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H M

TIME BOMB

By E. A. PILLER

A fiery cross throws its angry, lurid light
across an American hillside ... A crowd of
American citizens gathers in an American
street and roars anger at other Americans . . .
A storekeeper here and another there finds
his shop wrecked by hoodlums ... A group
of Americans, ordinarily peaceful folk with
no idea of living in anything hut peaceful
union with other Americans, gathers in a
hall and hears a "super-patriotic" orator tell
it to suspect, to hate, to fight — not the
avowed enemies of America — but other
Americans. . . .

Are these isolated, unimportant incidents?
Are they merely signs of general unrest? Or
are they part of a pattern? Are they the ele-
ments of a time bomb planned to explode at
the opportune moment — to divide Amer-
ica? To tear apart the fabric of a country
which is too strong to be upset or conquered
or controlled while it is united?

The crooked cross burned in Germany . . .
Hoodlums stormed through German streets
. . . Orators set German against German —
until the country could find unity only in the
slavery of fascism, and the road which led to
war and destruction.

Can it happen here? If we shrug at "inci-
dents"? If we choose the road of hatred, of
disunity, of division? If we fail to guard
against the forces of fascism that are seething
under the surface of American life?

Are there forces in this country strong
enough to divide us? What are they? And
who controls them?

This book has the answers. It exposes for
the first time the pattern of the forces which
threaten our American way of life. It also
discusses those who, without intention, en-
danger American unity and American
democracy.

(Continued on back flap)

From the collection of the

«r m
Prelinger

v Jjibrary

San Francisco, California
2006

TIME BOMB

E. A. FILLER

TIME
BOMB

ARCO PUBLISHING COMPANY
NEW YORK

ARCO PUBLISHING COMPANY

NEW YORK, N. Y.

Att rights reserved

Second Printing

AUTHOR'S NOTE

It is important to remember, in reading this book, that the
fascists, the fringe-fascists and the disruptionists have made
every effort to draw as many people and organizations as pos-
sible into their activity. Many people and organizations whose
names appear in these pages are not fascists, nor are they en-
emies of the United States. But wittingly or unwittingly they
did, where indicated as having done so here, play into the
hands of the fascists within our borders. The inclusion of their
names in these pages does not infer that they deliberately
harmed the welfare of America or American democracy.

This book is complete and unabridged, and
is manufactured in strict conformity with
government regulations for saving paper

52 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS

Chapter Page

1. THE ELEMENTS OF THE BOMB 9

2. THE STRANGE ALLIANCES v^%K; . . . 16

3. DYNAMITE IN DIXIE . ...... .<^ . 42

4. THE MIDWEST REDOUBT ........ 65

5. HOPE AND DANGER IN THE WEST .... 94

6. IN THE SHADOW OF CAPITOL HILL . . . 102

7. THE "MOM" MENACE 109

8. WILL THE VETERANS MARCH? 121

9. THE HATE SHEET .134

10. AID AND COMFORT .149

11. PEOPLE ON OUR SIDE 168

12. WHAT YOU CAN DO 178

APPENDIX 184

A list of committees and organizations whose work
upholds the traditions of democracy in the United States

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

THE FIERY CROSS 60

PETITION FOR ENLISTMENT IN THE ORDER

OF AMERICAN PATRIOTS 63

GENTILE NEWS 73

FATHER COUGHLIN'S LETTER TO SERVICEMEN 77

POSTER OF AMERICA FIRST PARTY 79

NATIONAL DEFENSE : 97

LEAFLET FROM THE NATIONAL BLUE STAR

MOTHERS OF PENNSYLVANIA 115

EDITORIAL COMMENT BY GERALD L. K. SMITH 123

PLATFORM OF THE AMERICA FIRST PARTY . . 125

EDWARD JAMES SMYTHE'S LETTER TO BERLIN 130

AMERICA PREFERRED 135

THE CROSS AND THE FLAG 136

BLOODSHED AND TREASON / . 137

DESTINY . . 138

AMERICA IN DANGER 139

THE GUILDSMAN .140

AMERICA SPEAKS 141

THE CONSTITUTIONALIST 142

WOMEN'S VOICE 143

PATRIOTIC RESEARCH BUREAU 144

THE NATIONAL RECORD 145

WESTERN VOICE 146

X-RAY .....' 147

THE BROOM 148

EDITORIAL COMMENT BY GERALD L. K. SMITH 171

THE ELEMENTS OF THE BOMB

.MERICA, for years now,
has presented to the world a strong united front. The people of
America have been busy winning, or helping to win, what most
of us hope will be its last war. Certainly most of us know that
it must be the last major effort of this kind in which Americans
engage. Most of us. Not, by any means, all of us.

Before America engaged in this war— and while most
Americans were united in preparing to win this war, great
numbers of its citizens were in league with some non-citizens
and outright enemies of America in fighting another war.

Their energies and their resources were greater than
most Americans dared to believe. Their war was not fought
for America but for themselves. It took many forms. It was
fought on many secret fronts. It was fought against many
different sections of American life. Sometimes it was a battle
against American labor. Sometimes it was a battle against
American Negroes. Sometimes it was against American Cath-
olics. Through it ran the thread of a battle against American
Jews. But, on whatever front, it was a battle to tear to ribbons
the pattern of American life.

For what? For whom? Primarily, all wars are fought

for power, for money or for control, which brings power and
money. Some captains of this inner warfare in America wanted
no more than greater control over the people who worked for
them. Their fight was against labor. Some of them wanted
nothing less than mastery of the country. A gigantic dream,
but they had seen it work in Italy, in Germany; they had seen
it work nearer home, in South America, in Argentina. All the
steps had been revealed to them. The technique was estab-
lished. They applied the technique here. The worst of them
published newspapers to which the term "hate sheet" has now
been applied. Hate sheets are aimed at segregating and de-
nouncing minorities, for the first step is to turn group against
group.

Some of them published more circumspect literature. This
was aimed against labor. For the next step is to turn class
against class. Some were even more subtle, and found fault
with nothing except the trend of government. For the last step
is to turn the people against the government.

As time went on, as they learned to master the tech-
niques, they also learned to work together. Each of them be-
came a specialist in his field. Each of them learned his task
well, and while many of them had little in common except
their desire for power or their interest in changing America
as we know it, all of them soon learned that they could work
best if they leagued together against our kind of America.

When war came, some of them were stunned. Some
went underground. Some— the outright aliens and spies— were
deported or jailed. But most of them continued to work, and
are working now. Most of them are planning now for success
soon after the war's end. And, as the final victory becomes
more and more certain they draw together, hoping and expect-
ing that some postwar split in American unity will give them
the chances they worked for, planned for and now await.

Separately, some of them are inconsequential. Separately,
too, some are not even fascists; just reactionary citizens
who unwittingly play into the hands of, or are "taken in" by
fascists. Separately, some of them seem to be seeking harmless
ends. Together, they comprise the greatest menace in this

country since the rise of fascism in the world— for together they
represent a cancer-like danger to a democratic America.

Separately, Americans do not always recognize their
work. But the pattern of their work does not merge on the sur-
face. Their efforts merge, as this book will show, on lower
levels. For example, the reactionary ( though not fascist ) Com-
mittee for Constitutional Government, which operates almost
exclusively in the field of "education" by bombarding a large
section of the American people with books, pamphlets, radio
programs and other means of propaganda, has seemingly only
one aim— to "educate" the American people against the dangers
of State control, of too much power in the hands of the
Federal government, of "Stateism."

But the Committee for Constitutional Government is
ideologically linked with such organizations as The Christian
American which, as a later chapter will elaborate, is "out to
get" unions, and which in turn has ideological links with Klan-
dom, which disseminates the lower class hate propaganda.

The "educational" Committee for Constitutional Govern-
ment is linked with another polished organization called
Spiritual Mobilization, Inc. which once attempted to recruit
its followers through such a hate sheet as The Defender,
published by the notorious Gerald Winrod, a defendant in the
so-called Washington Sedition Trials of 1945.

Group after group, linked one with the other, works
upon different segments of the American people, sometimes
using each other's propaganda, sometimes seeming to be fol-
lowing different policies. But, unknown to most of America,
they work together. Together they await the day when they
can explode into a national force which they hope will throw
the country into their hands. Together, they represent a time
bomb, with explosive charges carefully set throughout all
America— ready to be ignited— to explode when disrupters think
the moment is right, when they think America is weaker,
when they think they have undermined American unity suf-
ficiently.

Their pattern for conquest crisscrosses the country. It
winds in and out to return upon itself. There is only one way

to look at it, one way to get the complete picture. That is to
examine it section by section, tracing each deadly charge to its
point of origin, and each individual to his base of operations.
The subsequent chapters trace this pattern and expose the
individuals.

In these pages many of these individuals will be identi-
fied by the simple general term of "fascist" where the facts
presented indicate they are of such stripe.

"Fascist" is a label some of them openly adopt. It is a
label many of them squirm to avoid, denounce in outrage, or
try to explain away with confusing statements in elegant
language.

One of the dangers to America is that most Americans,
too, resist the use of this label. Most Americans do not recog-
nize an American "fascist" when they speak to him, when they
read his pamphlets, when they listen to his propaganda.

Most American writers hesitate to denounce fellow citi-
zens as fascists. That, too, is part of the fascists' strength.
Therein lies a great measure of their danger. Until they are
named and denounced, they have more freedom to work.

This book will name fascists as fascists but, in a sincere
effort to avoid mere name calling, let us define the kind of
person we mean.

Perhaps the best and the most objective definition of
fascism has come from the U. S. War Department in a state-
ment issued for the guidance of members of the armed ser-
vices. The following quotations are from that statement, issued
on March 24th, 1945:

"If we don't understand fascism and recognize fas-
cism when we see it," the War Department statement
reads, "it might crop up again— under another label—
and cause another war.

"Fascism is government by the few and for the few.
The objective is seizure and control of the economic,
political, social and cultural life of the state. Why?
The democratic way of life interferes with their methods
and desire for: (1) conducting business; (2) living
with their fellow-men; (3) having the final say in
matters concerning others as well as themselves. The

basic principles of democracy stand in the way of
their desires; hence— democracy must go! Anyone who
is not a member of their inner gang has to do what he's
told. They permit no civil liberties, no equality before
the law . . . They maintain themselves in power by use
of force combined with propaganda based on primitive
ideas of 'blood' and 'race/ by skillful manipulation of
fear and hate and by false promise of security."

Further in the statement the War Department gives:

'THREE WAYS TO SPOT U. S. FASCISTS"

"Fascists in America may differ slightly from fascists
in other countries, but there are a number of attitudes
and practices that they have in common. Following
are three. Every person who has one of them is not
necessarily a fascist. But he is in a mental state that
lends itself to the acceptance of fascist aims.

"1. Pitting of religious, racial, and economic groups
against one another in order to break down national
unity is a device of the 'divide and conquer' technique
used by Hitler to gain power in Germany and in other
countries. With slight variations, to suit local conditions,
fascists everywhere have used this Hitler method. In
many countries, anti-Semitism (hatred of Jews) is a
dominant device of fascism. In the United States,
native fascists have often been anti-Catholic, anti-Jew,
anti-Negro, anti-Labor, anti-foreign-born. In South
America, the native fascists use the same scapegoats
except that they substitute anti-Protestantism for anti-
Catholicism.

"Interwoven with the 'master race* theory of fascism
is a well-planned 'hate campaign' against minority races,
religions, and other groups. To suit their particular
needs and aims, fascists will use any one or a combina-
tion of such groups as a convenient scapegoat.

"2. Fascism cannot tolerate such religious and
ethical concepts as the 'brotherhood of man.' Fascists
deny the need for international cooperation. These ideas
contradict the fascist theory of the 'master race/ The
brotherhood of man implies that all people— regardless
of color, race, creed, or nationality— have rights. Inter-
national cooperation, as expressed in the Dumbarton
Oaks proposals, runs counter to the fascist program of
war and world domination. . . . Right now our native

fascists are spreading anti-British, anti-Soviet, anti-
French, and anti-United Nations propaganda . . .

"3. It is accurate to call a member of a communist
party a 'communist/ For short, he is often called a
'Red.' Indiscriminate pinning of the label 'Red' on peo-
ple and proposals which one opposes is a common
political device. It is a favorite trick of native as well
as foreign fascists.

"Many fascists make the spurious claim that the
world has but two choices— either fascism or commun-
ism, and they label as 'communist' everyone who re-
fuses to support them. By attacking our free enterprise,
capitalist democracy, and by denying the effectiveness
of our way of life they hope to trap many people."

The fight against labor is also part of the fascist technique.
Here is what the War Department says about this:

"WHY FASCISTS ARE ANTI-UNION"

"Deprived of their unions, the working people could
be driven to work longer and harder for less and less
money, so that those who subsidized and ran fascism
could grow richer. By wiping out all internal competi-
tion—especially the small and medium-sized business
firms— profits were increased still higher for the handful
on top. In some cases, the fascists then gobbled con-
trol of the top corporations. The living standards of
the masses of the people declined, of course. As they
earned less and less, they were able to buy less and less
of the goods they produced ...

"Once the fascists were in control of the government,
not even the gang on top was safe from its own mem-
bers. There would be more loot and power per fascist
leader if some fascist leaders were eliminated. Some
of the party Trig-shots' and some of those who had
helped them take over were therefore 'purged.' Many
would-be partners in the dictatorship, including some
industrialists, wound up in jail, in exile, or dead."

These are the techniques American fascists have learned.
These are the techniques they use. These are the tech-
niques by which they hope to explode their time bomb. Only by
calling them what they are, only by naming them and knowing
them and routing them out can America protect itself.

14 "

And only by recognizing their strength and the extent
of their influence can the protective measures be taken swiftly
and sternly enough.

The fact which escapes most Americans is that fascism
is not beaten. We have defeated it in open battle. We have
beaten its armies— but we have not beaten the idea, we have
not defeated all the fascists, nor all the people who would
like to see fascism dominant in our own country.

Unless we defeat them, they may defeat us. And they
can easily grow strong enough to do it. It has been estimated
by Dr. L. M. Birkhead, an outstanding authority on the sub-
ject, that some sort of fascist propaganda has been, in the past
few years, placed in the hands of at least one American out
of every three.

Since that estimate was made, fascist literature has con-
tinued to pour off presses, to be spread throughout the land.

To be sure, the fascists have not had a free hand dur-
ing wartime. They have been held back to some extent by
public opinion, to a greater extent by fear of prosecution.

But they haven't given up. And right now, today, they
exert an influence over millions of Americans. Some of them
have followers numbering tens of thousands.

It is not possible in this book to give membership figures.
Some fascist outfits claim more than they actually have, some,
fearful of public opinion, claim less.

Then, there are the fringe groups— not fascist, but with
fascist leanings which might easily be swung into the out-
right fascist columns. All are dangerous and all are numerous.

Our defense against them is to name their leaders and
reveal their true purposes. This book does that. The rest is
up to the people of America and to the force of public opinion.

THE STRANGE ALLIANCES

HEN war came to
America some of the fascists operating in the United States
ran to cover. Some were indicted, convicted and jailed; some
were indicted but not convicted for various reasons; some
continued, and do continue, their work underground. Some
are merely biding their time, organizing seemingly harmless
groups, waiting until they can bring them out into the open
once more.

Many of the outright fascists are now known to us. This
book will name many more who have not yet been revealed
and identified in America. But apart from these are other
groups who compose one of the strangest and most dangerous
alliances America ever faced within its own borders.

These are organizations whose outward forms, appeals and
programs are not outright fascist. But they, or their leaders
or supporters, or, in some cases, all three, are linked with,
often meet and work with, the most peculiar groups and indi-
viduals in American life. How shall we classify these? How
shall we assay their impact upon, or even their danger to,
American democracy? How shall we gauge where mere dis-
sidence ends and fascism begins?

Before we deal with actual fascists, let us examine three
phenomena— and try to judge for ourselves where their objec-
tives fit into the pattern which today endangers American
democracy.

Connections of the Committee for
Constitutional Government

Let us first consider the now fairly well-known reactionary
Committee for Constitutional Government, and the various
offshoot or outgrowth committees which it so prodigally
spawns. The Corrimittee for Constitutional Government was
organized in 1937 by Frank Gannett, reactionary publisher of
a string of small town newspapers.

Mr. Gannett and his aides have persistently maintaine4
that the Committee is an educational organization. Senator
Wright Patman branded it as "the most sinister lobby ever
formed/'

Who is right?

If we examine the educational activities of the Committee
we find that since its founding it has performed the tremen-
dous task of distributing or helping to distribute 82 million
pieces of literature, booklets, pamphlets, reprints of editorials
and articles, and especially-addressed letters to specific groups.
It has distributed more than 760,000 books, more than 10,000
transcriptions of 15-minute radio talks on national issues,
besides sponsoring frequent national hook-ups for representa-
tives of the committee. It has sent more than 350,000 tele-
grams to citizens, attempting to influence their action on
national issues. It has sent countless thousands of releases to
daily and weekly newspapers and has run full page advertise-
ments in 536 newspapers with a combined circulation of
nearly 20 million.

All of this activity was against labor, against the New Deal,
against social welfare legislation.

The leaders of the Committee for Constitutional Govern-

ment are: Frank Gannett, Dr. Edward A. Rumely, Sumner
Gerard, Treasurer, and the Rev. Dr. Norman Vincent Peale,
Chairman. Among the members of the Advisory Board are:
Samuel Pettingill, Senator Edward H. Moore, S. S. McGlure,
ex-Senator Edward R. Burke,

Dr. Edward A. Rumely last appeared in Who's Who in
America in the 1918-1919 edition. According to the biographi-
cal material there, he was born on February 28, 1882, in
La Porte, Indiana. He was educated at Notre Dame Univer-
sity and from there went to Germany where he studied at the
University of Freiburg, graduating in 1906 with a degree
equivalent to Doctor of Medicine. In Who's Who Dr. Rumely
listed himself as a manufacturer and educator, but actually
his major activity was newspaper publishing. He had pur-
chased the old New York Evening Mail, "fulfilling an old am-
bition of his," according to a publication of the Committee for
Constitutional Government, which gives Rumely 's background.

However, when Rumely appeared before the Minton Com-
mittee of the Senate in 1938 and was re-questioned about
this, he said that he had made the purchase because "there
was a great deal of resentment against the biased reports that
were coming [from Europe] and that bias I had recog-
nized was due to absence of a news flow from the Central
Powers." A stock broker named Walter Lyons of the firm of
Rennskorff and Lyons had introduced Rumely to Dr. Hein-
rich Albert, a German financial agent. Dr. Albert encouraged
Rumely to purchase the Evening Mail, and somehow, with
$1,301,700 transmitted to this country through German diplo-
matic channels, the sale of the paper to Rumely was completed.

Rumely had been indicted in 1918 for violation of the
Trading With The Enemy Act, and sentenced to a year and a
day in prison for this offense. Later, when Coolidge became
president, Rumely was completely pardoned after serving
30 days in jail.

Rumely then dropped from public attention until 1933
when he appeared as executive secretary of the Committee
for the Nation. This committee was organized by James H.
Rand, Jr., president of Remington-Rand, Inc. Its headquarters

were at 205 E. 42nd Street, New York, which is the present
address of the Committee for Constitutional Government. The
general program of the Committee for the Nation seemed to
be to sponsor inflationary measures. Robert Harriss, a member
of the committee, conferred with Father Coughlin on October
23, 1932. Father Coughlin, on the air and in Social Justice,
engaged in a campaign for monetary inflation.

The Committee for the Nation was short-lived, but Rumely
again turned up as a committee-man when he began working
for Gannett's committee.

Ex-Senator Edward R. Burke of Nebraska is an active
member of the Committee for Constitutional Government and
other Gannett political projects. He was among those who
attended the first conference of the group, headed by Harry
Woodring, which met in Chicago in February, 1943 to form
the American Democratic National Committee. Another
organizer of this group was William Goodwin, who became
National Treasurer. Mr. Goodwin is a friend of Father
Edward Lodge Curran (a leader of the Coughlinites in the
East), and at one time also had his own party, the American
Rock Party, composed of Coughlin followers. He is the man
who once told John Roy Carlson, "There is nothing wrong
with fascism. Hitler has done a good job in Germany."

Burke himself was an active member of the Khaki Shirts of
America during the short period of its existence from 1932 to
1933. For three months he paid rent for the Omaha head-
quarters of this semi-fascist outfit, one of whose organizers
was "Major" L. I. Powell, a former aide of William Dudley
Pelley, leader of the Silver Shirts. (Dies Committee Report
Vol. Ill, P. 2348.) Later, the Khaki Shirts group ran into
trouble and changed its name to American Nationalists.

In 1938 Burke returned from a trip to Germany. The New
Yorfc Herald Tribune, in reporting the story, used this head-
line: "Senator Burke praises Hitler and Nazi's rule as he
returns."

The Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, official organ of
the German-American Bund reported in its issue of October
6, 1938:

"SENATOR BURKE PRAISES HITLER AND HIT-
LER'S RULE-LEGISLATOR RETURNING FROM
ABROAD TO STUDY LABOR CONDITIONS
THINKS CHANCELLOR GREATER THAN BIS-
MARCK"

(New York Herald Tribune)

"Senator Edward R. Burke, Democrat, of Nebraska,
who is a vigorous foe of the national labor relations
act, returned last night on the United States Line Man-
hattan from a seven-week unofficial study of labor
conditions in England, Germany and other Continental
countries. He praised without stint the accomplish-
ments of the Nazi regime in Germany. He saw Chan-
cellor Adolf Hitler as even 'a greater man than Bis-
marck/ "

The Committee itself, and its various splinter committees,
work on a somewhat subtler level, though the Committee to
Uphold the Constitution (forerunner of the CCG) did not
balk at enlisting the services of Coughlin in one of its cam-
paigns, according to Representative Keller, who said on July
27, 1939:

". . . There is a man who walks the halls of the
Capitol building by the name of Alfred Davies, an
employee of Frank Gannett, the notorious tory pub-
lisher. Mr. Davies is the Washington representative
of the National Committee to Uphold the Constitution.
He boasts that he and Frank Gannett 'are the Com-
mittee/

"He (Davies) further stated that they were trying to
get Father Coughlin to speak against the bill (the
lend-lease bill) this coming Sunday."

On July 31, 1939 Father Coughlin's Social Justice carried an
article entitled "Lend-Lease Spree Means Bankruptcy."

Through its various offshoots the committee also has con-
nections with other less subtle groups. Samuel Pettingill, who
succeeded Gannett as Chairman of the Committee in 1940,
toured the United States as late as 1941 speaking for the
America First Committee. In 1943, Pettingill, addressing the
Chicago Rotary Club said, "If I were asked today I would
say that inflation is our No. 1 enemy, not Hitler." With or

without his permission, Pettingill is extensively quoted in such
un-American sheets as Social Justice, America Preferred,
Beacon Light, X-Ray, The Defender and Roll Call.

In March, 1944, a leaflet signed by Pettingill was distributed
by America's Future, Inc., the organization in whose name
certain sponsors of the Committee for Constitutional Gov-
ernment printed and distributed such literature as Smoke
Screen, The Right to Work, etc. (The Right to Work theory
is the basis of the anti-labor bill which The Christian Ameri-
can (see Chapter III) and Senator W. Lee "Pappy" O'Daniel
have now succeeded in getting through 11 legislatures in the
south. ) The leaflet purported to be a "true conversation" with
a Negro maid in a Detroit hotel. Its purpose, obviously, was
to smear the late President Roosevelt and to show that "Roose-
velt relief" was a vote-catching device. To quote from it:

"Me an' my husband has always been on Mr. Roose-
velt's relief and Mr. Roosevelt wants us folks to work
durin' the wah. DEN HE PUTS FOLKS ON RELIEF
FOR KEEPS. Dat's all we have to do, jus' vote for
Mr. Roosevelt and all those same kind of Democrats
Mr. Roosevelt is . . ."

Q. "Was there enough money to get a drink of gin,
now and then?"

A. ". . . Mr. Roosevelt brought likker back and he
says it's alright for us to have a dollah or two a week
out of our .relief money for likker and beer . . ."

(The Newspaper PM, 4-7-44)

In September, 1943, when rationing and the restriction of
food supplies made it easy to play upon the public's fear of
scarcity and famine, Frank Gannett called a Food Confer-
ence in Chicago. The conference urged legislation which
would do away with government control of farm prices and
farms, and asked for prices set at market value and the abo-
lition of subsidies. The weapon employed by the confer-
ence was the cry that famine threatened. Conspicuously
present were Senator Harlan J. Bushfield of the powerful
Senate Food Committee, bitter New-Deal foe; Senators
Thomas, Brooks and O'Daniel ( O'Daniel called for legislation

forbidding unions the closed shop demand); Robert M. Har-
riss, Father Coughlin's financial advisor; and Wheeler
McMillan, editor of the powerful Joseph M. Pew's Farm
Journal. An outstanding feature of the conference was a state-
ment by Senator Bushfield which was tantamount to an
implied approval of black markets and inflation.

In September, 1944, the Committee for Constitutional Gov-
ernment was summoned before the House Campaign Expense
Committee, which requested a list of the Committee's con-
tributors. It was refused. Chairman Anderson thereupon
issued a subpoena for the records, observing, "We found that
$112,000 was raised in one state and that one man got $10,000
for soliciting it. If this marks a trend it becomes a matter of
public interest to investigate it." (Wash. Daily News, 9-20-44.)

But it is obvious from the scope of its activities and the
gigantic size of its mailings that the CCG has sizeable re-
sources. And when special occasions have spurred them,
members of the committee have found it possible to con-
tribute to and help to obtain contributions to other causes.
In 1944, the Rev. Norman Vincent Peale of the CCG helped
to organize, in Pawling, N. Y., a group called Guideposts
Associates, Inc. This was nothing more than a political organi-
zation which favored Thomas E. Dewey and wanted to
defeat Roosevelt. Prominent members of the "confidential
advisory board" were Captain Eddie Rickenbacker, Frank
Gannett, Branch Rickey, Lowell Thomas, Joe Pew, Walter
C. Teagle and the Rev. Dr. James W. Fifield (Founder and
Director of Spiritual Mobilization, an allied Gannett CCG
group which operates on a religious level, enlisting the sup-
port of ministers and other moral leaders to "fight Stateism").

The first leaflet published by Guideposts Associates was an
attack on the Political Action Committee of the C.I.O.,
charging that "Communist minded propagandists possess the
largest budget for ideological agitation ever assembled."

To fight this, Guideposts Associates asked a selected group
of individuals for $100,000 as an initial contribution. In his
confidential memorandum and invitation, sent to a selected
list of clergymen and laymen, enlisting support and funds,

Dr. Peale stated that he and Gannett (among others) had
each contributed $1,000.

Such allied drives have, of course, a purpose. The purpose
may be exclusively political, as that of Guideposts Associates
or the Committee for Constitutional Government itself. It may
be to hinder the extension of progressive legislation, or on the
other hand to obtain a financial plum for the big-money
group. Examples of the two last-named activities are: The
National Physicians Committee and the CCG fight for the
"22nd or new income tax amendment,"

The National Physicians Committee was organized in 1939.
It has a board of trustees composed entirely of doctors and its
executive director is John M. Pratt, a Gannett associate. Pratt
was formerly director of the Physicians for Free Enterprise,
which was dissolved in 1939 when a number of stormy inci-
dents occurred. One of these was at a meeting when Dr.
Bernard Denzer told his colleagues what he knew about
Rumely, connected the group to Gannett and exposed its
political aspects.

The National Physicians Committee has been primarily
engaged up to this writing in attacking the Wagner-Murray-
Dingell bill which it consistently misinterprets. A significant
commentary on NPC is taken from the conservative West-
chester, N. Y., Medical Bulletin, which, in an editorial entitled
"Plain Talk on the NPC," published in the spring of 1944,
stated:

"Together with most of our lay friends, we find in the
genesis and tactics of the NPC a cynical element of
pretense and trickery which is offensive to the intelli-
gent citizen and does the utmost to discredit the
ideals traditional to our profession."

The example of financial plum gathering is the amendment
sponsored by the CCG to limit taxes on inheritance, gifts and
income to 25 per cent. Already 16 states have passed the
resolutions necessary to pave the way for a federal constitu-
tional amendment to establish this curious taxing idea.
Obviously the passage of this "millionaire" amendment would

save the wealthy huge sums in taxes— and make it necessary
for the less fortunate either to pay higher taxes or to see the
government stripped of its ability to serve them as effectively
as it has been serving. On May 11, 1944, Representative Wright
Patman warned in Congress .that if the 25 per cent tax limit
is adopted the wealth of the country would be concentrated
in the hands of a few and "we won't be able to take care of
our veterans or their widows and children." He also claimed
the proponents of the amendment were "a fascist group/'

Whether or not Representative Patman is right is difficult to
judge. The so-called "Gannett committees," and especially
the Committee for Constitutional Government operate on a
comparatively high political level and with strong financial
backing. Their literature and activities are reactionary and
disruptive but not outright subversive.

Yet we must remember that in every country where fascism
has succeeded there has been a group of suave, wealthy re-
actionary "respectables" which has been anti-labor, which has
condemned progressive movements as "red" and "communist,"
which has shadow-boxed the "red menace" as a means of pro-
tecting its own vested interests and tearing down the strength
of labor and other common people's movements.

And in every country where fascism wrested power, en-
trenched reaction has had contact with, and allies in, the more
outspoken camp of outright fascists. The time has come for
us in America to recognize the danger of such alliances. It
matters little which group uses the other, which thinks it uses
the other. The menace is that, at many points, they have
common objectives, which endanger American democracy.

Now let us look at other of the phenomena and at some of
the strange alliances in America— and judge the danger.

The Involvements of Edward Lodge Curran

In Brooklyn, New York, Edward Lodge Curran is ener-
getically active in a number of causes. He was ordained a
priest in the Roman Catholic Church in 1922 but he does not

confine himself to religious matters. Father Curran has proven
himself to be a vigorous and sometimes powerful influence
in other directions.

After ordination, Father Curran became a professor at
Cathedral College, Brooklyn, where he remained until 1932.
In 1933 he became a parish priest at St. Stephen's Church in
Brooklyn and on June 27, 1941, transferred to St. Joseph's
Church, Pacific Street, between Dean and Vanderbilt Ave-
nues, where he remains today.

At St. Joseph's Curran succeeded Father Francis Joseph
Healy. Healy had been editor of the diocesan weekly, The
Tablet, which supported Father Coughlin, the Christian
Front, isolationist and anti-war leaders. He was the brother of
ex- Judge Leo Healy, lawyer for the seventeen Christian Front
members who were once placed on trial for allegedly plotting
to overthrow the government. Father Healy died in December,
1940. No pastor was appointed until June, 1941, when Father
Curran succeeded him.

Earlier, in 1932, Curran had become president of the Inter-
national Catholic Truth Society, an old Catholic organization.
Under his presidency it has distributed hundreds of thousands
of anti-war pamphlets and booklets. The Society also pub-
lishes a monthly magazine, Light, of which Father Curran
is the editor.

Father Curran's journalistic activities branch out to include
the writing of a weekly column, By The Way for the Gaelic
American of New York City, a publication which has been
an ardent follower of Father Coughlin. The column appears,
too, in The Leader, another weekly published in San Fran-
cisco, which has also followed the Coughlin line. And Father
Curran has written on several occasions for Coughlin's Social
Justice, which was charged by the Post Office with being
"obviously seditious."

He is an energetic and persuasive speaker, capable of
rabble-rousing in the best tradition and with a flair for cap-
turing meetings. Often before speaking he will strut down
the center of the aisle, flanked by important-looking indi-
viduals, obviously pleased with the adulation of the crowd.

When addressing meetings he usually begins with a quip
about the Irish "race," a reference to George Washington, and
then he plunges into his real and earnest diatribe against
whatever is his subject for attack that night.

Curran's activities in the field of propaganda began soon
after the Spanish Civil War broke out in the summer of 1936.
He carried on an active campaign in behalf of General Franco
and against the "communist menace" of the Spanish Republican
Government. In that year, he published a small pamphlet,
Spain in Arms, through the International Catholic Truth So-
ciety. Parts of this pamphlet were reprinted in a report, Part III,
published by "Orville Brisbane Good, Lecturer, U.S. A.-
Europe." Part I of this report, "The Truth About Spain," had
been printed by the official Nazi propaganda agency, Welt
Dienst (World Service) in Erfurt, Germany, and distributed
throughout the world. In 1938 Curran wrote another pro-
Franco article for Social Justice, and later in the same year
a similar article, defending Franco, for the one-shot publica-
tion, The Patriot Digest, which also published articles by such
obvious fascists as Gerald Winrod and a Canadian, Adrian
Arcand, interned by the Canadian government when that coun-
try went to war.

On January 19, 1939, Curran wrote to Merwin K. Hart,
another notorious Franco-phile, and expressed agreement that
another meeting in support of Franco Spain should be held
by the "American Union for Nationalist Spain." A month later
Curran was a member of the General Committee, which held
a "Pro-American Mass Meeting" at the Seventh Regiment
Armory, New York, at which the official Franco film, Spain
In Arms was shown for the first time in that city. Allen Zoll,
prominently aligned with the Christian Front and an organ-
izer of the American Patriots, was under-cover organizer of
the meeting. Other members of the organizing committee
were Patrick Scanlon, Managing Editor of the Brooklyn
Tablet, John Eoghan Kelly, convicted in 1943 as an unregis-
tered agent of Franco Spain, and Joseph Kamp, of the Consti-
tutional Educational League, which we shall examine later.

Curran's activities on behalf of Franco then began to lead

him deeper into the morass of native reaction.

On October 30, 1938, he was one of the two main speakers
at a "Pro-American" rally held at the Biltmore Hotel, New
York City, the purpose of which was to endorse a resolution
urging Congress to appropriate more funds for the Dies Com-
mittee. The other principal speaker was Elizabeth Billing,
author of Red Network, leader of "Momism" groups and
one of the group named in the indictments for alleged
seditious conspiracy handed down by a Federal Grand Jury
in Washington, D. C.

This meeting, too, was organized by Allen Zoll, under the
auspices of The American Patriots and the participating
groups and individuals were:

American Patriots, Inc. Allen Zoll

American Women Against Communism Mrs. Cressy Morrison

International Catholic Truth Society Edward Lodge Curran

N. Y. State Economic Council Merwin K. Hart

Patriotic Research Bureau Elizabeth Billing

Protestant War Veterans Edward James Smythe

The International Catholic Truth Society was undoubtedly
drawn into this meeting by Father Curran. The other organi-
zations were notorious for their disruptionist activities. The
meeting was advertised in the Deutrcher Wechkruf und
Beobachter, official German-American Bund paper in the
United States.

Shortly after this meeting, Father Curran addressed another
mass meeting (in Becember, 1938) at the Manhattan Opera
House to protest against the "conspiracy" to keep Father
Coughlin off the air. This time he shared the platform with
Major General George Van Horn Mosely, the man who was
selected to lead the fascist march on Washington at a con*
ference attended by such fascists as William Budley Pelley,
James True, and George Beatherage in Asheville, North
Carolina, in 1936.

This period marked perhaps the high-water mark of
Curran's activities or association with clearly revealed groups.
In 1939, when the Bies committee was investigating un-
American activities, the following letter from Silver-Shirter

George Deatherage to James Campbell, who was Mrs. Leslie
Fry's assistant, was introduced into the records. Mrs. Fry
and Deatherage were working then for the union of American
fascist groups under one leadership. Mrs. Fry, who was
strongly pro-German, operated from Southern California.

"Dec. 14, 1938. Dear Jim . . . The mass reaction will
follow the leader when they are hurt bad enough.
Now, we must have State and county leaders all
over the Nation that we know without a shadow of a
doubt, are men who will stick under any kind of
fire. . . . You will note from the General's speech
(Mosely), a copy of which was sent you, that the plan
is to do this job peacefully, and by force if it becomes
necessary. ... He does not yet quite realize the tre-
mendous force against him, but after his speech in
New York on the same platform with Father Coughlin,
he will be attacked from every quarter, this alone
showing him the strength of the enemy. . . . Right
after the first of the year it is the intention to call a
small conference, say about 25, in some place such as
Chicago, quietly, and discuss the matter of what we
are going to do about this thing. These will not be
organization leaders, but leaders of the main groups
throughout the Nation— Father Coughlin, Winrod,
Lodge Curran, John Frey of the AFL, Homer Chaillaux
of the Legion, as well as other veteran leaders . . .
men who are heads of large groups on our side of
the fence "

(Dies Committee Reports, Vol. V, pp. 3277-79)

In a release dated April 10, 1939, the Paul Revere Sentinels,
a rabidly anti-Semitic, anti-war group operating in New York
City, released the news that a delegation had gone to Wash-
ington, D. C. to appear before the Senate and House Foreign
Relations Committees to demand the passage of a "real"
neutrality law. Listed among the members of the delegation
were:

Edward Lodge Curran

George U. Harvey

John Cecil

Herbert A. O'Brien

William A. Goodwin

This is the same Goodwin who was, in 1944, to become
National Treasurer of the American Democratic National
Committee, already discussed as a reactionary outfit with
many points of contact with the Gannett Committee for
Constitutional Government. This is the same Goodwin who
ran for Congress on the Social Justice Ticket in 1936, who ran
for Mayor of New York in 1941, backed by his own American
Rock Party, and who spoke from the same platform then with
Bernard D'Arcy, the New York distributor of Coughlin's
Social Justice.

In November, 1939, Curran went to Pawtucket, R. I., to
speak at a Christian Front meeting organized by Francis
Moran, who was the Christian Front leader for the Boston
area and one of the most outspoken anti-Semites in that part
of the country. Moran was also a distributor of the notorious
Flanders Hall books (Flanders Hall was the publishing outfit
sponsored and financed by George Sylvester Vierick, con-
victed Nazi agent) and a collaborator with Deatherage, Pel-
ley, Billing and Edmondson (all defendants in the Washing-
ton trials for alleged sedition).*

In January, 1940, seventeen members of the Christian Front
were indicted and placed on trial for allegedly plotting to
overthrow the government of the United States. Immediately
Front forces swung into action and organized a "Parents'
Defense Fund Committee" to collect money and hold rallies
on behalf of the defendants. At a monster rally held on March
1, 1940, at Prospect Hall, Brooklyn, to raise money for defense
expenses, Bernard T. D'Arcy presided and Curran was one of
the keynote speakers. In a pre-meeting press statement, Cur-
ran decried "trial by newspapers" and declared that he was

". . . happy to accept the invitation ... in this attempt to
secure funds so that justice may be done. I only hope
that my words may succeed in enabling the . . . Com-
mittee to secure the full amount necessary for the
cause of justice. The sympathy and the prayers of
every fair-minded American citizen should go out to

* The Nation, 3-31-32. Pg. 334.

the parents and loved ones of these defendants in their
hour of suffering." (The Brooklyn Tablet, 3/2/40)

During the summer of that year most of the seventeen in-
dicted were dismissed whereupon Curran wrote to Attorney
General Jackson demanding an investigation into the trial
and asking who "tricked" the Department of Justice into the
proceedings. When, later, the remainder of the indictees were
dismissed, the Parents' Defense Fund Committee held a "vic-
tory rally" on February 2, 1941, at the Columbus Club,
Brooklyn. Again D'Arcy presided. Nine of the defendants,
including John Cassidy, National Director of the Christian
Front, sat on the platform while Curran and ex-Judge Healy,
defense lawyer, spoke.

Following the Front trial, both Frontist and Coughlinite
activities either went underground or switched over to the
intensive anti-war campaign which was then urging the coun-
try not to fight the European fascists. Curran also began to
speak against war and foreign entanglements but continued,
too, his defense of Coughlin.

When the mailing privileges of Social Justice were under
fire, and Coughlin had to stop publishing to prevent further
investigation, Curran sent the following telegram to Coughlin
on April 28, 1942:

"As a fellow-priest and a fellow-American I assure
you of a constant remembrance in my Masses and
prayers during these trying days. May God bless you."
(Gaelic American, 5-2-42)

In his anti-war campaign, Curran was inevitably drawn into
America First activity and during the six months prior to
Pearl Harbor made frequent speeches attacking Russia, En-
gland and the late President Roosevelt. The most inept was
one delivered in Jersey City at a Pro-American Rally of the
Civic Educational Council on October 27, 1941 in which he
said:

"Arousing fear is the method dictators use to get
complete power over their country— that is how Roose-

velt and the war party are creating a political and
military dictatorship that will extend right into your
homes . . . Egging on innocent Japan . . . This pagan
irresponsible dictatorial war party does not represent
the people, it is destroying and disuniting the country
by treachery and dishonesty . . . This Roosevelt war
party is completely subversive to, and run from Lon-
don." (Jersey City— Pro- American Rally of the Civic
Educational Council, 10-27-41)

During the war years Father Curran has contented himself
with shadow-boxing with such diversified opponents as Britain,
Russia, Civilian Defense, and the Roosevelt Administration.
But he has consistently carried the flag for Coughlin and
on April 30, 1944, appeared at the Columbus Club in Brook-
lyn as a speaker at a meeting. He was preceded on the plat-
form by William Grace, a Chicago "nationalist" whose
activities will be discussed later. In his speech Grace said:

"I am an isolationist, a nationalist, too— another word
for it. I am anti-British, anti-Russian, anti-Japanese,
anti-German, anti-everything that is anti-American
and wants to hold that flag down . . . Everywhere in
government offices are Communists pledged to destroy
our way of life and our God."

Following Grace's general blast, Father Curran took the
floor. He began with a slur on Walter Winchell for demand-
ing an investigation of Father Coughlin. Curran stated:

"The purpose of this meeting is to impress our
people with the dangers of totalitarianism in the U. S. A.
When asked whether the purpose of this meeting was in
securing the air waves for the use of Father Coughlin,
I said that was not the specific purpose of the meet-
ing, but I went on to assure him [the reporter] that
Father Coughlin has more right to the air waves of
this country than Browder or Winchell." (Great ap-
plause.) "As far as I am concerned, and as far as
you are concerned, we'll do everything in our power
to bring him back."

On June 28, 1944, Curran held his annual Mass to com-
memorate the ordination of Father Coughlin, and declared:

"For the past twenty-eight years, Father Coughlin has devoted
his spiritual and intellectual and oratorical and literary tal-
ents to the cause of defending America against all anti-
Americans and all anti-Christians." And ". . . we shall beg God
to hasten the day when once again his voice may ring out
over the airways to protect our church, our country, our
priesthood and our fellow citizens/' At the end of the meeting,
a collection was taken up to send to Father Coughlin for
"his work."

After this Mass, small groups gathered on the church steps.
One group gathered about a woman, a former worker in the
cause of the Christian Front, who delivered an extemporane-
ous speech on the "conspiracy for world government" and the
"Anglo-Jewish conspiracy" . . . She also reported that Roose-
velt was in the third stage of syphilis, that 50,000 men had
been killed in the first two days of the battle for Normandy
and that 15,000 was one day's toll at Tarawa. The woman then
took names and addresses of those who wanted to receive
"her bulletin."

Until recently Father Curran has refused to admit any
direct connection with the Christian Front, which has had
such a stormy, unsavory history and been so identified with
anti-Semitism, rabble-rousing, hate-inciting and subversive
activities. But on April 9, 1945, 700 people attended a meet-
ing sponsored by the St. Augustine Branch, Ladies Catholic
Benevolent Association, No. 1287, of South Boston, at the
New England Mutual Building, Boston.

Mrs. William B. Gallagher, wife of the notorious Boston
Christian Front leader, was chairlady. She introduced Father
Daniel J. O'Leary, a good looking young priest who in turn
introduced Father J. F. X. Murphy. Father Murphy then made
a long laudatory speech introducing Father Curran.

Curran attacked the entry of the United States into the war
and declared that Russia, England, China and France were
all Russia First, England First, etc., and in the war at the
expense of the United States for their own aggrandizement.
Then he came to the Christian Front and said:

"Christian Front is another sacred term that our
enemies have lampooned. (Applause.) But by my
baptism, by my later confirmation, by the holy fact of
my ordination, I believe in the sanctity of the Christian
Front. As I told a Jewish friend in Brooklyn who
moaned to me about the Christian Front, 'Haven't you
got a Jewish Front? What do you call Sidney Hillman
and his PAC Front? If you can have a Jewish Front,
why can't I belong to a Christian Front?' "

When Father Curran uttered this obvious nonsense, he was,
whether he realized it or not, paralleling one of the doctrines
which the Nazis used from the very first, that of setting up
falsely the straw man of a Jewish Front (or conspiracy) and
then attacking it. Or using it as a point of departure for other
attacks. And whatever direction his future activities take,
whether toward a revived Christian Front or a continued sup-
port of Father Coughlin, Curran is obviously a man to watch
as the network of dissension and the pattern of disruption
grows. It is unlikely that he will return to the praise of fascist
Franco. It is certain he will not be quoted again in Nazi
pamphlets. But America will do well to remember that spokes-
men for disruption have identified him as a man on their
"side of the fence."

The threads which link together the strange alliance are
sometimes tenuous and finely drawn. But follow only one
and you will soon find yourself led from one group to the
next. Let us take a typical case and see how quickly we are
drawn into the whole maze.

Rev. Norman Vincent Peale is Chairman of the Committee
for Constitutional Government. He is also a member of the
Advisory Committee of Spiritual Mobilization (which, inci-
dentally, advertises in The Defender, published by Gerald
Winrod; alleged seditionist, one of the defendants in the
Washington trials).

Rev. Norman Vincent Peale once appeared on the same pro-
gram with Mrs. Elizabeth Billing, a co-defendant of Winrod's
in the trial for alleged sedition, notorious anti-Semite, a mem-
ber of the National Emergency Committee (formed by the

pro-fascist Gerald L. K. Smith [see Chapter IV]), and leader
in the "Momism" racket, (see Chapter VII), a woman whose
activities link her with fascist groups throughout the country.
On the same program that day (October 30, 1938) was Rev.
Fr. Edward Lodge Curran, in his capacity as President of
the International Catholic Truth Society.

During the same winter of 1938-39, the Rev. Edward
Lodge Curran served on a committee of Merwin K. Hart's
American Union for Nationalist Spain. On the committee with
Father Curran were: John Eoghan Kelly, Patrick F. Scanlon,
Lester M. Gray, Mrs. Catherine W. Baldwin, Robert Caldwell
Patton, editor of the pro-Franco Patriot Digest— and Joseph
P. Kamp, of the Constitutional Educational League.

The Literary Activity of Joseph P. Kamp

Joseph P. Kamp was also on a committee which sponsored
General George Van Horn Mosely— along with Allen Zoll,
Mrs. A. Cressy Morrison, Fred R. Marvin, John Cecil, Major
William Lathrop Rich— and again John Eoghan Kelly.

As Director of the Constitutional Educational League, Kamp,
the last of the three phenomena, has distributed millions
of pieces of literature, most of it used and highly praised
by various disruptionist, semi-fascist and pro-fascist groups.
According to Kamp himself, he disposed of 2,200,000 copies
of one booklet, Join the C. I. O. and Help Build a Soviet
America, and he claims that between 1937 and 1940 he dis-
tributed a total of 10,000,000 pieces of literature.

How were these used? A few instances are indicative.

1. On May 5, 1939, Kamp's Headline's Bulletin was dis-
tributed at a meeting of the "American Patriots," an organiza-
tion created by Allen Zoll, notorious Coughlinite and anti-
Semite, who *was subsequently indicted by a New York Grand
Jury for alleged attempted extortion in offering, for the pay-
ment of a stated sum of money, to withdraw Coughlin's
pickets from the front of the premises of a New York radio
station.

Zoll had been associated, also, with Merwin K. Hart and
Father Curran in their pro-Franco activities and with Eliza-
beth Billing who spoke for Zoll's "American Patriots/'

2. Kamp's literature has been advertised in Winrod's The
Defender, and significantly, two of the Kamp pamphlets, The
Fifth Column in Washington and The Fifth Column in the
South, were advertised as available for sale at the offices of
The Defender publishers in Wichita, Kansas. Winrod once
boasted in his publication that as a result of "prominent
mention" in The Defender, thousands of Kamp's pamphlets
were sold.

3. In November, 1940, the Fiery Cross, monthly publication
of the Ku Klux Klan, carried a large advertisement of the Kamp
pamphlet The Fifth Column in the South— and the same
issue contained an article by Joseph P. Kamp on "Reds" in
our government.

4. In 1940, Joe McWilliams, New York's then number one
native Nazi, who was later indicted by a Washington grand jury
for alleged seditious conspiracy, permitted F. Guy Juenemann
to sell copies of Kamp's literature at meetings of the "Ameri-
can Destiny Party."

5. In March, 1942, literature of the Constitutional Educa-
tional League was sold at a meeting of the "Patriots of the
Republic," a violent "Christian Front" organization which
operated out of Brooklyn, N. Y., until its leaders decided that
the continuing of its activities might result in an indictment
for sedition.

6. On August 19, 1942, Elizabeth Billing sent out to her
mailing list a post card announcing that there were now
available on sale at her office ( The Patriotic Research Bureau )
copies of Kamp's Native Nazi Purge Plot. One portion of
the post card stated that the booklet was "fascinating, factually
dynamite . . . Get it! Read it! Push it! Lend copies to
friends and neighbors before election time."

Subsequently Billing made it clear that she was selling
these books in order to help raise a defense fund for herself
as one of the defendants in the "Washington sedition case."

7. Kamp literature has been distributed by the "American

Women Against Communism" (see Chapter VII) and copies
of Kamp's booklet, What's Cooking were received by peo-
ple who were on the mailing list of Coughlin's Social Justice.

They have been spread by fifth columnists all over America
—and they are still available to any fascist in America who
wants to use them.

For Joseph P. Kamp still has an office at 342 Madison
Avenue, New York City, and according to the stationery of
the Constitutional Educational League, it also has offices at
the following addresses:

"National Headquarters" "Midwest Headquarters"
631 Chapel Street Pioneer Building

New Haven, Conn. Madison, Wisconsin

"Southern Department"

Protective Life Building

Birmingham, Alabama

The Constitutional Educational League is a Connecticut
corporation and though it maintains an office in New York
County, no certificate authorizing it to do business is on file
in the County Clerk's office or in Albany.

Kamp claims that the League is "educational" and has made
every effort to keep its records from public investigation. In
1937 he and Chester A. Hanson, Secretary-Treasurer of the
League were subpoenaed to appear before the LaFollette
Civil Liberties Committee and to produce "all records, docu-
ments, correspondence, etc." pertaining to the League's busi-
ness. Kamp failed to appear.

On November 19, Chester A. Hanson did appear, but failed
to produce the records, explaining that on November 14, five
days before the hearing took place, Kamp had "taken" the
files out of the cabinets at the New Haven office and with him
on an "auto trip." The weight of the files was about 150
pounds.

Hanson was questioned and revealed a startling ignorance
of the Constitution of the United States. This, together with
Hanson's description of the League's activities, caused Senator

Elbert D. Thomas of Utah to remark, "I can judge quite cor-
rectly from what you say, then, that the word 'Constitutional'
does not have any meaning in your Constitutional Educational
League . . . and the word 'educational' has no meaning."

More recently, Kamp had another occasion to tell legislators
about his League and to put information about it on the
open records. He was summoned, in the fall of 1944, by the
House Campaign Expenditures Investigating Committee. On
October 5, 1944, he refused, for a second time, to turn over
his records to the committee, and on October 8, the Committee
cited him for contempt Later, on November 10, 1944, the
U. S. Attorney General's office charged Kamp with "wilfully
and deliberately" refusing to turn over records to the Com-
mittee, and on December 21, a Federal Grand Jury indicted
Kamp on that charge.

Strangely enough, he has not, up to this writing, been
brought to triaL

Kamp has often boasted of "close contacts" in various gov-
ernment agencies. He has told friends that he has a connec-
tion in the Department of Justice (of course he offered no
proof) and has frequently referred to his friendship with
congressmen (which he has been able to prove). He used
to boast of his assistance to ex-Congressman Martin Dies' In-
vestigative Committee, and said in October, 1943, "Martin
Dies and I have been playing ball for years." Kamp's former
secretary, Hazel Hoffman, was employed for a while, by
the Dies Committee.

At one time, when the Committee was still active, Kamp
advised "patriots" not to give information to J. Edgar Hoover
and the FBI, but to give it, instead, to Martin Dies and him-
self.

Representative Clare E. Hoffman, of Michigan, has praised
Kamp's litera'ture (see Chapter IX), and told of distributing
it himself, at his own expense. Representative Paul Shafer, of
Michigan, has also publicly endorsed Kamp's writings.

Yet, in the summer of 1942, Kamp's Constitutional Educa-
tional League was named in the Washington indictment for
alleged sedition as one of the agencies through which the de-

fendants sought to carry out the charged conspiracy to under-
mine the morale of our armed forces.

And, according to a newspaper report of August 24, 1942,
Kamp was busy raising a fund for the defense of the twenty-
eight who were then indicted for the alleged conspiracy.
This report stated that Kamp was raising his defense fund
through the sale of a booklet which he called Maloney's
Moscow Trials. (William P. Maloney was the first Govern-
ment prosecutor in the case.)

Up to the present time, all this does not seem greatly to
have injured Kamp's standing nor to have curtailed his
activities.

However, this is not very strange in the light of what Kamp
has been able to do in the past, and of the background which
has not seemed to hinder him.

Joseph P. Kamp was born in Yonkers, N. Y., on May 3, 1900.
His father was Joseph Kamp, a tailor who was born in Ger-
many and had come to America shortly before Joseph P.
Kamp's birth.

The younger Kamp went to school in Yonkers, evidently
graduating from grade school there. He entered the Yonkers
High School, but at the end of one six-months' term, left, ap-
parently of his own accord.

Little is known of him until 1933— though he spent some
time as a process-server after his high-school days. In 1933,
according to the records in the New York County Clerk's
office, a business certificate was filed, on December 7th, for
The Awakener Publishing Co., 11 W. 42nd St., New York
City, with Joseph P. Kamp and Harold Lord Varney as the
owners. Varney was a well-known pro-Mussolini propagandist.

Soon after that a bank account was opened in the name of
The Awakener and Joseph P. Kamp at the Banca Com-
merciale Italiana in New York City.

Besides Kamp and Varney, The Awakener listed as an "As-
sociate Editor," Lawrence Dennis, self-styled brains of Ameri-
can fascism, later indicted by the Department of Justice on
charges of taking part in a Nazi conspiracy.

In 1937, in the face of rising criticism, The Awakener dis-

continued publication, but Kamp revealed, in a letter to one
of his followers, that its work would continue.

He wrote: "The Awakener is dead, but the work is being
carried on, and you wih1 receive, in return for your stamps,
some recent booklets and pamphlets of the Constitutional
Educational League . . ."

On July 29, 1937, a business certificate was filed in the New
York County Clerk's Office for the Raakamp Publishing Co.
The address furnished for this company was 78 W. 55th
Street, New York City, which was the home of a Mr. Bentley
Raak.

The present address of the Raakamp Publishing Company
is 342 Madison Avenue, New York City, and its co-owner,
along with Mr. Raak, is Joseph P. Kamp. The Raakamp Pub-
lishing Company is supposedly inactive, but it carries an active
bank account at the Irving Trust Company, Empire State
Branch, 5th Avenue and 34th Street, New York City.

Since Mr. Kamp is reticent about the finances of the Con-
stitutional Educational League, and since the address of the
Constitutional Educational League is also at 342 Madison
Avenue, New York City, it may interest some of the League's
contributors to learn what they can about Raakamp Publish-
ing Co.

An associate of Kamp in the Constitutional Educational
League was A. Cloyd Gill, a man with a record going back to
the infamous Asheville Conference. (In 1936 Gill had helped
to arrange the conference in Asheville, North Carolina, at-
tended by leading American anti-Semites and pro-Nazi propa-
gandists, where, for the first time, a program of political anti-
Semitism was laid out on a national scale. )

According to the sworn statement of a former close asso-
ciate, Gill received, in 1938, $600 from a Mr. T. Ono of the
Japanese Chamber of Commerce. This was the price, accord-
ing to the affidavit, for inserting in the Counsellor, a Gill publi-
cation, a pro-Japanese article, entitled "Communism in the
Far East."

Gill and Kamp worked closely together, until 1943. Then,
early in the morning of April 7, Gill was found dead in the

offices of the Constitutional Educational League. According
to the coroner, the death was due to "natural causes."

The source of Kamp's funds is difficult to find. Kamp claims
that the League's chief source of funds is donations from in-
dividuals and associations, though he has also boasted, on
occasion, that he has received financial backing from indus-
trialists, and reactionary-minded business men.

Whatever his backing, the books, the pamphlets, the leaflets
are still streaming out of the League offices. Recently Kamp
published one called, From the Secret Files of the FBI—
though the Federal Bureau of Investigation has issued a
statement that these pamphlets were printed without the
knowledge or consent of the FBI. Incredible as it seems, the
activities of Joseph P. Kamp go on, help to continue and to
build up the strange alliance.

And the strange alliance is linked with other groups, all
over the country. There are threads which can be picked
up and followed, person to person, group to group. Not all of
these individuals and groups operate in the same way. Some
may be said to work on a high level, others on a lower, but
they all constitute part of a drive against the safety of Ameri-
can democracy. Individuals meet with one group and then
another, propaganda moves freely between them— on low
levels and high.

Lately, as we will show in subsequent chapters, they have
drawn closer. Some of them have now openly banded together
in committees. But whether they act openly in concert or
not, they are much the same voices in different key; they
are the voices of hate; hate the administration, hate the Jews,
hate the Negroes, hate the Russians, hate the "reds," hate
labor, hate the "international bankers"— but don't hate the
fascists, not the Nazis (be kind to them in defeat), don't hate
Franco, don't hate the betrayers of American democracy.

Is it strange that America listens to their voices? Is it
strange that Americans allow Elizabeth Dilling to say, as she
did recently,

"You are well aware, I know, that Jewry's most
perfect responsive instrument, has left us. He is con-

tinuing his 'fireside' chats, it is reported, with Old
Nick in a new location. The chief mourners' long faces
have matched their noses. . . .

"He milked the country of blood and supplies to
build world imperialism for Red Jewry. . . ." (The
Newspaper PM, 5-27-45.)

Perhaps not so strange when the so-called respectable press
has urged on many of these hatreds. Not long after the death
of Franklin D. Roosevelt the people of New York City, or that
portion of them which reads the New York Daily News, were
treated to a strange and shocking exhibition of newspaper
good taste. In an editorial the Daily News linked the death of
Roosevelt with that of Hitler and Mussolini to remark that no
man is indispensable.

While Gerald L. K. Smith was doing his best to discredit
the San Francisco Conference, John O'Donnell, Daily News
columnist, called the conference "as phony as a seven-dollar
bill."

Nor is it strange when one considers how little the Ameri-
can public is told about the disruptionists, the spreaders of
hate, and disunity. Only a small section of the press reports on
their activities and only a few radio commentators with large
audiences exposes or checks them. A newspaper such as PM,
a commentator such as Walter Winchell, are notable for their
interest in blocking the dissensionists, disruptionists and hate-
mongers. And if it were not for Winchell, in his column and
on the air, there would not be a truly powerful voice in
America raised against the disruptionists with anything like
the consistency of their own brazen bleatings.

Until they and their activities are revealed and exposed and
constantly shown to the public, they may continue to grow.
Until every ramification of their activity is traced, until every
element and every fuse that leads to the time bomb of fascism
is discovered and stamped upon, America will remain in
danger.

In succeeding chapters we will examine other phases of
their activity and discover in what other parts of the country
they meet and work and cooperate.

DYNAMITE IN DIXIE

JTlCK up a telephone in

Houston, Texas, and dial Capital 2526. Whoever answers will
be speaking from the headquarters of one of the most power-
ful fascist-minded organizations in the country, an active
center for spreading hate, dissension, and anti-labor propa-
ganda.

The Houston telephone directory lists the organization as
"The Christian American" but trade unionists throughout the
South will give you a different label. They will tell you grimly
that its proper designation should be "Un-American, Inc."
They will warn you about its apparently limitless funds for
its anti-union work. Negroes below the Mason-Dixie line
will give you still another name— "Streamlined Klan, 1945
Model."

Both have the same thing in mind, for both fear the power
and the influence of the organization which calls itself The
Christian American. And both have reason to, for even now
there is a battle on in the Southland. The chips are down and
the stakes are high. They are nothing less than complete
control of a rich section of the country, rapidly industrialized
by the war— with big profits for those who can assure them-
selves of cheap labor, held in iron domination. And the
backers of The Christian American are playing for keeps.

To get the picture of how operations are conducted in the
South, to see the pattern which may undermine and split
American democracy if unchecked, let us look at two seem-
ingly unrelated incidents in the South during the last two
years, and see how significantly they fit into the pattern.

We will begin on a warm June day in 1944, in the small,
war-booming town of Beaumont, Texas. Incident number
one: On June 17th, at approximately 3 P.M., the Negro resi-
dential and business section of Beaumont was going about its
affairs as usual when, along the streets, pedestrians were
suddenly frozen in their tracks. The wail of police sirens
split the air of the Negro community and white motorcycle
cops tore through the streets, shouting, "Get off the streets!
Get off the streets!" Beaumont Negroes did not wait to ask
why. They ran for cover. Instinctively, they knew what was
coming. Shortly after the motorcycles tore off, a mob of
whites stormed into the Negro area.

What happened in the next 24 hours left the nation shocked.
When the white hoodlums were finished, the Beaumont
Negro business and residential section lay in embers. The
nearby shipyards all but stopped war production. Local
war plants shut down. Men lay dead, and the hospitals and
jails were filled. State police who were rushed to the scene
had arrested 80 whites as ringleaders of the atrocity, and
on the night of June 18th the still-burning embers lit the
skies above the Texas war town with a figurative warning:
"Nigger, stay in your place!"

Incident number two: Approximately a year earlier, on
March 4, 1943, one of the bitterest debates in the history
of the Arkansas State Legislature raged on the floor of the
House in Little Rock. A handful of representatives were fight-
ing a losing battle to prevent the passage of a bill which has
since become sinisterly familiar in the legislatures of at least
twenty southern and borderline states.

This is the bill widely sponsored by The Christian American
as the "Right to Work" amendment. In Arkansas, the few
courageous legislators who .opposed it fought what they
knew was a losing battle, because they also knew how thor-

oughly the bill's sponsors had set the stage for its passage.

Tens of thousands of dollars had been spent in Arkansas to
win support for it. Farmers, businessmen and union-hating in-
dustrialists had been brought together to fight for it. Not a
newspaper in the state had been overlooked in distributing
a widespread paid advertising campaign. Time was paid
for on radio chains. Even some churches were swung into
line. Now, in the legislature itself, the heat was on in earnest
for its passage. And holding the torch was The Christian
American.

As the debate raged to a heated climax at Little Rock, a
harassed opponent of the bill summed up the portent of its
passage in forthright language. He was Representative Cham-
bers, of Columbia, Arkansas. He was frank about the way
he was going to vote, even though he had fought the measure
from its introduction. Turning to his fellow Representatives,
he said he now intended to vote for passage only because the
county he represented had been so completely organized
by The Christian American agents that he had no alternative.
Then, turning in anger to the gallery, Representative Cham-
bers looked at a tall, sallow man sitting impassively among
the visitors. This man was Val Sherman, reactionary, union-
hating Texan, Associate Director of The Christian American.
Sherman had come to Little Rock well supplied with funds to
see to it personally that the bill went through. Pointing to
Sherman, Representative Chambers shouted, "I'm not brand-
ing Mr. Sherman as a disciple of Hitler, but he's a graduate
of his school. Hitler would be glad to charter a submarine
to Texas and solicit his services!" (Arkansas Gazette, March
4, 1943.)

The bill passed the House by a vote of 62 to 29. Later the
Senate set it aside "temporarily." But The Christian American
resumed its fight for passage, and at this writing the issue
is not yet settled.

What is the aim of the The Christian American, and what
is its interest in sponsoring passage of the "Right to Work"
amendment?

To begin with, the "Right to Work" amendment is only part

of an entire anti-union plan, which comes wrapped in three
deceitful packages, and which The Christian American group
hopes to sell to the entire 48 states. The packages are:

1. "Anti-violence in strikes" law. Under this law it would
seem that all an employer need do to break up a labor union
is to get any member of the union or any employee to charge
that union officials, union members, or pickets have threatened
(not necessarily committed) violence "to deprive him of his
right to work." Heavy sentences and fines against union
men could then be levied which could easily put the unions
out of business. Everybody who opposes this law is accused
by its proponents of upholding the right to riot. A neater
and more vicious attack on union rights has never been
schemed.

2. The "Right to Work" measure which is being sponsored
now in individual states and which is offered as an amend-
ment that can some day be incorporated into a national Con-
stitutional amendment. This flanking operation attacks an-
other part of union organization. It seeks to kill off unionism
by abolishing the closed shop. It "upholds the right" of an
individual to work in an open shop even though the majority
vote may favor a certain union and a closed shop— and even
though only one dissenter may be the only worker who
chooses to work in an open shop. Obviously, under its pro-
tection anti-union organizations, or employers, can easily
smash unions even where they have now been accepted by
the majority of workers in any plant or business.

3. By pushing through the "Right to Work" amendment
the Wagner Labor Relations Act would be, to all practical
purposes, repealed. Later official repeal of it could be easily
managed.

Such a program obviously appeals only to the arch-enemies
of labor. It can benefit only those who propose to use and
to exploit and to create cheap labor. It would mean the end
of all unionism and the unbridled mastery of labor by over-
lords.

Yet, both the "Right to Work" amendment and the "anti-
violence in strikes" law have been introduced in a number of

southern states and one or the other has been passed in many
of them— with the help of The Christian American and the
reactionary Texan, W. Lee "Pappy" OTDaniel.

Where does their passage and the terror in Beaumont link
up? Where does the battle of Little Rock and the hoodlumism
in Beaumont tie in?

The burning of Beaumont was the last overt act, up to the
time of this writing, by the old-school rope and faggot adher-
ents of the Ku Klux Klan technique. It was a final desperate
effort to stave off what the Klan considered was a ground-
swell of liberalism in southern states. It was the Klan's
challenge to the CIO and AFL. It was a threat to Negroes,
who looked to the unionists and FEPC for some measure
of protection and for some hope of equal economic rights.

It didn't work Beaumont's Negroes, though understand-
ably frightened, were not completely intimidated. They re-
built their homes and their shops. They went back to their
jobs and continued to produce die sinews of war. Of course
they had the economic strength (occasioned by available war
jobs ) to resist intimidation. And they had the courage ( backed
by the knowledge that they were needed in wartime) to
return to their homes and their work. The fact that America
was at war against foreign enemies was a measure of pro-
tection to them.

So the outrage in Beaumont was not repeated. There was
no further incident.

The men who propound the philosophy of white supremacy,
knew then that the fiery cross was, for the time being, an un-
satisfactory weapon.

The Christian American's Plots and Planners

But others were at work. There were other lines of attack.
There is more than one way to strike at labor and to bring
it to terms: attack in the legislative field when the lower strata
temporarily abandons force; set up a long-range program. It

may take longer, but it can be made to work. How?

First, by weakening and then breaking entirely the back-
bone of a growing liberal movement in the South. Then fascism
—after (1) the legislative program weakens the trade unions,

(2) liberals, Southern educators, public office holders, clergy-
men and other progressives have been outmaneuvered, and

(3) the Southern Negro has been forced into a weaker position
than he is today.

The big figures behind The Christian American organiza-
tion, such as W. Lee O'Daniel, Senator from Texas, Lewis
Valentine Ulrey, wealthy Texas realtor and Christian Ameri-
can chairman, Val Sherman, giant ham-fisted Vance Muse,
Senator O'Daniel's right-hand man and secretary of The
Christian American— these men and their rich contributors
who own or represent a number of Texas industries, are fight-
ing it out in the legislatures.

They fought it out in Arkansas. They have fought it out
and won in eleven southern states. They plan to capture, if
possible, every other southern state and many border states.

In the meantime, the Klan and other kindred nightshirt
organizations throughout the South are reviving and strength-
ening. Such Klan outfits are not using physical terror for
the time being. They are quietly but steadily building up
underground hoodlum groups, keeping them ready until the
signal is given to go. That signal will be given when the
"enemy," the progressive, the labor, the liberal forces have
been sufficiently "softened up." Then, unless these liberal
forces knuckle under, unless labor and the Negro are content
to see "white supremacy" established, to witness a return to
the old feudalism of the South, watch for terror to ride again.

That does not mean that there is no danger in the South
even today. The Christian American, in its flanking attack
on the South's body politics is distributing violent anti-Negro
tracts, is encouraging divisive, racial theories, is spreading
disunity— and building toward the unchallenged establish-

ment of "white supremacy," which of course means "Gentile
white supremacy."

National headquarters of The Christian American is lo-
cated in the Kirby Building in Houston, Texas. The organiza-
tion itself evolved from another outfit called the Jeffersonian
Democrats, which was set up in 1936 by the late John H.
Kirby, Houston millionaire.

Tycoon Kirby was one of the richest men in the South.
He was also a confirmed believer in drastic, hard-fisted
methods to keep labor down, in suppressing all forms of liberal
thought and above all, in seeing that Negroes could not rise
above the social, political and economic levels set for them
by the "white supremacist" rulers of the South.

Through Vance Muse and other reactionaries in the South
and in Congress, Kirby funneled a fortune into any move-
ment which promised to preserve the status quo. He could
well afford this. He was chairman of a petroleum company,
president of an investment company and president of a
lumber company. He is described in a piece of Christian
American literature as "foremost industrialist of Texas and the
South and for many years ... his state's wealthiest citizen."
As an outstanding southern industrialist he flaunted his Tory
views and openly espoused and occupied a post as member
of the executive committees of the Sentinels of the Republic
and the Order of American Patriots, both thinly disguised
organizations for disseminating race hatred and union busting
literature.

Vance Muse, whose residence is at 2708 Werlein Street,
Houston, worked for Kirby as the Jeffersonian Democrats'
ideological leader and lobbyist. Backed by the Kirby millions,
he succeeded in spreading disruptive anti-New Deal, anti-
labor propaganda throughout the South. When Kirby died,
Muse formed The Christian American, taking the name from
a "hate sheet" magazine published by a crackpot white su-
premacist group with whom Muse was then connected.

Muse was soon joined by Val Sherman, whose address is
6623 Brompton Street, Houston. The pair worked together

to build The Christian American outfit, to organize branches
and to attract big money.

The record of Vance Muse indicates clearly where he is
headed. His appearance and brains make him a dangerous
man. A six-foot-four giant, his towering figure is regularly
seen in the top money crowd with men who are willing to
spend generously to smash the unions and "put the nigger
back in his place/' Muse hobnobs, too, with state and federal
legislators, with extreme tory businessmen who consider Muse
and his spiritual mentor, "Pappy" OTDaniel, the white-haired
boys and potential saviors of the white supremacy tradition.

Muse's wife is his paid secretary, and is as rabid as her
husband in their chosen mission of making the South "safe"
for reaction and white supremacy. Recently, in an ex-
tremely frank moment, Mrs. Muse told an interviewer that
for the present, "The Christian American cannot afford to
be anti-Semitic, but we know where we stand on the Jews
all right! It does not pay us to work with Winrod, Smith,
Coughlin and those others up north; they are too outspoken
and would get us into trouble." (Though they are clever
enough to avoid open meetings with such notorious figures,
Muse and other chiefs of The Christian American have met
privately with Gerald L. K. Smith and Winrod.)

Now in his early 50's, Muse has had long experience in
spreading race hatred and battling for reaction. Back in 1920
he organized the Southern Tariff Association, a high-pressure
lobby financed by northern Republican industrialists and
bankers who wanted to keep southern labor in the low income
brackets. Later Muse organized the Southern Committee
to Uphold the Constitution, a typical reactionary outfit which,
under the guise of its praiseworthy name, sponsored anti-
New Deal, anti-labor literature and propaganda.

In 1935 Governor Talmadge worked with Muse to promote
the notorious "Grass Roots Convention" at Macon, Georgia,
which was intended as a spearhead against progressive, social
service and labor legislation sponsored by the late President
Roosevelt as part of the New Deal.

Muse proved himself an expert lobbyist, as his present

activities with The Christian American illustrate. He was
'equally effective on behalf of the Southern Committee to
Uphold the Constitution. In effect his activities had become
so disruptive that he was ordered to appear before the Senate
Special Committee to Investigate Lobbying Activities, which
met during the second session of the 74th Congress on April
15, 1936.

Under cross-examination by the then Senator Hugo Black,
Muse admitted that his Committee was responsible for print-
ing and distributing literature showing Mrs. Roosevelt in
the company of Negroes, and quoting Mrs. Roosevelt as
stating that Negroes were welcome and frequent visitors at
the White House, Muse also admitted being the originator of
vicious literature, aimed at stirring up race hatred, and claimed
that Governor Talmadge had urged its distribution.

When Senator Black demanded of Muse whether Kirby's
Order of American Patriots had anything to do with the dis-
tributions, Muse defied the Senate Committee and declared:

"I won't talk about my fraternal connections. I am not
going to talk when I've sworn on the flag and Bible that I
am not going to discuss these things." (Incidentally, the Klan
oath is also taken upon the flag and Bible.) Later, under
cross-questioning, Muse shouted: "I am a southerner and I am
for white supremacy!" During the same hearing, this south-
ern "patriot" admitted meeting with fascist Gerald L. K.
Smith in an Atlanta hotel.

Interviewed in 1942 by a reporter from the Houston
Chronicle, Muse boasted of The Christian American's connec-
tions with big money and power political circles, stating, 'There
are 25 responsible men spread through twelve southern
states whose names are not to be revealed for obvious reasons."

Vance Muse works with enormous energy as well as de-
termination. There is not a legislative hall or big business
circle in the South which has not felt the impact of his per-
sonal presence and activities. Sometimes following and some-
times trailblazing for Senator O'Daniel (who has addressed
most legislative bodies in the South on behalf of The Chris-
tian American's union-busting bills) Muse has helped to

secure the passage of the "Anti-Violence" Statute in Texas,
Arkansas, Florida, Alabama, Colorado, Kansas, South Dakota,
Minnesota, Idaho and Wisconsin.

In his barnstorming trips, meeting with legislators and busi-
nessmen, he has publicly stated that the present objective of
the CA in the current campaign is to get the CA-sponsored
anti-union laws on the statute books of the entire twenty
states of the South and West which are predominantly agricul-
tural and where unions are still weak. Muse has listed these
states as Oregon, Montana, North Dakota, Nebraska, Colo-
rado, New Mexico, Kansas, Minnesota, Iowa, Arkansas,
Florida, North Carolina, South Carolina, West Virginia, Mary-
land, Texas, Tennessee, Georgia and Oklahoma. Nor is this
an idle hope or a mere organization wish. It is the planned
program of The Christian American ( with resources and brains
behind it) to stampede every one of these states into pass-
age of both the "Right to Work" measure (with its provision
calling for a federal amendment outlawing federal labor
rights) and the "Anti-Violence" Statute.

Other Christian American leading lights have just as inter-
esting backgrounds as Vance Muse.

According to a Christian American leaflet, Maco Stewart,
Sr., who was born in Galveston, Texas, "was generally con-
sidered to be the greatest title lawyer in the South. But he
was more than a lawyer, for he was also a financier and man
of affairs. . . . About eight years ago, Lewis Valentine Ulrey,
a university-trained man of wide learning and experience,
a former Democratic State Senator in Indiana, a geologist,
engineer and oil producer, who had gone to Galveston for
his health, became 'Geologist and Consulting Engineer' for
Maco Stewart and Son, and also took charge of their anti-
radical activities. Senator Ulrey still serves the Stewarts."

Lewis Valentine Ulrey also won fame in open-shop circles
by advocating the twelve hour work day. Lewis Valentine
Ulrey once took over distribution of Gerald Winrod's hate
propaganda in the South, after Winrod was indicted by the
Federal Government on charges of alleged conspiracy with

the German Nazi Party to overthrow the United States Gov-
ernment. Lewis Valentine Ulrey was a contributor to Gerald
Winrod's The Defender in 1937-1939, and in an article which
appeared in The Defender he once wrote:

"Into this bedlam and chaos in Germany Adolf
Hitler injected himself as a new . . . messiah, to lead
the ORDERLY GERMAN from political confusion to
SYSTEMATIC UNITY.

"Hitler succeeded in breaking the Versailles treaty,
recovering the Saar Basin, effecting anschluss with
Austria and re-arming the nation without firing a
single shot except at some recalcitrant followers . . .

"Hitler put it up to the Germans to decide between
the Jewish ownership and domination of the country,
or DOMINATION AND OWNERSHIP BY THE
NINETY-NINE PER CENT GERMAN POPULA-
TION.

"HUMAN NATURE BEING WHAT IT IS, IT IS
NOT STRANGE THAT THE GERMANS DECIDED
AGAINST THE JEWS, AND IN FAVOR OF
HITLER . . .

"OUR PRESIDENT HAS SENT TWO INSULT-
ING MESSAGES TO HITLER, AND A NUMBER
OF HIS PINK CABINETEERS HAVE MOST BLAT-
ANTLY AND VIOLENTLY BROADCAST SILLY
INSULTS TO THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT/'

Maco Stewart, whom Ulrey "serves," in 1944, contributed
$2500 to W. Lee "Pappy" OTDaniel's campaign against the late
President Roosevelt. Stewart is a member of the Committee
for Constitutional Government, and was also active in the
Texas Regulars' plot in the 1944 campaign.

John Crocker and E. E. Townes, both Houston lawyers,
were among the important leaders of The Texas Regulars
and were influential forces at the May 1944, Harris County
Democratic Convention. Vance Muse and Val Sherman, As-
sociate Director of The Christian American, were both dele-
gates to this same convention. Other delegates to the conven-
tion were Martin Dies and "Pappy" O'Daniel.

Both Crocker and Townes, incidentally, are leading figures
in the Committee for Constitutional Government. "Pappy"
CXDaniel is considered throughout the South as the mouth-
piece of The Christian American. In a letter to Vance Muse
from an Arkansas Legislator, Merle B. Smith, there was this
sentence: "Thanks also for bringing Senator W. Lee O'Daniel
here."

When Mrs. O'Daniel was asked by an investigating com-
mittee last year who helped in editing the W. Lee O'Daniel
News, she listed Samuel Pettingill as one. This is the same
Pettingill who is a member of the Committee for Constitutional
Government.

Another backer of The Christian American is an executive
in one of the biggest oil and refining companies in Texas.
He tipped his hand recently when he ordered printed an
"educational" pamphlet to be distributed among the com-
pany's employees to warn them against borrowing. This
"educational" booklet carried a picture of a loan shark which
was a caricature of a Jew in fine Goebbels style.

Houston, Texas, supporters of The Christian American have
their prototypes in many of the other big cities of the South.
The Christian American has succeeded in lining up behind
its program important southerners ranging from congressmen
and bankers to clergymen and educators. But its financial
support does not come from the South alone. While Muse
maintains that individual contributions range from only five
dollars to five hundred dollars, The Southern Patriot, a liberal
southern newspaper, charged (without proving) that a list
of contributors to The Christian American includes such names
as the duPonts; the Armour meatpacking family; Philadelphia
bankers George D. and Joseph E. Widener; John J. Raskob;
Howard C. Hopson; E. W. Mudge of Weirton Steel Co., Wall
Street lawyer Ogden Mills and Alfred P. Sloan.

Of itself, The Christian American might be able to pass
muster, A man or an organization is not necessarily fascist
because he is anti-labor or because he tries to restrain labor
activities. Nor is the race-baiting facet of The Christian
American unusual in the South. What, then, besides the sinis-

' 53

ter fact that southern legislatures have passed almost identi-
cal bills sponsored by The Christian American against labor,
constitutes a danger to America in The Christian American
program?

The fact is that The Christian American supports one of
the basic principles of fascism— to divide minorities; to weaken
unions.

As good a commentary as any on this phase of the activities
of The Christian American ( and, incidentally, a hopeful sign )
is this resolution which was passed some time ago by the
Legislature of Louisiana:

"WHEREAS HITLER has boasted and emphatically
stated that it will be a simple matter in our country
to set capital against labor, Negro against white,
Catholic against Protestant, and Christian against Jew,

"WHEREAS, RECENTLY, in the Heidelberg Hotel,
a public headquarters was announced for an associa-
tion known as Christian American, which association
is domiciled and located without the state of Louisiana,
and has boasted and advertised the fact that they
have come into the state of Louisiana for the purpose
of seeing that our legislature would enact laws, which
laws would create animosity, antagonism and unrest
among the employers and employees of this state and
interfere with the harmonious relations of capital and
labor in this state,

"BE IT RESOLVED that the legislature of Louisi-
ana do request the FBI and the Dies Committee to
investigate the source of revenue, general activities, the
personnel and the objectives of The Christian American
Association of Houston, Texas, to ascertain and deter-
mine whether or not said association is conducting
subversive activities in the United States."

According to a story in The New Republic of July 20, 1942,
in sponsoring the "Anti-Violence" bill in Louisiana, a spokes-
man for The Christian American said: "White men and women
have been forced into unions with black African apes whom
they must call 'brother' or lose their cards and their jobs."

The Christian American considers itself the center of

finances and ideological preparation for the South's postwar
explosion against labor, Negroes and all liberal thought.

To tear apart unity is the first step. Then the storm troop
movement moves in. Let us look at some of the disruptionist
movements which could play this role:—

There is the Commoner Party of Georgia, the Ku Klux
Klan, the Talmadge Vigilante Movement, We The People,
Anglo-Saxon Federation, Order of American Patriots, Old
Age Limit League, American Ideals Association and The
Texans (of San Antonio).

These are outright hate organizations. Some are reincar-
nated Klan groups which have adopted new names and colora-
tion, but they are more forthright in their aims.

The Commoner Party

Consider first the Commoner Party. It brazenly advertises
its organizing campaign for "the formation of a Gentile Politi-
cal Party to combat the Jew and Negro racial blocs now
active in the political affairs of the nation." Headquarters of
the Commoner Party is at Conyers, Georgia. President is aged
James L. Shipps, flint-eyed lynch advocate who lives on a large
farm he acquired about the same time he launched his fascist
movement. This estate, known as the Rockdale Farm is about
three miles outside Conyers. Recently he bought a second
farm in the neighborhood.

Shipps' working mate is Charles E. Emmons, formerly of
Atlanta and now residing at Conyers. He is secretary of the
party. Shipps, a blatant, arrogant white-supremacist and anti-
Semite, makes no bones about telling all "Commoners" that
he and Emmons are merely "fronts for a group of Atlanta
businessmen and politicians." In a private conversation early
in 1945 in an Atlanta hotel, Shipps revealed that in addition
to the men behind the Commoner Party already mentioned,
two extremely wealthy men, one in New York and another in
California, are supplying the money.

Shipps and Emmons have enough financial support to have
printed 200,000 copies of a 32-page "Plan" of the Commoner
Party for distribution throughout the state and throughout the
country as far north as New York Ciy. Page four of this "Plan"
declares "The white people of the South will not forget that
this is a White Man's Nation and that they intend to continue
to be the ruling class in any racial contest."

The Commoners bluntly call for the disfranchisement of the
Negroes and urge measures "to combat the International Jew
penetration into American business and politics." Page 27 of
the Plan recounts the tragic lynching of a young Atlantan, Leo
Frank, and eulogizes the lynchers, declaring "they kept the
record straight and protected the proud name of Georgia from
the humiliation of a miscarriage of justice".

In addition to their own Plan, Shipps and Emmons dis-
tribute a virulent anti-Catholic booklet titled The Conflict
of the Ages.

Shipps claims he met with an important elected state official
of Georgia shortly before this was written and reported later
that this official had told him that he and Talmadge don't
intend to sanction the Commoner Party openly and become
members— "until the European phase of the war is over." Dur-
ing that same report on the talk with this state official, Shipps
boasted that when the European phase of the war ended "the
fur will flyl"

Among other influential friends of Shipps and Emmons is
a vice president of an Atlanta bank (who Shipps claims sup-
plies him with names of wealthy people "who might be inter-
ested").

Emmons, who also makes important contacts, went to De-
troit early in 1945 where Le claims to have talked with Wil-
liam J. Cameron, editor of Henry Ford's defunct anti-Semitic
newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. The Commoner
Party chiefs have established contacts with scores of people
in every sizeable town in the state. Talking recently to an
interviewer, Shipps produced an advertisement which ap-
peared in the Atlanta Journal on February 11, 1945, which
reads:

"Christians: Wanted, members and workers for a
national organization. Send names to Mrs, Mayme
Kirby, 2324 Clerendon Avenue, Bessemer, Georgia."

"She's one of our agents," said Shipps.

Similar ads have appeared in various local newspapers in
the state.

In January of this year, Shipps told friends in Conyers to be
sure to get a copy of the then forthcoming issue of Talmadge's
paper, The Statesman, and read an editorial which would go
all out in attacking the Negroes. In the issue of January 22nd
The Statesman carried a blazing editorial reminiscent of the
Klan days following the Civil War.

Though it obviously has other sources of income, the Com-
moner Party does not overlook the opportunity to take in
money along with recruits. Indeed they seem to realize that
the two activities go well together, one bolstering the other.
On page 30 of the "Organization Plan", this item appears:

"THIS BATTLE CALLS FOR

DONATIONS"

"The Commoner Party is confronted by a condition
that can be most successfully met by a Party news-
paper that can devote all its space to the Organization
Plan. There will be other running expenses that should
not be left to a few loyal supporters. If we have not
misjudged the feelings of the American people, the
necessary funds will be forthcoming."

Support and funds may be forthcoming. Its peculiar plans
will appeal to some people. For instance, its demand that the
15th Amendment to the Constitution be repealed and that
Negroes be dis-enfranchised— with their only opportunity for
again receiving the franchise being "Franchise Courts" to
which they could apply and to which they would have to sub-
mit proof of voting qualification.

In promoting this idea, the Commoner Party booklet says:

"The management of this Government and the guar-
antee of its destiny is a white man's job and cannot be
left to theoretical political distortions."

The anti-Semitism of the Commoner Party may also appeal
to some. A paragraph like this may bring in recruits:

"THE REASON WHY"

"Only 23 per cent of the Jews who went over to
Palestine went 'rural' to do the 'physical labor/ The
other 77 per cent went into the cities to 'farm the
farmers/ A Jew Nation is unthinkable to a Jew. That
is the reason they prefer to dwell in nations of Gentiles.
The Gentiles go out and produce the wealth and the
Jews stay in cities with their profit-taking system to
grab it as the Gentiles bring it in."

Such an obvious, Nazi-like libel, will have a strong appeal
to the fascist-minded. It may add to Commoner Party
strength.

And the bitter fact is that such outfits as the Commoner
Party are rising in the South today, gaining strength, converts
and financial support. Some information on the others is pre-
sented in the following pages. But in the months ahead, re-
member the Commoner Party. And, if the South does suffer a
postwar civil explosion, watch the Commoner Party!

Plans of the Klan

Anyone under the illusion that the Ku Klux Klan is dead has
only to ask enough people on the streets of any town in the
South when and where the next local Klan meeting takes
place, and eventually he will be told when and where such a
meeting will be held. Or, if he prefers to engage in what may
seem almost schoolboyish melodrama, he can go into any center
where men congregate and speak to as many men as he can,
interspersing his conversation with the word "ayak." Before
long, one of his listeners will reply "akai." The first word stands
for "Are you a Klansman?" and the second is the answer. "A
Klansman am I."

On page 641 of the 1945 World Almanac, the address of
the Klan in Atlanta is listed as 278 E. Pace's Ferry Road* Sec-
retary, J. Floyd Johnson, Box 1204, Atlanta, Georgia.

If you go to the Mason Building on Marietta Street and
wait long enough, you will likely be there when a meeting
takes place. The guard at the door will tell you that the men
attending the meeting belong to the "Fact Finders" and then
he will ask you to get the hell about your business. The Fact
Finders is composed of KKK rebels who threatened to vote
against the decision of James Colescott, Imperial Wizard, to
lay low until V-E Day. These men wanted action earlier.

"X-Ray" on January 1, 1944, carried an ad of the Knights of
Ku Klux Klan stating— "Urgent matters demand immediate
action by Klan Number Four. Signed, James A. Colescott,
Imperial Wizard, Box 1204, Atlanta, Georgia." In November,
1944, advertisements appeared in an Atlanta Newspaper, pro-
moting the sale of a book titled Ku Klux Klan by a Col. Winfield
Jones. The people of Atlanta were probably not surprised,
because the continued existence of the Klan is an open secret
despite the national publicity given to the proclamation of
James Colescott in June, 1944, that the Klan was disbanded.
Actually the Klan never entirely "disbanded." On June 5, 1944,
an Associated Press story in the New York Times quotes Cole-
scott as saying: "This does not mean that the Klan is dead.
We simply have released local chapters from all obligations,
financial and otherwise, to the Imperial Headquarters. I still
am Imperial Wizard. The other officials still retain their titles,
although of course the functions of all of us are suspended.
We have authority to meet and reincarnate at any time." To-
day, under one name or another the Klan is being reincarnated.

The man interested in the reorganization of the Klan in
Georgia is not Colescott, however, but Dr. Samuel Green,
with offices in the Peters Building in Atlanta, who is desig-
nated as "Grand Dragon" of the KKK in Georgia. It is Green
who engineered Colescott into his present post as Imperial
Wizard. A few years ago, when Dr. Green began distribution
of copies of what is called Protocols of the Elders of Zion

long ago proven a forgery, Green was told that this type of
literature was harmful to the war effort.

One of the men who spoke to Dr. Green at that time made
this statement:

"A friend of mine and myself called on Dr. Samuel
Green with the object of asking him to discontinue the
distribution of the Protocols. We explained to him
how untrue they were and that they were forgeries.
He was not ready to accept that statement as being
true. He said that they were not proved to be false
to his satisfaction.

"The war (in Europe) was then on, and we gave him
all the reasons why they shouldn't be distributed. He
finally said he would discontinue distributing the
Protocols until after the war, 'for the sake of unity'."

In Birmingham the old Klan leadership is still present and
is now being reorganized by a prominent attorney of that city.
In recent months this lawyer has written a number of articles
inflaming opinion against Negroes. In Houston there is a group
which still uses the name Ku Klux Klan. As a matter of fact,
throughout the entire South, in villages and towns, and in
the larger cities, the Klan is being reorganized. The name is
not always the same, but the menacing program is.

Other Southern Views

The burning of Beaumont can be repeated— again and
again. If The Christian American can tear apart the fabric of
democracy and liberalism, if it can weaken labor, promote
dissension, there will be a time for the Klan to ride again.
Then beatings, burnings and lynchings can bludgeon democ-
racy out of existence in the South. Then labor will be glad
enough to work for what little it can get, then neither Negroes
nor Jews nor Catholics nor poor whites will dare to ask for
more than is offered them— and then America will witness
fascism within its own borders.

To be sure, force and terror may not always ride as the
Klan. Some leaders consider the name in disrepute, even dan-
gerous. They are recruiting and organizing Klan-like groups
under different names.

Eugene Talmadge, editor of the anti-labor, anti-Negro, anti-
Semitic paper, The Statesman, which blatantly demands
white supremacy and fights the liberal democratic state ad-
ministration of Governor Arnall of Georgia, is organizing a
group called the Vigilantes. John Goodwin, a Talmadge hench-
man, does the paper work for this group. Its aims, its rolls
are secret. But anyone who knows the Talmadge record, who
reads the Talmadge paper, need not wonder long about its
purpose.

In Atlanta there is another organization called We The
People, which claims to substitute for the Klan. During the
Georgia state elections in 1944 an Atlanta attorney named
Vesper Ownby campaigned for the state legislature. He
openly boasted of his affiliation with the Klan— and named We
The People as a group which also sponsored him.

In Houston, Texas, where The Christian American organiza-
tion is central and strong, there is a group which calls itself
American Crusaders and boasts, in Houston alone, a member-
ship of 5,000— and a full company, equipped with rifles, which
the Crusaders claim engages in military training and drill-
ing. The purpose of this patriotically-named band is "vigi-
lante." It aims to "rid the country of the 'niggers' and the
Jews after the war."

In the same city, a group with a similarly patriotic-sounding
name, is planning to organize the veterans when they return.
This calls itself The Order of American Patriots. It was
formed about a year and a half ago.

The organization's emblem is a miniature silver wing. It
meets secretly in a building on Main Street, between the 3200
and 3300 block, and while its present membership is reported
in the thousands, its secrecy masks the actual number. Its
members, however, are quite willing to talk about the organiza-
tion and its purposes. They declare that one of the requisites

ENLISTMENT

ORDER OF AMERICAN PATRIOTS

To the COMMANDER, STAFF OFFICERS AND PATRIOTS of
Corps Are* of — . _. ,.

I hereby voluntarily apply for enlistment in the Order of American Patriots.

I do seriously declare, upon my honor, that I believe in God. unqualified allegiance to tlv laws and the
Constitution of the United States of America and my Flap, the Fiars and Stripes. I do solemnly promise to
preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, bequeathed to US' by our Patriot Fore-
fathers. I will aid and assist our fighting forces upon their n 'urn to stt-ure jobs they so justly deserve

I am a white male citizen of the United States, of po<-d morals and respectable vocation, and I am nut
now, nor will I engage in any occupation prohibited by law or decency.

Should I be accepted, I pledge my loyalty to the constitution of the Or,der of American Patriots, and as
a soldier in its ranks, I promise upon my sacred honor to conform to its laws, ideals and principles.
Occupation*

Signed .•.

Residence Address .._ r

Business

Phones

W* hereby certify that we are personally acquainted with Mr.

and recommend him for enlistment.

Patriot Patriot

My donation accompanies this application. Date .

The Order of American Patriots is actively recruiting veterans through-
out the South.

If you are an ex-serviceman and walk into any bar, club or social
gathering in the Texas cities of Houston and Austin especially, or in the
cities and towns of Georgia and Alabama, you are quite sure to be
approached and asked to sign up with the Order of American Patriots.

Jews are strictly prohibited. The "Order" is organized along military
lines. You don't "join." You "enlist" Then you are assigned to the
"corps area" in your region.

A Major Benjamin C. Richards is active head of the "Order" in Texas
and makes his headquarters in Dallas. W. E. Elliot is chief of the
Houston branch. The Houston outfit some months ago opened an office
and recreation lounge for servicemen in the basement of the Savoy Hotel
in Houston.

Major Richards joined the U. S. Marines shortly after Pearl Harbor
and resigned in March, 1942. The "Order" has 1,700 members in Houston
and several thousand additional members in various other southern cities.
Major Richards served a term for forgery in 1930 and was later pardoned.
He is at present a Major in the Texas State Guard. This outfit bears
watching.

of membership is the ownership of sidearms, and that recently
one of the "inspectors" of the organization began a tour of the
homes of all members to examine side-arms to be sure that
they are in good shape.

Already active in recruiting returning veterans, their ap-
proach is, "While you were away the Jews have taken over.
Now you will be able to find neither a job nor a business."

In groups such as these potential danger lies. Out of any
such group the explosion, or first series of explosions, might
come. In addition to brains and money, in addition to wide-
spread disunity and dissension throughout the country, fas-
cism needs a mailed fist to help it take over. And some are
willing— and ready— to supply it

THE MIDWEST REDOUBT

.N the huge, throbbing in-
dustrial heart of America, in the cities which produced and
pumped a stream of war supplies throughout the land and
the world, in the cities which America must count on for post-
war production and peace, the network of fascism has been
spun widely and tightly.

The two major operational centers are Chicago and Detroit.
The great, teeming metropolis of Chicago is, in many ways,
the "hub of America." It ties in the vast rail networks that
link traffic east and west. Since Pearl Harbor it has also be-
come the hub of another network, of the Fifth Column, of
the dangerous fascist forces which threaten the heart of
America.

There are two chief reasons for this: First, what isolationist
sentiment still persisted in America after it was forced into
war, was strong in the midwest and would naturally be con-
centrated in the midwest's biggest population center. Second,
that curious force which is Colonel McCormick's, British-hat-
ing, Russian-hating, Chicago Tribune, the newspaper which
has the largest circulation in the midwest and modestly refers
to itself as "The World's Greatest Newspaper."

The Chicago Tribune offers a respectable rallying-ground
to many groups, ranging from mild isolationists to the rabid

dispensers of disruption, disunity and hate, the outright fas-
cists. In addition to its continuous anti-British, anti-Red, anti-
Roosevelt, anti-New Deal fight, the Chicago Tribune has en-
gaged in many another dubious battle. In 1940, McCormick
and the Tribune defended the seventeen members of the
Christian Front who were then charged with conspiracy to
overthrow the U. S. government (see Chapter II) as "Amer-
icans who recognize the communist menace for what it is/*
The ability of the Tribune to see red at every turn has also
led it, more recently, to a similar defense of the 33 who were
defendants in the Washington sedition trials of 1944.

Not long after Hitler came to power in Germany, the col-
umns of the Chicago Tribune carried articles by the German
consul, who "explained" National Socialism to Tribune read-
ers. McCormick praised the notorious and much-discredited
Red Network of Elizabeth Dilling when it was published.
He has quoted frequently as "an authority on communism"
Harry Jung, general manager of the American Vigilant Intel-
ligence Federation, ex-labor spy and strike breaker, and one-
time collaborator with the Silver Shirts, run by William
Dudley Pelley, who is now serving a jail sentence for sedition.

It may not be Colonel McCormick's fault, he may not have
planned it this way, but he is the idol of the "nationalists" who
have turned Chicago into a city seething with dangerous
movements.

Chicago is the home or operational headquarters of Com-
mittees, Plans and Institutes, which are not tightly knit organ-
izationally, but which are close-knit in that each group
cooperates with the other, shares the same speakers and fre-
quently turns out for the others' meetings. All of them have
essentially the same program: They are against world cooper-
ation, the Jews, racial equality, the Four Freedoms and feed-
ing the world (though they do want to feed Germany). They
are for a "nationalist" America, and for proving, even now,
that Roosevelt put us into the war. They are rabidly against
"communism" and everybody who opposes them or their pro-
gram is a communist.

One of the foremost of these nationalist groups is the Citi-

zens U. S. A. Committee, headed by William J. Grace. Grace
is a smooth, stocky, red-faced Chicago lawyer, a friend of
ex-Senator Nye, who addressed one of the rallies of the Com-
mittee in May, 1943. The committee was originally known as
The Citizens Keep America Out of War Committee. It
changed its name after Pearl Harbor but retained its original
policies. Its secretary is Earl Southard ( See John Roy Carlson's
Under Cover, p. 515) who is also active in Gerald L. K.
Smith's America First Party.

The committee holds meetings weekly, on Friday, though
Grace sometimes intersperses these with meetings of the
Republican Nationalist Revival Committee, which is a political
arm of The Citizens U. S. A. Committee. In fact, the "Revival
Committee" was launched at the meeting of The Citizens
U. S. A. Committee on May 20, 1943 at which Gerald Nye
was principal speaker.

This meeting was also distinguished by the attendance of
Elizabeth Billing and Joe McWilliams, both defendants in
the so-called Washington sedition trials, and both of whom
distributed their literature on that occasion.

Depending upon his speakers for the evening, Grace either
holds a meeting of the Citizens U. S. A. Committee, or of the
Republican National Revival Committee. Speakers have
ranged from such "respectables" as Representatives Paul
Shafer, Stephen Day and Chauncey Reed, to such super-
patriots as Gerald L. K. Smith, Carl Mote, Indiana utility
magnate, a close friend of Gerald L. K. Smith and a contrib-
utor to his paper, The Cross and the Flag, John E. Waters,
midwestern representative of Joseph Kamp of the Constitu-
tional Educational League (see Chapter II). Other speakers
were Miss Vivian Kellems, the Connecticut manufacturer who
gained notoriety by advising fellow-Americans not to pay
their income taxes, and A. H. Bond, a consulting engineer
from Wisconsin, who said at a meeting of March 23, 1945:
"I am glad to know that the majority of you are Christians
because of what I am going to say . . ." Then he attacked the
Roosevelt administration, the Allied war effort and said:
"When a nation gets so rotten (referring to the United States)

so low, that nation must disappear."

At this meeting, Grace followed Bond on the platform and
declared: "If the people of this country had enough courage
they would not have obeyed H.R. 1776 (the lend-lease act)
and there would have been a rebellion here ... a little Lex-
ington, and there probably wouldn't have been a war."

At that same meeting, Grace also said:

"We realize that life in the United States is jeopar-
dized by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his adminis-
tration. They have done all they can to destroy this
country that we love and are going to fight to keep
alive ... it looks like the mob spirit that prevails in the
United States will be behind us in our work, and then
we can expect some marvelous results and progress."

In the meantime, the Republican Nationalist Revival Com-
mittee contented itself with booming Colonel McCormick for
President and with holding meetings which spread the gospel
of "nationalism," which continue to stir up dissension and
promote disunity in Chicago and which are the spawning
ground of small-time fascist leaders who untiringly extend
the network of fascism through the midwest.

Closely allied to the Grace committees is The Institute of
American Economics, formerly known as the Midwest Mone-
tary Federation. Two of the incorporators of the Institute,
Otto Brennerman and Donald McDaniel, were indicted and
stood trial in the Washington case for alleged sedition. Its
forerunner, the Midwest Monetary Federation once employed
the notorious fascist, Joe McWilliams ( also a defendant in the
Washington sedition trials) as "an elocution teacher," and
advertised his nomination for that post in Social Justice.
Ralph Franklin Keeling, aided by Willis Overholser, runs the
"Institute." Keeling is the man who furnished McWilliams'
cash bond when McWilliams was arrested by federal authori-
ties for, violating the Selective Service Act, on June 15, 1942.

The Institute holds its own meetings and also cooperates
with the two Grace committees, and despite Keeling's known
record he has been able to get even so-called "respectables" to
address his group. Representative Clare Hoffrfran, for one,

appeared before the group. Keeling also has close ties with
Mrs. Lyril Van Hyning of We, The Mothers Mobilize for
America (see Chapter VII).

This Van Hyning outfit, in addition to its pro-fascist
"momist" activities, is also a connecting link in the network
between the Institute and The Constitutional Americans,
whose headquarters are at 2607 Lawrence Avenue, Chicago.
George T. Foster, leader of The Constitutional Americans,
attended the Peace Convention sponsored by We, The
Mothers Mobilize for America and in turn praised the
"mothers" as "American Patriots." "The Mothers" have also
frequently had Joe McWilliams as a guest speaker, have fol-
lowed the pro-fascist Billing line and have not only asked for
a negotiated peace in 1944, but have also actively engaged in
trying to sabotage the peace, insisting that "none but Chris-
tians should participate" in the peace conference.

Foster himself follows the Coughlinite, anti-Semitic line,
and his wife, Mary Leach, who works with him as one of the
group leaders, was Elizabeth Dilling's secretary. Elizabeth
Billing has spoken frequently at The Constitutional Americans
meetings. At one of them she told the audience that Franco is
a nice "Christian man and that Roosevelt is a Communist
controlled by the Jewish International bankers." She also
revealed, at other meetings, that Franco's fascists had been
very kind to her; having furnished her with a car and gasoline
and "all special privileges."

The Constitutional Americans group itself has organized
trips to Royal Oaks, Michigan, so that its loyal Coughlinite
followers could confer with Father Charles E. Coughlin.
Though, in its recent literature, it has outstripped even the
regular Coughlinites in ability to find Jews and Communists
on every hand. It announced that Thomas E. Bewey had sold
out to the Jews, the Communists and the "international
Bankers."

"Tommy the Cantor," Foster calls Bewey, because the New
York Governor once "was engaged to sing in a Jewish syna-
gogue."

Crude as the Foster technique seems, it works with The Con-

stitutional Americans audiences. At one meeting, held at Kim-
ball Hall on March 15, 1944, Foster held aloft "photostats" pur-
porting to contain evidence that "Roosevelt is an international
banker and is on the board of directors of a German bank."

At another Kimball Hall meeting, on January 31, 1945, he
claimed that he "had a long talk with Senator O'Daniel in
the Senator's apartment in Washington during the Inaugu-
ration."

The network spreads, from group to group. It doubles back,
as on the occasion when Ralph Keeling introduced Joe McWil-
liams to Alice Rand de Tarnowsky, Chicago socialite. Mrs.
de Tarnowsky at that time financed McWilliams in his organi-
zation of The Serviceman's Reconstruction Plan, the McWil-
liams bid for veteran support. The "Plan" offers each returning
soldier $7,800 in governments bonds— assuming that McWil-
liams becomes the government.

The McWilliams-de Tarnowsky axis published a booklet
on the "Plan" and also issued a mimeographed newsletter,
called The Post-War Bulletin. They held their own meetings
and frequently attended Grace's rallies. But, judging by their
literature and activities, they set their sights on the returning
veterans whom they hoped to win into a fascist storm-troop
set-up with nothing more than their fantastic promises.

Another speaker at the Grace meetings was George Wash-
ington Robnett, who runs the Church League of America.
Robnett is a friend of Elizabeth Billing and of Harry Jung of
the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation. Robnett's
principal campaign as executive secretaiy of the Church
League and editor of its publication News and Views, is to
fight "communists" whom he "finds" everywhere. Included in
his roster of "communists" or communist-controlled "radicals"
were the Dean of Canterbury, Leon Henderson and the late
William Allen White. He even considers the Quakers "dan-
gerous radicals."

At his own meetings, which attract large audiences, and at
others at which he speaks, he also tells his audiences that this
country is not a democracy and that democracy is un-
desirable.

There are active shuttles tying in the network. There are
the kind who speak at Grace's meetings and those on a higher
level who devote themselves to the "nationalist" line.

Frederick Kister holds meetings at which he gives "book
reviews." His "reviews" are always about "communism" and
its menace. Both Kister and his wife ( who works for We, The
Mothers Mobilize for America ) are friends of Joe McWilliams
and Alice de Tarnowsky. Both of them attend meetings of
the Grace groups and The Constitutional Americans.

William H. Stuart, one time political advisor to William
Randolph Hearst, runs Round Table Luncheons and edits a
bulletin, Heard and Seen, which announces all the important
"nationalist" meetings held in Chicago, plugs the right "na-
tionalist" leaders and generally keeps the "nationalist" move-
ment informed. Stuart has appeared on the platform of the
Citizens U. S. A. Committee and his own group has been
addressed at one of its noon luncheons by Congressman Paul
Schafer, who then spoke that night at a Republican Nationalist
Revival Committee meeting.

Albert P. Haake has addressed the Citizens U. S. A. Com-
mittee, but his own activities as head of the American Eco-
nomic Foundation have been directed more toward warning
the country of the dangers of democratic social gains. Haake's
suave approach takes the line of ridiculing Henry Wallace for
his "quart of milk a day" plan and then pleading that food be
sent quickly to defeated Germany.

A more forthright outfit is the Anglo-Saxon Federation
which has headquarters at 3069 Washington Boulevard,
Chicago, and is run by A. S. Ackley. Official organ of the
Federation is Destiny magazine, published in Haverhill,
Mass., by Howard Rand.

The Federation has followed the anti-Semitic line in its
house organ, has distributed copies of the phony Protocols of
the Elders of Zion, has plugged Major General George Van
Horn Mosely, who was once put forward by the fascists for
the role of American Fuehrer. Before the war, Destiny was
anti-British and anti-Russian. It continues its abuse of dem-
ocracy and Jews, and in a recent issue stated "... a democracy,

therefore, is a form of government in rebellion against
God . . ."

Editor of Destiny is Howard B. Rand (see John Roy Carl-
son's Under Cover, pp. 208-9, 450). The name of William J.
Cameron, voice of Henry Ford's Sunday Evening Hour and
former editor of the anti-Semitic Dearborn Independent, once
appeared on the masthead. Cameron was also formerly Presi-
dent of the Federation and Chairman of its Publication
Committee.

On February 4, 1945, a man who was introduced as "Doctor"
addressed a typical federation meeting. His topic was "Or-
dained Arrows." After a prayer, he began to speak. Selecting
excerpts from both the Old and New Testaments, he inter-
preted present-day events and declared. "Hitler and Mussolini
were ordained by God to punish the tribe of Judah for their
wrong doings on earth." Then quoting from the Bible that the
"ordained are to have the power of roaring sea and swiftness
of light," he interpreted this to mean that Hitler's blitzkrieg
was ordained by God. He went on to say that "England and
America and other Judah nations have come to the aid of
Judah by declaring war on Germany and Italy." The meeting
closed with hymns!

At 30 North La Salle Street in Chicago is the Gentile Co-
operative Association, run by Eugene R. Flitcraft. This group
was started some time in January, 1944, officially dedicated to
a "Gentile Peace," a "Buy Christian" campaign and the re-
turning of "Gentile" servicemen to their old jobs.

Flitcraft is no novice in the field of publicity. He has been
associated with several advertising and publishing firms.
Gentile News, the official organ of the Association, is very
cleverly handled. It cannot be accused of anti-Semitism. But
in a strange kind of reverse anti-Semitic double-talk it gets its
point across. It urges "Gentile" ownership and control of
business, civic, social and cultural groups. It announced that
the first issue of the Gentile Business Directory has appeared.
Potential members of the Association are asked to sign a long
statement which says, in part:

"I believe all GENTILE interests may best be

S«i m

-S

i
u

served with a GENTILE peace after victory is won by
the United States. I believe my GENTILE interests
will best be served by helping return GENTILE serv-
icemen back to their old jobs or new ones equally as
fine. I believe my GENTILE interest will best be
served by my boosting my worthy fellow GENTILE.
I believe my GENTILE interest will best be served by
boosting GENTILE products," etc., etc.

In May, 1945, PM disclosed that the mailing lists of the
American Beauty Products Co., 2228 N. Racine Avenue,
Chicago, had been used for the distribution of two "inflamma-
tory anti-Semitic publications, the Gentile News, a monthly
tabloid of hate against the Jews, published by Eugene Flit-
craft, and the Jew Refugee, the product of a virulent Jew-
baiter, Ainslee E. Homey."

PM further reported that the pamphlets were received by
beauty parlors throughout the country during the same
periods as literature for the company's products.

It is an interesting commentary on the ethics of the com-
pany that on May 21, 1945, the Federal Trade Commission
disclosed that the company had entered into a stipulation to
refrain from making false claims for its vitamin compounds.

PM reported that:

"The company's stipulation with the FTC says that
American Beauty Products will cease from represent-
ing that its anti-grey hair and nail vitamins can restore
the natural color of hair, enable one to get rid of
gray hair, improve the texture of the skin, the elasticity
of the fingernails or the complexion; that gray hair is
a sign of vitamin deficiencies or that the vitamin
method of restoring natural color to the hair has been
successful in 88 per cent of cases."

Riddled as Chicago is with the "nationalist" movements,
with the network of outright fascists and the "fringe
groups" which encourage them, the city of Chicago is still
not the greatest danger spot in the Midwest Redoubt. To
Chicago, as speakers for the Citizens U. S. A. Committee and
similar outfits, come rabble-rousers and leaders of other, and
worse, groups from Detroit.

Their activities have made Detroit a spot to watch, a city
boiling with the elements of dissension and strife, which may
burst into explosion at any moment. \

Even a year and two years ago the implications of the
Detroit fascist movements had affected our national life and
security.

When American soldiers in the Pacific stormed the ramparts
of Manila, wrested the city from the Japs and brought it once
again under the Stars and Stripes, they got many a hearty
laugh as they read old copies of Tokyo-controlled Manila
newspapers which they found amid the shambles of war.
^ The Manila press, under Jap domination, had made great
efforts to win over the Filipino population. What amused
the Yanks were the accounts in some of these papers which
soberly reported that the U. S. Pacific fleet lay at the bottom
of the Pacific and that San Francisco had been bombed.

But there was one story which did not amuse them. There
were old copies of Manila papers with banner headlines re-
porting the bloody riots of Detroit in June, 1943. There were
pictures of the rioting, which the Japs had smuggled out of the
United States— and there was one picture, familiar to Ameri-
can newspaper readers, which the Japs played particularly
strongly. It showed a mob of white rioters clubbing a bleeding
Negro to his knees.

In the Jap-controlled papers throughout the Greater East
Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere that picture was worth more than
years of propaganda activities, more than millions in gold to
the Japanese High Command.

When American troops were blasting their way through the
Rhineland in the Spring of 1945, they picked up thousands of
leaflets left behind by the Nazis bearing the same photograph.
The Nazis aimed this leaflet propaganda particularly at Negro
troops.

The people of America, too, were aroused by the Detroit
riots. The citizens of Detroit and Michigan themselves felt an
investigation was in order. There were two: one by a special
four-man committee set up by Governor Harry Kelly and the
other by the Detroit Bureau of the FBI. Neither could find

that any particular organizations or individuals had any re-
sponsibility for the rioting.

But many a citizen of Detroit knew that actual "rehearsals"
for the June, 1943, riots had taken place earlier, during clashes
between Negro tenants of the Sojourner Truth, low-cost hous-
ing project and armed whites, who were later shown to have
acted under leadership of the fifth-column National Workers
League and known Klansmen.

The June rioting is symptomatic of the situation in Detroit,
a forewarning of what may happen soon again in America's
arsenal city. For the same forces which worked up a riotous
frenzy among a dangerously large section of Detroit's citi-
zenry by their unending barrage of fifth-column, race-hate
literature and disguised Klan meetings is still operating in
Detroit, day in and day out, around the clock!

And, contrary to the opinion of many Americans who have
followed the treacherous activities of America's fifth column,
the danger in Detroit does not come primarily from the oper-
ations of the two best-known Detroit fascists, Gerald L. K.
Smith and Father Coughlin.

These two have no sizeable mass following in the city.
Smith is better known in Chicago and in cities such as Buffalo
and Baltimore. Coughlin's mass strength is in the East, in
New York, in Brooklyn, in Boston, in Philadelphia and west-
wards through Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.

They are considered in this chapter because they use
Detroit as an operational base. At the present writing Father
Coughlin is contenting himself with building up the strength
and finances of the Church of the Little Flower (which also
has been so helpful indirectly in building up the fortune of
the Coughlin family) and with enrolling servicemen in his
Guild of St. Sebastian.

The St. Sebastian activity is significant for the postwar
political force it could easily become and because of the pos-
sibilities the Guild offers for a powerful postwar pressure
group. This is discussed in Chapter VIII.

Gerald L^K. Smith, on the other hand, has not ceased his
open activities and his latest move was to sponsor the first

REV. CHAS. E. COUGHUN

ROYAL. OAK. MICHIGAN

October 20, 1942

Staff Sgt.
Camp Lee, Va.

Ity dear Sgt.-

You are better aware than I am of the
solicitude your friends entertain for your welfare.

Because of this solicitude, your name waa
sent to me with the request that we at the Shrine say
some prayers for your safety.

So here is the story: At the Shrine there
is a beautiful altar dedicated to St. Sebastian, the
patron of soldiers. The names of all the boys in the
army, navy or air service -- that is the names sent to
me — are printed legibly and fastened to the marble
walls of St. Sebastian's altar. Every Tuesday a Mass
is said for the safekeeping of these men. Every day
thousands of school children and others are asked to
pray for that same cause.

I thcught you would like to know about
this, namely, that we stay-at-homes recognize the
sacrifices and danger that are yours; and that we are
praying for you with all our might.

God bless and preserve you!

Cordially TOUTS,
Lc «

CEC:MQ

P.S. If there are any other men in your outfit who

want us to enroll their names at St. Sebastian's
altar, feel free to send them along, together
with address of nearest relative.

father Charles E. Coughlin began concentrating his attention uprn
servicemen back in 1941 and 1942 after he formed an organization known
as the St. Sebastian Brigade, later changed to the St. Sebastian Guild.
The above letter illustrates his method of recruiting within the armed
forces as far back as October , 1942. Obviously, Father Coughlin also
has his post-war plans.

open amalgamation of heretofore "independent" fascist or-
ganizations and leaders.

Early in 1945, Gerald L. K. Smith, who has never masked his
ambitions, trumpeted a call for united action. It was in the
form of a letter headed:

A CALL TO THE BRAVE-THIS IS OUR OPPORTUNE

MOMENT

Addressing the recipients as "Dear Fellow Americans,"
Smith stated: ". . . Today Nationalism is stronger than it has
ever been before." Then, after citing as proof of this that the
"Internationalists are desperate" because they realize that
Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt have all blundered and that
if the Atlantic Charter is a fake (who had so denounced it?)
that no agreements similar to it could be trusted, Smith
launched into the real message. He continued:

"I have been in conversation with a member of the
U. S. Senate who believes that we should demand of
our President and our State Department a complete
definition of war aims and peace aims. We are rapidly
becoming the most hated people on earth.

"I have contacted important Nationalists all over the
United States in and out of Congress. They are willing
to cooperate with me in a strategic program demand-
ing that the real purpose of this war be explained
satisfactorily.

"If the President and the State Department, in
cooperation with the Senate cannot give a satisfactory
explanation of the purpose and aims of this war, then
our boys should be brought home alive, immediately.

"If we swallow this fakery (referring to the Atlantic
Charter) then there is no hope. But I have encourage-
ment for you. The pot is boiling in Washington as it
has not boiled in years. Men like U. S. Senator Burton
K. Wheeler are prepared to blow off the lid and de-
mand a show-down.

"I am not interested in hearing from weaklings and
cowards, but I say to you, if true Nationalists will
stand with me now, we can win within the next 60 to
90 days a Nationalist victory, which may last for 25
years. If I can raise the money to finance the mildest

ih*

WAR IS OVER

YOU MAY LOSE YOUR JOB
WHAT WILL YOU DO?

International politicians from all over the world are now in Washington trying to persuade
Congress to finance the world. It is up to every good American to see to.it that our National
Treasury is not raided to satisfy the post-war ambitions of the International Bankers, the In-
ternational Politicians, and the alien-minded conspirators. AMERICANS COME FIRST. WE
MUST BE FOR AMERICA FIRST.

There will be no money ten to take care of the Veterans and the unemployed during the
emergency. Wire or write your Congressman, insisting that he consider the welfare of
American workers and American Veterans first.

Jhe fimsJuza J-JMJt fauMtde tiduocaleA . . .

1. $1000 cash to every Veteran when mastered out plus unemployment bene-
fits until he gets a fob.

2. $100. to $200 per month for every unemployed worker's family during the
period of readjustment

(Be (Deceived . . .

Foreign propagandists will tell you all sorts of lies about the America First Party and its na-
tional leader, Gerald L. K. Smith. Why do so many vicious forces fight Smith and the Ame-
rica first Crusade? It is because he and his followers believe that American workers and
American Veterans will be more important than the citizens of any foreign country when
this war is over.

The enemies of America hate. Gerald L K. Smith and his followers because the America
First Crusade advocates bringing our boys home after this, war is over instead of keeping
them on the foreign battlefields to police the world for the benefit of the International
Bankers.

At (his very moment (he International Bankers are drawing up a program which, if
adopted would (urn billions and billions and billions of dollars over (o foreign coun-
tries after (his war. THESE BILLIONS MUST BE SAVED FOR OUR AMERICAN
WORKERS AND OUR AMERICAN VETERANS.

The day the European war ends, from 10 to 20 million Americans will lose their jobs. Thus,
far nothing has been done to meet this crisis.

ftfc OU Want Sofa...

But if unemployment does come, we must not permit the Internationalists to loot our public
treasury and leave our people to starve.

A sample of the dissensionist propaganda issued by Gerald L. K. Smith's
America First Party. This particular job is a large paper poster, designed
to be tacked up in meeting halls and in public places. Notice the headline.
From a few feet away the one prominent line is, "War Is Over." This
poster was issued at the height of the conflict against Hitler's Germany.

plans I have in mind we can bring high pressure to
bear on every important Congressional Committee
involved in this fight, and we can accomplish the fol-
lowing victories:

1. Defeat the Dumbarton Oaks conspiracy as pre-
digested and handed to us by the British and the
Russians.

2. Defeat the plan for an International Police
Force.

3. Defeat the scheme of the British to continue
Lend Lease after the war and make us the tax-
slaves of their Empire.

4. Defeat the scheme to get us into a sort of
Super State, equivalent to rejoining the British
Empire.

5. Obtain a satisfactory outline of peace aims from
the U. S. Senate which will put America First.

6. Result: If we accomplish the above, and I be-
lieve we can, it will save our country 100 billion
dollars and the lives of a million of our boys.

Here's my plan:

1. I want to call a conference immediately of lead-
ing Nationalists from all over the U. S. to meet in
some central point for the purpose of planning this
fight.

2. We will form an emergency committee.

3. I will visit the proper members of both Houses
of Congress, while at the same time we will place
literature and enlightening information in their
hands.

4. We will inspire radio programs.

5. We will inspire Nationalists to write their Con-
gressmen and Senators.

6. We will urge that meetings be held all over
the U. S."

The letter wound up with a long appeal for funds to help
finance this meeting and instructed that contributions were
to be sent to:

Gerald L. K. Smith

America First Crusade

Post Office Box 459

Detroit 31, Michigan

Obviously Smith was optimistic. The next 60 or even 90
days did not bring any "nationalist victory" but a man who is
asking for money is likely to take a little leeway. What did
happen afterward, however, has far greater significance, and
is more interesting.

On February 14, 1945, Smith sent out a letter, inviting re-
cipients to a meeting in the Jade Ballroom of the Detroit-
Leland Hotel on February 26, 1945, at 8 o'clock to hear a
Dean E. Smith, recently returned from the Orient, who "be-
lieves that the Bretton Woods Conference was a conspiracy
to steal America's money. He believes that the Dumbarton
Oaks Conference was a conspiracy to steal American liberty."

The letter went on to state:

". . . the meeting is part of the strategy of the National
Emergency Committe in preparing to fight the legis-
lative program of the Internationalists in Washington.
There is much to do and time will not wait."

The letterhead on which this appeared was headed:

National Emergency Committee
A Mobilization of Nationalists for the Preservation

of American Sovereignty
Post Office Box 697 Detroit 31, Michigan

and it listed under the heading: "Advisory," the following
names— which are identified here for the reader. Mr. Smith, of
course, did not bother to include the biographical back-
ground.

Carl H. Mote, 5685 Central Avenue, Indianapolis, Indiana, who
has been publishing the monthly anti-Semitic, anti-democratic
magazine America Preferred. Mote first became active in the pro-
fascist movement in 1939 when his book, The New Deal Goose
Step was published and won the praise of Gerald Winrod,
Charles Hudson and James True, all named in the Washington
indictments for alleged sedition. Mote also wrote for William Dud-
ley Pelley's Roll Call Pelley, leader of the Silver Shirts, was con-
victed of sedition and jailed shortly after Pearl Harbor. Mote is
President of the Northern Indiana Telephone Company and Com-
monwealth Telephone Corporation.

George T. Foster, 2607 Lawrence Avenue, Chicago, Illinois,

director of The Constitutional Americans, an openly Coughlinite
and anti-Semitic group.

Mrs. David Stanley and Mrs. Sue Braun who are president and
secretary of "United Mothers of America," Clevland, Ohio, which
continued to demand a peace with the enemy up until the Nazis'
final, shattering defeat. Mrs. Stanley was one of Mrs. Billing's
lieutenants in the March on Washington, held by the Mothers'
groups in 1941 against the Lend-Lease Bill. Smith's publication,
The Cross and The Flag for October, 1944, said Mrs. Stanley
gave "one of the finest American First speeches" she ever heard at
Smith's America First convention, held in August, 1944, in Detroit.

Charles Madden and Mrs. Marie Lohle direct the "Defenders of
George Washington Principles" of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, which
issues pamphlets warning against the dangers of "World Gov-
ernment" schemes of the "fourth termers and New Deal Socialists."
Gerald Smith calls Madden "One of the pillars of the America
First Party."

Harvey H. Springer, who publishes the Fundamentalist Western
Voice from Englewood, Colorado, is an old friend of Gerald Win-
rod, t}je Kansas pro-Nazi under indictment for alleged sedition
to overthrow the government, and was active in raising funds for
the defense of Winrod and his co-defendants.

Mrs. Elizabeth Dilling, notorious fascist, also a defendant in the
1945 Washington sedition trial. A well-known veteran leader of
the "Mothers" and "Womens" groups in the United, States.

Ruben Rindler, Greenville, Ohio, a leader in the Farmers Guild,
reactionary agricultural group headed by Carl Mote. Along with
other leaders of the Guild in the Greenville area, such as Harry
Romer and James Mannix, Rindler helped organize a meeting
for Gerald L. K. Smith at the county fairgrounds, June 3, 1944.
Although fairground officials refused permission to use the grounds
if Smith spoke, the farmers took matters into their own hands and
Smith reported he spoke before 7,000 people. Smith and other
leaders were then invited to the Rindler home.

Mrs. Flo Scriver of Minneapolis, friend of the Silver Shirts and of
William Dudley Pelley.

Emma Wacker, Garner, Iowa, is a "crusader" for "constitutional
money" and a "prohibitionist." She used to write letters explain-
ing her views to Publicity, the editor of which was indicted for
alleged sedition. Last year she attended the America First Party
Convention in Detroit.

Joseph Stoffel, president of the Economics League, Buffalo, N. Y.,
one of the money "reform" groups in the country. He is a fol-
lower of Coughlin, and in a leaflet distributed by the League, cites
Coughlin as one of his sources. Stoffel presided at an America
First Party meeting, held in Buffalo, May 24, 1945, at which
Gerald L. K. Smith spoke.

S. O. Sanderson, Rochester, Minnesota, another money reform ad-
vocate. He writes for the magazine, Money, edited by John G.
Scott in New York, on the need for "constitutional money." Prior
to Pearl Harbor, Sanderson wrote letters to Coughlin which were
published in Social Justice, denouncing the international bankers
and the warmakers. He is currently distributing the pamphlet by

T. W. Hughes, Forty Years of Roosevelt. These pamphlets have
recently been distributed by Mrs. Stanley's "United Mothers of
America." One of the original group which helped to set up Smith's
first rally in St. Paul-Minneapolis, Sanderson also was present and
spoke on monetary reform at the America First Party Convention
in Detroit in August, 1944.

Ralph Baerman was head of the Resolution Committee, which
drew up the platform at the America First Party Convention in
August, 1944, in Detroit. Baerman has spoken for the Citizens
U. S. A. Committee.

Catherine V. Brown and Mrs. Lillian Parks, leaders of the "Na-
tional Blue Star Mothers of America," which has headquarters in
Philadelphia. See Chapter VII.

Mary E. Kenny, 1746 Harwood Street, Lincoln, Nebraska, friend
of Gerald Smith. She announced in the summer of 1944 that she
was forming the "Women of America," with a platform described
by Smith as "full of old-fashioned crusading, God-guided Ameri-
canism."

L. L. Marion, pastor of the Christian Temple of Pontiac, Michigan,
of which Gerald L. K. Smith is a member. He is a frequent speaker
for Smith's meetings and was Smith's America First Party candi-
date for Governor of Michigan in the 1944 elections.

Mrs. Rufus Holman of Oregon, wife of the ex-Senator Holman who
was defeated in the 1944 spring primaries for renomination. She
was formerly married to the late Senator Lundeen of Minnesota
who was chairman of two pro-Nazi-propaganda organizations,
"Make Europe Pay War Debts Committee," and the "Islands for
War Debts Committee," both financed by Nazi agent George
Sylvester Viereck. Many of Lundeen's speeches were also written

by Viereck. When she was Mrs. Lundeen, she made speaking tours
with Smith, defending her husband's activities and Smith re-
printed them in his Cross and Flag.

Charles ]. Anderson, Jr. ran for Congress in the Sixth Chicago
Congressional district last November on a platform against the
"bolshevistic wild-eyed planners in Washington" and to "bring
the boys back home." He was enthusiastically endorsed and sup-
ported by Mrs. Dilling and the Women's Voice. Although he ran
as a Republican, that party repudiated him and he was defeated.
Mrs. Dilling claimed it was the Jews who were responsible for his
defeat.

Harry Romer of St. Henry, Ohio, Gerald Smith's candidate for the
Vice-Presidency in the 1944 elections.

Donald J. McDaniel, a Chicago dentist who was indicted for
alleged sedition in 1942. He is a friend of Mrs. Dilling and other
leaders of the pro-fascist groups, and his anti-Semitic cartoons
were widely known and distributed by them.

George Vose, America First Party candidate for Lt. Governor in
the State of Michigan last November. He is a veteran of
World War II and directs his attention to veteran support for
Smith's policies and activities. See Chapter VIII.

Almond G. Blanchard, America First Party candidate for Auditor
General of Michigan.

Kenneth Goff, now of Englewood, Colorado, disciple of Rev.
Harvey Springer, calls himself an ex-Communist who has seen the
light and now exposes Communists. A violent anti-Semite, popular
with the Fundamentalist crowd of Klan-minded preachers. Has
spoken for the Citizen U.S.A. Committee of Chicago and has
worked with Gerald L. K. Smith in the past.

Mrs. Lillian Fiss, head of the "Mothers of Minnesota," a profes-
sional "momist" outfit.

There is no record of their meeting, but investigators of
their activities who long had suspected that such groups and
individuals worked together will welcome this evidence of it.
Many of these people have gone to great trouble to mask
•their activities and associations, have denied and attempted
to disprove that they have any connections.

But here is the list of "advisors" now leagued together.
They have not accomplished any 90-day "victory." It is doubt-

ful that they ever expected they would. What is certainly not
doubtful, however, is that their joining together in a commit-
tee and their working together presents an ominous portent,
which cannot safely be overlooked by those who cherish
American democracy.

Taken as a whole, these people have been the source of
more hate-mongering than perhaps any other group in the
nation's history. From the headquarters of Smith, Anderson,
Mote, Foster, Billing, Springer, Brown and Parks there have
poured tens of thousands of "hate sheets/' stirring Gentile
against Jew; American against Briton and Russian; voter.
against government; and class against class. They have indi-
vidually, and occasionally in pairs, toured the country spread-
ing the gospel of dissension, assailing American and allied
unity, creating friction where unity was necessary to the
country's security.

If war did not stop them, certainly peace will not. The fuses
are sputtering all over America. Watch these I

Above all, watch Gerald L. K. Smith, who is bending every
effort to become the spearhead of the Nationalist movement.
Smith is a clever opportunist. Wherever he sees an opening
he insinuates himself and his movement.

As recently as May, 1945, while the San Francisco confer-
ence was still in session, Smith invited delegates to attend
an attempted meeting in the grand ballroom of the Mark
Hopkins Hotel in San Francisco to hear a speech on "Ameri-
can Nationalism."

And in a publicity release concerning the proposed meet-
ing, Smith tried to put pressure on Senator Arthur Vanden-
burg of Michigan, who will be up for reelection in the Fall
of 1946, by stating in his press release:

"The most important man in this conference is
United States Senator Arthur Vandenberg. He holds
the key to the approval of the proposed charter be-
cause it cannot be approved without the minority
party. I know Mr. Vandenberg well arid personally.

We are good friends. I know his constituents in Mich-
igan, which include four major factors. They are:

1. The large Finnish population of the upper
peninsula.

2. The large Polish population.

3. The strength of the Catholic Church, a large
percent of whom are disciples of the Rev.
Father Charles E. Coughlin.

4. My enrolled followers in Michigan;"

Do not underestimate Item 4. Smith's enrolled followers may
be large— and growing more numerous every day. For Gerald
L. K. Smith is a powerful orator, a keen organizer and by play-
ing every angle of dissension he tries to win to his following
any group that is currently dissatisfied. He claimed in May,
1945, that he was the spokesman for twenty-one "national or-
ganizations," and that he was observer at the San Francisco
Conference for eighty-one national periodicals.

He felt powerful enough then (during the San Francisco
conference) to imply quite plainly to Senator Vandenberg
what the price would be for Smith's support in Michigan. His
press release further stated:

"Mr. Vandenberg knows as well as I do that if he
returns to his constituents next year with a record of
. having approved the savagery of Russia, the Imperial-
ism of Britain, and the secret deals of Yalta, his con-
stituents in Michigan will retire him from public life."

Senator Vandenberg was one of the key figures in the Ameri-
can delegation. It was generally understood that he was the
un-named spokesman for the minority party in the United
States. It was generally agreed, even before the conference
that Senator Vandenberg's support was necessary to get any
agreement through the U. S. Senate.

Only Smith himself really knows how much strength his
movement has in Michigan. Only Smith knows how greatly it
extends throughout the country and how much power he can
muster.

But the blunt fact is that Gerald L. K. Smith does have and
is building national support, that on an issue of his choosing
he can rally forces behind him. He is working hard to increase

those forces. How fast they grow in postwar America depends
on two factors: Gerald L. K. Smith himself and how much the
people of America know about him.

The Heart of the Redoubt

The American public has always been prone to forget
quickly, and too often, to forgive as well. There are probably
few in America today who remember much about the activities
of the Black Legion, which tarnished Detroit's name back in
the early 1930's.

Yet when the blow-off came, the revelations of the Black
Legion's terrorization of Negroes, its thuggery employed
against trade unionists, and its brutal murder of victims,
shocked the country. Scores of Black Legionnaires were con-
victed and sentenced. The findings of the grand jury sitting on
the case, and the subsequent criminal court trial of the defen-
dants proved, by a mass of irrefutable evidence, that the Black
Legion was Klan-inspired and Klan-led.

Then the country proceeded to forget about the Black
Legion.

Today, in Detroit, there is another Black Legion in the mak-
ing. Tomorrow, aided and abetted by disruptionists, sowers of
disunity and hatred, by the fascist forces at work throughout
the country, it could be worse than the Black Legion. It could,
conceivably, tear America apart.

There is Klan propaganda disseminated in Detroit and
though the Klan itself is not in evidence, it is back doing busi-
ness, thinly disguised by other names. Let us see how it works.

On March 19, 1943, an organization known as The United
Sons of America was incorporated in Detroit, by E. E. Maxey.
Mr. Maxey is its current president. He is also a veteran Klans-
man. Personal data on Mr. Maxey is that, at this writing, he
resides at 4409 Lincoln Street, Detroit, and is employed by the
Ford Motor Company in its Service Department, under Harry
Bennett, who has never been marked as an outstanding friend
of labor.

Secretary-Treasurer of the United Sons of America is an-
other old-time Klansman, David Cole, of 2224 Springwell
Street, Detroit. Vice-President is Howard Clark, 5355 Pacific
Street, Detroit.

"Front man" and full-time official of the United Sons of
America is burly Harvey Hanson, who runs the headquarters at
89 West Forest Street. Here the organization occupies a 20-
room building from which streams a steady outpouring of
leaflets, handbills and obscene doggerel aimed at influencing
Detroit's workers.

Back in the 1930's investigators of the Michigan Klan esti-
mated that the Klan had an active membership of 30,000.
Hanson, a six-foot blond grey-eyed and weighing 220 pounds,
boasts that as many members belong to the United Sons of
America today, though he is cagey about presenting proof of
his assertions.

Considering certain incidents of the past few years in Detroit,
one is inclined to back Hanson's figure. Certainly there are at
least enough active U. S. of A. members to shake Detroit when
they set to it.

In February, 1942, the first "rehearsals" during wartime for
the bloody race riots of June 21-22, 1943, took place in Detroit
when mobs of armed whites attacked Negro tenants attempt-
ing to move into the low-cost housing project known as the
Sojourner Truth houses. There were clashes then which re-
sulted in numerous casualties, mostly among Negros. Arrested
and subsequently indicted were leaders of a Klan-minded out-
fit, named the National Workers League.

Following the indictments Klan activities subsided for a
while. Under the hammer blows of Federal prosecution, the
National Workers League "disappeared."

Then the formation of the United Sons of America took place.

In June, 1943, a series of strikes broke out in the automotive
plants manufacturing war supplies. The most serious one was
a walkout affecting 20,000 workers of the Packard Motor Com-
pany. White production workers in the Packard aircraft engine
division walked off the job when three Negro mechanics were

upgraded to machine jobs. The tie-up which resulted was a
staggering blow to aircraft production precisely at the time
when planes were desperately needed in the Pacific.

R. J. Thomas, one of the most responsible trade union officials
in the country, international President of the United Automo-
bile Workers, after investigating the incident, publicly stated:

"I came into possession of further and absolute evidence that
the strike at Packard Motor Company, one of die most shame-
ful exhibitions of this war, was in fact actively promoted,
organized and carried out by agents of the Ku Klux Klan or its
successor body in Detroit." (The only "successor body" then
in existence was the United Sons of America.) Mr. Thomas
further declared that he also had evidence "of a formal invita^-
tion to Klansmen in Packard's signed by the Excelled-Cyclops
and by mandate of the Imperial Wizard to a meeting early in
April . . ." and that the evidence "convinces me that enemy
agents are using this nightshirt Axis to do their work in the
Arsenal of Democracy."

"Transcripts giving names and other evidence" were turned
over to the Federal Bureau of Investigation," Mr. Thomas
added.

Two weeks later the race riots broke out in all their fury.
Damage: Detroit's vital war industries tied up. Dead, 35
persons. Property damage, hundreds of thousands of dollars.
Result: A sickening blow to the morale of America's loyal
Negro population and some excellent propaganda material for
the use of America's enemies in both the Pacific and European
theatres of war, Significance; It can happen here.

The Klan in Detroit's Pulpits

One of the phenomena of the vast Detroit war production
center since the city took over the major task of producing
heavy war weapons in 1940, was the mushroom growth of what
investigators have come to call the "hell-fire preachers" group.
Many of the "hell-fire preachers" are Klan-minded propagan-

dists shielding themselves under the cloak of religion. In the
main they pretend Fundamental Baptism, but they are not to
be confused with loyal, patriotic Baptist groups. The Northern
Baptist Conference has disowned them, and the "hell-fire"
pulpiteers have formed their own organizations.

They have flourished in Detroit partially because the city
attracted hundreds of thousands of workers from the midwest
agricultural states and the south since it began to work on war
production and these people, uneducated and with a back-
ground of earnest belief in "preachin" were susceptible to the
rantings of the Klan.

A survey of the "hell-fire preachers" during the early part of
1944 indicated that some 2,000 of them were peddling their
dangerous doctrines in ornate church structures and rented
stores. Their resources vary, but their doctrine is commonly
dangerous. Sometimes it is difficult to ascertain in what camp
a particular preacher belongs. For example, there is:

Reverend Frank Norris, pastor of the Free Temple Baptist
Church located at the busy intersection of 14th Street and
Marquette Avenue, Detroit. Norris is a power in Detroit
politics because his congregation is huge, numbering some-
thing over 10,000.

His "sermons" are highly provocative and vary from baiting
the Negro to baiting those whom he describes as "bad Jews.'*
Investigators who gathered some of the material for this book
attended several of Norris's frenzied sermons. They left with a
feeling of alarm and respect for his polished demagogy. Actu-
ally he has occasionally descended from the polished tech-
nique, and has twice been banned from the air for using the
term "nigger."

There is also the Rev. C. E. Rollins, at the Metropolitan
Tabernacle, in Detroit, Michigan. On the Sunday after the
Detroit riots which so disgraced America and so badly crippled
war production, Rollins announced his sermon topic in the
Detroit News. It was: "7:30 p.m. K.K.K."

In his message Rollins stated:

"I am not a member of the Klan, I have never been
90

a member of the Klan, I have never sat in a Klan
meeting; I have no contact with the Klan but I have
the platform of the Klan before me and I challenge
anyone to refute it ... the Klan stands for Christian
principles . . . the Klan stands for sanctity of woman-
hood . . . the Klan stands for a 100% united America
... I am against R. J. Thomas and his crowd. They
are afraid they will lose their power over the unions
to such organizations as the Klan."

With such propaganda openly spoken in the Detroit area it
is not surprising that Klan interests flourish there— and it is
significant that such a statement is tied in with outright anti-
union sentiment.

"Cowboy Evangelist" Harvey Springer, while not a resident
of Detroit, is a frequent visitor to Detroit pulpits and has been
a guest sermonizer for Norris, Hopkins and often, as well, for
Gerald L. K. Smith's affairs. He is a member of Smith's Na-
tional Emergency Committee.

The "hell-fire" crowd aids, prods and abets the Klan element
in the city (which menaces the already delicately-balanced
race relations in Detroit) and is a thorn in the side of the
decent, sincere clergy. And the Klan group, prompted by the
"hell-fire" preachers, is doing its share to keep America's first
industrial city in the danger zone.

Throughout the midwest there are other groups, some openly
allied to Gerald L. K. Smith, which are carrying on the work
of disruption, undermining and hate-spreading. In Detroit
itself, though it seems to have no ties with other Detroit outfits,
is an organization with the curious name of Christocrats. Under
the guise of spreading "Republicanism," or "Political Christian-
ity for the Republican Party" it distributes anti-Semitic (and
before his death, anti-Roosevelt, anti-New Deal) propaganda.
It has a post office box address, 3304 Jefferson Station, Detroit
14, Michigan, and also operates (secretly, its leaders think)
from two other Detroit addresses a costly house located
at 644 Parker Street and from nearby 732 Van Dyke Street.

Kingpin of the Christocrats is Claude B. Smith, dark-com-
plexioned, muscular, curly-haired. On occasion, Mr. Smith

works at the Sterling Engineering Company at St. Glair Shores,
Detroit. The greater part of his waking hours, however, is
devoted to lectures and organizational work among his Christo-
crats. The size of his membership is not known, but regular
meetings are held at the 732 Van Dyke Street house, attended
mostly by middle-aged women.

Aside from the anti-labor, anti-New Deal doggerel, Christo-
crat literature favors the technique of twisting quotations to
fit another context, as in quoting Henry A. Wallace's "Democ-
racy is the only true political expression of Christianity," and
then continuing on its own tack:

"If you believe what Mr. Wallace says is true, then
you should agree that the administration of govern-
ment in our American Democracy should be left en-
tirely in the hands of Christians— as they are the only
ones who understand and believe in Christian Prin-
ciples of Government."

In Indianapolis, Carl Mote, already mentioned as one of the
Smith National Emergency Committee "advisors" edits the
magazine America Preferred, which once published this re-
markable statement:

"It is entirely fitting and proper to consign to hell
anyone who breathes the word 'democracy* or palavers
about the 'democratic way of Me' . . .

"I say fie on all the melodrama that exalts the so-
called 'rights of minorities.' I say fie on all this hypo-
critical and maudlin jargon about 'social equality/ "

In Kansas, Gerald Winrod, whose activities have so fre-
quently been exposed, who was named in the Washington
indictment for alleged sedition and who is notoriously pro-
fascist still continues his activities. And they are, even at this
writing, extensive enough to require the services of from ten to
25 clerical assistants.

In Wichita, Reverend Arthur Wilson, a free-lance "evanga-
list" who describes himself as a "Fundamentalist Baptist" pre-
sides at the Church of the First Baptist at 3rd and Cleveland.
Wilson is openly anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic, and has given

such lectures as "Who Will Rule the World-The Jew or the
Gentile." In Wichita, Wilson is considered "wilder than
Winrod."

But such minor operators do not constitute a major threat
either to American unity, or to democracy in America. They
comprise, in the aggregate, a menacing influence because they
make a contribution toward stirring up racial hatred, class
antagonisms and distrust of the government by its people. They
are something of a danger because, though small organization-
ally, they do reach a number of people who are influenced by
them and then go on to the more dangerous and larger eutfits.
They act sometimes as "feeders'* in the belt line that often
begins with disgruntlement and ends with flaming fascism.

On the other hand, a healthy American democracy can
flourish even with such cancer spots. What does endanger it,
what does constitute a present menace and a future threat is
not these fringe groups, but the shrewd, well-financed organi-
zers, the planners and plotters against American democracy
who work together, who understand how to inflame hatreds
and distrust and antagonisms until they burst into the fire that
may set off the explosion.

HOPE AND DANGER IN THE WEST

OlNCE the outbreak of the

war, there have been two factors which present some hope that
fascist activity along America's West Coast will not increase.
One is that the shock of Pearl Harbor alarmed and put on guard
the residents of that section. Fascist or disruptionist activity
was obviously a civil danger. The people were in no mood to
gamble with their own safety.

The other is perhaps even more important. West Coast war
industry attracted skilled as well as unskilled labor and trade
unions brought this labor into their membership. One of the
surest antidotes for fascism is trade unionism. And the trade
unions, notably the CIO, adopted as part of their policy, the
education of their members to the danger fascism presents.

Organizationally, the fifth columnists, the disruptionist sow-
ers of class hatred, race hatred and disunity, did not fare well.
But there has been, and there is, danger on the Pacific.

A surprising number of the more virulent hate sheets origi-
nate triere. And from the west coast they spread throughout
the country working their poison into any number of channels.
They are used, of course, by organizations and they are dis-
tributed by agencies which do not, for various reasons, want
to publish such propaganda openly. Thus, they have secondary
organizational support and they get their work done.

The best way to assay these hate sheets is to see them your-
self. A number of them are reproduced in a later chapter. They
are as dangerous as the extent of their circulation. And the fact
that they are available to so-called "respectable" organizations
which can distribute them widely without taking complete
responsibility for their publication makes them an insidious
force, easily employed against American unity and democracy.

The hate sheets do not, of course, have the propaganda field
to themselves. Even in wartime, there are other individuals
and groups on the West Coast, also planning and building;
looking toward the future.

One such is John Hoeppel of Arcadia, California. Mr.
Hoeppel is a former congressman and as late as August 28,
1944, still used after his name, the designation, "Formerly
Member of Congress, 12th Dist. of Calif."

He does not mention, of course, that he was ousted from
Congress for selling West Point appointments.

He is now publisher of a monthly paper called National
Defense, which specializes in disseminating, along with some
news (mostly angled at veterans) a great many curious ideas.

In its April, 1945 issue, for instance, there appears this item:

"HOSPITAL SHIPS AND MORE
HOSPITAL SHIPS"

"At present we have twenty-four vessels which are
operating in the Pacific and Atlantic to bring home
wounded soldiers. Five more ships are to be converted
into hospital ships, thus making the total of twenty-
nine ships for the purpose of bringing home wounded
and maimed American youth.

"If, as Admiral Sterling states, the war with the Japs
is to continue for another four years, it is not difficult
to visualize the hundreds of thousands of American
youths who will take passage on these twenty-nine
ships which, no doubt, as we approach closer to China,
will be supplemented by many other vessels of similar
character.

"We have no record of any hospital ships bringing
back maimed, or combat wounded Englishmen from
the Pacific war area— ONLY Americans."

Sprinkled in with such defeatist bits are gripes about taxes,
the New Deal, lend-lease, Bretton Woods, Dumbarton Oaks
and Internationalism. % Prominence is always given to recom-
mendations for veterans benefits. Frequently the War Depart-
ment's list of retirements is printed, as well as obituaries.

There is a reason, to be sure, for this interest in the veteran
and veteran activities. In its April, 1945 issue, National
Defense presented the idea (as coming from a reader) of form-
ing the United Veteran's Political Party. But the same story
asked readers to reply to a questionnaire, one question of which
is: "If twenty-five, or more, war veterans in your vicinity indi-
cate a willingness to organize a unit of a United Veteran's
Party will you affiliate with such a unit?" The questionnaire
was to be returned to National Defense.

What sort of veteran organization would come of Mr.
Hoeppel's sponsorship?

In 1943, the July issue of National Defense recommended
Joseph Kamp's pamphlet, Famine in America. In the May,
1945 issue, published at the time most decent and loyal Ameri-
cans were still mourning the death of Franklin Roosevelt and
when the country was still officially in mourning, the following
item was printed on the editorial page, under the heading:

"COMMENT OF A CALIFORNIA SUBSCRIBER"

"Is Santa Claus There now lies on the Hudson (let us
Dead hope in peace) one who has shown

himself as the greatest Santa Claus
and promiser in history. He did not give of his own,
but through increasing taxes and increasing debt he
gave the sweat and labor of others. He dispensed with
a lavish hand, as a consequence of which those who
have been the recipients of his largesse, (-financial and
political) have been profuse in their bereavement and
praise of the virtues of their Santa Claus or Messiah.
"It was not very far from where our modern Santa
Claus lies buried, that was perpetrated through the
bribery and treachery of the British, one of the greatest
crimes against Americans— it was the agreed sell out of
West Point to the British by Benedict Arnold for
$15,000 in gold. It is ironic that the principles of give

fill

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away and sell out or bribery— open treason on the part
of one should be centered in such a small area of our
vast beloved homeland— the U. S. A."

In the same issue, National Defense took this sideswipe at
war bonds— as the country was getting ready to swing behind
the 7th War Loan Drive.

"WHEN YOU BUY A BOND"

"You are forced to pay cash for a Government Bond
and in doing so the money in circulation is decreased in
amount. You cannot turn your Bond into the Treasury
and get your money back as does the banker when he
buys a Bond with a fountain pen. In other words,
when a bank buys a Bond new money is put into cir-
culation, thus adding to our inflation problem, whereas
if you buy a Bond money is taken out of circulation
and tends to deflate.

"The bankers have everything to win and nothing
to lose when they buy a Bond with a fountain pen.
You, however, when you buy a Bond you turn over
your money to the government, which money, if not
so used, would buy a certain amount of food, clothing,
etc. When you cash in the Bond you may find that
the same amount of money will buy only one-half, or
much less, than it would have bought at the time you
purchased the Bond/'

While it found the purchase of war bonds not patriotic, but
on the whole, discouraging and while it could not praise Roose-
velt, National Defense did find something to champion. In the
same issue, on page 11, a story begins with this paragraph:

"The wife and two sons of Senator Lee O'Daniel of
Texas are the owners and publishers of The Lee
O'Daniel News, a weekly which prior to the cam-
paign and since, has been telling the truth concerning
the inefficiency, corruptness, and un-Americanism of
the New Deal."

As this is written, National Defense is still being published,
Mr. Hoeppel is still engaged in promoting the United Veterans'
Political Party. It is being done through readers' letters— but

the questionnaire, remember, was to be returned to National
Defense.

In time, Mr. Hoeppel may resent being a former "Member
of Congress, 12th Dist. of Calif." He may have plans for power
on a far greater scale.

Let Not This Kingdom Come

In Los Angeles, Dr. A. J. Lovell is leader of the "National
Kingdom," which is actually the West Coast branch of the
Anglo-Saxon Federation. At National Kingdom meetings, liter-
ature and propaganda of the Anglo-Saxon Federation is dis-
tributed and sold.

LovelFs meetings take the usual anti-Semitic line, garnished
with anti-Russian sentiments. At a meeting at the Embassy
Auditorium in Los Angeles on July 10, 1944, Dr. LovelTs text
was "Uncle Sam on His Knees."

Dr. Lovell offered the observation that there were a few
good Jews left, that he had nothing against Jewish women and
children, but the Jewish adults who have control of the country
will have to suffer the penalty and pay for their misdeeds. He
said that this land is "rightfully ours" and that "we" had built it
up, erected buildings, parks and set the community in motion
and that then the Jews had come in and taken it all over and
set up what their name implies, "jewelry stores." He then
spelled the name, with intense emphasis, JEWELRY STORES.

After this amazing example of confused rabble-rousing, he
hit other targets. He claimed that the "hiring" of Army Chap-
lains is in the hands of the Catholic faith, that the highest
positions are held by Catholics and that menial jobs are given
to Protestants.

Then he turned on the Russians and read a clipping, pointing
out that the Russian government was responsible for our not
being able to send medical aid and supplies to our boys in-
terned in Japanese prison camps.

That this kind of exhibition draws an audience is somewhat

strange. But that Lovell puts it on is not. For Lovell is a
former associate of another rabble-rouser, Joseph D. Jeffers,
West Coast anti-Semite who was recently sentenced to four
years in prison and fined $1,000 on conspiracy and interstate
automobile theft convictions.,

Dr. Lovell is also closely associated with Jonathan Ellsworth
Perkins, Box 2508, Los Angeles. Mr. Perkins recently published
a book, The Modern Canaanites or the Enemies of Jesus Christ,
a vicious anti-Semitic tract which Lovell has distributed.

Perkins, too, has other interesting connections. He is a rela-
tive of Gerald Winrod and once worked for him. This informa-
tion is not revealed in his book, but he does refer to the
Washington trial for alleged sedition at which Winrod was one
of the defendants and he boasts familiarity with the writings
of E. N. Sanctuary, James True and Elizabeth Billing. Re-
ferring to their literature, Perkins says, "(it) courageously ex-
posed the (Jewish) people who were enemies of our constitu-
tion. ... It seems strange that people who defended the
Constitution and the Flag should be indicted for sedition."

As late as March, 1945, Perkins was connected with a small
mission, known as the Emmanuel Army, located at 610 W. 9th
Street, Los Angeles. His league with Lovell, his past connec-
tions and his defense of individuals named in the indictment
for alleged sedition mark him as dangerous to American
democracy.

But it remained for Lovell to reveal the threat he himself
constitutes and the direction he is taking when he said at one
meeting: "When our boys out there giving their lives come
back and when the 'new order' is in effect, the Jews over here
will beg on their knees." How low Lovell's "new order" would
bring American democracy he has not suggested, but how hard
his disruption and hate-mongering is hitting it is all too clear.

There is one more West Coast outfit which is difficult to
classify. It is the Constitutional Government League, 4031
Francis Avenue, Seattle, Washington. Its president is E. H.
Rettig and it publishes a 12-page monthly magazine called
The Constitutionalist.
I For years Rettig has advertised in Gerald Winrod's anti-

100

Semitic, pro-fascist Defender. The Constitutionalist itself regu-
larly reprints anti-Semitic as well as anti-New Deal blasts from
various sources. In a spring, 1945 issue, it carried a full page
advertisement of the National Blue Star Mothers of America
of Pennsylvania similar to the handbill reproduced in Chapter
VII, urging "Bring the Boys Back Home."

Of itself, the Rettig outfit probably cannot be assailed, except
on the grounds that its anti-Semitism is un-American, and dur-
ing the war its hatred of our allies has promoted distrust and
disunity.

But thrown in with other West Coast activities it does its
share to keep the cauldron of dissension and disunity bubbling.
And in the whole West Coast picture there is the danger. The
hate sheets are prime weapons of fascists; the Lovells and the
Perkins's promote hatred; the Hoeppels have an eye on the
veterans— and over all is the ugly fact that un-American activ-
ity is one of the stepping stones the fascists hope to use on their
way to power.

101

IN THE SHADOW OF CAPITOL HILL

N 1944 a new word be-
came, more and more, a part of the terminology employed by
the disruptionist groups. The word is "nationalism."

In Detroit, in that year, Gerald L. K. Smith began to em-
phasize the nationalism of his America First Party. In 1945,
when Smith formed the National Emergency Committee, he
again chose this catch-all word.

For, once victory over Germany became a matter of time,
and once they anticipated V-E Day, there were two men in
America who began to show their hands, who revealed that
they anticipated an opportunity to achieve actual political
power. One was Gerald L. K. Smith, whose activities are re-
counted in Chapter IV, the other was Robert Rice Reynolds,
ex-Senator from North Carolina, ex-writer for the Hearst
newspapers, ex-leader of the Vindicators, present friend of
Gerald L. K. Smith, present head of the American Nationalist
Party.

Robert Rice Reynolds' political career began when he ran
for the office of Prosecuting Attorney of his district in North
Carolina. His technique at that time was to call everybody
"cousin" and pass out to children sticks of peppermint candy
around which were wrapped the printed appeal "Ask your
daddy to vote for Bob Reynolds." He was elected.

102

He ran for the office of Lieutenant Governor in 1924, and was
defeated. In 1926 he ran for the Senate, and was defeated.
When he ran for the Senate again in 1932 he was elected—
again on an interesting platform. His opponent was Cameron
Morrison, who had married a wealthy widow. Reynolds" cam-
paign was based on attacking Morrison's wealth. He would
delight his audiences with stories of how well Morrison ate and
how much he paid for his meals, often brandishing a menu of
the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, and reading from it the
cost of various dishes— leaving the audience to assume that
Morrison ate them all every day.

A typical Reynolds wind-up to a speech was this, holding
up a jar of caviar he would say: "Friends, it pains me to tell
you that Cam Morrison eats fish eggs. This here jar ain't a
jar of squirrel shot; it's fish eggs, and Red Russian fish eggs
at that, and they cost $2.00. Now, fellow citizens, let me ask
you, do you want a Senator who ain't too high and mighty
to eat good old North Carolina hen eggs, or don't you?"

Evidently the people of North Carolina didn't want a Sena-
tor who was too high and mighty to eat hen eggs. Reynolds
won.

In 1938, when he was up for re-election, he won on the
basis of supporting the New Deal, but by 1939, when he
announced the organization of The Vindicators and began to
publish the American Vindicator, he had reversed his field.
The eight-page tabloid-size paper was devoted to Red-baiting,
alien-baiting and condemnation of the New Deal foreign
policy. That same year, in a speech in the Senate, Reynolds
gave as a source of some of his material a book called Name
the Aggressors by Louis Ward. Ward was the contact man
for Father Coughlin in Washington. Reynolds didn't adopt
open anti-Semitism, but Jews were absent from membership in
the Vindicators, and Reynolds once inserted in the Congres-
sional Record an anti-Semitic, anti-alien article from Domenico
Trombetta's 11 Grido della Stirpe. Trombetta has been de-
naturalized and indicted as an unregistered foreign agent.

The formation of the Vindicators was announced on January
31, 1939. On February 5, 1939, the Voelkischer Beobachter,

103

Hitler's newspaper, carried an article with the byline "Senator
Robert R. Reynolds, North Carolina." Reporting this in
Sabotage! The Secret War Against America, Michael Sayers
and Albert E. Kahn wrote:

"The article, which was in the form of an interview,
was entitled 'Advice to Roosevelt: Stick to Your Knit-
ting/ The same article was printed in the United
States in the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, offi-
cial organ of the German American Bund. Hearst's
International News Service, which arranged the inter-
view-article, quoted Senator Reynolds as saying: 1 can
see no reason why the youth of this country should be
uniformed to save the so-called democracies of Europe
— imperialistic Britain and communistic France ... I
am glad to be able to state that I am absolutely against
the United States waging war for the purpose of pro-
tecting the Jews anywhere in the world/ "

By a very curious coincidence, February 5, 1939, was also
the day on which Robert Reynolds wrote a special article for
Hearst's New York Journal and American.

"Mr. Hearst," asserted Reynolds, "has exactly expressed my
views on the folly of going to war to protect the foreign lands
and alien principles of socialist France, imperialist England,
communist Russia or any other country/' (Dixie Demagogues
by Allan A. Michie and Frank Ryhlick.)

At this period in his career Reynolds- became friendly with
George Deatherage, leader of the Knights of the White Ca-
melia, an openly fascist, anti-Semitic organization. He has
also worked with John B. Trevor, who heads American Coali-
tion, with offices in the Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
American Coalition is a rather mixed organization, a holding
company for more than 100 "patriotic" organizations, many
of which are truly patriotic such as the Veterans of Foreign
Wars. Others, however, include such outfits as the American
Women Against Communism, the American Vigilant Intel-
ligence Federation, which worked actively with James True,
Elizabeth Dilling and Gerald Winrod. The American Coali-
tion has crusaded against "aliens" and refugees. It cooperated

104

with Prescott Dennett, who was on trial with Winrod, James
True and Elizabeth Billing for alleged sedition. In two of the
indictments handed down by Federal Grand Juries, the
Coalition was charged with being a vehicle through which
the alleged seditionists spread their propaganda.

While he was in the Senate, Reynolds frequently inserted
letters from Trevor in the Congressional Record, most of them
in support of Reynolds' program.

Reynolds has also figured prominently in other dubious
events. He was mentioned in connection with the Prescott
Dennett-George Hill-George Sylvester Viereck franking scan-
dal. In 1940 George Sylvester Viereck organized the Islands
for War Debts Committee, also known as the War Debt De-
fense Committee and the Make Europe Pay War Debts Com-
mittee. Chairman of the committee was the late isolationist
Senator Ernest Lundeen. Honorary Chairman was Robert
Rice Reynolds. Among other members of Congress whose
franked envelopes were used by the committee was Reynolds,
then Chairman of the Senate Military Affairs Committee.

Reynolds was to be up for re-election again in 1944. Though
he was Chairman of one of the most powerful Senate Com-
mittees, a position which is a distinct sinecure, and though
he had then become one of the powerful figures in Wash-
ington, he decided not to run again. However, Gerald L. K.
Smith had at this time decided to nominate a candidate of
the America First Party for President. The candidacy was
offered to Reynolds, who said that he was "flattered and
honored." But he decided not to accept it.

On January 5, 1945, Reynolds announced the formation of
The Nationalist Party, and issued a booklet entitled Here's
How You Can Become a Political Leader in Your District.
The booklet stated that the party was to be officially launched
on July 4th, 1945, but it contained instructions for organiza-
tion on a rather carefully worked out unit basis. There were
to be ten people to each unit, so that meetings of individual
units could be held in private homes.

Support for The Nationalist Party came at once from such
organizations as "We The Mothers Mobilize for America" and

105

the "American Democratic National Committee," and similar
groups. The American Democratic National Committee, de-
spite its rather confusing name, has no connection with the
National Committee of the recognized Democratic Party in
the United States. The American Democratic National Com-
mittee has offices in the Washington Building, Washington,
D. C., at 342 Madison Avenue, New York (the building in
which Kamp's Constitutional Educational League has an
office) and at 105 S. Lafayette Street, Chicago. This com-
mittee was originally headed by Harry Woodring, who was
once a member of the Roosevelt cabinet. The committee
claimed then that it sought to "redeem the Democratic Party
from its alien-minded over-lords/' Later Woodring resigned
and Gleason L. Archer became the new National Chairman.
Gleason L. Archer, interestingly and significantly enough, is
a trustee of Gannett's Committee for Constitutional Govern-
ment (see Chapter II).

One of the officers of the American Democratic National
Committee is John O'Connor, ex-Congressman of New York,
who was the lawyer for George Hill. Robert M. Harriss, Father
Coughlin's financial advisor for 15 years, suggested that Wil-
liam Goodwin, a New York Coughlinite and ex-leader of the
American Rock Party (now out of business) be made Treas-
urer of the committee. Goodwin got the job. Also on the
committee are Senator W. Lee ODaniel, of Texas, and Eugene
Talmadge, ex-Governor of Georgia, present editor of The
Statesman.

Between the American Democratic National Committee and
other groups there is, incidentally, another interesting con-
nection. John O'Connor wrote a testimonial for Reynolds'
Nationalist Party which was published in the official news-
paper, the National Record. O'Connor's article was later re-
printed in the San Francisco Leader, a Coughlinite weekly
to which Father Curran also contributes.

The announcement of Reynolds' Nationalist Party was not
overlooked by! a certain section of the press. The Chicago
Tribune said:

106

"Former Sen. Reynolds of North Carolina has an-
nounced the formation of a new political organization
to be known as the Nationalist Party. . . .

" 'Neither of the two major political parties/ he says
'is big enough to hold both interventionists and non-
interventionists, nationalists and internationalists,
Communists and anti-Communists/

"That, we believe, is true, and the truth of it should
be as apparent to those who disagree with Mr. Rey-
nolds on questions of national policy as to those who
are in accord with his views. . . .

"To expect the Democratic Party, divided as it now
is, to produce a consistent program is to expect the
impossible. The hope is that the Republican Party can
break the control which has weakened it and minimized
its usefulness. Certainly unless the Republicans act to
this end, and act with vigor, support will flow to the
Reynolds movement."

The New York Daily News, which frequently backstops for
the Tribune when it is not in there pitching itself, said in an
editorial:

". . . the Republican Party has now taken a body
D!OW from one of its own leaders. (Sen. Vandenberg),
long a nationalist if not an isolationist, who has now
come out for internationalism of the Roosevelt variety
and more so if nossible.

"We ti- -^denberg's speech foreshadows the

breaKur ^ oie Republican Party," the editorial con-
tinued, "and the coming of a new party. . . . What
we need are the internationalist Democratic party that
we already have, and a nationalist party that will stand
for American interests.

"Where is this party to come from and who will
compose it? Logically, the veterans returning after
this war, sick of fighting other people's battles and
having their own country bled white via Lend-Lease.
. . . For our part, the boys can't come 'home and form
a nationalist party too soon. We hope that after the
war they will speedily get themselves organized, and
will take over political control of this country from
both Democrats and Republicans— because the present
generation of Democratic and Republican leaders have
made an ungodly mess both of our foreign policy (if
any) and of our home economy."

107

Early in 1945, Reynolds claimed that the Nationalist Party
already had a million members in 48 states, and Reynolds had
not waited for the formal organization of the party to begin
political action. Along with Gerald L. K. Smith, the Chicago
"nationalist," who attacked the Bretton Woods agreement as
"a conspiracy to steal America's money," Reynolds said that
Bretton Woods grew out of a "plot for world government" on
the part of the "international bankers."

Reynolds' Nationalist Party may grow far beyond the mil-
lion members now claimed for it, or it is possible, since Smith
and Reynolds have been friendly in the past, that both nation-
alist movements may merge to become a definite political
force, capable of boosting either of the leaders up the political
ladder. Both have shown political ambitions. Reynolds is
reported to have angled for the vice-presidential nomination
in 1940. Smith was the Presidential candidate of his own
America First Party in 1944.

In any event, there is likely to be dynamite in the "nationalist
trend." As PM pointed out in an article on May 27, 1945, "the
word nationalism has a nice patriotic sound about it, like
Americanism, and this is not the first time it has been used as
protective coloration by pro-fascists in America. Indeed,
nationalism has been a favorite word of fascists in every
country: German nationalism, Italian nationalism, Spanish
nationalism, Argentine nationalism, all used the same patriotic
slogans to the same end."

108

THE «M0M" MENACE

F all the groups which
have engaged in fascist activities in America (helping to
spread dissension, create disunity and undermine faith in the
government) the most sinister are the "momist" outfits. First,
because they play upon the natural anxieties of those who
have loved ones in the services and who are sometimes easy
victims because they are emotionally upset. Second, because
by spreading dissension among mothers of servicemen, they
can help to sow dissension among members of the armed
services.

Convincing a soldier's mother that the war is a "racket,"
that it is unnecessary, that it should not be fought, may not
be classifiable as treason. (Though telling that to a soldier
or sailor certainly should be.) At the least, it is one step
removed from treason. For it is possible through mothers
to influence sons.

The ambitious fascist mind has not overlooked the fact
that sons who return from war to be told that they have been
misled and deceived into fighting for a worthless cause could
comprise a potential group of fascist stormtroopers.

Nor are these the only vicious factors in fascism's crusade
to enlist motherhood as a front for its disruptive activities.
The fascists seize the added advantage of confusion. There

109

are thoroughly loyal, entirely patriotic groups or organiza-
tions of "war mothers" in the country. The fascist groups may
temporarily mislead many loyal mothers who cannot dif-
ferentiate at once between a truly sound patriotic service
organization and one of the destructive "momist" groups.

All the groups which specialize in spreading disruption,
disunity and discord employ much the same tactics. Typical
of them is the Current Events Club of Philadelphia, which is
fast turning the City of Brotherly Love into the City of
Motherly Hate.

This organization meets regularly every two weeks in the
POSA Building, 1317 North Broad Street, Philadelphia. Its
members all claim to have sons or husbands in the armed
forces. The club itself is a chapter of the National Blue Stars
Mothers of Pennsylvania, which was formerly known as the
Crusading Mothers of America.

On April 23, 1945, the Current Events Club held a meeting
which was typical of a number of which the writer has de-
tailed reports. The meeting was opened by Mrs. Catherine
Brown, a close friend of Gerald L. K. Smith and a frequent
visitor to Senate and House offices in Washington.

Mrs. Brown gave a report to the membership on her recent
trip to Washington, where she had talked with "her friend,
Gerald."

"He told me," she said, "to thank our women for the won-
derful fight they helped put up against the forced labor law."
Then she proceeded to speak about the federal law against
stirring up racial antagonism, sponsored by Representative
Samuel Dickstein of New York.

"We are assured by men like Smith, Wheeler and others,"
she said, "that this will never become a law, thank God!"
( Of course she offered no evidence of any such assurance from
Senator Wheeler, or any other government official. )

With this preliminary completed, Mrs. Brown shed her
decorum as chairlady of the meeting and launched into a
frenzied and typically "momist" harangue.

"Ladies," she said (and this is verbatim), "we have been
doing a good job until now, as our friends in Washington

110

admit, but there is much more to be done until we can put
an end to this Jew war and bring our boys home from fighting
Britain's and Russia's cause!

"Jew Roosevelt started it and we're going to end it! Demand
peace now. Ring doorbells. Talk to every mother and wife
you meet who has a loved one fighting the Jew international
banker's war. We want Christian civilization and the only
way we're going to get it is through true Christian fighting
spirit."

At another meeting at which Mrs. Brown also presided she
was outraged by unexpected publicity which had been given
to the club.

"There's a dirty spy in our midst," she shouted, "... a rat
who has come here pretending to be one of us. Walter Win-
chell's last broadcast, on February 4th, mentioned Agnes
Waters who visited us and what she said."

There was a rustling of chairs at this shocking revelation and
one member arose and screamed: "Point her out, the rat!"
Others took up the cry and one belligerent professional mother
stalked up and down the hall shouting, "Tell me who she is
and she won't have a hair left in her head."

Walter Winchell has earned the special hatred of the mother
racketeers because he has not hesitated to expose them, nor
their female spiritual mentors such as Elizabeth Billing and
the notorious Agnes Waters, who was mentioned and quoted
on the Winchell broadcast which had so outraged Mrs. Brown.

Agnes Waters is a professional isolationist mother and
Washington lobbyist for several "momist" outfits: We, the
Mothers; The National Blue Star Mothers of America; and
Mothers and Daughters United; all of them devoted to propa-
gating the highly original idea that it was the Jew's who
bombed Pearl Harbor. These outfits also urged the negotiation
of a separate peace with Germany ( long before Germany's col-
lapse) and with Japan.

On April 27, 1945, the New York newspaper PM reported
that Mrs. Waters had used the franked envelopes of U. S. con-
gressmen, without their permission, and had sent out material
of the National Blue Star Mothers of America, along with a

111

stream of disruptive propaganda. One such leaflet erroneously
addressed to a Jewish mother in Philadelphia, whose soldier
son had lost a leg in the war, read in part:

"How long, how long are we going to permit our
men to be slain to save the Jewish empires all over
the world? Did you know that certain Jews by the
hundreds are being trained to follow the armies and
to be the ARMY OF OCCUPATION, with all the
prostrated nations under their control? These men
will be the rulers of the Army of Industrial Occupation.
Is that what your boy was fighting for?"

In the last presidential election, Mrs. Waters announced her
own candidacy and in a news release, sent to both press asso-
ciations and newspapers, stated:

"I demand that the suicide invasion of Europe be
called off and immediately stop this carnage of world
revolution that President Roosevelt has plunged this
world into, which is a blood bath with our money and
now with our blood for the purpose of building a
World Government for the Socialist Soviet Republics,
which I have for years now opposed, and tried to ex-
pose. This is not a war, it is the Lenin plan for world
revolution for Communism! I demand that this mass
murder of our men be stopped immediately. Any in-
vasions of Europe only can be mass suicide of our
naen for Russia!"

All this might sound rather crackpot, if we had not already
suffered the bitter experience of witnessing where the expo-
sition of such crackpot ideas can lead; and, if Mrs. Waters did
not have such facilities for spreading her propaganda nor
such large audiences to listen to it.

To one such audience in Philadelphia in May, 1945, Mrs.
Waters said, "I have here" (holding up a clipping) "your local
list of casualties. It is our duty to get in touch immediately
with these wives and mothers who have lost their dear ones
and tell them about the Jew bankers and Washington bureau-
crats their sons and husbands died for."

Waiting long enough for the applause of the "mothers" to

112

die down, Mrs. Waters then launched into a tirade against
PM, quoting that paper as having said that she advocated
"shooting every G— d— Jew."

"I did/' she exclaimed, "and I'm proud of it!"

Next she veered to another line of attack. "Why," she de-
manded, "wasn't the 26th Division informed that an attack
was coming in Germany?" (Von Runstedt's attack at the Bel-
gian bulge in the winter of 1944. ) "And why is it that a Nigger
unit—the only one in Italy— always knew when it was going
to be attacked?"

She allowed time for this lie to sink in, and to give her audi-
ence an opportunity to jot down notes— so that they, in turn,
could yeport to other wives and mothers— those of the men
whose names had appeared on the casualty lists that day. Then
she continued. Her next noteworthy remarks were upon the
near-riots which grew out of the transit walkout which had
stirred Philadelphia in August, 1944.

"I'm glad," she said, "the people of Philadelphia had guts
enough to riot at the PTC hiring Jews and Niggers. I wish we
had held out longer."

Periodically the streets of Philadelphia and nearby cities
which compose the great Delaware River industrial war center
have been distributing centers for handbills that read as they
might have had they been printed in Berlin. One of these,
addressed to "Christian Mothers," is reproduced here.

They emanate from the headquarters of the National Blue
Star Mothers of Pennsylvania in the Harrison Building, Phila-
delphia. From this headquarters has poured a steady stream
of such tracts and handbills. Another is datelined Washing-
ton, D. C., and is headlined: U. S. CASUALTIES TOTAL
737,342. Its opening paragraph begins: "CHRISTIAN
MOTHERS: IS THIS THE PRICE YOU ARE PAYING FOR
JEWISH REVENGE? Did you ever notice the number of
young JEWS in business, and how few in uniform?"

Its astonishing likeness to Nazi tracts and its unmistakable
stamp of Nazi technique is a portent of what may come.

It is also significant that another such leaflet, also issued
by the National Blue Star Mothers of America, quotes Senator

113

W. Lee O'Daniel, whose work for The Christian American
of Texas has already been discussed. OTDaniel is quoted in
the handbill as follows:

"The Communists, Socialists and fellow traveling
New Dealers in both the Democratic and Republican
Parties who have taken possession of the people's gov-
ernment, are rapidly changing our American form of
democracy into a dictatorial form of government,
whereby the people are rapidly losing their freedom,
their liberty and their constitutional form of govern-
ment." (See reproduction.)

In an article in the Woman's Home Companion in July,
1944, Patricia Lochridge revealed the tie-up of the Phila-
delphia National Blue Star Mothers of America leaders, Mrs.
Catherine Brown and Mrs. Lillian Parks, with Gerald L. K.
Smith and cited their organizational plan for setting up new
"momist" outfits in various cities.

This group should not be confused— though it is significantly
dangerous that such groups often are— with the patriotic Blue
Star Mother organizations throughout the country (and nota-
bly in Flint, Michigan), nor with the Pennsylvania Blue Star
Brigade, which are patriotic mother organizations undoubt-
edly hampered by the similarity of names.

So, too, is there the danger of confusion in the cases
of many other truly patriotic mother organizations, such
as American Wac Mothers, Navy Mothers, Mothers of
World War II, and MOMS (Mothers of Men in Service).
These and many more have done splendid wartime work,
though they must have been hamstrung often by the racket-
outfits which have adopted the "good-name technique."

This patriotic ( and educational ) name technique is common
to the entire disruptionist movement— though occasionally it
boomerangs, to the embarrassment of the disruptionists them-
selves. In Philadelphia, another "momist" outfit which began
its activities as Mothers of Pennsylvania hurriedly had to
change it to Mothers and Daughters of Pennsylvania when a
local reporter revealed that most of its members were middle-

114

U. S. CASUALTIES TOTAL 737,342

WASHINGTON. Feb. 2. 1945

CHRISTIAN MOTHERS: IS THIS THE PRICE YOU ARE PAYING FOR |EW REVENGE? Did you ever
notice (he number Q( young JEWS in business and how few in uniform? Rood over the casualty list
in your newspaper and see how many JEW names you find there. JEWS seem to keep out of the cas-
uality list, and ihts gives them more time to smear Christian mothers whose sons may have been one
ol the 495,052 U. S. casualties reported last year. Now. Nurses are to be drafted. Next it will be all
women between 18 and 45. just as been done In Communist Russia. Will you stand quietly by and
-,ee yicur women drafted and. like your sons, sent to every corner of the earth, exposed to God knows
WHAT? Must we have another million Christian casualties just to make Stalin the world dictator
instead of Churchill or Roosevelt?

CONGRESSMAN Louis T- McFadden of PENNSYLVANIA had this to say In a radio addVes May 2. 1934.
regarding A. A. Berle Oew) our new Ambassador to Brazil. '1 desire now to refer briefly to a plan that
was advocated as far back as 1918 when A. A. Berle had some very definite Ideas regarding the
establishment of a new State. Indeed he wrote a itlle book on "The Significance of a Jewish State'
dedicated to his friend Louts D. Brandeis. In it he regarded the Jew as "the barometer of civilization
at all times." He recognized the inability of Christianity to avert war or "to do a single thing towards
mitigating its worst effects", and seemed to think t'.ie lews were the only power that could do anything
about it." SO THE JEWS ARE THE ONLY PEOPLE WHO CAN STOP THIS WAR.

HOLY WAR: On August 6. 1933 in a radio address. Sam Unlermeyer (jew), self-styled world's aristocrat,
refers to "The Holy War" and goes on to say, "II is a war that must be waged unremittingly until the
black clouds of bigotry, race hatred and fanaticism that have descended upon what was once Ger-
many, but is now medieval Hltlerland. have been dispersed." How much blood, sweat and tears has
this JEW holy war cost you Christian Mothers In the United States? Has your son been sacrificed
on the altar of this "holy war"? Or do you Christian Mothers feel that $10.000 is a fair price for a dead
son and perhaps a dead daughter? DEMAND PEACE NOW.

These are only a lew of the real facts about this "holy war" of the JEWS. Too long has the truth been
kept from the people of the United States as to the cause of this "holy war". Demand of your Senator
<ind Congressman that he bring out on the floor of Congress the TRUTH. THE WHOLE TRUTH and
NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH. If you want to save Christian civilization In the United States, support
us in our effort to stop this slaughter of our Christian youth. THERE IS NO FREEDOM WITHOUT FREE-
DOM OF SPEECH. Keeping' silent, can be the blackest of lies. We do not intend to keep silent but
will tell the real truth as we know It to be.

THERE IS HARD WORK TO DONE. WE NEED YOUR HFJP.

The National Blu* Star ModiM ol Pemurlranla
Harrison Building,
Philadelphia. Pa.

February. 1945.

"Christian mothers" are the opening words in the above leaflet, issued
by the anti-Semitic National Blue Star Mothers of Pennsylvania. This
outfit has been one of the most disruptive of the "momist" groups. It has
attempted, as in this leaflet, to turn "Christian mothers" against Jews
and to convince them that their sons are being "sacrificed."

Such leaflets as this are mailed to mothers whose sons' names appear on
casualty lists.

115

aged spinsters. This group presently exerts its influence prin-
cipally through a news-letter, edited by a former Coughlin
follower and secretary of one of The America First chapters.

The history of the mother racket or "momism" in America
begins on December 11, 1939, when Father Coughlin an-
nounced on a national broadcast the formation of his Na-
tional League of Mothers. He invited women all over the coun-
try to write to him, or Social Justice, "to be put in touch with
responsible leaders and regional organizers."

Thousands of women replied and in a short time were being
organized into branches of Coughlin's "legion." They were fed
the well-known anti-British, anti-Russian, anti-Jewish, anti-
Roosevelt propaganda. ^

In time, well known fascists such as Gerald L. K. Smith, Earl
Southard and others moved in, recruiting susceptible women
from all over the country, and a storm of "delegations" broke
upon a harassed Washington, to oppose Lend-Lease and
every other preparation for the war which was then inevitable.

Eventually, the mother racket settled down to a half-dozen
large national groups, each with separate leadership but all
connected through frequent exchange of letters and speakers.

Investigators have estimated that at various times the total
membership of these female hate groups has ranged up to
more than half a million. Today the national groups include:
We, the Mothers Mobilize for America, Inc., with headquar-
ters in Chicago; the National Blue Star Mothers of Pennsyl-
vania (and of America), with various offshoots such as the
Current Events Club; the United Mothers of Cleveland; The
Mothers of Sons Forum of Cincinnati; the American Women
Against Communism, which has now changed its name to
American League for Good Government, Inc. of New York
(to whom everything pertaining to the prosecution of the war
has been "communistic") and the Mothers of the U. S. A.,
with headquarters in Detroit. There are now also numerous
local factions composed of groups which broke away from the
national organizations because of factional strife— not because
of any differences on fundamentals or disagreements with the
hate policies.

116

We, The Mothers Mobilize for America, Inc., is headed by
Mrs. Lyrl C. Van Hyning, who last year sponsored a "Na-
tional Peace Convention" in Chicago. Its secret sessions were
attended by some hundred women and twelve men repre-
senting "mothers" groups in twenty states. The convention
outlined plans for a nationwide drive of women for a negotiated
peace with Germany.

"We, the mothers of war age boys, beg you to place
the blame for the death of your beloved where it be-
longs, and not be deceived by propaganda into blam-
ing a foreign power. In the name of justice, we ask
you to call to account the real murderers of your be-
loved one, the men who violated the Constitution of
the United States by sending him into the war zone.
Ask our boys— ask all of us— to call to account the
actual murderers and we will bless you and our country
will call you blessed/'

The letter also suggested that the President of the United
States (Roosevelt) and the Secretary of the Navy (Knox)
be sued as private citizens for the lives lost

The United Mothers, of Cleveland, headed by Mrs. Freda
Stanley, is especially inimical to labor, and according to Mrs.
Stanley, labor unions are "communistic." On April 3, 1944,
this group sponsored a meeting which was addressed by
Gerald L. K. Smith and collected $1,200 for him. The United
Mothers have concurred in the usual negotiated peace line and
advocate the end of the "silly delusion" democracy to be re-
placed by a "nationalistic" government for the United States.

American Women Against Communism, or as it is now
called, the American League for Good Government, Inc., is
headed by Mrs. A. Cressy Morrison, who has worked with
Elizabeth Billing and has distributed books by Jeremiah
Stokes, of Utah, who once said, "What we need is a Hitler
in every state, strong men who will rule things the right way."
Although Mrs. Morrison disclaims any activity except fighting
"communism," she has said that she considered the mass sedi-
tion trials in Washington "a conspiracy against courageous
patriots who placed American interests above those of any

117

foreign 'isms'." And the committee's ability to find the com-
munist menace everywhere is alarmingly inclusive. It has dis-
covered that communists are inciting "Racial Uprising and
Bloody Revolution Among Negroes of Dxie;" that com-
munists are trying to grab all the farm land in the Middle
West, and (its prize discovery) that atheism and communism
are rampant in the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in
America. Mrs. Morrison is currently advising her following
that the communist plot to give Negroes sovereignty in the
South, indicates that this is the time "to take action."

The Mothers of Sons Forum, whose headquarters is at 111
West Street, Cincinnati, was organized about 1940 or a little
earlier by Mrs. Josephine Mahler, who got together a small
group to keep America out of Europe's war. By June of 1940,
her group had grown large enough to get 65,000 names on
petitions against the enactment of the Selective Service Act.
At the present, Mrs. Lucinda Benge seems to have taken over
management, though Mrs. Mahler is still active.

Both Mrs. Dilling and Gerald L. K. Smith have been
speakers at the Forum's meetings. The official organ has been
called successively P-S and the Bulletin. Among statements
which have appeared in the publications are these: "America's
most dangerous enemy is not Hitler, not Churchill, not Stalin,
but Roosevelt . . . Churchill is a Jew . . . Roosevelt is a Jew,
this is a war of Jewish capitalists." In addition to such propa-
ganda which was identical with the regular Nazi outpourings
of the time, the Forum joined in with the usual "momist" de-
mand for a negotiated peace with Germany.

Mothers of the U. S. A. is in the direct line of the Coughlin
original call to battle. It was founded in Detroit by Mrs. Mary
A. Decker, soon after the Coughlin broadcast for the Legion
of Mothers. Since then Mrs. Decker has been replaced by
Mrs. Rosa N. Farber, who still heads the group. Patricia Loch-
ridge, in her Woman's Home Companion article, reported
that the Farber group had closed up shop. But there is every
evidence that Mrs. Farber, who is careful and shrewd (see
John Roy Carlson's Under Cover, pp. 213, 217, 222, 224,
225, 288, 302, 308-11, 313, 336, 387, 395, 508) has kept an

118

organization intact for a crusade at any time she and the
leaders feel is right. Mrs. Farber, in one conversation, recalled
that Napoleon said, "Don't let your enemy choose the time and
place of the battle, choose them yourself/' and then pointed
out, "New Dealers would like to find out what our plans are,
but we are keeping them guessing. Maybe well wait till after
the war when the boys come home . . ."

Detroit is also the home of the American Mothers, whose
national chairman is Mrs. Beatrice Knowles, a friend of Gerald
L. K. Smith, and a distributor of his pamphlets. Mrs. Knowles
told Patricia Lochridge, in 1944, that she has a mailing list of
between 35,000 and 54,000 names.

Also operating along the same line as Mrs. Knowles, prin-
cipally by mail, is another Detroiter, Mrs. Blanche Winters,
of East Jefferson Avenue, who is head of what she calls "a
foxy little group named simply, 'The Mothers/ " Mrs. Winters
claims to have a mailing list "in the hundreds of thousands."
She is an ardent distributor of that old phony The Protocols of
the Elders of Zion, and an admirer of Mrs. Van Hyning of
We, The Mothers. Mrs. Winters, who is wealthy (she once
promised to contribute $100,000 to a campaign to elect a
woman President of the United States ) , formerly led an organ-
ization called the League of the Blue Cross, which she dis-
continued when America entered the war. "Because," she
explained, "we all could have gone to jail for life if we had
kept on."

There is also a minor "momist" group in Boston, headed by
Marie Ballum, a spinster. Miss Ballum was formerly the local
circulation boss for Social Justice and follows the Coughlin,
anti-Semitic line. On occasion she has rounded up impressive
delegations of "mothers," even though hers is not one of the
big important groups.

It is the Agnes Waters, Van Hyning, Catherine Brown type,
still working actively and openly, which is most dangerous, and
the Farber-Knowles type, which has been clever enough to
lie low during the critical war years, that may yet take the lead
in postwar years. They recognize the value of enlisting vet-
erans. They have now done their spade-work among tens of

119

thousands of mothers. Their influence is enormous— and alarm-
ing. They may yet time their activities for the days when they
hope to catch us off guard.

In the meantime, as this is written, a woman like Agnes
Waters is still free in wartime Washington, to carry on her
campaign of disruption, defeatism and dissension, the three
forerunners of outright fascism.

120

WILL THE VETERANS MARCH?

JL OR several years after the

war, and perhaps even longer, America may be occupied with
the problems of re-integrating returned veterans into the
national life. Most Americans desire that this be done swiftly
and with full regard for what every veteran deserves from
his country.

The fascists have other ideas. They are occupied now, and
they will continue to be occupied, with their own problem-
how best to entice veterans into their own organizations. Their
activities will center on keeping the veteran from being re-
integrated into the national life, on spreading dissension
among veterans, on campaigns of enrollment which they hope
will give them veteran backing which they can use to promote
themselves and their plans.

The first stages of this campaign have already taken place.
Through the "Momism" movements they attempted to dis-
courage the men who were fighting the war, they sowed ideas
of defeatism, they tried to convince (and they convinced far
too many) mothers and wives and sweethearts of soldiers that
the war was not America's war. They tried to convince them
that the struggle against fascism abroad was not America's
struggle.

The next step is to make servicemen themselves dissatisfied,

121

and the next after that is to promise the servicemen more than
anybody else promises. It is not difficult to frame promises and,
unfortunately for America, the fascists have had powerful
help in creating dissatisfaction. The reactionary press which
played up strike stories, which gave a one-sided picture of
labor's contribution to winning the war, played right into the
fascists' hands.

A service man who has read the false stories of tremendous
wages for little work, who has been shown the false picture of
civilians stopping work for petty reasons, of loafing when they
pleased, of "cleaning up" during the war, has been well indoc-
trinated for fascist purposes.

The press and the people of America may well regret that
such stories were played up and that the true story of hard
work and civilian cooperation which did so much to help win
the war was played down.

A man who has contributed years of his lif e, and who has
probably risked his life every year of his service, who has had
to forego the opportunity for civilian advancement is not likely
to forget such stories. Nor, regardless of how strong is his mind
and his character, is he likely to forget the stories of defeatism,
the stories which try to convince him that he could as well
have been at home all the time he was at war. And the fascists
are not likely to let him i ">rget if they are free to remind him,
if they have the chance to tell him.

So far they have had the chance. And they have made the
most of it. Even during the war some of them were busily
engaged in promoting veterans organizations. The records of
these men is the indication of what their organizations will
become. The measure of their success is the very measure of
danger to American democracy.

Most widely and openly active among them is Gerald L. K.
Smith, the Detroit "nationalist" and organizer of the National
Emergency Committee, whose recent work along other lines
we have already considered.

As early as November, 1944, Smith announced in The Cross
and The Flag that he was preparing to organize the Nationalist
Veterans of World War II, and asked his readers to send names

122

NOVEMBER, 1944

CDITORIAL
COMMENT

VETERANS! VETERANS! We ore now
VETERANS!

the veterans of this war into an organization
known as the Nationalist Veterans of World
War II. If you know a veteran of this war who
is a Nationalist, send his name in at once so
that he can be informed when the time comes
to launch the campaign for expansion. Send
the names of all veterans to THE CROSS AND
THE FLAG, Box 459, Detroit, Michigan and we
will see that the names are turned over to the
organization committee headed by George
Vose, recently mustered out of the army hospi-
tal at Fort Custer.

Above is a reproduction of an appeal to ex-servicemen by Gerald
L. K. Smith's virulent The Cross and the Flag, official publication of the
America First Party. Smith, aided by George Vose, court martialed by
the U. S. Army for selling government property, is a serious menace in
the field of returning veterans.

123

of veterans to the magazine. "We will see," the editorial states,
"that the names are turned over to the organization committee,
headed by George Vose, recently mustered out of the army
hospital at Fort Ouster."

It is true that George Vose had been in the army and that
he had been released from Fort Custer Hospital, Battle Creek,
Michigan, upon his recovery from a minor leg ailment. It is
also true that he had been discharged from the army. But there
is more— and more pertinent—information about Vose, which
Smith did not publish in The Cross and the Flag.

Vose was court-martialed at Fort Sheridan, Illinois, on April
27, 1943, on charges of having sold Army material and also en-
listed men's passes to soldiers for five and ten dollars. He was
found guilty on May 3, 1943, and sentenced to six months at
hard labor at the Sixth Service Command Rehabilitation Cen-
ter, in Fort Custer, Michigan. He later rejoined his company
but was hospitalized because of a leg ailment and discharged.
Within a few days after his discharge he became an active
organizer for Smith's party.

(Smith, incidentally, admitted he knew of the Vose court-
martial and told a reporter of the New York Post that he was
glad to get Vose because "he was always an America Firster
and now he is mad at the Army and that's the way I like my
people to be, angry/')

As "head of the organization committee" Vose has been
active. He had previously appeared on the platform with
Smith at the first national convention of the America First
Party— on August 29, 1944. Since November of that year he
has appeared at rallies and has conferred secretly with small
groups in cities throughout the East and Middle West. In each
city he established the framework for post-war organization
among the returning war veterans, setting up "central com-
mittees" of seven picked ex-servicemen who had already been
discharged from the armed forces.

Smith's (and of course, Vose's) method of enticing service-
men is subtle and appealing. The fourth clause in Smith's
America First Party platform reads:

124

The PLATFORM

OF THE

AMERICA FIRST PARTY

adopted at the First National Convention

of the America First Party held in Detroit, Michigan

on the 29th and 3Oth of August, 1944

Candidate for President

GERALD L. K. SMITH

Candidate for V«e-Pre.ident

HARRY A. ROMER

The right to form a New Party is the right to devise ways and means
to save the Republic. It fulfills the axiom: Eternal vigilance is the price
of liberty. It represents the escape which a free people must seek when
threatened with betrayal and menaced by corruption. It represents

The above "platform" of the America First Party, headed by rabble-
rouser Gerald L. K. Smith, was issued during the session of the first
national convention of that disruptive outfit held in Detroit on August
29-30, 1944.

The "platform" states the America First Party's position on every-
thing ranging from "War Guilt" to "Farmers" ana "Jews."

In discussing "War GuiH" the treacherous Japanese attack on Pearl
Harbor is shunted off by a demand that "the truth must be known con-
cerning the Kimmel and Short Pearl Harbor situation"

Then, says this outfit, the war guilty must be found no matter where
they arey "New York, London, BerUn, Shanghai or Tokio." Note this
typical implication: Look to New York and London (named first) for the
war guilty.

In a signed statement, run in with the platform, Gerald L. K. Smith
gives the schedule of the party as follows: "1944— The period of prepara-
tion. 1946-A victorious year. 1948~We shall, with the help of God,
elect a majority of Congress and the President of the United States"

125

"Veterans: American money for American veterans!
Stop the foreign looting of our public treasury. $1,000
each for mustered-out veterans having served one year,
with proportionate sums for those who have served
more or less. Extensive program for education, re-
habilitation and employment. Stop international boon-
doggling. We are spending on die South Americans
alone enough to give $1,000 bonus to 6 million
veterans.

"Veterans should have the first chance to homestead
land confiscated by the Federal Government after
those who have suffered mortgage foreclosures have
had an opportunity to repurchase."

Smith plans the promises (which may, in the future, go
much higher) and Vose plans the organization. It is impossible
to discover how successful they have been up to the time of
this writing. Smith is alternately secretive and boastful about
his activities. But, in the case of the veterans, his best prospects
He ahead. And since he has busily sown disruption and dis-
satisfaction for years, he may reap a sizeable harvest. Even if
he does not, even if returned veterans are too sensible to be
enticed into his outfit, he has a number of other projects on
hand.

If his promises do bring him sizeable veteran support, he
will have a remarkably well-set-up organization which might
even enable him to boost himself to power in America. Through
his National Emergency Committee he is in contact with indi-
viduals and groups that are sowing dissension and disruption.

If in the postwar period he can promote more and more
dissatisfaction, if he can recruit thousands of veterans who feel
that their government should not have asked them to fight,
did not treat them well enough and has not provided them
with enough reward, there is no telling how far Smith can go.
He does promise them rewards, he may promise them greater
ones. With himself at their head, he may urge them to take
more.

The pattern of Germany can be repeated— eveji here. In
Germany, storm troop battalions were recruited first among
veterans. It is inconceivable to think that American veterans

126

could be so misled. But it is not impossible.

Perhaps that is why the War Department wishes its soldiers
to know how to recognize a fascist. That is why it is necessary
for every American to know enough to recognize fascist propa-
ganda, fascist tendencies, fascist demagogic promises. So long
as Americans do not, America is imperiled.

As aggressive as Smith has been, he does not have the vet-
eran field entirely to himself. There are other operators who
use the double pronged attack of playing up the real or
imagined grievances of servicemen on the one hand, and offer-
ing them the glittering promise of big bonuses on the other.

Joe McWilliams, who should be as much discredited as
Smith and Coughlin by now, is boosting his own "Service-
men's Reconstruction Plan." He and his aides have circulated
tens of thousands of leaflets calling for a flat $7,800 bonus to
each mustered-out serviceman. He attempts to make this seem
reasonable by demanding elimination of government appro-
priations for what he calls "boondoggling New Deal projects."

Whether it was this flank attack on the administration or a
genuine desire to further the "plan," McWilliams got a tre-
mendous boost when the Chicago Tribune praised the "plan"
in its May 6, 1944, issue. McWilliams, of course, reprinted the
laudatory spread promptly, and mailed it to servicemen's
mothers all over the country.

At a meeting of his followers in Kimball Hall, in Chicago
late in 1944, McWilliams boasted, "Already we are making
progress in Chicago, Milwaukee, and Detroit. Soon we'll sweep
the country like wildfire . . ."

McWilliams is a braggart, but he is amply financed by
wealthy fascist-minded members of a Chicago chapter of the
America First Committee, which refused to disband after
Pearl Harbor. With such support, plus his ability to flood the
mails with both promissory and inflammatory literature, he is
likely right in his claims this time.

Every veteran knows what huge sums were poured out to
win the war. To many of them the irresponsible promises of
McWilliams, Smith and the lesser organizers of similar out-
fits, will not seem out of line with government expenditures of

127

recent years. And of course it is understandable that these
men desire a substantial financial start when they return to
civilian life. Most Americans want them to have it.

What they may not think through is that the extravagant
promises of the demagogues, which are rooted in economic fal-
lacies are doubly dangerous. First, they are impossible to
fulfill. Second, they undermine the confidence of the returned
serviceman in the honest attempt of his government to provide
both satisfactory and reasonable compensation for what he has
already done, and reasonable benefits for his future.

The overwhelming majority of veterans will think this
through. They know that the patriotic veterans organizations
such as the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars,
the Disabled American Veterans, and others equally loyal, are
truly zealous for their welfare and the welfare of the country.

The great majority will join such organizations. But for the
smaller group that can be misled, the fascists are now eagerly
spreading their nets, hoping to catch them in a period of dis-
satisfaction, to snare them with unredeemable promises.

Along with McWilliams and Smith there are lesser lights
with equally ambitious plans.

One of these is William Kullgren, one of the alleged sedi-
tionists who stood trial in Washington in 1944. Kullgren's anti-
Semitic, pro-fascist record goes back to 1933 and he has
claimed, at various times, to have worked with Robert Edward
Edmondson, Elizabeth Billing, George E. Deatherage, and
Eugene Sanctuary, all indicted as alleged seditionists and
placed on trial along with Kullgren.

Kullgren has been publishing an incredibly vicious paper,
America Speaks, which has wide circulation. His line is the
spreading of outright falsehood to servicemen of World War II
and their families, declaring that President Roosevelt knifed
World War I veterans and fought the 1935 soldier bonus bill.

By indirection of course, the present administration is also
to be discredited as having no interest in veterans. Kullgren
urges veterans and their families to join his anti-Semitic move-
ment to assure proper bonus pay. He, naturally, proposes to
head the movement.

128

Another minor outfit is Edward James Smythe's Protestant
War Veterans, with new headquarters in Washington, D. C.
Smythe frankly excludes all Jews and Catholics. Smythe was
quite open, as recently as 1939, about cooperating with the
Nazi propaganda services, having written on one occasion, on
the letterhead of the Protestant War Veterans, asking for
additional Nazi literature and telling how he had already cir-
culated such propaganda at meetings.

Smythe, who also was indicted, along with Kullgren and the
others as an alleged seditionist, should also have been thor-
oughly discredited by now. But despite wide publicity and his
open distribution of Nazi doctrine, he is still able to recruit
support. As late as May, 1945, Walter Winchell revealed that
Smythe employed agents "to peddle books and Victory
stamps,' " and that the agents received a 40 per cent commis-
sion. Smythe, just as any other of the rabble rousers, requires
money to keep his organization running. He may not have
backers who can be called upon for large contributions and
much of his activity may be devoted to money-raising.

But when a man like Smythe is free to recruit veteran sup-
port, when a man who has openly cooperated with the German-
American Bund, who has praised Fritz Kuhn, who has written
some of the most lurid columns ever penned for a fascist sheet,
a man who has spouted both anti-Semitism and anti-Cathol-
icism, can bring his influence to bear upon returned fighting
men, America is menaced as much as Germany ever was when
Hitler's rantings helped to create the fateful brown-shirted
mob.

It would be fearful enough if Smythe and Kullgren and
McWilliams and Smith were merely irresponsible misleaders
who promised veterans anything to get them enrolled, to milk
them of the few dollars they could get from each, but they are
not simply irresponsible, or even misguided Americans. These
men who are free to enlist veteran support have already shown
what they would like to do with enough of that support behind
them. They have quite openly indicated what their course
would be if enough dissatisfied ex-servicemen should some-
how be enticed into becoming their storm-troopers. And if that

129

"Tbil tint nation under God ibaU not furtth fnm A* tgrtt"

JJrotrttatrt

149 VERMILYEA AVENUE
NEW YORK CITY

July 28th- 1939.

Terramare Office.
KronenstraBe I.
Berlin. Germany.
Gentleaen;-

Many thanXs for the books on Hitler and the New Germany, they are already out
in circulation, I gave them away at meetings I was addressing on the subject of
keeping American out of another alliance with Great Britian and France and going to
war against Germany.

If you writers and nespaper people over there in Germany only knew how
hungry the American people were for the real news from your Country, you would see
that this was supplied them. . .and I dont oean German- Americans.

The American people know that the press over here is JEW controlled and that
they are being fed a lot of lies, but they dont know how or where to get the truth,
I feel that it is your duty over there to get it over to them here.

I aa leading the fight against Roosevelt and his gang of JEW Connuuists, and
I will keep fighting them until I drive them out of office 1940. then I feel
that under a Republican Administration new and more friendly relations will be
created with Germany, that is the wishes of the American Christian people as a whole.
I wish that you could convey this to your people through your press.

Americans love the German people, they are our best Citizens, and the most
law abiding, that is a matter of fact and public record. .. .while on the other hand...
the Jews lead in all fields of criminal activity. Arson. Rape. Dope peddling. Fake
Bankruptcy. Political bribery and corrupt ion. smuggling and White Slavery. ..they
stand indicted as our worst Citizens, if they are really Citizens at all.

Send oe any other literature that you have on hand.

Cordially fours.

i Signed) Edward James. Smythe.

No more damning evidence of the direct connection between one of
the native fifth columnists and the Nazi German Government, is required
than such an exhibit as that reproduced above. Anti-Semite Edward
James Smythe, one of those triecl In a 17. S. Federal Court on charges
of alleged sedition, was one of the first home-brand fascists to seek
recruits among our armed forces. Latest reports, as of June, 1945, had
him still at it, with headquarters established in Washington, D. C.
Smythe wrote the above letter to a Nazi propaganda office in Berlin
in 1939. (The text of this letter has been re-set for the purpose of legi-
bility only. A photostat of the original is in the author's possession.)

130

time ever came, every American who did not bother to find out
what these men stand for, what they hope to win, what they
mean as a threat, every American who failed to demand action
against them earlier, will wonder how he came to live in a
country where the heavy tramp of storm-troop boots along his
street was the signal to cower in awful fear.

Coughlin's Paternal Care

There is another campaigner in the veteran field whose
approach to enlisting support is so different that it cannot be
considered in quite the same category. This is Father Charles
E. Coughlin, whose St. Sebastian's Brigade now numbers
some 400,000.

To be sure, these men have not themselves joined the bri-
gade. Father Coughlin's approach has been much more subtle
—and careful.

The St. Sebastian's Brigade was formed in 1942, when Social
Justice was still being published. In the February 16, 1942,
issue of that publication there was a full page devoted to the
virtues of St. Sebastian, proclaiming him the soldier's friend.
Then came these paragraphs:

"To keep in step with this patriotic devotion as well
as to help spread and encourage it, Social Justice Pub-
lishing Company has designed and ordered a beautiful
sterling silver St. Sebastian medallion and chain which
those under protection may wear about their necks.

"Your boy will prize its possession. Our stock is
limited. In a short while the supply will be exhausted.

"During the next few weeks, we will mail this beau-
tiful gift to you to send to your soldier, if you will
solicit some friend and send in a new subscription to
Social Justice magazine."

Parenthetically, under this advertisement was the state-
ment: "We regret that renewals of present subscriptions cannot
qualify for this gift."

Whether this started as a simple subscription-building de-

131

vice for Social Justice, or whether Father Coughlin intended to
build up the Brigade, two things did happen. First, Social
Justice, which had for years run contests and offered prizes to
bring in subscriptions, had now discovered its best offer.
Enough subscriptions came in from this source to wipe out
the magazine's deficit and to add a comfortable surplus. At
the end of 1941 Social Justice's books showed that it was more
than $20,000 in the hole. In the first four months of 1942,
during the "St. Sebastian subscription drive," the deficit was
made up and enough added to give the elder Coughlins ( who
were then named as owners of the magazine) earnings of
almost $58,000.

Social Justice suspended publication (when the Post Office
charged that it was obviously seditious ) , but Father Coughlin
continued the St. Sebastian's Brigade activities. He had set up a
shrine to St. Sebastian at the Shrine of the Little Flower at
Royal Oak, Michigan. The names of servicemen sent to him
were to be enscrolled "on the walls of the chapel of St. Sebas-
tian at the shrine." Coughlin now urges mothers, wives and
sweethearts of servicemen to enroll the names of their loved
ones. There is no charge for enrollment, but contributions are
collected— and the contributions average $3 per enrollment.

Father Coughlin keeps in touch with enrollees by mail.

Up to this writing, Coughlin's mail to members of the bri-
gade has been discreet and reserved. It would have to be in
war time. But there are two interesting facts about the St.
Sebastian's Brigade which are indicative of the way Coughlin
works and the direction he is likely to take.

First, the Catholic Church does not officially consider St.
Sebastian the soldier's patron saint. Evidently Father Cough-
lin had simply decided to so nominate him.

Second, the St. Sebastian's Brigade and money received from
it or contributed to it is not controlled by or reported to the
Church. It is a project of the League of the Little Flower, a
Coughlin-organized company, a lay organization which does
not have to report to or submit to the control of the Church.

The diocese and Father Coughlin's superiors have no say
about the Brigade or the money it brings in.

132

Father Coughlin has already proven himself highly capable
of attracting sufficient funds to keep his projects going. He has
shown himself to be a capable organizer. The Christian Front
and the Christian Mobilizers, Coughlin-inspired organizations,
are themselves a warning of what may come of Coughlin's
present work among the veterans.

Native fascist chiefs, like Gerald L. K. Smith, have boasted
that when the servicemen are all mustered out they will seek
the leadership of the "nationalists." This is nonsense. The over-
whelming majority of men in the service will know better. But
it would be a grave mistake indeed to underestimate the
destructive ability of Smith, Coughlin, Kullgren, McWilliams or
Smythe.

They do not require a majority, or even a sizeable minority
of returned servicemen. They will be satisfied if they can in-
fluence and organize one veteran out of every hundred. A
storm troop mob of 50,000 to 100,000, organized into well-knit
companies throughout the country, would give them amazing
strength.

The native fascist leaders know that if the chaos, which they
have so long tried to create, does come, even several years
after the war, that they will need only a well-trained and de-
termined band to take advantage of it. If strikes and brutal
strike suppression should ever become the order of the postwar
day in America, they hope to find, in servicemen who have
been fed anti-labor propaganda, a group they can lead to
power— for themselves.

And though Coughlin is not yet in the forefront of direct
organization, though he has not yet swung into political action,
this man who has been the friend of pro-fascists and anti-
Semites, who published the writings of George Sylvester
Viereck in Social Justice, this man who once said, "we will
show you the Franco way/' is the man who should be watched
most closely. Put such a man in command of a loyal following
of 400,000 men, or even 200,000 and before any of us may
realize it, he will have shown us the "Franco way"— to a life
under iron-clad fascism.

133

THE HATE SHEET

JL HE newspapers, magazines

leaflets, pamphlets and newsletters which carry the doctrine
of disruption, dissension and disunity are rather loosely identi-
fied as "hate sheets/' The definition is loose only in the sense
that the methods of these sheets in dealing out hate propa-
ganda differ. Some of them have unabashedly followed the
Goebbels line since its inception. They have poured out hatred,
lies, slander and propaganda against minority groups, against
the Roosevelt administration, against America's allies, against
labor— and, at one time or another, against almost every group
in American life except their own fascist fellow-travelers.

Others have been more careful, often making their point
by innuendo. Many of them have masked their program of
hate behind quotations, either poetic or scriptural. But all of
them are dangerously un-American, all of them are bent on
splitting American unity, all are intent upon breeding distrust
of racial and social groups, of the government and of countries
with whom we must have friendship if we are to have peace.

In the pages of this book some of these hate sheets are re-
produced, along with biographical material about the indi-
viduals behind them. America's principle of a free press must
be preserved. Unless a publication is legally criminal or openly
seditious, and until it has been proven so, it should not accord-

134

ing to sound democratic tradition be suppressed. But every
American should certainly be warned about and placed on
guard against the danger which these sheets present to his
country. ,

America Preferred

(Registered U. S. Patent Office)

CARL H. MOTE
Editor and Publisher

5685 Central Avenue
Indianapolis 5, Ind.

Vol. Ill

No. 3

The Second Coming of the Lord0

I Thcmlonims 4:1 3-1 8/ 5:1-1 1

WE DO NOT want you to be ignorant, brethren, about those who
fall asleep*— so that you may not grieve like the rest who have
no hope. For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, so with
Him God will bring those also who have fallen asleep through Jesus.
For this we say to you in THE WORD OF THE LORD, that whoever among
us may be living or left over until the coming of the Lord, shall in no

Carl H. Mote, wealthy Indiana utilities man, is editor and publisher of
America Preferred, which ranks high in the list of hate sheets. Mote is
President and General Manager of the Northern Indiana Telephone Co.,
the Commonwealth Telephone Corp., and has other Midwest utility con-
nections. Before publishing his own paper, Mote contributed often to
other publications in the hate field, including Pettey's Roll Call and
Father Coughlin's Social Justice. Gerald L. K. Smith frequently runs
articles under Mote's by-line and considers Mote the perfect type of
American businessman . . . the kind Smith would like to see ensconced
in Washington. A check on Mote's activities during the years since (and
for several preceding) Pearl Harbor reveals that the midwest magnate
has close personal connections with such persons as Hudson and Dilling,
both indicted for alleged sedition. He has spoken at many meetings
definitely in the "time-bomb" category, such as the Bund-inspired League
to Save America First in California in 1941 and at a meeting of the
Coughlin-led American Charter in Cincinnati, in July 1942. Mote, if\
only because of his wealth and strategic position in midwest industry,
is a man to be watched . . . carefully.

135

THE QtOSS

$10,000 Nose Dividend of Death

Sam Rosenman— Minister

Mixed Color Unjust Double Murder

New York Goes America First

Satan's Press Witch's Brew

Soldiers Praise Wheeler

Princess Anna

Wallace the Fascist

Daughter Draft Dead-We Hope

New York in Command Mystery Man

Train Waits for the Prince

• -BOUNDED S/ GERALD L. k

Gerald L. K. Smith, self-proclaimed protege of the late Huey (Every
Man a King) Long, and now an aspiring native dictator in his own right,
has his own sounding board in the expensively printed The Cross and
the Flag which he mails to every section of the country from his Detroit
headquarters in the Industrial Bank Building.

The Cross and the Flag, like all hate sheets still rolling unmolested
of the presses of the nation, is noted for its virulence in sniping at every-
thing the Allied Powers fought for in the struggle to defeat Hitlerism.

Compared with most hate sheets, Smith's publication is a well-edited
job, printed on heavy, costly paper. There is an air of cleverness about
its "news" and editorials, testifying to Smith's years of experience in the
field of rabble-rousing. Editorially, Smith treads carefully, but he leaves
a venomous trail nonetheless. His dossier ( he was formerly a "Reverend" )
goes back many years. Officials of the nationally known, reputable
Friends of Democracy, have sworn statements to his membership in
1933 in the night-riding Silver Shirts, headed by William Dudley Pettey.
Today Smith heads the so-called America First Party and The Cross and
the Flag serves as his national propaganda medium. Contributors in-
clude ex-Senators Nye and Reynolds. Carl H. Mote (see page 81) also
contributes.

136

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137

The Magazine of National Life

o v/ .......

25p A COPY

Tfce four-color print job, Destiny, organ of the shrewdly led Anglo-
Saxon Federation, is an example of dangerous thought in the clerical
field. Destiny is undoubtedly the most expensive of all the disruptionist
sheets being printed today. It has an exceedingly interesting history.
Beck in 1927, when Henry Ford suspended publication of the anti-
Semitic Dearborn Independent following a national furor, the editor
of the Dearborn Independent, William J. Cameron, became a "convert"
to the Anglo-Saxon Federation's peculiar philosophy that the ten Lost
Tribes of Israel had not actually become lost, but had eventually settled
in wJwt are now the British Isles, and therefore the real Israelites were
not the Jews but the Anglo-Saxons. This is a neat "legalistic" and far
more clever twist to anti-Semitism than the stuff Ford's Dearborn In-
dependent had previously peddled.

138

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The Quildsman

Devoted to the Cause of a Corporative Order

Sovietism, Anti-Nazism & America
Peace Plans and Corporatism

Co-operators in Trouble
Communists Loyal to America?

The Truth About "Liberation"
Who's Responsible for the War?
Prediction of the Antichrist Era

Out at Germantown, Illinois, Edward A. Koch publishes The Guilds-
man and he makes no bones about its aims— a corporate or fascist state
to replace that of our democracy.

Koch's publication, in the pasty has praised Hitler for wiping out the
heresy of "liberalism" Koch has had the effrontery, even during the
height of America's war against Hitler Germany to write, in the October,
1942 issue of The GHildsman:

"Whatever our country's proper and legitimate objectives in the war
may be, we believe that the destruction of Nazism (and 'fascism' gen-
erally) should not be among them. . . . Concealing or distorting the good
' things in fascism will be detrimental to our country's future."

When publisher Koch was hauled on the carpet for quizzing in
December, 1942, he stoutly maintained that his activities were "decidedly
pro-American."

It is hardly believable, but The Guildsman is still printed and circu-
lated. Check the date line on the above issue— March 1945.

140

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141

The Goflstituf ionaSist

The Constitutionalist, backed by one of Americas most active and
dangerous fascist demagogues, Gerald B. Winrod, of Wichita, Kansas,
spreads hate beneath a thin veneer of religious preachments. Winrod
was among the group indicted by the government for alleged sedition.

Winrod' s publishing career has at times' been spectacular. Prior to
America's entry into the war lie ran the circulation of another of his
hate sheets, The Defender, up to 125,000 readers. Virtually any type
of disruptionist literature that came his way soon found a printing press
and the number of disruptive pamphlets, leaflets and publications he has
turned out runs into the millions.

The Constitutionalist is still being published monthly, and invariably
carries on its front page a religious quotation . . . aimed at anything but
peace and brotherly love.

142

Women's Voice

VOL. 3— No. 8

CHICAGO, ILL.. THURSDAY.fMARCH 29, 19451

SPIRITUAL LIFE ALL

"Old Hkkory" Pay All

THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION

LEAVES DEBTS FOR

POSTERITY TO PAY

This is a Christian Nation, and
yet, it has been controlled, for the
last fifty years, by the Interna-
tiona) Bunkers. They have given
us three wars and four business de-
pressions, and we can stand no more.

With- Baruch, Rosenman. Morge'n-
ihau, Frankfurter. Biddle, and Hill-
man, in high authority, with no re-

"There conoof in my judgment be the
Jeosf danger thai (he Pnsidtnl wiU by
any practicable intrigue ever be able lo
continue hlmteU one moment in oMice.
much Je» perpetuate MmteJI In H. but
In the Jail ilogt ol corrupted . moialt
and pciiiicol depravity. "
—GEORGE WASHINGTON.

THE COMING MAN

Oh. not /or the yreol departed.
Who formed our rcuntry's /ow«.
And not for the bravest hearted
Who J/«d la Ireectoto'* couie,
And not lot «cuie living hero
.To urhnm o» benrf the inee

foster Day SccreJ

KINGDOM OF HEAVEN

HERE AND NOW

FOR GOD IS LOVE

What did Jesus teach? Was Jesttt

• deceiver? He s*id: "If ye IOT*

Me, keep My commandment." "and

He gave only two: "Love God with

all you heart and your neighbor u

yourself." Isnt that easy? He

didn't say: Co to church, give money

to this or that; He didn't say: Build

great churches. He made it all ao

joyous so simple. A child can un-

The Women's Voice is the mouthpiece of veteran rabble rouser Mrs.
Lyrl Van Hyning of Chicago, one of the most dangerous professional
mothers injhe country and head of the avowedly fascist-minded "We,
the Mothers Mobilize for America" Women's Voice is published monthly
and spread by mail and bundles to every section of the country.

Mrs. Van Hyning is one of the principal sparkplugs of the Chicago
Axis and is in cahoots with Chicago's Dilling, and similar un-American
characters. Women's Voice is considered by anti-fascist investigators as
one of the most subversive of the hate sheets still being published in
America, since it is directed to mothers of men in the service, who,
because of emotional upset and u-om/ over their loved ones, are more
likely to be vulnerable to the propaganda contained in Mrs. Van Hyning s
female flamethrower,

143

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148

AID AND COMFORT

.T is vitally important to all

Americans to know about the fascist trends in their country.
It is important to know who the men are behind them. But
that is not enough.

"It is equally important to understand how native fascism
obtained a foothold here, and how it can be defeated and cast
out. In this chapter, let us examine a few of the factors which
account for fascism's ability to attract even a small proportion
of our people.

It is strange, certainly, that in a country where the demo-
cratic tradition is so strong and where the hatred of dictator-
ship and oppression is so ingrained that fascism could make
even the slightest headway. What accounts, then, for the ugly
fact that it has not only made headway, but that it has long
been, and is increasingly becoming a national menace?

There are many factors. To undertake an explanation of
them all would require many books. In this limited space we
can examine only some of them, the salient factors.

American fascism has been erected on the same foundations
as fascism in other lands: The playing of group prejudice, one
against another, the encouragement of religious antagonisms,
the building up of hatred against minorities, both political
and religious, the spreading of dissatisfaction with govern-

149

ment, and the desire of many short-sighted industrialists to
discredit an administration because they mistakenly assumed
that the administration alone was the source of all labor gains
and the advance of social service legislation.

No single factor has been seized upon by the fascists to
explore and none has been neglected. Where it has been pos-
sible to find an issue which had religious implications they
have crusaded on the issue of religion. They have tried to
subvert the clergy, and the natural and worthy ambition of
the clergy to protect the church. They have found religious
issues in more than one strictly political issue.

When labor was pinched by rising costs in a war market
and a stabilized wage, the fascists attempted to turn white
labor against Negro.

When, in remarkably few cases, strikes broke out, the
fascists attempted to turn servicemen against all labor. And
worse than that, the fascists fomented strikes, encouraged out-
law and wildcat strikes, hoping to discredit sober and loyal
labor leadership— and then cried out against all labor.

The fascists have even cashed in on the antipathy of some
industrialists to any change in the status quo. They have cried
wolf about Communism— and been able to collect on it— for
their activities have all too often been financed by men who
have been glad to join with them in using the bogey of Com-
munism to attempt once and for all to smash unionism.

And, of course, the fascists have cried up anti-Semitism. They
have denounced Jews as Communists and capitalists— and
sometimes the same Jew as both. For, they have concluded
that if they cannot divide the country any other way, they can
at least stir a portion of its citizenry to some action in this way.

During a war which America had to win if it were to con-
tinue its existence as an independent country, the fascists at-
tacked the allies which were helping America to win that war.

And in all these things they have seized upon every possible
means of support. They have used whatever weapon was at
hand. It is unfortunate that they found many.

Part of the press in America provided weapons. The news-
papers and magazines which zealously reported labor quarrels

150

and strikes, but which never interested themselves in produc-
tion figures, in housing for workers, in transportation difficulties
of workers, provided good weapons. The newspapers and
magazines which reported the high incomes of workers, the
supposedly wild spending by American labor and never re-
ported the actual wages, or the wages in terms of what these
wages bought in rent and food and bonds; which never re-
ported the sacrifices of labor, or its casualties in war production,
which reported its overtime in terms of dollars and cents, but
not in lost sleep, in illnesses and in time spent away from
families, all provided stout weapons to fascism.

Nor was this done exclusively by the spiteful little hate sheets
and the whisper-mongers. This is the record of a section of
the reputable press, of some of the large-circulation newspapers
and magazines. It was they, too, who printed the stories which
reflected unfavorably on America's allies, the stories which the
fascists found so helpful. They printed columns of strategy
which reflected even on the high command, urging action in
the East when America and her allies were battling, and even
when they were winning, in the West.

And in some of the diatribes of the more wayward press
against the government, the fascists found aid and comfort.
When this section of the press shrieked that the government
was being taken in by reds and that the war administration
was controlled by Communist labor leaders, the average Ameri-
can recognized it as a combination of campaign hysteria and
falsehood. But the fascists recognized it and used it, as a
weapon.

And even in the speeches of America's public men, the
fascists found material they could use. Even from the words
of some American representatives and senators, the fascists
shaped weapons. Even speeches delivered in the House of
Representatives and the Senate of the United States were
diverted or used by the fascists, gave them aid and comfort.

It is not possible here to examine all of them, either the
congressmen or their speeches. But it is interesting to consider
some of them and to read some of the excerpts of speeches and

151

public addresses, to read them and reflect upon them in the
light of recent history.

As Senator from Montana, Burton K. Wheeler is a man of
some influence in America. His quoted views can be said to
carry some weight. During 1941, Wheeler made a nationwide
speaking tour sponsored by the America First Committee, one
of the organizations named in the first two indictments for
alleged sedition as a vehicle used by the defendants to spread
their propaganda.

Gerald W. Johnson, writing in the July 8, 1944 issue oi:
Cottier's magazine, says of Burton K. Wheeler, "He was the
idol of the America First Committee, he was praised extrava-
gantly by every German and Japanese agent in the country, he
was in the group cited by Doctor Paul Josef Goebbels as the
only true Americans, his speeches were not only quoted in the
German press but were circulated extensively by various ex-
tremely active persons who are now in jail/'

Elizabeth Dilling in the March 21, 1941 issue of her Patriotic
Research Bureau Newsletter talks of the "friendly visit I en-
joyed with him (Wheeler) before leaving Washington ... we
saw eye to eye on every topic discussed/*

It is not fair or possible to condemn a man utterly because
his words have been quoted by undesirables as being in
agreement with their own opinions. They could have been
quoted against his wishes. But let us see what Senator Wheeler
himself said over the past five or six years which have been
such critical ones for America.

In a radio address given on December 31, 1940, he said:

"I firmly believe the German people want peace
just as any people prefer peace to war— and the offer
of a just, reasonable and generous peace will more
quickly and effectively crumble Hitlerism and break
the morale of the German people than all the bombers
that could be dispatched over Berlin."

During the entire pre-Pearl Harbor period Senator Wheeler
resorted to similar propaganda which confused the significance
of the war against fascism and which tended to prevent us from

152

aiding the Allies. Besides calling Britain, "the greatest aggres-
sor in the pages of history,** he said:

"War—what for? Because you can't trust Hitler?
I agree you can't trust Hitler, but neither can you trust
Stalin, Mussolini, or Churchill/'

(America First Bulletin, Sept. 27, 1941 p. 4)

Then he said, on November 3, 1941:

"... I respect the fight the Communists are putting
up. I only wish to God that Russia and the United
States could get England to stand up and fight as the
Communists have, and if they would there might be
a different end to the war."

(Cong. Record, Nov. 3, 1941, p. 8434, 5)

Later, he contributed to the distrust of Russia as well as
England, saying. ". . . the chances . . . are that when the war is
over Russia will dominate Europe and Communism will prob-
ably sweep the greater part of Europe." (Cong. Record, Oct.
29, 1943, p. 8893, 5.)

On December 28, 1943 the Washington Times Herald re-
ported:

"Senator Burton K. Wheeler . . . yesterday ques-
tioned the advisability and fairness of Allied planning
for the cross-channel invasion of Europe, asserting that
this country is taking a 'tremendous gamble' in agree-
ing to provide 73 per cent of the troops needed to
storm Hitler's stronghold.

" 'Why should we furnish more than an equal share
of the men for the invasion?' Senator Wheeler asked."

On December 29, 1943, the Voelkischer Beobachter, Hitler's
personal paper printed the following story:

"The American Senator Wheeler criticized Roose-
velt's intention to make American troops bear the
brunt of the campaign against western Europe. "I be-
lieve/ he is quoted as saying, 'I am speaking for the
American people as a whole, when I say that we
should consider it very clearly before challenging

153

American youth for the enormous sacrifices. The per-
centage of Americans taking part in the actions is
much too high.'"

(NOTE: this is translated from the German)

This, of course, was the drive which finally ended with com-
plete Nazi defeat and unconditional surrender. Wheeler had
also attacked that. On June 19, 1944, he had said:

"What do we demand of the enemy before we stop
killing him? ... Are we to continue to fight intermin-
ably—exhausting our financial and economic and nat-
ural resources— and even more important, the flower of
our young manhood, until we have become a nation
of women, old men and cripples, bankrupt in men and
materials?"
(Congressional Record, June 19, 1944, p. A3362-4)

and again, as late as December, 1944— just a few months before
Germany did capitulate— in unconditional surrender:

"I say without fear of contradiction that some of the
statements which have been made, notably one which
has been made by Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
Morgenthau, have cost the lives of many American
boys. The longer we continue saying to these people,
'We are going to demand unconditional surrender/
whatever that means, we are costing the lives of thou-
sands of boys every day."

(Congressional Record, Dec. 19, 1944, p. 9852)

and finally in a statement which was made when victory was as
certain as anything can be in war, in January of 1945:

"... I would conclude by urging, with all the seri-
ousness at my command that the American people de-
mand the abandonment by their Government and their
allies of the brutal and costly slogan of 'unconditional
surrender/ Until this is effected, we shall go on blow-
ing Europe and our own boys to bits without rhyme
or reason. ... I repeat, without any hesitation, what-
soever, that, in my judgment, unconditional surrender
is an asinine policy."

(Congressional Record, Jan. 6, 1945, p. 87-8)

154

While America was at war against Germany such statements
were helpful to fascists and provided weapons for American
fascists in their struggle to divide the American people.

But most indicative of how Mr. Wheeler's words could be
used by others to attack on either side of the fence against the
same objectives are two of his statements on the Atlantic
Charter. When the Atlantic Charter was announced in the
summer of 1941, Senator Wheeler derided it, saying in Okla-
homa City, in September of that year:

"We Americans have always prided ourselves on our
practicability. Ask yourselves— what do these eight
points mean— if they mean anything.

"They mean first that Britain and America are to be
the two armed powers of the world. ... If we attempt
to enforce the eight points, American citizens will pay
the bill and American boys will be policing the entire
world."

But a little more than two years later, Mr. Wheeler ap-
parently had changed his mind. He said:

"The Atlantic Charter is not simply the expression
of a pious thought. It represents the hopes and aspira-
tions of a great people, not only for themselves, but for
mankind. It forms the moral basis on which a better
world must of necessity be founded."

(Congressional Record, Oct. 29, 1943, p. 8893-5)

The native fascists have not yet endorsed the Atlantic Char-
ter. But, if, in their murky and devious scheme of things they
do, they can also quote Senator Burton K. Wheeler to support
them.

In the days when all the victories in the second World War
were Nazi and Fascist victories, the fascists in America were
doing their best to keep the United States from giving aid to
the enemies of the fascists abroad. They were loud in con-
demning England and Russia, they were equally loud in assur-
ing the people of America that the Axis meant us no harm, and
that even should we dare to arm ourselves against Axis aggres-

155

sion, it would be a hopeless gesture, because we could not win
in a war against them. At this critical time there were maRy
besides the fascists who believed this.

At this critical time there were other men— in the halls of
Congress, House and Senate, whose words were echoed by
American fascists in their endeavor to get these points across.

In the Senate on August 4, 1941, Senator C. Wayland Brooks
of Illinois, speaking about the draft extension measure, said:

"During the debate on the pending measure we
have heard a great deal of discussion about emergency,
about peril, about national unity, about morale, and
about the will to fight; and it occurs to me that the
peril we are in, if we are in peril, is the peril of uncer-
tainty as to what move the Administration may make
next to get us closer to a shooting participation in
Europe's war."

Other speeches of Senator Brooks in the same year carried
similar arguments. In a speech delivered before the Town Hall
Forum of the Air on April 4, 1941, he said:

"By subtle subterfuge this great, free country,
blessed by God Almighty, and favored by geographic
location, is being forced to stick its neck out more than
3,000 miles to be sure that it gets into a war. We've
called the Axis powers names. We have furnished
their enemies guns, tanks and ammunition. We've
opened our ports to the nations fighting against the
Axis powers, and will recondition their warships when
crippled. We've confiscated Axis ships in our ports.
We've changed our laws to help defeat them. They
have chosen not to declare war on us. But no, we
won't let them get away with that."

Most Americans have been thankful for the measures that
Mr. Brooks condemns, seeing in them the first moves which
helped to bring about Axis defeat. But at the time, the enemies
of America found it useful to quote Mr. Brooks.

It would be monotonous to continue such quotations. An
examination of the Congressional Record for more Brooks'

156

speeches would reward any voter of Illinois especially, and
generally any American who wonders about the Senator from
Illinois.

Senator William Langer of North Dakota has given a truly
spectacular example of how a speech on the Senate floor can
be used by others to give aid and comfort to those who have
tried to promote fascist doctrines in the United States.

William Langer, incidentally, is a former Governor of North
Dakota, elected in 1932. In 1934, he was removed as head
of the state relief agency, charged with making FERA em-
ployes contribute to his political newspaper, The Leader.
Later, Langer and four others were convicted of conspiracy to
defraud the government. On July 18, 1934, he was removed
from the office of governor. A year later the Court of Appeals
set aside the verdict.

Langer entered the Senate in 1940, though at the time,
charges were filed against him by some of his North Dakota
constituents and the question of his fitness to occupy a seat
in the Senate was referred to the Senate Privileges and Elec-
tions Committee.

On March 2, 1943, Langer addressed the Senate on the sub-
ject of George Sylvester Viereck. Viereck had been convicted
of not registering as a Nazi agent and had been sentenced to
jail. This conviction was reversed on a technicality by the
United States Supreme Court. Later, Viereck was tried again,
found guilty and sent to jail. Langer's statement, which fol-
lows, was made after the reversal of the original conviction and
before Viereck was tried the second time, convicted and jailed.
Langer said:

". . . because of the wrong conviction, Mr. Viereck
has been put to a tremendous expense. Besides that,
he has served about a year in jail. I am, therefore,
giving notice that I shall submit a resolution asking
for a full and complete investigation of this persecution
and asking that a committee be appointed to deter-
mine the amount of costs that Mr. Viereck was put to
and to decide on a sum which in their opinion, will
reasonably compensate him for the time he spent in

157

jail, and to ask for that sum of money so that Mr.
Viereck will get such justice as Congress may be able
to give him, inadequate as it may be, to wipe out the
wrong which has been done."

•

Later Langer defended, in several speeches to the Senate,
the defendants on trial for alleged seditious conspiracy against
the Government. On September 21, 1944, he said:

"I again call on the Department of Justice to stop
this prosecution which strikes at the roots of political
freedom, the thing we are fighting for all over the
world today."

At that time, Burton K. Wheeler rose in the Senate and said :

"I think it is one of the most disgraceful proceedings
that have ever been brought in the United States of
America.

"I think the Senator from North Dakota is rendering
a service to the people of the country in taking up
this matter."

There are members of the House whose statements over a
period of years have been equally valuable as quotable material
to fascist Americans. It should be made plain here that in
political debate a representative or senator, in honest partisan-
ship, could easily say something that might be misconstrued,
or quoted to advantage, even by hisf political enemies. In op-
posing the administration or party in power a representative
or senator could also be quoted, unfairly, in such a way that
honest opposition to an administrative measure could be mis-
construed.

In quoting the following representatives and indicating their
stand on some measures, I wish to make it plain that every
consideration should be given to the fact that a statement made
in 1940 should not be judged in the light of 1945. A congress-
man who was against aiding the enemies of Germany and Italy
may have made an error in judgment. But he cannot be ac-
cused of voting against his country's interests. That would also
be true of his voting on other measures taken to prepare Amer-
ica for war.

158

But once America was at war, after December 7, 1941, and
fighting with other countries against a common foe, criticism
of those countries engaged in the common enterprise does
become somewhat suspect— though it is still not to be con-
strued as giving any conscious comfort or aid to the dissension-
ists and disruptionists. These people made use of such con-
gressional utterances. That does not imply that the utterances
were made for that purpose.

There may be some question, therefore, as to why the repre-
sentatives whose statements follow have been singled out for
quotation of this sort. The answer is that consideration has
been given to their voting record as well as to their speeches,
and in most cases to the frequency with which they have been
quoted in the disruptionist press.

In order to save space, information has been condensed to
quotations, identifying sentences and occasionally other perti-
nent information.

Clare Hoffman of Michigan: February 16, 1942:

"I am beginning to wonder whether we are fighting
to preserve our land, our nation, or whether we are
fighting for the preservation of the British Empire."

February 18, 1942:

"It matters little whether Hitler gets us and skins
us., from the top down or whether our ally, Joe Stalin,
gets us and skins us from the heels up."

February 22, 1945, speaking of a pamphlet issued by Joseph
Kamp's Constitutional Education League:

"The pamphlet to which reference is made (Join
the ClO and Help Build A Soviet America] is the one
I hold in my hand. It was written by Joseph Kamp.
I commend it to all those who believe in America,
who have no particular use for the communists, who
are in favor of constitutional government.

"... I bought them (the pamphlets), I paid for
them. I paid for sending out those that were sent out
and distributed. I did not pay for them out of Con-

159

gressional salary, either; I paid for them with some
money I had before I ever came to Washington. I
still have a little— not much, but a little; and I am go-
ing to buy some more of these pamphlets and hand
them to folks. I only wish a million people could read
a copy."

On January 16, 1941, Mr. Hoffman inserted in the Congres-
sional Record a speech made by Gerald L. K. Smith over the
air on December 22, 1940. Mr. Hoffman has been quoted in
Social Justice in May 27, 1940; Sept 16, 1940; Oct. 28, 1940;
Mar. 10, 1941; Jan. 12, 1942; Feb. 16, 1942; Feb. 23, 1942;
Apr. 13, 1942. He was quoted in America In Danger Mar. 21,
1941; Apr. 21, 1941; June 30, 1941; July 7, 1941; Aug. 16, 1941;
Feb. 24, 1942; Mar. 17, 1942; Mar. 26, 1942; April 29, 1942;
in Publicity Mar. 6, 1941; Apr. 23, 1941; Oct. 9, 1941; Feb. 5
1942; Feb. 26, 1942; and the Patriotic Research Bureau Mar. 2,
1941; Mar. 21, 1941 and Roll Call Apr. 21, 1940; Apr. 14, 194L

Fred Smith of Ohio, speaking on the question of Selective
Service on June 20, 1940, said:

"With a brutal frankness, he (Franklin Delano
Roosevelt) now tells our people he intends to make
this nation completely into a totalitarian state, that we
must go the way of Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin. The
course of complete regimentation he is now attempting
to force upon us is identical with that pursued by
them"

This was a year and a half before Pearl Harbor, during the
time when the Axis countries still counted on having time to
conquer Europe before America could arm and interfere with
their plans, the time when, in America, the native fascists
wanted to keep America from arming.

And less than a year later, when Hitler was threatening to
invade England after his army had triumphantly swept across
France, Smith was not as concerned with the German dictator
as he was with the threat of dictatorship at home. Speaking
in the House on March 11, 1941 while the question of Lend-
Lease was being debated, he said:

160

"I must vote against this resolution. I am not going
to be duped by any parliamentary trickery. ... I con-
sider a vote for the lend-lease bill a vote for dictator-
ship, war and national bankruptcy."

That summer Hitler swung to the east, and on July 23, 1941
attacked Russia. On that day Smith spoke over the radio,
saying: v

"... I consider any alliance between our country
and Russia as an act of the utmost depravity and
fraught with the most dire consequences to our
Nation."

Later the Russians stopped the German army, for the first
time, at Stalingrad.

Lend-Lease supplies had helped Britain to hold out, had
helped the Russians to hold the German tide. As late as March
9, 1943, Smith said, on the floor of the House:

"More and more we in America are coming to real
ize that there is a limit on what this nation is able to

Eroduce. We are reaching the place where we are
jeling the pinch of rationing. We are reaching the
end of our manpower and shall shortly be compelled
to cut down the size of our army or cut down on pro-
duction.

"Under Lend-Lease, American goods have been dis-
tributed over the whole earth. Forty-six nations are
eligible to receive these gifts, though only a few of
these nations are actually engaged in the war. We
may shortly come to realize that goods intended as
war aids have been scattered so widely and spread so
thinly as to be ineffective anywhere."

Whatever Mr. Smith's motives, no matter how earnestly he
may have sought to further only America's interests, the ironic
and bitter fact is that Fred Smith of Ohio was widely quoted—
and praised— in such subversive sheets as William Dudley
Pelley's Liberation; Charles B. Hudson's America In Danger;
James True's Industrial Control Reports; William Kullgren's
America Speaks and Court Asher's X-Ray.

Pearl Harbor came as a shock to almost every American, and

161

yet most of us were aware of the rising £en-,ioii in the East.
Most of us were aware that Japan was a threat.

But, less than a month before Pearl Harbor, Dewey Short,
representative from Missouri inserted in the Congressional
Record an editorial from the Washington Times-Herald of
November 17, 1941 which said in part. "Of all the Oriental
people, the Japanese are the most nearly like us."

After Pearl Harbor, Mr. Short spoke often, attacking Presi-
dent Roosevelt and blaming him for it.

Before that, he had opposed conscription and rearming. In
discussing conscription on September 4, 1940, he said:

"Little did we realize that we would live to see the
hour when a president, in time of peace, when we are
at peace with all the world, when no one has attacked
us, when no one has insulted us, would ask the Amer-
ican people to grant him the dictatorial and tyrannical
power to conscript the young manhood of this na-
tion. . . ."

And before that, Dewey Short speeches were printed in
Liberation, the magazine edited by William Dudley Pelley—
and delivered by Mr. Short on the floor of the House of Repre-
sentatives three days later.

On August 28, 1940 Liberation printed another speech by
Short— which was not delivered on the floor of the House until
ten days later.

In 1943, on October 11, when America had been in the war
for almost two years, when it was fighting along with Britain
'and Russia to defeat the Axis, Mr. Short commenting on the
resolution calling for the investigation of lend-lease, said:

"I want to congratulate the gentleman for introduc-
ing his resolution, because it is beginning to dawn
upon the American people that on his first visit to
America Mr. Churchill took our coat back to England,
on his second visit he took our pants, on the third visit
he took our underwear, and before we get out of this
mess he will skin us of our hide,"

Mr. Short's speeches appeared in Liberation^before America
162

was at war and before William Dudley Pelley was convicted
of sedition. Statements similar to his on lend-lease and England
were on other American tongues even in 1943. Mr. Short could
not have intended his words to be used unpatriotically. But
they could be used effectively, nonetheless, by any disruptive
individual or group whose interest at the time centered on
splitting the allies.

Jessie Sumner of Illinois was militantly against our entering
the war against the Axis. In a speech delivered over the radio
on November 8, 1941 and placed by her in the Congressional
Record on November 12, 1941, she said:

"It is apparent now that the program for plunging
America into war was designed as a series of successive
war steps.

"It is no longer a secret that there never was any
intention to leave a declaration of war to Congress.
We are to be placed surreptitiously in such a state of
shooting at sea, either against Japan or Germany, or
both, that a congressional declaration of war would
be nothing more than an empty endorsement of an
administration war already being vigorously fought,
the signal for which was the order to ships to shoot
on sight.

"Of course, this method of leading the country into
carnage by a series of secret acts was a shyster
trick, deliberately designed to evade the supreme law
of the land— the Constitution— which in positive terms
preserves to the peoples' representatives in the Con-
gress the exclusive power to declare war/'

Much later, wh«n America had whole-heartedly entered the
war and when the high command had made the decision to
join with Russia and Britain in making a supreme effort to
defeat Hitler in the West, Miss Sumner said, on March 10, 1943:

". . . We have our own war in the Pacific, but we
have been persuaded that it is to the interest of Amer-
ica to aid in other war."

On March 14, 1944, a few months before the D-Day which
led to final victory, Miss Sumner, speaking in the House, said:

163

"Look at the way American men and resources are
being used by the partnership in Europe, how Amer-
ican aid is being used to buy us trouble now and in
the future. It is being used for the purpose of aggres-

And in April, 1945, when the war in the West was almost
won and the capitulation of Germany was almost a military
certainty, Miss Sumner decided that:

"The unconditional surrender policy is an anachro-
nism. What reason can there be for it? If it is because
the President does not know what terms he wants to
impose upon Germany, then multitudes of American
soldiers may die needlessly because the President has
not made up his mind what our soldiers are fighting
for."

Jessie Sumner has been quoted in The Defender, America
Speaks, Broom, Cross and the Flag, X-Ray, Social Justice,
Money, Gaelic American, Women's Voice. She has the backing
(whether or not she likes it) of the Women's League for Politi-
cal Education run by Mrs. Grace Keefe, former secretary of
We, The Mothers Mobilize for America and the support of
United Mothers of America.

The record goes on. The Congressmen who opposed Amer-
ica's preparation for the inevitable war, who opposed aid to
the countries which eventually became America's allies, have
spoken in much the same words.

Harold Knutson,x>f Minnesota, in speaking against conscrip-
tion, said on September 4, 1940:

"Personally I consider New Deal leaders more dan-
gerous to the United States than are the totalitarian
leaders because of their disregard of law and their
undermining of democracy in America."

To be sure, his language has been a little stronger than most,
and a little more vigorous in expressing opposition to the New
Deal. On March 18, 1941, for instance, he said:

164

"I am wondering if some of this feeling displayed
against Hitler down at the other end of the Avenue is
not inspired by reason of the fact that Hitler has been
crowding certain individuals for front-page notice in
the newspapers."

Later his antagonism to Russia was also very vigorously
expressed when, on September 15, 1941, he said:

"It must be cheering to the American people to
know that they have Comrade Stalin and his bloody
hands fighting at the side of those who are trying to
maintain democracy and Christianity."

He joined, in 1943, with the congressmen who feared both
Britain and Russia when he said, on May 10th of that year:

"We do not know what is going to be the situation
when this war is over. We do not know what Stalin
will want— he is going to get what he wants, you can
be sure of that, and we do not know what Churchill
has planned for us . . ."

Harold Knutson is the alleged author of the remark made
famous mostly by its reprinting in the Deutscher Weckruf und
Beobachter on November 27, 1941 and the Patriotic Research
Bureau Newsletter of October 1941, both of which reported the
line "The only difference between a Nazi and a Communist is
that a Nazi can't get a job in the New Deal." ( The Deutscher
Weckruf und Beobachter wrote it "Nudeal," otherwise the
quotation was identical in both publications. )

Knutson has been praised and quoted by Social Justice f
Money > American Vindicator, Women United.

John Ranldn, of Mississippi, is not in this category. Mr.
Rankin does not emphasize international dangers. He is con-
cerned with the danger he sees in Negroes attaining full
citizenship rights in the United States. He is quick to turn
almost any question into a personal attack by John Rankin on
the Jews, Both these facts have made him much quoted in
such sheets as the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachterf Liber-
ation, The Defender, Patriotic Research Bureau Newsletter,

165

X-Ray, America in Danger, Social Justice, Gaelic Ameri-
can and the American Vindicator.

Typical of Rankings statements are these. On November 5,
1942 he said, in a speech called "Let's Save American Institu-
tions," which he delivered in the House of Representatives:

"... I am going to give my administration some free
advice. I want you to understand I am not only an
American but am an Anglo-Saxon; I belong to that
race that built our civilization, the Christian civilization
that we now enjoy and the only one that mankind has
ever enjoyed."

On December 3, 1943, again speaking in the House, Rankin
said:

". . . the international financiers, largely international
Jews, with a few international Gentiles, such as the
House of Morgan, own or control the gold supply of
the world. They have controlled the gold through the
gold standard ever since Rothschilds got financial con-
trol of England during the Napoleonic war. They are
now crucifying civilization on a cross of gold."

And, referring to some citizens from New York who came
down to urge passage of the Federal Soldier Vote Bill, Rankin
said on December 18, 1943:

"A few days ago a gang of them came down here
and paraded up and down the corridors of the House
Office Building lobbying against what they call the
Rankin bill. . . . They looked like foreigners to me. I
never saw such a wilderness of noses in my life."

Rankin has attacked Walter Winchell on the floor of the
House, and has not hesitated to use openly anti-Semitic and
highly unstatesmanlike expressions in doing so. On February
2, 1944, members of the House of Representatives were sub-
jected to hearing one of their members attack their fellow
American by calling him a "little kike."

When the Council on Dental Education of the American
Dental Association was under fire because one of its employees

166

proposed limiting student enrollment in schools on a racial
and religious basis, Rankin used the floor of America's Con-
gress to say:

"Why attack the American Dental Association? That
organization has done what it had a right to do. I
wonder if the gentlemen know that 90 percent of the
doctors who get on the civil service rolls are Jews. . . .

"Remember that the white Gentiles of this country
have some rights."

Rankin's opposition to equal rights for Negroes was vigorously
expressed during the discussion of a permanent Fair Employ-
ment Practices Committee when, on April 27, 1945, he de-
nounced it as a Communistic measure and said that it was "the
most dangerous piece of totalitarian, communistic legislation
ever proposed in the Congress of the United States."

"Already the peaceful, hardworking Negroes of the
country are disturbed because they know it would stir
up race trouble such as this country has never known
before.

"The passage of this legislation would probably
mark the beginning of the end of this great Republic."

Statements such as Rankin's have been invaluable, certainly,
to individuals or groups who have reason to inflame opinion
against minorities. And it must be put on the American record
somewhere that it is unfortunate for the United States of
America that John Rankin provided such valuable ammunition
to the enemies of American democracy.

167

PEOPLE ON OUR SIDE

ASCISM'S secret weapon
in America is the average American's unwillingness to recog-
nize fascism.

When a fiery cross burns on a hillside; when hoodlums storm
through streets, bent on terror and destruction; when race riots
flare up and disgrace America; when citizens of the United
States are barred from their own homes, hooted or reviled on
American streets; when even supposed law enforcement officers
revile and beat American citizens; when free men, living in a
free country can be roped and beaten and lynched; when an
American cannot feel safe in his own town, on his own street,
in his own home, some of us rise in true democratic anger and
attempt to fight back. Some of us are alarmed. But most of
us in America consider each incident as an isolated manifesta-
tion.

Most of us want to feel safe in our own country, and wanting
to feel safe, prefer to build a wall of blindness around our own
intelligence and tell ourselves that "one incident does not
make a trend." Many a citizen of Italy who considered him-
self a true democrat, must so have shrugged off the murder
of the Socialist Matteotti. Many a citizen of Germany who

168

considered himself a democrat might thus have sneered at the
crazy little ranter who thought he had an army behind him
the first time he dared to face constituted authority on
Munich's streets, or been amused when the "insane LudendorfF
couldn't forget that he had helped to lose a war. Fascism
fattens on such blindness.

When the rights of free unionism are abridged in America
there are Americans who are strangely happy about it. When
the rights of a member of a minority group in America are
abridged, there are, sadly enough, Americans who are not
concerned about it. Too few of us realize, to paraphrase
Hemingway and John Donne, that when the rights of any of
us are abridged or impugned or threatened our own rights
are abridged by just that much. But, fortunately for all of us,
most Americans, when they do take sober thought, arrive at
good conclusions. Most Americans are true democrats with a
firmly rooted belief in the sacredness of human and civil rights.
Most Americans love and wish to protect and to keep inviolate
their own liberties, their own fredom, their own human
dignity, their civil and religious rights. Most Americans be-
lieve in the democratic spirit of America and understand that
free unionism is inherent in free enterprise. Most Americans
know that in a country like ours any one of us, shuttled to
another part of America, might become a member of a min-
ority. And such an American with vision, knows that when
he protects the rights of any other citizen of his country he is
protecting his own rights.

And so, fortunately, the fascists do not have things then-
own way, even though they do have amazing opportunities
in this country. There are, fortunately, individuals and groups
who are actively engaged in fighting the democratic fight,
as there are others who are fighting the selfish, grasping fascist
fight. ,

Unfortunately, their voices are not always strong and not
easily heard. The voice of true democracy does not always
carry as far as the voice of reaction. And, one of the things we j
must also remember is that the fascist takes advantage of every j
reactionary opinion, every printed reactionary statement.

When John E. Rankin speaks in the House of Representa-
tives he may speak only in the voice of reaction, but he employs
a sounding board that booms across the nation. When he
fights such an obviously democratic measure as the permanent
establishment of the FEPC, he raises a powerful voice which
every anti-Negro group echoes and re-echoes. When he dares,
in the halls of Congress, to attack an American citizen as a
"lake," he gives tongue to the kind of un-Americanism which
the outright fascists hear gleefully and repeat zestfully.

Senator Theodore Bilbo, of Mississippi, said, on the floor
of the Senate in May, 1945, "If the FEPG bill, as drafted by
Mrs. Norton of the House of Representatives, is passed and an
attempt is made to enforce it in the South, there will be a
revolution."

How eagerly the Klan must have spread that news! What
ammunition for the white supremacy masters to use in their
fight against the Negro! How easily this can be twisted to
strike fear into the hearts of Southerners who may be well dis-
posed toward the FEPC, but who will cringe at the very word
"revolution." And how it can be extended to an argument
against all progressive legislation, against labor and against
true democracy!

When powerful newspapers, such as the New York Daily
News, the Chicago Tribune and the Washington Times-Herald
speak, their voice may be only the voice of reaction, but when
they blamed Roosevelt and, indirectly, his whole administra-
tion, for having taken us to war, when they lashed out against
America's allies in the war, when they either openly or covertly
attack labor, they become a voice which fascism likes to echo.
And against the voice of reaction, against the voice to which
the fascists give a whispered "yea," there are only a few power-
ful voices raised in opposition.

One of the strongest, one of the voices that has most con-
sistently and courageously exposed and scourged the fascists,
is that of Walter Winchell. Winchell has taken a unique place
in American journalism. Early in the 1930's, when fascism
was nothing more than a foreign-sounding name to most
Americans, he was one of the few who recognized its danger.

170

NOVEMBER, 1944

COMMfNT

PITCHED On September 29, I was in

"An! CM **••«• New York City. At 2 o'clock
CARLSON OUT in the afternoon I held a press
conference at which representatives of all the New
York newspapers were invited. The conference was
well attended and all the leading news agencies
and newspapers were represented.

After the conference had been in progress for
about ten minutes, I recognized a familiar face. It
was the face of a man sitting on the window sill.
After a moment's reflection, I concluded that it was
the fake author who sometimes goes by the name of
John Roy Carlson, Carlson, who has five or six
aliases, is the foreign bom, pro-communist who
wrote the book "Under Cover." This is the book
that has been touted and blown up by Walter Win-
chell, the radio character assassin. It lists hundreds
of goocLAmerican nationalists in an attempt to smear
their patriotism and brand them as traitors to their
country.

Walter Winchell's hard-hitting attacks have made him the most feared
man in America by the "time bomb" elements of the country. His praise
of UNDER COVER had drawn it to the attention of thousands of Ameri-
cans who thus became acquainted with fascist subversive activity in
this country. In this issue of The Cross and the Flag, Gerald L. K. Smith
makes a feeble and futile attempt to discredit Carlson, and indirectly
Walter Winchell

171

A successful columnist who had built up a wide following by
reporting Broadway, Hollywood, movie and theatre news, he
turned in 1933 to a new kind of reporting. He began then to
fight Hitlerism and to warn America of the onslaught being
prepared by the Axis.

As war came nearer, he began more and more to expose the
groups in America which were fighting Hitler's battle here.
His attacks on Fritz Kuhn, the German-American Bund, their
satellites, and organizations which helped them, are memor-
able for their vigor and effectiveness.

He urged and of course still urges Americans to buy books
which expose fascist activities, lifting such titles as Under
Cover and Sabotage into the best-seller lists overnight. His
column in the newspapers has been employed in his own
exposure of fascist elements and nothing has delighted him so
much as the frequent scoops which have brought subversive
elements to light and held them up to the anger of the
American public.

He has been an especially able spokesman on the side of
American democracy because he reaches the largest audience
ever attained by a single individual. His combined newspaper
circulation is estimated £s high as 25 million. His broadcasts
have also been estimated to reach as many as 25 million. And
while there is undoubtedly some overlapping, it is another
hopeful sign that there are so many millions of Americans
whose anti-fascism is so strong and so steady.

There are other commentators, such as Drew Pearson who
also has a radio broadcast and a daily column, who takes
pains and time to reveal fascist tendencies. Pearson, who
devotes himself to political commentaries, has done much to
expose the political side of the fascist trend.

It is interesting to note here that both Walter WinchelTs
column and Drew Pearson's appear in the Hearst newspapers,
which editorially have not been notable for their assistance
to progressive thinking, which as late as 1936 and 1937 fea-
tured by-line stories by Dr. Joseph Paul Goebbels and Benito
Mussolini and which, at this writing, still employ red-baiting
Karl von Weigand as a correspondent in fascist Madrid.

172

Johannes Steel has done a fearless and extremely capable
job— not only in exposing dangerous individuals and groups
within the country, but also in showing up trends which might
have developed into danger.

As a news commentator his analyses have been extremely
valuable. For, in the pre-war and war years, the fascists and
undemocratic forces throughout the world made strong efforts
to twist the news in such a way as to destroy allied unity. Even
today there is a crucial problem inherent in the presentation
of news and in the people's understanding of it. If the world
can be divided again, as it was after World War I, the fascists
can easily win the peace—and perhaps the next war. Johannes
Steel has consistently contributed to the building up of world
understanding and unity.

Other radio commentators who lift their voices in defense of
democracy and who are able fighters against fascist and sub-
versive groups are Dr. Frank Kingdon and William S. Gailmor,
each of whom has done much to expose and beat back attacks
on American democracy.

Fortunately, there is also a large section of the daily press
which has ably worked to expose fascism. Magazine editors
have, during the past ten years frequently run exposes of
fascist groups. Throughout the country there are papers which
are notable for their reportorial and editorial attacks on fascism.

There are also a number of organizations throughout the
country which either help to defend America against fascism
or openly combat native fascism. Their activities, too, take
many forms. Some of them are interested primarily in the
protection of minority rights. Some of them, like the Civil
Liberties Union, are long-established organizations which are
interested in the protection of civil rights generally. Some of
them have come into being as positive action groups for
democracy, organized specifically to combat the rising threat
of fascism in the past few years.

Unfortunately, such organizations—simply because much of
their work is defensive— do not obtain as much publicity as
offensive organizations. Defense never makes such good news.
But, it would be well for every American citizen who is inter-

173

ested in maintaining a democratic America to know about a
number of these, and whenever he can, to cooperate with
them. Fascism is not a force which is going to be stamped
out simply by the revelation of its existence. We have been
witnesses to the fact that if it is allowed to grow, the force
necessary to defeat it may have to be huge and almost over-
whelming. We have witnessed the fact that armies of men and
women must work and fight and often die to defeat fascism
when it becomes strong.

In the United States we now have the unparalleled oppor-
tunity and the advantage of being able to complete the de-
struction of fascism and all its manifestations in our own coun-
try because we have already sacrificed so much to fight it on
other fronts.

Some of the organizations which offer these opportunities
will be discussed in the following paragraphs. There are
doubtless many others which have not come to the attention
of this writer, but which can be discovered in almost every
community by anybody who wishes to find them.

The Friends of Democracy, Inc., which has offices at 137 E.
57th Street in New York City, and which maintains offices in a
number of the larger cities throughout the country, has been
in the forefront of the groups fighting fascism. It has collected
an enormous amount of information about the outfits which
threaten democracy, and it has made such information avail-
able to newspapers and other informational sources. It pub-
lishes a regular bulletin which keeps its readers informed
about subversive activities and what the Friends of Democracy
itself is doing to combat such activities.

The Anti-Defamation League of B'Nai Brith, with offices at
212 Fifth Avenue, New York City, also maintains offices in
a number of the large cities throughout the country. This or-
ganization has been one of the most potent forces in America
for combating every kind of subversive and disruptionist ac-
tivity. Its work is educational. It points out that anti-Semitism
is un-American; and the very fact that almost every fascist-
minded individual and group relies on anti-Semitism as an
important part of its program has put the Anti-Defamation

174

League in the vanguard of those actively fighting fascism in
every form. The League has exposed anti-Semitism, and where
anti-labor propaganda or anti-Negro propaganda or any anti-
American propaganda rides along with anti-Semitism, the
League has exposed that, too.

Many non-Jewish Americans have been incensed when they
have been subjected to reading or listening to anti-Semitism.
Hundreds of thousands of non-Jewish Americans have felt
that this was dangerous and un-American, but have never
translated their indignation into more positive terms because
they have not known exactly what to do about it. By bring-
ing such instances to the attention of the Anti-Defamation,
League, they can help to combat fascism in America.

The Union for Democratic Action, at 9 E. 46th Street, New
York City, also has branches in principal cities throughout the
country. This committee has taken definite steps for demo-
cratic action by holding protest meetings against fascist ten-
dencies, and it also works to promote democracy by sending
out literature to combat threats to our democratic way of life.

The Institute for American Democracy, at 369 Lexington
Avenue, New York City, has a very interesting program. This
committee, realizing the power of advertising in America has
perfected an idea whereby advertisements sponsoring democ-
racy can be run in newspapers, on car cards and on outdoor
advertising signs, sponsored by merchants, civic or fraternal
groups or even individuals. The Institute's poster campaign
has been very effective in promoting advertisements which
state the simple fact that every American, regardless of his
name, his color or his religion, is an American.

The National CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Discrimina-
tion, which has offices at 718 Jackson Place N. W., Washing-
ton, D. C., has been formed recently. It has been active
throughout the country, however, in fighting discrimination in
employment or even in social relationships. It not only sup-
ports the FEPC, but it also has been active in cases where no
union issue is involved but where discrimination is.

The Civil Liberties Union, with headquarters in New York,
is, of course, well known. Its principle is that American civil lib-

175

erties must be protected wherever threatened, and it has often
come into cases either in defense, or as a friend of the court, to
protect civil liberties.

Freedom House, Inc., at 5 West 54th Street, New York City,
is a newer organization which promises to do good work in
promoting democracy. Up to the present time its major ac-
tivity has been to sponsor radio programs, lectures, etc.

There are several organizations which work for the pro-
tection of Negro civil rights and which combat anti-Negro
trends and outbreaks in every part of the country, particu-
larly, of course, in the worst areas in the South. These in-
clude the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People, the National Negro Congress, and several others.

Other groups which have democratic programs are: Na-
tional Federation for Constitutional Liberties, 205 E. 42nd
Street, New York City, which has been most active in fighting
threats to constitutional rights; the National Conference of
Christians and Jews, an interracial organization whose work
is primarily to stamp out racial or religions bias; The Council
for Democracy in America, at 11 W. 42nd Street in New York
City, which promotes interracial, inter-religious groups and
projects democratic activity among groups; The Urban
League of Greater New York, at 202 W. 136th Street in New
York, which is interested in promoting better Negro-white
relations; The American Council on Race Relations, at 32 W.
Randolph Street, Chicago, which is also devoted to improving
race relations and has made many valuable racial studies and
established community groups for promoting racial accord;
and The American Jewish Committee, at 386 Fourth Avenue,
New York which also combats racial prejudice.

The Catholic Inter-Racial Council, at 20 Vesey Street, New
York, has done a splendid job not only in combating racial an-
tagonisms, but also in combating Ku Klux Klan ideas, dis-
crimination in industry, and, in those few cases where it
showed itself, discrimination in the armed forces. This organ-
ization runs inter-racial forums and publishes the Inter-Racial
Review, which is highly influential.

There is a special appendix in this book which lists a num-

176

her of other similar organizations. Most of these have been
formed since the disgraceful incidents at Beaumont, Mobile
and Detroit in 1943. Although they have not all been or-
ganized long, every one of them is promoting democracy, and
since they are located in many towns and cities throughout
the country, their facilities and their cooperation are avail-
able to Americans in almost every part of the United States.

In a book which has listed so many dangerous disruptive
organizations and individuals it is heartening that such a long
list of groups fighting for democracy can be included. But,
let us not delude ourselves with the idea that these represent
strength enough to combat the menace of fascism. One fasc-
ist outfit in one hour can spawn enough leaflets and disruptive
propaganda to give fifty such democratic organizations a year's
work. Because the fascists have been preparing for so long,
because they have so cleverly used prejudice to set group
against group, because it must be admitted that race and
religious prejudice does exist and can grow in America, we
cannot underestimate this ever-present danger. The total
number of people to which the literature of the organizations
named here can be made available is not a fraction of the
total number to which the fascists can easily obtain access.

The fact that organizations to fight for democracy exist is
heartening. But not more than that. They will not represent
a complete safeguard against the undemocratic disruptionist
forces until they have the actual and true support of the
overwhelming majority of Americans.

177

WHAT YOU CAN DO

_T is a hopeful sign that
there are so many organizations in the United States which are
dedicated to thwarting the fascists and building up the
strength of democracy.

But it is not much more than a hopeful sign. For the ex-
istence of organizations which uphold minority and civil rights
does not, in itself, constitute protection of those rights. The
existence of organizations which help to protect democracy
does not, in itself, guarantee the protection of democracy.
The strength of these anti-fascist organizations is obviously
not great enough to combat the fascists successfully and stamp
them out. It is not even great enough to stunt the growth of
the fascist outfits.

Nor does the existence of organizations and individuals
which expose fascism give us assurance that, once exposed,
fascists are thereupon rendered harmless. It is not that easy.

Moreover the fringe forces, those of disunity and disrup-
tion, are even more hardy. Exposing them to the glare of
publicity does not automatically, as some might suppose,
wither and shrivel them. Indeed, sometimes it even helps them
to grow. For the fact is that they do have a following, there
are people in America, thousands and thousands of them, who

178

are ideologically attracted to the minority-haters, the labor-
baiters, the red-baiters, the disruptionists. And when pub-
licity is centered upon individuals or fringe groups of this
character, it is just as likely as not to attract to them thou-
sands of new followers who admire their ideas and tactics.

In Washington thirty-three individuals were indicted on
charges of alleged sedition. They were placed on trial and in
one of the most curious and protracted trials in recent his-
tory, many of the defendants attempted to use the court as a
soap box, and at times almost made a field day of the whole
proceedings. When the judge who was sitting in the case
died while it was still dragging on, a mistrial was declared.
Up to this writing a new trial has not been called, but the
defendants are still under indictment.

What of their actions since then? Did the publicity of the
trial halt their activities? Or curtail them? This book is the
answer. You have read about some of them. Most of them
are still engaged in the same time-bomb activities.

Despite the organizational and the personal fight against
the forces of disruption and disunity, they continue to grow.
Despite the exposes, and the revelations of their activity, they
continue to scheme, to propagandize, to undermine American
democracy. And they are a greater danger today than they
have been during all the past war years when the tremendous
national effort of defeating fascism abroad temporarily held
back the disruptionists at home.

Why have they grown? Why do they grow? Why do they
attract followers? Why do they attract funds, huge funds—
and support, powerful support?

Simply because most of us forget the sterling truism that
the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. It is as easy as that.
We remember it as a statement and forget it as a course of
action— even though no generation in the history of mankind
has more reason to remember it. No generation in history has
ever paid so high a price, in blood and sweat and tears, for
forgetting it.

For those of us who want to be sure that it is not forgotten

}7Q

again, for those of us who prefer to exercise the wisdom of
beating fascism in America before it has a chance to sweep
away our liberties, there is a sound course of action.

Obviously it is advisable to support those organizations,
individuals, newspapers, magazines and groups which fight
fascism. Anyone who wishes to undertake a part in this fight
can, of course, find a place or a role, or can lend support to
one of the organizations mentioned in the previous chapter or
listed in the appendix to this book.

Obviously, too, there is much to be accomplished politically.
Even today, when the average American finds it difficult to
feel that he actually participates effectually in elections, he
can bring his influence to bear in most congressional districts
and in most states. The results in the election of 1944 demon-
strate that representatives and senators, even powerful ones,
can be replaced.

Representative Fish and Senator Nye, for instance, long
entrenched, were replaced. Both had been active in America
First activities and had identified themselves with suspect
groups.

And even when a representative or senator cannot be re-
tired, the "letter to Congress/' butt of jokes though it is, does
have some influence. Proof of that lies in how often the dis-
ruptionist and diversive elements have used it.

Apart from these obvious measures there is much that can
be done. The soundest foundation for democracy is an under-
standing of it and a complete acceptance of it by the citizens
who live in it.

In almost every locality in America there are instances of
undemocratic thinking, there are examples of undemocratic
action. And because of that, in every locality in America
there should be some force for positive democratic action.

The community in which the writer lives is an especially
favored one from a democratic point of view. It is in a sec-
tion where civil liberties are well protected, where the gen-
eral community is well disposed toward minority groups and
intelligent about recognizing the danger of fascism. It is in
Westchester County in the state of New York, which has the

180

distinction of being the first state in the union to pass a fair
employment practices law.

Yet, even in this community there were instances which
alarmed some of its citizens and recently a local group decided
to take steps toward the active promotion of democratic prin-
ciples. They formed an association called The Chappaqua
Community Council. Part of the preamble to its constitution
reads:

"Many communities are marred by the existence of
undemocratic prejudices based on differences in eco-
nomic status, nationality, religion or race. Such things
are, of course, completely foreign to our American
democratic way of life. Such things are, unfortunately,
dangers from which our own community is not free.

"Ours is a good community. It has exceptional ad-
vantages—natural physical beauty, favorable climate,
nearness to the world's largest city. But there has
crept into our midst, in the insidious way in which all
prejudices start, snobbery, aloofness and a false feel-
ing of superiority. Fortunately, these prejudices are
not universal. We believe that the overwhelming
feeling in the community is to the contrary. Still,
these prejudices are here and have already manifested
themselves, and, if unchecked, could become the gen-
erally accepted attitude and do irreparable harm to
our community. Deploring the situation later is not
nearly as sensible as making it impossible now.

"Perhaps it is because we do not know each other
well enough that these things have happened. It is not
enough simply to live in the same neighborhood. Geo-
graphical proximity, standing alone, is a meaningless
thing. It should lead to social and cultural intercourse
on a community scale, to exchange of opinion on all
matters of public interest and concern.

"Other organizations have attempted to accomplish
some of these purposes. We are anxious to cooperate
with them and support them in any worthwhile en-
deavor. At the same time, we feel that a new organ-
ization is necesary to instill in the community a pro-
gressive, forward-looking democratic spirit. We want
to meet together for entertainment, tor culture, and
for political activity without respect to political parties.

"We are free Americans. Our armies are now en-

181

gaged in a bitter struggle to free the world from
tyranny, so that we may become part of a free world.
Our own community, a very small part of this free
America we all love and want to preserve, is impor-
ant to us who live here. Let us make it a better
community, a community which will be a model for
others, a community of which we will be proud, a
community in which democracy lives and grows."

This council, in a short time, made its influence felt in the
community. It has invited speakers to discuss world events,
to lecture to it on world fascism and native fascism, it has had
discussion groups on American democracy. It has taken part
in town activities.

Its members are average Americans; business men, house-
wives, editors, a farmer, an accountant, an artist, representa-
tive members of the community. They have stimulated them-
selves, their own interest in combating un-American activities
and have helped to improve their community by meeting and
talking and acting together.

This same kind of group can easily be formed in almost
every community. Enough of them would provide the kind
of education and the kind of thinking which will make it im-
possible for the fascists, the near-fascists and the fringe-
fascists to grow.

I do not mean to imply by this that education alone, or
knowledge of fascist movements, will stifle all fascist growth in
America. There are other, and deeper, factors involved in the
growth of fascism.

We have already observed that those who promote fascism
also promote dissidence. If Americans are economically se-
cure, if they can feel that they are participants in a democracy
which they understand and appreciate, fascist propaganda is
unlikely to interest them at all. In that case the promotion
of fascist principles would interest only those who wish to en-
slave their fellowmen, and free Americans would reject it
utterly.

The followers of fascism in other countries have already
learned that it is a tinsel thing. It benefits only those at the

182

top. But it is the nature of people to seek quick and easy solu-
tions to the most baffling problems, to welcome any relief
when hard-pressed, to grasp at bright promises in the hope
that they can be fulfilled.

Living in the kind of security which free, democratic Amer-
ica can easily provide there would be no reason for Americans
to grasp at catch-penny promises. But there would be, for
every one of us, even greater reason than we have now, to
maintain American democracy. There is, fortunately, a grow-
ing belief among Americans that we must all enjoy our way
of life if any of us is to enjoy it. There is an understanding
among Americans that we are one people and that all of us
can live together well and secure and free. There is a strong
will for unity in America, which is a fortunate thing for us
and a shield against the fascists.

For a united America, firm in the conviction that democracy
will work, firm in the determination to make it work, will offer
no encouragement to fascist thought and certainly no room
for fascist growth.

183

APPENDIX

A LIST OF COMMITTEES AND ORGANIZATIONS WHOSE

WORK UPHOLDS THE TRADITION OF DEMOCRACY

IN THE UNITED STATES

NATIONAL
ORGANIZATIONS

American Conference for Racial and
National Unity

Headquarters: 16 East 41st St , New
York 17, New York.

Officer: Arthur Upham Pope, chair-
man.

Commission on the Church and Min-
ority Peoples9

Headquarters: 297 Fourth Avenue,
New York 10, New York.

Officers: Will W. Alexander, chair-
man; Bradford S. Abernathy, di-
rector.

National CIO Committee to Abolish
Racial Discrimination6

Headquarters: 718 Jackson Place,
N.W., Washington 6, D. C.

Officers: James B. Carey, chairman;
George L-P Weaver, director.

National Federation of the Committee
on Racial Equality

Headquarters: 2929 Broadway, New
York, New York.

Officers: James L. Farmer, Jr., chair-
man.

National Council for a Permanent Fair
Employment Practice Committee0

Headquarters: 1410 H Street, N. W.,
Washington 5, D. C.

Officers: Senators Arthur Capper and
Robert F. Wagner, co-chairman;
Mrs. Anna Arnold Hedgeman, ex-
ecutive secretary.

Institute for American Democracy,
Inc.*

Headquarters: 369 Lexington Ave-
nue, New York 17, New York.

Officers: The Rev. William C. Ker-
nan, executive director; Richard A.
Zinn, public relations director.

Race Relations Committee of the
American Friends Service Commit-
tee0

Headquarters: 20 South Twelfth St.,
Philadelphia 7, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Mercer Bergstrom, secretary.

Japanese- American Citizens League9

Headquarters: 413 Season Building,
Salt Lake City 1, Utah.

Officers: Saburo Kido, president; Cor-
poral Mike Masaoka, secretary and
field executive ( on leave with U. S.
Army).

League for Fair Play*

Headquarters: 11 West 42nd Street,
New York 18, New York.

Officers: Dr. Alvin S. Johnson, presi-
dent; Robert Norton, executive sec-
retary.

Union for Democratic Action*

Headquarters: 9 East 46th Street,
New York 17, New York.

Officers: Reinhold Niebuhr, chairman;
James Loeb, Jr., executive secretary,

American Council on Race Relations

Headquarters: 32 West Randolph
Street, Chicago 1, Illinois.

Officers: Clarence E. Pickett, presi-
dent; Mary-Jane Grunsfield, secre-
tary.

REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

Southern Regional Council, Inc.*

Headquarters: Room 432, 63 Auburn
Avenue, N.E., Atlanta 3, Georgia.

Officers: Dr. Howard W. Odum, chair-
man; Dr. Guy B. Johnson, executive
director.

Pacific Coast Committee on American
Principles and Fair Play

Headquarters: 465 California Street,
San Francisco, California.

* The organizations and committees thus designated have submitted reports to the office
of the Social Science Institute of Fisk University.

184

Officers: Maurice Harrison, chairman;
Dr. Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Jr.,
secretary.

STATE COMMITTEES

CALIFORNIA

State Inter-Racial Council ( Governor's

committee )
Headquarters: 714 West Olympic

Boulevard, Los Angeles 2, Cali-
fornia.
Officers: Bishop Joseph T. McGucken,

chairman; Dr. George E. Gleason,

secretary.

California CIO Minorities Committee*
Headquarters: CIO Building, San

Francisco 2, California.
Officers: Revels Cayton, director; Matt

Crawford, assistant director.

CONNECTICUT

Connecticut Inter-Racial Commission*

(Governor's committee)
Headquarters: State Office Building,

Hartford, Connecticut.
Officers: Rt. Rev. Walter H. Gray,

chairman; Rev. Joseph M. Griffen,

secretary.

ILLINOIS

Inter-Racial Commission for Illinois
(Governor's committee)

Headquarters: 19 South LaSalle St.,
Chicago, Illinois.

Officers: Dr. Martin Hayes Bickham,
chairman; Leon A. Bailey, execu-
tive director.

KENTUCKY

Kentucky Inter-Racial Commission
Headquarters: Southern Baptist The-
ological Seminary, Lexington Road,
Louisville, Kentucky.
Officer: Dr. Edward A. McDowell, Jr.,
chairman.

MASSACHUSETTS

Governor's Committee for Racial and

Religious Understanding*
Headquarters: 200 Newbury Street,

Boston 16, Massachusetts.
Officers: Julius E. Warren, chairman;

Mrs. Mildred H. Mahoney, execu-
tive secretary.

Massachusetts Citizens' Committee for
Racial Unity*

Headquarters: Room 822, 294 Wash-
ington Street, Boston, Massachusetts.

Officers: William F. Billingsley, chair-
man; Mrs. Anne Reid, secretary.

MINNESOTA

Governor's Interracial Commission*
Headquarters: 2200 Grand Avenue,

St. Paul 1, Minnesota.
Officers: Rev. Francis J. Gilligan,
chairman; Talmadge B. Carey, sec-
retary.

MISSISSIPPI

Mississippi Council on Interracial Co-
operation*

Headquarters: Corner Clay and Mon-
roe Streets, Vicksburg, Mississippi.

Officer: F. C. Willcoxon, chairman.

NEW JERSEY

Good-Will Commission* (Appointed
by the State Legislature)

Headquarters: 1060 Broad Street,
Newark 2, New Jersey.

Officers: H. B. Bell, chairman; Myra
A. Blakeslee, executive director.

New Jersey Urban Colored Popula-
tion Commission

Headquarters: 1060 Broad Street,
Newark 2, New Jersey.

Officer: William Galloway, chairman.

PENNSYLVANIA

Pennsylvania State Temporary Com-
mission on Conditions of Urban
Colored Population. (Appointed by
the State Legislature)

Headquarters: 524-26 South Sixteenth
Street, Philadelphia 46, Pa.

Officers: E. Washington Rhodes, chair-
man; Laurence Foster, executive
director.

TEXAS

Good Neighbor Commission of Texas*

(Governor's committee)
Headquarters: State Capitol, Austin,

Texas.
Officers: R. E. Smith, chairman; Miss

Pauline Kibbe, executive secretary.

185

VIRGINIA

Virginia Commission on Interracial

Cooperation
Headquarters: 109 N. Jefferson Street,

Richmond, Virginia.
Officer: Dr. Thomas C. Allen, director.

WEST VIRGINIA

West Virginia Interracial Commission

(Governor's committee)
Headquarters: Executive Department,

State of West Virginia, Charleston,

West Virginia.
Officer: Dr. Carl Frasure, chairman.

LOCAL COMMITTEES

ALABAMA, MONTGOMERY

Montgomery Interracial Committee*
Headquarters: St. Mark's Methodist
Church, Corner Perry and Noble
Streets, Montgomery 6, Alabama.
Officers: W. B. DeLemos, chairman;
Rev. F. E. Churchill, secretary.

CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

Berkeley Interracial Committee
Headquarters: 2707& Virginia Street,

Berkeley 4, California.
Officers: Dr. Edward C. Tolman,
chairman; Mrs. Jean S. Koven, ex-
ecutive secretary.

CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES

Los Angeles Committee for Home
Front Unity (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City
Hall, Los Angeles 12, California.

Officer: Edmund W. Cooke, executive
secretary.

Council for Civic Unity

Headquarters: 215 West Seventh
Street, Los Angeles 14, California.

Officers: Dr. E. C. Farnham, chair-
man; Everett Wile, executive secre-
tary.

Los Angeles County Committee for
Interracial Progress* ( Appointed
by Board of Supervisors)

Headquarters: 139 North Broadway,
Los Angeles 12, California.

Officers: B. O. Miller, chairman;
George Gleason, executive secretary.

Citizens' Committee for Latin-Ameri-
can Youth (Appointed by Board of
Supervisors )

186

Headquarters: 139 North Broad-
way, Los Angeles 12, California.

Officers: Manuel Ruiz, Jr., chairman;
Stephen J. Keating, executive secre-
tary.

Community Relations Committee of
the Los Angeles Council of Social
Agencies

Headquarters: Room 388, Chamber of
Commerce Building, Los Angeles
15, California.

Officers: Mrs. Joseph Kaplan, chair-
man; Mrs. Arnoldine Lindsay, sec-
retary.

Southern California Council of Inter-
American Affairs

Headquarters: 707 Auditorium Build-
ing, Fifth and Olive Streets, Los
Angeles 13, California.

Officers: W. S. Rosecrans, president;
Ray-G. McKelvey, executive secre-
tary.

Urban League Leadership Round
Table

Headquarters: 2510 South Central
Avenue, Los Angeles 11, California.

Officer: Floyd C. Covington, chair-
man.

Citizens' Emergency Committee

Headquarters: Los Angeles NAACP
office, 1105 E. Vernon Avenue, Los
Angeles 11, California.

Officers: Rev. Jonathan L. Gaston,
chairman; Thomas Lee Griffith, Jr.,
executive director.

CALIFORNIA, MONROVIA

Monrovia Interracial Committee
Headquarters: 239 Stedman Place,

Monrovia, California.
Officer: Rev. George West Barrett,

temporary chairman.

CALIFORNIA, OAKLAND

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 92 Seventh Street, Oak-
land, California.

Officer: Paul Heide, secretary-trea-
surer.

CALIFORNIA, PASADENA

Pasedena Leadership Round Table
Headquarters: 490 Highland Street,

Pasadena 6, California.

Officers: Walt A. Riatt, chairman;
Barney M. Durham, secretary.

Interracial Commission of the Pasa-
dena Council of Social Agencies

Headquarters: 25 South Euclid Ave-
nue, Pasadena 1, California.

Officers: Dr. Eugene C. Blake, chair-
man; H. A. Wilbur, secretary.

CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO

San Diego Race Relations Society
Headquarters: 3722 32nd Street, San

Diego, California.

Officers: Dennis V. Allen, chairman;
Mrs. Nan Ohlson, corresponding sec-
retary.

CALIFORNIA, SAN FRANCISCO

Bay Area Council Against Discrimina-
tion*

Headquarters: 365 Mills Building, San
Francisco 4, California.

Officers: Walter A. Gordon, chairman;
David F. Selvin, executive secretary.

COLORADO, DENVER

Adult Committee on Delinquency
Headquarters: Office of Manager of

Safety, Denver, Colorado.
Officer: Juan Noriega, chairman.

CONNECTICUT, BRIDGEPORT

Bridgeport Committee on Unity, Free-
dom and Friendship*

Headquarters: 360 State St., Bridge-
port 4, Connecticut.

Officers: Rev. Fred Hosldns, president;
Mrs. Clara M. Stern, secretary.

CONNECTICUT, HARTFORD

Interracial Committee* ( Mayor's com-
mittee)

Headquarters: Municipal Building,
Hartford 4, Connecticut.

Officers: Harry H. Kleinman, chair-
man; Rev. Robert A. Moody, sec-
retary.

CONNECTICUT, NEW HAVEN

The Dixwell Group

Headquarters: Dwight Hall, Yale
University, New Haven, Connecti-
cut.

Officers: Edward Manice and Miss
Suzanne Stanford, co-chairmen,

Miss Emma Mitchell, secretary.

CONNECTICUT, WATERBURY

Unity and Amity Committee ( Mayor's
committee )

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, Mu-
nicipal Building, Waterbury, Con-
necticut.

Officers: Rev. Francis O. Ayers, chair-
man.

Pearl Street Neighborhood House In-
terracial Committee*

Headquarters: Pearl Street Neighbor-
hood House, Corner Pearl and Hop-
kins Streets, Waterbury 25, Connec-
ticut.

Officers: Dr. John C. Walker, Rev.
Jonathan E. Reed, co-chairmen,
Herbert S. Smith, secretary.

Better Race Relations Committee
(Temporarily organized to work for
the appointment of Negroes to the
police force. It functioned from
April to July, 1943.)

ILLINOIS, CHICAGO

Mayor's Committe on Race Relations*

Headquarters: 137 North LaSalle
Street, Chicago 2, Illinois.

Officers: Edwin R. Embree, chair-
man; Robert C. Weaver, executive
director.

Conference Against Racial and Religi-
ous Discrimination*

Headquarters: Room 812, 166 W.
Jackson Boulevard, Chicago 4, Il-
linois.

Officers: Dr. Preston Bradley, chair-
man; Dr. Homer A. Jack, executive
secretary.

Interracial Committee of Chicago
Church Federation

Headquarters: 719 N. Wabash, Chi-
cago, Illinois.

Officers: Edward Foss Wilson and Rt.
Rev. Bernard J. Shield, co-chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 205 West Wacker
Drive, Chicago, Illinois.

Officer: Francis J. DeLaurie, secretary-
treasurer.

Southside Chicago Neighborhood Dis-
cussion Group

187

Headquarters: 10127 Vernon Avenue,
Chicago, Illinois.

Officers: Carl C. Marshall, organizer;
Godfrey Stanius, leader.

South Central Chamber of Commerce

Headquarters: Parkway Community
House, 5120 South Parkway, Chi-
cago, Illinois.

Officer: Melville J. Kolliner, tempo-
rary chairman.

ILLINOIS, OAK PARK

Neighborhood Discussion Group*
Headquarters: Assembly Hall, South
Branch Public Library, Corner Har-
rison and Gunderson Avenue, Oak
Park, IJhnois.

Leader and Organizer: Carl C. Mar-
shall.

ILLINOIS, ROCKFORD

Rockford Interracial Commission*
Headquarters: 225 South Second

Street, Rockford, Illinois.
Officer: Rev. Russell Wharton Lam-
bert, chairman.

INDIANA, FORT WAYNE

Fort Wayne Interracial Commission*

Headquarters: 436-38 E. Douglas
Avenue, Fort Wayne 2, Indiana.

Officers: Miss Lavon Sperry, president;
John E. Ridley, executive secretary.

Ways and Means Committee, Fort
Wayne Board of Governing War-
dens (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Citizens Trust Build-
ing, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: Carl J. Suedhoff, chairman.

Ways and Means Committee, Munici-
pal Defense Council ( Mayor's Com-
mittee)

Headquarters: People's Trust and
Savings Bank, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: D. P. McDonald, chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 227 Farmers Trust
Building, Fort Wayne, Indiana.

Officer: George Grave, chairman.

IOWA, CEDAR RAPIDS

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

188

Headquarters: 129 Third Street, Cedar

Rapids, Iowa.
Officer: Robert L. Olson, chairman.

IOWA, SIOUX CITY

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial

Discrimination
Headquarters: 313 Fifth Street, Sioux

City, Iowa.
Officer: M. C. Smith, chairman.

MARYLAND, BALTIMORE

Mayor's Interracial Commission on
Housing

Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City
Hall, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officer: Francis A. Davis, chairman.

Good-Will Committee

Headquarters: 827 N. Arlington Ave-
nue, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Father Cedric Mills and J.
Bernard Wells, co-chairman.

Citizens' Committee for Justice

Headquarters: 639 N. Carey Street,
Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Dr. J. E. T. Camper and Carl
Murphy, co-chairman.

Unity for Victory Committee

Headquarters: 2404 Pennsylvania Ave-
nue, Baltimore, Maryland.

Officers: Harold Buchman, chairman;
J. Harvey Kerns, secretary.

(Outgrowth of the Committee for
Prevention and Control of Riots. )

MARYLAND, ELKTON

Interracial Committee of Elkton
Headquarters: 232 E. High Street,

Elkton, Maryland.

Officers: Dr. J. L. Johnson, chairman;
Charles C. Jacobs, executive direc-
tor.

MASSACHUSETTS, BOSTON

Greater Boston Community Relations
Committee*

Headquarters: 70 State Street, 10th
Floor, Boston, Massachusetts.

Officer: Thomas H. Mahoney, chair-
man.

"Non-Partisan Civic Committee for
Racial Cooperation

Headquarters: 43 Rutland Square,
Boston, Massachusetts.

Officers: Julian D. Steele and Dr.
Frederick May Eliot, co-chairman.

MASSACHUSETTS, CAMBRIDGE

Community Relations Committee of
Cambridge

Headquarters: 7 Temple Street, Cam-
bridge 37, Massachusetts.

Officers: Mrs. Noyes Collinson, chair-
man; Miss Juanita J. Saddler, execu-
tive secretary.

MICHIGAN, DETROIT

Interracial Committee* ( Mayor's com-
mittee )

Headquarters: 305 W. Fort Street,
Detroit 26, Michigan.

Officers: William J. Norton, chairman;
Harold Thompson, director.

Union for Democratic Action Coalition
Committee on Interracial Under-
standing in the Schools

Headquarters: 700 American Radiator
Building, Detroit 26, Michigan.

Officer: Miss Claire Sanders, chair-
man.

CIO Anti-Discrimination Committee

Headquarters: 2299 Monroe Avenue,
Detroit, Michigan.

Officer: Leonard Smith, chairman.

Metropolitan Detroit Council on Fair
Employment Practices

Headquarters: 906 Transportation
Building, Detroit, Michigan.

Officers: Professor Edward W. Mc-
Farland, chairman; Clarence W.
Anderson, executive secretary.

Union for Democratic Action

Headquarters: Apartment 102, ,4762
Second Boulevard, Detroit, Michi-
gan.

Officer: Andrew W. L. Brown, chair-
man.

Neighborhood Committee on Race Re-
lations

Headquarters: Franklin Settlement,
Detroit, Michigan.

Officers: Jack Asaro and O. J. Parrish,
co-organizers.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 304 Hoffman Building,
Detroit, Michigan.

Officer: Edgar Currie, chairman.

MICHIGAN, FLINT

Interracial Committee of Council of

Church Women
Headquarters: 1419 Clifford Street,

Flint, Michigan.
Officers: Mrs. R. R. Turpin, chairman.

MICHIGAN, JACKSON

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 210 Francis Street,
Jackson, Michigan.

Officer: La Verne W. Thompson, sec-
retary.

MINNESOTA, ST. PAUL

St. Paul Council of Human Relations*
( Mayor's committee )

Headquarters: MacAlester College, St.
Paul 5, Minnesota.

Officers: Dr. Charles J. Turck, chair-
man; Mrs. Irving Levy, secretary.

MISSISSIPPI, JONESTOWN

Race Relations Committee of the

Southern Crusaders*
Headquarters: Box 184, Jonestown,

Mississippi.
Officer: J. H. McMillan, chairman.

MISSOURI, KANSAS CITY

Citizens' Interracial Committee (May-
or's Committee)

Headquarters: Room 301, YWCA
Building, 1020 McGee Street, Kan-
sas City, Missouri.

Officers: Arthur F. Weber, chairman;
Owen Davidson, secretary.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 1311 Rialto Building,
Kansas City, Missouri.

Officer: P. T. Moode, chairman.

MISSOURI, ST. LOUIS

St. Louis Race Relations Commission'*
(Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: 301-302 Municipal
Courts Building, 1300 Market
Street, St. Louis 3, Missouri.

Officers: Edwin B. Meissner, chair-
man; Marie Reese, assistant secre-
tary.

189

NEW JERSEY, ASBURY PARK
Asbury Park Intercultural Committee*
Headquarters: Kinmonth Building,

Asbury Park, New Jersey.
Officers: Rev. Randall W. Conklin,
president; Charles Frankel, secre-
tary.

NEW JERSEY, ATLANTIC CITY

Race Relations Committee of the At-
lantic City Chamber of Commerce*

Headquarters: 2306 Pacific Avenue,
Atlantic City, New Jersey.

Officer: C. W. Cain, chairman.

NEW JERSEY, BURLINGTON
Burlington Interracial Committee*
Headquarters: Burlington, New Jer-
sey.

Officers: Richard Devereux, chairman;
J. Margaret Warner, secretary.

NEW JERSEY, JERSEY CITY
Council for Interracial Good-Will
Headquarters: Y.W.C.A., Jersey City,

New Jersey.

Officer: Miss Dorothy Clarke, chair-
man.

NEW JERSEY, NEWARK

Citizens' Committee on Interracial
Unity

Headquarters: 153 Court Street, New-
ark, New Jersey.

Officer: William R. Jackson, chairman.

NEW JERSEY, PASSAIC

Passaic Community Welfare Commit-
tee (Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: 160 High Street, Pas-
saic, New Jersey.

Officer: Dr. George O. Kirk, chairman.

NEW JERSEY, PATERSON

Paterson Good-Will Committee*

Headquarters: 184 Market Street, Pat-
erson 1, New Jersey.

Officers: Rev. Ernest Ellwell, chair-
man; Charles H. Roemer, secretary.

Committee for Perpetuating American
Ideals*

Headquarters: 105 Carroll Street, Pat-
erson 1, New Jersey.

Officers: Rev. Charles L. Tarter, chair-
man; Miss Clara L. Smith, secretary.

190

Paterson Interracial Commission

Headquarters: 267 Fair Street, Pater-
son 1, New Jersey.

Officer: Miss Anita Flynn, chairman.

NEW YORK CITY

Mayor's Committee on Unity*

Headquarters: Room 705, Municipal
Building, Brooklyn 1, New York.

Officers: Charles E. Hughes, Jr., chair-
man; Dr. Dan W. Dodson, executor
director.

New York Metropolitan Council on
Fair Employment Practice*

Headquarters: 202-6 West 136th
Street, New York 30.

Officers: James H. Sheldon, chairman;
George E. DeMar, secretary.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 1133 Broadway, New
York City.

Officer: Noah Walter, chairman.

West Side Union for Democratic
Action

Headquarters: 1 West 85th Street,
New York 24.

Officers: Arthur M. Loeb, chairman;
Mrs. Hazel L. Rice, secretary.

City-Wide Citizens' Committee on
Harlem*

Headquarters: 18 West 48th Street,
New York City.

Officers: Algernon D. Bkck and A.
Ckyton Powell Sr., co-chairman;
Charles A. Collier, Jr., executive
secretary.

Citizens' Committee on Better Race
Relations

Headquarters: 217 W. 125th Street,
New York City.

Officer: A. Philip Randolph, organ-
izer.

New York Race Relations Committee
of the U. S. Student Assembly

Headquarters: 8 West 40th Street,
Board of Directors.

Officer: Mary Lou Rogers, chairman.

Hunter College Interracial and Inter-
faith Committee on Social Activities

Headquarters: Hunter College, New
York City.

Officer: Miss Marian Casey, director.

Manhattan Interracial Youth Council

Headquarters: 137 East 57th Street;
New York City.

Officers: Bradford Chambers, chair-
man; Patricia Williams, executive
secretary.

Lynn Committee to Abolish Segrega-
tion in the Armed Forces*

Headquarters: 1 West 125th Street,
New York 27.

Officers: Wilfred H. Kerr, Richard
Parrish and Alex Rose, co-chairman.
Nancy G. MacDonald, secretary-
treasurer.

Council for Americanism

Headquarters: 4290 Broadway, New
York City.

Officer: Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.,
vice-president.

Interracial Commission of Brooklyn9

Headquarters : Embury Methodist
Church, 230 Decatur Street, Brook-
lyn 33, New York.

Officers: Rev. H. B. Warren and Rev.
J. T. Ogburn, co-chairmen; Rev. J.
Henry Carpenter, executive secre-
tary.

Brooklyn Citizens' Committee for
Racial and Religious Amity

Headquarters: Borough Hall, Brook-
lyn 2, New York.

Officer: Lloyd I. Herzska, secretary.

Anti-Racism Committee of New York

Headquarters: 144 Henry Street,
Brooklyn 2, New York.

Officer: Herbert M. Chaimas, chair-
man.

Bronx Conference for Racial and Re-
ligious Unity9

Headquarters: 2488 Grand Concourse,
Bronx 58, New York.

Officers: Councilman Michael J. Quill,
chairman; Katherine Earnshaw, ex-
ecutive secretary.

Jamaica Interracial and Interfaiih
Committee*

Headquarters: P. O. Box 223, Jamaica
1, New York.

Officers: Mrs. Anthony Pisciotta, chair-
man; Mrs. Walter Larschan, corre-
sponding secretary.

NEW YORK, ALBANY

Albany Citizens Interracial Commit-
tee

Headquarters: 57 South Hawk Street,
Albany, New York.

Officers: Lewis C. Bruce, chairman,
Mrs. Joseph B. Robinson, chairman
of committee on program and con-
tacts.

Albany Interracial Council, Inc.

Headquarters: 122 Second Street, Al-
bany, New York.

Officer: H. A. Seaver, president of
Board of Directors.

NEW YORK, BINGHAMTON

Interracial Association of Binghamton,
Inc.

Headquarters: 40 Kenwood Avenue,
Binghamton, New York.

Officer: Miss Mattie G. William, ex-
ecutive secretary.

Catholic Interracial Guild

Headquarters: 205 Hawley Street,
Binghamton, New York.

Officer: Miss Dorothy Hayes, presi-
dent.

NEW YORK, BUFFALO

Mayor's Committee on Community Re-
lations9

Headquarters: Prudential Building,
Buffalo 2, New York.

Officers: Hon. Charles B. Sears, chair-
man; William L. Evans, secretary.

Civil Liberties and Minority Groups
Sub-Committee

Headquarters: Southside Branch,
Y.W.C.A., Buffalo, New York.

Officer: Miss Gwendolyn E. Morgan,
chairman.

NEW YORK, POUGHKEEPSIE
Interracial Group of Vassar College
Headquarters: 422 Main Hall, Vassar

College, Poughkeepsie, New York.
Officer: Miss Betty Brimberg, chair-

NEW YORK, RICHMOND HILL

Citizens' Committee for Promotion of
Interracial Understanding

Headquarters: 89-07 112 Street, Rich-
mond Hill, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Edward Heller, chair-

man.

191

NEW YORK, ST. ALBANS

Citizens' Committee for Promotion of
Interracial Understanding

Headquarters: 110-34 173rd Street,
St. Albans, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Sadie Jefferson, chair-
man.

NEW YORK, SCHENECTADY

Citizens' Unity Committee

Headquarters: 110 Oxford Place,
Schenectady 8, New York.

Officers: Dr. Burges Johnson, chair-
man; Joseph Czyzewski, secretary.

NEW YORK, SYRACUSE

Federation of Interracial Groups

Headquarters: 472 James Street, Syra-
cuse 3, New York.

Officer: Dr. Robert E. Romig, chair-
man.

Syracuse Interracial Group

Headquarters: 561 Cedar St., Syra-
cuse 3, New York.

Officer: Mrs. Louise B. Holly, secre-
tary.

NORTH CAROLINA, GREENSBORO

Guilford County Interracial Committee

Headquarters: 1402 Washington
Street, Greensboro, North Carolina.

Officers: Charles A. Hines, chairman;
Mrs. Martha S. Gorleigh, secretary.

Greensboro Intercollegiate Commis-
sion on Race Relations*

Headquarters: Guilford College, Guil-
ford College, North Carolina.

Officers: Andrew Headen, president;
Frances Walcott, secretary-trea-
surer.

OHIO, CINCINNATI

Mayor's Friendly Relations Commit-
tee*

Headquarters: 1111 Keith Building,
Cincinnati 2, Ohio.

Officers: Mayor James Garfield Stew-
art, chairman; Robert E. Segal, sec-
retary.

Inter-Faith Race Relations Committee
of Disciples of Christ

Headquarters: College of the Bible,
Lexington, Kentucky.

Officers: Dr. Stephen Cory and Rob-
ert Segal, co-chairmen.

192

OHIO, COLUMBUS

Columbus Council for Democracy*
Headquarters: Room 7, 9 East Long

Street, Columbus 15, Ohio.
Officers: Ray S. Reinert, president,

Board of Trustees; Marshall L.

Scott, secretary.

OHIO, CLEVELAND

Committee on Democratic Practices

(Mayor's committee)
Headquarters: Office of Mayor, City

Hall, Cleveland, Ohio.
Officer: Rev. R. D. Sharpe, secretary.

OHIO, DAYTON

Dayton Committee on Interracial Jus-
tice and Goodwill (Mayor's com-
mittee)

Headquarters: 21-25 Davies Building,
Dayton 2, Ohio.

Officer: Rev. Kemper G. McComb,
secretary.

OHIO, TOLEDO

Interracial Committee of Toledo*
(Mayor's committee)

Headquarters: Textileather Corpora-
tion, Dayton Street, Toledo, Ohio.

Officers: C. Arthur Collin, president:
Mrs. Frances B. Wade, secretary.

Citizens' Committee on Race Relations

Headquarters: Office of the Mayor.
City Hall, Toledo.

Officers: Rev. Calvin K. Stalnaker
and Mayor Lloyd E. Roulet, co-
chairmen.

PENNSYLVANIA, ERIE
Interracial Committee
Headquartersc Booker T. Washington

Center, 133 E. Third Street, Erin.

Pennsylvania.
Officer: Miss Elsie Drew, secretary.

PENNSYLVANIA, HARRISBURG

Interracial Group

Headquarters: 1831 Market Street,
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Officer: W. Justin Carter, chairman.

Harrisburg Service Council ( an Urban
League affiliate)

Headquarters: 825 N. Sixth Street,
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Henry R. Smith, Jr., chair-
man.

PENNSYLVANIA, PHILADELPHIA

Mayors Committee on Goodwill

Headquarters: 642 City Hall, Phila-
delphia, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Dr. Alexander J. Stoddard,
chairman; Mrs. Francis R. Straw-
bridge, secretary.

City-Wide Interracial Committee (Es-
tablished by request of State Com-
mission on Urban Colored Popula-
tion)

Headquarters: 305 Bankers Security
Building, Philadelphia, Pennsyl-
vania.

Officers: Dr. Jacob Billikopf, chair-
man.

Council for Equal Job Opportunity

Headquarters: Room 923, 121 North
Broad Street, Philadelphia 17, Penn-
sylvania.

Officer: Robert Parker, acting secre-
tary.

Catholic Interracial Council*

Headquarters: Gesu Girls' Parochial
School, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Mrs. Anna M. McGarry, tem-
porary chairman.

Germantown and Chestnut Hill Inter-
racial Committee*

Headquarters: 34 West Duval Street,
Germantown, Philadelphia 44,
Pennsylvania.

Officers: Stanley R. Yarnall, chairman;
Mrs. Olivia Y. Taylor, secretary.

Interracial Discussion Group*

Headquarters: 4032 Spruce Street,
Philadelphia 4, Pennsylvania.

Officers: Mrs. Nana P. Dunn, chair-
man; Joseph M. Gorelik, executive
secretary.

PENNSYLVANIA, PITTSBURGH

Interracial Committee of Allegheny
County

Headquarters: 14 Wood Street, Pitts-
burgh, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Edward O. Tabor, chairman.

Interracial Group Organization (Es-
tablished by Pittsburgh Chamber of
Commerce )

Headquarters: 14 Wood Street, Pitts-
burgh, Pennsylvania.

Officer: Edward O. Tabor, chairman.

PENNSYLVANIA, LANCASTER

Lancaster Interracial Council
Headquarters: Willow Street, Route
No. 1, Lancaster County, Pennsyl-
vania.

Officer: Rev. N. W. Shollenberger,
chairman.

SOUTH CAROLINA, CHARLESTON

Bi-Racial Committee*

Headquarters: 56 Rutledge Avenue,

Charleston, South Carolina.
Officer: C. O. Getty, chairman.

SOUTH CAROLINA, GREENWOOD

Greenwood County Interracial Com-
mittee*

Headquarters: First Presbyterian
Church, Greenwood, South Caro-
lina.

Officer: Rev. Roswell C. Long, pres-
ident.

SOUTH CAROLINA, ROCK HILL

Rock Hill Council of Interracial Co-
operation*

Headquarters: First Baptist Church,
Rock Hill, South Carolina.

Officers: Rev. A. B. Hawkes, chair-
man; Rev. W. E. Houston, secre-
tary.

SOUTH DAKOTA, SIOUX FALLS

Interracial Committee (Finally organ-
ized as a branch of NAACP)

Headquarters: 827 S. Dakota Avenue,
Sioux Falls, South Dakota.

Officers: Benjamin Marqulies, .chair-
man.

TENNESSEE, KNOXVILLE
Knoxville Interracial Commission*
Headquarters: Y.M.C.A., Cansler
Branch, 208 E. Vine Avenue, Knox-
ville 15, Tennessee.
Officers: Dr. I. P. Martin, chairman;
David N. Howell, secretary.

TENNESSE, NASHVILLE
Committee on Human Relations
Headquarters: McKendree Methodist

Church, Nashville, Tennessee.
Officers: Dr. King Vivion, chairman;

Mrs. Charles S. Johnson, secretary.

193

TEXAS, DALLAS

Dallas Council on Human Relations
Headquarters: 3619 Princeton Ave-
nue, Dallas, Texas.
Officer: Rev. Robert Raible, chairman.

TEXAS, HOUSTON

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: P. O. Box 799, Hous-
ton, Texas.

Officers: I. R. Gray, chairman.

TEXAS, SAN ANTONIO

Texas County Committee for Inter-
racial Cooperation*

Headquarters: 3305 West Ashby
Street, San Antonio 1, Texas.

Officers: John C. Cranberry, chair-
man; Mrs. K. R. Hemphill, acting
secretary.

VIRGINIA, ARLINGTON

Interracial Commission of Arlington
County

Headquarters: 2617 Columbia Pike,
Arlington, Virginia.

Officers: Rev. P. Lee Falmore, chair-
man; Jesse R. Pollard, secretary.

VIRGINIA, ASHLAND

Hanover County Interracial Group
Headquarters: Ashland, Virginia.
Officer: Dr. J. P. McConnell, chair-
man.

VIRGINIA, CHARLOTTESVILLE

Charlottesville Interracial Cooperation
Commission*

Headquarters: 202 East High Street,
Charlottesville, Virginia.

Officer: Dr. Frank M. Daniel, chair-
man.

WASHINGTON, SEATTLE

Seattle Civic Unity Committee* (May-
or's Committee)

Headquarters: Pacific National Bank,
Seattle 11, Washington.

Officers: George H. Greenwood, chair-
man; Miss Ann Madsen, secretary.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

Citizens' Committee on Race Relations

Headquarters: 743 Investment Build-
ing, Washington, D. C.

Officer: Wilbur LaRoe, Jr., chairman.

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 412 21st Street, N. E.,
Washington, D. C.

Officer: Charles S. Duke, chairman.

WEST VIRGINIA, CHARLESTON

Four Freedoms Fellowship*
Headquarters: Box 653, Charleston 1,

West Virginia.

Officers: Rev. B. W. Tinsley, presi-
dent; Ervin Kampe, executive sec-
retary.

WISCONSIN, MILWAUKEE

CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Dis-
crimination

Headquarters: 631 West Reservoir
Street, Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Officer: Joseph Ellis, chairman.

194

(Continued from front flap)

TIME BOMB shows that, though a great
war is heing fought against foreign fascism,
a greater and even more difficult war must
now be fought against the explosive charges
of fascism which have been sown in our own
soil. It is the struggle of which Carl Sand-
burg spoke when he said, "After the strife
of war begins the strife of peace."

And it not only reveals the dangers we face
tomorrow. It also tells what you can do to
snuff out the dangers. It is an expose of those
who are attempting to set the time bomb
which they hope will rip America apart. It
is a warning of how they work — and a pre-
sentation of counter-measures which can be
used against them — now.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

E. A. Filler was formerly Book Editor and
literary reviewer of Liberty Magazine, and
before that an editor and book publisher.

TIME BOMB, for which the assistance of
a research staff was engaged, is the result of
investigations into widespread, constantly
growing un-American activities. These were
begun with the idea of producing a series of
articles revealing many phases of prQ-fascist
activity, never before exposed, which consti-
tute a major threat to American democracy.

As investigation developed, however, it
became apparent that some of these "time
bomb" activities and the people involved in
them are so enmeshed that only a book could
provide the scope necessary to reveal their
background, the extent of their influence —
and the danger they present.

Accordingly, Mr. Filler decided to forego
the series of articles which would have taken
some months to present, and to publish this
material in book form as a means of warning
America quickly — and placing it on guard
against present danger of a fascist explosion.

ARCO PUBLISHING COMPANY
480 LEXINGTON AVENUE
NEW YORK 17, N. Y.

Why TIME BOMB is "must" reading:

Says WALTER W1NCHELL:

"Start ordering the next sizzler best-seller . . . TIME BOMB. It
is documented data on the people trying to start a civil war among
us all. It calls a spade a spade and a fascist a you-know-what."

Say. JOHANNES STEEL:

"TIME BOMB is must reading for every American interested
in the preservation of democracy. It is, at the same time, an ex-
citingly dramatic analysis of the subversive elements that have
gone into the making of a political TIME BOMB which will
certainly go off if it is not detonated in time. Mr. Filler does a
magnificent job of detonating.

"TIME BOMB is more important than either SABOTAGE
or UNDERCOVER because it not only exposes reaction but also
points out the political remedies. It throws light into some of
the dai kest corners of our political life which need to be cleaned
out and disinfected thoroughly.

"It has the advantage of telling its story in a minimum number
of words and with maximum effectiveness written in a fast news-
paperman's style. It is as timely as tomorrow's headlines."

Says DR. L. M. DIRKHEAD:

National Director of Friends of Democracy

"TIME BOMB is important reading for citizens who want to
be informed. It discloses the sinister propaganda line of the
numerous anti-democratic groups and publications functioning
right now."

Says CHARLES LEE:

Philadelphia Record

"TIME BOMB is an explosive-laden book which does the
supremely important job of dynamiting home-front complacency
about the dangers of native fascism. Mr. Filler has an amazing
amount of information in the book and what especially im-
pressed me was the way he has worked out the interlockings of
all these organizations and personalities."

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