To the citizens of the First congressional district in the state of Kentucky

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TO THE CITIZENS OF THE FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DIS-
TRICT IN THE STATE OF KENTUCKY.

Gentlemen: Tlie 27th Congress is about being closed; and the sum
total of the great and glorious resuhs which we wer^ ns^nrpd won'^? rrr
taiiiiij follow the triumph of the Whig party uj the elections of lS4l», arw
now spread before the country in the tangible tbrm of legislative nroceccl-
ings.

On the 4th of March, 1841, the Whigs found themselves in full posses-
sion of the reins of government. They had the President, Vice President,
and a controlling majority in each branch of Congress; the wild fury of the
political whirlwind of the preceding year having swept over the land
with such resistless force, as to leave barely enough of the poor Democrats
to tell the story of their unparalleled disasters, it is not my purpose now
to speak at length of the extraordinary, not to say dishonorable, means
employed by the Whigs in obtaining power. It will be remembered, how-
ever, that they were as profuse in preferring charges against Mr. Van
Buren and his administration, as they were prolific in pledges of benefits
to the country, if General Harrison should be elected. The fierce and vin-
dictive manner in which Mr. Van Buren's Administration was traduced
and hunted down, finds no parallel in the annals of party warfare. Charcres
of misrule and corruption were manufactured in such numbers, and pro-
mulgated with such rapidity, that in many instances time was not allowed
to collect the proof with which to meet and refute them. The celebrated
standing army, the Hooe case, the census law, the blood-hounds, and a
thousand and one other ridiculous charges, were brought into requisition,
and were designed o?iZy to serve the purposes of the hour, and then, together
withall their other miserable appliances, to be thrown aside, and, if possible,
remembered no more. I say remembered no more; for I fancy there are
but few, very few, ofany party — unless, indeed, it may be such as have lost all
love for their country and its institutions, and all respect and esteem for the
moral sentiment and religious feeling of the community — who would not
rejoice (were it possible) to see the history of the scenes of 1840 blotted out
forever. But this cannot be! On the contrary, having found a place ia
our country's history, they will remain afoul blot on its bright pages^which,
whilst it marks the folly and dangers of the past, will, I trust, furnish a
salutary lesson for the future.

In close affinity with the " foregoing charges, was that of the extrava-
gance, and more than princely splendor, with which it was said the
President's house was furnished. Although this charge was met, and
triumphantly refuted, at the threshold, still the boldness with which
its truth v/as asserted and reaffirmed all over the country was such
that the refutation of it went for nothing. Who that listened to this
charge — always accompanied, as it was, with a grave and earnest

dissertation upon the plain republican simplicity and economy which
tiiuuld cliaracterize an Aincrican President — could have ll)ou},Hit it

fiossil)le that the Whiles, immfdiaiely after tlie eU'ction, could come into the
lalls of Cotiiiress, and ask ndcJitional furniture for the President's house?
Yet such is the fact, as the journals will show; and thesnm of $6,000 was
ftctuallv appropriated lor ihat purpose. Thus was it acknowledged in the
fact' of ihe world, not only that the charge against Mr. Van Buren was in
HscW false, but that M<//- j)rolessions of economy were equally insincere and
hyporriticul: else why this a[)propriation7 The furniture used by Mr. Van
Duren, and with which he was content, was still on hand. Yet, according
to those plain economical gentlemen, the White House lacked S6,0l)0 worth
of furniture to render it fit for a log cabin President (as they chose to call
him) to live in. Next follows the kindred appropriation of $25,000 to
Mrs. Harrison, for the services of her husband as President for one month
onhj. This most extraordinary appropriation^ made without the sanction
01 exist'iig law, and in utter disregard of the Constitution of the coun-
try, bad not even so much as the principle of common benevolence to rec-
ommend It; for it was known at the time that Mrs. Harrison was possessed
of a most ample fortune. The salary of the President being fixed by law
at S-5,(:0i) per annum. General Harrison was entitled for his one month's
service to just ."5=2,219 16, and no more. Being unable to find the slightest
justification or excuse for this act, myself, I leave it to such defence as its
friends may ofier.

But again: notwithstanding it was known that, of the numerous office-
holders under the Federal Government at Washington, a considerable ma-
jority were, and always had been, opposed to the Democratic adminisira-
tion — which is believed to have been the case throughout the Union — still the
perpetual cry of Proscriptionf proscription! was kept up until thousands
were made to believe that, by a regular, unprincipled, and most tyrannical
system of rewards and punishments, Mr. Van Buren and his friends were
ftllempting literally to force themselves into power for a second !■ rm. An
immense army of office-holders, it was affirmed, were stationed all over the
country, who, ^^spaniel-like,''' were corruptly using all the influenc*-. and
power of office, and even the money of the Government itself, to proh:./e
the views and subserve the interests of their "rri.aster at the White House.
The idea of removing men from office for opinion's sake, was most
eloquently denounced as a gross abuse of executive power ; and rp/brrn
became a watchword of the party throughout the land. It will be remem-
bered that such was the holy horror oi the Whig leaders at what they chose
to characterize as a dangerous interference in elections on the part of
office-holders, that they actually proposed to pass a law to punish any man
in office with instant removal, fine, and imprisomnevt, who should dare
to express his opinions of public men and public measures. Such was
the [)reaching of those gentlemen before the election: what has been their
practice since? I have not learned the precise number of removals in the
other departments of the Government, though they are known to have
been numerous. But Mr. GuANCiEii, a leading Whig, and once their can-
didate for the Vice Presidency, made seventeen hundred removals in less
than five months, whilst he occupied a place in the Whig cabinet as
Postmaster General; within the month of June aZo/ie, he unceremoniously
debpatcficd five hundred and thirty six Democrats; and now has the effront-
ery to tell us, iQ his place upon the floor ia the House, that, but lor his owrii

displacement, he would very soon have removed three thousand more.
Ill the face of such facts, comment would be superfluous.

" 'J'lic appointmcni of members of Congress to o/Jice" was anotiier ground
of perpetual and grievous complaint against General Jackson and Mr.
Van Buron. Yet, the momentthe Whigs got into power, as if in vlter con-
tempt, of the solemn obligations imposed by their oft-repeated pledges io
the country, they selected four of the six cabinet ministers of General Har-
rison fresh from the halls of Congress.

But, of the long catalogue of Whig complaints against the two last ad-
ministrations, none was more univet^ally and perseveringly persisted in
than the charge of extravagance in the public expenditures. This allega-
tion was always coupled with the cry and promise of /•e;re?/cAme?t/ and
reform, as the certai/i consequences of the election of General Harrison and
his frieijds. They were elected — the Democrats turned out: and what
has l>een the result? We have already noticed a few samples of Whig
economy; but, for a more comprehensive view of the subject, I beg leave
to refer you to the following table:

E.stimates.

Appropriations.

Expenditures,

1837
1838
1S39
1810

- §22,631.442

- 22,735,249

- 18,230,600

334,126,807
33,138,371
23,862,560

21,658,872

S31, 610,003
31,544,396
25,443,716
22,389,356

This table shows that, during Mr. Van Buren's administration, the ex-
penditures were brought down (speaking in round numbers) from thirty-
one millions in 1837, to twenty-two millions in 1840; and no one in the
least acquainted with the policy of that administration can doubt that these
reductions would have continued, if the management of our finances had
not bee^ transferred to other hands. The unusual and extraordinary
burdeg^Pflirown upon a good portion of General Jackson's and the first
twckMtixrs of Mr. Van Buren's administration, on account of the Florida
aii|i^reek wars, building new custom and other houses, revolutionary debt
'/the State of Connecticut, protection to the Northeastern frontier, remov-
msf Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi, dtc, which, in
1838, alone amounted to upwards of $7.0ft0,n00, were known to be rapidly
passing away; and, in view of this, Mr. Van Buren and his friends confi-
dently calculated on being able to reduce the expenses of Government to
$18,U00,0U0, or less, per annum. How stands the account since the
Whigs have had control of the finances? It must be borne in mind that
estimates and appropriations for the year 1841 were made by the Dem-
ocrats, just before they went out of office, and were as follows: estimates
^17,688,736, and Congress appropriated for ordinary expenses $19,708,-
996 62; and, at the earnest solicitation of the Whigs, and to avoid the ne-
cessity of ;i called session, also gave power to issue treasury notes amounting
to $5,43l,4"3L 17 — thus giving over twenty-five miUions for the service ot
that year.

The Whigs were not content with that sum, as will be seen from the fiict,
that, upon meeting at the extra session, they made new and additional appro-
priations, to the amount of ^5.043,705 0?. Thus swelling the appropriations
for 1841 to thirty instead of twenty five millions, as proposed by their
Democratic predecessors. The difference between Whig and Democratic
economy is here seen at a glance. And it may be set down as one item in
the ioi)^ list of blessings promised by the former, that they have cost the

good people of this country, in tiie first year of their rule, the modest sum
of ^OjOl^.TO.J 02 more than the Deinocrais proposed, or would have ex-
ponded, had ihoy been permitted to remain in power. Passing- to the year
1842, we find the expenditures were $23,837,805 (51 — showina^ an
increase over Mr. Van 13urfn's last year of oiie miihon and a half ; and
this, too, after the treasury had been relieved from nearly all the extraor-
duiary expenses growirji^ oat of the Florida war, as well as the other causes
to which I have alluded. Heaiiuofin mind the patriotic strjuns with which
the Whigs everywhere denounced what they were pleased to call wastefu I
extravagance on the part of their opponents, who could have dreamed of
such a showing as this? Let it nflt be said that Mr. Tyler did it. The
President is responsible for what he may recommend, and for the faithful
apjilication of the stuns appropriated. But it is the Congress that "holds
the purse strings of the nation." In the language of the Constitution, "no
fiionf'ij ti/tall Iff drawn from the. treasury but in consequence of], appro-
priudons made by law.'''' With the Whig majority in Congress, then,
rests the responsibility; and it would be vain for them to attempt to shift it
off upon others.

Jjiit our proof relative to the boasted economy and fiaa}icial skill of the
"Whigs does not stop here. I invite your particular attention to the follow-
ing tables, showing the precise state of the debt charged by them to iiave
been left upon the country by Mr. Van Burcn's administration:

1st. Amount of the public debt on the Aih March, 1841.

Old funded and unfunded debt —
Funded debt, interest and principal - - - $296^642 05

Unfunded debt (old) — treasury notes - $4,596 20

Mississippi stock - - - - 4,320 09

Kegislercd debt ... - 26.622 44

35,538 73

Debts o(the corporate cities of the District of Columbia as-
sumed by tlie United States . - - . 1,500,000 00
Treasury notes - - - - - - 5,648,512 40

$7,480,693 18

2c?. tSlatcment of the public debt on the I'Slh February, 1843.

Old funded and unfunded debt —
Fundc d debt, interest and princii)al - - - $2SS,306 40

Unhinded debt (old)— treasury notes - $4,317 44
Mississippi Slock - - - - 4,320 09

Kegisiertd debt ... - 26,622 44

35,259 97

Debts of the corporate cities of the District of Columbia as-
sumed by the United States .' - - - 1,380,000 00
Trcasurv n«tes .-.-.- 11,711,210 17
Loans of 1841 and 1842 - .... 13.974,44511

$27,389,221 65

T. L. SMITH, Jlegister.

How vStand their own records? What do they prove ? 1st. They prove
that this debt, inherited, as they say, from Mr. Van Bim-n, was only
$5,05:^,108 (■)(). The funded debt, and, indeed, all the items in itiis lal)le,
except the treasury notes, had come down as old dtbis from fireccdii)')
administrations, and are nut charifcahle to A]r. Van Hnren. VVhencv(!r,
then, yon hear it as a ^^ hig apolojry for their extrava<r:ince and \\\)i\i
taxes, that they were necessary to enable them to pay off Mr. Van IJnren's
debts, point them to this table, and fearlessly challenge every "Whig in
America to show that it was one dollar more than .35,1353,108 OO. JJiit
did they pay off even this debt, aher ihey came into power? No ; on the
contrary, instead of diminishing, they have augmented it to an alarming
amount. The second table, as above, shows that, on the 1 3th of i-'eb-
ruary, 1813, they had increased tiie debt over twenty millions in two
years. Is this the economy of which we heard so much during the
presidential canvass of 1840? What excuse can the Whig party" ren-
der to the people for such a state of things as is here presented? Tlie
extra session was convened (as they said) for the express purpose of
paying off the outstanding debt of Mr. Van l?uren's administration, and to
provide a sufficient revenue for the waiJts of the Government. 'J'hen,
why were those objects not accomplislied ? How does it happeti that
those gentlemen, after having full control of the Government for two
whi'^e years, are now about to leave it in a condition so much worse than
they found it? A proper solution of these questions would clearly demon-
strate the whole financial policy of the Wings to be radically defective,
and, if persisted in, must inevitably lead to the most disastrous conse-
quences. But what is this policy, as developed by their acts during the
present Congress? We have already seen that the economy they preached
with such impassioned fervor before^ was lorgotteii and repudiated njler
they got into power ; and that relief to an exhausted treasury, by means
of a reduction of expenses, has formed no part of tJieir syi>te7n. With
them, a high protective tariff was a favorite measure; and, ni their great
eagerness to grasp that object, tiiey seem to have entirely overlooked, or
wilfully trampled under foot, the interest of the Goveintment, as well as
the jjeoplp. 'rhat this is true, so fi\r as the Government is concerned, is
fully verified by tlie fact — that, itistead of providing relief to an exhausted
treasury, by fostering witii cnre the means on hand, and increasing those
means by the imposition of suitable taxes, (as every prudent man will say
it was their duty to have done,) they went off full chase in pursuit of tiieir
great idea of a protective tariff; and, as a necessary prerequisite to the com-
plete consummation of tliis grand object, their first stop was to distribute
the land fund among the several Slates. This fund, which, under a judi-
cious manngement of the land sales, may be estimated at about 33,Oil( ,()(.i()
per annum, constituted a part of the regular annual revenues of this Gov-
ernment; and, to that extent, lessened the burdens of Federal taxation upon
the people. To say nothing of the total want of cotistitntional antliority
to distribute this fund, let nje ask. Was it expedient? Kenuinber the
condition of the treasury — its embarrassments and indebtedness; and,
under such circumstances, can any prudent man justify tlie policy? It
will not be pretended that it could, in any possible contingency, operate as
a measure of relief to the Government; nor can it be regarded as such to
the people, v/ho, after all, must, in some form or other, pay the expenses
of Government, both State and Federal. W'hy, then, this robbery of tiie

national trciisiiry ? The answer is plain. It was done, as all must see,
to make room (or the high protective tarilF which followed. By sqnander-
itigthis land fund, they furnished an excuse for the iniposiiion of duties
to thai extent higher than would otherwise have been necessary in sup-
f)lyini: the Government with revenue. In favor of their late exorbitant
larilf, the Wliii^s, hy this contrivance, were en;ihled to plead a neccssifi/
which they had themselves created, This dislribulion, then, is in truth
a tariff Ineasiire in dis<riii.se. That such is Us practical operation, none
can deny; and that it was so intended by its authors, who can doubt?

But, as a further test of the financial skill of the VVhi<(s, let ns examine
for a moment the effect of their late tarifl* upon the revenue. Let it be
recollected that (beiiiii^ in a majority) they brought forward and passed just
such a tariff as they said would be sufiicient to supply the Government
with all necessary revenue. In the debates on this subject, the Democrats
contended that this tariff was a measure which, whilst it afforded bounties
to the mctniifarturer on the one hand, would diininish the revctnie on
the other. Let us see who was right in tliis important matter. By refer-
ence to House document JNo. 244, page 57, it will be seen that the
receipts from customs for 1840 were $13,499,502; for 1841, they were
§; 14,187,210 ; and, as appears, by reference to House document No. 17,
(Secretary of the Treasury's report,) the receipts for the fh'st three quar-
ters of 1842 were $14,260,830 30. Here we have exhibited a regular
increase of revenue, under a system of low and declining duties, as pro-
vided by the compromise act of 1833, down to August,'l842, when the
present hiiih tariff commenced its operation. And what has been the
result? By another letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, (House
document No. 70.) it is shown that the receipts from customs, under the
new tariff, for the last quarter of 1842, were $2,573,430 76; and the
larsrest amount estimated by him, for the whole of the present year, is
$13,000,000. The only inference which can be drawn from these facts
IS, that a protective tariff and a tariff for revenue are wholly different//ow,
and. in a great degree, inconsistent ivil/i, each other. And, in adjusting
this question, the Whigs, in their zeal for protection, entirely disregarded
the question of revenue.

How this measure, which, in addition to the tax it imposes for the benefit
of the Government, levies a much greater contribution for the benefit of
the manufacturer, can be tortured into a system of relief to the people,
I am totally at a lo>s to conceive. That, on the contrary, it is one of those
ingenious contrivances by which the few seek to plunder the many, nnist
l)e apparent to all who take the trouble to examine its praciical operation.

But if the Whiws were unsuccessful in raising a sufiicient revenue,
they have been etpially unfortunate, in the v/ay of providing a suitable
system for its collt;ction and safekeeping. When they took possession of
the Governtnent, they found the independent treasury in full and success-
ful operation. That measure — to say nothing of its other salutary ytrovi-
■AMi\s—a.'itninlij did throw around the public treiisiire more eflicieiitand sub-
stantial saf' guards than any ever adopted since the foundation of the Gov-
ernment. But it was an antagonist measure to their favorite credit system.
It made no provision wlwreby the bankers and stockjobbers of the country
eould enjoy the use of the public moneys to trade and speculate upon.
Ihnce it was peculiarly obnoxious to the Whigs, who, with fierce impa-
tience, swept it from the statute book; leaving nothing, or next to nothing,
in the shape of law, as a substitute for it.

Thus the safekeepino^ of the vast animal revenue of the Government has
been placed at the discrelii)n of the President. Where or how it is to bu
kept, is for him to determine.

After so nwxch frenzied railing against executive patronaj^e and jjoirer —
the union of the purse and the sword in the liands of one man — who could
have supposed it possible that tlie Wliips, havm;s^ the power, would have
suffered such a state of things to exist for a single day/ Yet, at the end of
two years of almost perpetual legislation, these gentlemen are about to go
home, leaving the purse of tfie nation in the bands of John "^I^ybtr, who,
they say, is not only weak and incompetent, but wholly destitute of political
or moral integrity.

To remedy this evil, the majority passed two Federal bank cliartors, in
each of which they provided that the national treasure should go into the
holy keeping of the President, Directors, «fc Co., of the proposed l)ank.
Thus, in effect, making the bank the treasuri/, and the bankers the ircaau.
rers of the Government. These propositions were met and defn^ted by the
veto; and iierethe efforts of the Wliig Congress to provide a fiscal agent
for the Government ended. The President, on fiis part, proposed a nation-
al exchequer, based on the revenues of the Government, with power to es-
tablisli branches in the|several States, to receive individual depoi>ites of mon-
ey, to issuepaperon the credit of the Government, to buy and sell bills of ex-
change, &c. This measure, 1 am liappy to say, met with no favor from either
party. Hence the whole question is referred to the people, who will deter-
mine for themselves whether they will adopt a bank, tlie sub treasury, or
some other scheme, as an agent for the collection, safekeeping, and disburse-
ment of the Government revenues.

But the bank was proposed as a measure of relief to the people. As a
sample of some of the blessings to be expected from it, allow me to offer
the following extract:

"What banks cost the people. — Notwithstanding all that has been said and written upon
the subject of the credit and banking systems, lew persons are actually aware of the vast amount
which the people of the United States pay to ihe banks in the shape of interest «/a«<:. The
United States Treasury reports enable us to make up the following table, exhibiting ihe whole
number of banking institutions in each of five disastrous years, and their aggregate amount of
loans and circulation. It is a brief but comprehensive table, worthy of careful study and per-
petual remembrance :

Banks.

Loans.

Circulation.

In the year 1836
1837
1838
1839
1840 - - -

713

788
8-29
840
901

S457,50G,0S0
5-25,115,702
485,631,687
39 2, 278,0 15
462,890,523

$110,301,038
119,1^5,890
110,138,910
135,170,995
106,968,572

At an interest of

2, 4-23, 4-28, 007
6

per cent.

$145,405,680 42

"One hundred and forty-five million four hundred and five thousand six hundred and eighty
dollars and forty-two cents, paid in the shape of interest to the banks of the United States in the
space of five years ! 1 !

"Who can wonder, after knowing the above facts, that the community has been laboring
under embarrassment! And who is there so stupid, or so headiitrong and perverse, that doe.^
not wish, in the fulness of his heart, that the industry and labor which dischar<,'cd the above
debt to the banks, had been devoted to bringing into the country the same grand sum of gold
and silver, instead of worthless, exploded, fraudulent bank paper!"— OAio Fatrwi.

But. in the catalojine of relief measures, the bt\nkruptla\v stands too con-
jjpicuons to he overlooked, and cannot have failed to coiuniiind the earnest
consideration ol all men of nil parlies. 'IMiatit has had the effect of relieving
manv nnforinnate and wortliy persons from a state of hopeless and irre-
irievahle indebtedness. I am free to allow. Bat 1 think it mnst. at the samo
time, Ite admitted that it does n)ore to weaken the sacred ohlio;ation of con-
tr;icis, offers stron<;ei- indncemenis to frauds and perjuries, and thus in-
fuses a more deadly moral poi^^on tluout,diout the land, than any law ever
passed by Couijress. Such a law, 1 presinme, can have but lew advocates.

Tiiat there inay be no misapprehension as to wliom the country is in-
d<>])ted for this measure, 1 be<: leave to say that it passed the Senate by a
vote of 2(3 to 23 — but four Dt-mocrats voting for it. It passed the House
by a vote of 111 to 105 — two Democrats onlt/ voting for it. For niyself,
I not onlv voted ajjaiust it from the beginning, but, by reference to the
journal, it wdl be seen that it was upon my motion a bill was gotten up to
repeal it. before the time fixed for it to go into operation; which bill passed
the House by a majority of 2S votes, but was defeated in the Senate by uue
vote.

Notwithstanding (he evidences of popular opinion in Kentucky against
this law, as shown by the action of her Legislature, and otherwise, it
is a remarkable (act that Mr. Clay was among the numl)er who voted
asainst its repeal. If he had voted differently, we should have been saved
>^'halever of mischief it has inflicted on the country.

The repeal of the sub treasury — the establishment of a national bank —
the distribution of the land fund — a protective tariff — and this bankrupt
law — constitute a system of measures, by means of which general relief
was to be afforded to the Government and the people. We liave had the
benefit of all these measures, in whole or in part, except the bank; and
where are the evidences of that glorious prosperity so confidently predicted
by the Whijs, and so fondly hoped for by the people? Let a bankrupt
treasury — the depressed and crippled condition of trade and commerce —
the low prices of^ labor and produce — and the deep and widespread pecu-
niary suderingsof the whole country — answer the question.

If I am asked for a remedy for these evils, my reply is, that risid econ-
omy, hard money, and low taxes, with the energy and industry of our
people, constitute the 7nostj if not the only, substantial relief which can be
applied.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

LYNN BOYD.

Washington, February 22, 1843.

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