfle of Baptifta to fubfcribe the fame contrad, I found thereat
fubfcribed the name of Sir John Barkley as furetye for Baptifta to parforme the
covenantts; a thynge very ftraunge unto me, for that I never in all my lyffe had
fpoken w^h sjj- John Barkley, neyther before nor after.

The XX day, I came agayne to Mr. Secretarie, to know yo"^ Ma^'^^ plefure. He
faid he had moved yo'^ Ma*^^ in the matter, but had no anfwere. He afked agayne
yf M. Furbyftier knew of the matter, I faid no. He wylled me to imparte it to
hym. I faid I would, and fo I dyd. He prayed me to get hym another pece of
the vre. I faid I would.

The xxii day, I came to Mr. Secretarie, and brought hym another pece of the
vre. He wylled me in his name to carrye it to one Geffrey, a^renchman, and to
tell hym that it came out of Ireland, and to wyl hym to make a proffe therof,
and he to bringe reporte to hym. I dyd accordingly delyuer it w^^ the meffage,
and fynce that howar I never faw the fame Jeffrey, nor never beffore, but Mr.
Secretary hathe told me that he found nothinge therin, but a little fylver, as I
remember.

MARTIN FROBISHER 89

The xxviij day Marche, I was w*^ others at howfle of Sir William Wyntar in
commyflyon by letters from yo"" Ma*^^^ Honourable Privye Councell had by my
procurement to confyder vppon all matters requifite for the furnyture and dyfpache
of M. Furbifher for Kathai, w*=^ bufynes beinge done for that daye, Sir William
Wyntar wylled me to come to hym the next mornynge to talk w*^^ hym in a matter
of importannce. I came. He entred w^*^ me in fecret, prayenge me to tell hym
what I had found of the ftate of the vre brought home by M. Furbifher. I refufed
that conferens, fayenge I knew not the matter, nor dyd vnderftand his meanynge.
He faid he knew the matter as well as I, and that he defyred this conferens vppon
good meanynge towards me. I refufed hym agayne, sayenge I knew nothynge,
nor would tell nothynge. Then he vrged me agayne, fayenge that yf I would not
tell hym, he would tell me. Then I afked hym, yf he had fpoken w^^ Sir John
Barkley of late. He fayd yea. Then I faid, he might know moche of the matter.
He anfwered that he dyd know the whole matter. I anfwered I thought he dyd
not know all. And then prefently he told me the whole effed of all my contrail
made w^^ John Baptifta in wrytinge, and furder told me that Sir John Barkley
had opened the fame to Sir William Morgan, and Sir William Morgan vnto hym,
and thervppon he and they and others had made proffes therof in a howffe at
Lambethe, and alfo hym fellf in his owne howfle w^^ his owne man, the prooffes
wherof in ^old he fhewed me prefentlye in his chamber wyndowe, fayenge that
it was moche rycher then I was informed of, and that it was a matter to great for
hym and me to deale withall, and belonged onelye to the prynce. Then I told
hym that I was of hys mynde, and that therfore accordynge to my dewtye I had
alredy informed yo"" Ma^*^ therof longe before, accordinge to the trewthe that was
informed me by Baptifta, but that I was not credited therin, and that this was
(as ftyll it is) vnknowen to Baptifta and to Sir John Barkley. Wherat he was moche
abafhed, and fayd God hathe brought us together this daye for fuum good, for
otherwyfe I fhould have done fumwhat herein that fhould have hurte bothe you
and me. And then he fayd that it was our dewty that yo"^ Ma^^^ ftiould knowe
hereof, and that hym fellfe would certyffy yo^" Ma*^^ hereof, fo as you fhould be
right well aflured that it was trew. And faid agayne that it was a farre greattar
treafour then was knowen; which thynge in deed fynce that tyme I have par-
ceaved, by a proofTe therof w'^^ I have feene made by the fame workmen, w^^
holdethe more than iiij onces of golde in c.lb. weight of vre, w'^'^ at iij/f. of money
the once amounted xii/?. of money the c w^^ is ccxl pounds of money for every
ton of the vre. And it is very likely that where this vre laye on the face of the earthe,
there is farre more ryche vre vndar the earthe. But of this matter I thynke yo'^
Ma^i^ have byn fully certyffyed by Sir William Wyntar and G. Furboifher, but
onely I put in mynd of yo"^ Ma*^'^ parte of my firft wrytynge delyured, that yo*"
Ma**^ gyve order in this matter in fecreto quanto fi puo et con fortefla, et con
expeditione, leaft forayne prynces fett footte therin. Whervppon that yo"" Ma*^^

go THE THREE VOYAGES OF

may the better confyder, I befeche yo^ Ma^^^ to beholde the fituation of the world
in this fmall carta herewithall prefented trewly thoughe groflely made accordynge
to my fkyll.

And thus by this means of the doynges of Sir John Barkley and Sir WilHam
Morgan dealynge therin w^^ others their parteners, and w^l^ the Douchemen their
workmen vtterly without my knowledge, or ells by the meanes of others, who have
pece of the vre for prooffes of others, and not of me, the fecreatnes of this great
matter is difcoured fo as it is abroade.

And bycaufe that I doo vnderfland, afwell by aletter hereinclofed received from
Baptifta dated the iiij April, as alfo by credable report of others, that the blame
is layed all on me, as author of the fpeche that now is abroade of this great treafour.
I doo by this wrytynge purge my fellfe of that vntrew furmyfe. And I doo call
to wytnes heaven and earthe, that herein I have fymply and trewly fett downe
in wrytynge, the maner of all my procedynges in this matter. And I do yelde into
the handes of yo^ Ma^^^ all my goodes and my lyffe at yo"^ pleafure, yf other then
this can be proved to be done by me in this matter.

And moft humbly cravynge pardon of yo^ Ma**^ for this my prefumtion and
befechynge the fame to accept my dewtyfull trew meanynge. I befeche the lyvynge
God to preferve yo*" Ma*^^ longe to raygne over us, w^^ all happynes.

I humbly befeche yo"^ Ma^^^ to reflore me the wrytynges of Baptifta when as
you are well fatiffyed in this matter.

Yo^ Maties moft humble fubjede,

Michael Lok.

The 22 April, 1577.

3. Lok's Contract with Agnello.
[Colonial, 34. Domestic Eliz., cxii. No. 25, i.]

No. I.

Quefto poco oro e cauato fuori di quell poca minera mi mandadi, 6 vero mi
donafti, di forte che fi truoua efler in ogni cento lib. oz. j. I di oro finiftimo, et
largamente.

Jno Bapt* Agnelo, Italiano, in Santa Helena in Londra. Adi 18 Janaro 1576.
De la Mimera di Tramontana Maiftro. nuovo.

MARTIN FROBISHER 9I

No. 2.

Mag'^o et Honor^° S^ Lok se vi piacera venir fin qui, io ho di gia penfato al
cafo noflro, et fara di forte che penfo ne reflarete fatiffatto, et mi vi racco^°.

Ho. Vo- Giouabatta Agnello.
Adi 3 1 Janaro.

No. 3.

Mag^° et Honor^o S^ Loko. Hieri hebi rifpofta da fua Mag^^ quale mi fece
dire che fe io gH hauefli dimandato quello io difiderauo, inanci che lei haueffi
concefTo el priuilegio che uoi fapete, mi hauerebe conceflb quanto io defiderauo,
ma che eflendo detto priuilegio paflato et confirmato, non Io volena romper, per
tanto fara buono lafciar I'imprefa. Credo che il primo acordo facemo voi et io
farebe ftato buono per voi et per me fenza cerchar fini oltra. Ogni cofa per il
meglio. Et con quefto me vi racco<^° di cuore. Quefto di 27 Feb°. del. 77 a
natiuitate.

H° Vo Giouabatta Agnello In Cafa.

No. 4.

S^ mio Mag^° mi fara grato intender quello habiamo a fare accio 1' amico mio
li pofTi preparare per la giornata ha do fare, per tanto vi prego faciamone vna
fine, et mi vi racco^^.

Ho yo Giouabatt^ Agnello. In Cafa.

No. 5.

S"^ Lok. Hieri vi fcriffi I'vltima mia refolutione defiderandoui di darmi vltima
rifpofata dell' animo v^ et no ho poi intefo altro. Hora perche 1' amico mio fe
ne va damatina in paefe, fon forciato al rifoluerlo del tutto per tanto fe per tutto
hoggi no mi riflbluete del tutto: pretendo che tutto quello habiamo di tempo
in tempo conferito infieme fia del tutto ancillato, rio vi delete poi di me et mi
vi racco*^°.

Ho Vo Giouabatta Agnello.
No. 6.
Magco et Honordo S^ Lok.

Confiderando mediante le parole voflre mi dicefti hieri, circa la confidencia
hauete in me per il negocio noftro, non polfo mancare di darui caufa che non
fiate del tutto fatiffatto ancora che voi non Io rechiedete, vidi io adonque che
quando farete fare 1' obligo d'accordo tra noi, fate vi fia vn fpacio di fofo con vn
figillo per vn amico mio quale* fara figurta per me di fupplire, et m . . . tenire
tutto quello io vi ho promeffo, accio non parfata che morendo io non pofiiate
ottenefe el defiderio voftro. Et quefto vorei fufli fatto dimane mero marti alia

92 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

piu longa, et farmi fapere a che hora protrete efler qui accio io anco poffi fare che
r amico mio fia qui, et con quefto mi vi racco*i° fi cuore.

Ho Vo Giouabatta Agnello. In Cafa.

[Colonial, 34. Domestic Eliz., cxii, No. 25, ii.]

Contratto fatto d'accordo fatta tra Michele Lok, Inghilefe, mercante, di Londra
di vna parte, et Giouan Baptifta Agnello, Vinetiano, refidente in Londra di altra
parte, come feguita.

Detto Michele Lok ha venduto et vende a detto Giouan Baptifta Agnello la
quantita di cento tonelli (fi tanto fi puo haueve) di vinti centanari il tonello, cioe
di libre cento et duodeci del pefo di Londra per ogani centanaro di terra o altra
materia minerale di forte tale quale detto Michele ha datto al detto Giouan
Baptifta vna pezza per moftro, laquale pezza fta pofta in vna scatoletta sigillata
con figilli lori, et detta fcatoletta fta pofta dentro vna calTetta ferrata con due
ferrature et le chaue di quelle fono in cuftodia loro, et detta cafletta e dato in
mano et cuftodia di per guardarla a vfo loro per moftro quando fara

bifogno. La quale detta terra, o meteria minerale di forte fopra detta, o altrimenti
di forte tale quale detto Giouan Baptifta o altro per lui uuole truouare et eligere
in la terra nuouamente difcorparta per Martin Forbifer, o in gli altre terre circon-
vifine da difcoprire, detto Michele promette a fua fpeza fare cauare di terra, et
carigare in nave, et portare a Londra (Dio mandando la naue a faluamento) et iui
confignare a detto Giouan Baptifta, lui pagando fi come promette di pagare al
detto Michele il precio di trenta lire moneta d'Inghilterra per ogni tonello di
quella, fra termino di xij mefi dipoi confignata in Londra, cioe ogni tre meft la
quarta parte dela valuta al precio fopra detto di quanto montara la quantita
confignata di tempo in tempo. Et per piu caufione et fecurta di detto Michele,
il detto Giouan Baptifta, promette et fi contenta che la detta terra et altra materia
minerale reftara in mano et puotere di detto Michele come roba fua propria fin
che il fia fatiffatto di detto pagamento di danari, eccetto la parte di quella che
detto Michele ha da confignare al detto Giouan Baptifta auanti mano per lauorare
fopra il quale di poi fi hauera di fare il pagamento fopra detto di tempo in tempo.
Et piu il detto Giouan Baptifta promette al detto Michele di infegnare a liu o a un
altro che per lui fara aflegnato, il uero muodo et Arte che detto Giouan Baptifta
vfara per cauare gli metalli dal detta terra o materia minerale, fra termino di
fei mefi dipoi la confignatione dela prima parte di detta terra o materia minerale
in Londra, et ancora dareli in fcritto gli regoli et vero muodo di detto arte. Et per
complire quefto contratto il detto Michele et il detto Giovan Baptifta mutualmente
I'un a I'altero fe obligamo loro perfone et heredi et tutti beni di complire quanto
di fopra hamo promeflb. et vogliano che quefto contratto et feritto fia di tanto
vigore et forfa quanto faria il meglio et piu valido fcritto et obligatione che fi

MARTIN FROBISHER 93

puoteria fare fecondo gli leggi d'Inghilterra o di altri leggi qual fi vuoglia per
accomplimento di quelle. Et in fede di tutto ambe due hanno fotto fcritti et
figillati queflo et un altro fimile copia con loro mano proprio. Fatto adi xix di
Marco, Ann^ 1576, in Londra, by me, ^ -j-

Jo. Giouabatta Agnello prometo confirmare quanti di fopra e detto et per fede de
cio ho fotto fcritto di mia propria mano et fogelato di mio fugello. [Seal.]

I, Jhon Barkeley, knighte, doo bynde my felfe, my heyres, executors, and
affings to fullfyll all thefe covenants, articles, and agremts here above written
to, and wth one Mychaell Lock, of the citie of London, merchant, w^^ one Jhon
Baptyfle Agnello hath promyfed and here above covenanted to and w*^ the above
faid Mychell Locke, yn as ample mann'^ as the fayde Jhon Baptyfte ys bownde
by the aforefayde covenants to fullfill the fame, yn wytnes wherof I have wrytten
and fyngned thys byll w*'^ my owne hande and name, and fealyed the fame alfo
w*^ my feale of armes even the 19*^ day of Marche, An^. Dm. 1576, by me,

Jhon Barkeley.
[Seal.]
[Colonial, 34. Domestic Eliz., cxii, No. 25, iii.]
Magco et Honordo S^" Lok,

Mic venuto all' orecchie vn certo tuono inafpettato quale mi ha fatto inarafliglia
re molto, confiderando la promefTa voftra mi facefti di tener el negocio noftro
fecreto la qual cofa non hauete fatto, anci hauete cercato per tutta Londra fe
vi faffi qual cuno fapelli far quello ch' io ho fatto, fenza propolito alcuno, et man-
cando della fede: piu oltra hauete pro ferto alia Regino di dargli piro dieci per
tonello di vna ccerta voftra minera, fondandofti fopra le mie parole, il chi fu contra
quello mi prometefti. Et fe pur fi doucua prefcrire a fua Ma*^ qualcofa, io 1' harei
potuto fare con piu fondamento et honefta che non hauete fatto voi, perche io
gli harei parlato con foftancia et del mio et non farni bello delle mie forti che
come hauete fatto voi. Et piu mi prometefte di venir a fugellare el voftro fcritto,
et non 1' hauete fatto. Et anco mi prometefte di portarmi el reftante della voftra
minera, et non 1' havete maneo fatto, per il che io confiderando tutte quefte
voftre qualita io fon deliberato di non fequitar piu oltra, per tanto vi prego riman-
datemi el mio fcritto, et cercato chi meglio vi parera, ch' io per me non me ne
voglio piu impaciare in conteniuno, et vi protefto oli non mandar per detto
minera per mio conto ch' io non la voglio hauer in conto niuno. Et conquefto
miracco^o di cuore, et prego Dio vi dia meglior fortuna con altri. Quefto di
X Aprile del 77. In cafa. H^ ¥« Giouabatt^ Agnello.

Al Molto Magco S"* Michiel Lok.
1577 Jno Bapta Agnello. Rec^ the 3 April, 1577.

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

(b) The Second Voyage.

I. Frobisher's Petition.

[Colonial, East Indies, No. 28. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. 31.]

Mr. Martin Furbijhers Petition to her Maj^^ to be granted to her in refped

of his Travail allready, and hereafter to be beftowed in

difcoverie of new Lands.

tlTijait it maye pleafe yo'^ Ma^^^ in refped of the late difcoveries I have made to
the north weft, and my greate charges and travaill performed therin to graunte
to me and myne heires, for ever under yo"" Ma^^^^ letters pattentes, the high
Admirall-fhipp by fea, as well of all thofe feas alreadie by me difcovered or here-
after to be difcovered as alfo duringe my life the government and order by land
of fuche people of what nature soever they fhalbe that fhall inhabitt in any parte
of thofe difcoveries made or to be made by me and the fame to be executed by my
felf or fufficiente deputie w^ fuche confideration of fee or allowunce for thexecucion
therof as fhall befte pleafe yo'" Ma*^"^ to beftowe on me for the fame.

Ffurther, that it male pleafe yo^ Ma^^^ to graunte me duringe my life for my
travaill and fervice performed in thies difcoveries fyve powndes of the cleare
gaine of every c^^™. that ftialbe brought owte of the landes or iilandes difcovered
or hereafter to be difcovered by me to the northweft. And after my deathe to
myne heires forever xxs, 5, of every c"™. of cleare gaynes to be brought as aforefaid.

Item, that I male make free yerelie, duringe my life, of this voyage, fix perfons,
fo that for the firfte yere they comme not in w^^ above c^^™. ftocke, and after to
adventure as all others fhall do by order.

And alfo that every fhipp fraighted yerelie into thies new difcoveries in con-
fideracion of the greate care I muft take of theim bothe in appointinge apte men
to take charge of their fhipps, and alfo muft inftrud theim by fondrie orders and
obfervacions how to holde companie w^^ me fhall, duringe my life, give me one
toone fraight of every c. toones to be brought from thofe places to be paide me
in monie by the owner or owners of thofe fhipps accordinge to the value they
fhall receave or to carrie me the fraight of one toone at my choife.

MARTIN FROBISHER 95

2. Expenses & Equipment of the Second Voyage.

[Colonial, East Indies, No. 32. Domestic Eliz-, cxix, No. 33.]

A Bryef Note of the Cofte and Charge of the iij Shipps and Furnyture

for the Second Voyage for Cathai, etc.

For the fhyp Ayde, to the Quenes Ma^^^

For the ij barkes Gabriel and Michael, w*'^ almaner furnyture and

ordonans ..........

For new buyldinge and tranflating the fame Ihips and for new

tackelyng and implementes
For ordenans and munytion new bought
For vyttelles ......

For wagys of men .....

For neceffaryes, for the mynes and workmen
For marchandyfe, for traffyke, and provifion

Sum of all

/z.

750

400

650

550

950

650

150

300

li. 4400 o o

This account is but gelTed very nere the trewthe for that thaccounttes are not
yett brought in parfedlye.
And the whole flock of the venturars fett downe in certayntye as yet dothe

amonte but .......... 3000 o o

Wherof is yet received but . . . . . . li. 2500

And fo thear lachethe in ftock of the venturars to fupplye this

whole charge .......... li. 1400 o o

Ffor the w'^^ fumme of li. 1400, the venturars are to take order prefentlye to
dyfcharge the debt owinge to dyvers men for thinges had for the furnyture of the
faid Ihyps and voyage, whiche is moft humbly befeched by Michael Lok, who hathe
gyven his promeffe to them for the payment therof by order of the Commyffy oners.

[Colonial, No. 29. Domestic Eliz., cxi, No. 49.]

A Note of the Provifion and Furnyture necelTarye for the Second Voyage

for the dyfcourye of Kathai, &c.

A great peece of this charge cut of, for thare went but one fhippe and two

barckes in this viage.

li
A Ihyp of cxl ton burden, w^^ tackelinge, ordenans, and munition . 1000

A fhip of cxx ton burden, w^'^ tackelings, ordenans, and munition . 800

96 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

ij barkes of burden xxv ton eche, w^^ were in the firft voiage, w*^
their tackelinge, ordenans, and munition, w'^^ now they have, and
others to furnyfhe and repayer the fame, all .... 450

V fhallop, botes, w^^ their takle and furniture, wherof ij w*^ clofe

overlops at xxli the pece, and iij open, at xli the pece ... 70

A fhip of c ton burden, to be fraighted for fyffhinge, in the Straytts
where Furbylher was, and from thens to retome, w**^ one of the
barks in valew .......... —

Sum of the fhyps 2320/2

The vyttels for the 1 80 men, for the faid ij fhyps and ij barkes, for

xviij monthes, at xiiji". iiij^. the monthe, for eche man . . /z2i6o 0 o

To fay in one Ihip 70 maryners, another 60 maryners, in the
ij barkes 30 mariners, and twenty men of offyces and artyfyce.

The wages before hand of thofe 1 80 men, for their provifion, at

iiij/e the man, one w^^ another ...... li6oo o o

Sum of all this — li^oQo o o

The marchandyfe for ftock, clothes, 50 carfeys, 200 cottons, 40
frizes, 10 tyn ijm. leade, ijm. coppar, and kettels ijm. and all
other marchandyfe ........ Iii200 o o

Sum of all — /z628o 0 0

That it would pleafe the Queues Ma*'^ to graunt her letters patentts of priviledge
in the Corparation to the fyrfl: Venturars and their fucceffors, in ample maner.

That it would pleafe Her Ma^i^ alfo to graunt audoritie to Mr. Frobyfher,
for the governement of the men in obediens.

That warrant may be graunted to take vyttells at reafonable pryces, and to
prefl men at reafonable wagys, and to take fhyps at reafonable prayfement for
the farvyce of this voyage, yf the Queues Ma^^^^ fhyps doo not farve.

That order may be taken by agrement of the venturars for offycers for the good
governement of the Company, and the mayntaynans of their pryvyledges, and
to take the charge of the whole bufynes and accountts.

That the ihyps may be redy to departe on their voyage by the x day of Marche.

That men may be named by fecret commiflion, to fupplye the charge of Mr.
Frobyfher and Mr. HawUe, vppon any myfhappe, and to be kept fecret vntill
tyme of nede.

MARTIN FROBISHER

{Colonial, 33. Domestic Eliz., cxi, No. 48, i.]

26 of Marche, 1577.

Shippinge thow t myet to be employde in the Viage entented

by Mr. Furbujher, viz.: —

Soldiers.
251

3 - Men 115

Tons.

Mariners

TheAyde .

200

The Gabriell

The Myghell

240 85 30

A preportion of vittouls for the faid 115 men.

(Byfket 16 tons.) Item byfket for v monthes of 28 daies to the
monthe contayneng 140 daies after the rate of ili per man per
diem, xiiij"^* iij c. iij quarters at xiij s. iiij ct. per c. . . . 95 16 8

(Meale 30 tons.) Item meale for xiij monthes contayneng 364 daies,
240 barrells contayneng eche barrell iiij bufhels w'^^ maketh
960 bufhells at iiijs per bufhell, 192/2 mor for the barrells and
gryndinge at xxs. per barrell 19 10 o mownts . . . . 211 10 o

/ (Biere^o| tons.) Biere for vi monthes conteyaneng 168 daies after
the computation of one gallone aman per daie 8o| ton at 2li 5s
t per ton w*h cafke iron whoopes and chardges . . . . 181 2 6

(Wyne 5 tons.) Malmfey and fecke v tons at xx/z per ton . . 100 o o

(Biefe 5 tons.) Bieffe for iij monthes having flefhe daies 48, at ili
a man per diem, vij"^^ iiij'^ weight grofe at xiiijs per c weight
51 16 o. Item for baye fawlte to preferve the fame 55 bufhels
at ijs per bufhell 5 10 o. Item for iiij tons ij hogfheads of cafke
to packe the fame in at xs per ton, 250 mounts . . . 59 1 1 o

(Porke 15I tons.) Porke for 15 lieke monthes contayneng 240 daies
after the rate of ili weight aman per diem, xxiiij^^ viij'^ xxiiij li
weight at xiiijs per c weight 173 15 o more for 186 bufhels sawlte
at ijs. 18 12 o more for 15 ton | of cafke at los per ton, 7 15 o
mownts ........... 200 2 o

(Peafee 10 tons.) Item peafe for 288 flefhe daies in the 18 monthes
as afore faied allowinge to iiij men i q* of peafe per diem, 258
bufhels at 3s per bufhell 38 14 o more for 10 tons of cafke, 500. 43 14 o

(Stocke fyfhe 2| tons.) Stocke fyfhe for 108 daies in ix monthes,
as afore faied at i quarter of a fyfhe aman per diem, iij^^c
fyfhes at ij/?' per c . . . . . . . . . 62 o o

FVII

(Riefe i| ton.) Item riefe for the lieke caufe 2000 oz.

g8 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

(Butter 2 tons.) Butter for the faied 108 dales at i quarter of a

li weight eche man per diem, 3,105 li weight fake at iiijd per li

51 15 o more, for wafte 250 li weight at iiijd per li weight 434.
(Chiefe 4 tons.) Chiefe for other 108 daies at half-a-/f weight

aman per diem 6210 li weight fubtill more 500 li weight for

allowans of wafte amowntinge in the wholle to 6710 li weight

at xvjs viijd per c weight . . ...

(Otmeale 1 1 ton.) Item otemeale 40 bufhels towardes the fuplyenge

the want of fyfhe

I ton.) Ite.xx XXV

Item cafke to flowe the faied otmeale and riefe in iij tons at
y xs per ton ........

Item honney ij barrells at iij/z vis viijd per barrell
^ Item fallet oyle i hogfhead .....
(Provifion for ftore 8 tons.) Item vyneger i ton .

Item aquaviete ij hogfheads .....

Item mufterfeed iiij bufhels .....

Item candles xij c weight at iijd per li .

Item baye fawlte v ton at iiij/f per ton
(Woode 14 tons.) Item wood xiiij"^^ at xiijs iiijd per j"^^
(Sea coales 30 tons.) Item fea coales 20 chawders at xiijs iiijd per

chawders .....

(Charcoale i ton.) Item charcoales i loade
Item fyfhinge nets, fyfhinge lyenes, hooks, harpinge irons and fuche

lieke neflefaries
(Provifion for fick men.) Item to allowe the furgeone towards the

furnefhinge of his cheafle
/. Proynes 2 firkens

Item reafons, almonds, liccores, etc.
(Provifion for the apparelling of the men.) Item wollinge clothe for

jirkens, breche and hofe, canvas and lynnenge clothe for dublets

and fherts, hats, caps, and fhewes, etc. .....

(Chardgs). Item for land carrage, wharffage, labras packinge of

bief and pork, water carriage, and other extraordennarie, etc. .
(Rigging, wages, and vittailes.) Item for the rigginge, wages, and

vittails of Ix men for ij monthes to end the lafl of Aprille next

at xxijs vid aman per menfem ......

(Preft monney vppon wages.) Item for the too monthes wages to

be emprefted to the company at ij/z per man ....
(Merchandizes). For provifion of merchandizes . . . .
(The Ayde). The Ayde the firfle penny ....

55 18 4

800

100

127

230

500

750

MARTIN FROBISHER

Item more to furnifhe her w*^ ordenance, takle, apparrell and
monytions, etc. .........

(The Gabriell.) The Gabriell throwghly perfedled in all refpeds .

(The Myghell.) The Myghell in lieke forte

Item ij fhallopes .........

2582 3 4
Sum of tons 226 tons |

Sumofmonney 3778/?* 2 10
Item for the hier of a fhip of cxx tons to waight vpon
the fhips to the Straight, etc. ..... 50o/z

Item for divers extraordinary chardges . . . . .

Sum of all /z4500

450
180

180

o
o
o
o

4278 2
221 17

A5OO

3. Names of the Venturars.

[Colonial East Indies, No. 50. Domestic cxix, No. 41.]

The Names of the Venturars in the Second Voyage for Cathaia, &c.,
befydes their Venture in the Firfl Voyage.

The Queues Ma^ie

The Privie Counfell.

The Lord Highe Treaforer, 50
The Lord Highe Admirall
The Lord Chamberlayne, 50
The Erie of Warwyke, 50
The Erie of Bedford, 25
The Erie of Leycefler
Mr. Treaforer
Mr. Controller
Mr. Secretarie Walfyngham

Other Venturars.

The Erie of Pembroke
The Countelfe of Warwyke
The Countelfe of Pembroke,
The Lady Anne Talbot, 25
The Lord Hounfdon
The Lord Charles Howard

1000

100
100
100
100

50
100

200

150
50

7-2

100

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Sir Henry Wallop, and others
Sir Thomas Grefham
Sir Leonell Duckett, 25
Sir William Wynter
Mr. Phillip Sydney, 25

— William Pellam

— Thomas Randolphe, 25

— George Wyntar

— Edward Dyar, 25
- — Symon Boyer, 25

— Anthonye Jenkynfon, 25

— Mathew Smythe

— Geffrey Turvyle

— William Payntar
■ — Richard Boylland

— Mathew Ffyld, 25

— Edward Hogan

— Richard Yonge

— Thomas Allyn

— Chriftofer Huddefdon

— William Ormfhamc, 25

— Robert Kynderfley .
■ — Michael Lok .

200
100

200

50
50

100

50
50
50
50
50

50
200

[Colonial, 33. Domestic Eliz., cxi. No. 48, 11.]

Yere 1577.

The Venturers in the Second Voyage for Cathay, etc.

In the firft voyage as folowethe.

li.

The Quenes Ma^'^ 500

50 My Lord Highe Treafuror

100

50 My Lord Highe Admirall

100

50 The Erie of Suflex .

100

The Erie of Bedford

50 The Erie of Warwyke

100

50 The Erie of Leycefter

100

The Erie of Pembroke

100

My Lord Hounfdowne

My Lord Charles Howard

\.^

MARTIN FROBISHER

lOI

100
25

100
50

100

25
25

Sir Frauncys Knowells
Sir James Croft
Mr. Francys Walfyngham
Mr. Phillip Sydney .
My Lady Anne Talbot
Mrs. Mary Sydney .
Sir Thomas Grefham
Sir Leonell Ducket .
Sir Henery Knevet .
Sir William Wyntar
Mr. Thomas Randall
Mr. George Wyntar
Anthony Jenkynfon
William Sakford
William Kyllygrew
Symon Boyer .
Geffrey Turvyle
William Payton
Richard Boyland
Michael Lok
Edmond Hogan
Mathew Fyld .
William Bond, yonger
Mathew Kynderfley
Robert Kynderfley .
Chrifl:ofer Androwes
Robert Martin

All 850 Henry Lok

Thomas Marfhe
William Ormfliaw
Olyflfe Burre
Thomas Chefter
Thomas Kelke
Thomas Aldworthe
Robert Halton

Of Briftow

25
200

25
300

100

50
200

50
50
50
50

25
100

25
25
25
25

1225
All the 30 Marche 1577 li. 2000

102

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The charge

to Jet 3

Jhipsfoorth

450oli.

There is

already in

Jhipping

about loooli.

To be yet

levyed

350oli.

Order to be

taken that

fuch as ar

entred into

the Company,

andfet down

their fomes,

may bring up

the fame w*

fpeede.

J\fothtng can

be don

vnlejfe it be

brought yn.

The tyme

pajfeth, al-

mojl pajl

for y^^ y ere.

4. Report upon the Outfit.

[Colonialy No. 33. Domestic Eliz-, cxi, No. 48.]

Report upon the Outfit for the Second Voyage.

It may pleafe yo'^ Lordfhips to underftand, wheras you have by yo'^ letters, beringe
date the xvii^^^ of this prefent, requyred that wee fhulde take vppon vs the care
of the thoroughe and fpeedy fettinge furthe to the feas of Mr. Furbufher, w^'^
the fhippinge thought meete to pafle w*^ him for the difcoverie pretended. So it
is that accordinge to your honnorable comawndement wee have travelled in the
fame, and do perceave as followeth : Firft, wee do finde as well by thexamynacion
of the faid Mr. Furbulher, as alfo of the mafter that was w*^^ him in his laft viadge,
and other of that company whom wee have particulerly examyned a part one
from the other, and alfo vppon dyvers and fundry other matters whiche wee have
pervfed and weyed, that the fuppofed Straight whiche Mr. Furbufher doth fett
out is fo farr fourth as we can gather and judge a trueth, and therfore a thinge
wurthie in our opynyons to be followed. The nomber of fhippes and other velTells
w*^ the men to go in them, the provicion of viduells to be made, w*^ all other
neceffaries fitt for to ferve for the faid viadge, wee have throughly confidered
therof, and haue fett downe the fame in particulers whiche dothe amount to
iiij™ v'^ li, as by the faid particulers fubfcribed w^^ our handes may plainely
appere, towardes the whiche wee do likewife finde that there is in pro\dcion as
well in Ihippinge as other necefleries to the valewe of one thowfand powndes little
more or leffe. So there is to be levied vppon fuche as are, or will be the Adventurers,
the refidewe of the fornamed fome of iiij"^ v^ li, mowntinge to three thowfand
five hundred powndes, whiche matters before reherfed, wee have thought it meete
and our dueties to reveale the fame, not only to yo^ Honnors, but alfo to other
partners of that Company of Adventurers in the forfaid viage to thend that the
fame beinge knowen, fpeedy order may be taken that every perfon who hath
entred into the Company, and fett downe fuche fomes of money as they will
adventure, that they do forthwith take order to bringe in their faid fomes to
Mr. Huggins, beinge appointed Treaforer of that Company, withoutt the whiche
nothinge can be donne, and if it Ihould be any longer deferred, tyme wolde not
ferve this yere to take the viage in hand. And thus havinge fhewed to yo'^ Lord-
fhipps, and the reft, our travaills and opynyons in that behalf the whiche we leave
to yo'^ honnorable confideracions, wee reft prayinge God to preferve you. London,
the xxxth of Marche, 1577.

Yo'^ Honnorable LL. to command,

W. Wynter, Tho. Randolph, G. Wynter,

A. Jenkinfon, Edmond Hogan, Michael Lok.

MARTIN FROBISHER IO3

5. Graunt from the Queene's Majestic.

[Colonial, 30. Domestic Eliz., ex, No. 21.]

Articles of Graunt from the Queene's Majeflie to the
Companye of Kathai.

That A, B, C, D, etc., all the names of the fyrft venturers, with M. Lok and a corpora-

M. Frobifher, in the fyrft vyage and attempt made for difcovery of Kathai and 'jj*." ^"^ '^^'■

other newlandes by the north weft wards, ftialbe one Companye and corporation omitted to

for ever to them and their fucceflbrs. ^f '^^"l'.

pTcllccl m

That the fayd Companye fhalbe named the Companye of Kathai. form of the

That they fhall haue pour and audoritie to admytt others into their corporation '^Ijlfjjf^
at their pleafurs.

That they fhall haue poure and lybertie to aflemble them felves and to kepe
courtes when and wher they will.

That thofle which fhalbe aflembled being xv in nomber at the left, fhall haue
poure and audoritie to chofle a governore, ii confulls, and xii afliftantts, to con-
tinew in their offyce for terme of iij yeres now nex comyng, and afterwards to
chufe ij governors, iiij confulls, and xxiiij affyftantts, to contynew in offiyce for
iij yeres, and fo to be renewed or changed from iij yeres to iij yeres.

That thofle which fhalbe fo aflembled in court in nomber and order affbrfayd,
which the governor, ij confulls, and xij affyftantts, fhall haue full poure and
audorytie to make lawes and ordynances and ades from tyme to tyme as they
feme good for the good order and govermentt of the Companye, which fhall bynd
all the Companye to the dew obfarvation therof, and maye fett fynes and penalties
uppon the tranfgreffors therof, and comytt them to pryfon and attache their
goodes untill they performe them.

That they may haue a fargant or offycer or twayne to execute their lawes and
ades.

That they maye revok their former lawes, and mak other new lawes, as maye
feme good from tyme to tyme for the good goverment of the Companye.

That they may haue a common feal.

That they may fewe and be fewed in all the courtes of the reame by name of
the Company of Kathai.

That they may purchafe landes and tennements to the vallewe of one hundreth
poundes rent, and may fell and mak leafes.

That they may poffeffe and enjoye all their goodes.

That they may do all thinges in as ample and beneficiall manner as any other
corporation may doo.

That they and their fucceffors, and their fadors, fervantes, deputies, and
affignes, fhall haue free lybertie, poure, audoritie, and pryveledge for ever at

104 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

As much their will and pleafure, to fayll, goo, and otherwyfle by any meanes to pafle to

UiaUnot'be ^^^ from all feas, waters, iles, landes, countryes, etc., faylinge or otherwyfle

contrary to paflinge from England, northward, weftward, or fowthewarde, or by any other

chlftmlf poy^t of the fea compafle, betwene the northe, the weft, and the fouthe, afwel

themer- under our banners and enfignes as otherwyffe without them, with whatfoever

Mo/cTvfato fliipps and other veflells, and with all manner vythuall, munition and furnyture

be accorded, and ncceflaryes for the fame, and with all manner of marchaundis and goodes for

to feke, dyfcover, and fynd whatfoever feas, waters, iles, landes, regions, countryes,

provences, and other places whatfoever, of whatfoever gentells, heathen, infidells,

or other nations, fett and beinge in whatfoever part of the world, which before this

tyme, and before the late vyage of difcovery made by Martyne Frobyfher to the

northeweftwards hath been unknowne, or not commonly frequented, by the sub-

je6ts of our reame of England for trade of marchaundife. And alfo in the fame

feas, waters, iles, landes, countryes, regions, provences, and other places, and to

and from the fame, fhall and may frelye at their wills and pleafurs from hence

fourth for ever, ufe traffic and trade of merchaundife, and otherwife doo what

foever buflines and thinges to them fhall feme good and convenyent for their owne

proper vantage, comoditie, and proffyt, without theirby incuringe any manner

of penaltie, forfayture, or other moleftation or trowble whatfoever, notwith-

ftandinge any pryveledge or other ades, lawes, or thinges whatfoever to the con-

trarye herof in any wyfle.

That none other parfon, fubje6t, nor denyfon of our realmes and domynions,
nor any other of whatfover nation, not beinge free of this Corporation or Gom-
panye, fhall pafle by any meanes to nor from any of the fayd feas, landes, etc.,
nor vyflett the fame, nor therin do any featt of marchaundife, nor other buflness,
without the fpeciall confent and lycence of the fayd Companye, under their com-
mon feall, graunted in courtt or otherwyfle then for the affayres and buflines of
the fayd Companye by their order, uppon payne of lofle and forfeyteure, ipfofado,
of all fhipes, veflells, and goodes whatfoever, tranfported to or from any of the
fayd countryes or places, or the vallew therof, the halfe to the Queue, the other
halfe to the Company, to be taken or fewed for by feafure or accyon of debt or
otherwyfle in any of the Queue's courtes, etc.

That to their beft poure and abilitie they may forbyd, withftand, and repullfe
all other parfons of whatfoever nation that Ihall dyfturbe or interrupt them, or
intermedle in their trade of marchaundif or otherwyfle in any their attemptes
in any of the fayd feas, lands, countrys, or other places before fayd, without therby
incuringe any penalties or daunger of our lawes, etc.

That of all the marchaundis which they fliall carrye out of our reames and
domynions they Ihall pay no more nor greater cuftome, fubfedy, nor other dewties
unto us nor to our heyres, then is now dewe or fhall be dew to us by our fubjedes
by the lawes and cuftomes of our reame.

MARTIN FROBISHER IO5

That of all the goodes, wares, and marchaundis which they fhall bringe into
England from the countryes afforfayd they fhall pay but halfe cuflome, fubfedyes,
and other dewties now dew to us, for the terme of xx yeres now next enfewinge,
and afterwardes fhall paye to us and our heyres for ever no more but 5/^ of lOO;^
of the vallew of the fame marchaundife that they fhall bringe in, accordinge to
the vallewation therof, now vfed in our cufloms in London.

That they fhall freeley and at their pleafure tranfport out of our reames and
domynions into any other reames and countryes all fuch wares and marchaundis
as they fhall bringe in and not fell in our domynions, free, without payment of
any cuftome or dewtie to us outwardes for the fame, notwithftandinge any lawes
to the countrarye, etc.

And furdermore, in confideration of the induftry, good diredion, and great
travayll of Michaill Lok of London, mercer, in the fyrft voyage latelye attempted
by Martyne Frobyfher, gent., for dyfcovery of Kathai and other new landes by
the northeweftwards, we doo grauntt and will that the fayd Michaill Lok fhalbe
the fyrft governore of the fayd Companye, to contynew in that offyce for terme
of his lyffe, except he will refygne the fame. And alfo in confideration of his great
coft, charges, and venture for the provifion and furnyture of the forfayd fv^rft
voyage of dyfcoverye, we do graunt and will that he fhall haue, receive, and tak
of the fayd Companye to his owne vfe and behoffe for ever, the rate of one of
every hundreth of all the wares, goodes, and marchaundis that fhalbe browght
into England or other countryes for accountt of the fayd Companye, accordinge
to the rate and vallewe therof in the payment of cuftome to the Queue's majeftie.

And lykewyfe, in confyderation of the induftry, good order, and great travayll
of Martyne Frobyfher, gent., in the execution of the fyrft voyage latly made in
his own parfon for the dyfcovery of Cathai and other new landes by the northe-
weftwardes, we do grauntt and will that the fayd Martyne Frobifher, dewringe
terme of his naturall lyffe, fhalbe High Admyrall of all feas and waters, countryes, '■
landes, and iles, as well of Kathai as of all other countryes and places of new
dyfcovery. And alfo in confyderatTon of his good farvyce theirin, we do grauntt
and will that he fhall haue, receave, and tak of the fayd Companye to his owne
proper vfe and behoffe for ever the rate of one of every hundreth of all the warres,
goodes, and marchaundife that fhalbe brought into England or other countryes
for accountt of the Companye, accordinge to the rate and vallew therof in the
payment of cuftome to the Queue's majeftie.

That all the malle chyldren of all the fornamed paribus, which weare fyrft
venturers of the Companye, and alfo the heyres malle of every of the fayd malle
chyldren for ever, fhalbe admytted into the lyberties and pryveledges of the fayd
Companye gratis from tyme to tyme.

v/"

Io6 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

6. Articles consented and agreede.

[Colonial, No, 31. Domestic Eliz., ex, No, 22.]

Articles confented and fully agreede by the Company of Kathaye.

Thatt the Company fhalbe named the Company of Kathay.

Thatt Michaell Lok fhalbe Governour for yj yeres next ensuinge.

Thatt A, B. fhalbe Confullor for iij yeres.

Thatt A, B. C. fhalbe AlTiflante for iij yeres,

Thatt A. fhalbe Agente for iij yeres, to doe all the buifnefs of the Company,
according to order of the Company, and fhall have ftipende yerely.

Thatt Edmond Hogan fhalbe Trefourror for iij yeres,

Thatt in confideracion of the induflry, good diredion, & payns takinge of
Michaell Lok in the firft viage latly attempted for difcouery of Kathay & other
new landes, by the Northweflwardes, and alfo of his great cofl, charges, and venture
for the provifion and furnyture of the fame, he fhall haue, receiue & take of the
Company to his owne vfe for ever, the rate of one of every 100, of all the wares,
goodes and marchandife, thatt fhalbe brought into England or other countries
for account of the Company, accordinge to the rate & valew therof in the payment
of cuftome to the Queue's Ma^^^.

Thatt in confideracion of the like induftry, good order & great travile of Mart^m
Frobifheir, gent., in the execution of the firfte viage latly made in his owneparfon,
for the difcouery of Kathay and other new landes by the Northweflwardes, he
^^ fhalbe general Captayne by fea and Admyrall of the fhipps & na\de of the Com-
pany duringe his life, and fhall have ftipend yerely duringe his life, and alfo
fhall have, receve & tak of the Company to his owne vfe for ever the rate of one
of 1 00 of all the wares, goodes and marchandife thatt fhalbe brought into England
or other countries for accounpt of the Company, according to the rate & valew
therof in the payment of cuflome to the Queue's Ma^^^,

Thatt from hence forth for ever the fome of one hundreth poundes of Englifhe
money fhalbe accompted one fmgle parte or fhare in ftok of the Company.

Thatt every parfon of this Company as well thofe w^^ now are the firft ventures
as all others w^^ hereafter fhalbe free of this Company & wilbe \enturers, fhall
put into accompt for their ftock one hundredth poundes of Englifh money, w^^
fhalbe accompted for one fingle parte and as many more lik fmgle partes as they
pleafe, nott beinge above five fmgle partes, and as the traffick from tyme to tyme
will fuffer to occupy great ftock.

Thatt every one of the firft venturers fhall haue liberty to put in ftock doble
nomber of fmgle partes of any other of the venturers from tyme to tyme.

Thatt every new ftock of new account from tyme to tyme fhall contenew for
iij yeres, and att thatt tyme thaccompt therof ftialbe clearly made up and fynyfhed.

MARTIN FROBISHER IO7

& therof divydent then fhalbe made, & flialbe paid to every one of the Company
venturars in thatt accompt, or to the heires or executors of thofe w'^^ fhalbe deade
in thatt meane tyme all thatt fhalbe founde dew to them vpon thaccompt accordinge
to the rate of their ftok therin put.

Thatt all fuch parfons as fhalbe admitted into the fredom of this Company att
this next cominge viage & venture to be made, fhall paye for a fyne xxx poundes
towardes the charges and loffes fuflayned by the venturers of firfle viage made
for difcouery.

Thatt Mychaell Lok and Martyne Frobufher fhalt haue libertye to affigne
X parfons to be admytted into thefredome of this Company gratis, att their pleafure,
thatt is to faye, each of them to affigne five parfons.

Thatt no parfon fhalbe admitted into the fredome of this Company after this
next coming \dadge to be made vntil the ende of iij yeres & fynyfhinge of that
accompt.

Thatt all other parfons w^^ fhalbe admitted into the fredome of this Company
by redemption after the faide iij yeres tyme & ende of thatt accompt, fhall paye
for afyne tow hundreth poundes of money, to the vfe and benefitt of the whole
Company.

Thatt a competent howfe and warehowfe fhalbe highred for the buifnes of the
Company, and officers & fervantts nedfull for the fame.

Thatt all the goodes & marchaundife of the Company ffialbe marked w^^ the
mark in the margent.

Thatt all the male children of all the forenamed parfons which weare firfl
venturers of this Company, & alfo the heires male of every of the faid male children
for ever, ffialbe admitted into the liberties & priveledge of the faide Company
(gratis) from tyme to tyme.

Thatt fuch of the Company as ffiall dye w^^out male children may give and
affigne over his fredome of this Company to one other parfon, by his laft will and
teflament.

7. A Brief Note of all the Cost.

[Colonial, East Indies, No. 26. Domestic, cxix. No. 32.]

A Brieflf Note of all the Cofl and Charge of the ij Shipps Gahriell and

Michaell and their Pynnafle with all their Furnyture for the Fyrji Voyage

to Cathay, etc., fent with Martyn Ffurbifjher in June, anno 1576.

li.
Ffor the hull of the new ffiipp Gabriell ..... 83 o o

For the new pynnafle of vij ton ...... 2000

For the ffiippe Michaell, with old takle and furnyture . . 120 o o

io8

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

For new takling and rigging them all
For ordenance and municion
For inflrumentes of navegacion .
For vittuall for the whole voyage
For men's wages paid before hand
For marchandiz for traffick

Sume of all the charge appering particularly bie account
And nowe wages and charges paid fyns the retorne of the fhipps
home untill the end of December anno. 1576 . . . .

Sume totall .........

229 16 10

100 8 4

50 14 o

387 14 10

213 17 8

213 5 8

/n4i8 17 4

/zi95 I II
/n6i3 19 3

And all the whole ftok of the adventurers fett down in certaintie

were but .......... 875 o o

So there lakid in ftok of the adventurers to fupply the whole

charge ........... ^^738 19 3

Ffor the which fume of^ liy^S igs ^d the venturers are to confider towardes Mighell
Lok, who did pay and difburfe the fame for them fo long tyme as thaccountes
fhall declare to his great hyndrans and great danger if it had been loft.

After the retorne home of the faid ij fhipps were fold divers parcells
of the merchandiz and vittuall which wold not kepe good as
particularly by account apperith . . . . . . /n 17 18 7

And all the reft of the fhipps and goodes remayning were valued and fold to the
account of the fecond voyage as follows : —

For the marchandiz ........

For the ij fhipps ........

For wyne and other vidualls an divers implementes .

Sume of the remayner fold and charged in account of the fecond
voyage ..........

Sume of all the difcharge of this firft voyage amountes

So ther was left clare by this firft voiage with the ftok of the adven-
turers muft bere untill God fend better fuccefle . . . 800 o o

And fo reftith ftill good in ftok of this firft voyage lij^ os od which is putt to the
account of the fecond voiage with god increafle . . . /^75 o o

/n48

400

147

696

813

MARTIN FROBISHER lOQ

8. State Papers subsequent to the Second Voyage.

I. Mr. Lockes Memorial.

II. Order for the Shippes to unload.

III. Lift of thofe that now defyre to be Venturars.

IV. What Michael Lok hathe done for the Voyage.

V. The Bryefe Account of the Expenfes of the Second Voyage.

State Papers relative to the Trial of the Ore
fubfequent to the Second Voyage.

I. Dr. Burcot on his Triale of the Owre.

II. From Mr. Lok what Charges are requifite for the fynynge of the Ewre.

III. From My Lords to Mr. Lok to colledl ;^900 of the Venturers.

IV. From Mr. G. Le Brum, Tryall of Metal falling not owt.

V. From Dr. Burcot, a Proofe of how much Gowld and Silver a Pound of Ore

yieldeth.

VI. A Little Bundle of the tryeing of the Northweft Ewre.

VII. From Dr. Burchart to Mr. Secretary Walfyngham touchyng the Northweft Ewre.

VIII. A Declaration of the Value of the Northweft Ewre.

IX. From Dr. Burcot touchyng his Cunynge and Offer about tryinge the Ewre.

X. To the Lord Treafurer and Lord Chamberlain abowte the Northweft Ewre.

XI. The Accompte taken at Mufcovie Houfe of cc weight of the Ewre.

{Colonial, 51. Domestic Eliz., cxv, No. 35.]

Mr. Lockes Memorial.

To the Qjaenes Ma^^^^ moft honorable Privye Councell.
Maye it pleafe yo"^ honors in moft humble maner to be advertifed.
The ij fhips Ayde and Gabriell are arived at Briftowe in faffetye accordinge to yo"^
honors orders.

And yf yo"^ honor's doo think it good to dyfcharge the ure on land there y t may The dij-
pleafe yo"" honors to gyve order (under corredion) that Mr. Furbifher may delyver ^f^^^ °^
the fame by weight, and that the fame may be kept in the caftell or other faffe Briftowe.
place there under iiij feverall lokes and keys wherof one w*'^ the Mayor of Briftowe,
one w*^ Sir Richard Barkley, one w^'^ Mr. Furbifher, and one w^^^ Michael Lok,
or any other of the venturars as fhall feeme good to yo^ honors. Alfo there is to

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The wages

tofurmfhe

money for

ye dijcharge

oj the marintrs

andfowldiers.

The dif-
pofing of
the ore at

London.

To appoynte

commif-

Jioners to

looke to the
melting.

Michael
Lockes
requefl.

be payd prefently uppon the dyfchargenge of the fhips ladynge viij^ poundes
of money or more for the wagys of the fouldiars and maryners w^*^ have farved
w^h cloo remayne ftyll at charges of the companye for meate and wagys untill
they be payd the w<^^^ fayd money cannot be found in London uppon intereft
nor exchange notw^hftandinge the dyllygens ufed by the Commyffyoners to take
up the fame wherefore for the provifion therof reftethe but ij meanes. Fyrft yf
it would pleafe the Queues Ma^i^ to preft the fame for iij monthes untill the ore
may be melted downe w'^h j-^ay ^g receved of her Mamies cuftomars or other
offycers at Bryftowe or ells the fame muft be cealfed and colleded of all the venturars
accordinge to the rate of their ftok ventured w^^ would be but xxv'' for every
c^* of their venture, but it would be very longe tyme and moche dyfficultye in
colledion.

Alfo the fhip Michael is now in the Ryver of Tamys arived in faffety by Gods
grace and the fame fhip muft be prefently dyfcharged at London. And the
ComylTioners doo think good to put the ure in faffe cuftodye in the howffe wher
S""- Willm Wynter dothe now dwell at S'- Katheryns hyll, where they have alredy
made a furnace to melt downe the fame. May it pleafe yo^ honors to gyve order
that the fame may alfo be delyvred by weight and kept under iiij loks and keys to
be [in] the cuftodye of S"^ Wilham Wyntar, Mr. Thomas Randall, Mr. Furbiftier,
and Michael Lok or others as to yo"^ honors [femethe] good. Alfo yt may pleafe
yo^ honors to gyve ordre and audoritie to the fayd Commyftioners w^^ are S""
William Wyntar, Mr. Thomas Randall, George Wyntar, Anthonye Jenkynfon,
Edmond Hogan, Michael Lok. And to joyne to them Mr. Furbiftier or any
others that yo"^ honors fhall lyke that they maye confulte and determyne for the
fpedye meltynge downe of the ure bothe at London and at Bryftowe.

And wheras Michael Lok for the advancement of this voyages for the fpace
of iij yeres of his own goodwyll hathe taken the paynes and charge of kepyng
all accountts to reconynces frely w^^^out any recompence, and hathe byn named
trefourer, thoughe he hathe had but lytic trefour in his kepynge. Now yf yo"^
honors doo lyke well of his doynges acordinge to his fmall power yt may plefe
yo"^ honors to ratifye hym in that offyce to take charge of the money and treafour
of this companye to account and hereafter to confyder of hym for his paynes and
doynges as to yo^ honors fhall feeme good or his defe6les fhall appere.

[Colonial, 55. Domestic Eliz., cxvi, No. 14.]

xiij Die Odobris, 1577. A Note of Money prefentlye to be difburfed for
Maryners Wages of the three Shippes retorned w^^ Mr. FurbuJJher.

In primis for the wages of an hundreth maryners in all the three fhipps, at feverall
rates, from x-^ to vj^* xiij-^ iiij*^ for a man the moneth, amounteth to the fome of

MARTIN FROBISHER

III

cxl^' the moneth, w'^^ from the ffirft of June unto the laft of Odober beinge ffyve
monethes, amounteth in the hole to y^ fomme of dcc^'.

At x-f y^ men. Item for wages for xxvj^^ fouldiors, for the fayde ffyve monethes,
as it fhall pleafe yo'" honors.

Item for recompence for xiiij gentilmen duringe the tyme aforefayde, as it
fhall pleafe yo^ honors to confyder of fome reafonable porcion of the adventure.

This money cannot yet be found to be taken uppon interell nor exchange.

And yf it be levied by colledion uppon the venturars, it will come to xxv^'
uppon everie c'^ of the'" venture.

Item, whether their honors doo continew in mynde that the ij fhips at Briflow
fhall difcharge there or come to London.

Item, whether Michael Lok fhall contynew flill Treaforer or not.

Indorjed. For the fhips of Cathai to be unladen.

[Colonial, 55. Domestic EHz., cxvi. No. 24.]

An Order of My Lords, the 16 of Odober, 1577, for payment to be made
to the Mariners and Souldiers of the Cathay Viage.

Where as there is prefently to bee difburfed for the difcharge of fuche mariners
and fouldiers as have been employed in the viage towards the northweft under
Captayne Ffurbifher, the fomme of eight hundrethe powndes, yt is ordred that
fuche as have been adventurers in the fayd viage fhould contribute toward the
difcharge of the fayd fomme of viij^'^, after twentie in the hundrethe, pro rata,
w'^h fayd contribution is thought alfo meete to bee delivered into the handes of
Michaell Locke, Treaforer for the Companie, beynge appointed to give bylles
figned under his hand for fuche fommes as he fhall receave.

[Colonial, East Indies, 54. Domestic Eliz.^ cxix. No. 44.]

Thefe defyre now to be venturars in the goodes now come home, w^h j^ay be
graunted uppon the whole ftok now come home, or ells in the next adventure, as
yo'' honors fhall thynk good.

My Lord Kepar ........ lia^

Therle of Bedford
Mr. Controllar .
The Erie of Oxford
My Lord Hunfdon
My Lord Charles Howard
My Lord of Comerland
My Lord Cobham
My Lord Wharton

/Z25

1125

/Z25
/?25

/225
/Z25
/?25

112

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Mr. Hatton . . . . . . . . . Ii2^

Mr. Hennage . . . . . . . . . Ii2^

Mr. Horfey ......... /z25

S^ Humfrey Gilbart ........ /z25

Mr. Woolley /?25

William Kyllygrew ........ Ii2^

Thomas Dudley ........ Ii2^

Raffe Lane ......... Ii2^

Hew Smythe ......... Ii2^

John Dee . . • . . . . . . . . Ii2^

Jeffrey Ducket . . Ii2^

Thomas Nyccolls ........ Ii2^

Francis My lies ......... Ii2^

Laurens Tomfon ........ Ii2^

Arture Dawbney ........ Ii2^

John Capelin ......... Ii2^

Thomas Cefar ......... Ii2^

[Colonial, East Indies, 70. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 35.]

The Names of the Venturars ofbothe the Voyages made by
Martin Furbujher^ Gent, to the North-weft, anno 1576 and anno 1577.

tie

The Queues Ma^
In the firft voiage
li^o The Lord Highe Treaforer .
The Lord highe Admyrall .
li^o The Lord highe Chamberlayn
50 The Erie of Warwyke
The Erie of Leycefter .
Mr. Treaforer of the Q^. Ma^ie houfehold
Mr, Secretarie Walfmgham, for hym
fellffe and others . . . .
Mr. Secretarie Wyllfon

The Erie of Pembroke
The Countelfe of Warwyke
The Countelfe of Pembroke
The Lady Anne Talbot

j(;2050

Stok.

Ceffement.

/z'lOOO

Ii200

/noo

li20

liioo

/Z20

Hi 00

li20

liioo

li20

lii^o

li^o

liio

li4.oo

liSo

li^o

liio

)0.

lii^o

liSO

li^o

liio

/Z25

lib

/Z25

lib

MARTIN FROBISHER

113

25
100

50
25

li^oo

100

Mr. Phillip Sydney
S"^ Thomas Grefham
S"^ Leonell Duckett
Sr William Wyntar
William Pellham
Edward Dyar
Thomas Randolphe
George Wyntar .
Mathew Smythe
Symon Boyer
Anthony Jenkynfon
Jeffrey Turvile
William Payntar
Richard Bowlland
Robert Kynderfley
Edmond Hogan .
Mathew Fylld
Richard Yonge .
Thomas Allyn
William Ormfhawe

Chriftofer Hudfon
Thomas Owen
John Dee
Julio Cefar
Eleazar Lok
Gerfon Lok
Martin Furbufher
Michael Lok

/:275

William Burde li

William Bonde li

Mathew Kynderfley li
Chriftofer Androwes li
Robert Martyn li

;^500

Stok 875 Received the firfl: voyage

li^o

li 10

li200

li^o

//50

liio

/Z200

//40

//50

liio

/?25

lib

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

/Z25

lib

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

liioo

li20

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

li^o

liio

/Z25

lib

^^35 75

lij^b

/f50

liio

/Z25

lib

/?25

lib

li^o

liio

li2S

lib

/Z25

lib

/noo

li20

/nooo

li200

/n300

li26o

/^20

li20

^^55 -i

li 5

^■315

^■715

[030

Cef

fement.

FVII

114

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

/n300
^23575

Venturars li/^Sj^ of firfl and fecond voiages
li 2 75 of firft voiage onelie

Received li^i^o all the flok.

Received by the faid ceffement
of 2o'^ for 100^^ flok /no30

/fSoo firft voiage fpent
/24350 fecond voiage paid

/z5i50 paid all the ftok
outward.

paid for the mynes liigS

paid for mens vvagy^s of the

iij fhips come home liio^.^

Somme paid the 24 De- /n242
cembar 1577

[Colonial, East Indies, 75. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. 30.]
Michael Lok hathe done for the Voyage of Cathai, as folowethe.

XXV yeres ftudye and travaylle to fatiffye his knowledge thereof.

M' poundes fpent for thinges neceffarie for his fatiffadion of knowledge therof
in bookes, maps, cartes, inftrumentes, and gyftes to men for conference therof;
wherof is not one peny put to the account befydes all his howfhold charges.

M^ m' cccc'^ powndes paid and difburfed by hym fellfe for furniture of the
firft and fecond voyages over and above all that he received of all other venturars
w^'^ /f2400 he dyd beare venture of in the fame firft and fecond voyages untill
the fhyps retorned home.

W'^^ faid /z2400 was for the fums of venture wrytten uppon the names folowinge,
w^^ was not paid hym untill the fhips retorned, and is not yett all paid hym,
but he had promes of fum of them.

My Lord Highe Treafuror

My Lord of Leycefter

S' Thomas Grefham

Mr. Dodor Wyllfon

George Wyntar

Symon Boyer, he gave pledge

Richard Owen

li^o

liioo

li^o

/Z25

/^■25

MARTIN FROBISHER

115

Julio Cefar

Thomas Cefar 1- M. L.

Eleazar Lok i

For Michael Lok hym fellfe

For the fecond voiage. Sum
M. Lok in firfl voyage

Ventured by M. Lok .
Indorfed. Mr. Lock's privat memorandum.

• •

//25
/?25
/i25

Summe

/z475

• a

liiooo

• •

/?825

• ■

1576 and

1577-

/l2300

[Colonial, 94. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 32.]
The Bryef Account of the Second Voyage, 1577.

Rec'^ of all the venturers

for their flokes . . H^i^o

Rec^ of fupplie of
venturers to paye
wages at retorne of
the fhippes . . . /no30

Paid for the Ayde

/z850

For the Michaell and

Gabriell

li^oo

For taklinge and rigginge

li^n

For ordnance and muni-

tion ....

li/^6y

For vyttells

ligGs

For wages outwards

li6oo

For neceffaries for the

mynes

/n23

For marchandyfe .

lis^e

/z4328

For charges outwards

/{4350

For loffe fpent firft voiage

/fSoo

Sum paid . li^i^o o o
Paid after the fhips re-
torne ; paid outwards
above the ftoke re-
ceived . . . /n 15 2

8-2

ii6

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

lackinge
My Lady Anne Talbot .
The Erie SufTexe

li6
liio

Sr \^m Winter

12 4

S"^ Tho. Grefhame ,

lie

li22 12 4

Paid for wages of mariners

and gentlemen at re-

tourne of the fhipps . Hi ^82 15 5
Paid for wages of myners

and charges of tryall of

the ewer at London

For not rec^ in the fup-
plie of /n 030

/z324

HigoQ

/Z22

12
12

/n93i
/no30

4
0

7
0

The Account of Mony
Received as follow^^

Of the Q^. Matie .
OfMathewFeld .
Of M. Kinderfley .
Of S"" Frances Knolles
Of Ed. Hoggan
Of L, Pembroke .
Of La. Pembroke .
Of Mr. P. Sydney
Of Mr. S. Walfmgham
Of Jo. Somers
Of Mr. S. Willfon
Of Sr Henry Wallop
Of Roberte Kynderfley
Of M. Kinderfley .
Of Erie Warwyke .
Of Counteffe Warrike

;{^i350 o o

£^5 o o

£6y 10 o

^40 o o

j^202 10 O

;^33 15 o

£6j 10 o

£iS2 7 o

^67 10 o

£6y 10 o

^67 10 o

£^^ 15 o

;{^I35 o o

^^35 o o

Sum received ^^2452 7 o

Reft paid .

for Third Voyage 1578.

Paid as fallow^^

To W"^- Kerin, freftone
To Chrift. Hawfle,

briftole
To J. Roberts, bellows
To Ff. Grene, bucher
To Mr. Frobifer .
To Pointell, baker
To Mr. Fenton
To Willfon, caper

5. 20. 20. .
To Jonas, a quarter
To Olyver Skiner, iron
To John Gonne, iron
To Jo. Roberts, bellowes
To Jo. Fyfher, fmithe
To N. Chanfelar, 20. 25
To F. Shawe, buttar
To C. Hawle, briflowe
To Ed. Selman, briftowe
To F. Lee, fhippe .
To Ro. Denam, a quarter

lent .
To P. Barnfton, aquavite

Hqo I 4 7

^^400

£^3 o o
£3 10 o

;^I00 O O

^400 o o

£100 o o

£50 o o

£45 o o

/^3 5 o
^3 8 o
^200
£'^00

£3b o o

^20 o o
£^2 o o
£50 o 0

£12 10 o
£^00

MARTIN FROBISHER

117

Receyt as ffollowth
Of Mr. Dowgle . . ^^33
Of S"^ Tho. Grefham . £^0
Of Lord Treforer . , ^100

The 2 May 1578
Of S'^ Thomas Grefham ;{^ioo
Of Rich. Young . . ^^50
Of Chriftofer Hudfon . ^67
OfEd. Hogan . . £^^
;^4i6 5 o

To Mr. Fenton, targats

^10

To Ed. Selman, briftowe

^16

To Thomfon, carpenter

£"^0

To Hitchecoke, carpenter ^^20

To Poyntell, baker

£50

To Mathew, baker pyn-

naffes

^12

To Ro. Denam, addita-

mentes

£10

To Jeronias ftoves .

£^0

To S. Burow, pynnaffe

£^

To Thomfon, carpentar

£30

To other od charges.

17 Aprill .

/:i6

To Mr. Frobifer ace

40. 10. 10.

£^0

To Vyllers colles .

£^0

To Groker, fmithe .

£5

To L. Admiralls man

£2

To Stanley, currier, foi

lether

£5

To Mr. Fenton

£^0

To Mr. Furbufher

briftowe

;(^596

To the fhippe Hopewell

£50

To Jonas

£10

To John Hayles, Dartfon

i £^2

Somme paid

;Ci958

Paid for fecond voyage

£901

Sum paid ;{^286o

Payments as follow^^
15 o Sum paid refte . . ^407
o o The 23 Aprill 1578.

o o To Thomas Willfon,

coopar . . . £10

o o To Thomfon, carpentar ^20

o o To Augar, chaundler . ^^^20

10 o The 24 faid [month].

o o To Mr. Hawle, Briftowe £12

To Chanfelor purfer. . ;^8

15 7

ii8

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

O O

o o

o
o
o o

To Shawe for butter . ^20

To Mr. More fhipe Foy £^^
To Mr. Rafheley fhipe

Foy .... -^48 o o
The 26 faid

To Whitnall, coopar . -^10

To Morris, tente maker 1 1

To Baker, fhipwright . -£iQ
To Poyntell, baker, of

Lymehoufe . . ^50

To Thomfon, carpentar ^^30

To Vyllars, fecoles . £2 1

To Mr. Fenton . . ^^30

To Chanfelar purfer . ^13

The 30 April, 1578.

To men of Judeth wagys £110

To Shaw, for fyft .
To Thomfon, feacoles

The 3 May.
To Whitnall, coopar
To Willfon, cans .
To Ffrances Lee, fhip
To Thomfon, carpenter
To Eliot, brife
To Maryners, Judethe

wages
To Dowd, coopar .
To Newfon, clokemaker
To J. Roberts, bellowes
To Hopkins, fmyth
To Morris, tent maker

1095-

/:i8

£30
£'^0

£5
£5b

£^
£Q
£^
£2
£^5

o o

5 o

o o

18 o

o o

10 o

o
o

o o
o o
o o

o
o

o
o
o
8
6
o

MARTIN FROBISHER II9

9. State Papers relative to the Trial of the Ore
subsequent to the Second Voyage.

[Colonial, 77. Domestic Eliz., cxxii, No. 3.]

January 6th, 1577. From Dr. Burcott of his Proceedynge in the Triall

of the Owre.

My humble commendacions Sir Walfingame I gyve you moft harde thankes for
your laboure and delygence for the performinge of your promyffe and the fendinge
of my pattane and, I hope by Godes grace to performe my promylTe towardes
you I had or this fertefied your Honore the trewe matter off this ower and my
proves butt God hathe towched me fo hard w^h the gowte that I have kept my
bed this thre wekes and do yett, and I fertefie your Honore off a trothe that I
have mayd a hundred dyvers fayes of fondry owers out of that lande, and I fynde
not fuch goodnes in yt as I thought to have founde not profedinge half an ounce,
as the blacke ower ys and I have prepared and rolled accordinge as I promylfed
you, and I cane bringe yt to no clay but I have moltine doune a pounde, and
hathe founde in yt fouer graynes as by this prove I have fent you dothe appere
that will come in a houndred weight almofle thre quarters of an ounce that is
nere xiiii ounces in a tonne and I dout not when yt is right prepared yt will faule
out in the great fyere very well and I am mynded as fone as I am able w*^ my
bodye I will melte doune a hundred weight and fend you that prove accordinglye.
So I byd you fare well w^^ my humble difier to advertyfe the Queue's Heignes
and my Lord of Lafyter. Datum the vi of January,

Your humble to comand,

Burchard Kranrych.

To his honorable and finguler good frend Sir Fraunces Walfmg e,

Seecret e to the heigh.

[Colonial, 79. Domestic Eliz., cxxii, No. 9.]

Januarie 19th, 1577. From Mr. Michaell Looke, what Charges S" WilVm
Wintar and the refl vppon their Meetynge have thought prefently to be
requifite for the fynyng of the Ewre and other thinges to be further

done in that behalf.

Right Honorable, accordinge to the commifTion of Her Ma^^^^ Privie Gouncell
direded to S^ W"^- Wyntar, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Dyar, Mr. Mr.Yonge, Mr. Fur-

120 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

buftier, and my fellf we all (except Mr. Randolph) have fyttogethers theife ij days
paft, and have confydered thervppon as the tyme would fuffer, and have had before
us all the chyef workmafters for the ere6linge of the howlTe and furnaces at the
mylls at Dartford, for the meltyng of the ewr brought by Mr. Furbufher, and
as nere as we can efteme the charges therof wylbe thus : —
For bryk, ftone, tyles, lome, lyme fand, lathes, naylles, and workmanfhip
therof, for all the myllehows and iij furnaces, w^^ makinge the ground-
work liiQo

For tymber, and all other ftuffe and the carpentars workmanfhip therof;
for the howfle of 84 foote long and 36 foote wyde, and for the myll
wheles, and the ftampinge mylls, and the iij paier bellowes for the
furnaces, wherof ij for melting, and i for drivinge or fynynge, and for
all other engynes belonging therto . . . . . . . /z240

Sum hereof /z400

For charges of a man to go to Germania, for ij chief workmafters of
meltinge and fyndynge mynes, and another man into Yorkfhier, for
ftuffe to melt the ewr U^o

For to provyde wood and coles, and other thinnes extraordinarie by

eftymation /noo

For wagys paid to the maryners and men come home w^h the fhyps,
above the eftimation made of 20 on 100 collected fum li^6o includynge
therin li200 alredy paid for charges of buyldinges of furnaces and
fmall proffes and fayes of the ewr made by the handes of dyvers men.
Sum li^Go

Sum of all /z'goo

The faid fum of ligoo of money mufte be provyded prefentlye by colle6lion of
the venturars or otherwyfle.

And for the better and more fpedye provifion of the ftuffe and men requyfyte
for the buyldynges forfaid, it is thought requyfyte to have comyfTion in Her
Mat'^s name to be direded to S^ Will'm Wyntar, who hathe alredy a fufficient
warrant for the marine affaires.

This beinge done all the woorkes wilbe fynyfhed and the ewr molten and fyned
w^h in vi or viij wekes tyme by Godes help.

We have alfo thought it good that Her Ma^'^ be moved for her favourable
letter to the Duke of Saxonia declaring the ftaying here of Jonas for Her Ma*^^^'
farvyce w^^^ fhalbe fent by the parfon that goethe for workmen.

Of other matters this bearer Mr. Furbufher can informe yor Honor at large.

MARTIN FROBISHER 121

wherfore I end, and comytt yo^ Honor to the tuition of Almighty God. From
London the xix Januarie, 1577.

¥0"^ Michael Lok.

To the Right Honorable S^ Francys Walfmgham, Knyght,

Her Ma^i^s Chyef Secretarie, etc.,

Delyured at the Court.

Commiffion from Her Ma*^^
Letter to the Duke of Saxonie.

[Colonial, 80. Domestic Eliz-, cxxii. No. 10.]

Januarie 19th, 1577. From my L.L.'s to Mr. Michael Locke for the
colledion of goo/z. among the Adventurers of the North-weft, etc.

After o^ hartie comendations where as for the buildyng of certayne furnaces, and
fendyng for fkilfull men owt of Germanic for the tryall and refinyng of the oore
brought owt of the north-weft : as alfo for the payment of certayn wages due to
the mariners and others employed vnder Mr. Furbufher, gent., in the laft viage
to the fayd north-weft parts, we are enformed the fomes of gooli to be verie
neceffarie and prefently required. Theife are to require you to repayre to all fuch
as be Adventurers in the fayd viage, as from vs fo appointed, and to colled and
gather of everie of them for the vfes, purpofes aforefayd, the fayd fome to be
levied amongft them after xx/z* in the hundredth, accordyng to the rate of and
proportion of everie of their Adventurers, and this to be done w*^ as convenient
fpeede as you can, to the end that fo good an enterprife and proffitable as this
viage is hoped will prove after fo great charges allreadie beftowed thereon; nowe
be not hindered either for want of fo fmall a fom or not profecutyng the triall of
the fayd oore. And fo we, etc.

[Colonial, 81. Domestic Eliz., cxxii, No. 17.]

Jan. 24thj 1577. From Majier Geoffrey La Brum, tryal Metal falling

not owt.

Monfeigneur jay confidere toutes ces efpeffes de mineres quil vous ha pleu me
bailler et ay trouve que la plufpart ne font que marchafites et non mineres lefquelles
marchafites ont ordinairement tant de fouphre que quant il y auroit quelque peu
de bon metal on ne le pourroit tirer fans grant peine et perte quant a en faire
preuve et effay et eflay certain il en faudroit bien davantage et ne fe fault fier a deux
ny troys preuves feullement car tel morceau quon penfe eftre bon et habonder dor

122 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

ou dargent je ne fy trouve rien ou peu de chofe le plusfouvent et au contraire tel
quon mefprife fe trouve le meilleur quelquefloys avec ce quil y ha divers noyens
por extraire le pur metal et le fault tenter par diverfes voyes par ce que'n aulcunes
minieres le metal eft encore tant crud quil fefauvit et perd en le fufion fil neft
retenu par cementations fixatives en oultres il eft accompaigne de tant dordures
et impurtes comme de fouphre, terre, pierre loppes et femblables qu'on ne le depart
qu'a grant peine de facon quon le doit efprouver tantoft avec felz tantoft avec
vifargent tantoft la bruflant tantoft la cementant ou fondant avec favon plomb
felpitre borax ou aultres qui font en grant nombre et trop longues a efcrire. Quant
a celle du Capp^ Forbiftier elle merite bien tant de diverfes preparations et fy jen
eufle eu nombre jen euffe tente plufieurs facons mais pour fy peu on nofe afteurer
de rien feullement je vous peux tefmoigner que jen ay brufle lave et purge puis
joint avec plomb et mis en cendres ou couppelle qui n'ha rien laifle de fin qui ne
fai6l juger quil ny ha grant profit par ce que les aultres voyes et moyens dextraire
le fin font de grant couft et labeur fur quantite, vray eft que fy j'en auvis ugne livre
ou deux jeflairoys quelque preparation par fel commun prepare avec aultres
ingrediens par le quel jay aultrefoys reduit des metaux fort calcines que le borax,
faint de verre nitre et aultres femblables ne pouvoient reduire. Je nay bailie a
Mons'' Marchant les fufes mineres a vous reporter par ce que je ne fcay fy les
defires fy je peux recouvrer davantage de celle du Capp^ Forbifcher jen feray
amples preuves jattendois a vous en efcrire jufque a ce que jeufte ven le fin de
quelques euvres que jay commences y a ja longe temps pour ta medecine affin
de vous en faire part en tefmoignage de tant de courtoyfies et bienfaidtz que jay
recevez de vous pour lefquels je fuis et feray a tousjours oblige a voftre grandeur,
mais lesditz euvres reftantz parfaites et mons^ Marchant maiant adverty a midi
de voftre commandement jay fait te prefenter po^ mexcufer et vous fuplier me
tenir au rang de voz treshumbles et tresfideles ferviteurs je prie Dieu Monfeigneur
quil augmente voftre grandeur et tentretienne en longue et tresheureufe fante
pour de plus en plus fervir a fa glore. Amen. De Londres ce Samedi 24^ jour de
Janvier 1578.

Voftre treshumble et obeiflant ferviteur,

Geoffroy Le Brumen.
A Monfeigneur

Monfeigneur de Vualfinghant.

MARTIN FROBISHER I23

[Colonial, 83. Domestic, Eliz., cxii, No. 53.]

21 Febra, 1577, from D. Burccotte, with a ProofFe how much Gould and

Siluer a Pownd, and one Hundrethe Pownd weight yeldeth, w^'^ he will

warrant to hould throughout the whole Ewre.

Pleafe your Honore, I perceyv'^e by your letter that you cane not come fo quycklye
as I thought, therfore, I fend you here by the captayne the fylver and gold of a
pound, and a hundred weight, wher by I will abyde by yt off my credyt and
honefllye that I will bringe twenttie tymes fo mvche out of every toune in the lyke
ower as that was and never vnder butt reyther above that rayte, and I pray you
fhowe to the Queue that Her Ma^^^ will be good lady vnto me, for I am lyke lofs
mvche this fpringe to go about that bufynes; and that you will be ameane that
the captayne may be fpedeley fett fourthe agayne w^^ fuche teachine and inftruck-
tine, as I have gyvene him, for yf he Ihall not go fpedelye and fpeciallye now this
yeare yt wilbe the worfle that ever came to Ingland, and that the ower may be
brought haftelye frome Breftoo to Detforthe, and that the detymente that the
captayne cane fhowe you be prepared, and your Honore to come fo haftelye as
you cane to vyfett the place where the mel tinge houfe fhall ftand. Now I fend
you the trothe by the captayne how the houfe fhall be; and I truft to fe you
fhortleye. So I comytte your Honore to God in hafte, this xxi'^'^ day of Fabruary,

1578.

Your Honore to command,

Burchard Kraurych.

To his honorable and fmguler good frend, Sir Frauncs Walfmgame,
Secretorye to the Queues Heighnes, delyver this.

[Colonial, 86. Domestic Eliz-, cxxii, No. 62.]

A Little Bundle of the tryeing of y^ Northweft Ewre. By D. Burcot,

Jonas Schutz, Baptijla Agnillo, etc.

The doings of Jonas ShaLeXn the newe mynes of golde.

In Januarye 1576, Jonas Shuts was brought acquainted w^^ John Baptifta
Agnello, by the meanes of S^ John Barteley, and S^ William Mprgaine, knights,
foo as in the fame monthe of Januarye by the meanes of the learninge of the fayd
Baptifta in alchimia and the knowledge of the faid Jonas in myneralls and mettalls
handelinge, the verye firfte golde was founde and difcoueryed by them too bee
in the firft peace of ewer whiche Mr. Furbufher brought home in his firft voyadge,
the valwe of oz. i J in c. weight of the ewer, whiche ewer Mr. Locke had delyvered

124 '^^^ THREE VOYAGES OF

too the fayde Baptifta in the fame moneth of Januarye too make prooffe thereof,
w<^h prooffe being made, hee, Mr. Locke, delyvered the fame too Her Ma*'^
ymediately.

And afterwardes, in the fame monethe, and in February, and Marche, Baptifta
and Jonas made diners other fmale proofes thereof whereby ftill they founde golde,
whiche afterwardes was difcouered too S"" Wilham Winter by S"" Wilham Morgaine.

In the beginninge of Aprill 1577, when S"" Wilham Winter was affured from
'S'" Wilham Morgaine and S'' John Bartley, by the handy woorke of Jonas, by
prooffes w^*^ he made in their owne prefens, too theire owne fatifffadion that this
was trewly the ewer of a mynd of golde; the fayde Si-William Winter juftified
the fame too bee trewe too my Lordes of the Queenes Ma^i^^ Honorable Pryvie
Councell.

And vppon commiftion diredyd from Her Ma^^^^ Pryve Councell too S'" William
Winter, Mr. Thomas Randolphe, George Winter, and others, by the procure-
ment of Mr. Locke, they weare certyfied by wrytinge geven by Jonas, of the riches
of this ewer and order and chardges of meltinge the fame, and the buyldings and
workemen thereof, and of all things necelTarie for the furniture of the mynes,
w^h ah other couninge men coolde fynde owte, wheareby Her Ma^^^ & Her
Pr)^ve Councell weare content too fett owtt a fecounde voyadge for difcouerye
vnder chardge of Mr. Furbufher.

And therevpon allfoo agreament was made w^^ Jonas Shots by indenture vnder
the hand wrytinge of S'" William Winter and Mr Locke, that he fhoulde goe one
the voyadge as cheife mafter of the_mynes, and too bee cheife workemafter therein
above all other as well abroade as att home, and att his retorne home too bee
made denyfon and too have a good pencion for his enterteynement duringe his lyfe.

Allfoo in the newe lande all the voyadge Jonas made all the fmale prooffes,
& fayes of all the ewer that was founde in the mynes theare w^^ was laden in
the fhipps and brought home and certyfied the valewe of the ryches thereof,
whiche nowe is founde trewe.

Allfoo the fhips beinge retorned home intoo Englande in the monethe of Sep-
tember 1577, w^^ their full ladinge of that riche ewer too the quantitie of clx
tonnes, Jonas hathe wrought and donne therein as followethe.

The fyfte of Odober, 1577, Jonas begane too builde the furnaces at S'" William
Winter's houfe, and fynifhed the fame and all things neceffary of his own devife.

The theirtie of Odober he had molten one hundrethe weight of the ewer pre-
pared and handelyd after his owne devife and order. And thereby was founde
that a tonne thereof doeth holde of fyne golde more then the valewe of xlli. of
mooney by wittnes of S^" William Winter, Mr. Furbufher, Mr. Locke, and Robert
Denhame & others whoe fawe the woorkinge and prooffes theareof made, befydes
the remnants of gold remayninge in the flags, w^'^ Jonas fayd coulde not be well
brought outt, butt in the greate woorkes, furnaffes, w*^^ he defyred might bee

MARTIN FROBISHER I25

builded accordinge too the plate that he woolde giue, that theirby hee woould
thorowghely knowe the nature of this ewer.

The theirde of November reporte was made too the Queenes Ma^^^^ Privie
Councell by S'" WilHam Winter and others of the Commiflioners what was founde
by Jonas workes, whiche did not fatiffie them, and ahhoughe Jonas him felfe and
Denhame, declared too them this furnace too bee not fufficient for the great works,
yet woolde have them to melte downe an other hundrethe weight for better tryall
of the trewthe, w^^ Jonas fayde he was willinge, becavfe this furnance and bellowfe
was too fmale and place not fytte yet for their commanndement he woolde doe yt.

The twentethe of Novemb', Jonas had newe repaired his furnace at S*^ William
Winters hoAvfe as well as that place woolde fuffer. And in that meane tyme
Baptifta had taken vpon him too prepare the ewer too greate effedle w'^'^ did not
succeade well in the great works. And alfo George Woolfe had taken vpon him
to prepare the ewer too melte eafely w^^ out any adetaments in the greate works
w'^^^ did not fuccede well.

The fourthe of Decemb' Jonas, w^^ danger of his lyffe, throughe the fmoke, had
molten doune the fecounde hundrethe weight of ewer w^h provyd as the fyrfl
hundreth did better then xUi. the tonne in pure golde as was certyfied to Her
Ma^>^ Councell by Ire of S^ Winter and other Commiffioners, whoe fawe the
prooffes made, but flill remayned more gold in the flags whiche Jonas fayd onely
the great woorkes muft bringe owt.

And hearevpon Jonas hade his patente graunted too him, he promifed too
delyver at the leafte halfe oz. golde in everye hundrethe weight, w^^ ys tenn oz.
tonn and allfoo hoaped too cleare all chardgs of the workinge and yf he did better
yt fhould bee their proffitt and his creditt. And thearevppon hee Ihould have
gonne to Bryftowe too have builded the furnaces theire for the greate woorkes.

Butt the fyxte of Decemb' the Lords weare not yet well fatifffied w^^ this feconnde
prooffe made becavfe of the remayners in the flags w^^ was enformed coolde not
bee gotten owtt, butt chiefly they beleaved nothinge that was donne becavfe the
goldefmithes and goldefyners of London and manye other namyd counynge menn
had made many prooffes of the ewer and could fynde noe whitt of goolde therein,
and therefore they vouched too the Councell that theare was noe whitt of gold
in this ewer vppen gage of their lyffe and goodes.

And vppon the arry\'all of Mr. Furbuflier at the Coorte retorned from Bryftowe,
the feventhe of Decemb' he flayed the woorks of Bryftowe and turned yt too
farther prooffe too bee made at London, wherefore yt was thought good too have
conference therein w^^ Mr. Burcott, whofe doings fhall appere in articles a parte.

The tenthe Decemb', Jonas was browght too conference w^^ Mr, Burcott, and
wthin iij or iiij dayes he diflyked the dealinge of Mr. Burcott boethe for his evell
manners and allfo his ignorannce in divers points of the works and handelynge
of this ewer foo as as woold not anye more deale w^^ him.

126 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

The fyxetenthe Decemb' Jonas w^^ ]y[j. Furbufher and Mr. Locke ryde too
diuers placs too fee water mills, for the workeinge of the ewer. And at Deartforde
Jonas lyked the mills beft of all others for the comodious water and place.

The twelfte of Januarye vpon newe comifTion too procead in the great works,
wee went again too Dertforde, w^^ Jonas and Henricke, the mafon, and Sebaftian,
the carpenter, whoe was then newe come too London, and meafured owte the
platt of grownd for erre6lion of the buildings and furnacs.

The fowertenth Januarye Jonas delyuered too all the Comiffioners a platt
drawen by him of all the buildings of the howlTe and mills and furnafces w^^ was
well lyked. But uppon newe conference w'^^ the workemen yt was founde that the
tyme woold bee foo longe in the buildings, that yf that fhould be taryed for the
money it woold be too late too fett owt a newe voyadg this yeare.

The 2 1 did. Mr. Furbufher devifed that x tonn of ewer fhold be molten at
Kefwicke for the expedicon of the try all.

The 22 did. Jonas alleadged manye lacks theare and the GomifTioners fawe
great coafte and longe tyme hanginge theare one allfoo foo that Jonas oflferyd
too make a theird great prooffe at London of a toonn by cc weight at a tyme
w'^^ fhoold fuffice for a tryall of all w^h was well lyked.

And the 23 daye Jonas gave informacon of certaine merkefytes too melt the
ewer w^'^ all w^^ Denham or Coole fhoold have fought abroade.

The 23 fayd John Baptifla made offer of a newe great prooffe too be wrought w^^
a winde furnace, whearevpon he had a c weight of ewer but yt succeeded not well.

The 30 of Januarye John Broed at Crepelgate had cc ewer too make prooffe
w*=^ did fuccead well.

The 1 2 of February Jonas did melt doune cc of the ewer for his theird prooffe
at the howffe of S"^ W"^- Winter jv"^h^reat danger of his lyffe thoroughe the fmoke,
and at the fecond tyme of the mealtinge thereof The 1 8 February yt fucceaded
verye well in prefens of the Comiffioners, found oz. 6^ of lilver and goold myxt,
wheareof oz. 3I was perfytted and browght i qr. of oz, of fyne golde and oz. 3^^
of fyne fylver, the reft of the oz. 6^ of filver mixt was fonke intoo the tell; becavfe
the tefl was not drye made thoroughe the haft of tyme and much gold remayned
in the flegs.

All the doings of Jonas from the tyme too tyme was donn openly, and Mr.
Furbufher caryed all the fecrets thereof too Mr. Burcott, too healpe him, and all
Mr. Burcott doings was in fecrett, foo as none knoweth yt but him felfe.

The Dooings of Mr. Burcott in the Newe Mynes of Golde.

Mr. Burcott had delyvered too him certaine fmale peces of ewer in Novemb'
1577, whereof he made fayes and proffes and founde golde therein as Jonas had
donne before.

MARTIN FROBISHER I27

The 9 Decemb' 1577, Mr. Locke and Mr. Furbulher brought Ires from Mr.
Secrytarye Walfingham vntoo Mr. Burcott and delyvered them too him, and
had fuche conference w^^ him therevpon that Mr. Burcott grew too full promes
too delyver halfe a oz. of fyne gold out of everye hundreth of the ewer vppon
certaine condicons fett doune in wrytinge, w^^^ condicons was fertyfied too Mr.
Secrytarye who diflyked of them.

The 10 Decemb' Jonas was brought too conference w^^ Burcott and w^Mn iij
or iiij dayes he diflyked the dealinges of Mr. Burcott boethe for his evell manners
and ignorance in diuers points of the woorks and handelynge of the ewer foo as
he woold nott anye more deale w^^ him.

In fewe dayes afterwards when Mr. Burcott fawe that wee did cleave ftill too
Jonas dooings and made little accompt of his doings he made great flyre of his
owne cunninge and foo wrought w^h Mr. Furbufher that he cam too bee harde
againe and putt him felfe too the confideracon of Her Ma^'^ and Councell, and
vouched too warrant the ewer too hold foo muche gold as ys fayd and too gage
his lande, goods, and lyffe for the delyverye thereof whereby he was credityed
and the matter lyked.

The 20 Decemb' Mr. Furbufher woold that Mr. Burcott fhoulde melt a c of
ewer in Jonas furnace as S"" W™ Winters howfle, w^'^ Jonas would not fuffer,
therefore he willed Jonas too pull doune the fecrets of his furnace that Burcott
might build a new after his manner, w^h Jonas did foo.

The 20 Januarye, or their about, Robert Denham told Mr. Locke that he had
a peace of ftrange ewer, w*^^ he proved too doo muche good in the meltinge of
our ewer and that he had yt from Mr. Burcotts houlfe by his man w^h Mr. Burcott
knewe not of, and fhortly after, when Mr. Lock fawe yt in his howfe, of Denham,
he fayd yt was yt and that he had made prooffe thereof too hold fyluer, copper,
and leade, &c., that Mr. Burcott called yt ewer of antymonie, &c., and had fayd
too him that yt held noe manner of mettell at all.

And Mr. Furbufher told Mr. Locke that Mr. Burcott fayed that Jonas
bellowes laye too hie, & that yt fhould lye lowe too blowe right into the hole
on the fore parte, and in fewe days afterwards he fayd againe that Mr. Burcott
woold have the bellowes lye more then a fote aboue the hole as Jonas bellowes
did lye.

Alfoo afterwards, Mr. Furbufher did fhewe too Mr. Locke a paper platt, made
by Mr. Burcott, of the furnace that he woold have w^h a pott by yt. And nowe,
at the 20 February, he fhewed an other platt thereof made cleane contrarye too
the firft, but even iuft the coppie of the plate of the furnaces, wheorw^h Jonas
doethe woorke.

The 2 1 Februarye, Mr. Burcot fhewed too the CommifTioners and too my Lorde
Treaforer, his proofes made of J once of gold and 2 onces & ^ filuer, in one c of
ewer, but the fame was melted in potts w^^ additaments by halfe pounds in a pott

128 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

w^^ is not the order of the great workes, nor noe man but him felfe knoweth
wate he puts in his additaments.

And alfoo he fhewed a peace of antimonye ewer vouching that there in was
noe manner of mettal, but a prooffe thereof was made by the Commiflioners one
the 22 daye, and they founde therein boethe filuer, 30 ouncs in a tonn, and fome
copper, and verye muche leade.

And Mr. Burcott fayed that w*^ out that antimonnye ewer he woold not ftand
to his former promys of the golde and filuer too be delyveryed. And Denham faythe
that Burcott did not knowe of the mettalls that are in that antymonie ewer vntill
Thorfday, beinge the 20 Februarye, when as he tolde yt too Burcott, and was the
mann that did firft fynde yt too bee foo by his owne tryalls.

And Mr. Burcott was ignorannt of the weight of gold and fylver accoumpted
after xxiiii too a pennye weight, and xxiiii pennye weight too the ounce vntill
that Denham did fhewe him his errore therein.

And yt is manyfeft that Burcott was more ignorant then Jonas, in the knowledge
of the nature and workinge of this ewer ; for him felfe Burcott doeth confeffe that
he hathe made more then fortye fondrye wayes of tryall thereof, and yet is not
well fatifffied therein ; but Jonas hathe made onely fyxe proffs thereof, and thofe
after the order of the greate woorks.

[Colonial, 82. Domestic Eliz., cxxii, No. 44.]

February 19, 1577. From Dodor Burchart to Mr. Secretary Walfyngham

touchynge the North- weft Owre.

Your Honore remember what appountement you mayd w^^ me in my houfe
and what promylTe I mayde you. I have done fo and moltine doune a hundred
weight and a pound, and I have the proves to fhow you to fave your Honores
credyte and my honeftye, therfore appounte the day and ower to ride to Detforthe
to bring me ther to gyve me your Honores countenance in the firft enterpryce,
for yff you do not go I will not go that all worke mene and fo many off the
comyffioners as yt fhall plealfe you to fe and here oure determynacon and fhow
fuche things as I have and cane do before them all for I efleame your Honore
and credytt as moche as my owne lyffe, and I doute yf I cane ryde ytt w^^gut
a horfe lytter, and yet I know of no ealfye horfe. And yff your Honore will humble
your felfe fo muche and yett come once in my houfe an ower or twane before we
departe out off London, I will fhow your Honore bothe the pattrone off the
meltinge houfe and the fayes prevelye betwene you and me that my doinges be

MARTIN FROBISHER

129

not onely wordes butt deeds. So God increaffe your Honore in health. Datum
the xix ofFFabruary 1577.

Your humble to comand,

Burchard Kranrych.

To his Honorable and very good frend S"^ Frauncis Walfmgame,

Secretary to the Queues Heighnes.
Delyver this.

[Colonial, 84. Domestic Eliz., cxxxi, No. 52.]

February 21, 1577. A Declaration of the Value of the North-weft Ewre
both for Gold and Silver by Proofs thereof made by Dr. Burcot.

My dutie done in moft humble maner. It maye pleafe yo^" Honor to be adver-
tized that Burchart hathe fynifhed and certefied two proffes of the gold ewer,
wherof one was of ili w^'^, and thother of one c w^^^ Dennam hathe bene thonly
man that he hathe admytted to be prefent and privie w^^ hi^i in the feid proffes,
and the fame Dennam hathe bene the fyar workman therof, and by vouchem'^ of
them two ye fame falle out as folow*^ :

That proffe of the li w^^^ holdithe in filver

And in golde .......

\Ych is vii parts filver and an viii^^^ parte gold

After that rate i c w^i* holdithe in filver

And in gold ........

And after the fame rate the tonne holdithe in filver
And in gold ........

So the filver of a tonne at v^ ii^ the oz. am^h to
And the gold at lix^ viii'^ the oz. amountithe to

Sum Ixvii^^ xx'^
That proffe of the c w^'* holdithe in filver,
And in gold ........

W'^'^ is nere about iiii parts filver and a v^^ parte gold

After that rate the tonne holdithe in filver

And in gold ........

So the filver of a tonne amountithe to .
And the gold of the fame to .

Sum Iiii'* x^ iii*^
So a tonne anfwerable to the proffe made of the li w^^^ ys richer then that of
the c w^'*^ by xiii'' xi^ v'^.

xxi gr.
iii gr.

iiii oz. dr. viii^ w^^*

xxxviii oz.

xiiii oz.
xxv'* vi^ iiii^
xli'* xv-^ iiii*^

ii oz. dr. i'^ w^^* yi gr
xiii<^ vv^it (Jrs,

li oz. v^ w*^!*^
xiii oz. dr.
xiii'* iiii-^ ix^

FVIl

130

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, 85. Domestic Eliz., cxxii, No. 61.]

February 27, 1577. From D. Burcott touchynge his Cunynge and Offer

about triynge the Ewre.

My humble comendacons as I am informed that your Honore and the reft be
difpleafed w^^ ^nc as thoughe I had mayd a falfe prove, w^h I will ftand to the
contrary to deathe and lyffe that yt is as I have fent onto you, therfore I have done
yt w^h my owne hand, and cane do yt agayne fave the laft quarter w^^ Dennan
hathe moltine doune, and brought yt in agood way after the rayte, and in the
dryvinge utterly mared yt for ingnorance and unfkylfulnes ; yt was in the night
when I cold not be at yt, and I wold not truft him further and I mayd that quarter
good after the rayte I fent, as for the detymente yt hathe layd this ten yeare in
my houfe and were my invenfion to melt yt the ealTier and the foner, and ther
is not fo moche fylver in yt as you are informed you for the ower is fufficient in
him felfe to augement your Honore and fave my credytt becaufe yt is comed to
fuche an exclemacion agayneft my honeftie and deface me w^^out acaufe I will
make my felfe cleare, let my have delyvered out of hand in haft to hundred weight
be brought in my houfe of that ower, and ij honeft men and not falfe men to
fee the roftinge, be caufe I have fornace mete for yt, and in the meane tyme when
yt is in roftinge I will ryde to the Tower-hill by your comandement to mend
Jonas fornace, or to make an new one, that will ferve me, and lett thes ij fworne
men carrye the ower to the Tower when yt is rofted and fee yt moltine doune
and puryfyed as I have fent you; and lett me have al things nefleflarye; and yf
yt pleafe you and Sir Will'm Wynter may be the men appounted to do yt, and
Dennan be the workeman becaufe he is the caufer of this exclemacion as I cane
tell you previlie, when your Honore pleafe betwne you and me you fhall here
the very trothe. And yf I do not prove yt trewly comed out then take my body
and goods to your owne pleafure, and Jonas nor the captaynes, nor any of ther
confederats fhall not come nye me, but them whome you pleafe, for yf Jonas had
any couninge yt had longe fmce appered ; therfore he fhall learne nothinge of me
untill yt be knowen that I am aperfytt mafter above them all. Datum the xxvii
of Fabruary. God encreafe your Honore.

This prove wilbe done out of hand after yt is rofted, havinge all things nefeflary
prepared. Appount atyme when you will and I will come to you.

Yo'" humble to comand,

Burchard Kranrych.

To the Honorable Sir Fraunces Walfmgame, Knight,

Secretary to the Queues Ma^^^, my fmguler and very frend.

MARTIN FROBISHER I3I

[Colonial, 92. Domestic Eliz., cxxiii, No. 7.]

II March, 1577. To the Lord Treafurer and Lord Chamberlayne abowt

the North-weft Viage.

My verie good Lordes, Hir Ma*^^ havyngbeen made acquaynted w**^ the certificats
fent lately from the Commiffioners appoynted to furveighe the fondrie proffs and
trials made of the north-weft ewre, and underftandyng therby to hir good con-
tentation that the richnefs of that earth is like to fall owt to a good reaconyng
is well pleafed that a third viage be taken in hand the plotte wherof confifteth
chiefly in theife two poynts, to witte, the charges of the ftiipping outwardes and
fome provifion to be made for a loomen to inhabite in thofe north- weft partes:
what the whole charges of theife two matters will amount to yo^ Lordfhips may
perceave by that their bearers Mr. Ffurbefher and Mr. Locke will fhew you in
writyng and otherwife by word. I have allreadie acquaynted my Lord of Leceifter
how m^h : and yf it might pleafe yo"^ Lordfliips to fend yo"^ opinions of the two fayd
points I would after impart it further to others of my Lords and the Cowncell
to thend that all their advifes beyng had hir Ma^i<^ may grow to fome refolution
for this newe and third viage and fo order accordingly be given for warrant of
hir owne part and other men's likewife that be adventurers in this matter.

[Colonial, 90. Domestic Eliz., cxxiii, No. 5.]

The accompt taken at Mofkovie Houfe the viij'^ of March 1577, of cc weight
of y^ Ewre brought by Mr. Fforbifher molton and tried by Jonas Shuttz
an almaine adfifted by iij Englifhmen, viz., Humfrey Cole John Erode

and Robert Denham.

Of the faid cc weight of ewre fo molton and tryed as afore-

fayd there proceaded in filver vj oz. vi]^ weight xiij

graines di, w^h valued at v^ the oz. maketh in money . xxxj^ x*^ ob.

And of the fame ewre proceaded in gold v"^ weight v graines

w^h at iiij^ the penny weight maketh in money . . xv^ vij^ ob.

Sum, xlvij^ vj^.
So at that rate j c weight of the faid ewre will make in

money xxiij^ ix'^

And a toone of the faid ewre by like accompt will make in

money xxiij^' xv-^

The charges of getting and fetting the faid ewre into the

realme as by particulers delivered by Mr. Fforbifer doth

appere will not excede the tonne ..... viij''

9-2

132 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

So uppon view of this accompt for every viij^^ defrayed the
venturers fhall gaine v^* w^^ arifeth uppon every hundred
poundes above ........ Ix^^

W. Wyntar

Edward Dyer

Martin Frobifer

Rich. Young

Mathew Field

Edmond Hogan

Michael Lok

Andrew Palmer

The charge for furnifhing fhippes for this next voyage as followeth : —

The charge to furnilh iiij or v fhippes w^^ 120 men, viz., folidiors,

mynars, fmithes, carpenters, and other men of necelTarie occupa-

cions and to bring home viij*^ tonne of ewre as appeareth by par-

ticulers therof delivered by Mr. Ffrobifher will amount to . . vj"^^ iiij^

Wherof muft be defrayed prefently for the furniture nowe owtward

thone moytie or els this yeres voyage wilbe loft, viz. . . . iij™ ij^ li
And at the retorne of the fhippes muft be payed other . . . iij™ ij^ U
Ffor the provifion of w^^ money a le\'ie muft be made amonge thadventurers
after fuch rate that every one of them w^h did before adventure j'^ li. muft now
put in jc xxx^^ the moytie therof to be payed forthwith. And the other moytie
to be readie againft the retorne of the fhippes to clere the freight and men's wages.

10. State Papers concerning the Triall of the Ewr
previous to the Third Voyage.

I. Memorandum from My Lords to the Warden of the Mynt touching the Ore.

II. From Mr. Fenton on the Unladynge of the Ore and Dr. Doddyngs Report on

the Sicknefs and Death of the Man brought by Capt. Frobifher from the
North-weft, and of the Nature of the Woman of that Country yet livinge.

III. From Mr. Locke what the Goodnefs of Ore is declared.

IV. From Sir W. Wynter touchynge the Goold Ore.

V. From Jonas Schutz on the same.

VI. From Dr. Burcot on the same,

VII. From M. Lok of Jonas new method of trials.

MARTIN FROBISHER I33

VIII. A Note of all fuch Charges in meltynge down the Owre.

IX. Agnell on the Trial of the Ore.

X. A Note of Charge for the Triall of one Tonne of the Northweft Ore.

XL From Mr. Fenton, what succefTe he hathe in travelinge to get Owre in the
Weft Countrie.

XII. A Count made of x'=. of Ore meltyd at Dartforde.

XIII. A Note of the value of 200 w^"* of Oare gotten in the Counteffe of Warwicks
Ilande.

{Colonial, 56. Domestic Eliz., cxvi, No. 25.]

Odober 17, 1577. M"^ from My Lords to the Warden and Woorkmafler
of the Mynt tovchynge the Ore brought owt of the North-weft.

After our hartie commendacions. The Qjaeenes Ma^^^^ pleafure is that certain
oore brought into this realme by oajr_Joving jrend--Majlir^^ gent, out

of the north- weft partes, fhalbe caryed into theJTower and layd in fome convenyent
place by you to be appointed for that purpos, the faid oore to be by him delyvered
unto you by weight and fo by you receaved. And further that to the doare of the
place where the fame fhall lye there be fower feverall lockes and keyes made,
whereof the faid Ffurbufher to have one, you her heighnes officers two, and Michaell
Locke, treforer of the Company of Adventurers into the faid north-weft partes,
the fourth. Whereof her Ma^^e hath appointed us to geve you knowledge to thend
you maie take prefent order therein accordinglie.

And fo we bid you ffarewell. Ffrom the Caftell of Windefor the the xvj^h of

Odober 1577.

Your loving frindes,

[no fignatures.]

And further yt is meant y* you fhall from tyme to tyme make delyverye of the

feyd ore to be melted downe accordyngley as you fhall be dyreded by the com-

myffyoners by us deputed to have the overfyght of the feid meltyng.

Ric. Martin, Warden of the Mint. (Blank) Samfon, worckmafter of the fame.

{Colonial, 59. Domestic Eliz., cxviij, No. 40.]

25 Novemb. 1577. From Mr. Edward Fenton. Of the Unladyn of the Oore
in the Ayd and Gabriell, and how manie toones of the fayd Oore is in
ether of the fayd veffels. To have order for the difchardge of the Mariners

and unrigginge the fayd veflels.

My dutie to yo'" hono^ moft humblie ufed. Receaving letters from my Generall
the viij^^ of this inftante to make deliverie of fuch oure as remayned in the Ayde
and the Gabriell, whereof I had charge w*^ letters in like manner from yo'^ ho'" and
others of her Ma^'^^ counfoull direded to S^ Richarde Barkely, Knight, Flugh

134 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Smith, Efquier, and the Maior of Briftoll w^^ j prefentHe fent unto them notw^^*-
ftanding they mett not abowt the receipte thereof till the xiiij^h daye of this inftante
(by reafon S'" Richard Barkely was ymployed elfwhere in her Mamies fervice)
Sithens w^h time they have w^^ ^^re and diligence attended that fervice and have
now in effed ended the fame faving that a little porcion of oare founde in removing
of the cafke[s] in the Ayde is not yet weighed, but wilbe furthw^h difpatched. The
quantitie of the oare in the Ayde (I fuppofe) wilbe nigh 124 toones. And in the
barke Gabriell 16 toones rd'i. All w<=^ is faffelie beflowed in the caflell of Brifloll
according to order appointed therin. Thus much having fo conveniente a meffenger
I thought good to ymparte w^^^ yo^ honor befeching the fame to further the difpatch
of all fuch perfons as have ferved in this adlion, whofe fervice now rather is chargeful
to her Ma^i^ and other thad venturers then liking or beneficeall to theim felves.
Wherof the gentlemen ymployed in that adion (and attending heare thies ij
moneths to fmall purpofe) is greatlie charged by the fame whofe good government
in this fervice both before and fithence their cominge hither on lande deferves
(in myne opinion) at her Ma^^^^ handes bothe favo'" and recompence for fo greate
vertues Ihowed in fo honorable an adion wherin yo^ honors good favo"^ and fur-
therance is chieflie to be craved for their comforts in the fame. And am (amongelle
the reft fpeciallie) to recommende this gentleman and bearer Mr. Carew to yo'"
honors favo'^ and countenaunce whofe readinefle wifdome and good government
in this fervice deferves greate commendacion and rather to be ymployed w^^^
charge then to ferve as now he hath donne w'^h I humbUe befech yo'^ to confider
of hereafter for his better advauncemente and creditt; no leffe (I fuppofe) my
Generall will deliver of him for his defertes (w^^out flatterin) doth thus much
challenges me to reaporte unto yo^ honor having well marked his behavio'" in
this fervice. It were to good purpofe order were taken for the unrigginge of the
fhippes (if heare they fhall remayne) for wante wherof their tackle and other
thinges grow to dekaie w'^h would be faved if order were taken what fhould be
done in the fame : Befides the fuperflius mariners and others now attending would
be difcharged w^^ if it had been performed vij weekes agoo had faved greate
charges and been to verie good purpofe. All w"^h j committ to be delt in as fliall
feeme befte to yo'^ honor craving pardon for my boldnelfe do praye daielie to
thalmightie to blefs you in all yo'" honorable actions and fende yo" much encreafe
of honor. From Bryftoll the xxv"^^ of November 1577.

Yo"" hono''^ moft humblie to commaunde,

Edward Fen ton.

Pojifcript. — I am bolde to fende unto yo'" hono"* hereinclofed the opinion of
Mr. Docto"^ Dodding towching the death of the man we brought over w^^ us who
often visited him in the time of his ficknes.

To the honorable my verie good frinde Frauncis Walfmgham, Efquier, principall
fecreatarie to her Ma^'^ and one of her highnes privie counfaill at the Co'"^^.

MARTIN FROBISHER I35

[Colonial, 59. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 40, i.]

Dodor Doddyngs Report of the SicknefTe and Death of the Man at Briftoll
w^ Capt. Furbijher brought from the North- weft : and of the Nature of the
Woman of that Contrie yet hvynge.

In cadaveris difTedli latere finiftro, primum fefe michi infpiciendce obtulerunt
coflae duas (cafus vi et impetu quando capiebatur) praefradce dehifcentes adhuc,
nee invicem agglutinatae : quarum cura (uti in tarn turbulentiffimis temporibus
rerumque navalium auguftiis ufu venire folet) vel negleda, vel (quod potius
fufpicor) morbus a nemine perceptus inflamationem concitaverat : et pulmonis
contufio (temporis progreffu) putredinem itidem contraxerat : quibus libere indies
ferpentibus, cum per frigoris externi injuriam commotis turn per malam vidus
rationem audis, nee tamen per artem chirurgicam exterius interim emendatis
neque per medicamenta interius retufis in pulmonis ulcus infanabile precepe.
Ruebat et ingruebat malum puris putrefadi afluentia maxima ejufdem materia
vifcida et tenaci, ita pulmonis pars fmiftra undique fcatebat ut nihil omnino per
omne morbi tempus expuerit et anhelitus fere retentus eft conftridus, hue accedebat
natura morbi infeftantis furore admodum debilitata : liberior apud nos vidus ratio
quam aut hujus morbi fert malitia aut hominis fortaftis confuetudo quotidiana
patiebatur, quod fumma ducis fummi cura liberalitafque immenfa eorum apud
quos divertebat effecerat: deceptis omnibus opinione potius morbo latilate et
indulgentia ftulta quam male volentia, fed cum afthma paulo ante mortem, morbus
ifte haud obfcure fimilitudine expreflit, tum ab hydrope non omnino immunis
erat : in thoracis enim fpacio fmiftro ingens aquas opia et abundantia (qualis a
perfpicacibus et induftriis anatomicis raro vifitur) confpiciebatur fluitare: haec
moto corpore (uti rei eventus fidem fecit) agitabatur, et pulmonis expirationem
impediebat, pulmo denique ipfe coftis firmius quam quifquam putaret hasrebat.
Cerebri vulnerati apoftematique (ut ita loquar) praeter furditatem doloremque
capitis intenfiftimum (quibus nunquam non affligebatur) figna infinita extant et
emergunt apertiflima quas nunc filentio (ne fim prolixior) funt involvenda, quod
lieni minutiflimo detraxerat natura juftas molis id ftomacho capaciflimo adjecifte
vifa eft cum foenore qui aqua refertus et diftentus multo major quam noftrorum
hominum propter infanabilem (credo) ingluviem apparebat. In casteris partibus
Anglium diceres metum in quo a primo ejus adventu erat quamvis vultus hilarior
et fimulatus non mediocri arte occultabat et ementiebatur, tamen geftus ipfius
(figillatim fmgula penitius introfpiciente me et fufpicante omnia) vel eundem
aperte prodiderunt det exeruntque vel morbum letale (quod fepius fed furdis
cecini) praefagiverunt impendentem, quas ex pulfibus dilucidiora quam ex ipfo
innotuerunt et confirmabatur qui femper minores tardiores et debiliores, quam
rariores extiterunt, et rariores tamen quam aut etas juvenilis, aut temperatura

136 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

ejus biliofa eflagitabat. priori morbi infultu, cum vires adhuc integre eflent accer-
fitus fanguinis miffionem magna contentione fuadebam, quo et inflammationis
aculei extindi, et materia diminuta jacerent: fed vetuit viri barbari, barbara
nimis, infulfaque timiditas, et eorum confilium quibufcum una navigabat, apud
me prasvaluit. Denique ea hora vocatus quae proxime horam prascelTit in qua de
vita difcefcit reperi cun6ta mortem brevi minitantia, nimirum, interruptam fereque
omnino abfciflam loquelam dejedum appetitum, pulfum nullum, Quid multa !
Vires omnes facultatefque proflratas prorfus aliquantulum recreatus ad fe quafi
e fomno profundo redit nofque ejus familiares agnovit. animadverti fed medica-
mento, et verba noflra quae edifcerat pauca ut potuit, eloquebatur viciflimque ad
interrogata refpondit fatis appofite, cantelenamque eandem (uti referunt qui
utramque audiverant) clare cecinit, qua aflantes in littore ejus loci atque ordinis
socii ultimum ipfms difceffum vel deplorabant vel celebrabant. Haud aliter atque
cigni qui providentes quid in morte fit boni cum cantu et voluptate moriuntur,
fed vix difcefferam quando vitam cum morte commutaverat ; in hccc ultima et
noflra lingua edita virumpens verba 'Deus fit vobifcum.'

Angebar et vehementer dolebam non tam ipfms morte quam quod reginae
noflrae fereniflimae fpes tanta ejus videndi quafi e manibus nunc fecundo exciderat.
At mcerore multo majore afficiuntur hujus novi honoris folidique heroes vere
Herculei tanquam exantlati laboris praemiis et fpoliis fpoliati quos jure optimo
(dicam enim quod fenceo) manet a nobis obfervantia fumma, qui itinera haec
marittima, devia ea quidem afpera et plane ante hoc tempus inaccefia magnis
fuis fumptibus laboribus periculis majore regni et pofteritatis commodo maxima
fuorum nominum gloria fuperarunt et apperuerunt quod fi uti acceperit, fuc-
cefferit, ut eadem facilitate has regni et reipublica animas nervofque (fic enim a
philofophis non infcite appellantur divitiae) qua confequuti fumus, retineamus,
nee priufquam accipiamus, ingratitudine noftra amittamus (quid enim aliud
metuam non video) quid retribuamus Domino pro omnibus quae tribuit nobis ab
externis regibus nil fperemus boni quia non volunt, nil metuamus mali, quia non
audent. Verum non eo haec dico quo quenquam in peccatorum fordibus delite-
fcentem in utramque aurem dormire fuadeam, fed ut amorem figillatim fingulos
ab improbitate, et adigam ad res divinas univerfim omnes acrius celebrandas :
quid enim dici cogitarive poteft abfurdius quam cum Deus optimus maximus fit
ad dandum promptior et paratior nos ad promerendum fimus tardiores. Attamen
femper erit ilia Dei veri, vera vox agnofcenda non quia tu dignus fed quia mitis
ego. Si incantantium futilia fidliliaque praecaria, ceremoniaeque inertes et ludinae
in morbis profligandis quicquam potuiflent, hie profedo (dum in vivis elfet)
'Calichoughe' (namque hoc ei nomen erat) eofdem pullulantes ut hydras ampu-
taffet et profligaflet etenim hoc nemo fuit in hac arte excercitatior, nemo in ipfa
fuperfl:itione (ni fallor) confidentior : qui tot incantationes ufurpavit, quot dolorum
termina emerferunt Mulieri laboranti tum e morbillis (qui poflridie, quando haec

MARTIN FROBISHER I37

fcripta funt effloruerunt in cute frequentifTimi) cadaver oflendi, unaque (meo
fuafu) ad fepulturam (quam nulla folemnitate de induftria peradam efle volui,
ne qua horror ei injiceretur de hominibus apud nos facrificandis) licet invita,
addu6la eft : ibique tamdiu detenta, donee terra undique coopertum elTet cadaver :
ofTa humana ollendi effolTa, fecique ut intelligeret omnes nos eodem modo efTe
inhumandos, quo omnem ex animo de humana came comedenda (quae in ipfis
altas radices egerat) adimerem fcrupum : ipfaque timorem deinceps deponere
difceret. Sed ifta aut prudentia et patientia homines omnes noftros exuperat
mulier, aut ab ipfis brutis animantibus longe fuperatur humanitate, qua nihil
omnino ejus morte commota eft, neque eam (quantum ex vultu intelleximus)
aegre tulit: ita ut hoc poftremo ejus fado manefeftius exprelTerit id quod longe
antea conjedluris aflequuti fumus, ilium prae fe mirum in modum contempfifTe,
et quamvis in uno eodemque ledlo fomnum capere folebat praeter coUoquia tamen
nihil inter eos interceftifle, amplexus ejus abhorruifle. Vale. Briftolliae 8° Novembris.

Tuus uti fcis,

Edwardus Doddinge.

Si nihil infefti durus vidiflet Ulifles
Felix Penelope, fed fine laude foret.

[Colonial, East Indies, 57. Domestic, cxviii, No. 36.]

23rd of November, 1577. From Mr. Mich. Locke. What the Goodnefs of

the Gold Ore is declared.

Right honorable, — According to yo'^ letter fent me by Mr. Watterhows, I have
had conferens w'^^ hym, and I have told hym my beft opynyon playnly, and I wyll
furder that matter the beft I can and wyll joyne w^^ you therin for a part, yf it
pleafe you, w<^^ I hartely pray you.

The tryall of the ore brought home by Mr. Furbuftier, moche paynes and labour
hathe palled of late agayne, yet it is not brought to parfedion, theJiLworkmafters p.

cannot yet agree togethers, eche is jelous of otherto be put out of the work and ^
therby loth^ te ftiew their conynge or to ufe effefluall conferens; but amongeft
them all we doo very playnlye fee and fynd that the ure_is very ryche, and the
worft of all their doynges wyll yeld better then xl^' a ton, clere of charges. This
is afturedly trew, w^^^ may fuffyfe to embrafe the enterpryfe. And w^^ in few
dayes yo^ honor Ihalbe better certyffyed of better matter herein when we have
made better lykynge betwene the workmaftars. And thus I commytt yo^ h. to
the tuition of almighty God. From London, this xxiij November, 1577.

Yo^ h. moft bounden,

Michael Lok.

138 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, 58. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 39.]

Nov. 26th, 1577. From Sir William Wynler, touchynge
the Gold Ore what it will yield.

Mr. Furbufher beyng bounde towardes Briflowe for the difchardginge of the
maryners and takinge of order for the fhips and ther furneture w"=h remayneth
ther, hathe been enforfed to ftaie fome what longer then willingly he would have
don frome the doinge of thefe thinges before this tyme, becaufe he hathe hade
a defier that w*^ his travaile and others in comyfTion tochinge this matter of the
oore that he and they nowghte have underflanded what fertaine accompt was to
be made of the faid oore to thend yo"" honur, and the reft of her Highnes cownfaile
myght have been perfatly enformed. What hathe ben don hether to Mr. Furbufher
will do yo^" honur to wyet. And albe hit the oore in reporte do not appiere to be
of the vallew w^^ hathe ben looked for, yet yf the woorkmen be to belyved who
offereth ther lieves to performe that w^h they have fet downe w^^ ^^er handes,
the commodittie is fuche as maye content refonable myendes, for my owne opynyon
I beleve hit will fawll ow^ better than the woorkemen hathe fet hit doune, and
that it maye fo come to pafe I will ufe all the travaile I cane poffibhe; not fo
mucho^for my pryvate gayne {trewly)_asjii refped of the Q,. Ma^i^ that her highnes
good hoepe be not made fruftrate, and yet I dow*^ not but you beleve I ame worfe
able to beare a lofe than her Ma^'^ is. And thus moft humbly takinge my leave,
I reft, prainge God to kepe yow in helthe. Tower Hill, the xxv^h of November, 1577.

Yo'' honnors ever to comawnde,

W. Wynter.

[Colonial, 60. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 41.]
November 25^^, i577- From Jonas Schutz touching the Gould Oore.

Righte honnorable Mr. Secretarye Walfingham, my humble dutie premyfed.
Thefe may fignifie unto youre honnoure that wheras I have bene by order from
the Queues Majeftie and her moft honnorable confail appointed to trye the ore
brought into the realme by Maifter Captaine Ffrobyftier. Nowe, fo it is that
I have bene vifited with ficknes and ame as yt weake, fo that I have not bene able
to accomplifhe my dutie in tryall thereof, accordinge to my comyftion. And nowe,
havinge recovered fomewhat of my difeafe, I entende by the grace of God to
ffinifhe the profe therof And whearas I dyde promyfe before youre honnore halfe
a nowce, I doo not mys dowte thereof And yff the nexte doth fall any better
which I ame in good hope then fhall it be fliowed to youre honnore, and accordingelie
one Saturdaye next to bringe a fample therof to the courte. Thus muche I thoughte

MARTIN FROBISHER I39

it my dutie to fignifie unto youre honnore. And fo leavinge to trowble yo^ further,
I refle prayinge the Almightie God to protede yo^. Ffrome the howfTe of Johne
Nighelfon, fcituat in Eafle Smythfeilde, the xxv^^^ daye of November, A° 1577.

Youre humble fervaunte to commaunde,

Jonnas Schiitz.

Too the righte honorable Mr. Secretarie Walfmghame, one of the Queues
Majeftie previe confail. '

[Colonial, 62. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 43.]

Nov 26^^ 1577- From Z)'' Burcot: what he thincketh the Goold Oore

will yeeld by the tonne.

After moft hartie and humble commendacions. Whereas the Queenes Ma^'^ (as
I perceave by yo"" honors lettres) hathe required me to make an aflaye and to
fhewe my judgm* in that ooyre w<^^ Captayne Ffurbyfher brought into this lande,
the truthe ys, I have fo donne, and I defire yo"" hono'' to advertize her highnes
that I have affayed and proved yt to the uttermoft by dyvers and fundry aflayes,
and fynde not therein fuche greate ryches as ys fpoken and reported of But the
truthe ys, I have founde that in an hundred weight there ys half an onze of golde
in the blacke ooyre that ys x ounces yn a tonne. Alfo, I fynde one other redd ooyre
bearinge twoo ounces in an hundred weight, that ys ffortye ounces in a tonne.
And yf the fame be well hufbanded by a fkyllfuU and expert man, that blacke oore
will yelde in the great fyer half an ounce, and beare the charges of meltinge and
puryfyenge of yt. I wolde therfore wyfhe her highnes to allowe fome yeerely
confyderacion unto fome expert and fkyllfull man in the knowledge of myneralles
that yf any fuche roughe wyeld and forrayne ooyre at any tyme, hereafter happen
to comrne into this lande that he by his true alfayes thereof may certyfie her highnes
of the jufle encreafe of the fame at his owne charges that thereby her Ma^^*^ and
fubjedes may not (as heretofore they have bynne) be dilbeaved by fuche vayne
and untjiue reports. And further that fuche fkyllfull man maye teache otheres
in the fame experyence of myneralles yf at any tyme hereafter the like vyage
fhalbe made for the like or other ooyre whofe knoweledge of the travellers maye
greatly encrefe the commodytie of the viage, whoe by his inftruccions in the fame
knoweledge may learne a brevyate and fhorte aflaye in the tryall thereof w^^ out
any charges, ffurnys, or other inflrument. And that in fuche fhorte tyme that
they maye thereby make xij aflayes in an houre, what goodnes ys in fuche ooyre,
and then to take the good and leave the badd. If age and fycknes did not fo
opprefle me, but that I were able to travell therein myfelf, I wolde willinglie

A-

140 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

beftowe my dyligence in that fervice. Thus I leave yo"" hono^ to Goddes diredion,
prayenge for her Ma^'^^ longe and profperous raigne. Dated this xxv]*^^ of
November, 1577.

Yo'" hono"^^ at commaundem*,

Burchard Kraurych.

To the Right Woorfhipfull S'" Fraunces Walfmgham, Knight, Chief Secretary
unto the Qiieenes Ma*^*^, my finguler good frende gyve thefe.

[Colonial, 63. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 54.]

30 November, 1577. From Michael Lok, of^ Jonas, new Maner of Tryalls

of the Goold Ore.

Right honorable. I wrote you a letter vj daies paft, w<^h I fent by Mr. Furbufher,
myndinge at that tyme my fellf and Jonas to have byn w^h yo"^ honor at the court
this daye. The onely caufe of our ftaye was that Jonas is makinge triall of another
order of meltinge to be ufed in the groife worke wherby to melt the ore, w^^ halfe
the charges and tyme of the ordinarie ufe of the groife workes, and w*^ all to
receave the fyne gold out of the fyer molten w^^ out any maner of yron or other
matter of the ore to hynder the fame, w^^^ work is already done after one maner in
groife order, and found very good, and by Monday or Tewefday next wilbe alfo
finifhed after another maner, w^^ is alfo hoped fhall fawlle out as good or rather
better. And therw'^h^} ^^ will repayre to yo"^ honor w^h full and parfe6l refolution
of all matters to good lykynge by Gods grace, or on Wednefday to Hampton
Court bycaufe it is nerer. And then, alfo, I wyll certyffy yo^" honor what I fynd
in S^ L. Ducket and S^ R. Heyward, for the matter declared to me by Mr. Water-
howffe this mornyng, accordinge to yo^ letter received then, alfo of hym who
fayethe that he alfo wilbe w^h yo^ honor at the Court on Monday or Tewefday
next w^^^ anfwere therof.

That w^h I wrote yo'' honor in my letter fent by Mr. Furbufher touchinge the
rycheffe of the ure, is very^trew. Yt grevethe me to fee fo moche tyme loft before
we begyn to gyve order for the makyng of the furnalTes for the grofle work, w^*^ of
neceffyty muft be done before we fhall have any goodnes when all is fayed and
proved that can be done, I know not wherto to impute- the fault, but to a.fchifma
growen amonge us commiflioners, throughe unbelefe, or I cannot tell what worfe
in fumme of us, w^h the tyme muft open. And thus for this tyme humbly I take
my leave and commytt yo^ honor to Godes protedion. From London, this 30
November, 1577.

Yo"" honors moft bounden,

Michael Lok.

MARTIN FROBISHER I4I

I fend this berer, my fervant, purpofely w*^^ this letter, and yo'" honor maye
command hym to retorne at yo'" plefure.

To the right honorable Mr. Francys Walfmgham, Chyef Secretarie of the
Queenes Ma^ie, &c.

Delyvred at the Court.

[Colonial, 61. Domestic Eliz., cxviii, No. 42.]

A Note of all fuch charges as fhall amount in myltynge downe the Gowld
Owre, and other charges as followeth, by Mr. Jonas Showtes Account.

Inprimis, every toune waight of owre to yeald the fomme of . . xxx'^

Item, for the byldynge of the worke howfe and furnylTes . . . iiij^'^

Item, for the charge of xij workemen wykely ..... v'^

Item, for cole, wood, fflowfhe, and lead, to mylte it doune wykely . xv'^
Item, that the fayd Jonas fhall trye w^^ the fayd charges afore fay
wykele ij tone wayte of owre w<^^ fhall yeald in fyne gowld the

fomme of .......... . xx°""^^s

Jonnas Schiitz.

[Colonial, East Indies, 69. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. 15.]

Agnello on the Triall of the Ore.

Molto Magnifico et honorando S^ mio effellentifTimo.

Non voici S"" mio che penfafti ch' io fulTi coffi mal crento che attanti che hora
non fufTi ftato el debito mio ad refponder alia voftra cortefe lettera fcrittame di
7 del paffato ma la caufa e flata ch' io defiderame di rifpondemi con qualche
fuftantia, il che volendo fare fon ftato forciato di far molte efperienze et prove per
conofcer la natura di quefta minera portata in quefto regno dal S^ Martino
Furbifher; ultimamente di poi molte prove fatte ho trovato che bifogna feparare
la parte fulfurea combuftile con confervatione dell' oro che in efta fi fitruova, et
piu glie neceffario feparare quanto fi puo la parte terreftra, et ancora el ferro che
in efla fi contiene, il che fatto detta minera fara piu facile alia fufione et con
maneo fpefa, oltra di quefto I'oro quale era difperfo per minima in gran quantita
di terreftreita et materia ferrea, fara redotto piu unito ad diverfi recuperare et
unirfi infieme. El quale effetto penfo haver trovato, la qual cofa fe penfate pofti
fuplire al defiderio di fua Ma*^^ me gli oferifco paratiftimo. Ma perche intendo
che vi fono molti che fi proferifcono et fano proforte grande a fua Ma^^ io farfi
di opinione che lei dettefti a cottare le loro proferte ch' io per me fon di gia vechio
et impotente a durar piu faticha et tanto piu che quefta non e mia profeftione,

142 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

per che veramente io non adoperai mai metalli, glie ben vero che eflendo io ftato
fempre defiderofo de intendere i fecreti de natura ho penfato de intender la natura
di quefta minera come di fopra ho detto. Non voici pere S^ mio che penfafli
ch' io habbi detto queflo con intencione di non far piacer et fervitio a fua Ma^^
quando gh pincera comand . . . le ma I'ho folamente detto per le caufe fopra
detto. Et cofi facendo fine et pregando I'Altiflimo vi confervi et profperi, gh bafcio
I'honorata mano. Di Lon. adi 20 di Decemb. del 77.

Tutto al comando di V. S,,

Giovanni Battifta Agnello.

[Colonial, East Indies, No. 64. Domestic Eliz., cxix, 8.]

A Note of the charges requifite for the triall of one Tonne of

the North-weft Ore.

Right honorable, — We have byn longe tyme about the fecond prooffe of the ure,
and doo well parceave that this foinace is not great ynoughe for the common great
workes of the meltinge and to bringe the work to that parfedion w^h is defyred,
and fo moche hathe Jonas faid unto us from the begynnynge. And yet wee doo
fynd by thefe two proffes made of c weight of ure apece that the ure hathe in it
more then the valew of xl^^ of money in gold in everie ton weight, after the rate
that we fynd and fawe the faid two proffes. Alfo in this meane tyme we have had
triall of dyvers maner of workynges made by fundry men for the bettar preparynge
of the ure that it might be eafye in y^ meltinge to avoyde great charges, and we
have had dyvers fmall prooffes made by them w^h have very good lykinge, but
we are not able to fay affuredlye what they wyll fawll out in the great worke untill
the fornaces be made for the faid workes. Thus is moche tyme palfed awaye and
money fpent, and yet our expedation not fatiffied, Wherfore we have thoughte
good now to drawe this matter to the beft end that we can. And uppon conferens
had w'^ Jonas (whome we fynd very honefl and trew in his doinges, and as our
judgement wyll leade us the parfedeft workmafter in this art of his profelTion).
We have thus dealt w^h hym as folowethe. He fayethe that this here new proved
is poore in refped of the pece of ure brought laft yere, and of fum other brought
this yere, and of that w^^^ he knowethe may be brought the next yere, and that it
is of a ftrange nature, fuche as he is not yet well acquaynted withall; but he
doutethe not in the great work, he will learne to knowe it parfedlye. Neverthe-
leffe, beinge, as it is or maye be, he dothe promyffe to delyver halfe an once of fyne
gold out of everye hundreth weight therof at the worft and leafl valew, and hopethe
alfo affuredlie to delyver fo moche more gold as fhall pay all charges of the meltinge
and workinge therof, w^^ ^^ advantage wherein he will ufe his beft endevour,
as well for the fervyce of her Ma^^^ as for his owne credite. And for the reward

MARTIN FROBISHER I43

of his owne labour and induftrye, he dothe referve hym felfe to the good confidera-
tion of her Ma^'e and yo"" honor w^^ the reft of the Lordes, defyrynge that whatfo-
ever it be he maye be made fure therof duryng his lyffe by her Ma^'^^ letters
pattenttes before he begyn the great workes in the w^^ letters pattenttes he is
contented ther fhalbe a condicion fett downe, that yf he doo not parforme that
w^^ before is declared that then he wyll take no benefite by that graunt. And he
fayethe that he hathe no doubt that in the handelinge of the great workes his
doynges fhalbe fuche as juftelye fhall deferve to augment his pencyon of lyvinge
hereafter whatfoever it fhalbe now. And touchinge the ordinarie charges of work-
inge the ure to parfedion, he is not able yet to faye juftelye what it wyll amount
uppon the ton, untill he have made triall therof in the great work; but this much
he fayethe that it wylbe under ten poundes the ton, exceptinge the charges of
buyldynges of the workhowfle and fornaces, and fo he wyll warrant it uppon
forfeyture of his pencyon. And hereuppon he repayrethe to the Court to take fum
end w^h yor H., and the reft of the LL., w*^^ beinge done, he wyll go prefently
to Briftow to Mr. Furbufher, w^^ yo^ good lykynge, to vew a place convenient
to eredl the workhowfe and^fornaces, and there to have conferens w*^ the work-
mafters that fhall ered the fame according to the plat, that he wyll gyve them the
charges wherof he cannot judge w^^ out conferens had w^^ them; but he thynkethe
it wilbe under cc poundes. Thus moche we have thought good to certiffy yo'"
honor, and in the reft therof hymfellffe ftiall fatiffy you more at large. Robert
Denham is one fuche as may be able to doo good farvyces to the Q^. Ma^^^ and
ftand the Company in great fteade whatfoever Ihould happen to Jonas, and there-
fore it were good he mought be remembered, w'^^ we referre to yo'" honors good
confyderation. And thus God preferve yo^ honor. From London, this vj December,

1577-

Yo'' honors to commaund,

W. Wynter,

Michael Loke.

To the right honorable S'" Ffrancys Walfmgham, Knyght, one of her Ma^^^^
principall Secretaries.

da.

At the Court.

[Colonial, 65. Domestic Eliz., cxix. No. 9.]
Q The great proofe of the black oure of Alom and chayne.
Q Thee third proofe of thee read fand of Alom and chayne.
O Thee fecond proofe of thee read fand of Alom and cheyne.
O Thee oure of Hynnefbury Gilles.

144

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, 66. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. lo.]

iij Melting Furnaces will melt iij Ton of Ure in a Day and Night or rather
xij Howars vj Workmen wyll farve thefe iij Furnaces and a]l other Workes

therto belonging.

x-»

vj-^ viij'^

For yj men men's wagys and meate a daye

And for other ydle tyme of work ....

W^h is for iij tons xx^ w^^ is j ton for

For coles and wood to melt j ton j lode

For leade j ton for j ton ure w^^ leade wilbe gotten agayne in the
laft almofl iij quarters of it fo is loft but j quarter of j ton worthe
x^^ the ton, w^^ ig for j ton of ure . . . . . . iij''

For fyar to roft j ton ure ........ yj^ viij*^

For a man to attend the fame j day ...... xx'^

For mixture to melt the ure for j ton ..... x^

Sum £^ 50a ton ure charges.

[Colonial, East Indies, 67. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. 12.]

Dodor Burcots Articles and Conditions to ferve in fyning of the
North-weft Ore or any other Minerals.

Right honorable.

We have vewed all the watter mylles neere London and doo fynd
the moft of them to be tyde mylles w'^h ^^\\ not farve to work the ure.

Alfo we have vewed the Temple myll w^^ Jonas dothe well lyke for the watter
courfe, but the fame hathe very little or no ground wheron to buyld the work-
howftes needfull nor no place there for habitation of the workmen and offycers
requyfyt for the workes.

Alfo we have feene the mylles at Dartford, whofe water courfe Jonas doth allfo
lyke well. And confideryng the commoditie of the towne for habitation of the
offycers and workmen alfo the water paflage from the Tames to the towne and
the good ftore of fewell in Kent, we thynk that place good fo"^ the purpofe wherof
this berar Mr. Furbufher can certyffy yo"^ H. particularlye referring all to the con-
fyderation of yo'^ H. and the lords of Ma*i^^ honorable privie councell.

Alfo I have delyvred to Mr. Burkot yo'^ H. letter and theruppon I and Mr.
Furbufher have had large talke w*^"^ hym, and in the end we fynd hym farre out
of reaffon, and from that w^^ he wrote to yo"" H. as you fhall parceave by the
writinges herew^haH font of his demandes; alfo Jonas is not wyllynge to joyne
w"^'^ hym, and by our conferens had we doo fee that Burcot wold doo in the workes

MARTIN FROBISHER I45

no more but the fame w'^^' Jonas would doo and wyll doo and in fum poynttes
not fo moche nor fo well as at yo"" H. commyng to London you fhall more largely
underftand. The firfl thing that now is to be done for erection of the workehowffes
for the ure is this : to wryte yo"" H. letters to Mr, Bartye, hufband of the Ducheffe
of Suffolk to fend hether Sebaflian, a dockeman who now makethe certayne
mylleworke for hym at Grymfthorp, w^^^ workman mufl make the bellowes
wheeles and all other tymber-work. Alfo yo'" letter to fum fryn[d] to fend hether
Hendrick the dockeman brykler or mafon who is now in work at the glaffehows
in SulTex at a place called Lokwood, thefe ij men w'^'^ Jonas muft prefently vew
and meafure the plat of ground for eredlion of the mylle and furnaces and ordeyne
for the plat of the work and for the fluffe to work w^^all and buyld w^hall, Alfo
uppon yo'^ H. refolution what place you think moll: meete to ere(5l the worke-
howffes. The ownar therof mufl be agreed w^^all prefentlye for the fame before
we can begynne the workes of buyldynges. All other matters appertaynynge to
the premyffes may ftaye untyll yo"" H. come to London.

And thus I commytt yo"^ honor to Almighty God.

Ffrom London the xiij of December, 1577.

Yo"" honors moft bounden

Michael Lok.

To the right honorable S^ Francis Walfingham, knight, one of her

]\^a^ties principall Secretaries

At the Court.

[Inclofure i.]
The 9^^ December, 1577.
Mr. Dodor Burcot fhall doo as folowethe : —

1. He fhalbe chyef mafler of the workes of provynge and meltinge the ures
here at home yerelye and in his owne parfon fhall fee and ordayne and command
the fame.

2. He fhall delyver halfe an once at the leaft of fyne gold for every hundred
weight of the ure, free and clere of all charges of ffyer and additions for the melting
and mens labour for the workyng and all other charges except the charges of
buyldyng and inftrumenttes or workyng tooles.

And this fhall he parforme or ells fhall loofe his pencion of cc^' and all other
intertaynement.

Mr. Dodor Burcot fhall have as folowethe : —

1 . A pencion of cc'^ yerely during his lyffe.

2. And xx^ day for his dyat when he or his deputye workethe.

3. And a better reward when the mynes prove bettar and 1^^ beforehand befydes
his pencion. And this fhalbe parformed to him by fufficient bondes.

FVII 10

146 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Inclofure 11.]

Artycles off Burkard Krainghe off the meltine and ffyninge of that ooyre that
ys brought into this land and that w*=^ here after fhall come.

Inprimis that he will be a mafter teacher and inftruder of Inglyfhemen how
they fhall melte this prefente blacke ooyre or any that comythe here after to
puryffie and fyne yt and bringe yt to parffyte gold.

Item he will alfo have fuche men as he will chufe and apounte they fhalbe
bound to the hole fellowfhipe and unto him not to departe frome this bufynes
w*out the mailers lycenfe and good will havinge ther wages reafonablye appounted
unto them.

Item he will alfo erede and buyld a meltene houfe w^^ vj fornaces axiltres,
fyninge ovene vj pare off bellous w'^h all other inflrumentes apperteyninge to fuche
a houfe of his owne device and knowlage profytable and mete for fuche meltine
at the fellowes coft and charges.

Item he will have too hundred pound ayeare duringe his naturall lyffe quarterly
to be payd and one hole quarter in hand, and the next pament at oure Lady-day
next foUowinge, and xx^ a day for his charges holy day and workie day as ofte
as he ys in and aboute that bufynes and yf yt fortune him to be charged w*^^
bodylie fyckenes and be not able to travile in the fame arte and be prefent himfelfe
that he may have a fufficiente man ther in his place in the meane tyme and the
fame accountes and the xx^ to be payd monthly.

Item he will alfo have by that fame meltine houfe fufficiente roftine houfe,
coyle houfe, w^^ plentye of wood and coile.

Item the fame Burkard hath takine upon him w*^^ his affore appounted worke-
men and melters to bring out of the blacke oorye that ys prefent alredye in this
lande halfe an ounce of a hundred weight gold and befydes that yt fhall beare
reafonable charges fo that he may have the fame ooyre cleanely delyvered unto
him w'^l^out earthe droffe or ftones havinge wood and coile w"^^ workemen at y^
queues pryce.

Item will gyve a note what maner of bellowes and other inflrumentes neffeffary
appertayninge to the fame mayd here in London and carryed to fuche a place
as the Mr. and fellowes thinke mete to be buylden.

Item, he will inflrude and teache to make proves and fayes to one man that
will go fuche a vioage agayne to bringe over treafure and ryches to pay for all
and leave fuche pooer and wyld ooryes behind yf ther be fuche ryches in the land.

Item he ys alfo content to travill his old body in the fellowfhipes cofl and charge
to vew fe and fynd out in this land a place for buyldine fuche a houfe bothe mete
and profytable for the befte cheape of meltine and bringine in of the oorye.

Item, he will alfo make fayes of this ooryes that is in this land advertyce the
comyffioners of the ryches of the fame of his owne coft and charge, and in his owne

MARTIN FROBISHER I47

houfe and fhowe and teache how yt fhall be brought oute in the greate fyer becaufe
he hathe his penfion for y^ fame.

Item, he will alfo have tow notable men in the fellowfhipe that fhalbe bound
unto him in a pare of indentures and he to them for the hole fellowfhipe w'^'^ one
of them fhalbe appounted to pay him at altymes for him and his men ther wages
an his penfion and xx^ a day.

Item, yf ther fhall here after any more fuche ooyre come into this land w^'^
fhall beare the charges and be more profytable then thys ys that where he hathe
now xx^ a day then he fhall have xP a day.

Item, that yf he do not performe the afforefayd artyckles then he fhall loffe
his pittane and therto I have fette my hand.

Item, he will not have that his penfion nor his xx^ fhalbe accounted in the
charges of the meltyng becaufe yt is neyther for labourer nor workmenes wages.

Item, will alfo have that alwayes ther fhall remane a peace of mony in the
mafters handes before hand in the buyldine and meltine to pay his men in dew
feafon and he fhall make acounte every fennet or xiiij dayes at y^ leafte and fend
yt to him that payes the men to make his booke w"^^ a trew accountes what is
fpent and payd.

Item, the M"^ will alfo inflru6le and teache one of his fecret and bounden
farvantes and prentyce durynge his lyffe as he hathe partely alredy done that yf
yt happene that the fame M^ dothe defeace or dye that the fame his mane fhall
knowe fuche fecretes and myflories w^^ every worke man and laborrer ought not
to knowe fo that his fervice may be followed in his deffeaces and after his deathe
and to be joyned now w^^ j^ii^ {^i patent.

[Colonial, 113. Domestic Eliz., cxxix, No. 2.]

January 2, 1578. From Mr. Edward Fenton, what fucceffe he hathe had
in traveling to get Owre in the Weft Countrie.

My dutie to yo'" hono"^ mofl humblie ufed. Makinge my L. of Bedforde acquainted
w*^ her Ma^i^^ commifTion and fervice I had in hande from yo"" ho: he prefentlye
dire<5led his favorable letters unto Mr. Edgcombe (whofe fkill and indginete for
that purpofe and fervice his L. thought mofl fufficiente) to whom I repaired
accordinglie. And making him acquainted therw^'^ I defired his fpeedie good help
and furtherance in the fame and fheifefl to be furnifhed of that oure or minerall
(Mr. Burcott) affirmed to yo"^ honor to have receved of him and gotten in his
growndes w^^ he affured me by great othes was not true : for the fame oare . . .
delivered unto (Burcott) by one of his bretheren who receavid the fame of another
man w"=h died longe time fithence, and where he had the fame he knowes not
neither can it be learned of any other. So that at my firfle entraunce into the

10-2

148 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

fervice I was voyde of that hoope and helpe I cheiflie exfpeded at his handes for
the prefente fuppHe of the fame. Wherfore feinge the uncertentie of his help and
that he fayde he had procured fome other fortes of oare but not readie for me :
I furthw^'^ repaired into Cornewall to fee what fruites I coulde reape, and fonde
owt for that purpofe by myne owne travaill: And coming amongeft the mynes
there (Chriflmas being at hand) and the myners being departed from their labours.
Onlie in thende haping to one (Mr. Cofworth) receavo"^ of her Ma^i^s revenew
there, w*'^ whom ufmg fome conferrence receavid bothe greate courtefie for my
felf and furtheraunce for the prefente fervice I had in hande : he travailed with me
into fondrie places and to divers gentlemen of that fhier at whofe handes and by
whofe meanes I was cheiflie to be holpen w^^ fuch mineralls as I ferched for viz.,
Mr. Goodolphin, Mr. Arundell, and others w^^ whom after I had ufed fome
conferrence and given them fome inftrudions towchinge thadion furthw*^^ dif-
patched their letters to their fervaunts beft acquainted w^^ thofe cawfes to make
prefente ferch for all oares and mineralls remayninge in their workes from whom
I have receavid fuch fortes of oare as I have fente to London (to Mr. Looke) putt
in feverall bagges marked w^*^ figures accordinge to a kalendar herwith inclofed
to yo"" honor.

But the oare (Mr. Burcott) had wherof Mr. Edgcombe delivered me a peice,
I fhowed to divers tynners and others of flcill in mineralls, but they never faw any
fuche in Cornwall or other places of their workinge.

Creator fpeede I could not make by reafon thunfittnes of time as abfence of all
workmen from their workes, neither a greator quantitie of oare w^^ forte will
beft ferve the purpofe it is gotten for, w*^^ I coulde not do having no fkill therin
my felf muche lefle here acquainted w^^^ any that could do the fame. And therfore
thought it not good to entre into any further charges therin till I receaved yo"^
honors further pleafurs and certificatt w"^^ forte or fortes therof will beft aggree
w^^ thadion it is provided for, w^^ I will moft dutifullie and readelie followe
accordinge to fuche orders as yo"^ honors fhall dired me for the fame. Humblie
befeching yo'" ho: to diredl yo^ favorable letters of thanks to (Mr. Cofwarth) for
the greate courtefie he hath fliewed me in this fervice craving pardon for my bold-
nefs I befeche Cod to blefle yo"^ honors with good fuccefs in all yo'" adions. Ffrom
Mount Edgcombe the ij^^ of Januarie, 1578.

Yo"" honors moft humblie to commaunde,

Edward Fenton.

To the right honorable the Lords and others of her Ma*^^^ moft

honorable Privie Counfaill.
hafte.

MARTIN FROBISHER I49

{Colonial, 113. State Papers. Domestic Eliz., Vol. 129, 2, i.]

The Kallender of fuche forts of Oare as I have fent in foundrie Baggs, viz. :

The firft fort or kynd being Hek copper called myndick growethe in St. Awftell
Clives 3 milles from the haven of Foye.
There is liek to be good ftoare therof

2. The fecond fort comonly called by the tynners calle, there is great ftoare
and dyvers kynds therof growing in St. Tew and other places 3 milles from the
fea fyde: and from the haven of Foye vij milles.

3. The third fort lyke unto tynne or lead, groweth in St. Awftell in the feverall
grownd of Hughe Collyns of Tregonie, ij milles from the fee and vj from Foye.

4. The iiij^^ fort growethe in the pariftie of Piryn in the grownd of (Mr. John
Nance) and was one of the mynes (Mr. Burcot) wrought for filver: he gave to
the honnor yerely v oz. of lilver, it lyethe w^^in 2 milles of New Kaie a littell harbor
now dekayed, the work ftandethe xxij fethomes deape of water and the loade therof
a foate broade.

5. The lift fort was gottin by me and Mr. Cofwarthe in a fdver work of Bircotts,
at New Kaie, hard by the fee fide and in the pariftie of S*^ Gollom (the lower, the
loade fcant a foat broade), I fownd alfo in a howfe hard by the fame, certayn
flage w^^ he ufed to melt downe the fame oare w^^ all, of what fubftaunce or from
whence it came, I could not learne; it is amongeft the oore in this bagge.

6. The vj*^ contayneth 4 forts of oore received from Mr. Barnard Penrofe
dwelling nigh Helfton.

7. The vij*^*^ fort was gotten in the pariftie of S* Tannefle, her Ma^^ land, hard
uppon the fee fide, the loade not above a handfull broad.

8. The viij*^*^ bagge contaynethe 7 forts of oare w^^ their loads. Received of
Mr. Edgcombe.

Fower forts of oare in 4 feverall baggs, marked w*^ the letter M., from Mr.
Michell, of Trewroo.

Indorfed. The fortes of myneralls received from G. Fenton, from Cornwall, the
SJanuarie, 1578.

{Colonial, 131. State Papers. Domestic Eliz., Vol. 129, No. 43.]

The xvij Daye oe Febrowary in An^ 1578, of x^ of Ore meltyd atDartforde.
A Cownt made of x<^ of Ore meltyd w'^'^ came out of the Judeth, and
1 3"^ of Ore w^'^ came out of the Northe, and 3*^ of Ledage w^^ came frome

Tower Hightt — 26^^ in all.

Where of came iij*^ \ of ryche leade, and that beyinge fynde downe there came
viij oz. of felver, lackynge ij'^ weyght, where of beynge partyd, came of go wide
one q3 q"" oz. and xviij grains.

150 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Where of came out of the leade ore and the lytarge, w'^^ was xvij'^ i oz. | q 3,
w^'^ is X oz.

Then meltyd the lytarge w*'^ the flags where out is come ij"^ of leade, w^^ ij'^
of leade howldeth v oz.

All fo there dothe remayne in ftone iij*^ |, w^^ howldyth all v oz.

There remayns iij'^ of lead at 30^

Where of all is xviij oz. of felver w*^ gowlde.

The gowlde w'^'^ is there in is | oz. 40 grains, w^^ is 35^ in valew.

There remayns xvij oz, j qr. iij*^ weyght, | of felver, where of we take out xoz.
for the XYJ*^ ore and ledarge. Refte in felver of owre owne ore 7 oz. j qr. 3*^ weyt|.

(On dors.)

Howe mych the x^ dothe make.

Furfle, in fylver 17 oz. j qr. ^^^ weyte, at .....

Then the gowlde ^ oz. 40 grains, at ......

Then 3^ lead lefte, at ........ .

Where of abate for x oz. w'^^ came oute of the ore and lettarge of the
northe ...........

The refte clyer, w^^ is come out of ow"^ J tunne of ow"^

[Colonial, 134. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 15.]

A Note of the value of 200 w^" of Oare gotten in the Countefs of War-
wicks Ilande in {Meta Incognita) and putt dow^ne by me, Jonas Shute, at
the Tower Hill, the xxiiij^^ daie of Marche, 1578, and putt of on iii feuerall
Teftes conteyinge Gold and Silver, as follow^^"^, viz.

The prooffe of the firfl teft.

The firft prooffe waighed in gould and filver,

vnrefyned 11 oz. 4 pennye w^^*^ 16 graines.

Being refyned, in gould and filver . . 1 1 oz. i penny w«" and 1 1 gr.

In gould, beinge parted .... 20 graines and 3 quarters.

The prooffe of the fecond tefl:.

The feconde waighed in gould and filver,

vnrefyned . . . . . . i oz. 3 qrters and 14 gr.

Being refyned, in gould and filver . . i oz. 7 penny w^'^ 14 grs.

In gould, being parted . . . •. i penny w^^*^ 4 gr. 3 qrters.

MARTIN FROBISHER I5I

The prooffe of the third teft.

The thirde waighed in gould and filver, vn-

refyned . . . . . . . 10 oz. 14 penny w^^"^ 18 gr.

Wherof there is a htle fample kept of the fame

for a futle prooffe, if need require.
Being refyned in gould . . . . i oz. 13 penny w^^*^

In gould, being parted . . . . i penny w^i* 8 gr. i qrter.

The quantetie of gould and filver refyned in the iii tells.
The whole weight of the gould refyned 1 3 penny w^^^

amounteth to . . . . . .) 10 gr. d.

The whole w^'^ of the filver refyned comethl 4 oz. 19 penny) xxv-^

x^ {{[d

to . . . . . . . .] w^^* 3 grs. d. j

Vll'

xxxv-*

The quantetie and rate of thaditamets ufe in thies prooffes.

In litarg 400 w^^*^ held in filver . . . . . 2 oz. d.

In leade 56 pownds w^^*^ held in filver . . . . i qrter. of an oz.

All w^^ Cometh to xiiii^ iiij'^, w"^^ (I knowe) remayinth yet it the litarg and
leade, and fo will allowe for the fame.
So that after this rate it cometh in the toone towards all

chargs ......... xvii'* xviij^ ix'^

Wherof, I the faid Jonas defcireth allowance for wafle . Ivii'^ ix*^
And fo I, the faid Jonas Shute, promiffeth to make of

euyre ton towards all chargs ..... xv^*

152

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[c) The Third Voyage.
I . State Papers relative to the Outfit for the Third Voyage.

I. A Proportion of the Charges for a Thyrd Voyage.

II. The Names of fuch Gentlemen as wente in the i^' and 2"^^ Voyage now in

Confideracion of their Service, to be received as Adventurers, gratis.

III. Intertayment of Gentlemen and Others under Mr. Fenton to inhabite the New

Land.

IV. Inftrudions given to Martine Ffrobifer.

V. The Inventorie of the Ship Ayde.

VI. The Gabriell priced at ^^Ixxx.

VII. Thefe have not payd the 2,""^ of May, 1578.

[Colonial, 88. Domestic Eliz., cxxiv, No. i.]

A Proportion of the Charges for a Thyrd Viage to the Northweft to

fitch 2000 Toones of Oore and to vittal and

keepe there 100 Men 18 Monethes.

Twoo thowfande toones of oure to be brought home

at xxx^^ le toone amounteth to . . . . 1"^^ U

Wherof
I demaunde to furnifhe the Ayde and Gabriell in

prefente and readie monie .... m^'

More for the wages of 80 men for v monethes at

xxyji^. viij</. le monthe le man to be paid at per

reatorne dxxxiij^^" vj^ viij^

Two fhipps to be procured more of her Ma^^^, viz.,

one of 400 toones and thother of 200 toones

throughlie furnifhed w^^ tackle and munition w*^^

maie amounte to mmmdc^^

Marioners to faile the fame ij fhipps 150, at xxvjV.

viiij^. le monthe le man in preft . . . cc'*

More for vittelling of thies 150 failors at xxj^. le

monthe le man for vij monthes .... mVz
More in preft for 120 pyoners to be convoyde in

thies fhipps for ij monthes wages le man at xxj^.

le monthe ccxl'^

^J!!:^oH^'^69^^y^Kcir'^ -'DEj^Xir'* 67° '"'rtlC-HAJEl-" "G\ftRI£l-"65° "'-bEA.RjL-'^^^v.

MARTIN FROBISHER

153

More for the vittelling of thies 120 pyoneers at xxs.

le man le monthe for vij monthes
More for iiij monthes wages for the pyoners to be

paide at their reatorne .....
More for v monthes wages to be paide 150 marioners

at their reatorne ......

More for weapon and armo'" for thies 120 men
More for foldio'"^ and pyoners being 250 to be

bellowed in fliipps to be fraighted at xxvji'. viijV.

le man le monthe for ij monthes in prefte .
More for the vittellinge of thies 250 men for vij

monthes at xks. le man for every month
More X halls or tentes for their harbo^ .
More for armo"" and weapon for theis 250 men at

xxs, le man .......

More for yronworke for tooles for the fame pyoners

and for viij fmithes, their fourdges and bellowes .
Ffor powder for their defence one lafte
More to be paide in wages at their reatorne for iiij

monthes ........

More for the fraight of 1 200 toones at cs. le toone .
Sum of all the charges to be difbourfede as
appereth by this particular
And fo remains cleare
M^ that there is in readie monie to be difbourfed for

the fetching of theis 2000 toones but .
Befides the ij fhipps of her Ma*^^ w*^'^ maie come to .
A proportion for 100 men for vidluall and wages to
More for the vittelling of 100 men to remayne there

at xx'^ le man for the yere and the proporcion to

aunfwere xviij monthes .....
More for their wages at xx^ le monthe le man

dccCjxK*
cccciij'^//

m'
cxx

\\\\d

dclxvj" xiij^ iiij

mdccl'^
ccxl'*

ccl'^

mmdclxyj^^ xiij^ iiij*^

xx'^d,ccc,xxxvj^^ xiij^ iiij'^
xxix"^clxiij^^ vj'^ viij^

vj™^dlxvj^^ xiij^ iiij^
mmmdc'^
inhabit the Northweft.

mmm^*
mdccc^*

mmmmdccc'*.

The Comoditie to be gayned by them.

Thies 100 men being laborers fhall gett in this xviij

monthes towardes their charges 2000 toones of

oare w^^ fhall yelde xx^' le toone cleare amounting

to the fome of xl"^/z.

M^ that to fortefie and provide dwelling for thies 100 men w^^ munition for
their defence is further to [be] provided and confidered of.

154

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, 89. Domestic Eliz., cxxiii, No. 50.]

The Names of fuche Gentlemen and others as wente the Firft and Seconde
Voyages w^^ Martin Ffrobijher into the Lands now called " Meta Incognita,'"
latlie difcovered by him to the Northweft and now in confideracion of
their service to be receavid in as Adventurers gratis, for fuche feverall
Somes of Monies as follow^^, viz.

The Names of the Gentlemen.

Edwarde Ffenton his lieutenaunte, by lande and fea in thofe partes

Gilberte Yorke his vice-admirall to go and reatorne w'^'^ the fleete

George Befl

Richarde Philpott

Henrie Carew

Edmonde Stafforde

Fraunces Brakenburie

John Lee

William Tanfllde

Edwarde Harvie .

Mathew Kinderfley

Thomas Chamberlaine

Abraham Linche

Dennys Sotle J

Roberte Kinderfley)

Henrie Kirkman j •••••• •

Lucke Girido, vice-admirall at Meta Incognita

The Maifl:ers of Shipps and others.

Chriftofer Hall, M"^ in thadmirall ....

Charles Jackman, Al'^ of the vice-admirall
James Beare, M^ of the Reare-admirall
Andro Dyer, M"^ of the fliipp that flaies in the countrey
Nicholas Chauncelo^ havinge been bothe the voyages and to remayne
there .........

Richarde Coxe M"^ gonner of thadmirall

Nicholas Counzer that tooke the man Thomas Boydell

James Wallis, hurte and maymed by the countrey people

c'^
\li

1/t

lli

xxv^

XXV
XXV
XXV
XXV

xxv'

XXV'

XXV

\li

xxv^

XXV^'
XXV

XXV'

xxv^

xxv'

MARTIN FROBISHER

155

[Colonial, 91. Domestic Eliz., cxxiii, No. 51.]

Intertaynment of Gentlemen and Others in the Voyage under
Mr. Fenton, to inhabite in the newland Meta Incognita.

Mr. Captayne Fenton

George Befte

Richard Philpot .

Luke Ward

For ij lewtenanttes, eche

For ij enfeignes, eche .

And all the rejR: of the gentlemen

And all others, foldyars, marynars, &c

[Colonial, 87. Domestic Eliz., cxix, No. 46.]

That Jonas may have i^li. penfion.

Shippes to be fent for v"^* ton weight.

A mynor to dig half ton adaye, in 28 days — a month.

llIO

lib

li2

lii

the monthe.

jmt [[[c ^Qj^

ijmt yjjjC

iij"^t cc ton.

Wages for y^ mynors.

ix"^t poundes.

i'^ mynors for a month to digg . . .

ii^ mynors ........

iii^ mynons ........

Y^ freight at iij'^ y^ ton ......

Edm. Hogan, S"^ W"^ Wynter, Humfrey Lock, Rich. Ydys, Furbifher.

Dee.

Palmer to be allowed as an officer.

W"^ Umfrey to be ufed. Humfrey Cole. Burchard to make a prooff of j'^ weight
of y^ ure in y^ towre.

[Colonial, 93. Conway Papers.]

Inftrudiones geven to o'' lovinge Frind Marline Ffrobifer, Esquier, for the
order to be obferved in his Voyage nowe recommended to him for the
Lande now called by Hir Ma^^« Meta Incognita to the Northweft Partes

and Cat hay e.

Ffyrft, you (hall enter as captain generall into the charge and government of
theis fhippes and vefTells, viz., the Ayde, the Gabriell, Michaell, Judethe, the Thomas
Alline, Anne Fraunces, the Hoppewell, the Mone, the Ffeaunces of Ffoy, the Thomas.

Item, you fhall appoynte for the furnifhinge of the Ayde, Gabriell, Michaell, and
Judith, ffour-lkore and ten hable and fufficient marinores and 130 pyoners and

156 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

50 foldiars, for the farvyce and ladinge of all fuche fhippes and velTells as fhall
go under yo'" charge and be appoynted to retourne againe w^^ yQU fgj. ^j^g^^- purpofe,
and of the fayd fhippes or veffells, and maryners, pyoners, and foldiors, you fhall
leave to remayne and to inhabite in the lande nowe called Meta Incognita, under the
charg and government of Edward Ffenton, gent, your Lieutenaunte Generall,
the Gabriell, the Michaell, and the Judethe, \^^ fortie hable marioners, gonners,
Ihipwrights, and carpentars, 30 foldiors and 30 pyoners, w^^ fufficient vittalle for
xviij monthes for their provifione, releife, and mayntenance, and alfo munition
and armoure for their deefence, w^^ nomber of perfones befor fpecified you fhall
not exced to carrie nor leve their.

Item, that the vittalls for vij monthes w^^ you deliver into the Ayde for provifone
of 90 perfones goinge, and to retorne in the faid fhippe, you fhall carefulye fee
the fame preferved and ufed in farvyce w*^ out fpoyle or hurte takinge by necli-
gence. Item, you fhall make a jufte inventorie of every Ihippe to the companie
belonginge of all the takell, munitione, and furnitur, to them belonginge at their
fettinge fourth from hens and the coppie therof under yo'" hand to be delivered
to Michaell Lok, Treaforer of the Company. And the like to be done at yo^
retourne home, of all thinges then remaynyng in the faid fhips. And the like care
you and yo'^ Lieutenaunte Generall fhall have of the vidualls that fhalbe by you
deli\'ered into any fhippes or veffells whatfoever, for the provifion of the 1 00 men
appoynted to inhabite their.

Item, you fhall not receve under yo'" charge and government any difordred or
mutinous perfone w^'^ fhall be appointed to goo or remayne their, but upon
knowledge had to remove him before you departe hence, or ells by the way affone
as you can avoyd hym.

Item, you fhall ufe all dilligence pofTible to departe, w^^ yo'' faid fhips and veflelles
frome the portes where they now remayne, before the firfle of May next cominge,
and to make your courfe eather by the northe or the wefl:, as the winde will befl
ferve yo^.

Item, when you fhall paffe the landes of England, Scotlande, or Irelande, you
fhall dired yo'' courfe w^'^ all yo'^ fhippes and veffells to the lande now called
Meta Incognita, and to an iland and founde there called the Countefs of Warwickes
Hand and Sounde, being w'^Mn the fuppofed flraight, w'^'^ we name Ffrobifers
Straight, difcovered by yo"^ felfe 2 yeres paft, and in yo'^ voyage thither wardes
you fhall have fpeciall regarde fo to order your courfe as yo^ fhippes and veffelles
do not loffe the Companye one of an other, but may kepe company together.
And the lyke alfo in yo"^ retorne homewards. And yf any wilfulnes or negligence in
this behalfe fhall appeare in any perfone or perfons that fhall have charge of any
of the fhippes aforefaide, or yf they or any other fhall doo otherwyfe then to them
apperteyneth, you fhall punifhe fuche offendor fharplye to the example of others.

Item, that at yo'^ arryvall at the Counteffe of Warwikes Iland and Sounde, you

MARTIN FROBISHER I57

fhall theron faffitee harbour yo"^ fhipps and vefTelles, and frome thence you fhall
repayre to the mynes and myneralls of the fame iland wher you wrought this lafte
yeare w^^ myners and other men and furnyture neceffarie, and ther fhall place
the myners and other men to worke and gather the oare, forefeinge they may be
placed as well frome dainger and malyce of the people as frome anye other
extremitye that maye happen.

Item, whyles thefe mynars are workyng in Warwyke Sound, you fhall caufe
ferche to be made for other mynes in other places, and yf uppon good proofe
made, you fhall happen to fynde other mynes to be richer then theis frome whence
you had yo"^ lafle yeares ladinge, then you fhall prefentlie remove the fhippes and
myners to the fame place of mynerall, and to lade of the fame yf that may be done
convenientlye.

Item, to fearche and confider of an apte place wher you male beft plante and
fortefye theife c men w*^^ you fhall leave to inhabite there afwell againfl the
dainger and force of the natyve people of y^ countrey and any other y*^ fhall
feke to arryve ther from any other part of Chriflendom, as alfo to prevent and
fore fee as neare (as you cane) all other extremities and perills that maye happen,
and neceffaries to be confidered of for them.

Item, you fhall leave w^^ Captan Fenton, yo"^ Lieuetenaunte Generall, the
government of thofe 100 perfons to remayne in that countrie w^^ inftrudions
howe he maye beft obferve the nature of the ayre, and may difcover and knowe
the ftate of the countrie from tyme to tyme as moche as may be, and what tyme
of the yeare the Straight is moft free frome eyfle kepyng to y^ end a journall wekly
of all accountes, w*^ whome you fhalle leve the Gabriell, the Michaell, and the
Judith, wt'^ fuche proportion of vidualls and other neceffarie thinges as are alredye
appoynted to him and his companye for that purpofe fuppliing his want w^h able
and fkyllfull men for that purpofe, and w^^ any other thinges neceffarie w^^ you
or any other of the fhippes maye convenientlie fpare at yo'^ reatorne.

Item, we require that you fhall inftrude all yo"^ people rather to muche then
any thinge to littell, afwell for yo'^ owne faffetye there as of fuche as you fhall
leave behinde you, that when you or they fhall happen to come to have conference
w*h the people of thofe partes wher you fhall arive, that in all yo"^ doynges and
theirs you fo behave yo"^ felves and theyme, towardes the faid people as maye
rather procure their frindfhips and good lykings towardes you by courtefyes then
move them to any offence or myflikinge.

Item, uppon yo"^ arrivall at the place before fpecified, and after you have bothe
harbored fafflie yo^ fhips, fett yo"^ myners one worke, and alfo have taken fufficient
order for plantinge of thofe men w'^^ fhall inhabite ther, and appoyntinge in yo"^
abfence governers for all theis caufes. We will then, yf leafure and tyme wille
permitt the fame that you w^^ t^g jj barkes fhall repaire towardes the place where
the firft yeare you loft yo^ men, afwell to fearche for mynes there as to difcover

158 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

50 or 100 leages further weflwardes frome that place as y^ oppening of y^ Streight
by water will lowe, as you may be certayne that you are entride into the Southe
Sea commonly called Mare di Sun. And in your paffage to iearne all that you
cane in all thinges, and take parfe6t notes therof, not tarringe longe frome your
fhippes and workemen, but that you maye be hable to retorne homewardes w"^^
them in due tyme.

Item, you fhall well confider what place may be mofl aptefl further to fortifye
upon hereafter (yf nede requier), bothe for defence of the myners and alfo for
pofTeffinge of the countrie and bringe home w*^^ you a perfede platt and parfede
notes therof to be kept in fecreat, and fo delyvred unto us.

Item, you fhall not fuffer any fhippe or fhippes beinge laden w^^ oare to fett
fayle or departe from the place of their ladinge till the daye fixed in their charter
partye except you fee good caufe otherwyfe. And beinge fo laden and redy to
retorne homeward you fhall reetayne them in flete and in companie all togethers
as muche as in you Uethe, and as the wether wyll fuffer untill your retorne into
this realme of England and arrivall at the place appoynted in the River of Thammes
for unladinge of the fame.

Item, for the fucceflion of the Generall Governour of this whole voiage (yf he
fhould fortune to die) for avoydinge of ftryffe and kepinge of peace and fryndfhip
there be the names of iiij gentlemen privatlie fett downe to fucceade him in his
place on after y^ other which ar feverally wrytten in paper included in balls of
wax fealed w*^ hyr Ma^^^^ fignett and put into boxes locked w^^ feverall keys
wherof on in your cuflody.

Item, for the better and more circumfpedle executions and determinacion in
any waightie caufes incident on land, we will that you fhall call unto you for
afTiftantes your Lieutenaunt Generall, Captayne Yorke, Richard Philpott, George
Beafl, and Henry Garewe, gent., w*^ whome you fhall confult and confere what
is befle to be done in the faid caufes, matteres, and adions of ymportaunce touchinge
this fervice undertaken. And in all fuche matteres fo handeled, argued, and
debated upon the fome to reft, to be allowed, or difallowed at yo"" owne elledion,
and that alwaies to be executed w'^^ you fhall thinke meetefte w*'^ affent of any
ij of them in general confent. And like wyfe in matteres of weight concerninge
all yo'^ fhippes good government, afwell at the fea as in harboure, o^ wille is that
the forenamed gent, and Chriftofer Hawle, Charles Jackeman, James Beare, and
Andrewe Dier, minifters, in certayne of o"^ fhippes, prefentiie ymployed in this
north-weft fervice, fhalbe afTiftaunte unto you and confentinge to all determyna-
cones concernynge the fame. And in caffe that of fuche conference and def-
courfmge the opiniones of the aforefaid afTiftaunce be founde in effede any waye
to differ then o^ will is that thexecution of all fuche matteres fo argued upon fhall
reft to be put in execution in fuche forte as you fhall thinke mofte meteft, having
the affent of any ij of them.

MARTIN FROBISHER I59

Item, becaufe the temprature of thofe northe-weft partes and boundes of feas
and landes are not yet fufficientlie knowne (w^^ thinge we principallye defyere),
and for as much as verye good opertunitie in foundrie refpedes maye falle out
in tyme of yo"" abfence to purchaze or attayne to the fame, we thinke y"^ verye
neceffarie and to your better defert wortheHe apperteninge that you fhall enforme,
advife, and audoryfhe by yo"^ owne hande writtinge, in the befte manner you cane
devife howe anye further defcoverye, underftandinge, or knowledge of the forefaid
landes or feas (confynynge, borderinge, or lyinge, w^'^in 200 leages of the place
wher at this voyage the habitacone or fortification of o'' people fhalbe fetled or
fituated) maye be executed and acheved by yo^ aforefaid Lieuetenante Generall
or by fuche other parfon as he or the mod parte of fuch as hereafter fhalbe named
to be his alTy fiance fhall deme and judge mofl apte and fufficient for the accom-
plifhinge of the fervice their unto apperteyninge.

Item, that you fhall have fpeciall care and geve generall warninge that no
perfone of what cawlinge foever he be fhall make an alfaye of any mannor of
mettalle matter or oore on the forefaid partes of Meta Incognita, but onlie he or
they to whome the offyce or feate of affayes makinge is afigned or comitted (onlie
yo^ felfe, yo^ Leutenaunte Generall, and yo^ fubflitutes before named, from this
article to be excepted), nor any perfone under yo'" government fhall take uppe
or keape to him felfe and his private ufe anye parte or parcell of oare, precious
ftone, or other matter of comoditie, to be hade or founde in that lande but he,
the faid perfon fo feazed of fuche oare, ftone, or other matter of commoditie, fhall
w^*^ all fpeade or fo fone as he cane detede the fame and make deliverey therof
to yo"^ felfe or yo'" Lieutenaunte Generall upon payne to forfite for everye ounce
therof the valewe trible of any wages he is to receave after the daye of fuche
offence committed, and further to receave fuche punishement as to hir Ma'^^^
fhall feme good.

Item, o"^ will is that you fhall caufe a recorde dilligentlye to be kept in wryttyng
of all fuche oare, myneralls, ftones and other matters of vallew gotten or founde
in that countrie, afwell of the time and place and places when or whear all and
everye fuche oare, minerall and other matter of fuche vallewe is or fhalbe founde
or gotten, as alfo fome parte, portion or example of all and everye the faid oares,
myneralls and other matter of vallewe in apte and peculiar boxes caufe to be
referved w^^ theire due titles and notificacones. And further caufe dulye to be
layed uppe in the faid boxes the feverall rates and tryed valuacions of all affayes
ther made of any the forefaid oares and myneralles, and all thofe forefaid boxes
fo furnifhed and diftindlie noted at yo^ reatorne to the citie of London you fhall a doobU 0
deliver or caufe to be delivered to the treforer of the companye of adventurers for (^'" *"?* '^

^. . . be made,

thofe northewefte affayres, as well for the better diredione and dealinge heare and brought
after w^^ any the forefaid oares or myneralles ther as for the better and fpeedie ^X^^»>6
account and reckinge, makinge in groffe heare at home of the valewe of fuche

l6o THE THREE VOYAGES OF

quantitie or mafTe as any of them ftiall hether be brought. And of thefe doinges
make two bookes, to be kept in ij feverall fhyps.

Item, that the marioners of all the hired fhippes imployed in this fervice fhall

geve, joyntlye w*^ all the other companies of o"^ owne fhipps, iij or iiij dayes

travail and labor towardes thintrenchinge and fortifiinge of the place, wher the

leutenante generall w^^ his charge fhall remayne to inhabite there.

A book con- Item, that you fhall make yo'" dire6te courfe from hence as neare as you cane,

teymngeye ^th ^H fuche fhippes as pafTc under yo"^ government, to the land now called Meta

laden in Incognita, and their lade 800 toones, or fo muche more as the fhippes of retorne

\Lo7dBuT- cane fafflie carrie of fuche oare as you alredie have founde ther this lafl yeare,

leigh.] or rather richer yf you cane fynd the fame. And fo havinge laden your fhippes

wth the faid nomber of 800 tonnes or more, as is aforefaid, fhall make yo"^ dired

courfe frome thence into this realme of England into the river of Thames, where

the fhippes be appoynted to be unladen of the fame.

Item, that everye capten and m"" of every fhippe appoynted in this voyage fhall

Te book to joyntlie under their handes writinge by indenture deliver unto you a note and

(f" ^h'r"'*'^ eftimacone of fuche nomber of toones of oare or other matter of vallew as they

leigh.) fhall receve into their fhippes theire. And all the fame indentures to be regiflred

in one booke, wherof iij copies to be made, and to be put in iij feverall fhypes to

be delyvred to the treforer of the comp^ at retorne home of the fhypps.

(Lord Bur- That a minifter or twoo do go in this jorney to ufe miniftration of devyne

leigh.) fervice and facraments, accordyng to y^ churche of England. Nota, y* the vidalls,

munitions and other thynges to be carryed to be equally dillributed into y^

fhippes, for dout of mifcarrying of fome of theme.

Item, in yo"^ waye outward bound, yf it wylbe no hynderans to the reft of yo'^
voyage, you fhall doo yo'" endevour to dyfkover the new land, fuppofed to be
Ffryzeland, and to gett the beft knowledge that you can of the ftate and nature
therof. And yf you cannot conveniently doo it in yo"^ waye outward bound, then

doo your attempt h in yo^ waye homeward bound at retorne yf the fame

may be done convenientlye.
Item, when you fhall paffe, etc.

Item, that yf there Ihould happen any perfon or perfons ymployed in this
fervice, of what calling or condition he or they fhall be, fhould confpire or attempte
privatlie or publiklie any treafon, mutanie or other deforder, either towchinge
the takinge awaie of yo"" owne life or any other of au6lhoritie under yo", whereby
her Mamies fervice in this voyage might therby be over thro wen and ympugned,
We will therfore that upon jufte prooffe made of any fuch treafons, mutanie or
other deforders attempted as aforefaid, the fame fhalbe punifhed by yo" or yo^
lieutenant generall, etc.,

w^^ are feverally wrytten in paper included in bawles of wax, fealed w*^ her

MARTIN FROBISHER l6l

Ma*^^^ fignet, and put into two feverall boxes, locked w^^ iij feverall keys, wherof
one key in yo'" cuftodie, and one in cuflodie of Edward Fenton, and another in
cuftodie of Chriftofer Hawlle. And the fame two boxes to be put in ij feverall
fhyps, to faye, one boxe in the Ayde^ and the other in the fhip where yo"^ lieutenaunt
generall fhall paffe.

Item, for the fucceffion of the lieutenant generall of thofe c men w^^ fhall
remayne and inhabite there, there be named iij parfons to fuccede in order and
maner as is fett downe before in the Article for the fucceffion of the generall.

Item, that there be made a doble of this Commyffion to remayne w'^'^ the lieu-
tenant generall.

Indorfed. 1578. Commyffion inftrudions to Mr. Ffurbuffier to goo to fea,
No. 1578.

[Colonial, 127. State Papers. Domestic Eliz., Vol. 129, No. 36.]

The Inventarie of the Shyp Ayde.

(2d page.)

The Inventarie of the Ihippe Ayde made the loth of Februarye, 1571.

In primis her furniture as ffie was bought of the Queues Ma^^^^ in Aprille, 1577.

In primis, the bowfprite w*^ ij double pullies and iij ffievers of bras.

The Bolt Sprite. — Item the yarde ; the faylle (worne) : the hallyares w^*^ ij pullies
cocked w^^ braffe; the lifts w^^ iiij pulles; the braces, w^^ 2 pulles, ; the ffieate,
w*'^ pendannts ; the ij ffiankes paynters w*'^ chaynes ; a boult, a collar and chaynes
of irone ; the mayne flaye ; the davette w*^ a clafpe of irone ; ij ffievers of braffe
to the davetts a grapnell w*^ chayne (loft) Catts a falfe tyre for the fpritte faile;
the clewlynes.

The Fore-majle. — Item the maft w^^ a ffiiver of brafe in the heade; the fore topp
not; the yard w^'^ gromets; a fwifter one afide w^^ iiij pullyes, worne; the faylle
viz., corfe and bonnet, iij parts worne; ij pendants on a fyde w'^^ iiij pulles, one
ffievered, and one cocked; ij takels one a fyde w*^ iiij pules iij coked w*^ braffe;
vj ffiroudes on a fyde ; the ftaye ; the lyftes w*^^ iiij pullies ; the tye, worne ; the hall-
yares w**^ one ffiever of brafe in the rames head and ij cocked in the rame hedd ;
the parell w^^* lanyers and breft ropes ; ij trufles w*^ ij pulles ; ij bowlines (worne) ,
w^^ a doble blocke and ij ffiyvers of bras ; the braces w^^ iiij pulles (worne) ; the
ffieats w^^ ij pulles cocked w*^^^ bras ; the ffiivers of brafle in the ffiippes fide (none) ;
the tacks (one of them newe) ; the martenetts; the botts tacle w'^'^ iij ffiyvers of bras.

The fore tope majle. — Item, the toppe mafte w^*^ a cocke of braffe in the heade;
the yarde; the faylle (iij parts worne) ; j tacle on a fide w^^ iiij pulles; iiij ffiroudes
on a fide; iiij puttocks on a fyde; the ftaye and backftaye; the tye and halliers
w*^ ij pullies one ffievered and one cocked w*^^ braffe ; the liftes w*^^ iiij pulles ; the
flieates; the parell, broken, laniers and breft ropes; the trufe w*^ ij pulles; the

FV II II

l62 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

boulines w*'^ one doble (polle) ; the braces w^^ iiij polles ; the cluHnes w^*^ ij pulles ;
j crane line, bage and one pendante pulle.

The mayne majle. — Item, the mafte w*^ ij fhivers of bras in the heade (the mayne
topp nawght) ; the yard w^^ grometts and ftapells (broken and nawght) ; the faylle,
viz., corfe and bonnette (good) ; the drabler (newe) ; j fwifter on a fide w"^^ iiij
pulles (iij parts worne) ; iij pendants one a fide w^^^ vj pulles on a fhever of braife,
and ij fhevers of braffe for the botts tacle (the tackles worne) ; iij tackells on a fide
w*^ xij pulles, iij cocked w^^ braffe; viij fhroudes on a fide; the flaye; the liftes
w*^ iiij pulles: the fheates fupplied w^^ ij pulles, one fhyvered w*^^ bras, and
th'other cocked with bras (the fheates worne), and ij fhivers of braffe in the fhippes
fide ; the tacks ; the tye (halph worne) ; ij fhevers of braffe in the knight ; the halliers
w'^ iij fhevers of braffe, in the knight and ram heade ; the parrell w^^ laniers and
breft ropes ; the truffe w*^ iiij pules (nowght) ; the martinetts (worne) , and vj
pulles ; the garnette w*^ ij pulles w*^^ iij fhevers of braffe ; the braces w*^ ij pulles ;
the bowlines; the clulines.

The mayne tope majle. — Item the toppe and mafle w*^ a fhever of braffe in the
heade ; the yarde ; the faylle (newe) ; j tacle one a fide w^^ iij pulles ; 4 fhroudes
one a fide; v puttockes one a fide; the flaye and the backe ftaye; the liftes w^^
iiij pulles ; the fheatts w"^^ iiij pulles ij fhevers, one of them braffe and ij cocked
w^^^ braffe, and ij of braffe in the bubbridge heade (none of braffe) ; the tye and
halliers w^'^ ij pulles one fhevered and one cocked w^^ braffe; the bowlines w*^
one doble pulle ; the braces w*^^ iiij pulles ; the clulines w*^^ ij pulles ; the the cluline
a rane bagge and one pendante pulle.

The my/on majle. — Item the mafle, w*^^ a fhevere of braffe in the hedd ; the yarde ;
the faylle, viz., corfe and bonet, nawght; a fwifter on a fide w^h ijjj pulles, the
fwifter's nawght; v fhrouds one a fide; the flaye; the tye and halliers w"^^ a fhyver
of bras, and brefl ropes; the truffe w^h ij puUes; the lyfts w^^ ij pulles; the boulines —
non; the fmitinge line — non; the parell; the myzon martinetts.

The mi/on tope majle. — Item the tope and mafle; iij fhroudes on a fide; iiij puttocks
on a fide; the flaye.

The botes majle. — Item, a fhever of braffe in the heade; a paynter cheyne; a
davett w^^ a fhever of irone ; a windleffe ; a mafle w^*^ a fayll ; a rother w*^^ fpindell
and capps — (lofl).

The Jkyffe. — Item, a fkyffe; xij ores; a rother w*^ yrone worke — (none).

Implements. — Item, a mayne capflaine w^^ collor and paull of yrone and iiij
bares; paule non nor bars; the fore capflene w*^^ a paull of yrone and 2 barres;
a flate pompe w^^ a bracke ; a bed fled and a table in the captaines cabbine, the
table broken ; a payre of bilbowes w*^ vj fhakells ; a grinflone w^^^ fpindle and
winche of irone; a coper kettell; ij meate kettells, one very fmalle; a barre w*^
a chayne and iij hockes in the cooke rome to hange the kettell one; but iij ankers,
ankers great, iiij ; cables of xij ynches that the fhipe is mored by, ij ; cables of xj

MARTIN FROBISHER 163

ynches — iij, ij of them newe, one of the ij of 13 inches, one of them a juncke and
cut; cables of x ynches, j halfe worne; cables of viij ynches for a botte rope, j halfe
worn ; cables of vj ynches, j newe, fpent and gone ; gefte ropes of v ynches, j halfe
worne; condinge haufers of v ynches, j; haufers of v ynches, j; fats (fathoms?)
of a haufer of v ynches, x fathom; a britton tackell w*^ iiiij fhevers of braffe and
one of irone coked w^'^ iij blocks and j pendante tacle, j ; boye ropes, j ; catte ropes,
ij worne; facks of coylle of iij ynches, x fathem; peces of coyles of ynches and ynches
and halfe, iij peces; flaggs of Sainte George, j worne: compafTes, ij ; runnynge glafTes,
j nawght; foundinge lynes, ij; foundinge leades, iij, ij; bucketts, ij; boules, iiij;
fhovelles, iiij; fkoppes, ij; fpare pulles great and fmall, vj, ij coked w^^ braffe;
marlienes, ij bundells ; ratline, fhy\'es ; twine, x^' ; item, boults of middremaxe, iiij ;
calappes, v; piche pottes, j nawght; fifhe hokes, ij; leache hokes, ij, j; loffe hokes,
iiij; ballefle bafketts, ij; canne hokes, j pare; fides, ij; boyes, iiij, iij; catte hokes
fhevered w*^ bralTe, ij.
Summa of all, w^^ cofle ...... viij*^ 1^^

And the ordenans and munition aperinge hereafter, w^^^

cofte ......... iij^ xlv^^

Summa of all this fhipp as ytt coft, amounteth . . xj'^ iiij'^ xv'^
We doe thincke that the forefaid fhip, w^^ her mails,

yards, fayles, anckers, cables, and other taikle and

apparell conteined in particulers before fett downe in

this book, fo as the faume may be delyvered according-

lie, to be worthe ....... vij'^^'

Item, more for v peces of bralfe in this book after fpecy-

fied amonge the ordenance and munitions, beinge ij

mynions, and iij^ fawcons, weyinge iiij*^"^' v*^ xviij^*

waight, at iij^^ p"* c^, cxxxv'^ x^ And more for v

cariadges perteineinge to the faide peces p'^ eftima-

tion, iij'^ yj^ viij'^ ....... cxxxviij^^ xyj-^ viij^

Summa totalis viij'^ xxxviij^^ xyj^ viij^

(Signed) ^ Wynter. Will"^ Holftok.

The reft of th' ordenance and munitions, in this inventorye we thinck them
nott mete, for the Queues Ma^^^.

(The above letter is crossed off in the original.)

The xxiij<^ of Februarie, 1578.
We doe thinck y^ the forefaid fhip, w"^^ her mafts, yards,

failes, anckers, cables, and other taikle and apparell

contened in particulars, before fett downe in this

book, fo as the fame may be delivered accordinglie, to

be worthe ........ dec''

1 1-2

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

164

We doe alfo thinck y^ the v peces of brafTe in this book

afte fpecefied, amonge the ordenance, to be worthe the

monye they are rated at, and mete for her Ma^^^ w^^

ther V cariadges, pertaining to them, w'^^ dothe amount

unto the fome of . . . . . . .

TotaHs

And as touchinge th' other ordenance, and munitions conteyned in this inven-
torye, we doe not thinck them mete for her highnefs.

(Signed)

W. Wynter. Will"^ Holftok.

More the ordenances and munition put into the fhippe, after fhe was brought
w^^ dide coft as followeth : —

cxxxij^^ ij^ xj^
dcccxxxij^^ ij^ xj'^

Ordenans of braffe

Mynyones, ij wainge 22^^- 2'^"- 4^^- at 3'^ per cwt.
Fawcons, i wainge 7^^*^- 2'i'^^- 14^^- at 3^* per cwt. .
Faucons, ij wainge i5cwt- at 46-^ 8^ per cwt.
And for the carriages of all 5 peces

Of caft yrone.

Sacres, viij wainge
Mynyons, j wainge
Fawcons, v wainge

Summa
At £12 a ton .
And for 14 carriages, all

^, / ^ "1 * •• '\ ftoked at li^ pece
Chambers to them, xij .J ^ i-

-ton

12
II

cwt.
cwt.

2 ton 2^^'^^-

gton rCWt.

£^1 13 4

£22 17 6

£33 o o

£^ 13 4

;Ci32 4 2

;^99 o o
17 13 4

30 o o

Munition, as followeth

Sacre Ihot, round, ij^vij
Fawcone fhote, rounde, Ixix
Colveringe fhot, rounde, xix
Mynion fhot, rounde, xvij .

Summe waing
At 10 Ihillings the cwt.

cwt. qrs. lbs.

10 I O

I 2 4

O 2 14

13 3 18

//6 18 o

MARTIN FROBISHER

Crofbar fhotte.

165

For facres, xlix
For fawcone, xxvij
For mynione, xj .

Summe
At xxiij-^ per cwt,

Chayne fhotte.

cwt. qrs. lbs,

3 I o

I I o

o 2 14
5 o 14

For facres, 14
For fawcone, 7

Summe

At xxiij^

Stone fhote.
For fowlers, liij, at xij'^ .....
Ladells w^^ ftaves for facres and mynion, 15, at xij'^
Sponges and flaves for facre, mynion, and faucon, i
Rammer ftaves, 20, at S'^ .
Formers for facre, mynion, and fawcone, 3, at 6^^

Armor, and weapon, and munitions
Calivers, 38, wherof 6 w'^^out ftoks.
Flafkes, 16 . a
Toche boxes, 10 . - at i3'^^ 4^^ .
Moldes, 20 . .]

Matche fkines, weyinge cc^*-^. at 16 fhillings the c
Bowes of ewe, 25, at 3^^ 8^^
Shefes of arowes, xlv, at 2^^
Bow ftringes, dolfen, vij, at 8*^
Partezans, iiij, at 13-^^ 4*^
Blacke bylles, xyj, at xij^
Pykes, 5, at 2^^ .
Crowes of yrone, 9, at 4^'^ .
Trunkes of wylde fyer, ij, at 5-^^
Balles, wilde fyer, 15, at 3^^
Arowes, wilde fyer, 11, at i ^^
Pykes, wilde fyer, 5, at 5^'''
A drylle, j, at . . .
Tampyons, 29, at i^ pece .
A gowge, j, at .

/^5 18 o

cwt. qrs.

lbs.

I 0

0 I

I I

•

Lt xij^

•

/?25

H4.

1 1

H4.

1 1

1 66

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

ChyfTells, iiij, at G'^

Peckers for flone fhot, j, at

A fledge, j, at .

Spare trockells, ix, at 12^^ a pare

Summe this fyde
The laft fyde .

Summe of all this, which cofle .

Ho 2 o

Ho o 6

Ho 2 o

Ho 4 o

/f49 5 8

^^'295 15 o

/f345 o 8

[Colonial, 133. DomesHc Eliz-, cxxx, No. 10.]

March 20*, 1578. From Mr. Tho. Allan. The Gabriell priced at Ixxx^.

Manye thyngs in Lockes handes to be sould and to

bee called to his reare accompt.

My dewtie remembred : hit maye pleafe youre honor to undarftande that I have
receved ij letters this daye from youre honor, the one towchinge the ordenance
to be folde, the other for the Gabryell, w^^ letters I anfure. The ordenance ys folde
by the bryngar hereof to one Clement Draper for xij^^ the towne, redye monye,
as he faythe to me, he havinge a lyfence to tranfeporte the fame, wich lyfence
yt maye pleafe your honor to fende, and then the monye fhalbe receved by me,
and pade owte agayne to thefe men. Havinge fome afyftance w^'^ me of the
comyffioners at the payment there of wiche I defire to have ffor my dyfcharge
acordinge to ordar.

Ande for the Gabryell, fhe was prafed by Mr. Locke and others at one hundrethe
and li pounds. I fawe yt to moche. I browght hire downe to c^^; yet no mane wyll
by here at that pryce, fo I have offered hire iiii'^'^'^, and that I do here that
Mr. Furbufher haythe byden for hire ; but I thingke redye monye ys owte of the
waye w*^ hyme, fo I fent Clynton to knowe whether he wolde have hire or no,
or elfe I wolde yt myght pleafe youre honor that S^ Nycolas Malbe maye have
hire, and paye vs this monye I thingke well of yt.

S% I wolde thefe men weare pade; I ame fore trobled w*'^ them; youre honor
fende them to me they faye, and youre honor knowythe I have no monye to paye
them. I have had iij fytes of an agoo; Code fende me to be quyte of yt. This
is the gayne I do pofefe by folloyng of this befynes.

S^, there ys manye things to fell yett, wiche do lye and are in Mr. Lockes
kepinge, and there ys no mane taketh charge or care of them, and what he can
fell he doythe, but paythe no mane a penye. It weare very goode that youre
honor wolde commande that all things myght be folde owte of hande by a dale,
and that Mr. Locke myght be dyfcharged, and that he myght then bryngke in
his reare acounte, and fo to deale w^^ hym, for that he doythe owe to the companye,
that men myght be pade, and that youre honor myght certenly knowe what ys

MARTIN FROBISHER 167

yet owynge to men, and agayn what ys owinge to vs to dyfcharge them, for yt
doythe lyngar to longe for oure profFyt. This I take my leave of youre honor,
wryten this xx^^ of Marche, 1578.

Your honars to comavnde,

Thomas Allen.
To the Right Honorable S'" Frances Walfmgham,
Knyght and prenfepall Secretorye to the
Quenes Ma^i^.
20 March, 1578.

[Cole

nial.

95- L

Earnest

ic Eliz., cxxiv. No. 2."

Thefe have not payd the 3 May 1578.

Stok

Buildinges

My Lord Admirall ...... ;^i35

;^20

My Lord Treforer

£?>5

My Lord Chamberlan

£^3b

;^20

My Lord Leycefter

£101

^^30

My Lady Warrwyk

;C32

Mr. Secretarie Walfmgham

;C62

My Lady Anne Talbot

£z^

S'" John Brockett .

/;43

S"" William Wyntar

;^250

£^^

S"" Leonell Duckett

Mr. William Pellham

£^1

£^0

Mr. Thomas Randolphe

^67

Mr. Edward Dyar

^33

£5

Mr. Somers .

£^0

Mr. Coyar .

;^33

£5

Anthony Jenkynfon

£^1

£10

Jeffrey Turvyle

£Q7 ^

£^0

William Paintar .

£^7 ^

£10

Richard Cowland

£^7 ^

£10

Mathew Fild

£32 1

Thomas Allyn

£^7 ^

£10

Robert Martin

£33 1

£5

Chriftofer Androwes

£33 1

£5

S"^ Thomas Grefham

^70

£40

Martin Furbufher

^67 1

£10

My Lord Camberlan, Whaterton

£^7 ^

£10

;^i876

;^260

Thomas Owen

^^33 1

£5

l68 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

2. State Papers subsequent to the Third Voyage.

I. Minutes to Mr, Locke abowte Mr. Furbifhers Viage.

II. The Queens Authority to colledl of the Adventurers their Subfcriptions.

III. From My Lords to certayne Gentlemen for Payment of certayne Sommes.

IV. The Exclamation of the Marriners for their Payment.
V. From M^ Lok towchynge the Additaments.

VI. Mr. Loks Account.

VII. An Anfweare to Mr. Lockes Account.

VIII. Second Minute for the Payment of the Wages.

IX. The Anfwer of me Michael Lok to the Auditores of my Accounts.

X. The Humble Sute of Thomas Bonham.

XI. From Sir Thomas Graham touchynge the Order for the Payment of the

Mariners.

XII. The Venturers not payde.

XIII. The Humble Petition of M^ Lok for Charges difburfed.

XIV. An Order fett downe by the Queenes Maj*'^ touchy ng the Payment.
XV. The Offer of Michael Lok for the Northweft Ewr at Dartford.

XVI. An Offer made at Mufcovy Houfe by Jonas Sute before Mr. Feeld, Mr. Lok

and Mr. Andrew Palmer.

XVII. All the Stok of the Venturers in all the iij Voyages.
XVIII. The Abufes of Captain Furbifher agaynft the Companye.

[Colonial, 102. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 22.]

Odober 29^^, 1578. Minutes to Mr. Locke abowte Mr. Furbijher Viage.

After our very harty commendations. Whereas the fhyps imploied in the viage
of Meta Incognita are nowe retorned all home in faffetie w^^ Mr. Ffurbufher, and
forafmuche as we are informed y^ in this voyage dyvers new places and mynes
have byn dyfcovred. We have thought yt neceffarye to require you to have a care
in thefe matters, and to call before you the generall, and the captaynes, maflers
and pilotes of the fhyps, and to demand of them account in wryting feverallie
of their doinges and procedinges in this voyage, w*^ difcourfe of the thinges
happened in the fame, And alfo to demand and take of them fuch platts and cartes

MARTIN FROBISHER 169

of defcriptions of the countries and places as they have made, and to forbyd them
and others to pubhfh or gyve out to others any platts or defcriptions of the fame
countries.

And alfo we requyre you to have dew confyderation of the ftate of the fhyps
and goodes now retorned home, and to fett fuche order therin as beft may be for
the faffetye of the goodes, and the commoditie and credite of the companie of
venturers, and avoydans of unneceffarie expenfes. And furdermore, wee doo
erneflly pray and requyre you throughlye to confyder of the ftate of the workes
at Dartford, that withe all expedition fum good prooffe and triall may be had of
the trew valew of the ewr brought home, afwell in this voyage as in the other
before ; and that we may be certified therof from you, for that her Ma^^^ hathe
very great expedation of the fame.

The Gommyffioners.
Indorfed.

[Colonial, 100. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi. No. 20.]

The Queens Authority to Michael Lok to colled of the Adventurers

their Subfcriptions.

After our harty commendacions, Fforafmoche as the fhipps now come home w*^
oure lovinge frende Martyn Furbufher have brought doble the quantitie of ewar
that was expeded, wherby the charges of the ffraight therof, and of the maryners
and mynars employed in the voyage are doble the rate fett downe at the begynnyng
therof, as it is certiffyed to us by the Gommyffioners therunto appoynted for the
payment wherof and difcharge of the faid men, it is requyfyt to colled of the
venturars prefently the fum of vj™ pounds of money. And forafmoche as it is
greatly needfull to ufe all dylygens for the prefent fpedye colledion of the faid
fum of money, afwell for the avoyding of excelTyve great charges w^^ grow ther-
uppon daylye untill the faid men be paid and fhips difcharged, as alfo for the
performans of dewtye and mayntaynans of credite of the companye. This is ther-
fore to wyll and require you (being threforer appointed) prefentlye, w*^*^ all the
dyllygens that you can, to colled and receave of the venturars in this voyage the
feverall fums of money dew by them for the rate of their venture, according to
a cedule of their names and fums herewithall under the handes of the faid com-
myflyoners. And in cafe that you fhall fynd any of the venturers to be remyffe
in payment, and doo not prefently pay his part and dewty as aforefaid (w^^^ we
truft fhall not happen) , then doe you thinke meate that you g>'\'e knowledg therof
unto the Lord Mayor of London, and to S"^ W. Cordell, Mafter of Records, whome
we have appointed to be affyftant unto you in that cafe, according to the tenor
of our letters direded unto them in that behalfe.

Michael Lok.

I7P THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, loi. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 21.]

After our very harty commendacions. Wheras our loving frynd Michael Lok is
appointed prefently and fpedely to colled and receave of the venturars in the
voyage of Mr. Ffurbufher, according to a cedule of their names delyvred to hym,
a good fum of money for the payment of the maryners and difcharge of the fhips
now come. And for that it may happen fum of them \vyll not make ready payment
of their partes, or wyll refufe to pay the fame, w^^ thinge would be a hynderans
to the reft by great charges dayly groweng theron untill the maryners be paid
and the fhips dyfcharged.

Therefore we have thought good to requyre you twayne to be aflyftant to the
faid Michael Lok in this cafe, and uppon his information or cornplainte unto you
to be made to calle before you fuche parfons as fhalbe found flak in payment, or
fliall refufe to pay their partes as aforefaid, and to perfwade them eyther to pay
the fame prefentUe, or els to comaunde them, as fo dyreded by us, to appeare
before us prefentlye to fliew caufe why they doe not make payment accordingly.
And fo —

My L. Mayor.
Cordell.

[Colonial, 107. Domestic Eliz., cxxvii, No. 8.]

December 1578. M"^ from My Lords to certayne Gentlemen for the

Payment of certayne Sommes due by them for their

Adventure in Mr. Furbijhers Viage.

After our harty commendacions. The Queues Ma*^^^ being geven to underftand
that the myners, maryners and others imployed in the late vyage under our
loving frynd Martin Furbufher, gentilman, are not yett paid all their wagys for
their farvys in the fayd voyage, but doo lye ftyll at the great charges of all the
venturars, for lak of payment of the money dew by dyvers of the particuler ven-
turars, althoughe her Ma*^^^ and many of the venturers have paid their partes

dew for the fame. And for that uppon thaccount taken it appere that for

yo^ part therof you are to paye the fum of {blank). She hathe therefore geven us
exprefle commaundement to require you amongeft others and ftraytly to charge
you in her name to geve order for the payment of the fayd fomme in London
unto the handes of Thomas Allen, treforer therunto appointed, w*^n ten days

after the receyt herof w^^out ffor that othenvyfe yt is ordered that fuche

as fhall or fayle to make payment at the daye limyted fliall be quy t

exempted from all maner of benefytt and priviledg that may grow unto them
by their former ventures made in the faid voyages. And thus we hartely bid you
Farewell.

MARTIN FROBISHER

171

In the countrie.

The Erie Pembroke -
The Countefle Pembroke
The Lord Hunfden -
S^ Henry Wallop
S'' John Brockett
Mr. William Pellham
Anthonye Jenkinfon -
The Ladye Anne Talbot

Nexte weke.

Chriftmas.

In the Court.

In London.

S^ Thomas Grefham -
S'^ Leonell Ducket
Mathe Fyld
Edmond Hogan -
-William Harington
Mr. Thomas Randall -
,, William Paintor -
,, Jeffrey Turvile
,, Richard Bowland
Mrs. Anne Kynnerfley
Mathew Kynerfley
Robert Kynerfley
William Bonde -
William Burde
Thomas Owen
William Ormfhaw
William Dowgle -

Sr \\/m Wintar -
Chriftofer Andrews
Robert Martin -

£^72

135

£^23

180

115

;^II23

172 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial^ no. Domestic Eliz., cxxvii, No. 12.]

December 8, 1578. The Exclamation of the Marriners, etc., for their
Payment for Service under Mr. Furbijher.

My dewty remembryd unto your honar. This is to fyngnyfy unto yo^ honar that
we, commynge home w"^^ out mony where hit was declaryd beffore we came that
we wolde brynge hit w^^ us, they keppe a gretor flore nowe then they dyd before,
and ^vyl beleve nothyng that we do faye. If hit maye pleafe you^ honar that fuche
order may be taken that thofe w^ was taxyd by you"^ honars maye be recevyd
w'^^ the refte that owght to paye who be in the corte by fomme one yo"^ honar
maye pleafe to apoynt. And that hit maye pleafe you"^ honar to fende the melTenger
w'^ the letter to thofe in the fyete (city) that they maye paye prefently, and I fhall
geve my attendance there to receve hit and to paye hit ageyne accordynge to
order, ffor lyvynge at the corte is great chargys, and all mofte be put to accownt.
All fo there is a great dell of ffreyt to paye : no fhippe p'd but one, w'^^ is caulyd
the Beare, Lefter, w'^^ is Mr. Lockes fhippe, and fhe is holy payde, as you"" honar
may fe in his accownt of the mony w^^ he dyd receve; hit is 350/f. the lafte parfell.
There is other that wolde be p'd as well, as he Cryftmas beynge fo nere every man
cryythe out for mony. I wyfhe all myght be payde before the tyme and hit be
poflybell, defyerynge you'" honar to helppe^t a pynche, or elce I wolde I had
my mony and another had my offece. This I take my leve, commyttynge you"*
honar to the Lorde, who blefle you and kepe you for ever. Wrytten at my howffe
in London this viij December in anno 1578.

You''^ to commaunde,

Thomas Allen.
To the Right honorable S"" Francis Walfingham,
knight and principall Secretary to y^ queues
highnes geve thefe.

[Colonial, in. Domestic Eliz., cxxvii, No. 16.]
Dec"^. II, 1578. From Michael Lok towchynge the Additaments.

Right honorable. This berar the melfenger wyll report unto you what he hathe
done w*^'^ the venturars for their money. We have not yet receved anye but of
Wylliam Ormfhawe. We hope the reft will come fhortlye. This meflinger fayethe
he muft have his ffees. I know not what to anfwere him thereon but as yo"^ honor
will appoint.

The great workes at Dartford ftand ftill untill additament come from the northe
or the weft; that of the northe wyll come fliortlie I hope, that of the weft is not

MARTIN FROBISHER I 73

yet fent for, bycaufe the commyflioners had not byn togetheres fins I was at the
court, but to morrow S"^ Thomas Grefham and others of them wilbe in towne
as I am informed, but when they meete I think they cannot do moche for Mr.
Edgecome's dytament, w^'^out fum fpeciall letters to hym from the courte. And
in the meane tyme I think it very needfull that letters were wrytten to hym to
fend a ton therof by land w*^ the very firft fpedy convayans, for that we are very
certaynelye affured by Jonas and Denan that that is moll good and moll litt to
work w^h our ewre, and the Hke furans have we by one Goodyere an Englilh
workman, who hathe wrought in my hows thefe iiij or v dayes on divers fmall
fayes of our ewr by appointement of S"^ Leonell Duckett, whofe report yo"^ honor
fhall know w^^in ij or iij dayes. And thus I commit yo'" honor to Almighty God.
From London this Thurfday xj December 1578.

Yo"^ honors moft bounden

Michael Lok.
To the right honorable S"" Francis Walfingham, knight,
her Ma*^^^ principall Secretarie.

at the Court.

[Colonial, 112. Domestic Eliz., cxxvii, No. 20.]
Dec'^. 15^^ 1578. Air. Lockes Account.

Right honorable, I have receved prefently yo^ letter wherin y^ honor dothe write
me of informations gyven againft me to detayne in my handes the companyes
money and their goodes, for anfwere therof I can faye no more, but that I have
none of their money in my handes, and for prooffe therof I referre me to myne
accounttes, w'^^ I am redye to fhowe in particulers, whenfoever the commylfyoners
and audytors wyll take a tyme to parufe the fame. And fyns that Mr. Allyn w^as
appointed to be treforer I have not receved one peny of money of any of the
venturars, but onely xxviij'^ of my Lady Martin, wherof I paid out xx'^ unto
Denam for his journey into the northe, and the reft w*^ a more fumme is paid
outt for divers petty parfells w^^ grow dayly uppon the workes of Dartford and
amonges men for their farvyce. And I am fully determyned not to receav'e one
penny of money nor other matter of any of the venturers but to gyve over myne
offyce unto Mr. Allyn, althoughe dayly I doo ftyll take payne to palfe all accountts
w^h all men, and wyll doo flyll to bring this bufynes to a good end, the beft I can.
And I have not receved of any of the venturers any one parcell of wares fyns Mr.
Furbufher retorned home into England nor before he went on the voyage, but
onelye of iij or iiij of them, fumme munition or tackeling for the fhips, w'^^ ftode
for money for their venture outwardes, w'^^ is anfwered in thaccounttes, butt
nothing at all have I receved of any of them for this their dewtye for the ffraight

174 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

of the lliips nor wagys of the men. And I have no goodes in my handes belonging
to any of the venturers in particuler, but I have my howfle full payftered of the
goodes of the companye dyfcharged out of their fhips come home, w^'^ is tackeling
of fhips, monytion, vyttells, and many od things, w^^ is all by inventarye receved
under the handes of the mafters and offycers of the fhips, w^'^ goodes I am ready
at all tymes to delyver into the handes and charge of Mr. Allyn when foever it
pleafes hym to receave ytt.

Herein have I wrytten to yo'^ honor the trewthe of my doinges w'^^ I wyll
juftyfye. I befeche yo^ honor to fland my ffrynd as you fhall fee caufe of defed
by my doinges. And bycaus that fclanderous tonges wyll not be flopped by wordes,
I make no anfwere to them, but abyde the tyme when God fhall make my doinges
knowen wherby he fhall flop them for me. And I comytt yo"^ honor to Almighty
God. From London this Monday xv December 1578.

Yo'" honors mofl bounden

Michael Lok.
To the right honorable S"^ Francis Walfmgham, knight,
her Ma*^^^ principall Secretarie.

at the Court.

[Colonial, 123. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi. No. 57.]

The North-weft Voiage. A brief Reporte of the Accompte of Michaell
Locke concerning the Chardges of iij Voiages into the North-weft Partes
under the Conduide of Martin Furbujfher, toguither w^ the Charges of

Buildinges at Dertford.

Divers fommes of money receved by Michaell
Locke of the adventurers, viz., for the furfl voiage,
viij^ Ixxv'^; the fecond voiage, v"^*^ cccv'S and the iij^^
voiage, vj"^*^ vij^ iiij^ iij^^ xv^ ..... xij"^* ix<^ Ixiij^^ xv^

Divers fommes of money receved of the faid ad-
venturers for buildenges at Dartford . . . m^ iiij'^^^^

Divers fommes of money recevid for paiment of
fraightes ........ v™^ vij^ Ixxviij'^ xv^

Sum to tall of the receiptes .... xix™^ viij^ xxij'^ x^

Wherof

Allowed in the faid accomptes for buildeng re-
paireng and furniture of fhippes, viduals, imple-
ments, wages, paiment of fraightes and buildenges
at Dertford, and divers other thinges as in the ac-
comptes male appere ...... xv"^* ciiij^ vij^' x^ iiij*^

MARTIN FROBISHER I 75

And then remaineth to be accompted for . . iiij"^^ vj'^xxxiiij^^xix^viiij^

Wherof
Due by Thomas Allen, Threafurer of the voiage
for money by him recevid of the faid adventurers . viij^ iiij^ ij^' x^

Divers other perfons for their adventures yet un-
paide . . . . . . . . . ijmt yc xxxv'^ xiij^ iiij*^

Michaell Locke for money fuppofed to remaine in
his handes ........ m*^ ccxvj'^ xvj'^ iiij'^

Whereof he demandeth allowaunce of m* cc^^ for his attendance and
charges fuftained in the caufes of the faid iij voiages.

Tho: Neale, Audit.

On the back occurs — Articles to be inquired of by Mr. Thomas Neale and Mr. —
Baynham, Audito"^^ appoynted to take the accompt of the northweft viage.

What fom the whole adventure in the fayd viage dothe amount unto.

What fommes the adventurers in that viage have payd of the fame.

To whom the fame was payde.

What is behinde by the fayd adventurars.

What Michaell Lock is forther to be charged w^^all for wares fowlde pertaynyng
to the compagnye.

What hathe been paydd to Mr. Th. Alin the 2 Marcheant as Threaforer, and
howe the fame hathe been uffede and what remaynethe in his handes.

What is dewe by the compagny for fraight of fhippes and otherwyfe and to
whom the fame is dewe.

[Colonial, 126. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 35.]

An Aunfweare to Mr. Lockes requeft for 1 200'^ w^^ he demaundeth of the
Companie of the Northweft Voiage for his service for iij yeres.

1576. The firft yere.

1. Ffirft, where the faide Locke demaundeth for three yeres charges and for
warehoufes and for kepinge of houfe. It is thought y"^ the firft yere is not to be
brought into this reckoninge, for that he was then in the fervice of the companie
of Mufcovia, and that yeare alfo the companie of the Northweft voiage had no
need to ufe warehoufes or anie meetinges; ftbr in the faid firft yere there went
forthe but two pinaffes, and the adventure was but 875'' w'^^ was all loft and fpent.
Therefore, if the faid Lock be allowed iij'^ for the hundreth, it is verye muche for

875^^ W'^h is 20^^ j(^20 o o

1577. The fecond voiage. ^

2. This yere went out the Ayde, w^^ two pinaftes, and the adventure was 1075''.
And if the faid Locke be allowed for 200'' after iij'^ for the hundreth, w'^^ is 96 :

176 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

that is, w*^ the moft, he tarying at home and not travaihnge. Moreover, in this
yere he was not muche troubled w*^ houfe roome, fervantes, or greatt dyett. But
lett there be allowed him above his provifion towards his charges and fer-
vants, xx'* . . . . . . . . . . ^^{^iiG o o

1578. The third voiage.

3. In this third voiage there went out ten fhips, w'^^ the faid Lock had to
deale w*^ all the Ayde, the Judith, and two pinafTes, and the adventure this yere
was 7000'% wherof the faid Lockes adventure was 2030^^ Beinge allowed for
5000^*, after iij^% for the hundreth 250^^, and for his fervantes, three in number,
at xiij'^ vj'^ viij^ the peeee, w*^'^ is 40^* (thoughe in the faid Lockes accompt nothing
is putt downe for their charges), and for meetinge of the commiffioners diverfe
times after, 10'^ the monthe, for iiij monthes, w'^'^ is x^^; this may be thought
fufiicient, ffor the commiffioners did not eate often w^'^ him, and but a fewe
of them at a time ......... £'^30 o o

Touchinge the intereft of money taken upp by the faid Locke

by exchange.

4. It is not thought meet that he fhoulde be allowed anie thinge, becaufe it
is verely thought he tooke not upp anie monie for the ufe of the faid companie,
but rather for him felfe, becaufe he was fo greate an adventurer in the voiages
aforefaid : at the leafte, if he did take upp anie it could not be verie muche. This
demaunde being fo greate, it is like he knoweth for whom he tooke upp fo muche
money, who are to repay the fame to him, and no reafon that other adventurers
w^'^ have paide their money fhould pay him interefl.

^ 5. Ffor boate hire, to and from the Courte at fundrie times in two yeres, the
faid Lock may have allowance of x^^, w'^'^ is reafonable.

6. Ffor the time of the buildinge at Dartforde, for his riding charges, and
keepinge three horfes about fixe monthes after, xv^ the weeke, w^'^ amounteth^
to xviij^^ As for his mens and his owne diats are allowed before : yet, becaufe
riding charges be great, he may be allowed for him felfe and his men xxij^^
more ............ 40'^

7. Ffor the faid Lockes charges to the Courtes, and following hir Ma^^^ in
progrelfe, a certain eflimat cannot be made thereof: it being uncertain howe often
and howe farre he did ryde; but it is to be fuppofed not farre, becaufe hir Ma*'*^
was ever in hir progrelfe when the fhips were abfenr in their voiages, at what time
Locke had leaft to doe w^'^ the Courte. And his ridinge in this cafe and time
could be but part of two progrelfes in the two laft yeres, for w'^'^ he may be
allowed xx^^ ;^430 o o

MARTIN FROBISHER I77

[Colonial, 114. State Papers. Eliz., Vol. 129, No. 4.]

13 January, 1578-9

The Second Minute for this purpofe.

After o'" hartie comendacions, &c., albeit that not longe fithence uppon informa-
cion given unto the Quenes Ma'^*^, that the myners, maryners, & others imploied
in the late voiage under o'^ loving freind, Mr. Martyn Furbufher, weare unpaide
of their waiges for their fervice in the faid voiage (and thereby do lye ftill at the
great increafe of charges of all the adventures) . We wrote o^ letters by her Ma*^
precife commandemt to [yo*^ L.] emonge others, to make paiem^ of [clxxij^^],
w^^ remayned unpaid of the fomme that [yo'^ L.] affented to contribute to the faid
adventure to the hands of Mr. Thom^ Allin, threfourer, appointed for that p'pofe
w*^ in X daies after the receipt of o"^ faid letters : yet the fame not w*^ ftandinge
her Ma*'^ is eftefones given to underftand that the faid fomme gevon by your
L., as alfo lyke fommes geven by other the adventorers, remayne yet unpayed,
whereby as the inconvenience aforefaid, onelie by the wante of paiement of fuche
money, is increafed. So is her Ma*'^ the more moved to miflike thereof (Her
Highnes & diverfe of us & others having paid o"" parts according to o"^ promiffe) .
Theife are therefore once againe to praye yo"^ L. to geve prefent order for the
payment of the fayd fome, for befides her Ma^^ good contentacion, that hath alwaies
bene well effeded to the voiage: though fomme men, uppon mifliking, can be
contented to withdrawe themfelfs, & to be exempted from the adventure & all
privileges of the fame, as was mencioned in o^ former letters that all fuche fhould
be as refufed to make paiement by the daie lymitted : yet is it not thought in any
wife refonable, howe foever the thing fhall fall out; but that they fhould make
fatiffadion of fo muche as they have promifed, for without thefe promifes the
voiage had never bene taken in hand. And thus trufting that for the refpeds
aforefaid, we fhall nede in this cafe to write no more; we bidd yo'^ L. hartely
farewell.

(Endorfed.)

M.^ To the adventurers.

[Colonial, 119. State Papers, Vol. 129. Domestic Eliz., No. 9.]

My dewtie remembred. Hit maye pleife youre honor to undarftand that Mr.
Furbufher doyth moche myfeufe me in words, faynge, I have complayned to
the confelLof hym. And that I have faide that all ys nothing worth at Dartforde,
and howe he hayth receyved fo moche monye and donne w^^ it, he pleafeth w^^
all, where in I ame une onefte and_have no oneflie in me. I do remebar I dide
declare unto yo'" own honor, wiche was wryten in my byll of debts at the lower
ende, that he dide refeve 86'' of Mr. Frances, 50^* of my L. of Warwicke, 7'^ of

FVII 12

178 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Mr. Turwill, wiche I moft nedes declare, be caufe I have gyven no quyttans for yt.
And youre honor axed me what he hade donne w*^ all. I anfured, I colde not well
tell ; but, as I dide here p'ade frawght unto fome of thofe Ihippes wiche he dide
frawght in the weft contrye, & fome of the myners, he fayth thofe fhippes dide
hym the beft ferves when owre other fhippes dide rune awaye. S"", he wyll werye
us all, and he have the brydell to moche. S^, under youre corredlion, I do not
thincke yt am)^e, and yt be youre honors pleafure, that there weare comyfion
frome youre honors that Mr. Furbufher accounte fholde be nowe prefentlye
awdited w*^ thefe fame auditors, for Mr. Lockes wylbe downe this daye, and fo
fhall youre honor fee boythe the accounts to gether, and what ys owyng by them.
And that ordar may be gyven by youre honors, that all fuperfluus charges may be
cutt of whyth fpede or elfe yt wyll rowne one ftyll to great charge. I wolde
I weare dyfcharged, rather then I wyll be thus raled at for my paynes. This I take
my leave of youre honor, commytting youe to the All Mightie. Wrytten at my
howfe in London, the xiij of Janewary, 1578.

You'^ honars to commaunde,

Thomas Allen.
(Endorfed.)

To the right honorable S"^ Frances Walfmgham, knight,
and prenfepall fecretory to hir Ma'^^^, geve thefe.

[Colonial, 120. State Papers, Vol. 129. Domestic Eliz., No. 11.]
j\4r \Ym Borough, to S' F. Walfingham. 14 Janv 1578-9.

After my dewty unto yo'" honoure, dewly confidered, this daye being Wenfday,
the xiiij*^^ Janewary, I receved yo"^ letters bering date at Richemond the xij^^ of
this prefent, wherby I underftand it hathe ben informed yo'^ honour that I fhuld
owe for myne adventure in this laft voyage w*^^ Mr. Frobifher, the fom of Ivij'^ x-^,
the w'^^ yo^ requyre me to paye out of hand, or els to repayr prefently to the court,
wher I fhuld underftand her Ma^^^^ furder pleafure.

True it is, right honorable, that at the fetting forth of this laft voyage to Meta
Incognita, Myghell Loke, then treafurer, and cheefe dealer for the fame voyage,
bought of me (to ferve in the fame voyage) a fhipp called the Judeth, of burden
about Ixxv tons, for the fom of 320'^, the w'^^ he condicioned to pay me in Maye laft,
wher of I allowed him then Ixvij^^ x^ for my adventur, in the fayd laft voyage.
Afterwards (in June laft) I recevid of him Ixxxx'^ So I accompt to have recevid
157'^ x-^, (and he then refted dettor to me 162^^ 10^), the w^^ j-gft j ^old by no
meanes get of him, unleft I fhuld have recovered it by lawe, w^^ I was loth to doo.

Since the commyng home of the fleet of that voyage, and the charges of the
fame knowne ; and, theruppon, every man allotted his porcion thereof, according

MARTIN FROBISHER I 79

to his adventure, my parte (as I underftand) corny th to Ivij'^ x^, the w^^ I accompt
to be payd out of the fayd 162'' 10^. And yet remaynyth dew to me, io6'^

Thus, as appearith, I have payd my porcion fully w^^ tj^g Urd, and ought not
to have ben brought in now as a dettor. But, feeing Mr. Lok, his dealing towards
me herein, hat ben w*^ fo fmall credit or honefty, that neyther he wold paye me
the money that hath ben fo long time dew to me, nor yet accompt my porcion of
charges to be payd as before I have fhewed; but hath geven report unto yo'^
honour that I fhuld yet remayne dettor for the fayd fom of Ivij^^ x^. I will no
longer credit him. And therfore doo befech yo'" honoure, that by yo'^ good meanes
I maye be appointed payment of my reft, io6^\ w*^^ hath ben dewe to me fo longe
fmce.

I wold have attended uppon yo'" honoure according to yo"^ order; but, true it
is, that I have ben ever fmce Chriftmas very much trobled w*^ an extreme payne
in my hed, fo as I have ben forced to keepe my howfe, and yet am not clear
of the fame, but hope of amendment fhortly. Thus I commyt my cawfe to yo"^
honoure, and yo"^ felfe to the tuicion of the Almyghty, who blefle the Queues
Ma^^^ '^th longe moft helthfull, happy life and rayne. Amen.

Lymehowfe, the xiiij'^h of Janeuary, 1578.

Yo'^ honours moft humble to ufe and commande,

W. Borowgh.

(Endorfements.)

To the right honorable. Sir Francis Walfmgam, knyght,

principal fecretary to the Queenes moft excellent

Matie, at the Court.
i4Januarie, 157 .

Trom Mr. Will"^ a Burrough.

He hathe payd the 5 . . . 10^ demanded, in a fliipp Mr.

Locke had of him for Furbifhers laft viage: &

there remayneth due to him more for that fhippe

io6'^

[Colonial, 121. State Papers, Vol, 129, No. 12.]
Michael Loke to S' F. Walfingham.

Right honorable, —

I have receved yo^ letter, wherin I am charged to paye ix^ x'^
to Mr. Allyn, for my part of the fraight of the fhips retorned fmce w'^^ Mr. Fur-
buflher, in this third voyage. For anfwere whereof, it may pleafe yo^ H: to be
advertyfed, my part of that fraight cometh to iij<^ xvj'' v^ w'=^ I have paid, as by

12-2

i8o

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

myne accountt dothe appere, w'^'^ accountt the Awditors are now in hand w*'^ ally
and by them yo"^ H : fhalbe advertifed very fhortlys, bothe of thatt, and of all the
reft of my doinges in the companies bufynes. And for more part of the faid ix'^ x^^
it is fett downe that the right honorable th'erle of Oxford, ys to paye iiij^ 1^*
accordinge to the order and rate of all the reft of the venturars, wherfore it may
pleafe yo'' H: to call on his H: for the fame fum. And yf that his H: be not
fatiffied of this matter, I am to be ruled by yo*" H : and others, uppon vew of the
bargayne w^^ I made w^^ his honor, w'^^ he hathe under my hand and fealle,
for I will not doo any wronge wyttingly to any man lyving, efpeciallye to his H:
to whome I doo owe bothe dewtye and reverence.

And thus for this tyme I take my leave humbly of yo"^ H : and commy tt the fame
to almightie God. From London the xiiij Januarie 1578.

Yo"^ H: moft bounden

Michael Loke.
(Endorfements)

To the right honorable S^ Francis Wallingham Knight
her Ma*'^^ principall Secretarie.

at the Court.
14 Januarie 1578.

From Mr, Michaell Locke
Towchyng the money w'^^ he was written unto to pay to Mr. Allen for his adven-
ture in Mr. Furbifhers viage.

Firjl audite

of myne

accountes.

i\7

Seconde

awdyte of

myne

accountes.

{Colonial, 132. Domestic Eliz-, cxxix, No. 44, i.]

The 20 Januarye 1578. The Anfwer of me Michaell Lok unto the

worfhipfull the Comyffioners and Auditores of myne

Accountes upon the Seconde Audite therof.

In the month of Augufte lafte 1578 my iij bookes of accountes of the iij voyages
made by Martine Ffurbufher for the northweft partes were audited by fufficient
parfones therunto appoynted, who uppon the particular examinacon of the fame,
dide certifye under their handes writtinge that uppon thofe accounttes dide
remayne dewe unto me the fumme of ix^iiij^ix^' iiij^ vj^ of money, befydes all
my ftocke in venture w^^ the company e, w^^ was about niy^Hi in all thes voyages.

Afterwardes M. Furbufher beinge retorned home, he of his owne evell difpofed
myndediflyked of myne accounttes, and made greate complaynt of the audite
therof and procured you the new comylTyoners and new auditores to revewe and
examine better all myne accounttes and doinges w^*^ you have done. And now
by that w^'^ you have fene well provide agayne, you doo fynde my faid accountes

MARTIN FROBISHER l8l

to be jufle and trewe as they wer befor in all partes excepte onlye in iij poyntes
following, to the whiche I doo now anfwere.

Ffirfte you wold dyfalowe me a fomme of 96'^ w^h j make paid to the fhippe Thej ob-
Beare lefier for vittels of men that were pafTmgers therin, wherunto I anfwer that -^geu! w.
I dide paye that fome of mony and agreater fumme unto that fhippe befor her
departure from London, and I dide knowe by a covenaunt of agrement made in
the charter partie, that the faid fhippe was to carrye xx men pafTmgers, for the
w^h ^as dew eyther that fomme of monye or fo muche vittells as Ihould fuffice
for them. And I did know that fhippe dide carrye from London to Hawiche more
than XXX men w^hQ^t any manner of vittalls put into the fhippe for them, and they
fedd only of the fhippes owne proviffione, and I dide know that thes vittelles were
denyed her in the Tames, and I dide not knowe that any vittells were put into
that fhippe for them at Harwiche, but I was informed that none would be ther
dehvered therfor although this payment be fett doune and allowed unto me in
account, yett is yt but uppon a good accounte, for myfreconynge is no payment
for I have recevid no mony for yt of the company uppon that account made,
but now yt ftandeth flille as mony paid uppon the fraight dew to that fhippe.

The fecond poynte is matter of yo^ diflykinge of the order of my faid accounttes. The ij ob-
in that you faye I ought to have charged myfelfe uppon the fotte of that myne ^IhelTJ^
accounte for fuche debts as were owinge for the goodes bought and were not then of myne
paid : to this I anfwere that in dede yf I had fo done ther wold not fo great a '^'^^°^^^'
remayner of ix^iiij^^ix^^ have appered to be then dew unto me by the fomme
of Vfli w'^^ I hade not then paid, but I fynde no caufe neather in reafon nor in
juflyce that I fhould have made fuche manner of accounte forafmoche as no day
of payment was afTigned but prefent mony and for the fame by appoyntement of
the commiflioners I was become bounden unto thofe men that were unpaide, and
they daly and howerly calleynge and exclaiminge on me for the mony and thretening
me to priffone for yt, from w^^ how hardly and chargablye hether to I have kepte
myfelf, bothe I and my frindes doo knowe and felle ; wherin I coulde fynde no helpe
of any of all the companye w^^ trouble might have bene avoyded yf the companye
accordinge to equitie and right had payed me that fome of mony that therw^^all
I might have paid the creditors.

The thirde poynte is an objedion made uppon my ftoke that I have in venture TheUjob-
w*^ the Company in thefe iij voyages; to the whiche I nede not anfwer, for the ^^^°fl^l{°^
account fheweth yt planly, that I and my parteners have in floke and venture
in all the fumme of ;^4,68o of money w*^^ is all paide excepte £^^0 y^^ mufle
he paide fhortlye, wherof God graunt good fucceffe and then all this ware wilbe The great
turned into peace. /"'"" ^/^

Morover you doo nowe fee by myne accounttes that over and befydes all the / have dif-
faid fumme of mony for any floke and venture and over and above all that I dide \1"^^q-^°^
receave of all the companye I dide dif burfe of myne owne mony for the Company pany.

1 82

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

as follow*^ : In the firfte voyage more then vj^/z, and in the fecond voyage xiij'^/i"
w^h afterwardes I dyde lette flande flylle for my ftoke and venture therin.

And in the thirde voyage iij*^/f, and in the buildinges and workes at Darteforde
viij^/z befydes other great fumes dyfburfed in other meane tymes w^^ myne
accounttes cannot declare particularlye, bycaufe the fame are made up w^^out
dyflindion of dayes or tymes but onlye one daye at thende of every yeres accounts

All w*^^ faid fummes of mony I have forborne longe tyme to my great troble
and charges of intereffe, and I was not repayd the fame untille of late, about
amonthe lafte pafte, as myne accounttes doo declare wherof I know that you wille
have dew confideracone as reafon requirethe.

This anfwere may fuffice unto you that be wife and reafonable, and as for
Mr. Furbufhers fauftye in this matter, yt defervethe none anfwer at all.

Myne

accounttes

found right

and trew as

at thefirjl

awdite.

My great

venture in

theje

voyages.

The charges

in iij yeres

bu/ynes.

The 26 Januarye 1578. Michaell Lok faluteth the worfhipfull

Comyffioners and Auditors of his Accompts of

the iij Voyages of C. Furbujher,

Ffor as muche as wordes are but winde and are eafely forgotten of thofe whpme
they towche not, and yet beinge mifplaffed by ignorauns of the fpeker, or mifhard
by negligence of the hearer, or mifconftrued by the malitious, they do breed
oftentymes contention and difpleafure w'^^out caufe, therfor I have thought good
to fet downe ihy mind in this writtinge wherby you maye the better confider
therof and fo refolve uppon that w^^ reafon and equitie will requier.

Nowe that you have gonne throughe all myne accountes and have particularUe
examined the fame, you do fynd that I have made them juftelye and trulye, and
have not charged them w^^ and matter wrongfullie nor falfelye. And by the courfe
of them you maye parceave my great labour coft and troble had w^^^ this bufynes
in thefe iij yeres voyages.

And by conclufion of thes accomptes you do fynde that I have a great fomme
of mony of myne owne in ftoke and venture in thes voyages, and that I have
difburfed and paid from time to tyme great fomes of monye uppon the credit of
my felfe and my frindes for the companyes bufynes, to furniftie thofe voyages.
And that in my handes no monye dothe remayne dew unto the companye.

And wheras in thende of that myne accompt I do fet downe a fumme of xij^/z"
of monye in divers particuler parcells followinge, w*^^ I have paid and difburfed
in the companyes bufynes in thefe iij yeares, and have not had any allowance
therof, nor have fett downe anye demande untille nowe at thend and conclufion
of thefe myne accountes to faye,

I . Ffirft for my ridinge charges in iij yeres to the courte and abroade
for colledion of monye of the venturares and other bufynes of the
company ......... Summe 7(^1 20

MARTIN FROBISHER 183

2. for my ridinge charges to Darteford in viij monthes folici tinge

the buildinges thear Summe ;^6o

3. for my boathire to the corte at Grenwhiche and to the fhipes

and other places about the forefaid bufynes in thefe iij yeares Summe ^{^20

^ 4. for the table diate of- the commiflioners, auditores, captaynes
and others, dalye meatinge at my howfe about the bufynes of thefe "^
3 yeres .......... Summe £^5^

5. for interelfe of money taken uppe frome tyme to tyme to furnifhe
this bufynefs and difpatche of the fhippes on ther voyages in dewe

tyme for lacke of the venturars mony .... Summe £"^50

Summe £^00

6. for charges and travayle of my felfe, my fervauntes, and howfhold,
to followe this bufynes, and takinge charge of thaccomptes and howfe-

rome of the goodes in thefe iij yeres .... Summe £^00

Summe 3£"i200

uppon w'^^ faid parcelles fome of you the commiflioners do make dowbt of the
fpendinge of the mony of fome of thefe parcells and of the dewtie of other fome of
them, wherefore hereunder I do declare unto you my reafon and prooffe of dewtie
for the fame.

At the firfle begininge of thefe voyages for the difcovery of Cathay, etc., Martine Thefirjle
Ffurbufher did procure the fame to be taken in hand of a good mynd towardes */^^"/^*
his contrye and comodite towardes him felfe, by the good likinge of the right voyages.
honorable the Lorde Burghley, Lord Highe Treaforer of England, and others of ^
her Ma*^^s honorable privie counfell, whofe letters he brought in that behalfe,
dated in December 1574, direded to the Company of Mufkovie for their lycens
by their priveledge to doo the fame, w^*^ firfh they refufed to graunte, of whofe
bufynes I had then the chiefe charge and whole doinges, whereby I entered into
knowledge of the matter, and althoughe (accordinge to my dutie towardes the
Company of Mufcovie, knowinge the inconveniences that therby might growe
unto their trade of marchandiz) I did alfo diflyke of this motion for a tyme ; yet
afterwardes, uppon confideracion of my dutye towardes my contrye, and knowinge m. Lok
by myne owne knowledge (as my manifold writtinges therof wille witnes) the ^-^^"^j^*
greate benyfitte that therby might growe to the fame, and perceayinge the corrage Furbujher.
and knowinge the aptnes of Martine Furbuflier (by former acquayntance w^^
him, and uppon newe conference had w^^* him) to execute that attempte, I did
fo enterelie joyne w*^ him therein, that through my frindfliippe w'^h the com-
pany I obtayned of thenua previledge and lycens to followe that attempt, datid
the thirde of Ffebruarye 1574, w^^ j have, and fo gave out my felfe openlye for
a chiefe frynde and foUowar of the matter, wherby many men wer brought into
a good lickinge of the matter, w<^h before could fynde no trace therof And here-

The attempt

overthrowne

firjlyere,

1575-

Th attempte

revived

next y ere,

1576.

Order of
the bujynes.

184 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

uppon I ufed M. Furbufher as my fellow and frinde, and opened unto him all
myne owne private ftudies and labores pafTed in twentye yeares continuans befor,
for knowledge of the ftate of the worlde, and fhewed him all my bookes, cartes,
mappes, inftruments, fo many as coft me \^ poundes of mony, and writtinges, and
my nottes colleded therof. And dalye inftrudid him therin to my fkyll, and lent
him the fame to his owne lodginge at his will for his better defence in talke thereof
w*^ other men. And to be fhort, dalye increafed my good will towardes him,
makinge my howfe his howfe and my purfe his purfe at his neede, and my credite
to his credite to my powre, when he was utterlye deftitute boath of mony and
credite and of frindes, as his letters unto me~and his protection of her M^^^^ dothe
witnes, when he was firft lodged at the houfe of one Browne in Flete Street, and
afterwardes to have my better helpe and relief removed nearer to me to the ho^vfe
of a widowe named Mrs. Hancokes in Marke Lane, who cane bare witnes of the
fame, w*^ others more that I cowld name. Herew'^haii yi Furbufher was a glad
man, and hoaped of great good fortune towardes him, and towld me great matters
of venturars that he would procure to furnifhe this matter, wheruppon to begine
the matter I made a writtinge dated the 9 of Februarie 1574, for the venturars to
fett downe their fome of monye w*^^ their owne handes, and for the better in-
corraginge of others I firft fett doune my felfe for one hundreth poundes, wher-
uppon divers others followid in the cittie to the fome of v^/f, and afterwards M.
Furbufher carried that in writtinge to the court (for befor that tyme no handes
wold be hade there), and there he had the handes of divers of her M^^^^ honourable
privy councell to the [fum] of iij^//, wherin the right honorable the Lorde Burghley
fette downe a condicion that a convenient parfon Ihould take charge of this farvice,
and afterwardes divers other parfones did fett downe divers fommes of monye of
fmall value. And more venturars could not be gotten for that time, wheruppon
thenterprice was geven over for that yere.

And now Air. Furbufher was become a fade man, for that by this meanes his
credite grew dalye in queftione, and more & more diflikinge grew of his dealinges;
yet he contenewed ftyll abowt London and the Court, hoapinge and fohcitinge
what he could agaynft the next yeare. And my good will and good \vord con-
tynewed ftill towardes him as before, w<^^ did him no hurte, but in the meane tyme
cofte muche monye for thinges provided and charges beftowed for the fame voyage.

The next yere beinge anno 1576, the enterprice of the voiage was revyved
agayn, and the queftion beinge afked of the venturars, they faid they wold con-
tv^new their good will and venture fett downe the yere before. Hereuppon,
M. Furbufher was aly\'e agayne, and folicited the furtheraunce of the matter by
the helpe of Mr. Burde, then coftomer of London, and Mr. Alderman Bonde,
now deceaffed, at whofe howfe we had divers conferences of the maters.

Now, in procedinge to the preparacion of this voyage queftione grewe amongeft
the venturars, accordinge to the noate of condicion fett downe by my Lord

MARTIN FROBISHER 185

Treaforer, who Ihould take charge of the mony to be coleded of the venturares,
and who for the provicion and furniture of the fhippes, and who in the condude
of the voyage w*^ the fhippes at fea ; yt was aunfwered, that for the monye I would
not meadell; and theruppon Mr. Hogan and Mr. Borow was named; but Mr.
Borrowe uterly refufed, and would not medell. Wheruppon Mr. Hogan tooke
paynes for a tyme and receaved fuche mony as he cowld gette, and percevinge the
travell therin or ells no voyage at all, had bine made that yere neyther, and for
the provicion and furniture of the fhippes M. Furbufher did fett doune divers
noats of divers thinges w^^ grewe to a great fomme, w^^ the faid 3 or 4 of the
venturares dide^corred, and did ordayne dalye what they wolde have donne,
and I daly keapte regeflar in writtinge of all there agreementes, and accordingly
I did fee all thinges accomplifhed and executed, and tooke charge of the accompts
of all thinges; but now the greateft matter remayned ftill in doubte, and not
fatiffied amongefl the venturares, w^^ was who fhould take charge of condude
and commandement of the fhippes beinge alreadie at the fee; for that M. Furbufher
had verieliltelLcrfidite at home. .and muche leffe to be credited w*^ the fhippes
abroade : this matter was the caufe of the overthrow of the voyage in the yere
before, and this matter alfo now was like to overthrow it this yere, and did caufe
moft of the venturares to keape backe their moneye in thend ; but, to forther the
voyage, I dide helpe this matter the beft that I cowld, and I fteped in w"^^ my
credit_e for his credite to fatiffie all the venturars that he fhould deale honelllye and
lyke a trewe Juan w*^ the fhips in the voyage ; but this would not farve their torne.
Wheruppon, afterwardes, by their confent, I devifed a writtinge wherin was joyned
w*^^ him in comifTion Chriftofer Hall and Owen Griffen, M'"'^ of the fhippes, and
Nicholas Chaunfler, marchaunt & purfer of the voyage, who were knowne for truftye
men, w^*^ out whofe confent he fhould not comaund nor carrie the fhippes, but accord-
inge to the comillion geven them by indenture under their handes and feales, w'^^
I have to fhowe. This did fatiffie moft of the venturars, but all this dilligens would
not bringe in mony to furnifhe owt one quarter of the fliippinge intended for the
voyage. Wheruppon the fliippinge was dyminyfhed, and infteade of iij. fhippes, we
could fcante furnifhe two fmall barkes and one lyttell boate wherw^^ all he went
w*^ coft xvj'^^* of mony wherofix^? came out of my purfe alone, as thaccomptes doo
wittnes, befydes other thinges not declared in myne accomptes. And now this was
the beggininge of my travell and fervice done to the Company in theis iij voyages.
Now, when Martyn Furbufher was retorned honi againe, in Odober 1576, w*^
his ftrange man of Cataye, and his great rumor of the pafTage to Cathai, he
was called to the courte and greatly embraced and lyked of the beft. And uppon
his great informacione of many great matters of this new world, yt pleafed her
Ma^^^^ Honorable Privie Counfell to direde their letters and comifftones unto
S"^ William Winter, Mr. Thomas Randall, my felfe, and others, to calle unto us
M. Furbufher and Chriftofer Hawle, and to take accompt of them of all their

A treaforer.

A chefe
governor of
the fhips at
fea.

Lytle mony
of the
venturares
but M. Lok

M. Furbufher
retorned Iwme.

1 86

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Thefirft

Jione of

ewer brought

home.

Second
voyag, 1577.

The thirde
voiage, 1578.

M. Lokes

anfwerefor

the charges

paid.

No. I.
Ridinge
charges.

doinges in this voyage, and to take knowledge what were requifite to be donne
in the followinge of this difcoverie made for the paflage to Cathai, for another
voiage the next yere, and to certifie their honors therof.

Hereuppon manye meetinges were at my howfe and fometymes at S"^ WilHam
Wintares howfe, and certificat was made by the comifTioners to their honors of
good lykinge of the paffages to Cathai.

In this meane tyme happened to be difcovered the riches of a mynerall flone
brought home by chaunce by Mr. Furbufher and dehvered to me, wherof I caufed
prooffe to be made by fkilfull men, and was fertifyed the fame to be of a myne of
golde, wherof I gave knowledge to her Ma^^^ accordinge to my dutye, wheruppon
muche marvale was made and muche enquire and triall made by others of more
credite, iDy whome att the laft it wa,s confirmed to be trewe, and fo was certified ;
wheruppon M. Furbufher was called to knowe what quantitie therof was to be
had in that new worlde; he aunfwered, that ther was inough to lade all the
fhippes of her Ma*'^ and theruppon now was prepared the fecond voyage anno
1577, w*^ muche greater preparacione then was purpofed before for that her
Ma^i^ would be a great venturar therin.

And here uppon daly grew new bufynes and new venturars and new collediones
for greater matters then befor and dalye new comyfTiones and new dirediones
from her Ma^^^^ Honorable Councell, w^^out whofe knowledge no great matter
might be donne. And ftille the chief charge comitted unto me as treaforer as
many of their honors letters to me direded in that behalfe doth wittnes; wher-
uppon many affembles of the Comiffioners and others wer made at my howfe
dalye, as the regeflers of manye of their meetinges and agrementes of the bufynes
can declare. And thus now may you fee how and by whofe comaundem^ my
travaylles, trobles and charges in this bufynes was contynewed and encreafed ftille
unto this daye.

Thes forefaid matters beingewell confidered, and callinge to yo"^ rememberaunce
the great bufynes w*^^ ther uppon followed in the thirde voyage made in the next
yeare followinge, w^^ was anno 1578, w'^'^ remayneth ftille befor your eyes. I truft
you will thinke my foarefaid demaundes of xij*^'^ for my charges layd out of my
purfe in this bufynes to be verye reafonable.

And never the lefle, bicaufe you fhall know that I do not demaund ytt w^^out
ground of dutie, I will now anfwer unto your doubtes and make proofe w^^ a
good confcience, as followithe : —

Ffor my ridinge chardges I have fett downe cxx^^ for thefe iij yeres, w*^^ is xl'^
by yere, in w'^^ tyme I have travyled to the courte in the countrie, and in progrelfe
not fo fewe as c dayes yerlye, for colledion of mony and comiffions for bufynes,
fometyme w*^ one man, fometym w*'^ twayne, w^^ my horfes and companye that
hath drawne to me about this bufynes, hath coft me fome tymes xx^, fometymes
xv^, and when leaft xiij'^ iiij^ a daye.

MARTIN FROBISHER 187

For my ridinge chardges to Darteford, I have fet downe Ix^' in the tyme of No. 2.
viij monthes, yt is well knowne I was there everye weke fometymes iiij dayes, ^^'^tf°^'^-
fometymes iij dayes, and mod comenly ij dayes w^^ iij horfes, fometymes iiij or
vj by the workemen carried w*^ me for the buyldinges where I was lodged in a
comyn yn as I am flille when I go thether and all my folke alfo, when they be there
by caufe. C. Furbufher hathe nowe taken uppe the lodginge that is at the worke
houfesj lefte I and my men w<^^ have charge of the thinges there, fhould lye neare
unto o"^ chardges to loke to the falfe garde of the thinges there, w^^ hath coft
me w*!^ the workemen, refortinge to me dalye about buffynes xl-^ adaye xxx^, and
never under xx-^ everye daye that I tarried there.

Ffor my boat liire to the Court at Grenew^'^ and to the fhippes and other places ^o- 3-
about this bufynes, for thefe iij yeres, I have fett downe xx^^ The nomber of "'^ ■^^^'
jorneys I cannot remember, they were fo many; but well I do remember that
everye jorney to Grenew^^ dide cofl me and my men, and his meate theare gevinge
attendance everye daye v^, and when leaft iij^ liij'^, and manye dayes makinge two
jorneys thether in one daye.

Ffor the table diatt of the comyffioners, auditores, captaynes, fhippe mafters, No. 4.
and other daly metinge and refortinge to my howfe, about the bufynes in thefe ^oftL'co-
iij yeares, I have fett downe the fomme of cl^^, w^^ is after V\ by the yere, one w^*^ myjfioners, etc.
another. What refort hathe byn there at daly about this bufynes, the men them-
felves can wittnes makinge my howfe as their howfe, and my table as their table,
and what yt hath coft me above myne ordenarie, I do knowe and ffeale, and thofe
that have experience of howfhold chardges in thes dayes, alfo can confider; but
fure I knowe that, yf I were allowed iij'^^^ for thes iij yere yt would not recompenfe
my charges therof.

Ffor the interefles of mony taken upp from tyme to tyme to furnifhe this bufynes ^0. 5.
and difpatche of the fhippes on their voyages in dewe tyme for lacke of the pJdfor
venturares mony, I have fet downe but ccl'% w'=^ parchaunce fomme of you maye mony for the
thinke to be verye muche, not havdnge byn acquanted befor w^^ my deallinges in
the bufynes, nor havinge confydered by myne accomptes what great fomes of
mony I have difburfed and paid for the Companye from tyme to tyme for the
furniture of the voyages above all y* w*^'^ I receaved for them; yet I praye you
thinke of my doinge thus faborably, as the reft of my doinges dothe geve you
caufe, that I will not willingly charge the accomptes w*^^ any more fomme then
that I thinke may ftand w^^ equitye and good concience. Trewe it is, that I have
a great fomme of mony for myne owne ftoke and venture in the feconde and third
voiages, w'^^ would have ftoped a great hole in the paymentes of thofe ij voyages,
wherby you maye fufpede that I neaded not to have taken uppe fo muche mony
for the farvice of the reft of the venturares ; but verrie trewe is this alfo, that it
were to hard dealinge w*^ me to make my mony ftope the gape for other mens
dutyes, and make me ftylle bare theyr burden ; and reafon would that yf anye

venturars.

1 88

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

No. 6.

M. Loks

owne

charges for

his travayll

iijyeares.

The

awcloritie

and co-

maunde-

ment geven

to M. Lok

to follow

this bufynes.

of all the venturares be favorabley borne w*^all for the payment of this monye,
I fhould have the moft favor of all others therein, confideringe my charge and my
care and travell for all; but for playne proffe of my uppright dealinge in this
matter, y t fhall appeare unto you by wytnes of the brokers by whofe handes I have
taken upe the mony from tyme to tyme for the farvice and furniture of this bufynes,
that the intereffe w^^ I have paid for mony taken uppe, therfor w^^n thefe iii yeres
hath coft me of my purfe the fomme of v^^^, befydes c'* more w*^^ I payed for the
furans of v^^^ w^^ remayned in the feconde voyage, at I cannot telle whofe venture,
but at the leaft lighted uppon myne owne venture and cofte, w^'^ is togeathers
yjc/z of reddie monye paid out of my owne purfe, w*^^ is not charged in any of
myne accomptes, but only now in thend of myne accomptes I have fett downe
ijc/i for xh^ companyes parte of that v*^^^ of interefh paid the other reft being
i\^c\li^ I do bare and paye of myne owne purfe, w^'^ I thinke may fuffice for the
intereft of myne owne ftoke yf it were not paid to thaccompte fo fone as you would
have it, but fo fone as reafon required that it fhould be.

All thefe forefaid fommes of mony fett downe do amount to the fomme of v'fli.
of redye mony w^^ I have paid out of my purfe by extraordinarye charges in the
farvice donne for the bufynes of the company, wherof I truft you do now fee good
caufe to be owt of dowbte of my dutye therof, and fo to allowe me the fame.

Alfo I have fett downe at thende of myne accompt the fomme of vj^/f. of mony,
w^'^ I demaund of the ordinarie charges and travayle of my felfe, my farvantes
and howfhold to followe this bufynes and takinge charge of thaccompts and howfe
rome of the goodes in thefe iij yeares, w^^ is after the rate of cc^' by yeare, wherin
I truft I fhall not neade to faye muche, confideringe that all of you be men of
good reafon, and can confider what belongeth to the mayntenaunce of fuche a
famely as I have.

And fomme of you by yo'^ owne experience have founde, and all of you have
feene, what a chargable travayle and great troble bothe I and all my hows hold
have had in the executione and followinge of this bufynes in thes iij yeares, and
alfo all of you do know that wheras I was well placed in the bufynes of the Com-
panye of Mofkovia, w'^^ I did execute quietlye, and for the doinges therof I had
of them a pention of cc markes by yeare, byfides my howfe rent ffree and other
thinges well worthe to me cc^* by yeare; I have forfaken and geven over that
office and affured trade of quiet lyvinge purpofly to follow this buflines of the
companye w*^^ better effede, according to my good wille and mynde defirous to
farve them to the beft of my fkille and power, w*^^ I truft fliall not be evill beftowed
on them nor evell recompenfed towardes me, havinge now tomed all my goodes^
into the ftones at Darteforde^and left to rny felfe aTiowfe fulljof childreivvv^^^_maye
bagge, Jtlieir bread yf the ftones at DartTord.be but ftones.

Thus, I truft I have fatiffied you confernynge my dutie of the v]^li fett downe
for monye paid owte of my purfe for the extraordinarye charges in matters of the

MARTIN FROBISHER 189

Companyes bufynes, and alfo conferninge the other v'fli for the ordinarye maynte-
naunce of my felfe and famely during this tyme that I have farved the companye
and followed their bufynes accordinge to the office and charge comitted and
comaunded unto me from tyme to tyme by the letters and comiffiones of her
Ma*^^^ moft honorable privye councell and accordinge to the agreements and
dirediones fett downe by the comiffioners in writtinge remayninge by me w'^'^
I have faithfully and dutifully executed from tyme to tyme to the beft of my fkille
and power, w^'^ fommes of mony you ought juflly to allowe unto me, and maye as
lawfullye fo doo by yo^ owne difcretione w^^out expedlinge any further au6loritie as
you and other comiffioners by their owne difcretiones have all redye paid and allawed
unto C^Furbuffier more then y\i]Hi for his farvice not fo well beftqwed as myne.

But yo^ maye obje6l againfl; me~that when I had receaved the Qiienes Ma^'^^
monye dewe towardes the fraight of the ffiipps and wages of men come home,
I might have paid it owt unto them. To this I aunfwer that in dede I might have
fo done and fo I did the mofte parte of it, but in all that tyme that I was in the
courte futer for hir Ma^'^^ monye and for others of the venturars w'^^ was more
then 3 wekes tyme continewally, G. Furbuffier was at Darteford folicitinge the
workemen their to make fome good proffe of their worke w<^^^ thinge beinge fo
greatly e longed for at the courte as w^^out that ther was no money to be had
amongeft the venturars, and havinge fo evell fucceffe at Darteforde as cowld not
be worfe then was reported, the matter grew to fo great^ifcredit, as I could not
parceave any hope where to receave any more mony amonge the venturares to
parforme this bufynes, and here w^^all my debt beinge great for mony taken for
the Company for the furniture of this bufynes and my venture knowne to be fo
great therin as all that I had was worth, my credit decayod jyv^^_ the difcredit
of thefe workes, fo as I could not prolonge my debte any longer tyme, but was
forced to paye the fomme w^^^ fuche mony as I hade left me, w^^ was dewe to me
by the Company. And heruppon all matters growinge to miferie throughe fcarcitie
of mony becaufe the reft of the venturares would not paye their dewtyes. And
C. Furbuffier lackinge now the mony he was wont to have ftill at my handes for
the afkinge, and I havinge no mony now for him to paye his men, he entred into
great ftormes and rages w*^ me lyke a made beft, and rayfed on me fuche ffiamefull
repoftes arid iaHF Iclaunders as the whole court and cittie was full therof, w^^ did
me great hurt, and did muche more hurte to the ftate of the companyes bufynes,
w^^ is not yet recovered, but wilbe fliortlye, at w*^^ tyme his falfe talles.wilbe
retorned- uppon his owne heade, but in the mean tyme his flaunderous reportes
have byn made agaynft me w^^ fuche vement wojdes of affirmation to be trewe,
that through their found of matter for the venturares profite and vantage, they
are yt credited to be trew amongeft them in the court, and fo will remayne ftylle
untyll you do fcertifye them of the truth of my doinges uppon yo"^ audite made of
myne accomptes.

C. Furbujher
paid and

allowed him I ^
viiicM. '

The objedion
for the
Q. Ma^^^^
monye.

ly^

C. FuT-
bujhers rage
againjie
M. Lok.

igO THE THREE VOYAGES OF

M. Loks Moreover you doo fee that uppon my good hoape and defier of the good fuccelTe
great Jloke ^^ ^-j^jg bufynes I have put in ftoke and venture in the fame all the eoodes that

and venture t i • i i i tv, • ^ r ^

in thes I have m the world w^i^out exceptione, and tor the accomphffhinge of the fame
voyages. ^^ ^j^g companyes defire, I have gaged all that I have and have preffed my felfe
and my frindes w*^ all the credite that I could make, and have fpent all my tyme
and oppreffed my felfe w^^ continuall labour and troble therein, wherby maye
appeare that thear hathe not byn any lacke of good wille nor dewtie on my parte,
M. Lok not for the good fucceffe of this bufynes, wherfore yf any evell fuccelfe fhould happen
^^buF ^" ^a/ ^" ^^^^ bufynes of the ewre at Darteford, w'^^ I trufl fhall not yet is not that any
Darteforde. way to be imputed to me, whofe innocentie therin my goodes beftowed and ventured
therin fhall witnes and my writtinges delivered to her Ma^^^^ honorable privie
counfell of my dewtifull farvis donne in that behalfe fhall declare, but yf any fuche
/ : mifchief fhould happen, w^^ God forbed, the fame wer rather to be imputed and
I I layed on_Martine Furbufher, who therin hathe comytted great abufes agaynfl the
companye, as in a paper of artickells therof fhall appeare in dewe tyme, and uppon
Jonas amf Denham who be the chiefe workemen thereof And on them the fame
were to be ponifhed fharplye as men who have byne the fynders and bringers of
that ewer w^^ is brought, and caufers of the coft beftowed for the fetchinge and
workinge of the fame, but I truft no fuche caufe fhalbe geven.
Requefi of And now I prayc you waye upprightly my. former doinges and confider w^^
^rti^ethe ^^^i^i^ "^Y prefcnt ftate, and give not eare to the falfe reportes and fclanderous
truthe of clamores latly rayfed and fprede againft me by Martine Furbufher w^^out any
IS domges. foundacion of trewth, but defend my caufe as my inocentie deferveth. And certifye
her Ma^i^s honorable privie councell planly the effede of my doinges in this
farvice and bufynes, as you do fynd it by myne accomptes, that their honors maye
be fatiffied of me. And that I maye fatiffie the worlde by the tryall of my doinges
^ch J y^jii juftifye. And yf you thus do, yo^ shall do justice, and I shall give
thanks. And yf you thinke otherwife of the premifes, I referre me to that w'^^
fhall ftand w^^ reafon and equitie.

The i8 of Ffebruarie 1578.

The CO- And nowe to conclude this my aunfwer unto yo*^, I muft faye that yo" have
, JJ^/"*" delt verrie hardly with ms in that you have fuffered myne accomptes to lye dead
w"" M. Lok. and not touched ever fyns the xviij of Januarie laft untill yefterdaye, by w^^
meanes muche fufpicion and clamor is growen agaynft me withowt juft caufe.
Albeit yo^ maye faye in trewthe that in this tyme the chief commiflioners have byn
fo occupied abowt the bufynes of Duke Cefimirus, and the awditors abo^vt their
bufynes in the tearme tyme that yo^ cowld not affemble togethers, yet when fome
of yo^ did alfemble, ones to make aunfwer to the bufynes of Captayn Ffenton in
the weft countrye and agayne to make inventorie and prayfment of the fhipps
to be fould, fome thing more then is donne myght have byn donne in myne

MARTIN FROBISHER I9I

accomptes, yf the awditors would or could have come to yo", in whofe abfence
yo*^ would do nothing in myne accomptes.

Alfo I maye faye that yo^ have donne me great wrong in writting yefterdaye
unto her Ma'^^^^ honorable privie councell yo^ aunfwer uppon the conclufion of
myne accomptes w^^out having had anny maner of confideracion of my demaundes
fett downe in my book of accomptes delivered to you for my great chardges paid
and fuflayned for the doing of the companyes bufynes in thefe iij yeres voiages,
and chieflye in that I having made this prefent book of myne aunfwer uppon
yo"^ awdit of myne accomptes and making fome of yo" acquaynted therw^^all
privatlye bifoare, and yeflerday laying it open byfoare yo^ to confyder, yo" would
not vowchefafe to here it readde, which juflyce requyrethe to be donne, alledging
that the tyme was fpent and yo" cowld not tell when to mete agayn any more.
And tharfore (in poll hafte) yo^ would make aunfwer uppon myne accomptes and
referre my demandes to their honors.

And wheras Mr. Awditor Neale of privat affedion hathe fet down in the letter
of yo"^ aunfwer that myne accomptes are w^^owt controlement, fuerly he dothe
me great wrong therin for myne accomptes are controlled by billes and quyttaunces
w'^^ I have fhowed and delivered to the awditors in prefens of yo" the comifTioners
and of Captayn Furbifher, in whofe prefentts they have byn examyned w*!^ my
bookes of accomptes for the proffe of all the emptions of the goodes and the
payementes of monney fett down therin w'^^ faid bills and bookes have byn now
iij monthes in cuflodie of Mr. Neale, Mr. Furbifher dayly comyng to his howfe
as hys famyliar irynd, who in all this tyme might have controlled the fame, and
would have donne it, yf they cowld have found anny matter. And yet never the
leffe yf all theffe awdytinge and reawditinge be not fufficient to juftifie my trewe
dealinges in myne accomptes I will take no vantage therbye, but let them be
awdited and controlled agayn by fome others, and I will abyde the uttermoft
tryall of anny man that can controll anny part of my doinges in myne accomptes.
And for all the payementes therin contayned I will bring before them the partyes
themfelves of whom the goodes were bought and to whome the monny was paid
(yf they be lyvingX or ells a fufficient teftimoniall from them by othe or wyttnefTes
by notarie.

And whereas by the examynacion of myne accompts yt dothe playnly appeare
that I did paye and dif burfe of myne owne for the companyes bufynes, the fomme
of ij"^ poundes of monney at dyvers tymes for yers and monthes of tyme w*^^ is
repaid me but w^^n thefe ij or iij mounthes laft paft, you the comiffioners and
awditors have not made anny manner mention in this yo"^ laft letter unto her
Ma^i^s honorable councell of that good torne donne by me for the companye
w*^^ equytie requiereth yo" fhould have donne.

And thus it may appeare that yo" have a thorne in yo"^ owne foote w^^ dothe
fomwhat prick yo" w^J^ now yo*^ would pull owt and put into myne who am not

The co-
myjjioners
would not
heare the
an/were of
M. Lok.

Mr. Auditor
Neall con-
trollethe
not thac-
counttes.

M. Lok
difburjed
ijmlifor the
Companye.

e/'

192 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Do as you able to cure it fo well as yo'^felves, but I praye yo^ put yo^'felfe into my place and
would be ^jjgj^ ^Q |-Q jj^g 2^5 yoffelves would be donne to. And fo fhall God profper us all.

done to. ' r r

[Colonial, 131. Domestic Eliz-, cxxix, No. 44.]

Feb. 18, 1578. From Michell Locke certefiethe the Auditors and
Commiffioners proceadinge w^^ him about his laft Accompte.

Right honorable, — Hereinclofed I fend to yo'^ honor the letter of the report of
the Commylfyoners and Audyto'^^ uppon their laft awdyte of myne accounttes,
wherein they have delt very hardly w*^ me bothe in wordes and in deedes, but
I truft I fhall fynd their honors of her Ma^^^^ councell bothe reafonable and good
unto me, according to my trew delynges in thaccounttes and paynfull farvyce in
their bufynes. Wherof to the end their honors may be better informed I fend to
yo"^ honor herew^^aH ^ large declaration in wrytynge w^^ I direded unto the
commylfyoners, purpofmge therby to gyve them knowledge therof to their fatif-
faclion, but for lak of tyme convenient they have not read ytt, for ttheir meetynges
hathe byn fo felldome and the bufynes in thaccountts hathe byn fo tedious unto
them to parufe that they waxed wearye before their tyme and fo have knytt up
the end in haft as yo'^ honor may fee and would not read myne anfwere but referred
it to their honors. Yo'^ honor was my fyrft and chief frynd at myne entrans into
this troblefom and chargeable bufynes, and I would be right forye that any of
my doinges fhould move you to repent, and I truft there is no fuche caufe. Wher-
fore, I befeche yo"^ honor to ftand flyll good unto me, and to gyve me flyll yo'"
favor and good countenans, and to thinke of me as of a trew man, for fo wyll
I trye my fellf in all my doinges, and wyll abyde the uttermoll tryall of any man
that can controll any part of my doinges in myne accounttes. This booke of myne
anfwere uppon this awdyte of myne accounttes may feeme to yo"^ honor tedious
to reade, wherfore ytt may pleafe yo"^ honor that one of yo"^ men may read ytt
and report unto you the effed therof and afterwardes that yt may be ufed for the
information of my Lords of her Ma*^^^ Councell, as my caufe fhall requyre. And
I wyll not be furder tedious unto yo"" honor at this tyme, but onely agayne I crave
yo"^ favour towardes my trewthe. And I commytt yo"^ honor to Almightye God.
From London the i8th of Februarie 1578.

Yo"^ honors mofl bounden,

Michael Lok.
To the right honorable S'" Francys Walfmgham, knight,
her Ma^i^s chyef Secretarie.

MARTIN FROBISHER 103

[Colonial, 103. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 33.]
The humble Sute of Thomas Bonham.

Ffirfle the faid Bonham firnifhed a fhippe called the Thomas of Ippifwiche, beinge
of the berthen of viii'^ or thear aboutes, and vidualed the fame, and ffirnifhed hir
with all thinges necelfarye to the fomme of above \\}^li.

Item, the faid fhippe was fo beaten by weather in hire viadge as cli. will not
fuffice to repayer hir, befides continiiall charges of vidlualles for y^ mariners fmfle
hir comminge home.

Item, the pilate being apoynted by the companie of adventurers, and by
Mr. Ffurbufher, fo as I ame not to be charged withe hir retorne without ffraight,
the fame being happined onely by the ffaulte of theim.

My humble fute therfore is, y* by yo'" honorable good meanes fome fpedie order
may be taken y'^ thextreame charges I have bene at for not paymint of enie ffraight
maybe prefently releved withe the fatiffadion of fiche fomes of monye as yo""
honor, withe y^ refte of hir Majefties mode honorable counfell, fhall thinke mete
and requifite for the fayd fhipes ffraighte.

Indorfed. Thomas Bonhams fute. Towchyng allowance to be yealded him for
Furbifhers viage.

[Colonial, 135. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 21.]

March 28, 1579. From Sir Thomas Grejham and other touchynge y^
Order they have taken for the Payment of the Mariners.

Ytt may lyke yo^ good LL. to underfland that we haue receaved yo'' LL. letter
of the 26 Marche, wherby yo"" LL. plefure is, that we fhall appoint iiij men for
the fale of the other fhips and other thinges remaynynge, for the payment of the
men not yett paid. Accordinglie, we haue appointed men therto, who fhall fee the
fame executed as fpedelie as may be, but that beinge done, is but a verie fmall
matter to pay that w^^ is owinge to the men that are unpaid, and the ffraightts
of the fhyps owinge. Wherfore yt may pleife yo"^ LL. to gyve order, that fuche of
the venturars as have not yet paid their partes towardes the faid fraights and wagys
may pay the fame forthw'^h^ for that otherwyfe wee fee not other prefent remedye
for the fame. The names of the venturars w^^^ have not yet paid their full part is
in a wrytinge hereinclofed, to whome ytt may pleafe yo"^ LL. to gyv fuche ftraight
order, as that they may pay their partes owinge, as the other venturars have done,
or ells to be fecluded from all benefyte that may grow to them by their former
ventures made, and other ventures hereafter to be made, and to lofe all that w'^^
alreadye they have difburfed.

Alfo yt may lyke yo"" LL. to underftand that this daye we have had conferens
w^h one John Barton, gentleman, who femethe to have experiens of myneral

FVII 13

194 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

workes, who hathe offered to make a proffe of the ewr at Dartford, at his owne
charges in the great workes at Dartford, and theruppon will procede in the work
of all the ewr there, to have for his induftrie, vppon the valew of the ewr after
this rate; to faye, for everie ton yeldinge the valew of xx ponds money clere above
all charges, he to have ten fhillings for his paynes and induftrie, and yelding the
valew of XXX ponds the ton clere of all charges, he to have xx fhillings; and yeldinge
the valew of xl ponds the [ton] to have xxx fhillings for his induftrie ; and he to
work ytt at his charges, and wyll work xv'^ tons by yere, to whom (yf yo"^ LL. lyke
of ytt) we have confented he fhall make prooffe ymediatelie after Efter, wherof
yt may plefe yo^ LL. to adverty^e us yo"" plefures, for that we doo ftaye the man
in towne uppon yo"^ LL. anfwere to be had.

And for the procedinge of the great workes at Dartford by Jonas, we thynk
ytt very requyfytt to procede in the fame, and therto is needfull of dyttamentts
to be provy ded for them, and other neceffarie charges at Dartford for the working
of the fame, \v^^ in all would afk the fuum of v^ pondes untill the workes wyll
mayntaine ytt fellf for the refte, for the w^^ money we have nott any means heere,
for that the former ceffementts wyll not fuffyce for the fraights and wagys of men
yet unpaid, neyther doo we know how to provyde the fame but by a new ceffe-
mentt uppon all the venturars, and the charge and accountt therof to be com-
mytted to a feverall man.

Thus humbly we take our leave of yo'^ LL., and commytt the fame to the
tuition of Almightie God. From London the xxviij Marche, 1579.

At yo'^ LL. commandements,

Thomas Grelh'm. Lionell Duckett.

John Dee. Martin Frobifher.

Thomas Allen. Edwarde Fenton.

X°pfer Hoddefdonn. Gylbert Yorke.

Michael Lok. Mathew Fyeld.

To the Right Honorable our very goods Lordes
the LL. of Her Mamies Honorable Privie
Councell.

[Colonial, 138. Domestic Eliz., cxxx. No. 42.]

The Venturars w^^ him note payde at the 25 Aprill 1579.

li. s. d.

The Lord High Treforer 065 00 00

The Lorde High Admerall 065 00 00

The Erie of Suffex 065 00 00

The Earle of Warwicke 065 00 00

MARTIN FROBISHER

195

The Earle of Lecefler .
The Lorde Hondeflon
S^ Francs Knowles, Trefore
The Earle of Oxforde .
The Earle of Penbroke
The Countefle of Warwick
The CountefTe of Penbroke
The Lady Ann Talbott
Sr W"^- Winter .
S"" Johane Broquete
Mr. Phallapp Sydney
Mr. Edward Dyer
Mr. Willm Pelhame
Mr. Thomas Randolph(
Johne Somers
Symonde Boyere
Antony Jenkenfon
Jeffry Turvill
Richerd Bolande
Mathewe Kenerfley
Robarte Kinerfley
William Burde
Thomas Owene .
Chriftopher Androwes
Robart Martine .
Marten Furbyfher

Sum of all

085

032

450

172

057

028

GIG

040

077

067

135

085

067

028

057

007

027

028

057

020

012

005

270

2167 03 04

Thes whos names be under wrytten be fuche as adventured in the fecond viage,
and not in the thirde, except the Countefle of Suflex, who was no venturer in
the fecond vyage, and S"* Lionell Duckett who hathe adventured the moytie in
the third viage accordinge to the fome adventurid by in the fecond

viage the w*^^ mofte be referred unto the confideratione of your Honors.

The CounteflTs of Suflex 135 go go

The Lady Ann Talbote
S"^ Lyonell Duckett
S^ William Winter
Willm Burde
Chriftopher Andrwes
Robart Martyne

062 10 GG
067 10 00
500 GO GG
250 00 GO
062 10 GO
062 10 GG

13-2

igG THE THREE VOYAGES OF

There is alfo owinge by Mighell Locke for the foote of his accompte 121 7/2.
igs. 04flf., the confideracion whereof mofte be in like cafe referrid to the deter-
mynatione of your Honors.

There is alfo a reare acompt of Mr, Locks for dyvers marchandizes and viduales,
etc., retornid in the fhipps, and by him fould unawdited.

Even fo in leke cafe the whole and full acompt of Mr. Furbyfher as yete ta
awdite to bothe w*^h acompts I cann faye nothinge untell the fame be fynyfhed
and by the comylTioners throughly feane.

Indorfed. — A note of the accompt towchynge the northwell viage.

[Colonial, 140. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 47.]

After o'" hartie commendations, whereas for want of the paiment of fuche fomes
as are due by fundrie the adventurers to the northweft in the late voiage made
by Mr. Frobifher, not onely manie that ferved in the faide voiage be yet unpaide
and undifcharged, but alfo the ewre brought home remainethe untried and fo
unprofitable Her Ma^^^ hath caufed an order to be fette downe by my LL for
the aunfwearinge of the faide fommes whereunto her pleafure is that fo manie
as be behinde hand in their paiments, and intend by continewinge in the focietie
of this companie to reape the benefitte that may happely growe thereof, fhall
fubfcribe their names in the teflimonie that they will fee the fommes due by them
paide to fuch perfon, and w^Mn fuch time as is expreffed in the faide order. And
to that ende we are willed to fende to you, as we do by this bearer the fame order
to be by you fubfcribed in cafe you meane to continue an adventurer, otherwife
purpofmge to venture no more, to require you to fubfcribe to one other bill w*^*^
this bearer alfo hathe to exhibite to you, thereby teftifyinge yo'* refufall to be for
the prefente anie longer an adventurer of this companie. By a note w^^ this
bearer hath under the hands of the Commiffioners appointed to regarde the
accounts of this Companie, you may fee what is behinde to be by you paide,
w^h if you fhall like to fee paide accordinge to the order, then are you by a note
of yo'" hand to fignifie the day of yo^ fubfcription to the order, that accordingly
the fommes w*^^ you are to pay may be looked for and receaved here by the
Threafurer of the Companie. And fo we bid you hartely farewell from the courte
the of Aprill, 1579.

Yo"^ lovinge frende.

MARTIN FROBISHER

197

[Colonial, 109. State Papers. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 16.]
The Venturars w^"^ have not paid to M. Lok, but muft paie to M'' Allen.

The Lord Highe Treafurer

Wages

fecond

voiage.

1577-

- li

Buyld-

ings
Dartford.

Third

voiag

outwards.

Fraight
retorne.

1578.

li 118

The Lord Highe Admirall

- li

118

The Erie of Suifex

- li

118

The Erie of Warwick -

- li

118

The Erie of Leycefter -
The Lord of Hunfdon -

- li

li
li

17 10

li
li

II 3 4
57 10 0

S^ Frauncs Knowlls

- li

57 10 0

The Erie of Oxford -

- li

450

The Erie of Penbrook -

- li

172 10 0

The Counteffe of Penbroke

- li

28 15 0

The Counteffe of Suffex

- li

67 10

57 10 0

The Counteffe of Warwick

- li

57 10 0

The Ladie Anne Talbot

- li 5

S"^ Henrye Wallope
S"^ Thorns Grefham

- li

li
li

57 10
230

S"" Leonell Ducket

- li

33 15

28 15

Sr Will"^ Wynter
S"^ John Brocket -

- li

- li 10

li
li

40
10

li
li

57 10

M^ Phillip Sidney
Edward Dier

- li 10

- li

li
li

33 15

li
li

57 10
28 15

Will"^ Pelham -

- li

67 10

57 10

Thomas Randolph
John Somers

- li

- li 10

li
li

27 10

li
li

57 10
57 10 0

Symon Bowyer -
Anthony Jenkynfon
Jeffrey Turvile -
Will™ Paynter -
Richard Bowland

- li

li
li
li
li
li

28 15 0
57 10 0
37

57 10 0
57 10 0

Mathew Kynderfley - - li
Robert Kynderfley - - li
M^^ Anne Frauncs Kynderfley li
Will"^ Burd Mercer - - li

li
li
li
li

28 15 0

57 10 0
86 5 0

Will"^ Ormefhawe

- li

28 15 0

Thorns Allen

- li

57 10

198

Richard Young -
Will"^ Bond
Thorns Owen
Will™ Dowgell -
Anthony Marlor -
Chriftopher Androwes
Robert Martyn -
Martyn Furbifher

145
382 10

2855 13 4

THE

THREE VOYAGES OF

li li

li 138

li
li
li
li
li
li
li

li 35 li 145 li 382 10 /;

115
28

115

15 o
15 o
15 o

2855 13 4 not red
2923 I 8 received

li 5778 18 o

3418 3 4 Not reed by ^v Lok

72 _ 1578

The Venturars money not paid to M^ Lok but to M^ Allyn.

[Colonial, 124. Domestic EHz., cxxx, No. 18.]

The humble Petition oi^ Michael Lok for Charges dyfburfed.

To the right Honorable the Lordes and others of Her Ma*^'^^ mofte

Honorable Privie Councell.

In moft humble dewtye befechethe yo'" Honors, yo"^ moft humble fuppliant
Michael Lok, that wheras by the manyfold comandementts of yo'" honors, and by
the dayly diredions of the comyffyoners appointed for the voiages lately made by
Martin Furbufher, yo"" faid fuppliant for the fpace of thefe iij yeres hathe taken
the charge and dewtyfully to his power hathe followed and feene executed all
the bufynes therunto appertaininge, according to the orders to him appointed in
that behalf from tyme to tyme, w*^'^ he hathe to fhew to his continewall great
paynes and trouble, and his very great charges and expenfes. And of all his
doinges in the premiffes he hathe made dew and tre^v accountt, w^^ is awdyted
and certifRed unto yo"^ Honors, in w^^^ accountt yo"" faid humble fuppliant hathe
fett downe the fum of xij^li by hymn expended and layd out of his owne purfe
for dyvers particular charges, for the followinge of the faid bufynes in the faid
tyme of iij yeres, as therin dothe appeare; w*^^ faid awditors would not allowe unto
yo'" faid fuppliant uppon his faid account fayenge that they had none audoritie

MARTIN FROBISHER I99

therto, but doo referre the fame to the confideration of yo'" Honors. Now yo''
Honors faid humble fupphant, mod humbly befechethe yo"^ Honors to have con-
fyderation of the premylfes, in refpedl of his dewtyfull farvyce done therin, and
his trew dealynges in his accountt made, as alfo for that moft trewlye he hathe
expended and layd out of his owne purfe for the faid bufynes the faid fum of xij^/?
fett downe in thaccountt, and alfo iiij^/z more not fett downe in thaccountt, as
he \vyll make dew proffe befydes the great fum beinge ij^ij^l/e of money w^^
he hathe paid in the faid voyages, for his owne ftok and venture therin, whiche
is all the goodes that he hathe in the world w'^^^out exception; wherby now hym
fellf and wyfe andxv children are left in flate to beg their bread henfforthe except
God Jurnejhe^ftones^t Dartford into his bread agayne, and that yo"^ Honors be
good unto hym in this his humble fute, accbrdinge to his dewtifull trew meaninge
in this his farvyce done. And yo"^ faid humble fuppliant and his children, according
to their bounden dewtye, fhall pray to God contynewallye for the encreas of all
yo'" Honors eftates with all profperitie.

[Colonial, 125. Domestic Eliz., cxxx. No. 19.]

Michael Lok hathe paid for d-y^ers Charges for the Affayres of the
Companye in the iij yeres of the iij Voyages of Martin
Furbujher, Gent., for the Northwefl: Parts, as folow^^: —

For my rydynge charges to the Court at Hampton, Wyndfore,
Rychemond, and other places in progreffe to attend on Her
Ma^ie^ moft Honorable Privie Councell, for comyflyons, di-
redions, and money colledions of the venturars in iij yeres, at
xl^t by yere .......... cxx^^

For my ryding charges to Dartford, and for the bylldings and
workes theare, and to other places, daylye, for neceffaries in
thefe viij monthes ......... Ix''

For my botehyer to the Court at Grenewiche to attende on the
Councell for the comyifyons, and money colledions of the
venturars, and to the fhips, and other places li . . . xx'^

For the table dyatt of the comyffyoners, awdytors, captaynes, and
others of thefe voyages, at my howfte often and daylye in thefe
iij yeres, at 1^^ by yere li . . . . . . . cK'

For intereffes of money taken up from tyme to tyme to furnifhe
thes iij voyages and dyfpache of the fhips in dew tyme, for lak
of the venturars money li ccl^'

S'mm \'j^li

200

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

For the ordynary chages and travayll of my fellfe and my farvants
and howfhold to follow this bufynes and take charge of thac-
countts, and howferome of the goodes in thefe iij yeres voyages
at cc^^ by yere ......... v}Hi

S'mm of all xij'^/f

Thus moche money xij*^/z, and more hathe ytt coft me out of my
purfe, wherof nothinge is yett allowed me in accountts. Allow
me what reafon and equitie requyrethe.

And Michael Lok hathe in ftok and venture for hym fellf and hys

chyldren w^^ he hathe paid ....... ij^clij'^ x^

And in the name of John Dee . iiij'^xvij'* x^

S'mm . ij'^ccl/z
Befydes the ftok and venturre of the Right Honorable the Erie

of Oxford, w^*^ is ........ . ij"^iiij^xxx/z

By me, Michael Lok.

[Colonial, 105, Domestic Eliz., cxxvj. No. 56.]

The Venturars w^^ have not paid their partes for ffraight and
wages the laft November, 1578.

Off the Court.

The Lord High Treafurer
The Lord High Admirall
The Erie of Sulfex .
The Erie of Warwick
The Lord Hunfdon
S"^ Ffraunces Knowles
The Erie of Oxford
The Erie of Pembroke
The Countez of Suffex
The Countez of Warwick
The Countez of Penbroke
S"^ Henrie Wallope .
S^ John Brocket
Mr. Philip Sidney .
Mr. William Pelham
Mr. Thomas Randolphe
Edward Diar .
John Somers

cxv"

cxv^^

Ffor third voiag

cxv'^

50
50.

200 venture outwardes

cxv^^

Ivij'^' X'

251

25 1 ^

xxvij^' x-^

Ivijli X'

iiijc/i

200

clxxij'^' x^

60 ■ 275

Ivij^^' x^'

Ixx'^' x^

Wljli x^
xxviij^^ xv^

15^

Wijli X'

hijii X'

xx^'

Ivijli X'

125

Xli

\-vijli x^

Ixxvij'' X'^

h'ijli X'

XXX vij^* X'^

xxviij'* xv^

^51 ,..

xxxviij'^ xv^

\yijli X'

25^

^KJ

x'^"

MARTIN FROBISHER

201

Symon Boyer .
Martyn Ffurbifher .
Anthonye Jenkynfon
Jeffrey Turvile
William Paynter
Richard Bowland
John Dee

Off the Cittie.

S'' Thomas Greffham

S"" Leonell Ducket

My Ladye Martyn .

Mathewe Kynderfleye

Robert Kynderfleye

Mrs. Anne Fraunces Kynderfley

Mathew Ffield

Edmund Hogan

William Bond .

Thomas Owen

William Borrowe

William Ormefhawe

William Dowgle

Anthonye Mario''

William Harrington

Michael Lok

xxviij'^ xv^ 15

50
25
25
25
25
15'

Ivij^^ x^
Ivij'^ x^
Ivij^i x-^
Ivij^^ x^
xxviij^* xv-^

} 65

115

ch-n

Sum ij"^cxvij^* x-^

Ivij" X

clxxx^'

xxviij'* xv^
xxviij^* xv^

Ixxxvj
Ivij
cxv
cxv

i/j

Sum

xxviij'^ xv^
Ivij^^ x-^
xxviij^^ xv-*'
xxviij'^ xv-^
xxviij'^ xv-^
xxviij'^ xv^
iiij^lx'*
j'^iiij^lxxxvij'^ x-^
and iji^cxyj'* x-^

25} ''

15,

15 - 105

50]

50r 115

15)

i5|

'^ I- 1 00
15

220

xxxiij" xv^

Not receved fraight iijmv^^v^^
outwardes venture vj*^x^^ X'^

Sum iij"^cxv'^ x^ not receved
Ffor the fecond voiag.

My Ladie Anne Talbot
S"" William Wynter
William Burde
Chriftofer Androwes
Robert Martyn
Sum vj"^x'^ X'^

V
V

202

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

Accompt of^ Michael Lok, Treafurer, made the laft of November, 1578, of
Monney received and paid by hym fyns his laft Accompt,

audited in Auguft 1578.

Receiptts.

Off the Qjaens Ma^^^ for fraight, and wages

Of Therle of Leycefter, for fraight

Of Therle of Oxford, part for fraight

Of Mr. Secretarie Walfingham, for fraight

Of hym, for venture owtwardes

Of Mr. Secretarie Wilfon, fraight

Of S. Thomas Grefham, venture owtwards

Of hym, for parte of fraight

Of Thomas Allen, fraight .

Of Chriflopher Hadfon, fraight

Of Richard Young, fraight

Sum receved, xxv iiij"^"^" iij^

Payments.

To Michael Lok, reft of his accompt .
For the workes at Dartford, above all receved
To the Erie Leycefter, ewr from Briftow
To the fhippe Hoapwell, part of fraight
To the Ihippe Anne Fraunces, part fraight
To the ftiippe Tho. Allen, part fraight
To the mynars and men, part of wages
To the ihippe Beare Leycejler, fraight .

Sum paid, xxv'^iiij

XIX'

mcl'^
clxxj^' x^
v^lxxxv^^
ij^xxx^^
Ixij^^ xiij-^
cxij^' x^

lli
Ivij'^ X'^

Ivij^^ x-^

ix^lxxxix^*
iiij^ixxx^^

clxxij

ii/i

clxij^^ X'^

By me, Michael Lok.

[Colonial, 137. Domestic EHz., cxxvii, No. 10.]

An Order fett downe by the Queenes Ma^^^^^ exprelfe commandement,

touching the fupplying of fuch Summes of Money as are due by the

Adventurers in the Northweft Voyage, otherwife called Meta Incognita.

The Q,. Ma'^i^ being given to underftand that diverfe of thofe that were adventurers
in the late viages performed by Martin Ffurbuftier, gent., into the northweft partes
(not w^^ ftanding fondrie admonitions given by letters direded unto them from
the lords and others of the privy councell) , that they Ihold bringe in fuch fummes

MARTIN FROBISHER 2O3

of money as were due by them at tymes and daies limited by the faid letters, ha\e
not brought in the faid fummes accordingly; wherby diverfe mariners continewed
a long feafon undifcharged, and the fraught of the mode parte of the fhippes
employed in that voyage unpayed tDJJi', utter undoing of diverfe of the owners
of the faid fhippes, and greatly to her Ma*^^^ difhonor, being an. adventurer in
the faid voyage, and having payed all fuch fummes of money as were due by her.
Ffor redreUe^ wherof her Ma^'<^ doth therfore order that all fuch adventurers as
have not yet payed in fuch fummes of money as are by them due, fhall w*^ in
ten dayes after notice given to them of this her Ma^^^^ pleafure bring in and deliver
into the hands of Thomas Allen, appoynted to be the treaforer for this purpofe,
the moytie of fuch fummes as are by them yet due, and th' other moytie w*^ in
a moneth after, w*^'^ if they fhall not obferve that than they fhall not only be forth w^^
excluded out of the company, but alfo loofe the benefitt of fuch fummes of money
as they have alreaddy putt in, being a matter agreeable w^^ lawe and juflice for
not obferving the rules of focietie. And for that it may be knowen out of hand
who meane to continewe the faid adventure by making payment of fuch fommes
as are by them due accordingly, as is above mentioned, and who fhall refufe :
yt is by her highnes thought meete, and fo ordered that fuch as meane to continew
the fame fhold fubfcribe there names to this order, as thereby binding themfelves
to the payment of the fummes by them due, as above is expreffed. And that fuch
as fhall refufe to fubfcribe the fame therby to bind themfelves to the payement,
but meaning to adventure no more money in the faid voyage fhalbe herafter
utterly excluded in fuche forte as is above fpecified. And to thintent that no man
fhall pretend ignoraunce what he ought to paye at this prefent, the bearer herof
hath a fcedule conteyning the names of all fuch as have adventured w*^^^ the
fummes by them payed, and what fummes are remayning due to be payd, fub-
fcribed by fuch commifQoners as have had authoryfie to have regard thereto.
Alfo, The L. Treaforer.

The L, Admiral].

The L. Chamberlain.

The E. of Warwycke.

The E. of Leycefter.

The L. of Hunfdon.

Mr. Threforer.

Secret. Walfmgham.

Mr. Secret. Wylfon

204

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

[Colonial, 141. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi, No. 36.]

The Names of them that be lefte owte of this laft Bill and thofe that

be fett leffe in this laft Byll then in the other

thefe Names ffolloinge.

Thomas Randolphe
Jeffraye Turvell
Jhon Dice
S'" Lyonell Duckett
My Ladye Martyn
Mathew Ffelde
Edmond Huggan .
Wylliam Burroo
Wylliam Harryngton
Mychell Locke

115

4^0

835'' o^

o'^

[Lansdowne MS., xxx, No. 4, fol. 12. Colonial, 153.]
The Offer of Michael Lok for the Northweft Ewr at Dartford.

He requirethe to have lycenfe for iij yeares to ferche for myneralls by the patent
made to William Humfrey or by the mynes Royall. And libertye to work them
at his pleafure at his owne charges, gyving therfore v of the c, of the clere gayne
that fhall grow therbye.

To have the ufe of the workhoufes at Dartford for iij yeres, and libertye to work
the northweft ewr that is there at his pleafure, at his owne charges.

To have a man afligned to be of his councell, and take account under hymn
in all that ftialbe done. And all the clere gaynes that fhall grow by this workes,
he is content fhalbe gyven to the payment of the debtts owing by the companye,
for the northweft voiages of Captaine Furbufher.

That he may have recompenfes of the Royal Majeftie for his land bought and
recovered from hym, the which recompens he is content ftialbe emploied in thefe
workes, to be repaid hym in account of the workes, withall his owne travayll and
induftrie.

That he have a protedion of her Majeftie for iij yeres, and a quietus eft of his
accountes, and a clere difcharge for all his bondes, and all the debtes of the
companye of the voiages of Captain Furbufher.

That may have commylTion to colled the goodes of the companye that

MARTIN FROBISHER 2O5

lye fcattered, and to recover the debtes owing to the companye, and fet downe
what is owinge to them and to take account of the ftate of the companye.

And after that he hath paid and fattyfffied the creditors of the companye for
the debttes owing to them, he Ihall have freelye the leaffe of the workhoufes at
Dartford, with all the companyes intereft therein.

A letter to be wrytten from my Lords of the Counfell unto the CommylTyoners,
to examyne all the workmen for the addytaments ufed with the northwefl ewr,
in the fmall fayes made in Meta Incognita, which fhewed clene gold.

CommylTyoners.
Sir William Wyntar.
Sir William Pelham.
Mr. Thomas Randolphe.
Mr. Dyar.
Mr. Dee.
Mr. Yonge.
Mr. Hogan.
Mr. Lok.
Mr. Palmar.

Workmen.

John Baptifta Agnello.
Jonas Shutz.
Robert Denam.
William Humfrey.
Humfrey Cole,

D. Burcot is deade.

[Lansdowne MS., xxx, No. 4, fol. 10. Colonial, 152.]
The Offer of Michael Lok.

All the northwefl ewr brought home by Captayne Furbufher is eftemed xij'^'^ tons.

For the which ewr Michael Lok fhall paye v^ the ton, which amountethe
yjm/ of money.

The firfl payment to begyn at the end of one yere, and then to pay every
monthe c^ of money untill the vj™^ be payd.

And for furetye of this payment he fhall fyrft receve i ton of ewr uppon his
owne bond, and afterward fhall gyve furetye for the ewr as he recevethe yt.

And he fhall have the whole lealTe of the mylles and workhowfles at Dartford,
and benefyt therof in fuche ftate as the fame is taken of the Quenes farmar, and
as the fame now ys.

He fhall have freelye all the implements and furnyture for the workes now beinge
at Dartford, and all the myneralls and mettals that are there being wroughte.

He fhall have lycens for terme of the faid lealTe to ferche and myne for ewrs
and myneralls in all groundes which are not already opened and myned, and
therout dygged the quantyte of fyve ton of ewr within all the Quenes Majefties
domynyons, except the priviledges of the ftannerie of Cornwall for their tynne
ewrs, and the fame ewrs and myneralls to take and carye away and ufe at his
pleafure, compoundyng with the ownars for the brekynge of their ground.

To have
better fiierty
than by f elf.
The vallew
of the lejje
to be knowen.

The exceptyng
all other
former grants
made by
her Alajejly
or by any
her pro-
genitors.

206 THE THREE VOYAGES OF

And, nevertheles, this Lycens fhall not reftrayne any other man to ferche and
dygge alfo for any ewrs and myneralls in any other place not beinge within fyve
myles of the place that fhalbe dygged and followed by vertew of this Lycens.

He fhalbe clerely dyfcharged and kept harmeles, quyet of all maner debtes
and demandes of all men, for all the bufynes of the Company e done before this day.

The Quenes Majeftie fhall have libertie to take agayne into her handes this
grant and contrail at the end of vij yeres, payenge and recompenfyng the charges
done and domage to be fuftayned therebye by the arbitrement of yj indyfferent
parfons.

[Lansdowne MS., xxx. No. 4, fol. 1 1.]

Or ells yf the forfaid offer be not lyked, then Michael Lok fhall caufe to be
wrought all the faid northweft ewr, for the account and ufe of the companye of
venturars.

And fhall make yt worthe v^-^ the ton at the leaft, and better yf yt wilbe clere
of almaner charges from hens forthe to be done.

And the company of venturars fhall gyve hym the awdhoritie to governe,

command, and dire6l all the workes.

The Com- And fhall pay hym x^ a day for his owne charges and travayll, out of the fayd

party hath yaig-vv of the ewr. And fhall provyde a ftok of money iiij^/^, to buye and provyde

uch money addytamcnts and to begyn the workes. And fhall appointe a man to be of counfell

of his doinges and to kepe the money and to take thaccounts daylye of all that

pafTethe.

And he fhalbe clerely dyfcharged and kept quyet of all maner debtts and
demandes of all men, for all the bufynes of the companye done before this day.

And after that all this northweft ewr is wrought as aforefaid, Michael Lok fhall
have the ftate and right of the faid leaffe of the fayd mylles and workhowffes at
Dartford for the reft of the yeres therein then to come.

And allfo the Lycence to ferche and myne and work all ewrs and myneralls as
aforefaid, duringe the reft of the yeres of that leaffe for his owne account and ufe,
payeng to the Quenes Majeftie fyve fhillinges money for every tonne of ewr
that fhalbe dygged and melted by vertew therof.

[Colonial, 104. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi. No, 47.]

18 Novembris, 1578. An Offer then made at Mojkovy Houfe by Jonas
Sute before M^ Feild, M^ Lock, and Andrew Palmer.

A tonne of ewer ........ viij'^

vj'^ of copper rerquifite from Kefwicke .... xx-^

Oflead, icwt x^

MARTIN FROBISHER

207

Of lead ewer, vi'^wt xxiiij^

Wood for rofte, di (2^^^ ^t? (^00)
Coles for meltinge . ...
Ffees and wages a tonne
Ffor extraordinary charges

Sum, xiij'^ xv-^
Hereof Jonas will deliver gold and filver nett to the valewe of xxiij'^ xv^

Indorjed. Mr. Palmers note touchy nge Jonas offer abowt Furbifhers ewre.
18th Nov., 1578.

v^
xvj^

[Colonial, 103. Domestic Eliz., cxxvi. No. 34.]
All the Stok of the Venturers in all the iij Voyages.

Sum of all the ftok of

all the venturars.
For the firft voyage, anno 1576 .
For the fecond voyage, anno 1577
For wagys at retorne therof
For byldinges at Dartford .
For the third voyage, anno 1578 .
For fraight & wagys at retorne therof,

Sum
For the fecond rate of fraight

Sum all

All the 1 , r- .
y wheroi \
venturars. J

;^875

^^42 75

;^I030

:^6952 lOS
£334^7 I OS

;{;i7585

;(^2575

;^20l60

f Michael Lok and
I his children.
£^00

;^io75
£225
£2^0

£^55
£H5

A270
£^50

£4920

And note that of the forfaid fumme of ,(^4270 of his venture, the Erie of Oxford
became partner w*^ him for j{^2000 in fuche order and maner as hym felfewas
and is venturar.

And over and befydes the faid fumme of ;^4920 of his venture Michael Lok
dyd pay of his owne purfe for the furnyture of the firft voyage ;^700, whiche was
reftored to him in account of the fecond voyage.

And he dyd alfo paye of his owne purfe, for the furnyture of fecond voyage,
-^400, whiche is now latelye repaid hym in accountt.

And he did alfo pay of his owne purfe, for furnyture of the third voyage and
byldyng at Dartford, ;^700, whiche is nowe latelye repaid hym in accountt.

And, more over, he hathe taken great paynes and travayll, and byn att very
great charges and expenfes in doinge the companies bufynes in all thefe iij voyages,
and hathe not yet charged anye of his accounttes withe one penye for the fame,
knowinge that the venturars wyll confyder of it withe reafon.

208

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

And now, Michael Lok havinge done all the premyfTes in farvyce of her Ma*'^
and the venturars, he is openlie fclandered by Captaine Furbufher thus to be : —

A falfe accountant to the companye.

A cofTener of my L. of Oxford.

No venturer at all in the voiages.

A bankerot knave.

Wherfore moft humblye he befechethe yo^ Lordfhips to dired yo"" letters unto
the commylTioners of the bufynes and the awdito""^ of his accounttes to certyffye
yo"^ Lordfhips what he hathe done in the premyfTes.

M. I.

The ewr

promyjed

was not

brought.

No. 2.
The ewr
promifed

was not
brought.

J\fo.s.
Superfluous
Jhippes and

chargs.

He carried

/^Jhips, and

c men,

w^^out

comijfwn.

[Colonial, 122. Domestic Eliz., cxxx, No. 17.]
The Abufes o^ Captayn Furbufher agaynfl the Companye. Arf 1578.

In the firfl voyage he brought home by chaunce a floane of riche ewre, and being
examyned by S^ William Wynter, M'" Randall, M^ Hogan, and the reft of the
Comiffioners, what quantitie was to be had, he faid that in that countrie was
inoughe therof to lade all the Queues fhippes, and promifed to lade the fhippes of
the feconde voiage ther w^^all, wheruppon the feconde voiage was prepared, and
comyfTion geven him to bringe of the fame. And Jonas, Denham, and Grigorie,
were fent with him for the fame; but he performed nothinge at all, & brought
not fo muche as one ftoane therof; for ther was none to lade, as Jonas and the
reft do witnes, but laded the fhips w*^ other mynes founde by chaunfe.

In the feconde voyag he retorned the fhipps laden w^^ ftoanes of ftrainge ewr
found by chaunce there, fainge they were of gold myne worth iiii'^'' poundes a
tonne, w'^h is not yet fo founde ; and alfo he brought fome ftoanes of redde ewre
and yellow ewer of Jonas mount, verye riche of gold, as D. Burcot witneffed, and
the ftoanes are yett to be feen. And promifed to the comiflioneres that ther was
mountaynes therof, and he would lade all the fhippes therw^^al in the thirde voiage,
wheruppon the thirde voiage was prepared w'^'^ fo great chardg; but he brought
home not one ftoane therof afterwards that is yet found.

In the thirde voiage he promifed to lade all the fhippes w"^^ the ewr of Jonas
mount, and other fo riche ewre as the beft of the fecond voiage was, and carried
owt a nomber of fhips for that purpofe, and a c. men to inhabit there under culler
of the Frenche mens preparacon to that countrie, and befydes the nomber appoynted
to him by the Comifftoners, he carried mor 4 fhippes and a c. men more for his
owne purpofe, w'^^^out the knowledge of the Comifftoners, w'^^ now reft uppon the
charge of the Companye, and he brought home thofe fhips laden w^^ none of
the ewre that he promifed, but w*^ other ftrainge ewr, wher he could fynd yt,
w^^ he faid was better then the beft that was brought the yeare befor, w^^ is not
yt fo found.

MARTIN FROBISHER 2O9

Alfo he promifed to the Comiffioners and had fpeciall charge by comifTione
firfl to plant C. Fenton and the c. men to inhabit in that new land, wheruppon
the great preparacon was made ; but afterwards, before his departure from London,
he diflyked that enterp rice, and difwaded the fame cullerablie, and when he came
there he would not helpe them therin one jote, not fo muche as for 50 men wher-
withall C. Fenton would have tarried there, he feringe that C. Fentons deede
therin woulde dafhe his glorye, and becaufe he toke the vidualls of that provicion
to viduall his owne 4 fhippes taken w*^ him extraordinare, w^^ vs^ent from hens
unvidlualled uppon his promiffe made them to viduall them, as Captayn Fenton
and others witnes.

He promifed and had comillion to fend the two barks this yere to make fome
difcoverie of the palTage for Cathai, w*^^ he might have donne ; but when he came
at Meta Incognita, he would do nothinge at all therin as Hawll & Jakman wytenes,
but made all his endevour to lade his owne fhippes, and the reft home agayne
■yyth ewre.

He hathe byn ftill verrie coftlye and prodigall in the furniture of the fhippes
and men for the voyage, and his owne men beinge fhipped for officieres of the
fhippes have made verie great fpoije, waft, and pilfrye of the goods in the fhippes,
for the w^^ he muft give account.

He did pradyfe to advaunce D. Burcot into the place of Jonas, & mayntan
Burcots falfe profFes made of the ewre, to thend he might be fett on agayn in this
third voyage, as the Comiftioneres and Denham canne witnes.

He was fent to Briftowe to difpatche the ftiips, the Ayde on the thirde voyage,
wherin he was made vidualler of the Ihippe, for the whiche farvice he had money
before hand, but he dide fo evell vittell the fame, as wheras the Companye allowed
him to vittell her w^^^ flefhe 4 daye in the weke, he farved the men therof onlye
3 dayes, and 2 dayes in the weke, and the reft of the weke w^h evill fifhe, and
that w*h fcarfetie wherbye manye of them died, as the men do reporte.

He was fent into the weft countrie to provide the 120 myners for the voiage,
for whofe furniture he received money of the Companye by fore hande, for their
wags 1(24.0, and for their weapons /n20, but therof he paid thefe men uppon their
wags, to fome xx^, to fome xiii-^ iiii<^, and to fome nothinge the man, as the accounts
declare. And what weapones they had, or he for them, as yet is unknoune. But
in the weft countrie is fpreade agreat clamor that thofe mynares beinge preft by
comiftione many of them were afterwards chaunged by favour for fhowmakeres,
taylores, and other artificers, no workemen, and were furniftied to fee at the
charge of the townes and villages in maner of a fubfedye as it is reported
openlye.

He toke the fhipe the Sallomon of Weymoth, in the weft countrie, w^^out know-
ledge of the comiftioneres, by force of Her Ma^'^^ generall comiftion to him geven,
and therby caufed the owner, Hew Randall, to furnifhe her, and to be with him

No. 4.
He would
not place
C. Fenton
there.

j\o. 5.
He made no
difcourie of
pajjage.

No. 6.
His owne
men evell
officers in
thejhippes.

No. 7.
He mayn-
tayned D.
Burcott's
doings.
No. 8.
He vittelled
thejhipe
Ayde.

No.g.
He dealt
doble in
the myners
provifion.

No. 10.
He toke
thejhippe
Salomon by
comiffion.

FVII

210

THE THREE VOYAGES OF

JVb. 1 1.

He led the

flete of

Jhips to

wrong place.

No. 12.

He denied

the CounceUs

comijjion.

No. 13.

He caujed

the great

dijorder of

the Jhips

retorne home.

No. 14.

His arro-

gancie.

No. 15.

He drew
his dagar
on Jonas.

No. 16.

He drew

his dagear

on C. Fenton.

No. 17.
Litle trewthe
in his talke.

No. i8.

He fclandered

M. Lok, to

the great

domage of the

Company e.

in this farvice of the thirde voyage, promifinge hime viftualls and other great
matters, w^^^ he performed not, as Hewe Randall dothe faye.

He led all the fhipps this yere to a wronge place of Meta Incognita, throughe
his obftinate ignorance, wherby they were all in great danger to perrifhe, as Hawll,
Davis, and the reft of the fhipps mafters will witnes.

He, beinge at Meta Incognita, did refufe conference and counfell of all others,
and faid his inftrudiones, geven by her Ma*^^^^ Honourable Privie Councell, were
but the device of Fenton and Lok, and never reade by the Councell, though their
hands were at the fame, as Captayn Fenton and the other captaynes, and Hawell
do witnes.

And when the fhippes were mored falf in harbor in the countey of Warwicks
Sounde, where they fhould lade, and from whence they fhould have departed
orderlye, he beinge at Beares Sound, comaunded all the fhippes (w^^^out anney
advice or difcretion) to come thether to take him and his men in, w^^ place beinge
no harbor, but wilde fee, a ftorme of weather happened w^^ put all the fhippes
to fee to fave them felves, w^^ loffe of all their boates and pynnelTes, and other
fpoile, leavinge him there behind them in the barke Gabriell. And fo they came
home in fuche diforder as is openlye knowne.

He is {o_ arrogant in his governement, as Hawle, Jakman, Davis, nor the other
of the mafters wille no more take charge of fhips under him, and fo imperious in
his doinges as fome of the Comiftioners are werie of his company, and manney
of the venturares mynded to medle no more w^^ him.

He drew his dagger and furioflye ranne uppon Jonas, beinge in his worke at
Tower hill, and threatned to kill him yf he did not finifhe his worke owt of hand,
that he might be fett owt againe on the thirde voiage, wheruppon Jonas did
confeave fo eavell nature in him, that he made a follempe vowe he would never
go to fee any more w^^ him, w'^^^ hath byn no small domage to the Company in
the ewre brought home the thirde voyage.

He drew his dager on Captayne Fenton at Darteford, uppon a quarrelous
humor, and wolde haue mifchefed him uppon the fodayne, yf Mr. Pelham and
others had not bine prefent.

He is fo full of lyinge talke as no man maye credit anye thinge that he doth
fpeake, and fo impudent of his longe as his beft frindes are moft fclanndered of
him when he cannot have his wille.

He hath rayfed lately fuch fclannderous reportes againft Mr. Lok, and geven
fuche vehement falfe informaciones of iii™//, and other greate fomes of money to
remayne in his hands dew to the Company, to paye the fhipps fraights and mens
wages, as hath well lyked fome of the venturares, which hoaped therby to be for-
borne of the payment of their owne parts of money dewe for that purpofe, wherby
littell money cane yett be had of them of the /f3,400 dewe by them to dyfcharg
that dutye whiche hath caufed the Company to fpend mli of monye in vayne.

MARTIN FROBISHER 211

for chardgs of the fhippes and men fynes they came home, and by that meanes
for lake of payment of their dewtye, a fclanderous rumoor is fpreade over all the
realme, to the great difcredite of the Company.

He did paye wages to the men of the fhipe Thomas of Ipfwiche for.v monthes, No. 19.

wheras the Comiffioners did agree and comannd to paye them but for iiii monthes. ^"P'^^j

He hathe brought into wages of the Companye fo many men, and fuche men men againjl

as he lyfte, and many of them at fuche wages as he lyfte, w^^out regard of their ^vi"''"^^'"^"''

farvyce or deferts wherof he is to geve accountt for that many of them are dead, He brought

ana gone awaye. wthout order.

He hath plafed ftyll in the fhippe Ayde, now in the Tames, a nomber of men ^0. 21.

at the Companyes charges, wherof many are fuche difordered men, bothe of their the^J^de"

tonges and of their hands, as are the caufe of moche fclander to the Company, make great
and great fpoyle done in their fhippes, and yt have but fmall dutye of wages owinge "'
to them, when their accounts fhalbe examined particulerlie.

He receaved cZ/ of mony by Her Ma^^^^ order, at retorne of the feconde voiage, Ab. 22.

as of Her Ma^^es gyfte and reward to be diftrybuted amonge the marineres and ^^ dl/bibuted

other men w'^^ farved in that voyage, but no diflribution is made therof as yett, the di to the

as the men doo complayne. '"*"•

To conclude, yf his doinges in thes iij voyages be well looked into, parchanfe Ab. 23.
he wilbe found the moft unproffitable farvante of all that have farved the Com-
panye therin.

The fclanderous Clamors o^ Captaine Furbufher againft Michael Lok. 1578.

He hathe made falfe accountts to the Companye, and hathe cofTened them
of iii^li of money.

He hathe colfened my Lord of Oxford of mli.

He hathe not one grote of venture in thefe voiages.

He is a bankerot knave.

The Anfwers of Michael Lok.

All thefe forfaid clamors are proved to be falfe fclanders, afwell by the new
awdyte made of M. Loks accountts as alfo by the open knowledge had of all his
doinges certiffied to Her Ma*^*^^ Honorable Privie Councell.

And now, yf any evell fuccelfe fhould happen in the work of the ewr now layd
at Dartford, w^^ I truft fhall not happen, yet wear not that to be imputed anye
wayes unto M. Lok, whofe innocentie therein is proved by his great goodes beinge
ijmyic/^' Qf money beftowed and ventured therin, and by the teflimonie of the
ComylTioners certiffienge the firft proffe of the work made in the fecond voiage,

14-2

212 THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER

but rather yf any fuch myfchyef ftiould happen, w^^^ God forbyd, the fame wear
to be layed on Captaine Furbufher, whofe great abufles therin are before declared,
and on Jonas and Denam, being the workmen therof, as men who have byn the
fyndars and bringars of that ewr w'^'^ is brought, and caufars of the cofl beflowed
for the fetchinge and workinge of the fame, and on them the fame weare to be
punifhed fharphe, but I truft no fuche caufe fhalbe gyven.

1578.
The Abufles of Captayne Furbujher againft the Companie.

APPENDIXES

from Arias Mant-imus et Commercialis,
London. 1^28

from Blaeu's Atlas, Amsberdam 166/^

}rom
Donckers
Zee -Arias.
Amsterdam.

1 675

APPENDIX I

This item is reproduced from the Huntington Library Bulletin, No. 7, April igS5, by permission
of the Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

NEW MATERIAL ON THE THIRD VOYAGE FROM THE
HUNTINGTON LIBRARY

By Prof. G. B. Parks

The monetary details of Frobisher's voyages of exploration are better known than
those of any other English oversea enterprise of the sixteenth century. A mass of
documents relating to the Kathay Company, the official name of Frobisher's
"venturers", has remained in the archives, and a large body of these papers was
printed by Admiral Collinson.^ Mainly from these printed documents, Professor
W, R. Scott was able to give a precise financial history of the company.^ This
material, together with information from the later calendars of state papers, was
also used by Dr George B. Manhart in his recent survey of the whole Frobisher
enterprise.^

The main reason for the preservation of so many papers was the failure of the
voyages. Had the ore which was brought back from Baffin Land proved valuable,
the enterprise would more or less have paid its way, and the documents would
sooner or later have been discarded. Since the ore was in fact valueless, and since
the capital raised was inadequate, the investors were seriously annoyed, as were
also the unpaid crews and the incompletely paid shipowners. The treasurer of the
company became the natural target of reproach, and his defense involved the
submitting and justifying of his accounts. The Queen was a large shareholder, and
many of the Privy Council were also interested. The result was that the Privy
Council was called in as umpire of the battle of words, and the papers submitted
to them remained in the archives.

The full accounts of the treasurer have not been printed. They fill two large
volumes in the Public Record Office.* In the first of these, pages i to 60 contain

^ The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, ed. Richard Collinson ("Works Issued by the Hakluyt
Society," Chap, xxxviii, London, 1867).

- The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720, Vol. 11,
76-82, Cambridge, 1910.

^ "The EngUsh Search for a Northwest Passage", pp. 31-92 (in Studies in English Commerce and
Exploration in the Reign of Elizabeth, Philadelphia, 1924).

* Miscellaneous Books (Exchequer King's Remembrancer) 35, 36. They are described in
Proceedings of H.M. Commissioners on Public Records, 1832-1833, pp. 74-7, 558-62. A transcript of
about 1 82 1 is now Additional MS 39852 in the British Museum.

2l6 APPENDIXES

the summary accounts for the first voyage, 1576, as submitted to the auditors;
pages 83 to 174 contain like accounts for the second voyage, 1577. Pages 175 to
305, and all the next volume, contain the accounts for the third voyage, which were
protracted down to 1583.

Despite their bulk, these last accounts are not complete. They begin : " Thaccountt
of Michaell Lok treasorer of busynes done by him syns his laste accountes, w'^^ were
geven vpe and awdited in August, 1578. "^ The accounts of August, 1578, have
long been separated from the Exchequer volumes, and are now in the Huntington
Library. 2 Since it is unlikely that Michael Lok's accounts will be pubHshed in full,
some material from this interim account is here presented.

HM 715 consists of 53 leaves of paper, unbound, of which leaves 28 to 53 are
blank. The pages used are numbered in pairs or openings ; the third leaf recto
carries the number i, leaf 3 verso and leaf 4 recto are both numbered 2, and so on,
by openings, to 27. References in the accounts themselves do not distinguish
between the left-hand page and the right-hand page of a given opening.

The title, on leaf 2 recto, is "Thaccountt gyven by Michael Lok of the third
voiage of Martin furbusher / for the discourye of Cathaj «&:c. / by the Northwest
partes /." This is in Lok's bold handwriting, as are, generally, the headings and
totals, together with some interpolations. Three other hands were employed, the
first one suggesting particularly the careful script of the bookkeeper. Still another
hand, that of the auditor, has checked every item of expenditure with an "ex"^"
(exoneratur) , which shrinks to a dot in the long pay-roll account. The auditor has
likewise checked the footings with "pro""" (probatur), and has disallowed two items
by marginal note. He has made no mark on the final summary, and has written
no certificate of audit on the account-book itself.

The first item of interest is the list of investors. The subscribers to the two earlier
voyages are known. For the third, Dr Manhart compiled a conjectural list,^
which may now be corrected and completed. Not included in Lok's list were
those "Gentlemen and others" who, having served in the first two voyages, were
to be given free shares in the third.* Nor was the Earl of Oxford as yet a subscriber,
and his later entry into the company was apparently by private arrangement with
Loks.

Vol. XXXV, p. 177.
2 HM 715.
^ Pp. 161-3.

■* State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cxxiii, No. 50 (printed in Three Voyages, pp. 210-11).
* Ibid, cxxix, No. 12 (printed ibid. p. 330).

APPENDIXES 217

I give the list from Lok's first account,^ "The Receytt of Money by me Michael
Lok mercer / Tresorer of the Companye", etc.^

the Queenes Ma*'^

the Lorde Highe Tresorer

the Lorde highe Admirall

the Lorde Ghamb^rleyne Earle of Sussex

the Earle of warwicke

the Earle of Leycester

the Lorde of hundesdon

S"" Frauncys knowles tresorer &c'^

S'' Frauncys walsingham secrytarye

M"" doctor Willson secrytarye

the Earle of pembroocke

the Countesse of pembrooke

the Countesse of warwicke

the Countesse of Sussex

M'' philipe Sydney

S"" henrye Wallope knight

S*" thomas greshame knight

S' Leonel Dvckett knighte

S'' John brockett knight

M"" william pelhame

M"" thomas Randoll

M"" Edwarde Dier

John Somers

Symon boyer

John Dee

Anthonye Jenkinesone

Martine Furbusher Captaine

Edmvnd hogaine mercer

Richard younge Cvstomer

thomas allyn skynner

Mathewe Filde mercer

Christofer hoddesdon mercer

WilHam painter

Jefferye turville

William burrowe

Thomas Owine gent

Richard Bowlande

william Bonde haberdasher

Robert Kindersley

Anne Frauncys wydowe [Kindersley]

Mathewe kindersleye

^ I am indebted to Mr H. C. Schulz, of the Department of Manuscripts, for essential help in
transcribing these accounts.

- HM 715, opening i, right page. The lists are at opening 2, right page, and opening 3, left page.

;Cl350..

135-

202.

67.

270.

67.

202.

33-

67.

270.

67.

33-

67.

33-

67.

135-

67.

33-

67.

135-

67.

lOI.

33-

2i8 APPENDIXES

william harington
William Dowgle
Anthonye marler mercer
william Ormeshawe
Zacharie Lok
Eleazar Loke
Gerson Lok
Beniamen Lok
Mathewe Lok
henrye Lok
Michael Loke Junior
*Julio Cesar Adelmare
Thomas Cesar Adelmare
Charles Ceser Adelmare
henrye Cesar Adelmar
william Cesar Adelmare
Elizabethe Cesar Adelmare
Dame Elizabeth Martine
John Castelyn mercer
Michael Lok mercer, and the remaynder
of the second voyage being ^^1750

438-15

Slim of all the Stok
of the Venturars

Wheroutt

paid in the dyscharge of this Accountt

And so rest dew to this Accountant
vppon this Account ended the
Last day of August 1578. Sum

These were Lok's stepchildren.

£?>?>
33
33
33
f33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
'■33
33
33

5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5

2632.
;C837o.

£^9?>9-

£ 569-

Three accounts (openings 8-14) record the cost of equipping the three ships and
the hundred men who were to remain in the new land. The pay roll of the hundred
colonists follows (openings 15-18). The remaining accounts are the pay roll of the
fourth ship, the "Ayde" (openings 19-21), and its equipment bills (openings 22-24),
and the summary of expenditures. This summary is as follows (opening 26, right) :

Sum of all the paymenttes for the
dyscharge of this Accountt, as folo*/

For the Ships & men to dwell there/
paid for the iij ships, Judethe, Gabriel, and
Michael, & their furnyture

£1309- 5- 9

APPENDIXES 219

For Implementtes of the mynes, and foi-

the howssynge, & howse, to dwell there
for vyttelles of the said 3 ships, & C men
for wagys of C men [that is, advances on wages],

Sum to dwell there

For the Shyps & men, to retorne/
paid for the ship Ayde, and her whole

Furnyture
For vyttelles of 1 70 men
for wages of them
for marchandyse
for Fraightt of Shyps [that is, advance payments]

Sum to retorne

Sum all payd 1

in this voyage outwardes /

paid more for dyvers Sums charged in the Receyttes
for the venturars w'^'^ haue nott yett paid,

Sum of all the dyscharge
of this Accountt a'm^

It will be seen that the expenditures kept well within the tentative original budget.^
This had, to be sure, provided for a larger party; but, roughly reduced to actual
dimensions, it forecast an expenditure, in advance of sailing, of ;^io,i66. 13^-. ^.d.,
as compared with Lok's actual payments of ^{^8363. 17^-. yd. The latter figure tallied
neatly with the capital subscribed, which Lok gave, above, as £Q!i'J0. Doubtless
the treasurer's own pocket was drawn on to produce this happy result.

One will observe, further, the weak point in the scheme — the collection of only
enough money to get the ships off. Again referring to the budget, one finds that
the treasurer should have been prepared to pay, on the return of the ships, no less
than £io,4.jo — ;^467o for wages, and ;^58oo for the freight of the 1200 tons of ore
(actually 1350 tons were brought back). He had paid perhaps one-third of the
wages in advance (for two months to those who were to "return", up to six months
to those who were to remain overseas), and only j{^200 toward the "freightage"
(at the rate of £^ per ton of ore carried) of the auxiliary ships. It is therefore
amazing that no move was made toward a capital assessment until the ships
returned.

Even if the ore had been valuable, its disposal would have taken time. Meantime
the crews remained on the pay roll, the freighted ships were still on hire. When the

^ State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cxxiv, No. i (printed in Three Voyages, pp. 209-10).

£ 743-

13-

1478.

13-

818.

;^4349-

18.

^1486.

1053-

II 24.

150.

200.

/^40i3-

18.

/;4349-

18.

;C8363.

17-

£ bib-

£^9'i9-

220

APPENDIXES

assessment was made, it was for ^^6000, and was imposed on the pretext that the
ships had brought back twice as much ore as had been expected. ^ This assessment
provided only for the freight. Since, however, it called for a levy of about 85 per
cent,2 we should not be surprised that it was not mentioned until the ships came
home.

The names of the hundred who were to be left in Meta Incognita (Baffin Land)
for a year have not hitherto been known. Hakluyt printed the list of the hundred
(actually 108) first Enghsh colonists in America, those of Ralegh's Virginia in
1585.^ The list of the first intending colonists may therefore be of interest (openings
15, right, to 18, right). I add the wage rates (per month), which depart from the
rather limited scale set down in a preliminary memorandum.*

e's.f

m brooke gent
Nycholas conger soldier
Anthonie hews soldier
John Johnson soldier
Rychard chamberes solder
william ormeshawe soldier
w™ lydiet soldier
James vtey soldier
Rychard greene solder
George Rop^r soldier
John Stanley soldier

Thomas Jennynges fownder
John page myner
titus Landam laborer
Godfrey Johnson Shumaker
william tailo*" shumaker
william Sea Cole

6.
6.
6.
6.
6.

8
8
8
8

6. 8

6. 8
6. 8

Gentelmen and Souldiers./

m"" Edward fenton Capi- m brooke gent ■£

taine ^10

Rychard phillpott Ansent 5

george beast lyfetenant* 5

John Lee livetenant 2

Edward Harvie livetenant 2

peter vincent gent
william Staunton gent
Lyonell skypwith
m^ woolfall preacher

harry kirkman Ansent i. 13. 4

Jamees settell gent i. 6. 8

Cipio Essex gent
John Hartgill gent

Artificeres Mineres and labo

Roger Dardes Labourer £

nicholas Larrance Laborer

Edmond horsey Laborer

Rye. Tailo' myner i. 6. 8

Edward smithton laborer

w"^ Joyner myner

* Best was the historian of the three voyages.

^ Ibid, cxxvi, No 20. (printed ibid. pp. 319-20).

^ The individual assessments are given in State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cxxx. No. 16
(printed in Three Voyages, pp. 348-9), and in Exchequer, Vol. xxxv, pp. 175-9.
^ The English Voyages (Glasgow ed., 1903-5), Chap, viii, 317-18.

* State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cxxiii. No. 51 (printed in Three Voyages, p. 211).

APPENDIXES

221

Robert hind Surgian* ^i.

John paradice Surgean of the

Judith 2.

Lyonell cracknell laborer i,
John heywodd cooke and

myner i .

John price Baker i .

davy Evans Baker i.

nicholas chauncello'' purserf 2.

Robert Tedder smith i.

Mariners of the Judith.

charles Jackman m"^

w™ ward m""^ mate

Robert Trybe sayler

George Larman sayler

Guy whit sailer

Rychard burnit gunner

Raphe larkin sayler

John gamaige fisher & sailer

Richard harberd

Robert Awle sayler

peter Robinson sayler

Mariners of the Michaell.

Bartholomew bull m""
william Bennes m"^ mate
Giles syllebin botswaine
John lawson saylor
Thomas stubble sayler
John norton Boye

Maryners of the Gabriell.

Thomas price m"^
John Lunt maisteres mate
manus gryffin
John Incent

I.
I.

4.
I.
I.
I.
I.
10.

10.

3-
10.

10,
10.

6.
2.
I.
I.
2.
2.
I. 10,

IB-
S'
10.

I. 13
I- 3

4
6. 8

6. 8

John hodgys smith ^i. 6. 8

w"* Seely stuares i. 13. 4

Rychard Salt myner i.

Christopher flowey fishmon-
ger I. 5.

Sebastian Symondes cooper i. 10.

John loe Cooper i. 6. 8

George Stawker howse car-

pinter 2.

Rychard cooke Taylo"^ i.

4 Robert hayson gvnner i.

4 George Lydger shipwright 2.

Steven nancarne sayler i. 10.

4 Adam holt Shipwright i . 10.

John wilson Sailo'' i .

Rychard fishburne sayler 1.

charles Jackmans man sailer i .

thomas graves sailer i.

John lowring sailer i.

martin williams i.

10.
16.

13-
6.

william laborne sayler
8 dominick leonard
4 Thomas Anderson Cooke
8 harry Sprage shippewright
8 Edward mathew sayler

6. 8

3- 4

13. 4

Thomas phillippes

Tege hewse sayler i . 6.8

Rychard Cowley i. 6. 8

James Jacklin sayler

These maryners & others were discharged, and went not on the third
voyage being found vnfitt for service

Arthur warcoppe

Andrew dyer m"" of the Judith ^^5.

John white sayler. .he dyed at blackwall the

3 maye 1578: hiered the j Aprill. . i. 8.

* Marginal note: "of y^ michael".

t He was also given "further Allowance for his great charge".

222

APPENDIXES

hary hethersaye Boye of Andrew dier ^ i o.

thomas wyares boteswaine i. 6, 8

John Browen . . being hurt in the service, &

not able to precede on y* viage i. 6. 8

Robert hopkins gvnnesmith, discharged in maye
John smith m' of the michaell, dischardgyd in Aprill

Theise men were appointed for service
in this third voyage, And Ranne awaye

william Coomes Sailer gvnner i. 13. 4

Symon Dee howsecarpinter

The above lists may be supplemented (openings 1 9, right, to 2 1 , right) with the
names of the personnel of the "Ayde", which was to return in the autumn, leaving
the three smaller vessels behind.

Capitaines, Gentelmen, And Soldiers, and
others, w*^*^ do Retorne w*^"^ the Shippes

martyn frobusher Capitaine generall [paid jTi a day in port from

preceding September]
Gilbert yorke Capitaine [at ^^ per month]

Edward Selman m^'chaunt*
mathew kindersley gent
Gregory Bona goldfiner
Thomas thorneton purser
A preacher to go w*^*^ m frobusher

Maryners, offyceres and others for

the

service in the Ayde./

Christopher hall m"^
Hughe Jones sailer gvnner
Roger Owen sayler
John Cotton sayler
Thomas price sailer
frauncys Austen
Esdras Draper sayler
John Ardington boy
Robert Denham goldsmith
John Lambell
John pecocke
william humfrey goldfyner
w"" payne carpinter
nycolas warrin Carpinter
george badcock carpinter

£^- 13- 4

6.
10.

3-
I.

10.

I.
I.

13-
6.

4
8

Thomas Jenkins pvmpemaker

James Jacklin sayler

Harry Baterby sailer

John wilmot sailer

John Cvtter Cooper

Alexsander Creake sayler

thomas batterick

Owen Corbet sayler

william dod sayler

william English sayler

Jamees Barret sayler

tege Lewis sayler

John hall Boye

Samvell bere gvnner & sayler

5-
10.

* Selman wrote for Lok an account of the voyage, which is published in Three Voyages, pp. 290-
316.

APPENDIXES

John Williams m''^ mate
Anthonie Sane sailer
James Treviller sayler
waiter Streate Sailer
pawll Jonas Sailer
Edward Robinson
Thomas Aliryd* Sayler
Rychard watson sailer
Thomas thorte sailer
william bowgle sailer

£^' 13- 4

I. lO.

I. 6. 8
I. 8.

Thomas Cvnnyngham sayler i .

John Gommynges purser

w"" davies Sayler i . 6.8

John harwood Surgiean i. i6.

w*" Bowrey carpinter i. lo.

w™ Saunderes sayler i . 4.

Robert wilnater sayler i. 6. 8

John Ellys Sayler

John Cornishe sayler

water kelley Carpinter i. 5.

Anthonie Sparrow sayler

James waiter sayler

Rychard whetleye sailer i . 6.8

John Sawnders sailer
Harry bendall sayler
Henry Afferton sayler
w*" manneryng sayler
Christopher Jackson trvmpeter
Anthonie fisher Trvmpetter
Thomas dragford sailer
John denyse sayler
waiter homes sailer
John Sampson sailer
harry davies sayler
thomas Erelease sailer
harry mychaell sailer
Steven Boys Sailer
Androwe Lydger sailer
Roger Bogar sayler
John Taylo"" sayler
John hilpe Sayler Boye
Edward pavie Sailo"^ Boye
John frie Sailer
John hitchcocke Sailer
John Thorne Boye

223

I. 4.

13- 4
I. 14.

* An apparently meaningless stroke cuts the "I" and "i".

APPENDIX 2

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MARTIN FROBISHER
Compiled with the collaboration of Dr Wilberforce Eames

Gilbert, Sir H. A Discourse of a Discoverie for a new Passage to Cataia. London,

Middleton, 1576.
WiLLES, Richard. For M. Cap. Furbyshers Passage by the Northwest (included in
Willes's edition of Richard Eden's The History of Travayle in the West and East

Indies, London, R. Jugge, 1577).
Settle, Dionyse. A true reporte of the last voyage into the west and northwest regions, &c.

7577. worthily atchieved by Capteine Frobisher of the sayde voyage the first finder

and generall. London, Henrie Middleton, 1577.
Best, George. A True Discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, for the finding of a

passage to Cathaya, by the Northweast, under the conduct of Martin Frobisher, Generall.

London, Henry Bynnyman, 1578.
Ellis, Thomas. A true report of the third and last voyage into Meta incognita: atchieved

by the worthie Capteine, M. Marline pyobisher. Esquire, Anno. i^yS. London,

Thomas Dawson, 1578.
Churchyard, Thomas. A discourse of the Queenes Maiesties entertainment in Suffolk

and Norfolk, etc. Contains poem, "A Welcome home to Master Martin

Frobusher". London, Bynneman, 1578.
A prayse, and reporte of Maister Martyne Forboisher^s Voyage to Meta Incognita.

London, Andrew Maunsell, 1578.
Settle, Dionyse. La Navigation du Capitaine Martin Forbisher Anglois, es regions

de west & Nordwest, en Vannee M.D.LXXVII. Geneva, Anthoine Chuppin, 1578.
Beschreibung Der schiffart des Haubtmans Martini Forbissher auss Engelland in de

Lender gegen West und Nordtwest im Jar i^jy. Niirnberg, Katharinam Gerlachin

und Johanns vom Berg Erben, 1580.
De Martini Forbisseri Angli navigatione in Regiones Occidentis et Septentrionis

Narratio historica. Ex Gallico sermone in Latinum translata per D. Joan. Tho.

Freigium. Noribergae, in officina Catharinae Gerlachin, & Haeredum

lohannis Montani, 1580.
Anania, Gio. Lor. Lo Scoprimento dello stretto artico e di meta incognita ritrovata

neV anno 7577 e i§y8 dal capitano Martina Forbisero, . . .posto nuovamente in luce

nel nostro idioma italiano dal sig. Gio. Lorenzo Anania. Napoli, G. Cappelli, 1582.
Hakluyt, R. Divers Voyages. London, Woodcocke, 1582.
Peckham, Sir George. A True Report of the late discoveries and possession taken in

the right of the crowne of England, . . .by,. . .Sir H. Gilbert. (Contains poem by

Frobisher.) London, Printed by I. C(harlewood) for lohn Hinde, 1583.
Hakluyt, R. The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English

Nation, etc. (i vol.) London, George Bishop & Ralph Newberie, 1589.

APPENDIXES 225

Hakluyt, R. The Principall Navigations, voiages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the

English Nation, etc. London, George Bishop, Ralph Newberie and Robert

Barker, Vols, i-ii, 1598; Vol. iii, 1600.
PuRCHAS, Samuel. Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrims . . .in Five Bookes.

London, Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, 1625-6,
FoxE, Luke. North- West Fox; or Fox from the North- West Passage. London, B. Alsop

and Tho. Fawcet, 1635.
La Peyrere, Isaac de. Relation du Groenland. Paris, chez Augustin Courbe, 1647.
Saeghman, G.J. (Publisher). Drie Voyagien Gedaen na Groenlandt, Om te ondersoecken

of men door de Naeuwte Hudsons sonde konnen Seylen; om alsoo een Door-vaert na

Oost Indien te vinden. Amsterdam, Saeghman, 1663?.
Settle, Dionyse. Historia Navigationis Martini Forbisseri Angli Praetoris sive

Capitanei, A.C. i^Jj . . .Ex Anglia, in Septemtrionis & Occidentis tractum susceptae,

ephemeridis sive diarii more conscripta & stilo, triennioq; post ex gallico in latinum

sermonem, a Joh. Thoma Freigio translata, & Noribergae, ante A. ^4. . .edita, etc.

Hamburgi, Joh. Naumanni & Georgi Wolffii, 1675.
Aa, Pieter van der. Drie Seldsame Scheeps-Togten Van Martin Frobisher. De Erste

na Chijia ondernoomen, om derwaards een Straat, of Doortogt te vinden. In't Jaar

1576. De Tweede, 00m in het Noord- Westen een nieuwe Doorgang na Cataya, China
en Oost-Indien, te vinden. In het Jaar 7577. De Derde na Cataya, om derwaards
een onbekande Straat, naar het Noord- Westen, te ontdekken. In het Jaar 1578.
This is Deel 17 (covering voyages 1 563-1 576) in van der Aa's Naaukeurige
versameling der Gedenk-Waardigste ^ee en Land-Reysen na Oost en West-Indien.
Leyden, Pieter van der Aa, 1 706.

Bernard, Jean Frederic (Editor) . Recueil d' arrests et autres pieces pour Vetablisse-
ment de la Compagnie d^ Occident. Relation de la baie de Hudson. Les navigations
de Frobisher, au detroit qui porte son nom. Amsterdam, J. F. Bernard, 1720.

The licences only are extant for the following :

Fuller. Farewell to master ffourboisur and the other gentlemen adventurers who labour

to discover the right of way to Cathay. John Jugge, 20 May 1577. (See Taylor's

Tudor Geography, p. 182.)
Anonymous. A Thing Touching Ffourboyser. A. Maunsell, istjuly 1577. (Taylor,

p. 183.)
Anonymous. A Description of the purtrayture and shape of those strange kind of people

which the worthie Maister Martin Ffourboiser brought into England Anno i^yG and

1577. John Alldee, 1578. The licence is dated Jan. 30. (Taylor, p. 183.)
Churchyard, Thomas. A pamphlet in the praise of Master Captain Ffrobisher in forme

of A Farewell at his third voiage in Maye 1578 by the northeest [sic] seas towards
the Island of Cataia. R. Jones, 1578. ("Only the licence is extant, but
Churchyard refers to having composed such a work", Taylor, p. 183.)

FVII 15

APPENDIX 3

NOTES ON THE ACCOUNTS OF FROBISHER's VOYAGES

Dionyse Settle.

The first printed account on record of any of the Frobisher voyages is Dionyse
Settle's A true reporte of the last voyage into the west and northwest regions, etc., published
by Henry Middleton in 1577. This account of the second voyage is among the
rarest of English Americana. It is a pamphlet of twenty-four unnumbered leaves,
reprinted the same year, the chief difference between the two prints being the
signatures. The first has A and D in fours, B and C in eights, whereas the second
has only three signatures of eight leaves each. It contains a prefatory "Rythme
Decasyllabicall " in praise of Frobisher, by Abraham Fleming (see also Ellis's
account, below).

This account was again printed by Hakluyt in his Principall Navigations, in
both the 1589 one-volume edition, and in Vol. iii of the 1 598-1 600 edition.

A French translation of Settle was brought out the following year in Geneva,
by Anthoine Chuppin, edited by Nicolas Pithou, entitled La Navigation du Capitaine
Martin Forbisher Anglois es regions de west & Nordwest, en Vannee M.D.LXXVIL
There are some differences, however, between this and Settle's English version,
chief of which is the interjecting (at the point where Settle brings his account to
the arrival at Milford Haven and Frobisher's riding to court) of an account of
the joyful reception of Frobisher and his party in London and an original account
of the Eskimos brought back.

After this the French version returns to Settle's narrative, describing the arrival
of the other two ships at Bristol and Yarmouth, and then appends matter from
Settle's preface, on the suitability of the various newly discovered countries to
the respective climates of their discoverers. The point is stressed that, thanks to
Frobisher, it has now been found that the northern lands are habitable. The
translator then asks the reader's forgiveness for faults of translation, saying he
had done the best he could, and gives the following excuse: "la copie qu'il avait
entre mains, estoit en quelques endroits si embrouillee & confuse, qu'a peine en
pouvoit on tirer ce qu'on desiroit, & a fallu qu'on aye plustost devine le sens,
que d'avoir esgard a ce qui estoit escrit."

He adds regarding the inserted Eskimo material : "Ne voulans au surplus celer,
qu'outre le contenu en la copie du present discours, nous avons adiouste a la
fin d'iceluy quelques articles concernans I'arrivee de ces sauvages en Angleterre,
qu'on nous a asseure estre veritables, & nous ont semblez dignes d'estre escrits."

In 1580 there were issued in Niirnberg a German and a Latin edition, translated
from the French, both rare. The German edition is entitled Beschreibung der

APPENDIXES 227

Schiffart des Haubtmans Martini Forbissher auss Engelland in de Lender gegen West und
Mordtwest im Jar 1577. It contains as frontispiece an interesting cut of Eskimos,
one in a canoe throwing darts at wildfowl. It follows the French exactly.

The Latin edition contains the same cut as the German, a dedication to
"Hieronymus Paumgartnerus", and a translation of Pithou's translation, in-
cluding all his prefatory material. Footnotes are added, among them one on
Cathay, a Latin poem on America by Adolphus Mekerchus, a note on the
" Mare Australe" saying that " Valboa" discovered it, and a note on the "mone-
ceros marinus". It closes without the French translator's apology and explana-
tion. It has the Eskimo cut of the German edition. This Latin version was
republished in Hamburg in 1675. It contains the same cut, as the earlier, with
the addition, on the same page, of a map showing "Forbisser's Straet" (in
Greenland) ; and a picture of unicorns.

George Best.

Best's A True Discourse is the only contemporary account of all three of
Frobisher's voyages by one who participated in them. (Best went on the second
expedition as Frobisher's Lieutenant aboard the Aid, and on the third as Captain
of the Anne Frances.) It was published in 1578 by Henry "Bynnyman", and by
Hakluyt in his Vol. iii (1600) of the Principall Navigations. It contains two maps
which are reproduced in this edition.

Thomas Ellis.

Thomas Ellis, "sailer and one of the companie", wrote A true report of the
third voyage, published by Thomas Dawson in 1578. It contains drawings by
the author of four different views of a huge iceberg, and is profusely ornamented
with flowery poems — a prefatory "Rythme Decasyllabicall " in praise of Fro-
bisher's voyage, by x\braham Fleming (who, as said, wrote a similar poem for
Settle's book: both are on the Ulysses theme), one by Ellis "in praise of Maister
Martine Frobisher", one by "John Stanley to his friend Thomas Ellis", one by
"John Kirkham in the praise of M. Martine Frobisher", and a poem from
"The Author to the Reader".

Richard Hakluyt included Ellis's narrative in his one-volume edition (1589)
of The Principall Navigations, as well as in Vol. in of the 1 598-1 600 edition.

Christopher Hall.

Hakluyt also included in these editions an account of the first voyage by
Christopher Hall, Master of the Gabriel, to which is appended a list of Eskimo
words.

15-2

228 APPENDIXES

Other Accounts.

The only other extant separate contemporary accounts of the voyages are one
of the first voyage by Michael Lok, printed for the first time from the MS., in
the Hakluyt Society edition of Frobisher' s Voyages, edited by Collinson, pp. 79-87;
and an account of the third voyage by Edward Sellman, "servant" of Michael
Lok, also published first in the Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 290-316.

Hakluyt also printed in both editions relevant supplementary material, as
Gilbert's "Discourse", Richard Willes's argument (discussed separately in the
present volume), the report of Thomas Wiars, passenger, on the discovery of
"Buss Island", and the "Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the Middle
Temple Esquire, given to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in
his Northwest discoverie, for their directions".

An account of the voyages was also published in Italian, by G. L. Anania,
Naples, G. Cappelli, 1582, under the title Lo Scoprimento dello stretto artico e di meta
incognita ritrovata neV anno 7577 e i^yS dal capitano Martino Forbisero, etc. This appears
in Lowndes Biographical Manual, 1869, as included in the Bright Sale. The Biblio-
theque Nationale in Paris apparently has a copy. Although we have not been
able to examine this work, the title indicates that it is more than a translation of
Settle, as the voyage of 1578 is also treated.

The Churchyard eflfusions have been discussed separately.

In many of the travel collections following subsequent voyages, accounts of
Frobisher's voyages were included, sometimes in resume and sometimes in transla-
tions from the English, or from other translations. Some of these works are listed
in the Bibliography. La Peyrere says that he took his account of Frobisher from
" a long narrative" in a Danish chronicle. His Relation du Groenland was translated
into Dutch (Van Vries) and German (Sivers) . The map in van der Aa's collection
is interesting as identifying "Yslandia" and "Frisland". Like most maps of this
period, it shows Frobisher's strait in Greenland.

Works for which the licences only are extant are listed in the Bibliography.

APPENDIX

RICHARD WILLES

Richard Willes published in 1577 his History of Travayle in the West and East
Indies. This consisted of Richard Eden's translation of Peter Martyr's Decades
of the newe worlde or West India which had been published in 1555, and new material
which was added by Willes, including the discussion, "For M. Cap. Furbyshers
Voyage by the north west", etc.^ This latter was written at the request of the
Earl of Bedford's daughter Anne, Countess of Warwick, wife of Ambrose Dudley,
promoter of the voyage, and herself an investor. Prof. Taylor says of this dis-
course :

Willes displays ... a wealth of learning and a wide familiarity with globes and maps
(including, as was natural, a majority of Italian origin), which bears witness to a pro-
longed study of cosmography. It is here, too, that he discusses the Cabot map in the
Earl of Bedford's possession, which seems to prove unmistakably a passage by Sebastian
Cabot through Hudson's Strait, presumably in 1508-9.

... It is clear that Willes anticipated that Frobisher would pass safely to the Moluccas,
doubtless because he had heard the explorer assert that he had already reached a point
where he saw the Capes of America and Asia on either hand, at the entry to Mar do Sur.

Little appears to be known of Willes himself. He had been Professor of Rhetoric
at the University of Perugia until June 1572. He published his Poematum Liber,
dedicated to Burghley, in 1573, with a treatise on poetry addressed to the masters
and boys of his old school, Winchester. "From the poems", says Taylor, "it may
be gathered that Willes had a wide circle of friends not only in Italy, but in
France and Germany, and in the 'Travels' he speaks of the famous Jesuit traveller
and writer, Petrus Maffeius, as his old acquaintance. . . . The edition of the
Decades was his first work in the English tongue, but he had for a long time, he
says, had some other important geographical work on hand, while he also men-
tions a work on the coins of all nations as one he hoped to publish if his life were
spared."

He appears to have died before completing these projects.

^ For a treatment of the entire Willes collection and a summary of what is known of Willes, see
Taylor, Tudor Geography, pp. 38-41.

APPENDIX 5

THOMAS CHURCHYARD

Of the collateral Frobisher literature Prof. Taylor writes : "Some curious minor
publications arose from the voyages, as for example ballads in praise of Frobisher,
and ballads in welcome and farewell; of these only those by Thomas Churchyard,
soldier of fortune and court rhymester, now survive."^

The ballad referred to is appended to one edition of Churchyard's A discourse
of the Queenes Maiesties entertainment in Suffolk and Norffolk, etc. — a rare volume — and
is entitled "A Welcome home to Master Martin Frobusher". It is a diffuse poem
praising those who go exploring. The following stanza is a sample of it :

O Frobusher, thy brute and name

shalbe enroled in bookes.
That whosoever after corns,

and on thy labor lookes
Shall muse and marvell at thyne actes,

and greatness of thy minde.
, I say no more, least some affirme

I fanne thy face with winde.

The "Welcome Home" is found bound up at the end in only a few copies of
A discourse of the Queenes Maiesties entertainment in Suffolk and Norffolk, etc. and it is Ukely
that the verses were put to print after most of the copies had been bound.

Churchyard also wrote a pompous work in prose, entitled A prayse, and reporte
of Maister Martyne Forboisher's Voyage (London, Andrew Maunsell, 1578). He
begins this with announcing that, having sped Frobisher and his companions on
his voyage with both prose and verse,^ he now salutes them with a welcome.
He calls to mind the "travaile" of Columbus, Thevet, Cabot, Magellan, etc.,
and announces his purpose of encouraging discovery, trade, and the spread of
the gospel.

"And surely", he says, "this is a true testimonie of greate goodnesse intended,
that our Nation in suche a christian sorte and maner, refuseth no hazarde nor
daunger, to bryng Infidelles too the knowledge of the omnipotent God, yea,
albeit great wealth and commoditie male rise to us of their labours, yet, the
purpose of manifestyng Gods mightie woorde and maiestie among those that
feed like monsters (and rather live like dogges then men) doeth argue not only
a blessed successe, but perswadeth a prosperous and beneficiall retourne."

^ Tudor Geography, p. 41.

2 The licence for the prose work, entitled A pamphlet in the praise of Master Captain Ffrobisher in
forme of A Farewell at his third voiage in Maye i§y8 by the northeest [sic] seas towards the Island of
Cataea, is extant, but there is apparently no record of a poem of farewell.

APPENDIXES 231

He asks, "was not this a valiaunt adventure, to take in hande a voyage never
sailed before, (but by one Gabotha whiche hereafter I will speake of)".

He discourses upon "the hardie and brutishe maner of the people lately
discovered" — which they manifested by fighting with our men, and by their
"dissemblyng pollicie to seeme lame, when thei pretende a mischief". He marvels
"that they have no skill of submission, nor will not learn to knowe the courtezie
of a Conqueror which resolution in them (though barbarous it seeme) showes a
settled opinion thei have in their force and liberties, and utters a miraculous
manlinesse to abound in that brutish nation".

He cites reasons for the support of a further voyage, and gives a resume of the
second voyage. Then, he continues, "because Maister Mighel Locke hath alwaies
furthered Maister Forboisher, I male not omitt his paine and willyng exspences,
but bryng to remembrance the merites of so worthie a Marchaunt".

He commemorates " Willowbie", and says, "I knewe myself twoo notable menne
of them, the one called Chancelar, and the other Borrowes, which Chancelar
especially was the odde man of his Tyme, for matters touchyng the Sea." He
mentions also Hawkins and Jenkinson.

He argues the right of the English to enter into competition with the Spaniards
and says: "For in conscience and right thei [the Spaniards] were better to have
our companie, then neither wee nor thei enjoye the mightie Masse of wealthe,
that these Indians would yelde us"; and further: "The earth was made for the
children of men, and neither the Spaniard, nor the Frenche, hath a prerogative
too dwell alone, as though God appointed them a greater portion then other
nations."

England is over-run with poor, he says, and makes a plea for colonization.

He says "Gabotha" sailed from 67° to the north, and then to the south as
far as 36^° (citing Belle-Forest ^ and Eden's Decades), but his voyage in no wise
detracts from Frobisher's achievement, as the former merely sailed along the
coast, whereas Frobisher made "a parfaite proofe of the Mines".

^ Belle-Forest, Francois de, translator of Sebastian Munster. His L'histoire universelle du monde
was published in Paris in 1570.

APPENDIX 6

THE SPELLINGS OF "fROBISHER"

Manhart, p. i6o,

Fforbiser

Fforbisher

Ffourbosier

Ffourbousier

Ffourboyser

Ffrobiser

Ffrobisher

Ffrobissher

Ffrobusher

Ffrobysher

Ffurbesher

gives the following

Ffurbisher

Ffurbissher

Ffurbusher

Ffurbysher

Forbischer

Forbisher

Forboisher

Forbossher

Forboysher

Fourbisher

contemporary spell

Frobiser

Frobisheir

Frobisher

Frobishor

Frobissher

Frobrisher

Frobusher

Frobussher

Frobysher

Froobiser

ings of "Frobisher" :

Frubishere

Furbiser

Furbisher

Furbissher

Furboisher

Furbosher

Furbusher

Furbussher

Furbysher

Furbysshyer

To these may be added the form "Fourboiser" used by his cousin George
Gascoigne in the preface to Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Discourse; "Froboisher"
(occurring once in Churchyard's Prayse, though Churchyard's usual forms are
"Forboisher" and, in the poem appended to A discourse of the Queenes Maiesties
entertainment, "Frobusher") ; "Ffourboisur", in the licence granted to John Jugge
in 1577 for the pubHcation of a work not extant; "Ffourboiser", in the Hcence
granted to John Alder in 1578 for publication of a v/ork not extant; "Frobichet",
the form used by the French Ambassador, Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, in his
Despatches to the court ;i "Forbissher", in the German version of Settle; "For-
bisserus", in the 1580 Latin version of Settle; and "Forbisero", in the translation
by Anania, published in 1582. Then there are several later variants: "For-
bicherus", on Thorlacius's Map of Greenland in the 1668 edition of Torfaeus's
Groenlandia Antigua; "Forbisser", on a map in the 1675 Latin edition of Settle,
showing "Forbissers Straet"; "Forbeisser", in Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation du
Groenland (1647) (repeated in various translations and editions of de la Peyrere,
such as Simon de Vries's Ausfiihrliche Beschreibung . . .des Grbnlands . . .so M. For-
beisser, etc., Nurnberg, 1679) ; a map in Pieter van der Aa's Drie Seldsame Scheeps-
Togten, etc., shows "Frobichers Straat".

1 See Jameson, J. F., "Despatches of Castelnau de la Mauvissiere (on Frobisher, Gilbert, de la
Roche, Drake), 1577-1581", in American Historical Review, Vol. xxxi, 1926.

APPENDIX 7

THE ESKIMO WORDS IN FROBISHER's VOYAGES

Before discussing the one formal word list and the Eskimo names which occur
in the Frobisher texts, we recall that travellers are not usually accurate when
transcribing strange words, and that they are liable to identify foreign sounds
carelessly with those of their own tongue.

There was, for instance, a Yankee on the north coast of Alaska in 1907 who
called his Eskimo wife Kasha. When I, puzzled, asked why, he replied that it
was her name. I would have written it Ikayuak. My then commander. Captain
Ejnar Mikkelsen, who dealt with Mr and Mrs Arey a full year, began with Kasha,
but grew dissatisfied as his ear became more accustomed, started varying by
calling her Ekaya and finished by writing it in his book Ekajuak.^

I knew an Eskimo, Kalakutak, whom the Herschel Island whalers called
Calcutta, not to be amusing or as a nickname but because to them it sounded
that way.

Whalers and Royal Canadian Mounted Police agreed to call Escape Reef,
just west of the Mackenzie River, Apawutji (or, as they usually spelled it, Appa-
woochee). Apawutji is meaningless to the best scholar in Greenlandic Eskimo;
but let it be spelled Akpagviatsiak and its meaning leaps to his eye: "little place
where you run foot races", "little race-course".

With modern writers so difficult, we can attain reasonable probabilities for
those of three hundred years ago only by cross-bearings. First we search for
like-sounding words; then we try to find some common ground between the
meanings assigned by the Elizabethans and those which come from our know-
ledge of current Eskimo.

The Frobisher word list was doubtless made by pointing to or touching a part
of the body, or an object, and then asking the native for a corresponding word.
This does not of necessity yield correct results, as when a traveller was questioning
a man whose little daughter stood near. He touched the girl's arm and said,
"What is that?" to which the father replied, "Pannigma tallikpia" which,
though the traveller thought it meant just "arm", really means "my daughter's
right arm".

A study of the Eskimo word list appended to Christopher Hall's account of
Frobisher's first voyage^ has been made by a master of Eskimo phonetics and a
thoroughgoing student of all aspects of the language, William Thalbitzer.^ With

^ Ejnar Mikkelsen: Conquering the Arctic Ice, London, 1909, p. 141.

^ Hakluyt, Glasgow, 1903, Vol. vir, p. 211.

^ William Thalbitzer: "Fra Gronlandsforskningens Forste Dage", Festskrift Udgivet af Koben-
havens Universitet I Anledning af Hans Majestaet Kongens Fodselsdag, 26 Septembei" 1932.
Copenhagen, 1932, p. 11.

234 APPENDIXES

the above things in mind, however, and others like them, I cannot follow him
all the way.

We copy from Thalbitzer first that part of the Frobisher list where our scrutiny
has discovered no reason for comment :

Corresponding Greenlandic forms; * marks
Baffin Land (1576) (conjectured) earlier forms

argoteyt, a hand *arjatit, now z.%%2X\t, your fingers

arered, an eye *erjit ( > irsit) > isit, your eye or your eyes

-J Jqinga-q, nose; qinga-vit, of your nose
° ' ' [ qaneq, mouth ; qanivit, of your mouths

keiotot, a tooth kigutit, jowr tooth, or your teeth

chewat, an eare siut, ear

callagay, a pair of breeches *qalra- > qardla-, cf modern qardlit, trousers

attegay, a coat atigai < atigeq, a woman'' s outer coat of caribou

skin
mutchatet, the head (?) nutsatit, hair (on the head) , your hair

coblone, a thumble (? *quvdlone), kuvdlune, on the thumb

teckhere, the foremost finger tikera(q), the first finger

ketteckle, the middle finger qiterdle(q), the middle (finger)

meckellacane, the 4th finger mikilerqane, on the ring finger

yacketrone, the little finger *jeketqune>eqerqune, on your little finger

pollevetagay, a knife ? *pulavatagai, his (its) (knife?) {to stick into a

sheath?)

Those Thalbitzer identifications which seem to require comment are :

Frobisher Greenlandic form

comagaye, a legge ? kumagaq, eaten or plagued by lice

atoniagay, afoote ? atorniagai, the ones he uses

The Greenland Eskimo words selected by Thalbitzer do sound like the Fro-
bisher text; but do they meet adequately the cross check for probability of
meaning? Why should a leg, of all parts of the body, be favoured by lice? Why
is a foot "the ones he uses"? Are there not words near in sound that have a more
probable meaning?

The Frobisher comagaye calls to Thalbitzer's mind kumak, "a louse", leading to
the tentative interpretation that comagaye was a transcription of kumagak, "eaten
or plagued by lice". To my mind comagaye suggests kamik, "a boot". I visualize
the Englishman touching his own (booted) leg and asking, "What is that?"
He was thinking of "leg"; but the Eskimo got the idea "boot" and replied
'"kamigin" ("your boot"), or "kamagin" ("your pair of boots").

The Baffin dialect of to-day so slurs the final consonant that it eludes the
unaccustomed ear. An Englishman would hear for "your boots" something like
kamagai, very close to Frobisher's comagaye.

For a similar reason of improbable meaning I cannot follow Thalbitzer in
that Frobisher's atoniagay, "a foote", suggests atorniagai, "the ones he uses".

APPENDIXES 235

I visualize the man whose foot was a property of the performance as sitting or
lying in such a way that the questioner, who intended to touch, or to point at,
a foot as a whole, did really touch or seem to point to the sole of a shod foot.
What the Eskimo would then say is atungain, "your boot sole"; in the Baffin
dialect it would sound like atungai, which is not far from atoniagay.

With regard to the last word in the Frobisher list, accaskay, "a shippe", Thal-
bitzer makes no suggestion. I make one, most tentative.

No word meaning a ship, boat, or anything related, has (to the best combing
of my wits) a sound resembling accaskay. However, the Mackenzie Eskimos and
some others have an exclamation aka or akali which they use for things that seem
to them overwhelmingly large. The Frobisher ships were overwhelmingly large
to people used only to small skin canoes.

On rare occasions I have heard a second exclamation ki coupled with aka.
The English ear, more than most European, is inclined to hear an "s" or "sh"
sound (as in the above case where Mr Arey got the sound of "sh" in the name
of his wife though Mikkelsen and I failed to hear it) . Akaki might sound to an
Englishman like akashki or akaski, whereupon you are near Frobisher's accaskay.

We repeat: this, about accaskay, is mere speculation. One might say almost
anything while looking at a ship.

The word taken to mean "a king", or to be the name of a particular Eskimo
king, is given by Best as catchoe, by Settle as cacough, and by a German translation
from the French as cacouche. In the French version it is cacoughe.

If we take the word as a designation of rank, there appears no ready corre-
spondence with a known term of the present. The nearest is the Mackenzie River
Eskimo katatje {katache), which they use for the ranking trader of the Hudson's
Bay Company. This, however, is certainly a loan word.

Failing, then, to identify the word with a known Eskimo term, we fall back
on the idea that what the Frobisher documents report is a personal name. I do
not recall any Eskimo name that bears a close resemblance.

For the man, woman, and child captured and brought to England, the names
in the documents are :

Man's name : Callicho {aV Cally Chough) — Seyer's Memoirs Hist, and Topograph, of Bristol.

Callicho — Seyer's Annals of Bristol, which has a note on the man's
name: "Callichog, called Cully Cla."

Calichoe — -French edition of 2nd voyage (Settle).
Woman's name: Ignorth — Seyer's Annals of Bristol.

Ignorth — -Seyer's Memoirs Hist, and Topograph, of Bristol.

Egnoge — French edition of 2nd voyage (Settle).
Child's name: Nutioc — French edition of 2nd voyage (Settle).

The name for the man is difficult in all its forms. Probably it is a real name
and at present not identifiable with certainty.

236 APPENDIXES

What the English took to be the name of the woman is clearly just the Eskimo
word for woman. At present this is spelled arnak for Greenland in the Danish
orthography. In my own early notes of the Mackenzie dialect the word sometimes
appears agnak. The French form egnoge is just about what one might expect if
a modern tourist wrote the Mackenzie Eskimo word.

What was taken as the name of the child, Nutioc, is the Eskimo word for child,
nutaak {nuta{r)ak).

John Dee says^ that the Eskimos who were brought to England called their
land Pygfnenai, Pyckenay, or Pycknea. This may, of course, be some rather inadequate
phonetic representation of an Eskimo name, but more likely it is the locative
case of the Eskimo /)/^fl, "up there". When asked where something is, Eskimos
may well reply, />zA:a;z? (Dee's Pyckenay), which, while it literally means "up there",
is understood to mean "up on the high land". This the English might well
mistake for the name of a district.

John Dee says that the Eskimo captive denied that there was gold "up there"
[Pyckenay) but pointed towards a place which he called Mania. This Dee thinks
may have been intended for Ania or Anian, a name (for a country or a strait)
that preoccupied Elizabethans. The likely explanation seems that when Dee was
questioning the Eskimo there was before them some sort of map,^ and that the
Eskimo, putting his finger on a district farther west than Frobisher Bay, used the
expression mani, meaning "here".

1 E. G, R. Taylor: Tudor Geography, 1485-1583, London, 1930, p. 276.

2 Travellers have reported from the Eskimos of various districts their immediate understanding
of maps and their ability to draw enlightening representations of lands and waters with which
they are familiar.

APPENDIX 8

THE ESKIMOS BROUGHT TO ENGLAND BY FROBISHER

On the first voyage one Eskimo was captured, and, according to Best's account,
"when he founde himself in captivitie, for very choller and disdain, he bit his
tong in twayne within his mouth : notwithstanding, he died not thereof, but lived
untill he came in Englande, and then he died of colde which he had taken at
sea". Michael Lok says that since so many "strange tales and fayned fables"
had been reported "of this strange man", he thinks it well to declare the truth
concerning his "personage and manners". This he proceeds to do.^

Apparently, however, this native did not survive long enough to be extensively
exhibited or to arouse the wide interest throughout Europe which the man,
woman and child captured on the second voyage excited. Of their capture we
have the two first-hand accounts of Best and Settle. The man lived about two
months after they were brought to England, and the woman and child survived
only a brief time after that. "Doctor Doddyngs Report", first printed from the
MS. in the Hakluyt Society Frobisher's Three Voyages (Collinson), pp. 189-91,
and in this edition, pp. 135-37, shows that the poor man died of pneumonia.^

The French edition of Settle's account of the second voyage inserts original
material, which the editor says he thought worthy of inclusion and which he
has been assured is true. (See p. 226 this edition.) The account follows :

Le sauvage, & la femme avec son enfant, qu'on avoit admenez de ce pays barbare,
& nouvellement descouvert, fut presente a la Royne,^ & s'attendoit on bien, qu'a leur
arrivee ils d'eussent monstrer quelques gestes & fagons de faire estranges: mais ils se
maintindrent tousiours selon leur coustume, & n'apperceut on rien de change en eux,
sinon qu'on voyoit bien a leur maintien & contenance, que comme sauvages, tels qu'ils
estoyent, ils s'esbaissoyent fort de voir les personnes.

Ils firent entendre, tant par signes que de bouche, que I'homme avoit nom Calichoe,
la femme Egnoge, & son petit enfant Nutioc.

Tout le plaisir & passe-temps qu'on peut jamais recevoir de ce sauvage fut, qu'estans
a Bristowe, comme if eust veu monter a cheval le trompette du Capitaine Forbisher, il en
voulut faire de mesme : mais il se mit tout a rebours, tournant le face devers la queue,
& se resiouissoit fort de voir gambader ce cheval.

Tant qu'il vescut la Royne luy otroya de tirer sur la reviere a tous oiseaux, voyre
mesme aux cignes, dont la Tamise est quasi toute couverte, se que sans la permission
de sa-dicte Maieste seroit un cas pendable.

On nourrissoit ces poures barbares a leur facon accoustumee : a scavoir de chair crue.
lis tuerent une fois un dain, & mangerent toutes les entrailles avec la fiente.

^ Richard Collinson: The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, London, 1867, p. 87; vol. i, p. 166,
this edition.

2 According to the Doctor's report, he regrets not so much the death of the man as that the
opportunity of seeing him has been taken away from the Queen.

238 APPENDIXES

Si ne les peut on garder gueres de temps en vie : car tost apres leur arrivee, le sauvage
& la femme moururent, I'aissant a elle survivant son enfant aage de quatorze a quinze
moys.

This account is also in the German and the Latin translations of the French
version.

A similar account is given in "Les Trois Navigations de Martin Frobisher",
pp. 78-9, Recueil d' arrests et autres pieces pour I'etablissement de la Compagnie d' Occident,
published in Amsterdam in 1720. This follows :

L'homme, la femme & I'enfant que Ton avoit pris aux sauvages furent presentes
a S.M. lis ne changerent point de contenance & ne temoignerent aucune surprise;
sinon qu'ils baisserent la vue devant ceux qui etoient la pour les voir.

Le sauvage voiant a Bristol le Trompette du General Frobisher a cheval, & voulant
en faire autant, s'y mit a rebours la face tournee du cote de la queiie. II prenoit beaucoup
de plaisir a voir sauter & caracoller le cheval.

Tout le terns que ce sauvage vequut la Reine lui donna la permission de tirer sur la
Tamise, a toute sorte d'Oiseaux & meme aux Cignes; quoique cela fut defendu a
d'autres.

On nourrit ces pauvres gens a leur maniere, c'est a dire avec de la viande crue. Aiant
tue une poule, ils la vuiderent aussi-tot & mangerent les entrailles avec I'ordure, sans
autre fa9on. Mais ils ne vequirent pas long-tems. lis moururent tous deux avant que
I'enfant eut atteint I'age de 15. mois.

According to Mr James Ross, F.L.A., Librarian of the City of Bristol, "Seyer's
Annals of Bristol, collected from various manuscripts, by S. S. MS. 1790" contains
the following account :

1577. Captaine Frobisher in a ship of our queenes of the burden of 200 tonnes came
into Kingrode from Cattai, who brought certaine (i) oare from thence, which was
esteemed to be very ritch and full of gowld : it was heavy and so hard that it would
strike fire like flint. Some of it was tried in our castell, and the rest sent to London,
where it was esteemed not worth the charges in refigning. They brought likewise a man
called (2) Callicho and a woman called Ignorth. They were savage (3) people and fed
only uppon raw flesh. The 9th. of October he rode in a litde (4) bote made of skinne
in the water at the backe, where he killed 2 duckes with a dart, and when he had done
carried his bote through the marsh upon his back. The like he did at the weare and
other places, where many beheld him. He would hit a ducke a -good distance of and not
misse. They died here within a month.

(i) supposed gold ore, which being tried in the castle proved not soe.

(2) Calhchog, called Cully Cla.

(3) they were clothed in staggs skins haveing noe linen nor woolen at all.

(4) the which was about fourteen feet long.

Seyer's Memoirs Hist, and Topograph, of Bristol and its Neighborhood, Bristol,

1821-23, Vol- 1I5 P- 247, gives the account as follows:

In the year 1578 a great ship of our Queen's called the Aid, al' the Ann, of 200 tons
(with a small barque, R'R') came into Kingroad from Cattaie, Martin Forbisher being

APPENDIXES 239

captain of her, after having attempted to find the Northwest passage to the East-Indies,
China, and Cattay. She brought certain ore, which was esteemed to be very rich and
full of gold ; heavy and so hard that it would strike fire like a flint. Some of it was tried
in our castle, and the rest sent to London, where it was esteemed not worth the charges
in refining. They brought with them a man of that country called Callicho (al' Cally
Chough) with his wife, called Ignorth, and a child. They were savage people, clothed
in Stag's skins, having no linen nor woollen at all-, and fed only upon raw flesh: she
suckled her child, casting her breasts over her shoulders. October gth, he rowed up
and down the river, at the Back of Bristol, it being high tide of sea, in a boat, the which -^
was about fourteen feet long, made of skins, in form like unto a large barge or trow,
but sharp at both ends, having but one round place for him to sit in; and as he rowed
up and down he killed a couple of ducks with his dart; and when he had done he carried
away the boat through the marsh on his back. The like he did at the Weare, and at
other places. Within one month they all three died. (These were Greenlanders or
Eskimaux). Also on May 31st, the said captain Forbisher set out on another voyage
to Cathay; but he returned without success.

APPENDIX 9

THE MYSTERY OF THE FROBISHER RELICS

After nearly three hundred years of doubt as to the precise location of the
Frobisher lands and seas, a conclusion was reached in 1 86 1-2 through the dis-
coveries of the American Charles Francis Hall. He found in what we now call
Frobisher Bay the earthworks of Europeans and such relics as proved that these
were the memorials of what is usually looked upon as the first great British
pioneering enterprise toward the discovery of a Northwest Passage.

In the disposition of the relics found, Hall was moved by sentiments of patriot-
ism, justice and caution. Because he was an American, he wanted the collection
for the United States; because Frobisher was English, Hall felt that Britain had
a claim; because they were precious, he wanted the relics to be doubly safe
through a double custody. He, therefore, selected in each of the two countries
for trustee a responsible and appropriate institution. He divided the collection,
sending part to the Smithsonian Institution of Washington, part to the Royal
Geographical Society of London.

The division had been fair, the assignment of responsibilities discreet. The
discretion availed nothing. Both collections are lost. Both institutions seem unable
to find out how the loss occurred.

Fox Bourne sums up the Frobisher-Hall relation in his English Seamen under the
Tudors, London, 1868, Vol. i, pp. 168-70:

Tudor Englishmen never returned to Meta Incognita; but many traces of their visit
were discovered by Captain C. F. Hall, the enterprising American explorer, in 1861
and 1862, nearly three centuries after the time to which they belong. In his journal of
April 9, 1 86 1, he says: "Among the traditions handed down from one generation to
another there is this, that many, very many years ago some white men built a ship on
one of the islands of Frobisher Bay and went away." While at Rescue Harbour he
reports: "I had several conversations with an intelligent Esquimau, who spoke of a
time long, long ago, when white men built a vessel on an island in the bay lower down
(Frobisher Bay) ; spoke also of brick, timber, chips, &c., as having been left there" {Life
with the Esquimaux, 1864, vol. i., pp. 271-272). Passing up the bay, one of his native
friends pointed out to him an island where "white men a long time ago had masted a
ship" (vol. i., p. 278). In May he met an old woman, who told him that "the white
men of the ships landed in Niountelik, an island near Oopungnewing", which Captain
Hall identifies with the Countess of Warwick's Island. "She then proceeded to say,
that upon Niountelik she had seen bricks and coal, and pieces of timber of various
sizes. She had also heard from Old Innuits that, many years before, ships had landed
there with a great number of people. I asked her if she knew how many ships had come
there? Her reply was, 'They came every year; first two, then three, then many — a
great many ships.' The old lady further informed me that frequently, in her lifetime,

APPENDIXES 241

she had seen wood, chips, coal, and bricks, and large pieces of very heavy stone, on the
island of Niountelik. I asked her what kind of stone it was, and to this she replied,
'It was black and very heavy. No Innuits had ever seen such kind of stones before.'"
Captain Hall adds, that this old woman told him also, "that further down the white
people took away two Innuits women, who never came back again; that five white men
were captured by Innuit people at the time of the appearance of the ships a great many
years ago; that these men wintered on shore; that they lived among the Innuits; that
they afterwards built a large boat, and put a mast into her, and had sails; that early in
the season, before much water appeared, they endeavoured to depart; that, in the effort,
some froze their hands ; but that finally they succeeded in getting into open water, and
away they went, which was the last seen or heard of them" (vol. i., pp. 302-304). On
another day Captain Hall says that, while conversing with two Esquimaux, one of them
showed him a piece of bright-coloured brick. " I then asked whence they got it; and both
Innuits pointed to the island Niountelik, which was less than half a mile from where we
stood." Another Esquimau, to whom he showed it, said, "Many of my acquaintances
up the inlet have pieces of the same kind that came from that island" (vol. i., pp. 315,
316). In August Captain Hall carefully explored this island in search of Frobisher
remains. There he found large quantities of coal, covered with moss and grass, but no
other relics (vol. ii., pp. 77-80). In September he explored a neighbouring island, called
by the natives Kodlunarn, and supposed by him to be the Countess of Warwick's Island.
There he found "an excavation eighty-eight feet long and six feet deep", which he
supposed to be one of Frobisher's fancied gold mines; also "coal, flint-stone, fragments
of tile, glass and pottery; a trench made by the shore on an inclined plane, such as is
used in building a ship on the stocks ; the ruins of three stone houses, one of which was
twelve feet in diameter, with palpable evidence of its having been erected on a founda-
tion of stone, cemented together with lime and stone; and some chips of wood found on
digging at the base of the ship's trench". On the same island he discovered "iron time-
eaten, with ragged teeth, weighing from fifteen to twenty pounds, on the top of a granite
rock, just within reach of high tide at full change of moon". "This island", he says,
"is generally called Kodlunarn, because white men lived on it, and built stone houses
and also a ship. From what I saw that day I was fully convinced that many, very many
years ago, men of civilization did live upon the island, and that they did build a vessel,
probably a schooner, there" (vol. ii., pp. 150-153). On another island in the same bay
he found more coal, as much, he thought, as about five tons, "also a little pile of fiint-
stones, similar to those discovered in the coal at Niountelik, and in the cement of the
stone-house ruins at Kodlunarn"; and nearly fifteen inches below the surface of the
ground, "a large chip, imbedded in the coal, which had the appearance of having been
chopped out of a large piece of oak timber with an axe" (vol. iii., p. 157). On another
visit to Kodlunarn, "a piece of iron, semi-spherical in shape, weighing twenty pounds,
was discovered under the stone that had been excavated for the 'ship's way', and many
other small pieces were found at the head of the trench : fragments of tile were found
all over the island, and numerous other relics, indicating that civilized men had visited
the place very many years ago" (vol. ii., p. 161). In June 1862, Captain Hall received ■
two other relics from Kodlunarn, a piece of very old brick or tile, two inches long, one
inch thick, and one and a half wide, and a musket ball. "The ball had several small in-
dentations upon its surface, and the whole of it was covered with a white coat (oxide of
lead), in consequence of long exposure. It is i i/20ths of an inch in diameter" (vol. ii.,

Fvir

242 APPENDIXES

p. 283). In July he went again to Kodlunarn, and there saw "very clear evidences of the
existence of a blacksmith forge or a furnace" (vol. ii., p. 293).

I have quoted, for the most part, in Captain Hall's own words, and in chronological
order, his account of his discoveries of Frobisher relics, which are now lodged in the
Greenwich Hospital Museum.

Rear- Admiral G. H. Davis in his Narrative of the North Polar Expedition . . .
Charles Francis Hall Commanding, Washington, 1876, gives on p. 192 a telegram
from Hall to Henry Grinnell and Gyrus W. Field :

I am bound for the States, to renew voyage, have not prosecuted my mission to the
extent proposed on account of loss of craft; but thank God he has empowered me to
do something; have solved the mysteries of near three centuries relative to Sir Martin
Frobisher's expeditions under the auspices of Queen Elizabeth; have learned the fate
of the five men captured from Frobisher by the Esquimaux ; identified the exact places
\, of his landings, especially the Countess of Warwick's Sound, where Frobisher attempted
to plant a colony of one hundred men; recovered therefrom, and have them on board,
a large number of relics of said expeditions ; have explored over one thousand miles of
coast, including the so-called Frobisher's Straits, which I have discovered to be a bay
terminating in latitude 63° 48' north, longitude 70° west; have also discovered a great
glacier and a mountain of fossils between Hudson's Strait and Frobisher's Bay.

Davis then goes on to say :

Of the relics referred to in this telegraphic dispatch, a part were transmitted to the
British people through the Royal Geographical Society of London, and a portion were
sent to Prof. Joseph Henry, to be deposited in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington.
A full list of those deposited with the Royal Geographical Society will be found in the
Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, edited by Rear- Admiral Collinson, C.B., for the
Hakluyt Society. A number of those belonging to the Smithsonian Institution, together
with interesting remains of Parry's, Franklin's, Rae's, and McClintock's expeditions,
form part of the Arctic collection exhibited by the United States Naval Observatory at
the International Exhibition of 1876 in Philadelphia.

Professor J. E. Nourse in Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by C. F.
Hall, Washington, 1879, pp. 7-8, and in American Explorations in the Ice ^ones,
Boston, 1884, p. 203, confirms the above. He also quotes a letter to Hall from
John Barrow (pp. 13-14 of the Narrative), who says he thinks the relics ought to
go to Greenwich Hall or to the Royal United Service Institution with the Franklin
relics. A footnote quotes a letter to Grinnell from Barrow (April, 1863) which
contains a remark that at that time the relics were being exhibited at the rooms of
the Royal Geographical Society. Nourse mentions the Smithsonian's loan of the
Frobisher relics to the U.S. Naval Observatory collection at the International
Exhibition.

Gollinson (p. xiv) says (1867) that the relics "are now deposited at the Royal
Geographical Society", and gives (in an appendix) Hall's "Descriptive Cata-
logue" of them.

APPENDIXES 243

While Fox Bourne states that in his time (1868) they were "lodged in the
Greenwich Hospital Museum", most writers (probably depending upon Collin-
son) appear to be under the impression that they are in the museum of the Royal
Geographical Society. As late as 1933, Sir William Foster [England's Quest of
Eastern Trade, London, 1933, p. 55, note) writes that the Hall relics of Frobisher
"are now to be seen in the museum of the Royal Geographical Society".

Enquiry reveals, however, that the Society knows nothing of their where-
abouts, nor does the British Museum. The National Maritime Museum thinks
they may have had them till 19 14, when their fourteen rooms of exhibits were
reduced to four, and that probably the contents of the remaining ten rooms were
handed over to the Greenwich Hospital Department at the Admiralty, From
that Department, however, comes the statement that they "can trace no informa-
tion regarding the relics . . . nor is there any local record to indicate that they
were ever on exhibition in the Painted Hall of Greenwich Hospital or in the Royal
Naval Museum". So we come to a dead end in Britain.

A search in the United States for traces of the relics has proved equally fruitful
in clews and equally fruitless in results. Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical
History of the United States, Boston and New York, 1884, Vol. iii, Gh. 3, pp. 89-104,
states that some of the Frobisher relics were sent to England and "others are
deposited in the National Museum at Washington". For the latter point he cites
as authority the Semi-Annual Report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society
for October, 1882, p. 131. Investigation of this reference shows the following:

Without enumerating the illustrations of natural history in the possession of the
Smithsonian, or objects of curiosity, like the portion of the original steam engine of John
Fitch, or the relics of the Frobisher expedition to Greenland, more than three hundred
years ago, brought home by Captain Hall of the Polaris, or the relics of Sir John Franklin
obtained from the Eskimos of the Mackane River region, we may refer merely to such
objects as may illustrate human history and aid its intelligent student.

Enquiry brings (August 12, 1935) from the United States National Museum
of the Smithsonian Institution the statement that: " . . .a very careful search has
been made of our records but we find no evidence that any relics of this gallant
explorer were ever deposited here."

And again (August 28, 1935) :

. . .a very thorough and careful search has been made of our records and of the
specimens rec'eived by us from the Polaris Expedition but unfortunately without any
success so far as Frobisher relics are concerned. On one list there is mention of a single
specimen as follows: "Iron bloom, obtained from Countess of Warwick Sound where
it was made by Frobisher in 1578, searching for gold." A careful examination of the
specimens, however, fails to reveal any object answering to this description.

A letter from the U.S. Naval Observatory states that they have "no record
of the present location of the Frobisher relics or of the Observatory having

16-2

244 APPENDIXES

received these relics from the Smithsonian Institution after they were exhibited
at the International Exhibition of 1876", and suggests "the possibility that these
relics might be among those exhibits that have been kept in Memorial Hall in
Philadelphia since the Exhibition of 1876".

A letter to the Director of Memorial Hall brought a reply from the Pennsylvania
Museum of Art that "the relics of the Frobisher expedition are not in our custody.
I have tried, I am afraid unsuccessfully, to secure some clue as to their where-
abouts, having talked with our Historical Society and other institutions in
Philadelphia".

From the Library of Congress :

I am sorry to say that eflforts I have made in several directions, in the attempt to locate
the Frobisher relics, have been without result. As General Greely, in his article on Hall,
printed in the Dictionary of American Biography, mentions the relics, and is likely to have
seen them here in Washington, it occurred to me that he might be of assistance in the
matter . . . .^ Incidentally, in connection with this matter, I have been going through
the Report of the Board on behalf of United States Executive Departments at the Inter-
national Exhibition, held at Philadelphia, Pa., 1876, the second volume of which con-
tains a "Catalogue of the Articles and Objects Exhibited by the Navy Department at
the Exhibition, Including Catalogue of Objects Presented to the United States by the
Emperor of Siam". In this catalogue, Section II, Class J has the heading "Relics".
No mention of Frobisher, or of the relics, is made under either heading ; Hall's name
appears several times under the first heading; the only relics mentioned in Class L are
given under the sub-heading "Relics of Capt. Paul Jones, of the Continental Navy".

It is a remote possibility that the relics may be in the Library of the United States
Naval Academy at Annapolis.

On the said remote possibility an enquiry was made of Rear-Admiral D. F.
Sellers, Superintendent of the United States Naval Academy, who replied in part :

According to our records, none of these Frobisher relics were ever at the Naval
Academy nor are their whereabouts known. The only Hall relics we have are the flag
used at his funeral in Greenland, and a photograph of the Hall Polar Exhibit at the
Centennial International Exhibition in Philadelphia, 1876. It is possible that certain
of the Frobisher relics appear in this photograph, but we have no means of identifying
them, nor is their disposition after the close of the Exhibition known.

Since Baffin Island is part of Canada, it seemed possible that the Canadian
Archives might yield something, but an inquiry made of the Archivist brought
the reply that "this Department does not seem to possess any additional in-
formation".

Confirmation of Hall's testimony about the Eskimo traditions of Frobisher's
visit is found on p. 23 o^ Southern Baffin Island, an Account of Exploration, Investigation
and Settlement during the Past Fifty Tears, Department of the Interior, Canada;

^ A later letter from the same authority states : " General Greely . . . , in response to my inquiry,
much regrets that he has no information as to the present location of the relics."

APPENDIXES 245

North West Territories and Yukon Branch, Ottawa, 1930 (edited by A. E.
Millward) :

It was in 1894 that the Rev. (Dr) E. J. Peck arrived in Baffin island. Ever since 1876
Dr Peck had pursued his missionary labours among the natives of Little Whale river,
and Great Whale river, Hudson bay; and at Fort Ghimo and vicinity, Ungava bay,
northwest of Labrador. He had become expert in the Indian and Eskimo languages. . . .
At last the opportunity arose through the generosity of Mr Noble . . . (who) had just
completed the purchase of the whaling station at Blacklead island in Cumberland
sound ....

. . . One of the first things Dr Peck did on his arrival was to take a census of Blacklead
island, and he found that the population numbered 171. Later on, as he became better
acquainted with the Baffin Island Eskimos he discovered that they had oral accounts
handed from generation to generation referring to the Frobisher expedition in Queen
Elizabeth's time ....

In 1927 the Rawson-MacMillan Sub-Arctic Expedition of the Field Museum,
Chicago, visited Frobisher Bay. Dr Duncan Strong, now Anthropologist of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, went with this expedition as archaeologist. We
are permitted to use here a valuable unpublished statement by him on the
Frobisher site :

The remoteness of Sir Martin Frobisher's settlement on Baffin Island is strikingly
indicated by the fact that since its abandonment eighty years after the time of Columbus
the site has been visited and reported upon by only two expeditions. The first of these
consisted of a single white man and his Eskimo companions. This daring explorer.
Captain Charles Francis Hall, while searching for possible survivors of Sir John Franklin's
ill-fated expedition, heard an Eskimo tradition that white men had once lived on a
certain island in Frobisher Bay. It was an old, old story that the Eskimo had learned
from their forefathers. To leave no stone unturned, however. Captain Hall went with
them to Kodlunarn, "white man's island", and found indubitable proof that here was
the spot where Sir Martin Frobisher had carried on his mining operations three centuries
before. That was in 1 86 1 . {H.a.\l,Life with the Esquimaux, Vo\s.ia.nd 11, 1864.. Seemap, end
of Vol. I.) In 1927, the Rawson-MacMillan Sub-Arctic Expedition of the Field Museum
again visited this lonely little island. As archeologist of the expedition I checked Hall's
description but so completely and accurately had he done his work that our visit, guided
by his maps, could add little more than confirmation of all that he had reported. (Science,
Vol. Lxvi, no. 1709, pp. 295-296, 1927, and American Anthropologist, n.s.. Vol. 30, no. i,
p. 173, 1928.)

KodLunarn-is a low lying, little island in the Countess of Warwick Sound. This body
of water, named after one of Frobisher's patronesses, forms a southeastern extension of
the great bay which bears his name. The island has a rocky surface of less than twenty
five acres, is without fresh water, and supports no vegetation other than trailing ground
willows, mosses and lichens. A more forbidding place for residence it is hard to imagine.
Even during the brief arctic summer its barren, rock strewn surface offers little protection
from the strong winds and in winter it must be desolation incarnate. It was undoubtedly
selected because it contained iron pyrites deposits, the well known "fool's gold", and
because it offered some measure of defense in summer. During the long winter, when

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APPENDIXES 247

the bay and land surfaces are both frozen, even these advantages would have been
lacking.

We landed on the north shore where a steep bank of about thirty feet rises from a small
gravel beach that is exposed at low tide. Here we found a deep, artificial canal some
150 feet long and from 15 to 20 feet deep, opening to the sea. This channel runs from
northwest to southeast and opens into the most protected part of the bay, i.e. toward
the nearest mainland. Along the sides of this "ship's trench" the excavated rock had
been piled up in two great dykes. Here Hall found a large piece of iron pinned between
the great boulders but we found no artifacts of any sort. This trench, cut from solid
rock, represents a vast amount of labor. We were on the island while the tide was
ebbing hence the "canal" was dry. However, Hall states that the channel is entered
by the sea during a full or changing tide. This may have been one of Frobisher's mining
trenches but it seems more probable that it served as a dry dock for repairing his small
vessels. Hence the Eskimo tradition of boat-building on the island.

The foundations of the plastered house built by Frobisher's masons are still visible
on top of the small hill near the center of the island. This hill, the only one on the island,
commands an excellent view. The top of the hill is flat and near the center of this small
area is a definite foundation of rocks joined by plaster covering a space about 12 feet
long and 8 feet wide. This is covered at present by many boulders and by moss and lichens.
Digging around these foundations we found much plaster, some of it carefully smoothed
as though for inside finishing, fragments of porcelain, brick, coal, and a few flint "strike-
a-lights". One fragment of porcelain, now in my possession, has a dull black glaze with
metallic slag adhering outside the rim as though the vessel had served as a crucible.
Another porcelain fragment has an apple green glaze on the inner surface with a buff*
unglazed exterior. While these fragments of early white occupation are small and sparse
they serve definitely to confirm the interpretation put on these ruins by Captain Hall.
For nearly four hundred years the Eskimos have been visiting this place and picking up
whatever took their fancy or met their needs, but sufficient evidence still remained in
1927 to link the ruins inseparably with the activities of Sir Martin Frobisher.

Below the hill near the eastern shore, is a great artificial trench or "reservoir" about
100 feet long, 20 feet wide, and perhaps 12 feet deep. This and one or two other smaller
trenches would seem to be the surface-mines yielding the worthless iron pyrites with
which Frobisher twice loaded his ships. Between the "reservoir" and the "ship's
trench" to the north is another irregular boulder pile with evidences of old fires and
clinkers that mark an early structure of some sort. Hall calls this Frobisher's "shop"
or foundry, and such it may well have been. Elsewhere on the island are a few Eskimo
tent or "tupik" circles of boulders, as well as some stone meat caches, but the majority
of those native remains appear to be more recent than the Caucasian house foundations
and trenches. The latter bear mute witness to the great activity that reigned in this quiet
spot in 1577 and 1578, nearly half a century before the landing of the Pilgrims at Ply-
mouth.

Our visit and examination of this fascinating place was interrupted by observation
of a herd of walrus in the bay, and, since food for the sledge dogs during the coming
winter was essential, we hastily, albeit regretfully, left this little island with its silent
monuments of human courage, industry and gi'eed.

APPENDIX 10

THE FROBISHER MINERAL

The mineral of which a sample was brought back on the first Frobisher expedi-
tion, made Elizabethan history. Its composition is hard to determine from the
contemporary accounts, which are filled with the wildest exaggerations and come
out of a time when chemistry was still alchemy and anything that glittered might
easily be thought gold. Precautions, moreover, were taken by those in charge
of the expedition to keep the facts secret from possible rivals. George Best's
pretty story of the "piece of blacke stone much like to a sea cole in colour, which
by the waight seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall", and which a
gentlewoman, the wife of one of the adventurers, by chance "threw and burned
in the fire", and quenched with vinegar, so that "it glistened with a bright
marquesset of golde", is not confirmed by Michael Lok, to whom, after all, the
whole matter was a very earnest business. He contradicts Best by implication
when he states merely that Frobisher gave him the stone aboard his ship, in
accordance with a promise made to deliver to him the first thing that he found
in the new land.

The ore of the second expedition was evidently of more than one kind, for
"Burcot's" or "Burchard's" report (Richard Collinson, ed.. The Three Voyages
of Martin Frobisher, London, 1867, pp. 193-4) speaks of "the blacke ooyre" and
"one other redd ooyre". In Lok's charges against Frobisher made after the ore
had proved worthless, he accuses him of bringing back on the second voyage
"strainge ewr found by chaunce", and also "some stoanes of redde ewre and
yello ewer" which he "promised to the comissioneres that ther was mountaynes
therof " ; and on the third voyage of bringing not the same red and yellow ore,
but "other strainge ewr, wher he could fynd yt, w^^ he said was better than the
best that was brought the yeare befor".

In Nourse's Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition Made by Charles F. Hall
(Washington, 1879, Appendix III, pp. 553-83) is a discussion by Professor B. K.
Emerson "On the Geology of Frobisher Bay and Field Bay". The list of speci-
mens of rocks, minerals, and ores brought by Hall from Frobisher Bay is varied
and extensive. One specimen — "several pieces of magnetite in quartz; one part
of a large crystal with a piece of iron slag and two pieces of limpid quartz" — is
labelled by Hall: "Much like to a sea-coal in color. From Little Bay, Ek-ke-
lu-zhun, on cape or point where I found coal of Frobisher Expedition of 1578,
Tues. Sept. 24, '6r. Hall." Hall is quoted as saying of this find: "Embedded in
the rocks I found some heavy black substances, larger and more numerous than
any I had before seen. These I concluded might be the 'stone like to sea-coal'

APPENDIXES 249

described by Frobisher in the account of his voyages". Of the same sort of ore
Hall says, "This ore attracts and repels the magnetic needle about like iron.
It is very heavy".

Inquiry yields the following valuable statement from Mr Sharat K. Roy of
the Field Museum, who was geologist of the Rawson-MacMillan Sub- Arc tic
Expedition :

The fifteen hundred tons of rocks which Frobisher carried to England in his last two
voyages were supposed to be "much like sea cole in colour". They have been referred
to in literature as pyrites (fool's gold) and marcasites, both of which have the same
chemical composition (FeSg), but neither of them, even when badly tarnished, could
possibly resemble "sea cole" in color.

At Kodlunarn or White Man's Island (Countess of Warwick Island) I found several
loose pieces of "black rock", a sample of which I brought back. It is now here in the
Museum. Since this is the only black rock in the vicinity of Frobisher's activities that
might be compared to sea coal in color, I am inclined to think that this is the rock
that Frobisher dug up. Further, the rock is foreign to the rocks composing the island.
It must have been brought there by the crew from the mainland where it was mined.
The Eskimos, I am afraid, would not care to bring back a pile of black rocks and dump
them on the island just for the fun of it. The rock is not pyrite. It is composed mainly
of the minerals, amphiboles and pyroxenes, although it might contain small grains of
disseminated pyrite, for pyrite, as you know, occurs under practically all conditions and
in all situations. However, I do not think that this was the only rock that Frobisher took
home. The coasts of Frobisher Bay for the most part consist of Laurentian rocks, granites,
gneisses, schists and great variety of highly metamorphic rocks. It is quite likely that
Frobisher loaded his ships with different kind of rocks, particularly schists and gneisses
containing mica, which resembles gold.

Vice-Chancellor R. E. Priestley of the University of Melbourne, Australia,
geologist of the first Shackleton Expedition, writes of a mound of rock supposedly
dumped by Frobisher into Dartford harbour when it was proved worthless :
"A few years ago, in the course of drainage works, the curious-looking mound
of rock, of obviously foreign origin — now lying some distance inland — was
observed, and samples were sent to Cambridge for investigation." A fragment
of this he identifies as "A specimen of amphibolite mainly hornblende with a
little pyrites and brassy yellow mica".

The following extracts are used by permission from an interesting unpublished
paper, "Frobisher's Quest", by T. A. Rickard, mining engineer, geologist and
mineralogist (author of Man and Metals, etc.) :

According to George Best, who was Frobisher's lieutenant, the crew of the Gabriel
brought home various curiosities, among which were some pieces of "blacke stone much
lyke to a seacole in coloure, whiche by the waight seemed to be some kinde of mettall or
mynerall". By chance a piece came into the hands of the wife of one of the adventurers,
or syndicate members, and she, by another strange chance, threw it into the fire; after
it had been thoroughly heated, she took it forth and quenched it in a little vinegar.

250 APPENDIXES

whereupon it "glistened with a bright marquesset of gold". Here forthwith we face
one of the many perplexing questions presented by the story of Frobisher's quest for a
gold mine. If it was black, like coal, and seemed like an ore, what was it? Probably
a manganiferous ironstone, that is to say, it was broken from an outcrop of rock con-
taining a good deal of iron oxide blackened mixed with manganese dioxide. Ridges
or hillocks of such mineral are to be seen in many places in different parts of the world.
What mineral would show gold merely by being heated in a fire? The telluride of gold,
such as is mined at Cripple Creek, in Colorado, and at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia,
as well as in the classic mining regions of Transylvania. The heat volatilizes the tellurium
as an oxide and leaves the gold like a dew upon the roasted mineral. Was the stone a
piece of telluride ore? It is highly improbable ; it is much more likely that the story is
a concoction. None of it rings true. Why should the lady put it into vinegar, and if she
did, what would be the effect? Somebody must have been thinking of Hannibal and his
roadmaking.

The word "marquesset" and variants of it appear several times in the records of
Frobisher's fiasco, Forster, in his book of Arctic voyages, says that the mineral was a
"gold marcasite (Pyrites aureus), as it contained a considerable quantity of gold". But
it was black, like coal, and therefore could not have been marcasite, which is pale yellow.
To the mineralogist today, marcasite is the so-called white iron pyrite, identical in
composition, iron bisulphide, with pyrite, but differing in crystallization. In the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries the word marcasite, variously spelled, meant a mineral
containing some metal of negligible value. Thus Woodward in his Natural History of the
Earth, published in 1695, says that "a common marcasite or pyrites shall have the colour
of gold most exactly, and yet yield nothing of worth, but vitriol (sulphuric acid) and a
little sulphur". Probably the lady, Frobisher's friend, meant that the stone was covered
with a film or sheen of gold. Even today imitation (steel) diamonds on clasps and ear-
rings are called "Marquesite". The idea is the same. The derivation of the word is
unknown.

Apropos of the assaying of the ore, Rickard says :

. . . We must remember that at that time the art of assaying was but little understood
and was grafted upon the hocus-pocus of so-called alchemy, which, as Walsingham sug-
gested more than once, was rightly suspect. How many of the supposed experts really
knew how to make an assay, we cannot tell. How could an assay be made in Winter's
own house without building a furnace? No mention is made at any time by Lok or
Winter of seeing any furnace, nor is there any hint of the method employed to ascertain
the contents of the ore. On the other hand, what motive could Agnello have for making
false statements concerning the richness of the ore? Had he fooled himself? Some others,
according to Winter, had likewise found gold ; did they really find any? . . .

George Best, who recorded this voyage [the second] also, proceeds to say: "But oure
men which sought the other ilandes thereaboutes, found them all to have good store of
the ore, whereuppon our Generall with these good tidings retourned aboarde . . . and was
joyfully welcomed of the companie with a volie of shotte." N-ext day, on Hall's larger
island, "aswel as in the other small ilands" they found "good store of ore". Evidently
it was plentiful and lay in plain view.

Two days later, on another island, Frobisher, having landed "with his goldfinders
to searche for ore", found that "all the sands and cliftes did so glisten and had so bright

APPENDIXES 251

a marquesite, that it seemed all to be golde, but upon tryal made, it proved no better
than black leade and verified the proverb — All is not golde that shineth".

This shining substance may be supposed to have been mica, but the finding of "black
leade" is perplexing. Black lead, the mineral of which pencils are made, is graphite,
a form of carbon. Such pencils were not in use at that time, so we must conclude that
the metal lead is meant, in distinction to tin. In Latin, until the fifth century, tin was
plumbum album and lead was plumbum nigrum. Probably the pseudo-experts, in reporting
to Frobisher, used the Latin term for lead. But lead is not found as metal in nature,
or so rarely as not to be worth mentioning in this context. The shiny mineral of lead is
galena, the sulphide, which has no resemblance to gold. Again we must fall back on the
assumption that Frobisher's metallurgists did not know their business.

The next statement seems more convincing. Upon the island named after the Countess
of Wai-wick, "was found good store of the ore, which in the washing helde gold plainly
to be seen; whereupon it was though te beste rather to load here, where was store and
indifferent good than to seek further for better". Whereupon Frobisher put the miners
to work, setting an example himself how to do so efficiently. But was it gold that was
disclosed by the washing of this ore? Subsequent happenings suggest that it was not
gold, but possibly either iron pyrite or copper pyrite, small particles of which, yellowish
and shining, might be mistaken for the real thing by people that knew no better.
Frobisher and his men, from our point of view, were lamentably ignorant. As to the
"miners", it was asserted later that the men brought from the "west countrie", Devon
and Cornwall, were "showmakers, tay lores, and other artificers", because the real
miners were intimidated by the commissioners, and withdrew from the expedition.

Three weeks later the ore had been put aboard. "Having onely with five poore miners
and the helpe of a few gentlemen and souldiers brought aboorde almost twoo hundreth
tunne of gold ore in the space of twenty dayes ... It was now good time to leave ; for,
as the men were wel wearied, so their shoes and clothes were well worne, their baskets
bottoms torne out, their tools broken, and the shippes reasonably well filled." The
panniers were worn out, and the points of their picks were broken. Did they have any
drills? Probably not. The inability to repair tools is significant.

The above excerpts come from the account written by George Best. Another
Chronicler, Dionese Settle, appears to have been sceptical as to the treasure hunt. He
says: "Our captain returned to the ship, with report of supposed riches, which shewed
itself in the bowels of these barren mountains wherewith we were all satisfied." And
later he remarks: "The stones of this supposed continent with America be altogether
sparkled, and glisten in the sun like gold; so likewise doth the sand in the bright water,
yet they verify the old proverb, 'all is not gold that glisteneth'." To which I may add,
that there is gold in sea-water and silver in the moonbeams.

One hundred and forty tons of ore was brought to England as the product of this
second voyage. The ore was deposited for safekeeping in the castle at Bristol. A furnace
was built at Sir William Winter's house by a man named Jonas Shuts, a variant of Schutz,
evidently a German, or, as they would call him in those days, a Dutch mineral-man. He
smelted a hundredweight of the ore and showed it to contain gold worth £i\o. This
German metallurgist had appeared on the scene just before Frobisher sailed on his
second voyage; he had assisted Agnello. We are told that "by the meanes of the learninge
of the sayd Baptista in alchimia and the knowledge of the said Jonas (the chroniclers
of the time use Christian names like a Rotarian) in myneralls and mettalls handelinge.

252 APPENDIXES

the verye firste gold was founde and discoueryed by them too bee in the first peace of
ewer which Mr, Frobisher brought home in his first voyage". Lok and his firiends had
been so much impressed by Jonas Shots (so his name is spelt this time) that it was agreed
he "shoulde goe one the voyadge as chiefe master of the mynes, and too bee chiefe
*^ workemaster therein above all other as well abroade as att home, and att his retorne
home too bee made denyson and to have a good pension for his enterteynement during
his lyfe". He certainly had convinced them that he was the real thing. The word
"denyson" is a variant of "denizen" (from the French dans, within) and means that as
a foreigner he was to be admitted to residence in England.

When Jonas smelted another hundredweight of the ore at Sir William Winter's place,
he obtained the same result. The yield was at the rate of "better than xl li. (eleven
/ pounds) the toune in pure golde ". He was about to go to Bristol to erect " greate workes ",
a large smelter, but the Lords (of the Council) were not satisfied, presumably because
most of the estimated yield of gold remained inj;he slag, of which Jonas said that he
could treat it only in the "greate workes", which were to be built at Dartford. Mean-
while, further doubt was cast upon Mr Jonas's doings "becavse the goldesmithes and
goldefynders of London and many other namyd counynge menn had made many
prooffes of the ewer and could funde noe whitt of goold therein". Here again we have
^ a suggestion of chicanery on the parts of Jonas and Baptista. Upon the 12th of February,
Jonas "did melt coune C G of the ewer for his theird prooffe at the house of Sr Wm
Winter with great danger of his lyflfe thoroughe the smoke, and at the second tyme of
the mealtinge thereof the i8th February yt succeaded verye well in the presens of the
Commissioners, found oz/ 6-1/3 of silver and goold mixed, but a half of this was sonke
in the test", which word might indicate some process of cupellation. It was a sorry
effort. We need not be surprised to learn that Mr Jonas became ill, and that his experi-
ments ceased for a time.

The affair was not going well. Whatever the purported assays, the results of smelting
did not tally, either because the gold was not in the mineral or because most of it passed
into the slag. Winter writes, in December, that "thus is moche tyme passed awaye and
money spent, and yet our expectation not satisfied ". Jonas was perplexed. "He sayethe
that this here new proved ore (that is, the ore recently tested) is poore in respect of (in
comparison with) the pece of ure brought last yere, and of sum other brought this yere,
and of that which he knowethe may be brought the next yere (how could he say this
unless he had been a member of the second expedition?), and that it is of a strange
nature, suche as he is not well acquaynted withall; but he douteth not in the great work
(probably meaning the smelting plant), he will learne to know it parfectlye."

Jonas was not without a rival. Some of the ore was given for trial to a man named
Dr Burcott, who, it was detected, added a strange flux which he called "ewer of anty-
monie", but which he said "held noe manner of mettell at all". However, a piece of
it was obtained surreptitiously, and, when assayed, there was "found therein boethe
siluer, 30 ouncs in a tonn, and some copper, and verye muche leade". In plain English,
/-" the Doctor had salted the Frobisher ore by additament of mineral rich in silver.

Dr Rickard believes that "we are forced to conclude that the story of the Arctic
gold mine is a compound of ignorance and knavery".

APPENDIX II

The report of Thomas VViars pafTenger in the Emanuel, otherwife called

the Bujfe of Bridgewater, wherein lames Leech was Mafter, one of the fhips in the

laft Voyage of Mafter Martin Frobijher 1578. concerning the difcouerie of a great

Ifland in their way homeward the 12. of September.^

The BuJfe oi Bridgewater was left in B ear es found at Meta incognita, the fecond day of
September behinde the Fleete in fome diftrefle, through much winde, ryding neere
the Lee ftioare, and forced there to ride it out vpon the hazard of her cables and
anchors, which were all aground but two, The third of September being fayre
weather, and the winde North northweft ftie fet fayle, and departed thence, and
fell with Frijland on the 8. day of September at fixe of the clocke at night, and then
they fet off from the Southweft point of Frijland, the wind being at Eaft, and Eaft
Southeaft, but that night the winde veared Southerly, and fhifted oftentimes that
night : but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind at Weft northweft faire weather,
they fteered Southeaft, and by fouth, and continued that courfe vntil the 1 2 . day
of September, when about 11 . a clocke before noone, they defcryed a lande, which
was from them about hue leagues, and the Southermoft part of it was Southeaft by
Eaft from them, and the Northermoft next, North Northeaft, or Northeaft. The
Mafter accompted that the Southeaft poynt oi^ Frijland was from him at that inftant
when hee firft defcryed this new Iflande, Northweft by North, 50. leagues. They
account this Ifland to be 25. leagues long, and the longeft way of it Southeaft,
and Northweft. The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees and
r. fecond part, or there about. They continued in fight of it, from the 12. day at
a 1 1, of the clocke, till the 13. day three of the clocke in the after noone, when they
left it: and the laft part they faw of it, bare from them Northweft by North. There
appeared two Harboroughs vpon that coaft : the greateft of them feuen leagues to
the Northwards of the Southermoft poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was
very much yce neere the fame land, and alfo twentie or thrity leagures from it,
for they were not cleare of yce, till the 15. day of September after noone. They
plyed their Voyage homewards, and fell with the Weft part of Ireland about
Galivay, and had firft fight of it on the 25. day of September.

^ Printed by Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. ni, 1600, p. 44.

APPENDIX 12

Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Efquire, giuen
to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobijher in his North weft difcouerie,
for their directions : And not vnfit to be committed to print, confidering the fame
may ftirre vp confiderations of thefe and of fuch other things, not vnmeete in
fuch new voyages as may be attempted hereafter.^

That the firft Seate be chofen on the feaiide, fo as (if it may be) you may haue your
owne Nauie within Bay, riuer or lake, within your Seate fafe from the enemie : and
fo as the enemie fhalbe forced to lie in open rode abroade without, to be difperfed
with all windes and tempefts that Ihall arife. Thus feated you fhall be leaft fubiect to
annoy of the enemie, fo may you by your Nauie within paffe out to all parts of the
world, and fo may the Shippes of England haue accelfe to you to fupply all wants,
fo may your commodities be caryed away alfo. This feat is to be chofen in a
temperate Climat, in fweete ayre, where you may poffeffe alwayes fweete water,
wood, feacoles or turfe, with fifh, flefh, graine, fruites, herbes and rootes, or fo many
of thofe as may fuffice very neceffitie for the life of fuch as fhall plant there. And
for the polfeffing of mines of golde, of filuer, copper, quickfiluer, or of any fuch
precious thing, the wants of thofe needfull things may be fupplyed from fome other
place by fea, &c.

Stone to make Lyme of.

Slate ftone to tyle withall, or fuch clay as

maketh tyle,
Stone to wall withall, if Brycke may not

bee made,
Timber for buylding eafely to be con-

ueied to the place,
Reede to couer houfes or fuch Uke, if tyle

or flate be not.

The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without traffique, or
by traffique and by trade of marchandife. If they fhall liue without fea traffique,
at the firft they become naked by want of hnnen and woollen, and very miferable
by infinite wants that will otherwife enfue, and fo will they be forced of themfelues
to depart, or elfe eafely they will be confumed by the Spanyards, by the Frenchmen,
or by the naturall inhabitants of the countrey, and fo the enterprize becomes
reprochfull to our Nation, and a let to many other good purpofes that may be
taken in hand.

1 Printed by Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. iii, 1600, pp. 45-47.

are to be looked for as things without
which no Gitie may be made nor
people in ciuil fort be kept together.

APPENDIXES 255

And by trade of marchandife they can not Hue, except the Sea or the Land there
may yeelde commoditie. And therefore you ought to haue moft fpeciall regard of
that poynt, and fo to plant, that the naturall commodities of the place and feate
may draw to you acceffe of Nauigation for the fame, or that by your owne Nauiga-
tion you may cary the fame out, and fetch home the fupply of the wants of the feate.

Such Nauigation fo to be employed fhall, befides the fupply of wants, be able to
encounter with forreine force.

And for that in the ample vent of fuch things as are brought to you out oi England
by Sea, flandeth a matter of great confequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and
curtefie and much forbearing of reuenge to the Inland people be vfed : fo fhall you
haue firme amitie with your neighbours, fo fliall you haue their inland commodities
to mainteine traffique, and fo fhall you waxe rich and ftrong in force. Diuers and
feuerall commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your
hands, without the ayde of fome portable or Nauigable riuer, or ample lake, and
therefore to haue the helpe of fuch a one is moft requifite : And fo is it of effect for the
difperfmg of your owne commodities in exchange into the inlands.

Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiarity. For
fo may you beft difcouer all the natural comodities of their countrey, & alfo all
their wants, al their ftrengths, all their weakneffe, and with whom they are in
warre, and with whom confederate in peace and amitie, &c. which knowen you
may worke many great effects of greatefl confequence.

And in your planting the conlideration of the clymate and of the foyle be matters
that are to be refpected. For if it be fo that you may let in the fait fea water, not
mixed with the frefh into flats, where the funne is of the heate that it is at Rochel,
in the Bay of Portugal, or in Spaine, then may you procure a man of fkill, and fo
you haue wonne one noble commoditie for the fifhing, and for trade of marchandize
by making of Salt.

Or if the foyle and clymate be fuch as may yeeld you the Grape as good as that
at Burdeaux, as that in Portugal, or as that about Siuil in Spaine, or that in the
Iflands of the Canaries, then there refteth but a workeman to put in execution to
make WineSy and to drefle Religns of the funne and other, &c.

Or if ye finde a foyle of the temperature of the South part o( Spaine or Barbariem
the which you finde the Oliue tree to growe: Then you may be aflured of a noble
marchandize for this Realme, confidering that our great trade of clothing doeth
require oyle, and weying how deere of late it is become by the vent they haue of
that commoditie in the Weft Indies, and if you finde the wilde Oliue there it may
be graffed.

Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles, or any

Rootc, Berrie, Fruite, wood or earth fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitte

for our ftate of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the Weft Indies on that firme.

Or if you haue Hides of beafts fitte for fole Lether, &c. It will be a marchandize

256 APPENDIXES

right good, and the Sauages there yet can not tanne Lether after our kinde, yet
excellently after their owne manner.

Or if the foyle fhall yeeld Figges, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Orenges,
Lemonds, Potatos, &c. there may arife fome trade and traffique by Figs, Almonds,
Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, &c.

Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypres, chells may be made, if they be
of fome kinde of trees. Pitch and Tarre may be made, if they be of fome other, then
they may yeeld Rofin, Turpentine, &c. and all for trade and traffique, and Cafkes
for wine and oyle may be made, likewife fhips and houfes, &c.

And becaufe traffique is a thing fo materiall, I wifli that great obferuation be
taken what euery foyle yeeldeth naturally, in what commoditie foeuer, and what
it may be made to yeelde by indeuour, and to fend vs notice home, that thereupon
we may deuife what meanes may be thought of to raife trades.

Now admit that we might not be fuffered by the Sauages to enioy any whole
country or any more then the fcope of a citie, yet if we might enioy traffique, and
be alfured of the fame, we might be much inriched, our Nauie might be increafed,
and a place of fafetie might there be found, if change of religion or ciuil wanes
fhould happen in this realme, which are things of great benefit. But if we may
enioy any large territorie of apt foyle, we might fo vfe the matter, as we fhould not
depend vpon Spaine for oyles, facks, refignes, orenges, lemonds, fpanifh lldns, &c.
Nor vpon France for woad, bayfalt, and Gafcoyne wines, nor on Eajlland for flaxe,
pitch, tarre, maftes, &c. So we fhould not fo exhauft our treafure, and fo exceedingly
inrich our doubtfuU friends, as we doe, but fkould purchafe the commodities that
we want for Jialfe the treafure that now wee doe: and fhould by our owne induflries
and the benefites of the foyle there cheaply purchafe oyles, wines, fait, fruits, pitch,
tarre, flaxe, hempe, mafles, boords, fifh, golde, filuer, copper, tallow, hides and
many commodities: befides if there be no flatts to make fait on, if you haue plentie
of wood you may make it in fufficient quantitie for common vfes at home there.

If you can keepe a fafe Hauen, although you haue not the friendfhip of the neere
neighbours, yet you may haue traffique by fea vpon one fhore or other, vpon that
firme in time to come, if not prefent.

If you find great plentie of tymber on the fhore fide or vpon any portable riuer,
you were beft to cut downe of the fame the firft winter, to be feafoned for fhips,
barks, boates and houfes.

And if neere fuch wood there be any riuer or brooke vpon the which a fawing
mill may be placed, it would doe great feruice, and therefore confideration would
be had of fuch places.

And if fuch port & chofen place of fetling were in poffelfion and after fortified
by arte, although by the land fide our Englifhmen were kept in, and might not
enioy any traffique with the next neighbours, nor any victuals: yet might they
victuall themfelues of fifh to ferue very necelfitie, and enter into amitie with the

APPENDIXES 257

enemies of their next neighbours, and fo haue vent of their marchandize of England
& alfo haue victual, or by meanes hereupon to be vfed, to force the next neighbours
to amitie. And keeping a nauy at the fetling place, they fhould find out along the
tract of the land to haue traffique, and at diuers Iflands alfo. And fo this firft feat
might in time become a flapling place of the commodities of many countreys and
territories, and in time this place might become of all the prouinces round about
the only gouernour. And if the place firfl chofen fhould not fo well pleafe our
people, as fome other more lately found out : There might be an eafie remoue, and
that might be rafed, or rather kept for others of our nation to auoyd an ill neighbour.

If the foyles adioyning to fuch conuenient Hauen and fetling places be found
marfhie and boggie, then men fkilful in drayning are to be caryed thither. For arte
may worke wonderful effects therein, and make the foyle rich for many vfes.

To plant vpon an Ifland in the mouth of fome notable riuer, or vpon the point
of the land entring into the riuer, if no fuch Ifland be, were to great end. For if
fuch riuer were nauigable or portable farre into the land, then would arife great
hope of planting in fertil foyles, and traffike on the one or on the other fide of the
riuer, or on both, or the linking in amitie with one or other pettie king contending
there for dominion.

Such riuers found, both Barges and Boates may be made for the fafe pafTage of
fuch as fhall pierce the fame. Thefe are to be couered with doubles of courfe linnen
artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the fauage from the rower.

Since euery foile of the world by arte may be made to yeeld things to feede and
to clothe man, bring in your returne a perfect note of the foile without and within,
and we fhall deuife if neede require to amend the fame, and to draw it to more
perfection. And if you finde not fruites in your planting place to your liking, we
fhall in hue drifats furnifh you with fuch kindes of plants to be carryed thither the
winter after your planting, as fhall the very next fummer following yeeld you fome
fruite, and the yeere next following, as much as fhall fuffice a towne as bigge as
Calice, and that fhortly after fhall be able to yeeld you great flore of flrong durable
good fider^o drinke, and thefe trees fhall be able to encreafe you within leffe then
feuen yeeres as many trees prefently to beare, as may fuffice the people of diuers
parifhes, which at the firft fetUng may fland you in great ftead, if the foile haue not
the commoditie of fruites of goodneffe already. And becaufe you ought greedily to
hunt after things that yeeld prefent rehefe, without trouble of carriage thither,
therefore I make mention of thefe thus fpecially, to the end you may haue it
fpecially in minde.

Fvii 17

APPENDIX 13

frobisher's will

{By kind permission of the National Alaritime Museum)

3n tjje name of (Sob Smen The daye of in the yeere of our

Lord God on thowfande, fyue hundred, nynetye and fowre 3) Jflattin

jfrObiSlijet ^nig^t being in perfede healthe and of good remembrance
thancked be almightye god, w^^ good aduife & confideration do make and ordayne
this my laft will & teftament in writing in maner and forme following. That is to
faye Jf ir£ft I commend my foule into the handes of almightye god my maker,
hoping affuredlye throughe the onlye merryts of Jhefus Chrift my fauiour and
redeemer to be made pertaker of life euerlafting ^ntl as concerninge my bodye I
commend it to my mother the earthe from whence it came to be interred where it
Ihall pleafe god to call me at the difcretion and difpofition of my Executor. But
my will and mynde is, that the folemnization of my funeralls fhalbe kept at the
parifh Ghurche of Norman ton and my houfe called Frobifher Hall in Altoft in the
countye of Yorke. ^g towching prouifion to be had and made for Dame Dorothe
my welbeloued wife by this my laft will and teftament, my will and mynd is, and
by thefe prefents I will geue and bequeathe vnto the faide Dame Dorothe my wife,
in full recompence of all claymes challenges and demandes, whiche fhee maye
make vnto my goods, chattells or moueables whatfoeuer, either by common lawe,
cuftome or otherwife after my deceafe, (and in confideration fhee fhall refufe to
take, nor fhall take any other benefitte or profitte vfe or commoditye of my faid
goods or chattells, other then I fhall geue lymyt and appointe by this my laft will
and teftament) all her Jewells Cheines Bracelette, perles, buttons of gold and perie,
deleted in aglctts & ringes w^^ fhee hath now in her pofleflion. And I geue her all her all her
original deed, ^g^ring apparrell whatfoeuer. And afmuche of my plate whiche I now haue at my
howfe called Frobiftier hall in Altofts in the county of Yorke, as ftiall amounte to
the value of two hundred powndes, the on half thereof in filuer plate valued at fyue
ftiillings the ounce and the other halfe to be of parcel gilte, at fix fhillinge the
ounce in valewe. ^Isio I will geue and bequeathe to the faid Dame Dorothe my
wife the third part of all my lynnen, and naperye in the fame howfe being lying
or in vfe there to be equally deuided into three equall parts, of the worft a third
part, of the better forte a third parte, and of the beft fort a third part. And the
fame to be deliuered by my Executor yf he be then lyvinge, or by hym or them
w^'^ flialbe appointed by this my laft will to be a dealer heerin, my Executo"^ being
decealfed. Stem I geue, will, and bequeathe vnto the faid Dame Dorothe my wife
the bedftedds and bedds, with their furniture to them, which I left ftandinge lying
and being in that chamber of my faid howfe, wherein my faid wife doth vfually lie

APPENDIXES 259

and lodge in. And the bedfteds beds and their furniture, vs^^ I left (landing lying
and being in the chamber in my faid howfe wherein her daughter and weiting
women and chamber maides lye and lodge. And all fuche houfholdfluffe as I fhall
leaue at in & about my howfe in Walthamftow in the county of EITex and none
other Stent I geue will and bequeathe vnto her my faid wife my two Coaches w^^
their furniture, and my^two white Coachhorfes, and after y* the other horlfes
mares geldingC and colts mentioned, and perticulerly named lymitted or appointed
by me to others in this my will geuen, and they chofen out by my Executour to
difpofe them according to my faid will, then my will and mynd is that my faid
wife fhall make her choife out of all the reft & refidue of my faid horffes mares
gelding€ and colts of fixe w^h fhee fhall beft like of and them to take and haue to
her owne proper vfe for euer. HJtCltt I geue and bequeath vnto her my faid wife
ten of mylche kyne, and half the ftocke of fheepe fatte and leane whiche I haue,
to haue to her vfe as her owne goodes. ti)t refidue of all my Jewells, plate moneye
debte obligations, goods, chattels reall and perfonall, houlholdftuffe moueables,
& Implements of houfhold whatfoeuer I haue and w'^^ I haue not expreffely geuen
and before bequeathed and deuifed to the faid Dame Dorothe my wife by this my
will, I geue will and bequeathe toward the performance of my funeralls, payment
of my debts and fuche Legacies, as heerafter fhalbe by me in my teftament ex-
preffed lymitted and appointed to be paied and performed to Peter Frobifher
fonne to my eldeft brother John Frobifher deceaffed. Whiche faid Peter Frobifher
I ordeine appointe conftitute and make my fole Executour of this my prefent laft
will and teftament. And do make and appoint Frances Boynton of Barnifton in the
county of Yorke Efquire, and France Vaughan of in the fame Countye

Efquyre my Ouerfeers of this my faid laft will and teftament ^nb I geue to euery
of them one Colt fole of my turke to chufe them out amongfte my Coltf.

tElipg pg tt)e laSJt hjpU anb Wt^tammt of me the fayd Marten
Frobifher Knight towching and concerninge the difpofition of all my lands
tente hereditam^^ tithes and fee farmes, afwell thofe whiche I nowe haue in pof-
feffion as thofe whiche I haue to come in Reucon or Remainder whatfoeuer within
the Realme of England, jfirsft I will geue and deuyfe vnto Peter Frobifher being
fonne to my eldeft brother John Frobifher deceafed, for terme of his life, all my
Manno'" of Whitwood, with all the demefnes and fervices co''^'^ rente proffitte and
all other commodities, liberties royalties commons, fifhinge waters lands te\ite,
meadowes, feadinge paftures, wooddes vnderwooddes, mores, heathes, merfhes,
and all howfes edifices and byldinge whatfoeuer fcituate fette, & being in and
vpon the faid Manno^, and all other thapptennce, whatfoeuer, to the manno^
belonging appertayninge or heertofore haue been with the fame occupied letten
reputed or taken to be as part parcell or member of the faid manno'" with all other
hereditaments, Reuercon Reuercons, Remainder and Remainders. Whiche faid

17-2

260 APPENDIXES

Manno"* is fcituate lying and being in the parifhe fieldes or towne of Fetherftone in
the County of Yorke. And whiche, I late purchafed or had of our Soueraigne Lady
Queene Elizabethe to me and to my Heires, as by her Graces tres patents more at
large appeareth. And all that my houfe called or knowne by the name of Frobifher
hall, or called by any other name or names whatfoeuer fcituate fette and beinge in
Altofte in the parifhe of Normanton in the County of Yorke with all my landes
tentC medowes paflures woods vnderwooddes afwell freehold as coppyhold which
I haue in the Lordfhippe or manno^ of Altoftf or ellfwhere w^Mn the manno"^ of
warmfielde & heathe, and w^Mn any other towne field, parifhe, hamlett or any
other place in the faid County of Yorke, or by what name or names foeuer they be
called or knowne, or haue been knowen letten reputed or taken, w^'^ all and
finguler their appteiihcf, and all that my Manno'" or capitall meffuage called or
knowne by the name of Brockhellf, or by what other name or names foeuer it is or
hath been called or knowen. And all thofe my lands te\itC rentf reuercons or re-
uercon, remainder or remaynders, and all other hereditaments w^^ all and

finguler their appten"ncc whatfoeuer I haue fcituate fette lying or being, in the
parifhe towne fielde hamlet or circuyte of the parifhe or towne of Canteleye or in
any other towne or parifhe there adioyninge or elfwhere within the faide Countye
of Yorke. And all that my Grannge called or knowne by the name of Fyningley
Grannge, or by what name or names foeuer it be called or knowne, or hath been
called or knowen. And all my landes howfes tent€ medowes feedings paflures

commons and all other hereditaments with their apptenncf whatfoeuer I haue
fcituate fette lying and being within the parifhes fyeldes townes hamlettS or liber-
ties of Fyningleye Blackfl:one and Auckleye or any of them being within the
Counties of Yorke and Nothingham or any or both of them or ells where w^Mn the

faid Countyes ^itb all other my lands te^ntC Manno'^^ reuercon and Reuercons,
remainders and hereditaments tythes and feefarmes which I haue purchafed to me
and to my heires whatfoeuer, and whiche ar not yet come to my poflefiion wherefo-
euer they be within this Relme of England, And whenfoeuer they or any of them
fliall come fall happen and acrue. I freely geue w^^ all other my Landes in
poffeflTion and hereditaments tythes and feefarmes whatfoeuer, I haue within the
faid Realme of England to the faid Peter Frobifher being fonne to my eldefl:
brother John Frobifher. To haue and to hold all and finguler my Manno'^^ lands
tenements hereditaments and all other the premiffes with their appertenancS
before recited by this my lafl will and teflament to be devifed willed and geuen,
and mencioned or ment to be willed deuifed and geuen, and by this my faid laft
will devifed willed and geuen vnto the faide Peter Frobifher for by and during
the terme of his naturall life without impeachment of waft, ^itb after his deceafe
to remaine goe and be to the heyre male of his Body lawfully begotten or to be
begotten for terme of life of the faid heire male w^'^out ympeachment of wafte.

APPENDIXES 261

And fo from heyre male to heire male for terme of lyfe without Impeachment of
waft, vntill the heires males of the yfliies male comyng from the body of the faid
Peter be deceafed. And for default of fuche ylTue and heire male as is before
mentioned & ment, Then all the before deuifed premifTes with their appertenancC
and all hereditaments ment and mentioned by this my laft will and teftament, to
be deuifed willed and geuen, to goe remayne come and be to Darby Frobifher,
fonne to Da\^d Frobifher my deceafed Brother. To haue and to hold to the faid
Darbye for terme of his naturall lyfe without Impeachment of any manner of waft.
^ntl after his deceafe to remaine come and be to the firft heyre male of his body
begotten then lyvinge To haue and to holde to the faid firft heyre male of his bodye deleted in
begotten for by and duringe the terme of his life. And fo lyneally to euery heyre
male of the bodies of the heyres males of the faid Darbye begotten, vntill there be
no heire male left of their bodyes, begotten. And for default of fuche heyre male,
then all the before deuifed premifles with their appertenancf I will fhall remayne
go and be vnto France Brakenburye eldeft fonne vnto my fifter Jane Brakenburye
for terme of his naturall life wthout any impeachment of waft. And after his de-
ceafe to the heyre male of his Bodye lawfully begotten. To haue and to hold to hym
for terme of his naturall lyfe without Impeachment of waft. And fo lyneally from
heire male to heire male of their bodyes lawfully begotten w*^ like eftate vntill
therebe no heire male left of the bodyes of the faid heyres male defcended from the
faid France Brakenburye. And for default of fuche heire, male, then all the before
deuifed premiffes whatfoeuer with their appertenances I geue and will fhall re-
mayne come and be for euer vnto Richard Jackfon fonne to my fifter Margaret
Jackfon deceafed and to his heires for euer. ^g towching the deuife of all my
Leafes which I haue in poffeffion, and which ar to come to me in reuertion, which
I do exempt and accompt to be no part of my goods, for that my meaninge and
intent is that they fhall haue their cotinuaiice and goe from heire to heire, vntill
their feuerall termes be ended and not to be folde or delte in by my Executour as
part of my goods, for that there wilbe sufRcyent otherwife difchardge both my
funeralls debts and legacyes. My will and mynd is, that my nephew Peter
Frobifher my executour fhall during their feuerall termes receaue perceaue and
take the yeerly proffitte and commodities of all my faid leafes, and them improue
for greater rents, as he fhall thincke fitte. But neither to fell them, nor to take great
fynes and fo to dymynnifh their rent~but fhall fo order them, as they ftiall and
may contynue vnto his heire that fhall fucceede hym, according to the intent and
true meaninge of this my faid laft will. Except fuche leafes as I fhall by this my laft
will and teftament difpofe and appointe of in manner and forme heare vnder
written, tfjertfore my will and mynd is, that yf the faide Dame Dorothe my
wife will and do refufe, and not take any benefitte~commoditye either by Common
lawe or cuftome, to clayme challenge or haue her Dower or thyrd part in all my
lands and tenements, Nor make clayme or demaunde to any of my goods or chat-

262 APPENDIXES

tells Other then to fuche as I haue and Ihall geue bequeath and afTigne to her by
this my laft will. Then in full recompence of her thyrds or Dowre of all my landes,
and tenements, My will and mynde is that fhee fhall haue all fuch legacies giftC, and
bequeflf , whiche I haue before in this my will mentioned to geue and bequeath
vnto her. And in like manner that yf fhee the faid Dorothe my wyfe will inhabite
and dwell in my manfion and dwelling howfe in Altoftf aforefaid, for by and during
the terme of fourty yeeres (yf fhee happen to lyue fo longe) then my will intent and
meaning is, that fhee fhall haue the occupation vfe and manurannce to her proper
vfe and benefitte of my faide dwellinghowfe, and all my landes and tenements in
Altofte aforefaid, which I haue there afwell freeholde, as copyhold lying and being
in the parifhe of Normanton. And that my heire by this my will fhall according
to the cuflome of the faid Manno'" of Altoftf , make her a Leafe of the Coppyhold
landes, And alfo fhall haue mannrannce and occupation to the vfe aforefaide of the
Manno^ of Altoftf, and all the landes, tenements and hereditaments, and perceaue
and take the profitts thereof according to the lymitation of fourty yeeres above
mentioned (yf fhee be lyue fo longe, vpon the thes condicions heerafter following.
That is to faye tf)at fhee the faid Dame Dorothe my wife fhall at all tymes heere-
after, and from tyme to tyme during her dwelling and habitation therin at two
feafls in the yeare. That is to faye, at the feaft of the Annunciation of our bleffed
Ladye S^ Marye the Vyrgyn, and S^ Mychell the Archangell, by euen portions, or
in the tenth daye next enfuinge euery of the faid Feafls, at or in the Churche porche
of the parifhe Churche of Normanton aforefaid, between the howres of one and
fowre of the clocke in the afternoone of y^ faid feuerall dales for the preferuation
of my Leafe of the Manno'' of Altoftf from being forfeited paye or caufe to be payed
vnto the my faid Executour of this my laft will, and to hym to whome the faid
Leafe fhall come and accrue according to the true intent of this my lafl will and
teflament. All fuche rents and farmes as ar referued at the faid feafts by the faide
Leafe, or to be payed within certaine dayes next after the faid Feafls yeerly or halfe
yeerlye as they fhall growe due and payable. And alfo do performe fulfill and
keepe all, and all manner of couenannts graunts articles and agreements which I
my executors and affignes ar tyed by the faid Leafe to perfourme, And vpon and
vnder this condicion, that fhee the faid Dame Dorothe my wife fhall not do any
maner of flrippe nor wafte, or willinglye fuffer to be done in or vpon any the lands
tenements or hereditaments in her vfe or occupation ^nb yf the faid Dame
Dorothe my wife will not Inhabite in any faid howfe And alfo by this my will do
giue will and deuife unto her at Altofts and accept of this my bequeft (in recom-
pence of all thyrds and Dowrye before to her willed, And will departe and leaue
all to my executour, Then I will that fhee fhall haue all fuche moueable goods,
Jewells plate and houfholdfluffe as I before in the firfl parte of my will of my
moueable goodes haue geuen and bequeathed vnto her for by and enduring her
missing, naturall lyfe One annuytye or yeerely Two hundred Marks by yeer of law-

APPENDIXES 263

full moneye of Englande, to be yffuing, going out receyued and taken of all my
lands tenements, leafes and hereditaments lying and being w^Hn the parifhe of
Norman ton in the fame County of Yorke, To haue and to hold the faid Annuy tye
or yeerly rente of two hundred marks to the faid Dame Dorithe my wife and her
affignes from the tyme of her refufall difclayming and renouncing to take the
benefitte of her dowrye and third parte of my landes, And likewife to difclayme to
take any other benefitte by this my will, then this Annvitye or yeerly rent, and the
goods to her in the former part of this my will bequeathed willed and geuen, for
by and during her naturall life: the faid Annvitye to be payed at two termes or
feajft in the yeer, that is to faye. At the feaft of Thannunciation of our Lady S".*
Marye the Vyrgyn, and S".* Mychell the Archangell by euen portions. The firft
payment to begynne be had and made at at fuche of the faid two feafts as fhall
happen next after her refufall difclayminge and renouncinge as before is lymitted
appointed or ment. ^nb my farther will is, and I do appoint, that yf the faid
Annuytye or any part thereof, after my wyfe hath made her eledion of the fame,
fhalbe behind and vnpayed at any of the feafts and dayes, at whiche the fame is
before heerin lymytted to be payed, and by the fpace of eight and thyrtye daye
next after the faid feafts or any of them, the fame being lawfully demauned by the
faid Dame Dorothe my wife or her Affignes in or at my faid manfion howfe at
Altofts, and an acquyttance offered or tendred to be made fealed, and to be de-
liuered vpon the payment thereof for difchardge of the fame. That then and at all
tymes after fuche defaulte of payment, it ftiall and may be lawfull to and for the
faid Dame Dorothe my wife to enter into all my landes tenements leafes howfes &
hereditaments w*^'^ I haue in the parifhe of Normanton aforefaid. And the fame to
haue occupye and take the profitt thereof to her and their vfe, vntill my faid
Executour or he or they to whome the faid landes or tenements fhall come, and be
according to this my laft will or their or his affignes do paye or caufe to be payed
vnto the faid Dame Dorothe my wife or her Affignes all the faid rent or part of that
Annvytye w^h fhalbe behinde, and then due to be payed, And the foine of tenne
powndes of lawfull moneye of Englande in the name of a payne ouer and aboue the
faid Annytye, for that the faid annvytye or rent was not payed according to the
lymyttation of this my laft will ^nb yf the faid Dame Dorothe my wyfe fliall refufe
and do not accept of neither of thefe my bequefts, obferving and performinge the
orders and manner of refufall, and difclaymes before in this my will lymitted and
appointed, or ment by the fame to be done, but will haue the benefitte of her
thyrds of all my landes, and challenge what the lawe will geue her. Then my will
& meaninge is that ffiee ffiall take no benefitt or advantage of this my will, other
then the Jewells, apparrell and the two hundred powndes worthe of plate, and the
third part of lynnen, and the two Coaches, and two horffes with their furnitures,
and the beddes and their furnitures w^^ i haue in the former part of my will
geuen vnto her and no other of my goods Jewells plate or moveables to haue ^nb

264

APPENDIXES

yf fhee make challenge and fuyte to recouer or haue from my Executour the thyrd
part of my goods and chattells, or to haue and recouer them by any lawe or cuftome,
and will nor do content her felfe with this portion of my goods to her before be-
queathed in Lieu of her thyrds thereof, Then I will and my mynd is that fhee Ihall
take no benefitte of this my laft will, but fhee to haue what part thereof the lawe
will allowe her nottDltf)S>tanbinge I haue geuen by this my will to my Exe-
cutour all my Leafes afwell in poffefTion, as thofe to come in Reuertion : neuerthe-
leffe my will and mynd is, and I will geue and bequeathe to Rychard Jackfon my
nephewe and to his AfTignes my Leafe and terme of yeeres, which I haue to come
in Reuertion of the mannour of Haughton in the countye of Yorke. And all the
Lands howfes tenements hereditaments and appertenanncf with the fame letten
or devifed in as full and ample manner as I was to haue had it yf it had been in my
polfeflion, To haue and to hold the fame Leafe now in Reuertion, and when it fhall
fortune to come in polfelTion, to hym his Executours and affignes for fo longe tyme
and terme, as it is to me granted devifed or letten and vnder the fame conditions
and covenannts, And my Executour not to meddle or deale therew^^. probltlCtl
membrane 2. alwaies, and it is my will, that the fayd Rychard my Nephewe/his executours and
affignes when and as fone as the faid Leafe fhall come in pofleffion, that he they or
fome one of them from the comeiicem* and beginninge of the faid Leafe fhall yeerly
duringe the whole tyme and terme of the faid leafe, at two feafts or termes in the
yeer viz at the feafl of Thannuntiation of our blefled Ladye S^ Marye the Vyrgyn
and S^ Mychaell Tharchangell, or at or in the eight & twentith day next enfuing
euery of the faid Feafts by euen and equall portions paye or caufe to be payed in
the Churche Porche of the parifhe Churche of Cafl[le] forth in the County of Yorke
vnto William Jackfon brother to the faid Rychard to his executours adminiftratours
or affignes the fome of tenne powndes of lawfull moneye of England viz at the
dayes before lymy tted, at euery payment fyue powndes, And yf it fhall happen the
faid payments yeerlye during the terme or any of of them to be behynd and not
payed according to the lymyttations and appointment of this my will : Then I will
that it fhalbe lawfull to and for the faid William Jackfon my nephewe and Brother
to the faid Richard his executours adminiftratours or affignes to enter into the faid
Manno'^ and all the landes with the fame demifed and letten, and then to occupye
manure and take the proffitts thereof to his and their owne vfe vntill the faid
Richard or his affignes do paye or caufe to be payed vnto the faid William, his
Executours or affignes all fuche fomes of money as fhall then be due to be paied of
the faid payments before lymited and not paied as before as by me willed Stem
I will and my mynd is and I geue vnto William Haykes my olde fervannt, in re-
compence of his good and faythfull feruyce heertofore to me done. One Annuytye
or yeerly [e] rent of fix[e] powndes thirten fbillings and fowre pence to be going out
had and taken of and in my manno"^ of whitewoodde and all my landes and tene-
ments with their apptenannc? to the fame belonging or appertaining lying fet and

[now
Castleford] .

APPENDIXES 265

being in the County of Yorke to be payed by my faid Executour, and by thofe to
whome the faid Manno'" fhall heerafter come at two feuerall feafts or daies of pay-
ment in the yeer viz. The Annuntiation of our Lady St Mary the Vyrgyn and the
feaft of SJ Michell tharchangell by euen portions. The firft payment to begyn at the
firfl feaft of the faid two feafts whiche fhall firft happen and come by and after my
deathe. To haue and to hold the faid annuytye or yeerly rent to the faid WiUiam
Haikes and his afiignes for by and duringe the naturall lyfe of hym the faid WiUiam.
And yf the faid yeerly rent or Annuytye or any part thereof at any of the dayes &
tymes before lymited in which it ought to be payed be behind and vnpayed being
by the faid William or his afiignes lawfully demannded at the faid Manno^ howfe
of Whitewoodde, that then and from thencforthe it fhall and may be lawfull to and
for the faid Wfiliam and his afiignes into the faid Manno"^ to enter and diftreyne,
and the diftrefie there fo had to take leade and beare awaye and in his powre to
reteyne vntill he be of the faid yeerlye Annuytye or fo muche thereof as fhalbe
behinde be vnto the faid William or his afiignes well and truly fatiffyed and payed.
3tem I will and my mynd is, and I geue and bequeth vnto Mary Mafterfon the
yeerly rent or farme which I now receiue of eight powndes and odde moneye by
yeer of my farmo'" of my Manno"" called Brockholts in the County of Yorke during
the time and terme of yeeres of his Leafe that hath yet the leafe in pofiefiion of the
fame, And will that my Executour and aft other to whome the fame Manno"" or
Capitall Mefiuage called Brockholts before mentioned in this my laft wyll of the
devife of my landes fhall quyetly permyt and fuffer her the faid Mary Mafterfon
and her afiignes as my afiigne to receaue the fame rent or farme w^^ the tenant
thereof doth yeerly paye to her owne vfe for by and duringe the faid terme which
is yet to come, yf fhe the faid Mary Mafterfon to happen to lyue so longe. And
after the fame Leafe in pofion is expiered, then my Executoures or whofoeuer he
be that by vertue of this my will is to haue the fame, my will and mynd is that he or
they which fhall fo haue the fame, fhee the faid Mary Mafterfon being then lyvinge
fhall yeerly paye or caufe to be payed vnto the faid Mary Mafterfon or her Af-
fignes for by and during her naturall lyfe at two vfuall feafts or termes in the yeer
the fome of twenty powndes of lawfull moneye of Englande by euen and equall
portions, that is to faye at the feaft of thannunciation of our Lady S^ Mary the
Vyrgyn ten powndes and S* Mychell tharchangell other ten powndes, And yf my
Executour or he or they to whome the faid Manno^ or Capitall Mefiuage called
Brockholts fhall heerafter come fliall make default of payment vnto her or her
Afiignes according to the true intent and meaninge of this my will, fhee or her
Afiignes lawfully demanding the fame at the faid Manno"^ or capitall mefiuage
cafied Brockholts. That then it ftiall and may be lawfull for her by this my wiU and
her Afiignes to enter into the faid Manno^ or Capitall Mefiuage, and all the landes
tenements and hereditaments belonging to the fame and the fame to occupye
manure and take the proffitts of the fame vntill the faid fome or fomes of moneye

266 APPENDIXES

which Ihould haue been paied vnto her or her alTignes be unto her or her affignes
fully anfwered fatiffyed and payed and tharrerage of the fame yf any happen to be
vnpayed. furtljtr my will and mynd is and by this my will I geue and be-
queathe vnto Jane Brakenburye my fifter for by and during her naturall lyfe one
Annuyty or yeerlye rent of ten powndes of lawfull money of England to be yffuing
& receiued had & taken out of all my landes and tenements in the countye of
Yorke to be paied to her or her Affignes by my executour or by hym or them to
whome the fame landes after my deceafe fhall come at two vfuall feafts or termes
of payment in the yeer by euen and equall portions that is to saye at the feafts of
thannunciation of our Ladye and St Mychell the Archangell. And yf it fhall
happen the faid yeerlye Annuytye or rent to be behind and vnpaied at any of the
faid feafts and dayes of payment before lymitted in whiche it ought to be payed,
[now and not payed in or at the Churche porche of the parifhe Churche of Kirthop,
Kirthorpe] ^^^ qj. j^gj- Affignes ther demannding the fame. That then my will and mynd is,
and I will it to be lawfull for her or her Affignes, into any part or parcell of the
faid landes or tenements charged with the fame Annuytye or rent to enter and the
fame to occupye to her owne vfe and take the profits thereof vntill ffiee the faid
Jane or her Affignes be of the faid annuyty or rent and tharrerage thereof, whiche
ftialbe then vnpaied fully fatiffied and payed furtfjer I will that my Executour
ffiall paye vnto Katheryne my fifter Jane her daughter and my neece the fome of
Tenne powndes of lawfull money of England within one yeer next after my deceafe,
and that ffiee and her huf band yf ffiee ffiall then be marryed to make a difcharge
vpon the payment thereof, yf not, then ffiee fole to make a difchardge. Stent I will
and geue vnto Margaret being the daughter of the laft before named my fifter Jane
her daughter other tenne powndes to be payed vnto her in the like manner, and
ffiee to make like difchardge vpon the receyte therof Stem I will and geue vnto
Katheryne Borowes grandchild to my fifter Jane Brakenburye forty powndes to be
payed by my executour, or hym or them which ffiall haue my landes by vertue of
this my will within two yeeres next after my deceafe, that is to faye twentye
powndes the firft yeere, and thother twenty powndes the next yeere for which
legacye and fome of moneye yf it be not paied accordinglye. I geue her or her
affignes, ffiee having ouerlyued the faid two yeeres) full powre and authoritye to
diftreyne for the fame in any my landes in the Countye of Yorke Stent I geue and
bequeathe vnto Anne my brother Davye Frobiffier his daughter tenne powndes of
lawfull moneye of Englande to be paied to her w^^in one yeer after my deceafe
by my executour, or by hym or them which ffiall heerafter haue the dealing and
difpofition of this my landes and goodes Stetn I will and geue vnto Edyth Frobiffier
my brother Davies daughter being vnmarryed forty powndes to be paied by my
executour or by hym or them w'^^ ffiall haue the performance of this my will w^^in
two yeeres next enfuing after my deceafe, that is to faye, twenty powndes w*in the
firft yeer next after my deceafe, and the other twenty powndes the fecond yeer next

APPENDIXES 267

after my deceafe, and ftiee to make a difchardge vpon the receipte thereof 3t0in
I will geue and devife vnto Mary Frobifher widdowe my wifes daughter, two
hundreth powndes of lawfull money of England to be paied to her by my executour
or by hym or them which fhall haue the performance and difpofmg of this my will
within one yeer next after my deceafe, And fhee to make vpon the payment thereof
a difchardge for receipts of the fame, And for defaulte of payment thereof within
one moneth after her demannde made by her or her affignes, and the year expiered
after my deceafe, and fhee then lyving, I will that then and from thence forthe it
fhall and may be lawfull for her and her affignes to enter into my Manno'^ called
Whitewoodde, and the landes and tenements thereto belonging before mentioned
in this my will, and to occupie manure and take the proffyts thereof vntill fhee be
thereof or fo much of the faid fome of two hundred powndes as ffialbe then vnpaied
well and truly paied. And vpon paiment thereof to avoide, and he or they vpon
whofe poffeffion Ihee or her affignes did enter to haue the fame Manno"^ and landes
againe StEttl I will geue & bequeathe to Dorithee Frobiffier my Wyues grandchilde,
two hundred powndes to be paied to her by my executour, when ffiee ffiall ac-
compliffie her adge of fiften yeeres. And yf he be not then lyuing, then by fuche
as ffiall haue the performance of this my laft will. And yf default of payment be
made of the fame two hundred powndes, then I will that at the ende of the faid
fyften yeeres and within on moneth next after demannde made by her or her
affignes of the fame of my faid Executour, or of hym that then ffialbe reputed my
heire by vertue of this my will, and the fame not paied, then I will that ffiee the
faid Dorothe or her affignes ffiall enter into that my Manno"^ of Whitewoodde and
all the landes and tenements to the fame belonging and appertayninge before in
this my will mentioned. And the fame to vfe, occupye and to take the profits thereof
vntill ffiee the faid Dorothe be well and truly fatiffyed and paied the forefaid fome
of two hundred powndes or fo muche thereof as ffiall then be behinde and vnpaied
^ntl farther my will and mynd is that after the faid Dorothe hath accompliffied
her adge of ten yeeres, then my executour or he or they, w^h by this my will ffiall
haue and take the benefit of my landes and tenements in the fame willed -and be-
queathed as my reputed heir ffiall paye or caufe to be paied vnto her the faid
Dorothe vntill ffiee accompliffie her fayd adge of fiften yeeres viz for fyue yeers, ten
pownds euery yeer at two feuerall paiments by euen portions, at the feafte of the
AnnunciacoiS of our Lady S<^ Marye the Vyrgyn, and S* Mychell tharchangell.
The firfl paiment to begyn at the feaft of the forefaid Feafls that ffiall happen, next
after her adge of ten yeeres is accompliffied. And yf default of paiment be made of
the faid annuall penfion, the fame being by her or her Affignes as gardians lawfully
demannded of my faid Executour, ffie the faid Dorothe or her gardians ffiall haue
full powre and authoritye to enter into any part of my forefaid Manno'^ of White-
woodde, and take the vfe occupation & Manurannce of fo much of the faid landes
and tenemente, as in all iudgment ffialbe worth twenty powndes by yeer to be

268 APPENDIXES

letten. and the proffit thereof corny nge to take to her vfe vntill the faid annuall
penfion be vnto her or her affignes as is before expreffed be fully fatiffyed and paied
^robti)etl alwaies, and my will mynd & intent is, That yf any of the legatees in
this my will to whome I haue geuen any gyfte of moneye or other legacies do fortune
to dye and deceafe before their dales or times of paiments come and be expiered,
w^^ ar before lymitted and fet downe in this my will, and the fame Legacies or
gifts not expreflely fet downe, bequeathed affigned or appointed, to whome they
fhall go, be and remaine. That then the fame gift or bequeft, or parcell of any gift
or bequeft, w^h is not all to be payed at one time (as fuche there be in my faid will)
be it money or other things, or paiments to be made whatfoeuer, fhalbe and re-
maine to the onely benefitt and vfe of my executour, or thofe who fhall fucceede
hym in eftate, according to the lymittation of this my laft will. And that they to
whome fuch gift or bequeft was made, fhall haue no powre to will, geue, bequeathe
or difpofe of the fame for that is my true intent and meaninge. And that all
diftrelfes entries or any other forfeitures or device fet downe in this my will, for the
better obtayning of any legacye gyft or bequeft to hym or them fo dead or deceafed
before their time of paiment fhall come, fhall vtterly ceafe as yf no fuch meanes had
beene lymitted appointed or deuifed. And finally notw^^ftanding any gift limita-
tion or audhoritye of entrye into any Manno^'" landes tenem^'^ and occupacoiS
vfe or manurahce thereof for non payment of Legacies or other bequeftf in this my
will mencoed, exprelTed or willed, that my Executour his heires, nor the heires of
any that Ihall claime by vertue of this my will by from or vnder me for non per-
formannce of the paiments and portions lymitted to be paied in the fame vnto my
wife or any others in this my Will mentioned in the fame ftrid maner fort and
Condition as before in this my laft will and teftament is lymitted and expreffed :
Yet neuerthelefle my will mynd and intent is, that neither the faid Peter Frobifher
my Executour nor any other fucceeding in eftate after hym by vertue of this my
will, to whome I haue lymitted any eftate of inheritance or freehold, fhall forfeite
their eftate or eftates by them or any of them geuen lymitted and appointed by this
my will either in landes or leafes (but that they to whome any benefitt of entrye
occupation vfe manurafice or taking the proflSts of landes tenements or leafes for
the better and fpeedier obteyninge of [the] legacies gifts annuyties rents pentions
devifes, or bequefts for non paiment of them fhall haue the faid lands tenements or
leafes as a pledge vntill they be paied and fatiffied of their faid Legacies or gift€
whatfoeuer, and then theire to enter againe. mj> toill is that my Executour Ihall
geue to my loving friend M'" Thomas Colwell a gelding of ten powndes price or
twenty angells or ten powndes in moneye for his paynes he hath taken at the
deliuerye of this my will, or otherway he to deteyne this my will till he be fatiffied
for the gelding or the moneye. Martyn Frobif[h]er 3n tDltnesS. tuijereof this
to be the true will of me the faid S"^ Marten Frobifher I gave to euery leafe of the
fame will fet and fubfcribed my name being fixten leaues in nomber and put to

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deleted in
original deed.

270 APPENDIXES

my feale being labelled vpon the top the fowrth daye of Auguft in the fix and
thirteth yeer of our foueraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth 3n tt)E prefence of thofe

whofe names ar vnderwritten as witnelTed to the fame. Mityn Frobifer

'WiiiXit^^t^ to tf)iS^ preSient ttlill Wee: Thomas Colwell writer of the faid
will. Anthonye Lewes, Tymothy Perrot. Richard Farrer. his mJke
Stent rny Will and mynd is. That my Executour or he who fhall by vertue of this
my will after my deceafe haue and take the benefitte of the fame by vertue of any
bequefl Limitation of appointment either as my heires or otherwife fhalbe dire6le
advife and counfaile in all points towching this my will by my loving friend Mafter
Thomas Colwell : And that he the faid Thomas fhall vmpire any thing towching
any controuerfie or any Legacie that may arife, growe or be [in] queftion betweene
hym or them And by this make hym an ouerfeer and dealer in this my faid will.
For which his paines I will my Executour or he or they that fhall take the benefitte
of this my will as my Heyre fhall geue hym Twenty powndes w^^^in one yeer or
three monethes if my will be pfeded after my death when he fhall call for the fame.
I leave the Cope of this here inclofed vnder my hand the vij of Auguft 1594
Martyn Frobifer

membrane 3. Tenore prcscntium nos Johannes prouidentia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus totius
Anglie Primas et Metropolitanus notum facimus uniuersis Quod vicesimo quinto
die mensis Julij anno domini Millesimo quingentesimo nongesimo quinto apud
Londinium coram dilecto nostro Thoma Creake legum doctore surrogato venera-
biHs viri magistri Willelmi Lewyn legum etiam doctoris Curie nostre Prerogatiue
Cantuariensis magistri Custodis sine Commissarij legitime constituti probatum
approbatum et insinuatum fuit testamentum egregij viri domini Martini Frobisher
militis dum vixit de Atoftes in Comitatu diocesi et provincia Eboracensi defuncti
presentibus annexum habentis dum vixit et mortis sue tempore bona iura siue in
diuersis diocesibus siue iurisdiccionibus infra provinciam nostram Cantuariensem
Cuius obtentu ipsius testamenti approbacio et insinuacio administracionisque
omnium et singulorum bonorum iurium et creditorum huiusmodi Commissio
necnon Computi Calculi siue ratiocinii administracionis huiusmodi auditio finalisque
Liberacio siue dimissio ab eadem ad nos solum et insolidum et non ad alium nobis
inferiorem iudicem notorie dinoscuntur pertinere Et Commissa fuit administracio
omnium et singulorum bonorum iurium et creditorum huiusmodi dictum defunc-
tum et prefatum suum testamentum qualitercunque concernentium Petro
Frobisher exequntori in huiusmodi testamento nominato de bene et fideliter
administrando eadem ac de pleno et fideli Inventario omnium et singulorum
bonorum iurium et creditorum huiusmodi conficiendo et illud in Curiam Pre-
rogatiue nostre Cantuariensis secundo die post festum Sancti Blasij Episcopi

APPENDIXES 271

proxima future exhibendo necnon de piano et vero Computo Galculo siue ratio-
cinio inde reddendo ad sancta del evangelia in persona magistri Thome Brown
notarij publici procuratoris sui in hac parte legitime constituti iurati de et cum
consensu et assensu domine Dorothee Frobisher relicte dicti defuncti Datum die
mensis anno domini et loco predictis et nostre translationis anno duodecimo.

Willelmus Woodhall

Registrarius

Sntiorjiement

S»" Martin Frobiflier his laft Will

Dat: 7° Aug: 36° Eliz. 1594

Altofts Nl I

Seal mutilated. [Pointed oval : the Saviour seated on a carved throne of late

style, disputing with two Doctors in the Temple. In base, an ornamental shield of

arms : per pale dex., See of Canterbury ; sin., on a cross fleury four bezants, whitgift.

Reverse. A small counterseal, the letters i g,]

TRANSLATION

According to the manner of those empowered we, John, by divine providence
Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of the whole of England,
make it known to all, that on the twenty-fifth day of the month of July in the year
of the Lord one thousand five hundred and ninety- five, in London, in the presence
of our beloved Thomas Creake, doctor of laws, representative of the honourable
gentleman master William Lewyn, also doctor of laws, of our house of prerogative
at Canterbury duly constituted our Warden or Commissioner, there was proved,
approved and published the will of the noble gentleman lord Martin Frobisher,
a soldier while he lived, of Atofts in the county, diocese and province of York,
deceased in the presence of witnesses, having while he lived and at the time of his
death goods and rights in various either dioceses or jurisdictions within our pro-
vince of Canterbury. By the disclosure of whose will, itself having been approved
and published, a charge of the administration of all and each of the goods, rights
and loans, also a composition of account or reckoning of this same administration,
a hearing and a final release or discharge from the same, are determined to be
referred to us alone and contrary to custom and not to another judge of informa-
tion inferior to us. And there was charged the administration of all and each of
these goods, rights and loans, and that the said deceased also prefaced the will in
matters relating to Peter Frobisher, the executor named in this same will, about
well and faithfully administering the same, and about finishing a full and faithful
inventory of all and each of these same goods, rights and loans, and about exhibit-
ing it in our house of prerogative at Canterbury on the second day after the feast of

272 APPENDIXES

St Blasius the bishop next to come, also about rendering of them a true composi-
tion, account or reckoning according to the sacred gospels of God, in the person of
our Thomas Browne, public notary legally appointed in this power by his officers,
he swears by and with the consent and assent of the lady Dorothy Frobisher, relict
of the said deceased.

Given, on the day, in the month and year of the Lord and at the place aforesaid,
and in the twelfth year of our translation

William Woodhall,

Registrar

APPENDIX 14

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE AUTHORS
OF THE FROBISHER NARRATIVES

There appears to be little biographical matter extant for the authors of the literary
Frobisher narratives except what is contained in the accounts themselves.

George Best. One George Best, "servant to Sir Christopher Hatton", was
killed in a duel about March 1583-4, by Oliver St John, afterwards Viscount
Grandison. (See Dictionary of National Biography, London, 1921-22, vol. 11,
pp. 415-16.) This would seem to be our author, who characterizes himself as
"servant" of Sir Christopher Hatton, to whom he dedicated and delivered his
manuscript.

Thomas Ellis, "sailer and one of the companie" of Frobisher in 1578, may
have been the Thomas Ellis of Job Hortrop's "Travailes" in Hakluyt (Glasgow
ed. 1904, vol. IX, p. 464), who was condemned by the Spanish Inquisition in
1570 to serve eight years in the galleys, "where we were chained foure and foure
together: every mans daily allowance was 26. ounces of course blacke bisket
and water, our clothing for the whole yeere two shirts, two paire of breeches of course
canvas, a red coat of course cloth, soone on, and soone off, and a gowne of haire
with a friers hood : our lodging was on the bare boords, and banks of the Gallies,
our heads and beards were shaven every month, hunger, thirst, cold, and stripes
we lacked none, til our several times expired". The expiration of Thomas Ellis's
time would be just about right to allow him to accompany Frobisher on the third
voyage.

We find in connection with Sir Walter Raleigh's Virginia Colony in 1587
(Hakluyt, vol. viii, p. 402), a Thomas Ellis on the list of those "which arrived
safely in Virginia, and remained to inhabit there". This was the lost "Virginia
Dare" colony.

Dionyse Settle. Of that gentleman voyager who accompanied Frobisher,
apparently out of sheer curiosity and interest in travel, and who has left us one of
the most interesting Uterary products of the voyages, there appears to be no other
notice in history.

The Other Authors. Of the less literary accounts, that of Christopher Hall
is little more than a log, which he wrote as Master of the Gabriel. Edward Sellman
was the notary, sent by Michael Lok to report the proceedings of the expedition
of 1578 to him. He had apparently accompanied William Towrson to the coast of
Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands in 1577 (Hakluyt, vol. vi, pp. 232, 237).
Michael Lok, the author of one of the accounts, not at first hand, it is true, but on
the basis mainly of what Frobisher told him, was the man behind the voyages,
and an account of his connection with them is given in the Introduction to this
work.

Fvii 18

INDEX

Aa, Pieter van der, vol. ii, 225, 228, 232
Achelley, John, cxviii
Achilles, 15

Adalbert, see Albert, Bishop of Greenland
Adam, 34

Adam of Bremen, xxxiii, xl, xlvi, Ivii, Iviii, Ix
Adamnan, Abbot of lona, xi
Adelmare, Charles Cesar, vol. 11, 218
Adelmare, Elizabeth Cesar, vol. 11, 218
Adelmare, Henry Cesar, vol. 11, 218
Adelmare, Julio Cesar, vol, 11, 113, 1 15, 218
Adelmare, Thomas Cesar, vol. 11, 112, 115,

218
Adelmare, William Cesar, vol. 11, 218
Admiral, see Ayde

Adventurers, Company of, vol. 11, 102
Aegean Sea, 18, 19
Aeolus, 10

Afferton, Henry, vol. 11, 223
Africa, xl, kxxv, 16, 17, 18, 33, 35, 37, 135,

138, 140, 141
Agnello, John Baptista, cxi, cxii; vol. 11, 83,

84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 123,

124, 125, 126, 141, 142, 205, 250, 251
Alaska, Ixiii; vol. 11, 233
Albert, Bishop of Greenland, liii
Albertus Magnus, 142
Alcazar, xxxvii
Alcides, vol. 11, 45, 46, 49
Aldeburgh, England, xciv
Aldworth, Thomas, vol. 11, loi
Alexander the Great, 15, 17, 141
Alexander HI (Pope), xlvii
Alexander VI (Pope), xxxix, 1, lii, liii
Alexandria, Egypt, 137, 138
Alfonso V (of Portugal) , xxxvii, xliv
Alfred, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Alfred, King, Ixxxiv
Aliryd, Thomas, vol. 11, 223
Allen, Richard, Ixxvi
Allen, Thomas, vol. 11, 100, 113, 166, 167,

172, i73» i74> i75> 177. 178, 180, 194,
197, 202, 203, 217

America, xi, xix, xxiv, xxv, xxxiii, xxxviii,
xxxix, xl, xlvi, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxvii,
Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi,
Ixxxvii, cv, cxviii, cxxvi, 18, 19, 21, 24,
28, 31, 33, 48, 56, 62, 69, 123, 136, 137,
138, 139. 141^ 142, 144; vol. n, 9, II,
16, 58, 229, 251

Amsterdam, Ivi, cxxiii

Anania, Gio. Lor., vol. 11, 224, 228, 232

Andalusia, xciii

Anderson, Thomas, vol. 11, 221

Androwes, Christopher, vol. 11, loi, 113,
167, 171, 195, 198, 201

Angmagssalik, Greenland, lix

Anian, Gulf of, 144

Anian, Strait of, Ixxxiv, 17, 18, 139, 144;
vol. II, 236

Anne Appleyard, xciii

Anne, Countess of Warwick, see Warwick

Anne Frances, 82, 84, 90, 92, 96, 99, 105,
106, 108, no, III, 115, 116, 120, 121;
vol. II, 39, 41, 42, 55, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68,

69, 1\, 72, 73, 155, 202, 227, 238
Antarctic Ocean, 21
Antwerp, cxxi, 19
Apian, Petrus, Ixxxiii
Appleyard, John, xciii
Appolo, vol. II, 45
Arabian Sea, 138
Arber, Edward, xxxv
Archangel, Russia, Ixxxii
Ardington, John, vol. 11, 222
Arey, Ned, vol. 11, 233, 235
Ari Thorgilsson, xv
Aristotle, Ixxxiii, 13, 141, 142
Armada, Spanish, cxx
Armenall, 84; vol. 11, 42, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70,

71, 73
Armenia, 17

Arnaldur, Bishop of Greenland, xxv, xli,

liii

Arni, Bishop of Greenland, liv

Arni Magnusson, xxii

18-2

276 INDEX

Arthur, King, 19

Arundell, Mr, vol. 11, 148

Asia, Ixxiii, Ixxv, Ixxvii, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, cv,
16, 17, 18, 19, 23, 35, 48, 135, 138, 140,
141, 142, 144; vol. 11, 9, II, 16, 229

Asmundarson, Vald., xv

Asshehurst, Thomas, Ixxiv

Astrachan, 25

Asvaldsson, see Thorvald Asvaldsson

Augar (chandler), vol. n, 117

Austin, Francis, vol. 11, 73, 222

Australia, vol. 11, 249, 250

Awle, Robert, vol. 11, 221

Axel Heiberg Island, Ixvii

Ayala, Pedro de, Ixxi, Ixxiii

Ayde, cxii, cxiii, cxvi, 52, 53, 56, 60, 63, 64,
66, 67, 77, 82, 100, 115, 119; vol. II, II,
41, 44, 55, 56, 58, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71,

95. 97. 98, 109, 115, 133. 134, 152, 155.

156, 161, 175, 176, 209, 211, 218, 219,

222, 227, 238
Ayselby, xciv
Ayselby, Ralph, xciv
Azores, xxxviii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, cxxiii, cxxv,

cxxvi

Babcock, W. H., Ixxi, civ, cxvi

Baccalaos, see Newfoundland

Badcock, George, vol. 11, 222

Baffin Bay, xxi

Baffin Island {see also Meta Incognita),

xxi, xxiii, xl, Ixiii, cviii, cix, ex, cxv;

vol. II, 215, 234, 244, 245
Baffin, William, xxxviii
Baker (shipwright), vol. 11, 118
Barbary Coast, xcii ; vol. 11, 255
Bardarson, Ivar, xxviii, xxix, xxxi, xxxii,

xxxvi, Ivi, Ivii, Iviii, lix, Ix
Barents, William, xxxviii, Ivi, lix
Barkley, Sir John, cxii; vol. 11, 88, 89, 90,

93> 123, 124
Barkley, Sir Richard, vol. 11, 199, 133,

Barlow, Roger, Ixxvii, Ixxix, Ixxx
Barn, Sir George, xcii; vol. 11, 81
Barnakarl, see Olvir Barnakarl
Barnston, P., vol. 11, 116
Barret, James, vol. 11, 222

Barros, Joao de, xxxvi, Ixxxiv

Barrow, John, cxxii, cxxv, cxxvi, cxxvii,

cxxix; vol. II, 242
Bartholomaeus, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Barton, John, vol. 11, 193
Batterby, Harry, vol. 11, 72, 222
Batterby, Thomas, vol. 11, 72
Batterick, Thomas, vol. 11, 222
Bavaria, 20
Baxter, John, xciii
Bayezid, xliv
Baynham, vol. 11, 175
Bear Island, Greenland, xxiii
Beare of Leicester, 82, 84; vol. 11, 40, 42, 55,

62, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73, 172, 181, 202
Beare, James, i, 53, 92; vol. 11, 59, 154
Beares Sound, 63, 64, 115, 116, 117, 120,

121, 122; vol. II, 42, 44, 64, 66, 67, 68,

69. 70, 71. 73> 210, 252

Bede, Venerable, xi

Bedford, Earl of, vol. 11, 99, iii, 147, 228

Belle-Forest, Francois de, vol. 11, 231

Bendall, Harry, vol. 11, 223

Benin, xci, xciii, xciv, 26, 27

Bennes, William, vol. 11, 221

Bere, Samuel, vol. 11, 222

Bergen, Norway, xxvi, xlii, Iv, Iviii, lix,
Ixxxi

Bering Strait, 123

Bernard, Jean Frederic, vol. 11, 225

Bert, vol. 11, 59

Bertelsen, Alfr., xxvii

Bertely, Fernando, 144

Bertold, Bishop of Greenland, liv

Best, George, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixxiv, xcvii, c, civ,
cv, cxiii, cxiv, i-io, 36, 44, 49, 52, 55,
58, 59> 69, 73, 81, 82, 86, 99, 102, 109,
III, 112, 115, 116, 120, 121, 124, 128;
vol. II, 36, 67, 71, 154, 155, 158, 220,

224, 227, 237, 248, 249, 250, 251, 273

Best's Blessing (Island), iii

Bible, ciii, 34, 35

Bienewitz, Peter, see Apian, Petrus

Biggar, E. B., Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxviii

Bilbill, 25

Bingham, cxviii

Binin, see Benin

Bjarne Thordsson, xx

Bjorn Jorsalafari, 1

Bjorn of Skardsa, Ixxxi

Bjornbo, Axel Anthon, xxxiv, xxxix, Iviii

Blackwall, England, cxiii, 47, 52, 53; vol.

11, 1 1
Bloody Point, 68; vol. ir, 17
Bobe, Louis, xxxvi
Bogar, Rober, vol. 11, 223
Bolande, Richard, see Boylland
Bona, Gregory, vol. ii, 222
Bond, William, ci; vol. ir, 10 1, 113, 171,

198,201,217
Bonde, Hildegarde, xxxix
Bonham, Thomas, vol. 11, 168, 193
Bordeaux, vol. 11, 255
Borough, Stephen, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, xcviii;

vol. II, 81, 82, 117, 231
Borough, William, cii, cv; vol. 11, 83, 178,

1795 185, 201, 204, 217
Borow, William, see Borough
Borowes, Brothers, see Borough
Borowes, Katherine, vol. 11, 266
Borrowe, William, see Borough
Boty, Ivar, see Bardarson
Bowes, Thomas, xciv, xcv
Bowgle, William, vol. 11, 223
Bowland, Richard, see Boylland
Bowrey, William, vol. 11, 223
Bowyer, Simon, see Boyer
Boyer, Simon, vol. 11, 100, loi, 113, 114,

i95> i97> 201, 217
Boylland, Richard, vol. 11, 100, loi, 113,

171. 195. i97> 201, 217

Boys, Stephen, vol. u, 223

Brackenbury, Francis, 52; vol. 11, 154, 261

Brackenbury, Jane, vol. 11, 261, 266

Brackenbury, Katherine, vol. 11, 266

Brackenbury, Margaret, vol. 11, 266

Brazil, Ixxi, xc, 9, 44

Brebner, J. B., Ixxxviii

Brest, cxxvi, cxxviii

Brett, Jerome, xcvii

Bristol, England, xxvi, xxvii, xxix, xliv,
xlv, Iv, Iviii, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxv, cix,
8, 24, 79, 85; vol. II, 25, 35, 55, 109, no,
125, i34> 1355 1435 209, 226, 238, 251,
252

Bristowe, see Bristol

INDEX 277

Britain, xii, Ixix, Ixxi, Ixxix; vol. 11, 240.

See also England
British Isles, Ivi, Iviii
British Museum, vol. 11, 243
Brockett, Sir John, vol. 11, 167, 171, 195,

197, 200, 217
Brode, John, vol. 11, 126, 131
Broed, John, see Brode
Brooke, M., vol. n, 220
Broquete, Sir John, see Brockett
Browen, John, vol. 11, 222
Bruun, Daniel, xvii
Bull, Bartholomew, vol. 11, 36, 221
Burchard, Dr, see Kraurych, Burchard
Burchers Island, cvi, 152
Burcot, Dr, see Kraurych, Burchard
Burde, William, ci; vol. 11, 113, 171, 184,

197, 201
Burghley, Lord, xcv, c, cxxvi; vol. 11, 160,

183, 184, 195, 229
Burgundy, Duke of, xliv
Burnit, Richard, vol. 11, 221
Burleigh, Lord, see Burghley
Burr, Olaf, vol. 11, 10 1
Burroo, William, see Borough, William
Burrough, Stephen, see Borough, Stephen
Burrough, William, see Borough, Williami
Burroughs, Sir John, cxxvi
Buss of Bridgwater, cxv, cxvi, 82, 97, 120,

121, 122; vol. II, 39, 41, 42, 44, 55, 61,

62, 64, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 253
Busse Island, cxvi; vol. 11, 228
Bylot, Captain Robert, xxxviii
Bynnin, see Benin

Cabot, John, Iv, Iviii, Ix, Ixiii, Ixviii, Ixxi,

Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxvii
Cabot, Sebastian, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxv,

Ixxvi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxxii, Ixxxvii, xcviii,

8, 24, 137, 140, 141, 144; vol. II, 229,

230
Cacough, 50; vol. II, 18, 235, 237, 238, 239
Cadiz, cxx
Caesar, Julius, 15
Calcutta, Ixxvi
California, 37

Camden, William, cxvi, cxxix
Campbell, Robert, cxxix

278 INDEX

Canada, 127, 157

Canadian Archives, Ottawa, vol. 11, 244
Canary Islands, xc, cxix; vol. 11, 255
Cancer, Tropic of, 27, 31, 32, 37, 129, 140;

vol. II, 12
Canterbury, Archbishop of, vol. 11, 270,

271
Cantino (Map), civ
Cantley, England, cxxviii
Capelin, John, vol. 11, 112
Capricorn, Tropic of, 21, 24
Carew, Henry, 52, 82, 102, 120; vol. 11, 35,

i34> 1545 158
Carrick Lane, xcv

Cartier, Jacques, Ixxx, Ixxxiv

Caspian Sea, 25

Castelin, Edward, xcii

Castelin, John, vol. 11, 218

Cathay, see China

Cathay Company, see Company of Cathay

Celer, Quintus Metellus, Ixxxv

Centurione, Paulo, Ixxvi

Cesar, see Adelmare

Cham, son of Noah, 34, 35

Chamberlaine, Thomas, 53; vol. n, 154

Chambers, Richard, vol. 11, 220

Chancelar, Nicholas, vol. 11, 116, 154, 185,

221
Chancellor, Richard, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, xcviii,

20; vol. II, 231
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, Ixxi,

Ixxxvii, 38
Chastillon, Cardinal, xciv
Chaunsler, Nicholas, see Chancelar
Cheke, cxvii
Chester, John, cxviii
Chester, Thomas, vol. 11, loi
Chichester, John, xciii, xciv
China, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi,

xcviii, c, cv, cvi, cvii, ex, cxii, cxviii, 2, 6,

7, 9, 13, 21, 23, 24, 46, 50, 52, 56, 59,

80, 81, 93, 102, 118, 136, 137, 138, 139,
1435 i57> 160, 161, 163; vol. II, II, 80,

81, 86, 89, 100, 103, 105, 106, 107, III,
ii4> 155. 183, 185, 186, 209, 215, 216,
226, 230, 238, 239

Christian I of Denmark, xxxiv, xxxvii,
xxxviii, xl, xliv

Christian H of Denmark, lix
Christian IH of Denmark, xxxvi
Christy, Miller, ciii, cxi, cxvi
Chuppin, Anthoine, vol. 11, 226
Churchyard, Thomas, vol. 11, 224, 225,

23O5 231, 232
Chus, son of Cham, 35
Cicero, 13

Clavus, Claudius, xxxiii, xxxiv. Hi
Clement HI (Pope), xlvii
Clinton, Lady Elizabeth, xcv
Clock, xcv

Cobham, Lord, vol. 11, in
Cole, Humphrey, cii; vol. 11, 77, 126, 131,

i55> 205
Cole, William Sea, vol. 11, 220
Collins, Hugh, vol. 11, 149
Collinson, Richard, cxxviii, cxxix, 70;

vol. II, 75, 215, 228, 237, 242, 243,

248
Colorado, vol. 11, 250
Columbus, Christopher, xxv, li. Hi, Iv,

Iviii, Ix, Ixiii, Ixviii, Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxxviii,

8, 71; vol. n, 230, 245
ColweH, Thomas, vol. n, 268, 270
Commings, John, vol. 11, 223
Company Adventurers to New Found

Lands, Ixxiv
Company of Cathay, cxii, cxvi; vol. 11,

103, 104, 105, 106, III, 156, 196, 209,

210, 211
Conde, Prince of, xciv
Conger, Nicholas, 59; vol. 11, 154, 220
Coningham, Thomas, vol. 11, 73
Constantinople, 20, 137
Contributors to the Voyages, vol. 11, 99,

217
Cooke, Nicholas, vol. 11, 78
Cooke, Richard, vol. 11, 221
Coole, Humphrey, see Cole
Coomes, William, vol. 11, 222
Coote, Charles Henry, cxxix
Corbet, Owen, vol. 11, 222
CordeH, Sir William, vol. n, 169, 170
Cordeyro, Antonio, xxxvii, xxxviii
Cormac, xi

Cornishe, John, vol. n, 223
Cornwall, England, 46, 78; vol. 11, 149

Coronado, Ixxxiv

Coronation Gulf, Ixiv, 86

Cortereal, Gaspar, Ixxiv

Cortereal, Joao Vaz, xxxvii, xxxviii

Cortereal, Miguel, Ixxiv

Cortereal Promontory, Ixxxvi

Cortereal, Vasqueanes, Ixxiv

Corunna, cxxi

Cosworth, Mr, vol. ii, 148, 149

Cotton, John, vol. 11, 222

Countess of Sussex, see Sussex, Countess of

Countess of Sussex Island, vol. 11, 42, 67

Countess of Sussex Mine, 115, 119; vol. 11,
67, 68, 69, 70

Countess of Warwick, see Warwick, Coun-
tess of

Countess of Warwick Island, 64, 70, 73,
76, 103, 104, 116; vol. II, 17, 18, 42, 44,
65> 66, 70, 133, 150, 156, 240, 241, 245,
246, 247, 249, 251

Countess of Warwick Mine, vol. n, 69, 70

Countess of Warwick Sound, cxv, 66, 68,
74, 97, 100, 102, 109, 113, 114, 116, 117,
120; vol. II, 17, 37, 41, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65,
66, 68, 156, 157, 210, 242, 243,245

Counzer, Nicholas, see Conger, Nicholas

Courtney, Captain, 82

Cowland, Richard, vol. 11, 167

Cowley, Richard, vol. n, 221

Coxe, Richard, 52, 61, 108, 1 1 1 ; vol. 11, 154

Coyar, Mr, vol. n, 167

Cracknell, Lionel, vol. 11, 221

Creake, Alexander, vol. 11, 222

Creake, Thomas, vol. 11, 270, 271

Croft, Sir James, vol. 11, loi

Croker, vol. 11, 117

Grouse, Nellis M., Ixxxviii

Croyden, see Crozon

Crozon, cxxvi, cxxvii

Cuba, cxix, 38

Cumberland, Earl of, cxxiii, cxxv; vol. 11,
7, III

Cunningham, John, vol. 11, 223

Cunningham, William, cii

Cutter, John, vol. 11, 222

Daae, Ludwig, xxxix
Dardes, Roger, vol. 11, 220

INDEX 279

Dartford, England, vol. 11, 120, 123, 128,
144, 149. 168, 169, 172, 173, 174, 176,
177, 182, 183, 187, 188, 189, 194, 197,
199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 210, 211, 249,
252

Dartmouth, cxxvii

Davids Sound, vol. 11, 42

Davies, Harry, vol. 11, 223

Davies, William, vol. 11, 223

Davis, C. H., vol. n, 242

Davis, John, Ixvi, Ixvii, bcviii, cviii, ex,
cxi, 39

Davis, Robert, vol. 11, 55, 59, 65, 210

Davis Strait, xxi, cviii, cix

Dawbney, John, vol. 11, 112

Death Valley, Calif, 37

Dee, John, xxxv, Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxix, xcviii,
xcix, c, ciii, cxiii, 20, 36, 38, 39; vol. 11,
82, 112, 113, 194, 200, 201, 205, 217,
236

Dee, Symon, vol. 11, 222

Demosthenes, 13

Denham, Robert, vol. 11, 65, 67, 116, 117,
124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 173,
190, 205, 208, 209, 212, 222

Denmark, xxv, xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii,
Iv, Ivii, 39

Dennis, cxv, 82, 84, 88, 93; vol. n, 37, 43,

55..57> 66
Dennis, John, vol. 11, 223
Deptford, England, ciii
De Roo, P., Hii
Desmond, Earl of, xcvi
Detford, England, 149
Devon, England, xcv; vol. 11, 251
Devonshire, England, Ixxxviii, 46
Dice, John, vol. 11, 204
Dicuil, xi, XV
Diego, Don, xxxvii, 144
Dionyse, see Dennis
Dionysius, 141
Disko, Greenland, xxiii
Dod, William, vol. 11, 222
Dodding, Edward, vol. n, 132, 134, 135,

136, 137. 237
Dominus Vobiscum, Ixxvi, 49
Dover, England, cxxiii
Dowd, vol. n, 118

280 INDEX

Dowgle, William, vol. ii, 117, 171, 198,

201, 218
Dragford, Thomas, vol. 11, 223
Drake, Sir Francis, cxviii, cxix, cxxi, cxxii,

cxxiii, cxxix; vol. n, 232
Drake, S. G., cxxix
Draper, Clement, vol. 11, 166
Draper, Esdras, vol. n, 122
Duckett, Jeffrey, vol. n, 112
Duckett, Sir Lionel, vol. 11, 100, loi, 113,

140, 167, 171, 194, 195, 197, 201, 204,

217
Dudley, Ambrose, see Warwick, Earl of
Dudley, Thomas, vol. 11, 112
Duffield, Anthony, vol. 11, 78
Dunkirk, Scotland, cxxiii
Dwina River, 25, 142
Dyar, Edward, vol. 11, 86, 100, 113, 119,

132, 167, 195, 197, 200, 205, 217
Dyer, Andrew, 52, 60; vol. 11, 35, 65, 154,

158, 221, 222
Dyers Passage, see Dyers Sound
Dyers Sound, vol. 11, 43, 65, 66, 69, 70

East Indies, see Indies

Eden, Richard, xxxv, Ixxv, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii,

xcviii; vol. 11, 229, 231
Edgecombe, Mr, vol. 11, 147, 148, 149, 173
Edinburgh, Scotland, 53
Egede, Hans, xxviii, xxxiii, Ixix, Ixx

Egypt, 17, 138

Einar Sokkason, xli

Eliot, vol. n, 118

Eliot, K. M., Ixxxix, xcii, cxxix

Elizabeth Appleyard, xciii

Elizabeth Bonaventure, cxix

Elizabeth of England, Ixxxiii, xciii, xciv,
xcv, xcvi, ciii, cxi, cxii, cxiv, cxvii, cxix,
cxx, cxxii, cxxiii, cxxiv, cxxvi; vol. 11,
211, 215, 217, 242, 260

Ellesmere Island, xxi, Ixii, Ixvii

Elliott, Hugh, Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxiv

Ellis, John, vol. 11, 223

EUis, Thomas, Ixiv, cxv, cxxiv; vol. 11, 27,
45> 47^ 5I5 224, 227, 273

Emanuel of Bridgwater, see Btiss of Bridg-
water

Emanuel of Exeter, 82, 84; vol. 11, 55

England, xiii, xlv, Iv, Ixiii, Ixxiii, Ixxxvi,
Ixxxvii, xc, xcii, xcvii, civ, cxv, cxix, cxx,
cxxi, cxxiii, cxxv, cxxvi, 8, 19, 21, 33, 34,

36, 39. 40. 41 5 43. 44> 46, 50> 53» 54. 55»
56, 65, 72, 80, 83, 85, 1 15, 1 19, 123, 125,

165; vol. II, 7, II, 12, 25, 35, 69, 79, 80,
81, 82, 105, 124, 156, 160, 173, 231, 237,
249. }b^, 255, 257, 260, 263. See also
Britain

English, William, vol. 11, 222

Enridi Oddsson, xx

Eoum, Sea, 18

Erelease, Thomas, vol. 11, 223

Eric of Pomerania, xxvii

Erik the Red, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix, xxi, Ivi,
Ix

Erik Walkendorf, Iviii, Ixxxii

Erizye, Richard, xciii

Erling Sigvatsson, xx

Escape Reef, vol. 11, 233

Essex, Gipio, vol. 11, 220

Essex, England, 5i>,53; vol. 11, 259

Estrege, Harry, xcviii

Euclid, 13

Eugenius III (Pope), xlvii

Europe, xiv, xxiv, xxvi, xxix, xxxi, xl, xli,
xlii, xlv, lii, lix, Ixiii, Ixxvi, Ixxxv, 16, 18,
19. 23, 35, 86, 135, 136, 137, 138; vol.
II, 10, 237

Euxine Sea, 18, 19, 137

Evans, Davy, vol. 11, 221

Fagundes, Joao Alvarez, Ixxx
Fair Island, 149, 150
Farewell, Gape, xix, xxii, cv
Faroes, xii, xiv, xx, xxii, Ixxxi, civ
Farrer, Richard, vol. 11, 270
Feld, Matthew, see Field, Matthew
Fenner, Thomas, xcvi, cxxii
Fenton, Edward^ cxvii, 53, 62, 81, 82, 88,
100, loi, 102, 105, 116; vol. II, II, 37,
43, 65, 66, 67, 70, 1 16, 1 17, 1 18, 132, 133,
134, 147, 148, 149, 154, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159, 161, 190, 194, 209, 210, 220
Fenton's Fortune, 102; vol. 11, 65, 70
Ferdinand of Spain, Ixxxviii, 8, 9, 24
Fernandez, Francisco, bcxiii, Ixxiv
Fernandez, Joao, Ixxiii

INDEX

281

Fernando, Don, xxxvii

Ffyld, Matthew, see Field, Matthew

Ficinus, MarfiHus, Ixxxiii, 141

Field, Cyrus W., vol. n, 242

Field, Matthew, vol. n, 100, loi, 113, 116,

132, 167, 168, 171, 194, 201, 204, 206,

217
Fild, Matthew, see Field, Matthew
Filpot, Richard, see Philpott, Richard
Finmark, Ixx, 137, 142
Fischer, Joseph, xxxiv
Fishburne, Richard, vol. n, 221
Fisher, Anthony, vol. 11, 223
Fisher, Jo., vol. 11, 116
Fitzgerald, Gerald, xcvi
Flanders, Iv, xcvii; vol. n, 79
Fleming, Abraham, vol. n, 5, 31, 226,

227
Floki, xiv
Florida, cxix

Flowey, Christopher, vol. 11, 221
Flying Spirit, xciii
Forder, Francis, 52
Foresight, cxvii

Forster, John R., vol. 11, 250
Foster, Sir William, cxviii; vol. n, 243
Fowlay Island, 150
Fox-Bourne, H. R., xcv, cxvii, cxix, cxxix;

vol. II, 240, 243
Foxe, Luke, vol. 11, 225
Fracastoro, Girolamo, Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii
France, xx, Iv, xciii, cxxvi, 30; vol. 11, 79,

229, 255, 256
Frances ofFoy, 82, 84, 90, 97; vol. 11, 39, 41,

42, 55, 61, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73, 155
Franklin, Sir John, vol. n, 243, 245
Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor, xliii,

xliv, xlvii
Frederikshaab, Greenland, xx
Freesland, see Friesland
Frere, Robert, xciv
Freston, John, cxxviii
Fretum Trium Fratrum, Ixxxv, 139
Frie, John, vol. 11, 223
Friesland, civ, cix, ex, cxii, cxiv, cxv, 54,

55, 56, 57, 84, 85, 119, 122, 151, 154,

159, 165; vol. II, 12, 13, 36, 55, 160, 228,

253

Frio, Gape, Ixxxvii

Frisius, Gemma, xxxiv, Ixxxiii, Ixxxv, 39,

137, 139, HO, 144
Frobisher, see John Appleyard
Frobisher, Anne. vol. 11, 266
Frobisher Bay, vol. 11, 240, 245, 249
Frobisher, Darby, vol. 11, 261, 266
Frobisher, David, vol. 11, 261
Frobisher, Dorothy, cxxix; vol. 11, 258, 259,

261, 262, 263, 266, 270, 272
Frobisher, Edith, vol. 11, 266
Frobisher Foreland, vol. n, 56
Frobisher, Isabel, cxvii, cxxviii
Frobisher, John, vol. n, 259, 260
Frobisher, Martin, genealogy, Ixxxix
Fi-obisher, Mary, vol. n, 267
Frobisher, Peter, cxxix; vol. 11, 259, 260,

261, 270, 271
Frobisher Straits, cv, ex, cxi, 19, 21, 48, 56,

87, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 106, 113, 117,

122, 123; vol. II, 13, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41,

44, 61, 62, 64, 156, 227, 228
Fuller, vol. n, 225
Fuller, Thomas, Ixxxviii, cxxix
Fuquiem, China, 143

Gabriel, cii, ciii, civ, cix, cxii, 47, 52, 56, 63,
76, 77, 79, 82, 84, 90, 95, 97, 100, 105,
149, 165; vol. II, II, 39, 40, 41, 44, 55,
56, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73,

78, 79, 81, 95, 97, 99, io7, "5, ^33, ^34,
152, 155, 156, 157, 166, 210, 218, 227,

249, 273
Gabriel Island, cvi, 113, 152, 153; vol. 11,

62, 67
Galicia, cxix

Gamaige, John, vol. 11, 221
Ganges Rivei', 17, 28
Gardar, xiii, xiv

Gardar, Greenland, xli, xlii, xlviii, li, Ivi, lix
Gardarsholm, xiii, xiv
Gascoigne, George, xcix, c; vol. 11, 232
Gastaldi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxviii, 139
Gebauer, J. H., xxxix
Genoa, Antonius and Nicholas, see Zeno
Genoa, Italy, 8
Germany, xiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 23, 139; vol.

II, 79, 120, 229

282

INDEX

Gibbes (Master of the Thomas Allen),

vol. n, 35
Gibralter, Strait of, 17
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, xxxv, Ixxv, Ixxxiii,

Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii,

xcviii, xcix, c, cx\'iii, 136; vol. 11, 82, 112,

224, 228, 232
Gilbert Sound, Greenland, Ixvii, Ixviii
Girido, Lucke, vol. 11, 154
Gisli Oddsson, xxx
Gnupsson, Erik, Bishop of Greenland, xli,

liii
Godthaab, Greenland, xix, xx, xxiii, Ixvi,

bcx
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, Ixxxiv
Gomes, Stephen, Ixxxvii
Gonne, John, vol. 11, 116
Gonsalvez, Joao, Ixxiii, Ixxiv
Good Hope, Cape of, Ixxxv, cxviii, 18, 21,

35, 46, 85, 135, 140; in Frobisher Bay,

97
Goodolphin, Mr, vol. 11, 148

Goodyear, vol. 11, 173

Gosch, cxvi

Gothland, 41

Gothus, Nicholas, see Clavus, Claudius

Graham, Sir Thomas, vol. 11, 168

Grand Khan, xlvii

Graves, Thomas, vol. 11, 221

Gravesend, Ixxxii, xcvi, ciii, 53, 149, 158;
vol. II, 35, 82

Gray, John, 113

Greece, 16, 17; vol. 11, 79

Greely, A. W., vol. 11, 244

Greene, F., vol. 11, 116

Greene, Richard, vol. 11, 220

Greenland, xi, xiii, xiv, xvi, xvii, xviii, xix,
XX, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxvii,
xxix, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi,
xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv,
xlvi, xlvii, xlviii, xUx, 1, li, lii, liii, Iv, Ivi,
Ivii, Iviii, lix, Ix, Ixi, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixv,
Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxiii,
Ixxv, Ixxix, bcxxi, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv,
Ixxxvii, civ, cviii, cix, ex, cxv, 21, 71, 86,
87. 945 125, 126, 137, 142; vol. II, 227,
228, 235, 236

Greenwich, England, ciii, 82, 149, 183, 187

Greenwich Hospital Museum, vol. 11, 243
Gregorius, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Greipar, xx
Gresham, Sir Thomas, c; vol. 11, 100, loi,

113, 114, 116, 117, 167, 171, 173, 193,

1945 I97> 201, 202, 217
Grey, Earl, cxvii
Griflfen, Owen, ciii; vol. 11, 185
Grinnell, Henry, vol. n, 242
Grip, Carsten, xxxvi
Gryffin, Manus, vol. 11, 221
Guarras, de, xcvii
Guiccardini, Ludovico, Ixxxiii
Guinea, xc, xci, xcii, xciii, xcviii, 26, 27,

158; vol. II, 273

Gunnbjorn, xvi, xvii, xviii
Gunnbjorn's Skerries, xvi, lix
Gunther, R. T., cii
Guyccardinus, see Guiccardini

Hackett, Thomas, cii

Hakluyt, Richard, Ixxii, Ixxv, Ixxvi, Ixxvii,
Ixxviii, Ixxx, Ixxxviii, xcii, xcviii, cxxix,
19. 39. 45; vol. II, 220, 224, 225, 226,
227, 228, 233, 253, 254

Hakluyt Society, civ, 39

Hakon, xlii

Halfdan the Black, xv

Hall, Charles Francis, ex, cxv; vol. n, 240,
241, 242, 243, 245, 247 _

Hall, Christopher, xcviii, ciii, civ, cv, cvi, 45,
52, 56, 92, 102, 149; vol. II, 35, 55, 59,
61, 64, 67, 69, 81, 82, 96, 116, 117, 154,
158, 161, 185, 209, 210, 222, 227, 233, 273

Hall, John, vol. 11, 222

Halle, Christopher, see Hall

Hall's Island, cv, cxi, cxiii, cxiv, 56, 57, 1 1 7,
160; vol. II, 13, 250

Hal ton, Robert, vol. 11, loi

Hamburg, xxv, xl, xli, Ixiii, xcv

Hammond, Anthony, xcii

Harald the Fair Haired, xv

Harberd, Richard, vol. 11, 221

Harington, William, vol. 11, 171, 201, 204,
217

Harrisse, Henry, xxxviii

Harrys, John, xciv

Hartgill, John, vol. 11, 220

INDEX

283

Harvey, Edward, 52, 82; vol. 11, 154, 220
Harwich, England, ciii, cix, cxiii, cxxiii,

53> 82, 85, 154, 158, 165; vol. II, II,

35. 55. 181
Harwood, John, vol. 11, 223
Hatton, Mr, vol. n, 1 1 2
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 5, 11 ; vol. 11, 273
Hattons Headland, 96, 97, 98, iii, 112,

116
Havana, cxxiv
Hawkins, Arthur, cxviii
Hawkins, John, xciii, xcv, xcvi, xcvii,

cxviii, cxxii, cxxv, cxxix; vol. 11, 231
Hawle, Christopher, see Hall
Hayes, Isaac I., xxi
Haykes, William, vol. 11, 264, 265
Hayles, John, vol. 11, 117
Hayson, Robert, vol. 11, 221
Heath, England, cxxviii
Hebrides, xiii, 18
Hector, vol. 11, 50
Heemskerck, Jacob, xxxviii, lix
Helgi, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Helluland, xxi, xxiii
Helston, England, vol. n, 149
Hennage, Mr, vol. 11, 112
Henricke (mason), vol. 11, 126
Henrik, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Henrique, Don, xxxvii
Henry VI of England, xxvii
Henry VII of England, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxxv,
• 8, 9, 23, 24, 140; vol. n, 79
Henry VIII of England, Ixxv, Ixxvi, Ixxx
Henry of Portugal (the Navigator), xxxvi,

xxxix, xliv, Iv
Hercules, 16; vol. n, 49, 50
Hercules, Pillars of, 17
Herjolf, xiv
Herjolfsnes, xxvii, xxviii, xlv, xlvi, Ix, Ixiii,

Ixxxi
Hermannsson, Halldor, xxxiv, xli
Herschel Island, vol. n, 233
Hesperus, vol. 11, 45, 49
Heyward, Sir R., vol. 11, 140
Heywood, J. C, liii
Heywood, John, vol. 11, 221
Hews, Anthony, vol. n, 220
Hewse, Tege, vol. 11, 221

Hickman, Anthony, xcii

Hieronymus, xxxv

Hill, vol. II, 63

Hilpe, John, vol. 11, 223

Hind, Robert, vol. 11, 221

Hispaniola Island, 38

Hitchcock (carpenter) , vol. 11, 117

Hitchcock, John, vol. 11, 223

Hodgys, John, vol. 11, 221

Hogan, Edward, vol. 11, 100, loi, 102, 106,

III, 113, 116, 117, 132, 155, 171, 185,

201, 204, 205, 208, 217
Holland, cxx
Holm, G., xvii
Holmes, Quartermaster (of the Ayde) , vol.

II, 63
Holt, Adam, vol. 11, 221
Holy Land, xlvii
Homem, Alvara Martins, xxxvii
Homer, 141

Homes, Walter, vol. 11, 223
Hondeston, Lord, see Hunsdon
Hondius, Jocodus, Ivi
Honterus, Joh., Ixxxiii, 36
Hopewell, 82, 84, 120; vol. 11, 35, 40, 42, 44,

55. 62, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73, 117, 155,

202
Hopkins (smith), vol. 11, 118
Hopkins, Robert, vol. 11, 222
Hopkinson, John, Ixxxviii
Horatius, vol. 11, 80
Hore, Richard, bcxx
Horn, Georg, xxxiv
Horsey, Edward, xcv; vol. 11, 112, 220
Hortrop, Job, vol. 11, 273
Hovgaard, William, xviii, xxiii
Howard, Lord Charles, cxxi, cxxiii; vol.

n, 99. I "
Hrafnsfjord, Greenland, xli
Hudson Bay, Ixxv; vol. u, 245
Hudson, Christopher, vol. 11, 100, 1 13, 117,

194,202,217
Hudson, Henry, Ivi, Ix
Hudson Strait, cxv, 123; vol. 11, 229
Hudson's Bay Company, Ixiii; vol. n, 235
Huitfeldt, Christoffer, Ivi, Ivii
Humphrey, William, vol. 11, 155, 204, 205,

222

284 INDEX

Hunsdon, Lord, vol. 11, 99, iii, 171, 195,

197, 200, 203, 217
Huntington Library, vol. 11, 215
Hwitfeld, ChristofFer, see Huitfeldt
Hyperborean Mountains, 18, 23

Iberia, xxxviii

Iceland, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii,
xviii, xix, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi,
xxvii, xxix, xxxv, xxxvi, xl, xliii, xliv,
xlv, xlvii, xlix, 1, Iv, Ivi, Ivii, Iviii, lix, Ix,
Ixxi, Ixxiii, Ixxix, Ixxxi, Ixxxiv, civ, cxiii,

17, 19' 45. 54. 94> 136, 142; vol. 11, 228
Incent, John, vol. 11, 221
India, xl, 17, 23, 28, 157
Indies, East, cvi, cxviii, cxx, cxxv, 21, 27,

33. 52, 56, 144, 157. 161; vol. II, 82, 95,

239
Indies, West, Iv, Ixxvii, Ixxxvi, xcviii, cxix,

cxx, cxxv, 21, 23, 27, 32, 135, 137, 138,

141, 144; vol. II, 9, 255
Ingebord, daughter of Hakon, xlii
Ingolf, xiv, XV
Innocent III (Pope), xlvii
Innocent VIII, li
Investigator, Ixv
Ireland, xii, xiii, xv, Ivii, Iviii, Ixxi, Ixxxvi,

xcv, xcvi, xcvii, c, cxvii, cxx, cxxi, 23,

85, 94; vol. II, 35, 79, 88, 156, 253
Isachsen, Fridtjof, xxi
Isachsen, Gunnar, xxi, Ixii
Ismael, Abylfeda, 20
Issicus, Strait of, 19
Italy, xxxviii; vol. 11, 79, 229
Ivan the Terrible, Ixxxii

Jacklin, James, vol. 11, 221, 222
Jackman, Charles, Ixxxiii, 52, 60, 66,

102; vol. 11, 37, 63, 64, 154, 158, 209,

210, 221
Jackmans Sound, 61, 63, 64, 66, 69; vol.

II, 15, 40, 61, 62, 66, 67
Jackson, Christopher, vol. 11, 62, 223
Jackson, Margaret, vol. 11, 261
Jackson, Richard, vol. 11, 261, 264
Jackson, William, vol. 11, 264
Jacob, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Jacob Teppe, Bishop of Greenland, liv

Jameson, J. F., vol. 11, 232

Japan, 138, 140, 143

Japhet, son of Noah, 34, 35

Jason, vol. n, 45, 46, 49, 50

Jay, John, Ixxi

Jenkins, Thomas, vol. n, 222

Jenkinson, Anthony, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, Ixxxvi,

25; vol. II, 100, loi, 102, no, 113, 167,

17/j 195. 197. 201, 217, 231
Jennings, Thomas, vol. 11, 220
Jeronius, vol. 11, 117
John XXI (Pope), xlvii
John Appleyard, xciii
John Blewhett, see John Appleyard
Johnson, Godfrey, vol. 11, 220
Johnson, John, vol. 11, 220
Jon Kutur or Knutr, Bishop of Greenland,

liv
Jon Skalli, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Jon Smirill, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Jonas, see Schutz, Jonas
Jonas, Mount, vol. u, 64
Jonas, Paul, vol. 11, 223
Jones, Frank, cxvii, cxxii, cxxv, cxxix
Jones, Hugh, vol. 11, 222
Jones Sound, xxi, Ixi, Ixii
Jonsson, Finnur, xviii, xx, xxvi, xxxii,

xxxix, xlii, liii, Ivii, Iviii, lix
Jowerson, William, vol. 11, 81
Joyner, William, vol. n, 220
Judith, 82, 84, 88, 120; vol. 11, 37, 41, 55,

63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 118, 149, 155,

156, 157, 176, 218
Jugge, John, vol. 11, 232
Jugge, Richard, ciii
Julianehaab, Greenland, xix, lix, Ixx

Kane, Elisha Kent, xxi
Karlsefni, see Thorfinn Karlsefni
Kelke, Thomas, vol. 11, loi
Kelley, Walter, vol. 11, 223
Kendall (Captain of the Dennis), 82
Kepar, Lord, vol. 11, in
Kerin, William, vol. 11, 116
Ketilsfjord, Greenland, xii
Kiel, Gei'many, xxxvi
Killigrew, Peter, xciii
Kirkham, Henry, vol. 11, 154, 220

Kirkham, John, vol. ii, 48, 227
Kitchen, vol. 11, 55
Klinkenberg, Charles, 70
Knevet, Sir Henry, vol. 11, 10 1
Knowells, Sir Francis, vol. n, loi, 116,

195. 197^.202, 217
Knowles, Sir Francis, see Knowells
Knowlls, Sir Francis, see Knowells
Krainghe, Burchard, see Kraurych
Kraurych, Burchard, vol. 11, 109, 119, 123,

125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 139,

144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 155, 205,

208, 209, 248, 252
Krelle, Walter, vol. n, 73
Kroksfjardarheidi, Greenland, xx
Kunstmann, xxxviii
Kutur, Jon, see Jon Kutur
Kyllygrew, William, vol. 11, loi, 112
Kyndersley, Anne, vol. 11, 171, 197, 201,

217
Kyndersley, Matthew, 82, 149; vol. 11, 36,

loi. III, 113, 116, 154, 195, 197, 201,

217, 222
Kyndersley, Robert, 52; vol. 11, 100, loi,

ii3> 116, 154, 195, 197, 201, 217

Laaland, xxxvii

Laborne, William, vol. n, 221

Labrador, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, xxviii,
xxxix, xl, Iv, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxviii,
Ixxxv, cv, 49, 123, 151, 159, 160; vol. II,

245
Lakes, John, 1 08

Lambell, John, vol. 11, 222

Lancaster Sound, 122

Landam, Titus, vol. 11, 220

Lane, Governor of Virginia, cxix

Lane, Raffe, vol. 11, 112

Lane, Thomas, xciii, xcv, xcvii

La Peyrere, Isaac de, vol. 11, 225, 228, 232

Lapland, Ixxxii, 18, 21, 137, 157

Larkin, Ralph, vol. 11, 221

Larman, George, vol. 11, 221

Larrance, Nicholas, vol. n, 220

Larsen, Sofus, xxxvii, xxxviii, xxxix

Larson, L. M., xviii, xlvi

Latimer, Henry, Ixxvii

Lawson, John, vol. 11, 221

INDEX 285

Le Brum, Geoffrey, vol. 11, 109, 121, 122

Lee, Dr, Ixxi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii

Lee, F., vol. 11, 116, 118

Lee, John, 52; vol. 11, 154, 220

Leech, James, vol. 11, 253

Leicester, Earl of, cxviii, cxix, cxx; vol. n,
99> "4. 1 193 13I5 167, 195, 197, 202,
203, 217

Leicester Island, 63

Leicester Point, 106

Leif Eriksson, xxi, xxii, xl, xlix

Leonard, Dominick, vol. 11, 221

Lewis, Tege, vol. 11, 222

Lewyn, William, vol. 11, 270, 271

Library of Congress, Washington, vol. 11,
244

Linch, Abraham, see Lynch

Lindenow Fjord, Greenland, xx

Lion, xc

Lisbon, Ixxiii, xcviii, cxx, cxxi, 139

Littleston, Roger, vol. 11, 68

Lloyd, John, Ixxi

Loaysa, Garcia de,

Locke, Michael, see Lok

Loe, John, vol. 11, 221

Lok, Benjamin, vol. 11, 218

Lok, Eleazer, vol. 11, 113, 115, 218

Lok, Gerson, vol. 11, 113, 218

Lok, Henry, vol. 11, loi, 218

Lok, Humphrey, vol. 11, 155

Lok, John, xcii

Lok, Matthew, vol. n, 218

Lok, Michael, xc, xcii, xcviii, xcix, c, ci,
civ, cvii, ex, cxi, cxii, cxiv, cxvi, cxvii,
cxxix, 119, 155, 157; vol. II, 55, 78, 79,
84, 85, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 100, loi, 102,
103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, no, III,
113, 114, 115, 119, 123, 124, 126, 127,
131, 132, 137, 140, 145, 148, 156, 166,
168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176,
178, 179, 180, 182, 192, 194, 196, 198,
199, 200, 202, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210,
211, 216, 218, 219, 228, 231, 237, 248,
250, 252, 273

Lok, Michael, Jr., vol. 11, 218

Lok, Thomas, xcii

Lok, Sir William, vol. 11, 79

Lok, Zacharie, vol. 11, 218

286 INDEX

London, xxx, xciii, civ, cxxviii, 42, 43, 51,

158, 159; vol. II, 55, 79, 86, 90, no,

III, 121, 128, 137, 146, 148, 159, 181,

184
Lord Chamberlain, vol. 11, 99, 109, 112,

131, 167, 217
Lord High Admiral, vol. 11, 99, 112, 167,

1945 197, 202, 217
Lord High Treasm-er, vol. 11, 99, 109, 112,

114, 117, 131, 167, 183, 185, 194, 197,

200, 217
Louis IX of France, xlviii
Lowring, John, vol. 11, 221
Luke's Sound, vol. 11, 56
Lund, XXV, xli
Lunt, John, vol. 11, 221
Lycurgus, 13

Lydger, Andrew, vol. 11, 223
Lydiet, William, vol. 11, 220
Lynch, Abraham, 52; vol. 11, 154
Lyns, Abraham, see Lynch

Mackenzie River, 123

MacMillan, David B., Ixvii

Madeira, xc

Madeleine, xciv

Madre de Dios, cxxvi

Maffeius, Petrus, vol. 11, 229

Magellan, Ferdinand, Ixxvii, cv, 135, 139;

vol. II, 230
Magellan, Straits of, Ixxxiv, 21, 38, 48, 85,

135. 139. 143. 144
Maggiore Sea, 137

Magnusson, Arni, see Arni Magnusson

Maine, Ixxx

Malacca, 143

Malby, Sir Nicholas, vol. 11, 166

Malega, Strait of, 1 7

Mandeville, Sir John, ciii; vol. 11, 77

Manhart, George Born, cvi, cxvi, cxxx,

39; vol. II, 215, 216, 232

Mannering, William, vol. 11, 223

Mare Australe, vol. 11, 227

Mare Glaciale, Ixxxv, 56, 57, 87

Mare del Sun, see Pacific Ocean

Mare del Sur, see Pacific Ocean

Mare del Zur, see Pacific Ocean

Marie, xciv

Markham, Albert Hastings, Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixviii
Markham, Clements R., Ixvii, xcviii
Markland, xxiii, xxiv, xxv, Ivi
Marlor, Anthony, vol. 11, 198, 201, 218
Marsden, R. C, xcii, xciii, xciv, xcv,

xcvii, cxxx
Marsh, Thomas, vol. 11, loi
Martin IV (Pope), xlviii
Martin, Dame Elizabeth, vol. 11, 218
Martin, Lady, vol. 11, 173, 201, 204
Martin, Richard, vol. 11, 133
Martin, Robert, vol. 11, loi, 113, 167, 171,

i95> 198, 201
Martyr, Peter, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxxiii;

vol. II, 229
Mary Flower, xciii, xciv
Mary of Gilford, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 49
Mary Graynfelde, xcv
Maryland, Ixxiii
Masterson, Mary, vol. 11, 265
Mathew, Edward, vol. n, 221
Matthew, Ixxii

Matthew (baker), vol. 11, 117
Matthias, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Mauvissiere, Castelnau de, vol. 11, 232
McClure, Robert, Ixv
McFee, William, cxxii, cxxx
Medina, ciii

Medina Sidonia, Duke of, cxxii
Mediterranean Sea, 18, 137
Meinardus, Dr Wilhelm, 44
Mekerchus, Adolphus, vol. 11, 227
Mela, Pomponius, 141
Melbourne, University of, vol. 11, 249
Meldorf, Gustav, Ixix
Melendes, Pedro, Ixxxvi
Melville Island, 65
Mercator, Gerhard, xxxiv, cii, 19, 39, 137,

140, 144; vol. II, 77
Mercer, see Burde, William
Merchants Adventurers of England, see

Muscovy Company
Mermaid, Ixvi
Meta Incognita, Ixiv, Ixxvi, cxiv, 34, 46,

50, 80, 81, 86, 87, 89, 103, 1 19, 122, 124;

vol. II, 33, 35, 36, 56, 150, 154, 155, 156,

157, 160, 168, 202, 209, 210, 220, 240,

253. See also Baffin Island

INDEX 287

Mexico, Ixxxvi, 139 Nansen, Fridtjof, xvii, xxvii, xxviii, xxix,
Mexico, Bay of, 85, 94 xxx, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxix, xli, Ivi, Ixi, Ixvi,

Michell, vol. ir, 149 Ixviii, Ixix, 86, 99

Michael, cii, ciii, civ, cv, cxii, 47, 52, 54, 56, Nares, Sir George, xxi, Ix, Ixvii

63, 64, 66, 76, 79, 82, 84, 88, 100, 121, National Maritime Museum, vol. 11, 243
149, 159; vol. n, 36, 37, 41, 55, 58, 63, Neale, Thomas, vol. 11, 175, 191

64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 95, Nedam, George, cxi; vol. n, 84
97, 99, 107, no, 115, 155, 156, 157, 218 Nepos, Cornelius, Ixxxv

Michael, Harry, vol. 11, 223 Neptune, vol. 11, 10

Mikkelsen, Ejnar, vol. 11, 233 New England, xxii, xxiv, Ivi

Milan, Italy, xiv New France, vol. 11, 9

Milford, England, vol. 11, 25 New Kaie, England, vol. 11, 149

Miller, History and Antiques of Doncaster, New York City, xxx

Ixxxix New York State, xiv

Millward, A. E., vol. n, 245 Newcastle, England, xciii, xciv

Mina River, xci Newfoundland, xxiv, Ivi, Ixxi, Ixxii, Lxxiii,
Minerva, vol. n, 51 Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxvi, Ixxx, Ixxxii, cxix, 49,

Mogg, HuHn S., 70 69, 157; vol. n, 12, 15

Moleto, Gioseppe, 137, 138, 144 Newson, vol. 11, 118

Moluccas, Ixxxvi, 28, 31, 33, 135, 136, 138, Newton (Captain oi^ Buss of Bridgwater) , 82

143; vol. n, 229 Nicholas II (Pope), xlvii, xlviii

Moone, xc Nicholas V (Pope), xxxii, xl, xlix, i

Moone ofFoy, 82, 90, 99, 105, 106, 108, 1 10, Nicholas of Lynn, 19

in, 112, 113; vol. II, 55, 65, 67, 69, 70, Nicolaus, Bishop of Greenland, liv

72, 73, 155 Nidaros, xli, xlvii, xlviii

More, vol. 11, 118 Nielsen, Niels, Ixv

More, Sir Thomas, Ixxvi Niger, Claudius Clavus, see Clavus, Clau-
Morgan, xciii, xcvii dius

Morgan, Sir WiUiam, cxii; vol. 11, 89, 90, Niger, Dominicus Marius, Ixxxv

123, 124 Niger, Nicolaus, see Clavus, Claudius

Morley, Richard, xciv Nikolas, Bishop of Greenland, liv

Morocco, 27, 37, 40 Nile River, 17

Morris, vol. 11, 118 Noah, 34

Morris, Thomas, vol. 11, 65 Norby, Soren, lix

Moscow, Ixxxii Norlund, Poul, xxvii, xiv, xlvi, Ixiii

Moyles (Captain of the Frances of Foy), 82 Norris, Sir John, cxxvi, cxxvii

Muller-Roder, E., xliii, xliv Norris, Thomas, vol. n, 61

Munster, Sebastian, Ixxxiii; vol. n, 231 North Foreland, see Hall's Island

Muscovy, Ixxvi, Ixxxiv, xcviii, 18, 21, 23, North Pole, Ixxix, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 26,

25, 29, 39, 123, 124, 137, 140, 142, 157; 39, 41, 42, 43, 136, 137; vol. n, 12, 13,

vol. II, 9, 103 _ i4j 49

Muscovy Company, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii, c, ci; North Sea, 19

vol. II, 80, 81, 175, 183, 188 Northwestern Strait, 144

Mylles, Francis, vol. 11, 112 Norton, John, vol. 11, 221

Norway, xi, xiv, xv, xxi, xxii, xxvi, xxxi,
Naddodd, xiv xxxvii, xl, xlii, xliv, xiv, xlvii, xlviii,

Nancarne, Steven, vol. 11, 221 xlix, 1, li, Iv, Ivi, Ivii, Iviii, lix, Ixi, Ixxix,

Nance, John, vol. 11, 149 Ixxxii, 18, 19, 21, 85, 94, 137, 142

288 INDEX

Nottingham, England, vol. 11, 260
Nourse, J. E., vol. n, 242, 248
Nova Scotia, xxii, Ixxiii
Nunn, George, 139
Nyccolls, Thomas, vol. 11, 112

Ob River, 21, 23, 142

Obygdir, Greenland, xx

Ocean, East, 20

Ocean, South, 18

Ocean, West, Ixxxiv, 18, 161, 162

Ochther, Ixxiv

Oddsson, Enridi, see Enridi Oddsson

Oddsson, Gisli, see Gisli Oddsson

Ogmund Palsson, Bishop of Iceland, Ivii,

Ixxxi, Ixxxii
Olaf Tryggvason, xxi, xl, xlix, Iviii
Olafr, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Olason, Pall Eggert, Ixxxi
Oliver, xcvii
Olvir Barnakarl, xiv
Onega River, Russia, 142
Onthere, see Ochther
Orange, Prince of, xciv, xcvi
Orcades, see Orkneys
Orkneys, xi, Ivii, cix, cxiii, 17, 18, 23, 53,

54>55> 76, i54> 165; vol. II, 11, 12
Ormshaw, William, vol. 11, 100, loi, 113,

171, 172, 197, 201, 220__
Ortelius, Abraham, Ixxxiii, Ixxxvi, c, 19,

20, 136, 140, 144
Othere, see Ochther
Ottar, see Ochther
Otto, Duke of Bavaria, 20
Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernando d', Ixxvii,

Ixxxviii, 38
Owen, Richard, vol. 11, 114
Owen, Roger, vol. 11, 222
Owen, Thomas, vol. 11, 113, 167, 171, 195,

198, 201, 217
Oxford, Earl of, vol. 11, iii, 180, 195, 197,

200, 202, 208, 211, 216
Oxford, Mount, 105, 106; vol. 11, 64
Oxna-Thorir, xiv

Pacific Ocean, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi, 21, 56, 122,
138, I39» 140* 142, 161, 162; vol. II, 229
Page, John, vol. 11, 220

Palmer, Andrew, vol. 11, 132, 155, 168,

205, 206, 207
Palms, Cape of (Cape de las Palmas), 26
Pallsen, Ogmund, see Ogmund Palsson
Pan, vol. II, 45
Panama, 38

Paradice, John, vol. 11, 221
Paris, 31, 32

Parkhurst, Anthony, cxviii
Parks, George Bruner, Ixxvi; vol. 11, 215
Parma, Duke of, cxxi
Paumgartnerus, Hieronymus, vol. 11,

227
Pa vie, Edward, vol. 11, 223
Payne, vol. 11, 222
Payntar, William, vol. 11, 100, 113, 167,

171, 197, 201, 217
Payton, William, vol. 11, 10 1
Pechora, 157
Peck, E. J., vol. II, 245
Peckham, Sir George, cxviii; vol. 11, 224
Pecocke, John, vol. 11, 222
Peitz, W. M., xlvi
Pelham, Edward, cxviii
Pelham, William, vol. u, 100, 113, 167,

i7i> 1955 197, 200, 205, 210, 217
Pellam, see Pelham
Pembroke, Countess of, vol. 11, 99, 112,

116, 171, 195, 197, 200, 217
Pembroke, Earl of, vol. 11, 99, 112, 171,

i95> i97> 200, 217
Pembroke Island, vol. 11, 62
Pemnentelo, Don Diego de, cxxiii
Pennsylvania Museum of Art, Philadelphia,

vol. II, 244
Penrose, Barnard, vol. 11, 149
Perera, Galeotto, 138, 143
Perm, 157

Perrot, Timothy, vol. 11, 270
Perseus, vol. 11, 49, 50
Persia, Ixxxii, 17, 25
Peru, 31

Petersen, Carl S., xxxiv
Pett, Arthur, Ixxxiii; vol. 11, 78
Peyrere, see La Peyrere
Philip II of Spain, Ixxxvi, xciii, xcv, xcvii,

cxxvi, 19
Phillippes, Thomas, vol. 11, 221

INDEX

289

Philpott, Richard, 52, 81, 82, 102; vol. 11,

i54> 155. 158, 220
Phrysius, Gemma, see Frisius
Pining, Dietrich, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii,

xxxviii, xxxix, xlv, xlvi, Iv, Ivi, Ixxi, cix
Pinteado, Anthonie Anes, xc, xci, xcviii
Pithou, Nicholas, vol. 11, 226
Plantius, Peter, Ivi
Plato, Ixxxiii, 141
Pliny the Elder, Ixxxiii, Ixxxv, 141
Plutarch, vol. 11, 33, 51
Plymouth, England, Ixxvii, xci, xciii, cxxi,

cxxvii, cxxviii; vol. 11, 35, 55
Pointell (baker), vol. 11, 116, 117, 118
Poland, 23, 36
Pomponius Mela, see Mela
Portsmouth, England, xcv, cxix
Portugal, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl, Iv, Ixxi, Ixxviii,

Ixxix, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, xcviii, 6, 135, 157;

vol. II, 255
Postel, Guillaume, 20
Pothorst, Hans, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii,

xxxix, xlv, xlvi, Iv, Ivi, Ixxi, cix
Prato, Albertus de, Ixxvi
Prestage, Edgar, Ixxxviii
Price, John, vol. 11, 221
Price, Thomas, vol. 11, 221, 222
Priestley, R. E., vol. 11, 249
Primrose, xc, xcii, cxix
Prince Albert Sound, 70
Priors Sound, cvi, 152
Proclus, 141
Ptolomeus, xxxiv, Hi, Ixxxiii, civ, 17, 23,

136, 140, 144
Purchas, Samuel, xxxv, xxxvi, Ivi, Ixxvi,
Ixxvii, Ixxxviii, 39; vol. 11, 225

Queen Elizabeth's Cape, 69, 77, 122
Queen Elizabeth's Foreland, cv, 48, 64,
76, 87, 91, 93, 95, 96, 97, 99, 160; vol. II,
13. 36, 39^ 40, 4i> 42, 57> 58, 59> 60, 61,
67, 68, 69, 70

Rainbow, cxxii

Raleigh, Sir Walter, Ixxix, cxvii, cxix,

cxxv, cxxvi; vol. 11, 273
Ramusio, Gian Battista, Ixxiv, Ixxxiv,

Ixxxviii
Fvn

Randall, Hugh, 82; vol. 11, 58, 209, 210
Randall, Thomas, vol. 11, loi, no, 185,

208, 217
Randolphe, Thomas, vol. 11, 100, 102, 113,
119, 120, 124, 167, 195, 197, 200, 204,
205
Rasheley, vol. 11, 118
Rasmussen, Knud, xxi, Ix
Rastell, John, Ixxvi
Rastell, son of John, Ixxx
Ratclyflfe, England, 158
Recalde, General Juan de, cxxii
Record, Dr, ciii
Red Sea, 18, 19, 138
Reed, A. W., Ixxv
Revenge, cxxii

Reykjavik, Iceland, xiv, Iviii, lix, Ix
Rha River, Russia, 142
Riche, Corneyles, vol. 11, 73
Rickard, T. A., vol. 11, 249, 250, 252
Rink, Henry, Ixx
Robert, xciv

Roberts, J., vol. 11, 116, n8
Robinson, vol. 11, 67
Robinson, Edward, vol. 11, 223
Robinson, Peter, vol. 11, 221
Rochefort, Cesar de, Ixviii, cviii
Rome, Church of, xxii, xxv, xxix, xxx,
xxxi, xxxii, xxxviii, xl, xli, xlii, xlvi,
xlvii, xlviii, xlix, 1, li. Hi, liii, liv, Ivi, Iviii,
lix, Ixvi, Ixix
Roper, George, vol. 11, 220
Ross, James, vol. 11, 238
Rotterdam, cxxiii
Roy, Shai-at K., vol. 11, 249
Royal Geographical Society, London, vol.

II, 240, 242, 243
Royal Naval Museum, vol. 11, 243
Roydon, Matthew, cxviii
Ruscelli, civ

Russia, XX, Ixxxiii, 157. See also Muscovy
Rut, John, Ixxvi, Ixxvii
Ruysch, Ixxiii
Rye, xciv

Sacrobosco, Johannes, 36, 39
Saeghman, G. J., vol. 11, 225
Sagres, Cape, cxxiii

ago INDEX

Saint Awstell Clives, England, vol. ii, 149

Saint CoUum, England, vol. 11, 149

Saint George Channel, 78

Saint Helena Island, Canada, Ixi, Ixii

Saint John, Oliver, vol. n, 273

Saint Lawrence River, Ixxx

Saint Leger, William, xcvii

Saint Nicholas Bay, 23, 24, 45, 94, 137

Saint Nicholas Island, xc

Saint Tannesse, England, vol. 11, 149

Saint Tew, England, vol. n, 149

Saint Thomas Island, 26, 31, 141

Saint Tronions Sound, Scotland, 150

Sakford, William, vol. n, loi

Salamander, 87

Salomon of Weymouth, 82, 84; vol. 11, 42, 55,
64, 67, 68, 70, 73, 209

Salt, Richard, vol. n, 221

Salvaterra, Ixxxvi

Samoietza, 157

Sampson, John, vol. 11, 223

Samson, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, 49

Samson (workmaster of the mint) , vol. n, 1 33

Sane, Anthony, vol. n, 223

Sardinia, 35

Sarmatia, 18, 23

Saunders, William, vol. 11, 223

Saviour of Bristol, Ixxix

Sawnders, John, vol. 11, 223

Saxony, Duke of, vol. 11, 120, 121

Scandinavia, xx, Iviii, Ixix

Schultz, H. C, vol. II, 217

Schutz, Jonas, cxii, cxiv; vol. 11, 116, 117,
120, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129,
I30» 1315 132, 138, 140, 14I5 142, 143.
I44> 145. i50> 15I5 i55» 168, 173, 190,
194, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212,

251
Scolvus, Johannes, xxxiv, xxxvii, xxxviii,

xxxix, xlv, xlvi, Iv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, cix
Scotland, xiii, cxx, 17, 39, 41, 53, 54, 165;

vol. II, 12, 25, 79, 156
Scott, W. R., cij cxvi; vol. n, 215
Scylla, vol. 11, 45
Scythia, Sea of, 18, 19, 23, 94
Scythish, Cape, 136
Seely, William, vol. 11, 221
Sellers, D. F., vol. 11, 244

Selman, Edward, Ixiv, Ixv, 102, 106; vol.

II, 55, 116, ii7> 222, 228, 273
Sem, son of Noah, 34, 35
Sesto River, xci
Settell, James, vol. 11, 220
Settle, Dionyse, civ, cviii, cxiii, cxv; vol. 11,

I, 1, 22, 154, 224, 225, 226, 228, 232,
235, 237, 251, 273

Seville, Ixxix

Seyer, Annals of Bristol, vol. 11, 235, 238

Seymour, Lord Henry, cxxi, cxxii

Shakespeare, xviii

Shaw, vol. II, 118

Shawe, vol. 11, 1 18

Sherley, Sir Thomas, cxx

Shetlands, xi, xiv, xxii, Ixxxi, cii, 149, 150,

158
Shetland, see Shetlands
Shots, Jonas, see Schutz
Shrewsbury, Earl of, cxviii
Shute, or Shutz, Jonas, see Schutz, Jonas
Sicily, 35
Sidney, Sir Philip, cxix; vol. 11, 100, loi,

113, 116, i95> 197. 200, 217
Sigvatsson, see Erling Sigvatsson
Sivers, vol. 11, 228
Skagafjord, Greenland, Ix
Skiner, Oliver, vol. 11, 116
Skypwith, Lionel, vol. 11, 220
Smith, John, vol. 11, 222
Smith Sound, xxi, Ix, Ixvii
Smithes Island, 61
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, vol.

II, 240, 242, 243, 244
Smithton, Edward, vol. 11, 220
Smyth, William, 53, 77
Smythe, Hugh, vol. 11, 112, 134
Smythe, Matthew, vol. 11, 100, 113
Snorri, Thorfinsson, xxiv
Sokkason, see Einar Sokkason
Solomon, King, 14
Solon, 13
Somers, John, vol. 11, 116, 167, 195, 197,

200, 217
Sotle, Dennis, see Settle, Dionyse
South America, 135
South Pole, 18, 21, 26, 39
Southerland, Straits of, 69

Spain, Hi, Ixxiii, Ixxix, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, xcvii,
cxix, cxx, cxxiii, cxxiv, cxxv, 6, 8, 17, 35,
38, i39> 157; vol. II, 9, 57, 79, 255, 256

Spanish Armada, cxx

Sparrow, Anthony, vol. 11, 68, 223

Spenser, Edmund, cxvii

Spert, Thomas, Ixxv, Ixxvi

Spice Islands, Ixxviii, Ixxix

Spitzbergen, lix

Sprage, Harry, vol. 11, 221

Stafford, Edmund, 52; vol. 11, 154

Stanley (currier), vol. 11, 117

Stanley, John, vol. 11, 47, 220, 227

Stawker, George, vol. 11, 221

Stefansson, Vilhjalmur, 65, 99, 114, 128

Stare, William, Ivi

Steward, Lord Robert, 54

Stobern, vol. 11, 59

Storm, Gustav, xxxix, xlii

Stow, Chronicle, Ixxxviii

Strabo, Ixxxiii, 23, 141

Streate, Walter, vol. 11, 223

Strong, Duncan, vol. 11, 245

Stubble, Thomas, vol. 11, 221

Stukeley, xcvi, cxxviii

Sturla Thordarson, xv

Suez, 138

Suffolk, Duchess of, vol. 11, 145

Sughana River, 25

Sundt, Eilert, Ixix, Ixx

Sussex, Countess of, vol. II, 195, 197,200, 217

Sussex, Earl of, vol. 11, 99, 109, 112, 116,
131, 167, 194, 197, 200, 211

Sussex, England, vol. 11, 145

Sute, Jonas, see Schutz, Jonas

Svalbard, lix

Svavar, xiii

Svein Esthridsson, xl

Sverdrup, Otto, xxi, Ix, Ixi

Swart, Claudius Clausson, see Clavus,
Claudius

Sweden, xiii, xxxvii, xlii

Swinborne Head (Shetlands), 149, 150

Sydney, Mary, vol. 11, 10 1

Sydney, Philip, see Sidney

Syllebin, Giles, vol. 11, 221

Sylley, 78

Symondes, Sebastian, vol. 11, 221

INDEX 291

Tailor, Richard, vol. 11, 220

Talbot, Lady Anne, vol. 11, 99, loi, 112,

116, 167, 171, 195, 197, 201
Tamis, Ixxvi
Tanais River, 18, 137
Tanfield, William, 53, 82, 108, no, ni;

vol. II, 154
Taprobana Island, 31
Tartary, Ixxix, 23, 56
Tasermiutsiak, Greenland, xli
Tauris (or Teuris), 25
Taylor, E. G. R., Ixxviii, Ixxix, Ixxx, Ixxxiv,

Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii, xcviii, xcix, cii, civ,

cxxx; vol. II, 229, 230, 236
Taylor, John, vol. 11, 223
Tedder, Robert, vol. 11, 221
Terceira, cxxiii
Terra Australis, 1 8, 2 1
Terra del Fuego, 2 1
Terra Septentrionalis, 18, 19
Teuris, see Tauris

Thalbitzer, William, vol. 11, 233, 234
Thames River, Ixxvi, 119; vol. 11, 1 10, 160,

211
Thevet, Andreas, cii; vol. 11, 77, 230
Thomas, vol. n, 155
Thomas Allen, 82, 92, 105; vol. 11, 35, 39,

4I5 44» 55j 58, 61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 71,

155. 202
Thomas of Harwich, vol. 11, 55
Thomas of Ipswich, cxv, 82, 84, 99, 105, 106,

108, no; vol. II, 41, 42, 44, 65, 67, 193,

211
Thomas, John, Ixxiv
Thomas, William A., xxviii
Thomas William Island, cvi, 152, 153
Thomson (carpenter), vol. 11, 117, 118
Thordarson, Matthias, xxiii
Thordarson, Sturla, see Sturla Thordarson
Thordr, Bishop of Greenland, liv
Thordsson, Bjarne, see Bjarne Thordsson
Thorfinn Karlsefni, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, xxv
Thorgilsson, Ari, see Ari Thorgilsson
Thorhallason, Egill, Ixviii, Ixix
Thorlacius, vol. 11, 232
Thorn, Robert, Ixxi
Thorn, Robert, the Younger, Ixxi, Ixxii,

Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxix

292 INDEX

Thome, John, vol. n, 223

Thornton, Thomas, vol. n, 222

Thoroddsen, Thonaldur, xiii

Thorolf, xiv

Thorsteinsson, Hannes, Ixxi

Thorte, Thomas, vol. 11, 223

Thorvald Asvaldsson, xvii

Three Brothers Strait, see Fretum Trixim
Fratrum

Thule, xi, xii, 17, 136

Tilander, Gunnar, xliii

Tilberie Hope, England, 53

Toledo, Don John de, cxxiii

Tomson, Laurence, vol. 11, 112

Torfaeus, vol. 11, 232

Towrson, William, vol. 11, 273

Tramasinus, Michael, Ixxxiii, 144

Tramezine, 144, see Tramasinus

Transylvania, 36; vol. 11, 250

Tregonie, England, vol. n, 149

Trelos, vol. n, 66

Treviller, James, vol. 11, 223

Triumph, cxxii

Trondhjem, Norway, xxv

Trumpets Island, 153

Truro, England, vol. n, 149

Trybe, Robert, vol. 11, 221

Tullius, vol. n, 33, 51

Tunes, Nicholas, Ixviii, cviii

Turvyle (Turvile, Turvill, Turwill), Geof-
frey, vol. n, 88, 100, loi, 113, 167, 171,
178, 195. i97> 201, 204, 217

Ultima Thule, see Thule

Umphrey, see Humphrey

Unartok, Greenland, xli

United Kingdom, xiii, xx

United States, vol. 11, 240, 243

United States Naval Academy, vol. 11, 244

United States Naval Observatory, vol. n,

242, 243
Upernivik, Greenland, xx, Ixii
Upcot (Captain of the Moone of Fqy), 82,

102, 113
Urdeneta, Andrew, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii, 139

Vaca, Nunez, Cabeza de, Ixxxiv
Vagats Island, 20

Vallarte, xxxvi, xxxvii

Vandeveck, Hans, cxxiii

Vaugn, John, xciii, xciv

Venetus, Paulus, Ixxxiv

Venice, Italy, 8, 137

Verrazano, Giovanni di, Ixxx

Verde, Gape, xxxvii, cxix; vol. 11, 273

Vice-admiral, see Thomas Allen

Victoria of Spain, Ixxxvi

Victoria Island, Ixv

Victory, cxxii

Vigo, cxix

Vincent, Peter, vol. 11, 220

Vincentius, Bishop of Greenland, xxv, liv

Vinland, xxiii, xl, xli, Ivi, Ivii

Virgil, 136

Virginia, cxix

Volga City, 25

Volga River, 25

Vries, Simon Van (de), vol. 11, 228, 232

Vyllars, vol. 11, 117, 118

Wales, 79

Walkendorf, see Erik Walkendorf

Wallis, James, vol. 11, 154

Wallop, Sir Henry, vol. 11, 100, 116, 171,

197,200,217
Walsingham, Francis, cxi, cxvii, cxix, cxx,

cxxi; vol. II, 85, 86, 87, 88, 99, loi, 112,

116, 119, 121, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130,

i34> 138, 140. i4i> i43» 145. 167, 172,

i73» 174, 178, 179. 180, 192, 202, 203,

217, 250
Walter, James, vol. 11, 223
Warcoppe, Arthur, vol. 11, 221
Ward, B. M., cxiii
Ward, Luke, 95; vol. 11, 56, 155
Ward, William, vol. 11, 221
Warde, Richard, Ixxiv
Warrin, Nicholas, vol. ii, 222
Warwick, Countess of, 64, 135; vol. 11, 99,

112, 116, 167, 195, 197, 200, 203, 217,

229
Warwick, Earl of, c, 51, 58; vol. 11, 11, 99,

112, 116, 177, 194, 197, 217
Warwick, Mount, 58, 91
Warwick, see also Countess of Warwick

Island and Sound

Washington Ii-ving Island, Ixvli

Watson, Richard, vol. ii, 223

West England, cxv, 86, 87, 119; vol. 11, 56

West Indies, see Indies

West, Richard, xcv

Whaley, Ralph, xcvi

Wharton, Lord, vol. 11, 1 1 1

Wheater, W., Ixxxviii, xcvii, cxxviii, cxxix,

cxxx
Wheeler (gold refiner), cxi; vol. 11, 83, 84
Whetleye, Richard, vol. ir, 223
Whit, Guy, vol. n, 221
White, John, vol. 11, 221
White Sea, Iviii, Ixxxii
White Unicorn, xciii
Whitman, W. G., 55
Whitnall (cooper), vol. 11, 118
Wiai's, Thomas, vol. 11, 222, 228, 253
Willes, Richard, Ixxv, xcviii; vol. 11, 224,

228, 229
Williams, John, vol. 11, 223
Williams, Martin, vol. 11, 221
Williams, William, cxi, cxvi; vol. 11, 83, 84
Williamson, J. A., Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv,

Ixxv, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, Ixxx, Ixxxviii, xcviii,

cxxx
W'illoughby, Sir Hugh, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv,

Ixxxvii, 20, 23, 135, 136; vol. II, 231
Willson, Thomas, vol. 11, 116, 117, 118
Wilmet, John, vol. 11, 73
Wilmot, John, vol. n, 222
Wilnater, Robert, vol. 11, 223
Wilson, John, vol. 11, 221
Windam, Captain, 26, see Wyndham,

Thomas
Winship, George Parker, Ixxiv, Ixxxviii
Winsor, Justin, vol. 11, 243
Winter, George, vol. 11, 100, 10 1, 102, no,

113, 114, 124
Winter, Heinrich, xvii
Winter, Sir William, xcv, cxii, cxvii; vol. 11,

89, 100, 102, no, 113, 116, 119, 120,

124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 132, 138, 143,

155, 167, 185, 186, 195, 197, 201, 205,

208, 250, 251, 252

INDEX 293

Winters Furnace, 103, 116; vol. 11, 42, 66,

67, 70
Wolfall (Master of the Adary Flower),

xciv
Wolfall (Minister and Preacher), 100, 116;

vol. II, 220
Wollert, see Vallarte
Wolsey, Cardinal, Ixxvi
Woodhall, William, vol. n, 271, 272
Woodward, John, vol. 11, 250
Woolfe, George, vol. 11, 125
Woolly, Secretary, 149; vol. 11, 112
Worcester, William of, Ixxi
Wyares, Thomas, see Wiars
Wylsson, Secretary, vol. 11, 112, 114, 116,

171, 202, 203
Wyndham, Thomas, xc, xci, xcviii, 26
Wyntar, Wynter, see Winter

Xavier (Jesuit Missionary), 138

Yarmouth, England, ciii, 154, 158; vol. 11,

25, 226
Ydys, Richard, vol. 11, 155
Yearuslaue, 25
York, Sir John, xc, xcii, 158
York, Rowland, vol. 11, 83, 84
Yorke County, vol. 11, 258, 259, 260, 262,

263, 264, 265
Yorke, Gilbert, 53, 62, 66, 67, 68, 82, 92,

97, 102, 1 15; vol. II, 1 1, 35, 67, 154, 158,

194, 222
Yorke's Sound, 66, 68; vol. 11, 17, 62, 67
Yorkshire, England, Ixxxviii, xciii, cxxviii;

vol. II, 120
Young, George, vol. 11, 73
Young, Richard, vol. 11, 100, 113, 117,

iiQj 132, 198, 202, 205, 217

Zaltiere, Bolognino, Ixxxviii, 139, 144

Zealand, xiii; vol. 11, 55

Zechlin, Egmont, xxxviii, xxxix

Zeno, Antonius and Nicholaus, civ, cv, ex,

cxi, cxiv, 55
Ziegler, Jacob, xxxv, Ixxxvi

This Edition of

THE THREE VOYAGES OF MARTIN FROBISHER is the

Fifteenth publication of the Argonaut Press and is Hmited

to 475 copies on Japon Vellum, numbered i to

475. The original woodcut appearing on the

title-page is by william monk, r.e. The

volume has been printed by Walter

LEWIS, M.A., at the University

Press, Cambridge, in the

year 1938. This copy is

Number ../..a.j^.....

University of Toron
Library

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LOWE-MARTIN CO. LiMr

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Full text of "The three voyages of Martin Frobisher in search of a passage to Cathay and India by the north-west, A.D. 1576-8"

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