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«
J A
WORKS ISSUED BY
C^e l^a&Iugt ^omte«
THE TRAVELS OF
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA.
3C.DCCC.LXIII.
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THE TRAVELS
OF
LUDOVICO DI YARTHEMA
IN
EGYPT, Sim, ABABIA DESEBTA AND ABABIA FELIX.
IN PEB8IA, INDIA, AND ETHIOPIA.'
A.D. 1508 TO 1608.
FROM THE ORIGINAL ITALIAN EDITION OF 1510,
WITH A PBEFACE,
BY
JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., P.S.A.,
9nti etiittn.
WITH NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION,
BY
GEORGE PERCY BADGER,
L4TB OOTBRNMBHT CHAPLAIN IN TRB PBEBXDBMCT 0¥ BOMBAT,
AUTHOR or *' TRB BBBTOBIAKS AMD THBIB B1TUAL8,"
ETC., BTC, BTC.
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WITH A MAP.
Gi'
LONDON:
PRINTED
FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
ft
M.Dccc.ijan.
Ni**^
^^'
LOMDOM : T. RICBARPS, 97, ORKAT QUBRM RTRBBT.
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TO THK
RIGHT HONOURABLE
SIR CHARLES WOOD, Bart., G.C.B.,
HER majesty's SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA,
THIS EDITION
OF THE EASTERN TRAVELS OF
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA,
AT THK BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY,
IB RE8PE0TFULLT DEDICATED
BY THE EDITOR. •
1 071 91
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR RODEBIGK IMPEY MUKCHI80N, G.O.SLS., FJI.S., D.G.L., Gorr. Mem. lust. F..
Hon. Mam. Imp. Aead. Se. St Petertbarg, etc., eto., Pbbsxdbmt.
BKAjfADifiiUL G. B. DRINKWATEB BETHUNE, G.B.)
{- VigB'Paksidbntb.
Thb Bt. Hoh. Sib DAVID DUNDAS, M.P. )
J. BABBOW, Esq., F.R.S.
Bt. How. LOBD BBOUGHTON.
•Captaih GBAGBOFT, B.N.
6i& HENBY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
JOHN FOP^TEB, Esq.
B. W. OBEY, Esq , M.P.
T. HODOKIN, Esq., M.D.
JOHN WINTEB JONES, Esq., F.S.A.
HX8 EZOBLLKHGY THB GOUNT DE LAVKADIO.
B. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.
Sim OHABLES NTGHOLSOK, Babt.
Sib EBSKINE PEBRY.
Majob-Gbhbbal Sib HENRY G. BAWLINSON, K.C.B.
WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ.. M.P.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., HoMOB.\By Skcbutauy.
DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER,
Map of Vartbema'8 route to face title-png^.
Section from Gastaldi's Map », page exx.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR.
This translation made from the first Italian edition of 1510 ; truthful-
ness of Yarthema's narrative, and simplicity of his style ; later
• editions more or less &ulty; the present version intended to be a
faithful repr^entative of the original text ; Yarthema's work imme-
diately attracted attention, i-iii. Different editions and translations
enumerated: Italian; Latin; German; Spanish; French; Dutch;
English^ iii-zvi.
INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR.
Deficiency of aU the authorities as to Yarthema's antecedents, xvii ; not
supplied by allusions in his dedication, ziz ; notice of the Lady Agnesina,
Duchess of Albi and Tagliacozzo, to whom he dedicates, zix ; Bamusio's
pre&ce has no information, and his edition a third-hand version, xxi ;
particulars derivable with more or less certainty from the narrative
itself, xzii ; his motives for travelling, xriii ; character of his narrative,
zziii ; scanty recompense, xziv.
Date of his leaving Europe, zxv ; remarks on his notices of Cairo and
Egypt under the Mamluks, ib, ; Syria and Damascus, xxvi ; his enrol-
ment as a Maml{ik, and reserve as to his profession of IsUm, his Mus-
guhnan name (Yiinas or Jonah), and his knowledge of Muhammedanism,
xxvi ; remarks on such conformity to Islamism, xxvii ; he joins the Hajj
Caravan from Damascus, ib. ; the on^ European who has reached Meccah
by that route, xxvii ; his sketches of the desert and Bed&win, xxviii ; his
notice of a colony of Jews near El-Medinah, and the fact auliienticated,
ib, ; his description of El-Medinah and correction of fables about Muham-
med's coffin, xxix ; his journey on to Meccah, xxx ; his notice of the
politics of the time confirmed by Arabic authorities, the Kwrrat EU
AyHn and Rtah er-BuQh, xxx-xxxv ; his account of Meccah, its visitors,
holy places, and ceremonies, xxxv ; wonderful truth of his descriptions,
as confirmcHl incidentally by Burckhardt and expressly by Burton, xxxvi.
Yarthema escapes to Juddah from the Caravan, xxxvi-vii ; his voyage down
the Bed Sea and arrival at Aden, xxxviii ; suspected as a Christian spy
and imprisoned, and sent to the Sult&n of southern Yemen at BadAa,
xxxix ; corroboration of a part of Yarthema's story here from the nar-
ratives of Portuguese acts of piracy at this time, xxxix — ^xli; outline
of the contemporary politics of Yemen from Arabic authorities, xli — xliv,
and incidental corroboration of Yarthema's narrative, xliv ; intervention
of one <^ the Sultdn's wives in Yarthema's favour, and his pretended
madness, xlv ; morality of the harim, ib. ; Yarthema obtains leave to
visit Aden, where he engages a passage to India, and spends the interval
before its departure on an excursion through Yemen, xlvi ; he is the first
European tmveUer who has described that country, and scarcely any but
a
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Niebnhr haTe followed, xlvi; alwtzact of hu loate, zhii; retnnis to Aden,
embarks, runs for Africa and visits ZaOa and B^bera ; tnith of his de-
scriptions, xlviii ; circiunstantial evidence of the season at which this
voyage was made, xliz ; Yarthema crosses the Indian ocean to IMu in
Qnzerat ; thence to Goao ; and thence westward to Jolfftr in the Per-
sian Golf, Maskat, and Hormoz, 1 ; notices of Hormuz and its his-
tory, 1, li.
Varthema's visit to Eri or Herat, lii ; difficulty about his " large and fine
river ;" ShirAz, liii ; his meeting with a Persian merchant " Cozasionor,"
who becomes his travelling companion ; advantages of this to Yarthema^
liv ; they start for Samarcand, but are turned back by the Suft's perse-
cation of the Shi'ils ; confirmation of this from history, lv,lvi ; Cozazionor
proposes to give Yarthema his niece in mairiage, Ivii ; they reach Hormoz
and embark for India, arriving at Cheo or Jooah on the Indus ; th^
reach Cambay, Iviii ; truth of particulars regarding it.
Political state of Western India at this period, Iviii ; accession to the
throne of Guzerat of MahmM ShAh, sumamed Bigarrah, who reigned
during Yarthema's visit, lix ; Mussulman kingdom of the Deccan, its
vicissitudes and subdivision ; ' Adil ShAh of Bljapur, Yarthema's " King
of Deccan," Ix ; the Brahminical kingdom of BijayanagAr ; Bamr^ of
that state, Yarthema's " King of Narsinga," Izi ; B^ah of Cannanore;
kinjgdom of the Zammi Bc^ah or Zamorin, bdi ; history of his pre-
eminence as ffiven by the Portuguese ; Quilon, Ixiii ; Chayl ; kingdom
of Bengal under the Purbt sxdt&nis.
Yarthema's account of the Jains and the Joghis, Ixiv ; his description of
Sult4n MahmM's mustachioes confirmed by the Mussulman historians.
Yarthema's journey along the coast, inland to Bljapiir and back to the
coast, and so to Cannanore, Izv; his abstinence fiN>m communication
with the Portuguese abreadiy established there; visit to B^ayanagAr,
and remarks on his notices of the coinage; return to the coast and
journey along it to Calicut, Izvi ; fiillness, truth, and oricinality of his
descriptions of manners and peculiarities here, of the distinotions of
castes and sin^^ular marriage customs, Ixvii; remarks upon these.
Yarthema and his companion quit Calicut by the Backwaters, for Kv|raJi-
Kulam and Colon or Quilon, Izix; thence to Chayl; position of tiie
latter ; city of Cioromandel, Ixx, probably N^^^tam ; their visit to
Ceylon ; they proceed to Paleachet or Pulicat, mri ; remarks suggested
by the narrative as to the freedom of trade, and protection of foreign
traders in India in those days, Ixri ; many subordinate ports then fre-
quented even by foreign vessels are now abandoned and have disap-
peared from the maps, Izxii ; causes of the greater commercial centraliza-
tion of the present day, and doubts whether the improvement of access
to the old intermediate ports would not have been attended by better
results ; ff eneral prosperity which seems to have prevailed, and for which
a much less equal <ustribution of property has now been substituted;
impartial administration of justice m old India ; the comparative costli-
ness and tardiness of our system ; humorous story in illustration related
by an Arab merchant, Ixriv.
Sketch of the political geography of the Transgangetic Peninsula, Izxvi;
Pegu, Siam, Ava, and Toungoo; the various kingdoms of Sumatra;
" Moors" and " Pagans ;" Java, bcEvii ; sovereigns of the farther islands
visited by Yarthema.
The travellers sail from Pulicat to TarruuMuri or Tenasserim, Ixxviii;
truthful features of the description ; Yarthema's notice of the Hombill,
Ixzix ; of extraordinary marriage usages ; voyage to the " city of Ban-
ghella," Izxx ; discussion as to the whereabouts of the city so indicated,
with various quotations ; wealth and abundance of products, Ixxzii ;
meeting with Christians from the city of Samau, and probable identifi-
cation of that place, from passage in Odorico ; remarks on the interest-
ing character of Fra Odorico's narrative, Ixxziii ; these Christians advised
TABLE OF C02?TENTS.
Vfurthema's oompanion to yisit Pega with them, Izxziv; description of
Pegu> Ixzxv ; Varthema's statement abont the existence of Christians
there, Ixxxy ; interview with the King of Pegn, Ixxxvi.
Departure for Malacca^ Ixzxvii; " Ghreat Biver/' viz. Straits of Malacca,
Ixzxyii ; character of the place and people, and corroboration of Var-
thema's narratire ; SnmatTa, Izzxriu ; questions raised b^ the text
T^rarding coins and silk in that island; Toyage to the Spice Islands
undertaken, zc ; this part of the route neyer previonsly recorded by any
European, but it womd be rash to say never travelled, xci ; the Nutmeg
or Banda Islands ; Monooh or the Moluccas ; which of tJie latter did
Tarthema visit P xdi; visit to Borneo, the piurt not determined, xciii ;
carious particulars as to appliances for navigation, xciv ; the Southern
Cross, xcv; and stories heard of apparently antarctic regions,xcv; curiosity
of the Sarnau Christians about Western Christendom ; tiiiis may have
awakened Varthema's desires for home and the abandonment of his
fidse profession, xcvi; arrival at Java; a plea for the account of it
given by Varthema against Mr. Crawfdrd's condemnation ; mutilated
children, xcvii.
Betum to Malacca and thence to Negapatam, and Calicut, xcviii ; the
two Milanese gun-lbunders; Varthema's appearance as a physician, and
as ImAm; his journey to Cannanore and escape into the Portuguese
g^arrisou, xcix.
Varthema present at the sea fight off Cannanore, c ; employed as £Ehctor
at Cochin ; in the attack on Ponani ; his knighthood ; remarks on the
&naticism and violence of the Portuguese.
Varthema finally quits India, ci; remarks on the rapid orowth of the
Portuguese power in the East, and its rapid decay, cii ; their religious
conquests have survived their temporal sovereignty, dii ; success of
Boman Catholic mission in India greater than that of the Beformed
churches, civ ; remarks of Heber quoted.
Mozambique, cvi ; summary of history of the Muhammedan settlements
on the coast of Eastern Africa from Ejrapf, evil ; the Portuguese rule
and its &J1, cviii ; inscription over the gateway of Mombdsa ; rise of the
'AmmAn Seyyeds of Maskat and Zanzibar, ex ; Varthema's inland excur-
sion at Mozambique, and the illustration it affords of the dealings of the
civilized with the uncivilized, cxL
Varthema's arrival in Europe, and conclusion of his naarrative, cxii.
The Editor's acknowledgments to various gentlemen, cxiii.
PosTSCBiPT. On the site of the ancient city of Bengala.
Further evidence as to the existence of Bengala as a city and port distinct
from Satgong and Chittaffong, oxiv ; some authors, however, mention the
two latter and not Bengtua, cxvii ; abstract of the data as to these three
cities a^rded by the principal old maps in the British Museum, cxix ;
Bengala appears for the last time in 1740 ; the site of Bengala, and its
probable destruction by the river as supposed by Bennell, cxz.
Advantages of Travel, from the Arabic.
TEAVELS OP LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA.
(The headings in the larger type are those of the original text,)
Privilege of printing granted to Varthema by Baphael Bishop of Portueri
and Cardinal of ^. George, the Pope's Chamberlain.
Dedication to Countess of Albi and Duchess of Tagliacozzo, 1-4.
First Chapter concerning Alexandria; 5.
a 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning Cairo, 5, 6.
Size of the city, 5 ; Snltan, MamelakeB, and Moors, 6.
Chapter concerning Baniti, Tripoli, and Aleppo, 6, 7.
Sails to Bamti TBeyroot), 6; St. G^rge and the Dragon, 7 ; goes to
Tripoli, ib.; to Aleppo, w.
Chapter concerning Aman and Menin, 8.
First Chapter concerning Damascus, 8-11.
Beauty of Damascus, 8 ; Varthema learns Moorish (Arahic) ; Castle
of Damascus; story of its builder, a Florentine, 9; government of
Damascus under the Sultan of Cairo, and oppressive exactions, 10 ;
watchmen, 11.
Second Chapter concerning said Damascus, II, 12.
£iches ; fruits and flowers ; water and fountains, 11 ; Mosque of St.
Zachariali j legendary sites of St. Paul's history and others, 12.
Third Chapter concerning [the Mamelukes in] Damascus, 13-15.
Mamelukes, their training, pay, and customs, 13 ; rudeness to ladies ;
dress of ladies ; divorces ; cheese, milk, and goats, 14 ; truffles ; dress
of Moors ; Mameluke oppression ; Christian merchants, 15.
BOOK CONCERNING ARABIA DESERTA.
Chapter showing the route from Damascus to Mecca, wherein
some Arabs are concerned, 16-19.
Varthema joins the caravan to Mecca in the character of a Mame-
luke ; travels to Mezeribe, 16 ; Zambei a great Arab lord ; his plun-
dering excursions; Arabs described, 17; numbers in the caravan^
and its marshalling ; length of the journey to Mecca ; food of camels ;
halts to water, 18 ; fiffhts with the Arabs at watering places ; excel-
lence and skill of the Mamelukes as soldiers, archers, and horsemen, 19.
Chapter concerning the city of Sodom and Gomorrah, 19-21.
Valley of Sodom ; barren and blood-red soil, 19 ; deaths from thirst
in the caravan ; mountain with a well, and fight with 24,000 Arabs ;
camel intrenchment, 20; black-mail paid; fight renewed and many
Arabs killed, 21.
Chapter concerning a mountain inhabited by Jews, 22-25.
Mountain in which dwelt Jews, naked, short and black, 22, 23;
tank of water, and turtle-doves, 24; arrives at Medinathalnabi (El-
Medtnah) ; barrenness round it ; palm-garden ; fables about Maho-
met's tomb denied, 25.
Chapter concerning where Mahomet and his Companions were
buried, 26-28.
The mosque described ; books of Mahomet and his Companions, 26 ;
tombs of Mahomet, Haly, Babacher, Othman, Aumar, and Fatoma,
27 ; dissensions of Mahometan sectaries, 28.
Chapter concerning the Temple and Sepulchre of Mahomet and
his Companions, 28-31.
Superior of the Mosque tries to trick the caravan, 28 ; Varthema's
Arabic, 29 ; pretended supernatural illumination of ihe sepulchre, 80 ;
no truth about the loadstone, 31.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning the journey to go from Medina to Mecca, 31-35.
Pilots of the carayan, 31 ; well of St. Mark, 32 ; sea of sand (which
shoxdd have heen mentioned before the Jews' mountain) and its
dangers, 33 ; remarkable moontaln and g^tto, 84 ; two fights wit^
Arabs; arrival at Mecca; four brothers fighting for the lordship
thereof, 35.
Chapter showing how Mecca is constructed, and why the Moors
go to Mecca, 35-37.
Description of Mecca, 35 ; its governors ; caravan enters the city, 36 ;
beorenness round the ci^ renders it dependent for food on foreign
parts, 37.
Chapter concerning the merchandize in Mecca, 38.
Chapter concerning the pardoning in Mecca, 38-41.
The Ghreat Temple or Mosque described, 38 ; the tower (El-E&aba), 89 ;
the well, 40; ceremonies performed by the pilgrims, 41.
Chapter concerning the manner of the sacrifices in Mecca, 42-46.
Sacrifices of sheep at a moimtain ; poor pilgrims, 42 ; discourse of the
Cadi; returns to Mecca ; stone-throwing, and legend of its origin, 44;
doves of Mecca, 45.
Chapter concerning the unicorns in the Temple of Mecca, not very
common in other places, 46-49.
Chapter concerning some occurrences between Mecca and Zida, a
port of Mecca, 49-52.
Varthema recognized as a European by a certain Moor, 49; but pro-
fesses to be a Mahometan convert, 50 ; the Moor conceals him in his
house, and the Damascus caravan departs, 51 ; whilst Varthema goes
with another caravan to Zida (Juddah), 52.
Chapter concerning Zida, the port of Mecca, and of the Red
Sea, 52-54.
Zida described; Varthema hides in a mosque, 52; agrees with a
ship-master going to Persia, and sails, 54.
Chapter showing why the Red Sea is not navigable, 54.
THE SECOND BOOK.— OF ARABIA FELIX.
Chapter concerning the City of Gezan [Gazl^n], and of its fer-
tility, 55, 56.
Chapter concerning some people called Baduin [Bedawin], 56-57.
Chapter concerning the island of the Red Sea called Chama-
ram [Camr&n], 57, 58.
The island and its productions, 57 ; the mouth of the Bed Sea, and
island of Bebmendo (BAb el-Mandeb) ; arrival at Aden, 58.
Chapter concerning the city of Aden, and of some customs respect-
ing the merchants, 59, 65.
Aden described; intense heat; Castle (of Seerah), 59; mode of
securing the Sultan's dues from ships; Varthema denounced as a
Christian spy, and put in irons, 60; sent to the Saltan at a city
called Bhaoa (BodM), 61; dialogue with the Sultan; the author
TABLB OF OOHlKlin.
to be » Mahamedni, bat enmot «tter tte c roo d, and is
cast into prison, 68; Sultan's gnaid of Abysanians ; their diess and
aims, 6i; camds and tents, 65.
Chapter concerning the partiality of the women of Arabia Felix for
white men, 65-68.
The Queen's tindnww to yaztliflBia» 65; he feigns madness, 66, 67 ;
be is zemored to the palace, 68.
Chapter concerning the liberality of the Qaeen, 68- 1 3.
The Qoeen makes mnch of him, bat he eTsdes her adTanoes, 68-70;
she procoies bis release fiom the Saltan, 71; he goes to Aden and
engages a passage to India^ 73.
Chapter concerning Lagi, a city of Arabia Felix, and concerning
Aiazy and the market in Aias» and the castle Dante, 73-75.
Whilst the ship delays he txareb oyer Arabia Felix ; to Lagi (Lih^),
78; Aiax ('Az'az), 74; Hahomedan sects; strong city of Dante
(Damt), 75.
Chapter concerning Almacarana, a city of Arabia Felix, and of its
abundance, 75-77.
Goes to Almacrana (El-MakrAnah), a city on a mountain, 75 ; great
reservoir; and the Saltan's treasare kept there, 77.
Chapter concerning Reame, a city of Arabia Felix, and of its air,
and of the customs of the inhabitants, 77, 78.
Goes to Seame (TeEim), 77; &t-tailed sheep; seedless grapes;
longevity of people, 78 ; fiuhion of horns.
Chapter concerning Sana, a city of Arabia Felix, and of the strength
and cruelty of the King's son, 78-80.
Goes to Sana (Sania), 78 ; the Saltan's endeaToais to captare it, 79;
the Saltan of Sana's mad son, who eats homan flesh, 80.
Chapter concerning Taesa and Zibit and Damar, very large cities
of Arabia Felix, 80-82.
Goes to Taesa (Ta'ez), 80 ; its antiqaity and buildings, 81 ; goes to
Zibit (Zebtd) ; goes to Daoiar (DbamAr), 82.
Chapter concerning the Sultan of all the above-mentioned cities,
and wherefore he is called by the name of Sechamir, 83, 84.
The name explained; the Sultan puts no one to death but in war;
but had thousands in prison.
Chapter concerning apes, and some animals like lions very hostile
to man, 84, 85.
Betums to Aden, 84; finds a mountain with numerous apes, and
destructive animsls like lions (supposed hyenas), 85 ; goes on board
ship.
Discourse touching some places of Ethiopia, 85.
An accident Bends them to the ooast of Ethiopia, where they enter the
port of Zeila (ZbHa).
Chapter concerning Zeilai a city of Ethiopia, and of the abundance
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
of it, and concerning some animals of the said city, such as
sheep and cows, 86-88.
Traffic of Zeila, slaye trade, ^., 88 ; j^roducts ; oil of zerzalino ; fieit-
taUed Berbera sheep, 87; twisted-tailed sheep; stag-homed cows;
one-homed cows ; the Saltan, his soldiers, &c., 88.
Chapter concerning 6arhara> an island of Ethiopia, and of its
people, 88-90.
Arrival at Barbara (Berbera), 88 ; sails for Persia, 90.
THE BOOK CONCERNING PERSIA.
Chapter concerning Diuobandierrumi, and Qoa, and Giulfar, lands
of Meschety a port of Persia, 91-93.
After twelve days reaches Diuobandiermmi (Din in Gozerat), 91 ;
goes to Goa (GK>ghA), 92; to Ginlfiar (JnlfUr inthe Persian GulQ, 98;
and Meschet (Maskat).
Chapter concerning Ormus, a city and island of Persia, and how
they get very large pearls at it by fishing, 94, 95.
Chapter concerning the Sultan of Ormus, and of the cruelty of the
son against the Sultan his father, his mother, and his bro-
thers, 96-99.
The Stdtan's eleven sons, the eldest a devil, the youngest simple, 96;
the former murders his father, mother, and brothers, except the
young^t ; he tries to ff et rid of two powerful favourites of his father,
and is slain by one of them, 97, 98 ; who causes the younger brother
to be proclaimed Sultui, 99 ; the many merchants of Ormus.
Chapter concerning Eri in Corozani, of Persia, and of its riches,
and of the abundance of many things, and especially of rhu-
barb, 99-101.
Yarthema passes to Persia, and travels to Eri (HerAt) in Corazani
(KhorassAn), 99; abundance of silk and rhubarb; population, 101.
Chapter concerning the river Eufra, which I believe to be the
Euphrates, 101-103.
Arrives at a large river called by the people Eufra (? PulwAn), 101 ;
reaches the dty Schirazo (Shiriz) ; tunjuoises and rubies from
Bolachsam (Badakhsftn), 102; musk, and its power when ^ure;
character of the Persians; liberality and kindness of Cozazionor
(Khawija ), a Persian merchant who proposes that Yarthema
should travel with him ; they set out towards Sambragante (Samar-
cand), 103.
Chapter concerning Sambragante (as it is called), a very large city
like Cairo, and of the persecution by the Soffi, 103, 104.
The greatness of Sambragante and its king, 103; but they are
hindered from goiuR thither by the Soffi's (ShAh Isma'il es-SOfi's)
violence against believers in Bubachar, Othman, and Aumur (viz.
Sunnis) ; Cozazionor proposes to give Yarthema his beautiful niece
Samis (Shams) to wife, KH ; they return to Eri, and thence to Ormus,
and take ship for India, where they arrive at the port of Cheo (Jooa
in the Indus delta).
TARLR OF CONTENTS.
THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
Chapter concerning Combeia, a city of India, abounding in all
things, 105-107.
The Indus, and city of Comheia (Cambay), 105 ; its spices (or drags),
106 ; cotton ; and predous stones, 107.
Chapter concerning the estate of the Sultan of the very noble city
of Combeia, 107-110.
Saltan Machamath (MahmM Bigarrah), 107; the Quzerotis, their
virtues and dress, 108; the Saltan's pomp and elephants, 109; his
huge mustachioes ; his daily eating of poison, and sporting it on those
he desires to kill ; his embraces &tal, 110 ; great trade and riches of
Cambay, 111.
Chapter concerning the manner of living and customs of the King
of the Joghe, 111 113.
The Pagan king of the Joghe, his people, and their pilgrima^^. 111 ;
their dress, and various acts of devotion, and reputed sanctity, 112 ;
their wars with Sultan Machamuth, 113.
Chapter concerning the city of Ceval [Chaul] and its customs, and
the bravery of its people, 113, 114.
Chapter concerning Dabuli, a city of India, 114, 115.
Chapter concerning Ooga, an island of India, and the King of the
same, 115, 116.
Varthema and his companion go to Goga (Gk>a), 116 ; Pardai a gold
coin of the country (pagodas) ; Mameluke garrison and their wars
with the King of Nar8inga> 116 ; goes on to the city of Decan.
Chapter concerning Decan, a very beautiful city of India, and its
many and various riches and jewels, 117, 118.
The city of Decan (B^api^) and its Mohamedan King, 117 ; beautiful
palace and houses ; splendour of the court, 118 ; mountain from which
diamonds are dug ; veiled ladies.
Chapter concerning the activity of the King in militar}' affairs, 118.
His wars with Narsinga; his navy hostile to Christians ; Varthema
goes to Bathacala, 118.
Chapter concerning Bathacala, a city of India, and of its fertility in
many things, and especially in rice and sugar, 119, 120.
Bathacala (Bathcal, Beitkul, or Sedashevaghur), 119; its trade and
fertility, 120 ; absence of horses, mules, and asses ; Varthema goes to
Anzediva island.
Chapter concerning^ Centacola, Onor, and Mangolor, excellent
districts of India, 120-122.
Arrives at Centacola (Uncola in North Canara), 120; at Onor (Honah*
war), 121 ; its productions, fine air, and longevity of the people, 122 ;
Mangolor.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning Canonor, a very great city in India, 123*125.
The King of Portugal's castle at Canonor, 123 ; importation of horses,
124 ; spices (pro}>eny so called) begin ; the King's Naeri (Nairs) and
their costume; the travellers take their way to the kingdom of
Narsinga, and reach the city of Bisinegar, 126.
Chapter showing Bisinegar, a very fertile city of Narsinga in
India, 125.128.
Chreat size and defences of Bisinegar (Bijayanag^), 125 ; a paradise
of a place, 126 ; the power of the Pagan King ; his horsemen and
elephants; equipment of the war elephant; ms docility, 127; his
dr^d of fireworks; how elephants were employed in Vorthema's
presence at Canonor to beach a ship ; the absence of joints a fable;
deecription of the animal, and power of his trunk, 128 ; height of the
«dephimt ; pace, and how they are mounted.
Chapter showing how elephants generate, 129-131.
They generate in secret marshes, 129 ; parts of an elephant eaten in
some countries ; yarious values of elephants ; their great discretion ;
riches of the King of Karsinga; dress of the people and the king ; his
coinage, 130; lions; the Portuguese honoured in Narsinga, 131;
return to Canonor, and go to Tormapatani.
Chapter concerning Tormapatani, a city of India ; and concerning
Pandarani, a place one day distant; and concerning Capo-
gatto, a similar district, 131-134.
Tormapatani (Dormapatam), 131 ; misery of the people, 132 ; timber
for ships ; houses worth half a ducat ; Pandarani ; Capogatto, 133 ;
go to Calicut ; has reserved till now the description of the manners
of the preceding places (because similar to those of Calicut), but he
will now describe that kingdom, for the King of Calicut, called
Samory, is the most important, 134.
THE SECOND BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
Chapter concerning Calicut, a very large city of India, 135, 186.
Description of the dty and poverty of the houses.
Chapter concerning the King of Calicut, and the religion of the
people, 136-139.
The king worships the devil, 186 ; why, 137 ; description of the devil's
chapel and images of Deumo and Sathanas ; rites and ceremonies of
the Brahmins in worshipping, 138.
Chapter concerning the manner of eating of the King of Calicut,
139-141.
The King's food first offered to Deumo, 139 ; and how the Brahmins
wait on uie King when eating, 140 ; and carry their relics away and
give them to the black crows, 140.
Chapter concerning the Brahmins, that is the priests of Calicut, 141.
The Brahmins are the chief persons of the £aith; royal marriage
custom.
9
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning the Pagans of Calicut and of what classes they
are, 141, 142.
Classee of the PagaziB, 141 ; Brahmins ; Naeri (Nairs) ; Tiva^ or arti-
sans, 142 ; Mechua, or fishermen ; Foliar, who ooUeot pepper, wine,
and nuts ; Hirava, who plant rice ; degradation of the two last before
Brahmins and Naeri.
Chapter concerning the dress of the King and Queen, and others
of Calicut, and of their food, 143.
Chapter concerning the ceremonies which they perform after the
death of the King, 143, 144.
Succession goes to sister's son, 143 ; reasons for this, 144 ; costoms
on the King's death ; betel eating.
Chapter showing how the Pagans sometimes exchange their
wives, 145-147.
Yorthema shows his Malayalim, 145; dialogue between two mer-
chants exchanging wives; polyandria of the other classes of
pagans, 146.
Chapter concerning the manner of living, and of the administration
of justice among the Pagans, 147, 148.
How they eat, 147; punishments; impaling; fines; coiious mode of
enforcing payment of debts.
Chapter concerning the mode of worship of the Pagans, 149.
Their nuKtutinal washing ; prayers ; and customs of cooking, Ac.
Chapter concerning the fighting of these people of Calicut, 149-151.
Army of the King, 149; dress, 150; customs of battle; the Naeri
(Nairs), 151 ; customs as to burning and burial ; money of Calicut ;
«reat variety of nations found trading there ; great numbers of Moors
(Mohamedans).
Chapter concerning the manner of navigating in Calicut, 152-154,
Mode of ship-building, 152; timber, 153; sails; anchors of marble;
seasons of navigation ; names of the different classes of vessels, 154.
Chapter concerning the palace of the King of Calicut, 155, 156.
The palace and its small value, 155 ; why they cannot dig founda-
tions, 156; the King's jewels, and his bad humour, with the reasons
thereof; his treasures.
Chapter concerning the spices which grovr in that country of
Calicut, 157, 158.
Pepper described, 157; ginger, 158; myrobalans.
Chapter concerning some fruits of Calicut, 159-163.
Fruit called ciccara (jack), 159 ; amba (man^) ; corcopal (?), 161 ;
fruit like a medlar; comolanga (?) ; malapolanda ^lantam), 162.
Chapter concerning the most fruitful tree in the world, 163-166.
The tenga (cocoa-nut tree), 163; its many uses, 164; the nuts; sub-
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
staaoe like flax which is woyen, 166 ; another made into oords ; ohajr-
coal; excellent water contained in tiie nut; oil; sap drawn and naed
for wine ; the catting down of thvae trees not forgiven, 166 j mode of
cultiyation ; the oil of zerzalino (sesamom).
Chapter concerning the practice they follow in sowing rice, 166, 167.
Ploughing, sowing, and devil-dancing, 167.
Chapter concerning the physicians who visit the sick in Calicuty
167.
DeviL-dancers employed to visit the sick, 167; potion of ginger.
Chapter concerning the bankers and money-changers, 168-170.
Their balances and tonchstones, 168; the brokers, and their ooriona
mode of bargaining with the fingers ; weights used in trade, 170.
Chapter showing how the Foliari and Hirava feed their chil-
dren, 171-173.
Singular treatment of the children, 171; their agility; the many
animals and birds of Calicut, 172; parrots; starlings (or mainas);
apes and their tricks.
Chapter concerning the serpents which are found in Calient, 173.
Great marsh serpents (crocodiles), 173; venomous serpents; protec-
tion of them; protection of cows, 174; superstitions.
Chapter concerning the lights of the King of Calicut, 174, 175.
Vases used in the king's house for lamps described, 174; feasting
customs on expiry of mourning, 175.
Chapter showing how a great number of people came to Calicut on
the 25th of December to receive their pardon, 175-177.
Temple in a tank, 175 ; manner of the sacrifice ; the great Sathanas ;
the vast number assembled, 177.
THE THIRD BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
His companion cannot sell his ffoods, because of the war with the
King of Portugal, 178; they ffo oy a beautiful river (backwater) to
Caacolon, 179; Christians of ^. Thomas, 180; go to Colon (Quilon),
182; and thence to Chayl, 184; pearl-fishery.
Chapter concerning Cioromandel, a city of India, 186-188.
Cil^ of Cioromandel, 186; body of St. Thomas, 187; miracle at his
tomb; war with the King of Tamassari, 188; Yarthema and his
companion go to Zailon (Ceylon).
Chapter concerning Zailani, where jewels are produced, 188-190.
Four kin^ in the island, 188 ; their wars, 189 ; elephants ; rubies*
190; minmg customs; ezoeUent firuits.
Chapter concerning the tree of the canella [cinnamon], 191-194.
Cinnamon-tree described, 191 ; Adam's Peak; no rice in Ceylon, 192 ;
dress and character of tiie people, 193 : no artillery; flowers; sum-
moned to show their goods to the King, 194.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning Paleachet, a country of India, 194, 195.
Paleacliet (Pulicat), 194; its trade, 195; war with Tamassari; they
set oat for that plsice.
Chapter concerning Tarnassari, a cit)' of India, 196-199.
Description of TamaBsari (Tenasserim), 196 ; the King's wars with
Narsinga and Banghella (Bengal) 198; his army; piodncts of the
country.
Chapter concerning the domestic and wild animals of Tamassari,
199-202.
Animals detailed, 199; bird with great beak (hombill), 200; g^reat
cocks and hens ; cock-fighting ; goats, remarkable sheep, &c. ; boffa-
loee, 201 ; great bone of a fish ; ^ress of the people.
Chapter showing how the King causes his wife to be deflowered,
and 80 also the other pagans of the city, 202-204.
White men employed, 202; dialogae between merchants and the
author's companion recited.
Chapter showing how the dead bodies are preserved in this city, 204.
Burning of the dead and preservation of the ashes, 204 ; odoriferous
woods, &c., used in burning, 205.
Chapter showing how the wife is burnt alive after the death of her
husband, 206-208.
Description of the ceremonies of widow-burning, 206, 207; another
custom of proving aflfection, 208.
Chapter concerning the administration of justice which is observed
in Tarnassari, 209.
Punishment of murder, 209 ; conveying, &c.; the King heir to foreign
merchants ; funeral customs of Moorish merchants.
Chapter concerning the ships which are used in Tarnassari, 210.
Chapter concerning the city of Banghella, and of its distance from
Tamassari, 210-212.
They ^o to Banghella (some dty of Bengasi), 210 ; the Moorish Sultan
and his great army, 211; great plenty in the country, 212; wealthy
merchant ; names of the stuiEs exported.
Chapter concerning some Christian merchants in Banghella, 212-
214.
Christian merchants firom a city called Samau, 212 ; their dress, 213 ;
their belief, mode of writing, observances ; they offer to take Yar-
thema and his companion to a good market, 214 ; these go with the
Christians to Pego (Pegu).
Chapter concerning Pego, a city of India, 215.
The city of Pego, 215 ; Christians employed by the King, 217 ; animals,
218 ; parrots ; timber (teak) ; gpreat canes ; rubies fi:^m Capellan ; the
King's wars with Ava; they go in search of the King, 219; but
return to Pego, and are admitt€^ to an interview when he comes back
victorious.
I
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Chapter concerning the dress of the King of Pego above-men-
tioned, 219-222.
The King described, and his jewels, 219; Yarthema's companion
shows his corals, 220 ; and presents them to the King, 221 ; the King
gives rabies in return ; his w^th and liberality, 222 ; products of his
conntry; approach of the King of Aya; women burning themselTes.
Chapter concerning the city Malacha and the river Gaza, otherwise
Gange, as I think, and of the inhumanity of the men, 223-228.
GK> to Melacha (Malacca), 228; ^eat river more than twenty-five
miles wide, called Ckiza (the Straits of Malacca) ; Sumatra ; Sultan
of Melacha ; tributary to the King of Cini TSiam), 224 ; great amount
of shipping ; trade and produces, 225 ; tne people described, 226 ;
their violence and insubordination, 227 ; the travellers go to Pider
(Pedir) in Sumatra, 228.
Chapter concerning the island of Sumatra, and concerning Pider,
a city of Sumatra, 228-232.
Circumference of Sumatra, 229; he identifies it with Taprobane;
the inhabitants and their customs, 230; the^jr money, 231; great
elephants, 232.
Chapter concerning another sort of pepper, and concerning silk
and benzoin, which are produced in the said city of Pider,
238, 234.
Pepper and long pepper, 233; silk, 234; benzoin.
Chapter concerning three sorts of aloes-wood, 234-237.
Three kinds of aloes-wood, viz., calampat, loban, and bochor, 235 ;
the &nt and best chiefly purchased in Gran Cathai, in Cini, Macini,
Samau, and Giava, 236.
Chapter concerning the experiment with the said aloes-wood and
benzoin, 238.
The Christians show by experiment the excellence of kalampat and
of benzoin ; laoca-wood used for dying red.
Chapter concerning the variety of dealers in the said island of
Sumatra, 238.
Beautifiil work in gold, 238 ; numerous money-chancers, 239 ; timber ;
great junks, with prows each way; swimmers, and fireworkers.
Chapter concerning the houses, and how they are covered in the
said island of Sumatra, 240-243.
Houses covered with turtle shells, 240 ; great elephants' teeth, 241 ;
very ereat serpents ; they wish to see spices g^wing, but are informed
that the nutmegs and cloves grow much fiuther off; their Christian
companions teach them what they must do to ^ there, 242 ; they buy
two small vessels, and persuade the Christians to accompany
them, 243.
Chapter concerning the island of Bandan, where nutmegs and mace
grow, 243, 244.
Pass many islands, 243; arrive at Bandan, 244; description of the
I
TABLE OF C0KTEMT8.
m
people, and of the nutmeg-tree; stupidity of the people; detemune
to go to the cloTO island.
Chapter concerning the island of Monoch, where the clones grow,
244-246.
Beach the ishuid of Monoch (Moluccas), 246; the doTC-tree de-
scribed, 246.
Chapter concerning the island of Bomei, 246-248.
The Chiistiajis propose to show them the largest and richest island in
the world (apparently Java), 247 ; but they must first go to another
island called Bomei (Borneo); which they reach accordingly, 248;
the Christians are chsurmed with Varthema's conyersation about the
saints, and wish him to go home with them ; notices of Bomei ; they
charter a vessel for Qiava.
Chapter showing how the mariners manage the navigation towards
the island of Giava, 248-251.
Hie captain carries compass and chart with lines, 249 ; how he navi-
gated thereby, but tells them how beyond Giava there are some races
who sail by certain stars opposite to the north (antarctic) ; and that
there the day is only four hours long, and 'tiia colder than in any
part of the world, 251.
Chapter concerning the island of GKava, of its faith, manner of
living and customs, and of the things which grow in the said
Island, 251-255.
Arrive at'Giava, 251 ; religion of the island; its products, 252 ; cha-
racter and features of the people, 253 ; birds ; dress of tJie people ;
arms, 254; blowpipes; food.
Chapter showing how in this island the old people are sold by their
children or their relations and afterwards are eaten, 255-257.
Fathers when aged sold in the market for food, 255 ; sick persons
killed and sold, 256 ; Varthema's comrade takes alarm.
Chapter where, at midday, the sun casts a shadow in the island of
Giava, 257, 258.
The sun casts a shadow to the south in June, 257 ; their fear of being
eaten; purchase of emeralds and mutilated childran, 258.
Chapter concerning our return, 258-268.
Charter a junk and return to Malacha, 258 ; part with the Christians
of Samau, to the great grief of these, 259 ; sail to Ciororaandel, and
take another ship to Co&n (Quilon) ; they proceed to Calicut, where
Yarthema finds two Milanese Christians who made ordnance for the
king; Yarthema plays the hypocrite, pretending to be a Mussulman
saint, and is much venerated, 262.
Chapter showing how I made myself a physician in Calicut,
263-266.
Yarthema called to visit a silk merchant, 263 ; his medical practioe,
264 ; and its success ; his &me as a saint spreads, but he keeps up
secret communication with the Christians, 265.
TABLE OP CONTBMTS.
Chapter concerning the news of the ships of the Portuguese which
came into Calicut, 266.
Two Persian merchants of Cannanore report the arrival of the Portu-
gaese fleet there, and the oommenoement of a fort ; Yarthema pre-
tends to denounce them, 266.
Chapter showing how the Moors summon to the church those who
are of their sect and faith, 267, 268.
Takes occasion to describe the call to prayer {odhAn), 21^*7 ; Yarthema
sets fortli (as ImAm) to lead the prayers of the congregation in the
mosque ; gives his version of the prayer {F^iiihah) ; pretends illness,
and his comrade proposes his going to Cannanore for change, 268.
Chapter concerning the flight from Calicut, 268-270.
Yarthema after doubts and fears sets out by sea with the two mer-
chants of Cannanore, 268 ; they are stopped by the Nairs ; they start
by land till they find a boat which takes them to Cannanore, 270 ;
where a Mend ox his (Mussulman) comrade receives him hospitably.
Chapter showing how I escaped from Cananor to the Portuguese,
270-274.
He makes his way to the Portuguese &ctory, and takes reftige with
Bon Lorenzo de Almeyda, 271 ; to whom he relates all the prepara-
tions at Calicut; and is then sent to the Yiceroy at Cochin, 272 ; the
Yiceroy receives him well and gives him a safe conduct for the two
Milanese ; he makes many attempts to induce them to escape alone
with their jewels and money ; but their avarice causes delays and they
are betrayed, 273 ; the Moorish merchants combine to bribe the King
of the Gioghi, who was then at Calicut, to have them murdered, 274 ;
Yafthema protects the son of one of them, who dies a year later.
Chapter concerning the fleet of Calicut, 274-280.
Description of the great fleet which issued from the ports of Calicut,
274; the Yio^roy's son having but eleven ships to meet them, 275 ; he
exhorts his officers and men ; the chaplain follows with a discourse
and absolution ; but the main fight takes place next day near Can-
nanore, 277 ; gallantry of Captain Joan Sarrano and of Captain Simon
Martin, 278 ; rout and pursuit of the Calicut fleet, 279 ; great slaughter
of the enemy ; braveiy of the Portuguese ; and joy of t£e Yiceroy, 280.
Chapter showing how I was sent hack to Canonor hy the Viceroy,
280-286.
Yarthema made fiictor by the Yiceroy and sent to Cannanore, 280 ;
King of Cannanore dying, the new long is hostile, 281 ; war breaks
out and the fort is beleafi^iered from Apm to Aug^t, 282 ; when they
are relieved by the fleet mnu Portugal ; miraculous aid hinted at, 284 ;
superstition of the Moors, 285 ; enchanters among them, 286.
Chapter concerning the assault of the Portuguese upon Pannani,
286-288.
Yarthema obtains leave to go to Europe, 286 ; but flrst takes part in
tiie assault on Pannani, 287 ; desperate flghting; Yarthema is knighted
by the Yiceroy, 288 ; return to Cannanore.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
THE BOOK CONCERNING ETHIOPIA.
Chapter concerning the various islands in Ethiopia, 269, 290.
The^ sail from India, and arriye at Mozambich, 289 ; notices of Me-
lindi, Mombaza, Chiloa (Kilwah or Quiloa), Zaphala (SoftUa), Gogia
(Angoxa), Pati (F&t^), Brava, the islands of Soootra^ of Cumere (Co-
moro), and Penaa (Pemba), 290.
Chapter concerning the island of Mozambich and its inhabitants,
291-296.
Products of Mozambich are gold and oil, 291 ; natives, their low state,
292 ; wild elephants, 293 ; extraordinary speech of the nep:roe8 ; barter
with them, 294; proceed on their voyage, passing the island of San
Lorenzo (Madagascar) ; the Pc^rtngaese conversions in India merit
success for the king's arms.
Chapter concerning the Cape of Good Hope, 296-298.
Pass the Cape of Good Hope at a distance of 200 miles, 296 ; I>as8 near
St. Helena, where they see two great and extraordinary fishes, 291 ; find
the island of Ascension, and certain stupid birds thereon ; begin to
see the north star ; reach the islands of Astori (Azores) ; and Lisbon ;
Varthema has an interview with the King of Portugal, 298, who con-
firms his patent of knighthood j Varthema proceeds to Rome.
PREFACE,
BY THE TRANSLATOR.
The following translation has been made from the
first edition of Varthema's work printed at Rome in
the year 1510, or, as stated in the colophon : '^ Nel
Anno M.D.X. a di • vi de Decembrio." It is impos-
sible to peruse Varthema's narrative and not feel a
conviction that the writer is telling the truth, that he
is recording events which actually took place, and
describing men, countries and scenes which he had
examined with his own eyes. There is a manifest
absence of all attempt at composition. The tale is
told with a charming simplicity and all the concise
freshness of a note-book, and the author has evi-
dently not stopt to consider whether the word he
used was Bolognese, Venetian, or "Lingua Toscana."
Neither has he felt any qualms of conscience as to
his grammar. This latter circumstance has occa-
sionally rendered the meaning of a passage somewhat
doubtful. The printers also have added their mite
to the obscurity by sometimes uniting two words
or sentences together, or separating one word or
sentence into two, or by leaving out a word alto-
i
ii PREFACE.
gether. This edition, however, is the only one which
gives Varthema's text truly. Even the Latin trans-
lation by Archangel us Madrignanus (a monk of
the abbey of Clairvaux), which was finished on the
25th day of May 1511, or within six months after
the publication of the first Italian edition, is not
always an exact exponent of Varthema's text. Later
editions vary still more, and the English translation,
which is given in Eden's Collection of Voyages and i
Travels, printed at London in 1577, is extremely im-
perfect : many passages are totally at variance with the
original, and many others are omitted. It has, there- '
fore, been thought advisable by the CJouncil of the !
Hakluyt Society that a new version should be exe- \
cuted, which should as far as possible be a faithful
representative of the original work. With this
object in view, the translator has endeavoured to
preserve the quaint dry style of the author. This
must be his excuse for retaining some expressions
which are hardly suited to the refinement of the
present day, and for not omitting some anecdotes
which a writer in modern times would hardly ven-
ture to record. They, however, afford an additional
voucher for the truth of the narrator : it is impos-
sible to imagine them to be inventions, and they only
make us feel the more assured that we are really
travelling with Varthema, and sharing with him in
all his adventures. His work at once attracted
attention. It was, as stated above, immediately
translated into Latin, shortly afterwards into Ger-
man, then into Spanish and French, again into
PREFACE. Ill
German, then into Dutch and English, a third time
into German, and again into Dutch in the middle
of the 1 7th century.
All the early editions, as well of the original Ita-
lian as of the translations of this work, are extremely
rare and costly. The consequence is, that there is,
perhaps, no work which has been so frequently re-
produced, of which the lists given by bibliographers
are so inaccurate and imperfect. They have been
obliged to copy one from another without the means
of testing the accuracy of their statements. The
translator has had the advantage of seeing most of
the editions of which he gives the titles, and has
described them somewhat fully for the benefit of
those to whom the originals may not be conveniently
accessible.
The following is a list of the most important
editions of this work : —
Italian.
1. Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello
Egypto, nella Surria, nella Arabia deserta & felice ; nella
Persia, nella India & nella Ethiopa. La fede, el uiuere,
& costami de tutte le prefate Prouincie con Gratia & Pri-
vilegio infra notato.
Colophon. — Stampato in Roma per maestro Stephano guil-
lireti de Loreno & maestro Hercule de Nani Bolognese^
ad instatia de maestro Lodouico de Henricis da Corneto
Vicetino. Nel Anno m.d.x. a di • vi. de Decembrio. 4^.
This edition contains 102 leaves, besides the title,
100 of which are numbered, and the two leaves con-
taining the last page of the privilege, and the first
b 2
IV PREFACE.
three pages of the table being unnumbered. This is
the first Italian edition, and is of excessive rarity.
Until recently, very few bibliographers were aware
of its existence. A copy is in the Grenville Library
in the British Museum.
S. Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello
egypto nella Suria ; nella Arabia deserta et felice nella
Persia nella India et nella Ethiopia Le fede^ el viuere et
costumi de tutte le pfate prouincie. Cu Priuilegio.
Colophon. — Impresso in Rome per Mastro Stephano GoQ-
lireti De Loreno Nel anno h.d.xvij adi . xyi de Jonio
Cum gratia et Frivilegio del S. Signore N. S. Leone,
p. p. X. in suo anno quinto. 8^.
This edition contains title, seven leaves of prelimi-
nary matter (Viz. the privilege and table of contents),
and 123 leaves of text not numbered. Signatures
A ij to Q vj.
The Privilege is dated 10th of June 1617. In this
Privilege it is stated that licence is given to Stephanus
Guillereti de Lothoringia to print the book, " Ludo-
vico defuncto, neminem ex heredibus superesse qui
ex nova impressione vel jactura vel injuria afficiatur."
It is also stated that all the copies of the former im«
pression were sold.
The only known copy of this edition is in the
Grenville Library.
Mr. Grenville, in a note upon this copy, speaking
of some of the editions of the book, says : —
*' It was a third time printed in Italian, at Venice in 1518,
and this third Italian edition is by Haym, and most of the
books of bibliography, described as the first. In truth, the
PBEFACE. Y
two first Italian editions of 1510 and 1517 are so rare^ that
I find no notice whatever of either of them^ except in Croft's
Catalogue^ No. 8045 — 8046, and quoted by Brunet from
Croft's. This copy [of the edition of 1517] comes from the
Blandford sale ; it had been bought at Croft's sale. I have
seen no copy but this of this edition. It is unknown to
Panzer, Maittaire, Haym, &c."
S. Itinerario De Ludouico De Yarthema Bolognese ne lo
Egypto, ne la Suria, ne la Arabia Deserta & Felice ne la
Persia ne la India ne la Ethiopia. La fede el viuere &
costumi de tutte le pfate puicie, Nouamete impsso.
Colophon. — Stampata in Yenetia per Zorzi di Rusconi
Milanese : Regnando linclito Principe Miser Leonardo
Loredano : Nella incarnatioe del nro signore Jesu xpo
H.D.XYii. adi yi del Mese de Marzo. 8^.
This edition is printed in double columns, and con-
tains ninety-two unnumbered leaves. Signatures A ii
to M. The table of contents occupies four pages, and
commences on the verso of sig. M.
This edition was printed in 1518, new style, the
year then commencing on the 25th of March. A
copy is in the *Banksian Library in the British
Museum.
4. Itinerario De Ludouico De Yerthema Bolognese ne lo
Egypto ne la Suria ne la Arabia Deserta e Felice ne la
Persia ne la India : e ne la Ethiopia. La fede el uiuere e
costumi de tutte le ^efate prouincie. Nouamente impresso.
Colophon. — Stampata in Milano per loanne Angelo Scin-
zenzeler Nel Anno del signer h.cccccxix. Adi vltimo de
Mazo. 4''.
This copy contains fifty-eight unnumbered leaves.
Signatures a ii. to g iii. The colophon is printed on
yi PREFACE.
a separate leaf, and is followed by two leaves of the
table of contents.
A copy of this edition is in the Royal Library in
the British Museum.
5. Itinerario De Ludouico De Yerthema Bolognese ne
lo Egypto ne la Suria ne la Arabia Deserta & Felice ne
la Persia ne la India : & ne la Ethiopia La fede el uiuere
& costumi de tutte le prefate prouincie. Nouamente im-
presso.
The type in the colophon has got shifted. It
reads : —
CSta
M.ccc mpata in Milano per Johanne Angelo
Scinzenzeler nel Anno del Signor
ccxxiii. ^^i XXX. de Aprile. 4°.
This edition contains title, forty-one leaves num-
bered II to XLii, and two leaves of table of contents
not numbered. Signatures A ii to F ii.
A copy of this edition of 1623 is in the Grenville
Library.
6. Itinerario de Ludouico De Yarthema Bolognese nello
Egitto^ nella Soria nella Arabia deserta^ & felice^ nella
Persia^ nella India^ & nela Ethyopia. Le fede el viuere,
& costumi delle prefate Prouincie. Et al psente agiontoui
alcune Isole nouamete ritrouate.
Colophon. — Stampato in Yinegia per Francesco di Ales-
sandro Bindone, & Mapheo Pasini compani, a santo Moyse
al segno de Langelo Raphael^ nel m.d.xxxv. del mese
d' Aprile. 8^
The Itinerary of Yarthema terminates on the recto
of page 89, with the following words : —
PREFACE. VU
"Qai Finisse lo Itinerario de Ludovico de Yarthema
Bolognese, de li paesi et Isole la Fede el virere et costumi
loro. Nuovamente per lui yisto in piu parte."
Followed by —
'* Qai comencia lo Itinerario de Lisola de luchatan noua-
mente retrouata per 11 Signor Joan de Grisalue Capitan
Generale de Larmata del Be de Spagna e p il suo Capellano
coposta."
This edition consists of 103 leaves, of which 99 are
numbered ; the title-page, and table of contents, and
device at the end, are not numbered. The colophon
is printed at the end of the table ; the device occupies
a separate leaf, and represents the " Archangelus
Raphael " leading with his right hand " Tobiodo,"
(who is represented as a little child with a large fish
in his hand), and having on his left Tobit's dog.
The Itinerary of the Island of Yucatan is printed
in this edition of Yarthema for the first time.
A copy of this edition is in the QrenvUle Library.
7. Itinerario de Ludovico De Yarthema Bolognese nello
Egitto^ nella Soria^ nella Arabia deserta, & felice^ &
nella Persia^ nella India^ & nella Ethyopia. Le fede^ el
viuere, & costumi delle prefate Prouincie. Et al Presente
Agiontovi alcune Isole naouamente trouate.
Colophon. — In Yenetia per Matthio Pagan^ in Frezzaria,
al segno della Fede. 8®.
The type in the colophon has got shifted. This
edition reads page for page with that of 1535. One
has evidently been closely reprinted from the other.
Mr. Grenville was of opinion that this edition was
printed in 1518. This, however, must be a mistake.
VIU PREFACE.
as Matthio Pagan or Pagano printed at Venice be-
tween the years 1564 and 1569 (see also "Saggio di
Bibliografia Veneziana, composto da E. A. Cicogna."
Venezia 1847), and his name is not found in any list
of printers prior to that date. The circumstance
which renders it important to fix the date of this edi-
tion is that of the " Itinerario de Tlsola de Juchatan,"
being printed for the first time with the work of
Varthema. If Mr. Grenville be correct, then the
Itinerary was printed in 1518; if not, it was not
printed until 1535. It is not included in any edi-
tion bearing a date prior to that of 1535.
A copy is in the Grenville Library.
Varthema is also inserted by Ramusio in his
'* Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi nel qual si
contiene la descrizione dell' Africa, et del paese del
prete Janni con varii viaggi dal Mar Rosso a Calicut et
infin air isole Molucche dove nascono de spetierie,"
&c. Venetia, 1550. Fol. Ramusio had evidently
never seen the first or second editions, as he tells us
that he had made use of the Spanish translation from
the Latin, in order to correct the corrupted text then
in use. It may naturally, therefore, be supposed that
such a process cannot have restored the language of
the original.
Boucher de la Richarderie (" Biblioth^que Univer-
selle des Voyages ") mentions an edition in Italian
printed by Rusconi at Venice in 1520, and another
printed at the same place in 1589 ; and Temaux
Compans inserts in his " Biblioth^que Asiatique et
Africa ine " the title of an edition printed by Scin-
PREFACE. IX
zenzeler at Milan in 1525 in 4^ Beckraann ( Vorrath)
mentions an edition printed at Venice in fol. in 1563.
Latin.
We have already said that the travels of Varthema
were translated into Latin within a few months after
the appearance of the Italian edition, the dedicatory
epistle of the translator bearing the date ^* Mediolani
octavo caleil. Junias mdxi." [25 May, 1511.] Al-
though there is no date to this edition, it was most
probably printed in the year the dedication bears
date, or very shortly afterwards. The title is as
follows : —
Ludovici Patritii Bomani novam Itinerarium iBthiopiae :
^gypti : vtriosque Arabis : Fersidis : SinsB : ac Indice :
intra et extxa Gangem. 4°.
The dedicatory epistle bears the following inscrip-
tion: —
Beverendissimo in Christo Patri Domino Domino Bernar-
dino Carvaial episcopo Sabino : Sancte crucis in Hierusalem
Cardinali amplissimo : Patriarchs Hyerosolimeo : ac utri-
usque pfailosophiae monarchal eminentissimo, Archangelus
Carsevallensis.
In this epistle the translator gives a rapid geogra-
phical sketch of the various parts of the world, show-
ing the interest and importance of V arthema's work,
which, he says, " tuis auspiciis effectus est romanus
et, quasi serpens, exuto senio elegantioreque sumpto
amictu juvenescit."
Colophon, — *' Open suprema manus imposita est auspitiis
cultissimi celebratissimiq : Bernardini Carauaial hispani.
Epi sabinen. S.B.E. Cardlalis cognometo sancte crucis
X PREFACE.
amplissimi. quo tpe quibus nunq : antea bellis : Italia
crudele imodu uezabat.*^
This edition consists of sixty-two numbered leaves,
besides eight preliminary leaves. Sigs. AA. A. to I v.
Temaux Compans (Bibliotheque Asiaiique et Afri-
caine) gives the title of an edition of Madrignanus's
translation of 1508 ; but this is clearly a mistake, the
Italian not having been printed until 1510, and the
epistle to the Latin translation bearing date 1511.
A copy of the edition of 1511 is in the Grenville
Library.
Another Latin edition was printed at Nuremburg
in 1610, and again at Francfort in 1611. It was
also inserted in the " Novus Orbis" of Grynceus.
German.
Four years after the Latin translation a German
version was published with the following title : —
1 . Die Bitterlich vn lobwirdig rayss des gestrengen vn
uber all ander weyt erfiELrnen ritters vnd Lantfarers herren
Ludowico vartomans vo Bolonia Sagent vo den landen,
Egypto, Syria^ v5 bayden Arabia^ Persia^ India^ yii Ethiopia
vo den gestalte, syte vn dero menschen leben vnd gelauben.
Auch von manigerlay thyeren voglen vnd vil andern in den
selben landen seltzamen wuderparlichen sachens. Das alias
er selbs erfaren vn in aygner person gesehen hat.
Colophon. — Auss welscher zungen in teytsch transferyert
und seligklichen volend worden in der Kayserlichen stat
Augspurg in Kostung und verlegung des Ersamen Hansen
Millers der jar zal Christi 1515. An dem. sechzechen den
Tag des Monatz Junij. 4^
This edition consists of 76 leaves not numbered.
PREFACE. XI
Signatures a ii to t. iii. The printer's device occupies
the last leaf.
A copy is in the Grenville Library.
2. Die Ritterlich und lobwlirdig reiss des gestrengen vn
iiber all ander weyt-erfarne Bitters yn landtfarers herre
Ludowico Yartomans vo Bolonia Sagend yon den landen,
Egypto, Syria> yon beiden Arabia, Persia, India, ynd
Ethiopia, yon den gestalten, sitten vnd dero menschen
leben ynd glauben. Auch yon manigerley thieren, yoglen
ynd yil andern in den selben landen seltzamen wunderbar-
lichen sachen. Das alles er selbs erfaren vnd in eygner
person gesehe hat
Colophon. — Auss Welscher zungen in Teutsch transffe-
riert Unnd selighlichen volendet annd getruckt in des
Keyserliche Freystat Strassburg. Darch den Ersame Jo-
hannem Knobloch, Als man zalt vo der geburt Christi
iinsers herre mcccccxvj. Jar. 4<^.
This edition contains 113 unnumbered leaves.
Signatures A ij to X. v.
A copy is in the British Museum.
Both these editions are copiously illustrated v^ith
engravings on v^rood.
Panzer (Annalen der alteren Deutschen Literature
p. 421,) gives the foUov^ring: —
*' S. Die Rlttertich vnd lobwirdig raiss des gestregen vnd
iiber all ander weyt erfarnen ritters vn landfarers, herren
Ludowico Yartomans von Bolonia. Sagent vo den landen
Egipto. Syria, vo bayden Arabia. Persia. India, vii Ethiopia.
Das alles er selbs erfaren vnd gesehen hat." Colophon,'-^
" Getrucht in der kaiserlichen stat Augspurg, in der jar zal
Christi M.D.xviii." 4°.
Panzer is of opinion that this translation may have
Xll PREFACE.
been made by Michael Herr. It will be shown,
however, hereafter, that this cannot have been the
case. It was reprinted at Augsburg in 1530.
In 1532 Simon Grynseus published at Basle, in
folio, a collection of voyages and travels, under the
title, ^^ Novus orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus
incognitarum una cum tabula cosmographica et
aliquot aliis consimilis argument! libellis," in which
he included the Latin translation of Yarthema. This
collection was translated into German by Michael
Herr, under the title, '* Die New Welt," and printed
at Strasburg in 1 534. In the introductory epistle to
Regnart Count of Hanau, he says, that if he had
met with the German translation of Yarthema (whom
he calls Yarthoman) before he had made his own, he
should have been glad to have been spared his trouble.
It is clear, therefore, that Herr did not make the
German translation published in 1515 and 1516.
Herr's translation was executed from the Latin —
that of 1515 from the Italian.
Another translation by Hieronymus Megiserus,
historiographer of the Elector of Saxony, was printed
at Leipzig in 1610, with the following title : —
'' 4. Hodeporicon Indm Orientalis ; das ist^ Warhafftige
Beschreibung der ansehlich Lobwiirdigen Reyss, Welche
der £del gestreng und weiterfahrne Ritter, H. Ludwig di
Barthema von Bononien aus Italia biirtig, Inn die Orienta-
lische und Morgenlander, Syrian^ beide Arabian, Fersien,
und Indian^ auch in Egypten und Ethyopien, zu Land und
Wasser personlich verrichtet : Naben eigentlicher Vermel-
dung Vielerley Wenderbahren Sachen^ so er darinnen
gesehen und erfahren^ Alss da seynd manigfaltige sorten
PREFACE. Xlll
Ton Thieren nnd Gewachsen^Dessgleichen allerhand Yolcker
sitteDi Leben^ Polycey, Glauben^ Ceremoinen und gebrauch,
sampt anderer seltzamen denckwurdigen dingen^ daselbst zu
sehen : Und endlich. Was er fiir angst^ noht and gefahr in
der Heidenschafil yieler ort aussgestanden : AUes von jhme
H.Barthema selber inltalianischerSprach schriffUich verfasst
tind nu aus dem Original mit sonderm fleiss yerdeatscht:
Mit Kupferstiicken artlich geziert^ und aufis new in Truck
yerfertiget : Durcb Hieronymum Megiserum. Leipzig.
1610. 8/'
This edition is copiously illustrated with maps and
plans engraved on copper by H. Gross. A copy is
in the British Museum.
Temaux Compans has inserted in his Bibliotheque
the title of an edition of Megeserus's translation,
printed at Augsburg in 4? in 1608. This date may
be correct, as the preface to the edition of 1610 is
dated 1 October 1607. He also mentions an edition
printed at Francfort by H. Gulferichen in 1648. An
edition was also printed at Leipzig in 1615.
Spanish.
The first edition of the Spanish translation was
printed in 1520, and the translator, Christoval de
Arcos, informs us that he made it from the Latin
version, because he could not procure the Italian.
He recommends those who doubt the truth of Var-
thema's relation to go and see for themselves ; and to
those who may find fault with his translation, he ex-
cuses himself on account of the obscurity of the Latin
from which it was made. The title is : —
Itinerario del venerable varon micer Luis patricio ro-
XIV PREFACE.
mano : en el qual cueta mucha parte de la ethiopia Egipto :
7 entrabas Arabias : Siria y la India. Baelto de latin en
romance por Christoual de arcos clerigo. Nancia hasta
aqui impresso en lengua castellana.
Colophon, Fue impressa la presente obra enla may
noble y leal cuidad Seuillapor Jacobo croberger aleman.
Enel ano dela encarnaciom del senor de Mill y quincentos y
veynte. Fol.
This edition consists of fifty-four numbered leaves
(from II to Lv), besides the title, and also the colo-
phon, which is printed on a separate leaf. The book
is printed in double columns. Signatures a iii to g v.
A copy of this edition is in the Grenville Library.
Brunet states that this translation was reprinted at
Seville in 1623 and 1676 in folio, and Ternaux Corn-
pans mentions an edition printed at Seville in 1670.
French.
No separate translation into French has been pub-
lished of this work, but a French translation is
printed in the " Description de TAfrique, tierce partie
du monde contenant ses royaumes, regions, viles, cit6s,
chateaux et forteresses: iles, fluves, animaux tant
aquatiques que terrestres, &c. Escrite de notre tems
par Jean Leon, Africain." Tome second: "Conte-
nant les Navigations des capitaines Portugalois et
autres faites audit pais, jusques aux Indes, tant
orientales que Occidentales, parties de Perse, Arabie
Heureuse, pierreuse et deserte. . . . L'assiette desdits
pais, iles, royaumes et empires : Les figures, habits,
religion et fa9on de faire des habitans et autres sin-
gularites cy devant incogneues." Lyons, 1556. Fol.
PREFACE. XV
. Dutch.
The Novus Orbis of Gryneeus was again translated,
and this time into Dutch by Cornelis Ablijn, and
printed at Antwerp in 1563 in folio. The translator
addresses his work to William Prince of Orange, and,
speaking of the original, announces his own labours
in the following words : —
'* Dwelek ich Cornells Ablijn openbaer notarius resi-
derende inder vermaerder coopstadt van Antwerpen, door
bede van sommige vrienden wt der Hoochduytscher in deser
Nederduytscher oft Brabantsche taelen getranslateert ende
oveghesedt hebbe."
This translation, therefore, is further removed from
the original than any of the others. The privilege is
dated 1561.
De uytnemende en seer wonderlijcke zee-en-Landt-Reyse
vande Heer Ludowyck di Barthema, van Bononien, Bidder,
&c., gedaen Inde Morgenlanden, Syrien, Vrughtbaer en
woest Arabien, Perssen, Indien, Egypten, Ethiopien, en
andere. Uyt het Italiens in Hoogh-duyts vertaelt door
Hieronymum Megiserium, Cheur-Saxsens History schrijver.
En vyt den selven nu eerstmael in't nederdeuyts gebracht
door. F. S. Tot Utrecht, 1654. 4^
A copy of this edition is in the British Museum.
Meusel, " Bibliotheca Historica," vol. 2, pt. 1,
p. 340, says that the German translation of Megiserus
was translated into Dutch, and printed at Utrecht in
1615 in 4°; and Ternaux Compans inserts in the
" Biblioth^que" the title of another edition printed at
Utrecht in 4^ by W. Snellaert in 1655.
XVI PRBFACE.
English.
In 1577 Richard Eden published a collection of
voyages and travels in 4®, which he entitled " The
History of Travayle in the West and East Indies,"
&c., in which he included the Itinerary of Varthema
with the following title : —
" The navigation and vyages of Lewes Yertomannus^
Gentleman, of the citie of Bome^ to the regions of Arabia,
Egypte, Persia, Syria, Ethiopia, and East India, both within
and without the ryver of Ganges, etc. In the yeere of our
Lorde 1508 : conteynyng many notable and straunge thinges,
both hystoricall and naturall. Translated out of Ladne
into Englyshe by Bicharde Eden. In the yeare of our Lord
1576."
A short extract, greatly abridged, from Varthema's
work, is also inserted in ^' Furchas his Pilgrimage/*
London, 1625-6. FoL
J. Winter Jones.
Dec. 10, 1863.
INTRODUCTION,
BY THE EDITOR.
Who was Ludovico di Varthema 1 Unfortunately,
scarcely any record of him is forthcoming except
what he tells us himself. I have searched every
available repository of such information, to learn
something of his antecedents, and have searched in
vain. Zedler finds no place for him in his Universal
Lexicon ; our own Biographical Collections pass him
over ; and all that the French have to say is this : —
** Varlomanus^ gentilhomme Bolonais, et patrice Re-
main, fut un voyageur c^ebre dans le xvi*" sifecle. II
est presque inconnu dans le notre, parce que I'abb^
Prevost, et ceux qui ont 6crit I'histoire des voyages,
ont n^glig^ de parler du sien, quoiqu'il soit un des
plus importants pour Thistoire de la geographic, et
pour Thistoire en g^neral."^ I had hoped to glean
some stray notices of him in the writings of his own
countrymen ; but they are as barren of what we wish
to know as the rest. Zurla^ does not even mention
him in his Dissertation on the most illustrious Italian
* Biographie Universelle, Ancienneet Moderne, Paris, 1827.
' Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori^piH illtMtri, Dissert
tazione da P. Ab. D. Placido Zurla, 2 toIs. Venezia, 1818.
C
XVIU INTRODUCTION.
travellers ; and Fantuzzi, the only Italian historian
who devotes more than a few lines to him, begins his
article on " Lodovico Bariema'^ with an admission
which I have been obliged to imitate, and ends it by
erroneously stating that our author's Itinerary was
first published at Venice, and by hazarding a doubt
respecting his return to Italy, — a fact which is plainly
stated at the conclusion of his narrative. Fantuzzi's
notice is as follows : — " Of this person, we know
nothing beyond what the Co. Valerio Zani has written
in the Preface to the Genio Vagante^ torn. i. p. 32,
viz,^ that Lodovico Bartema, a Bolognese by birth,
flourished in the sixteenth century, — that he left
Bologna for Venice, from whence he crossed over
into Asia, and arrived first at Alexandria," etc.
" This is all we learn from the Co. Valerio Zani in
the abovenamed Preface, subsequent to which we
possess no information about Lodovico Bartema ;
hence, we do not know whether he returned to Italy,
or where he died, except that, inasmuch as his Itine-
rary was printed for the first time in Venice, we are
led to believe that he did return thither; for it is
not easy to suppose that he sent his manuscripts from
Portugal to be printed in Italy, which they appear to
have been during his lifetime."^
^ The following is appended to the foregoing extract in a foot-
note : — ** This writer's name is spelt in different ways. In his
Itinerary comprised in the edition of Ramusio, by Ferdinando
Leopoldo del Migliore in the Firenze lUustrata, p. 310, and in
P. D. Abondio Collina's Dissertation De acus nauiica invefiiore,
contained in the Commeniarj delV Accadem, deW Insttiuio, torn. ii.
INTRODUCTION. XIX
This is very unsatisfactory, and the deficiency is not
supplied by any incidental allusions in the author's
dedicatory epistle. Agnesina, the illustrious lady to
whom he dedicates his Itinerary^ was the fourth
daughter of Federico di Montefeltro, Count and
second Duke of Urbino, by his second wife Battista
Sforza, and was married in 1474 to Fabrizio Colonna,
Lord of Marino, Duke of Albi and Tagliacozza. Of
the lady Agnesina, Dennistoun says : " She inherited
the talents and literary tastes which had descended
to her mother, and transmitted them to a still more
gifted daughter, the illustrious Vittoria Colonna,
Marchioness of Pescara."^ Her brother, whose
part iii. p. 382, he is called Lodovico Bartema ; but in the title*
page of the edition of the said Itinerary^ from the edition of 1535,
of Bumaldi, in the Bibltoth, Botton., p. 158, of Orlandi's NoHzia
degli ScritL Bologn,, he is styled Lodovico Vartema, This is
noticed by the Co. Mazzuchelli ; but it must be borne in mind, that
the permutation of the letters B and V, in pronunciation, is very
common with the Portuguese and Spaniards, as has been the case,
moreover, among almost all nations in almost every age. So, like-
wise, the ancient Florentines used to say Voce and Boce, Voto and
Boto, and so forth. By Konig, in the Biblioth, Vetus et Nova, p.
831, he is called Lodovicus Vartomannus, alias Vartheraa. Doni,
in his Libreria, p. 33, styles him merely Lodovico Bolognese; and
Simlero, in his EpiL Biblioth. Oesneri, p. 121, has Lodovico da
Bologna. Besides Mazzuchelli, who speaks of him in his Scrittori
d^ Italia, he is also mentioned by Sig. Ab. Tiraboschi, in his Storia
delta Letter. cTItalia, tom. vii. part i. p. 211/' Fantuzzi's Notizie
degli Scrittori Bolognesi, Bologna, 1781.
* Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, vol i. p. 277. Writing of
Battista, Agnesina's mother, the same author remarks: — "She
was a remarkable instance of the transmission of talent by female
descent. Her great grandmother, Battista di Montefeltro [daughter
c2
XX INTRODUCTION.
genius and acquirements are justly eulogized by
Varthema, was Giiidobaldo, who succeeded to the
dukedom on the death of his father in 1482, and died
on the 11th of April 1508. As he appears to have
been living at the time the Dedication was written,
it must have been prepared immediately after the
author's return to Italy.^
of Count Antonio di Montefeltro,] was conspicuous among the
ladies of high birth, whose acquirements gave illustration to her
age. By co temporary authors, her talents and endowments are
spoken of in most flattering terms, whilst her character is cele-
brated for piety and justice, benignity and tranquillity. Though
married to a man of miserable character, she had a daughter,
Elisabetta Malatesta, who inherited her misfortunes as well as her
genius. Elisabetta's daughter was Costanza Varana, the associate
of scholars and philosophers, whose gifts she is said to have
rivalled, notwithstanding an early death that deprived her infant
Battista of a mother's care.'' The latter, the mother of Agnesina,
displayed remarkable talents while yet a child, and subsequently
made rapid acquisition of solid knowledge. She was married to
Count Federigo, Duke of Urbino, in 1469. (See Id,, pp. 206-7.)
According to Litta, the lady Agnesina died in 1522, while return-
ing from a visit to the Sanctuary at Loreto. Her brother Quildo-
baldo having been deprived of the dukedom by Leo X., her son
Ascanio Colonna, Duke of Palliano, was subsequently invested
with that dignity by Clement VII. ; but the bull of the former pope
not having been carried into effect, he never succeeded to Urbino.
See Litta, Famiglie Celehri Italiani, tom. ii. tavola vii.
^ I am inclined to think, indeed, that the Dedication may have
been intentionally antedated, otherwise Varthema must have had
an extraordinary quick passage from India ; for as he left Can-
nanore on the 6th December 1507, stayed fifteen days at Mozam-
bique and two at the Azores, there only remain three months and
eighteen days for the homeward voyage, and for the preliminaries
connected with the preparation of his book, or at least of the
INTRODUCTION. XXI
One would have thought that Ramusio might have
picked up some information respecting the early life
and subsequent career of our author ; but his " Dis-
corso Breve" to Varthema's book is briefer than
many of the notices prefixed to other far less im-
portant Voyages and Travels contained in his valu-
able Collection. Moreover, it is clear that the first
authorized edition of the Itinerary^ printed at Rome
in 1510, was either unknown to him or beyond his
reach ; since he tells us that his revised exemplar
was prepared from a Spanish version made from the
Latin translation, — a third hand process, which ac-
counts for the many variations existing between his
copy and the original Italian edition. The following
is all that he says : —
'* This Itinerary of Lodovico Barihema, a Bolognese^
wherein the things concerning India and the Spice Islands
are so fully and so correctly narrated as to transcefid all that
has been written either by ancient or modern authors^ has
hitherto been read replete with errors and inaccuracies, and
might have been so read in future, had not God caused to ba
put into our hands the book of Chris toforo di ArcOy a clerk
of Seville, who, being in possession of the Latin exemplar of
that Voyage, made from the original itself, and dedicated to
the Most Sever end Monsignor Bernardino, Cardinal Car-
eaial of the Santa Croce, translated it with great care into
the Spanish language, by the aid of which we have been
enabled to correct in mafiy places the present book, which was
originally writteti by the author himself in our own vulgar
tongue, and dedicated to the Most Illustrious Madonna
dedicatory epistle, up to the death of Duke Guidohaldo, which,
according lo Dennistoun, occurred on the 11th of April 1508.
XXll INTRODUCTION.
Agnesina, one of the preeminent and excellent women of
Italy at that period. She toa9 the daughter of the Moat Il-
lustrious Signor Federico, Duke of Urbino, and sister of the
Most Excellent Ouidohaldo^ wife of the Most Illustrious
Signor Fahricio Colonna, and mother of the Most Excellent
Signor Ascanio Colonna and of the Lady Vittoria^ Marchio-
ness Dal Guasto, the ornament and light of the present age.
And the aforesaid Lodovico divided this volume into seven
Books, in the First of which he narrates his journey to
Egypt, Syria, and Arabia Deserta. In the Second, he treats
of Arabia Felix, In the Third, of Persia, In the Fourth,
Fifth, and Sixth, he comprises all India and the Molucca
Islands, where the spices grow. In the Seventh and last, he
recounts his return to Portugal, passing along the coast of
Ethiopia, the Cape of Good Hope, and several islands of the
Western Ocean,^^
In this dearth of all external aids, we are obliged
to have recourse to the narrative itself; but even
there, the materials for constructing a biographical
sketch of its author are scanty in the extreme. He
tells us on one occasion (p. 263), that his father was
a physician ; but as he was acting a part when that
statement was made, little reliance can be placed
upon it. On another, he claimed a knowledge of
casting artillery (p. 60) ; and although the circum-
stances under which the pretension was advanced are
calculated to throw a doubt on its truth, it is not im-
probable that Varthema had been brought up to the
profession of arms, or had at some antecedent period
served as a soldier, since he incidentally remarks, in
a subsequent chapter, (p. 280), that he had been pre-
sent at several battles in his time. This conjecture is
INTRODUCTION*. XXIU
further supported by the particular attention which
he pays to the military organization and peculiar
weapons of the different people described in the
course of his narrative. The only additional intima-
tion which he lets drop of his private history gives
us to understand that he was a married man, and was
the father of several children (p. 259).
The motives which led him to undertake this
journey are briefly set forth in the dedication of his
Itinerary. He had an insatiable desire of becoming
acquainted with foreign countries, not unmixed with
ambition for the renown which had been awarded
to preceding geographers and travellers ; but being
conscious, withal, of his inaptitude to attain that
object by reading, " knowing himself to be of very
slender understanding" and disinclined to study, he
'* determined, personally, and with his own eyes, to
endeavour to ascertain the situations of places, the
qualities of peoples, the diversities of animals, the
varieties of the fruit-bearing and odoriferous trees of
Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Felix, Persia,
India, and Ethiopia, remembering well that the testi-
mony of one eye-witness is worth more than ten
thousand hearsays." His surprising travels in search
of this knowledge are recorded in the accompanying
narrative with an ingenuousness and honesty, and his
personal adventures with a ready wit and humour,
which do credit to his head and heart ; the remark-
able success of his book is attested by the successive
editions which were called for in the course of a few
years after its first publication, and its translation
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
into several European languages ; but what reward
was reaped by the enterprising traveller himself, be-
yond the barren honour of knighthood conferred upoa
him by Don Francisco de Almeyda after the battle
of Fonani, and subsequently confirmed by Don
Emanuel of Fortugal, we have no means of ascer*
taining. As far as we know, the copyright of his
Itinerary^ secured to himself and to his heirs for ten
years, officially granted at the special mandate of
Fope Julius II,, by the Cardinal Chamberlain of the
Court of Rome, as appears from the document at-
tached to the first edition of 1510, was the only
recompense bestowed upon him by his admiring but
parsimonious countrymen.
Turning from the author to the author's book, I
do not see how I can better introduce it than by
rapidly leading the reader over the route pursued,
halting here and there to illustrate the traveller's
journeyings by brief sketches of the history of the
countries visited, and the different people with whom
he came in contact. The antecedent investigations
of Dr. Vincent and Dr. Robertson, and the very
recent researches of Mr. R. H. Major, who in his
able Introduction to India in the Fifteenth Century has
done much towards exhausting the subject of the
ancient intercourse with India prior to the discovery
of the route vid the Cape of Good Hope, must be my
excuse for not venturing to supplement their learned
essays in that line, — a task, moreover, for which I
am utterly unqualified. With this candid admission,
I shall now pass on to the narrative under review.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
Varthema appears to have left Europe towards the
end of 1502, and reached Alexandria about the
beginning of the following year, from whence he
proceeded by the Nile to Cairo. In his brief re-
marks on that city, he corrects the exaggerated idea
of its extent which seems to have prevailed in the
West even after his time ; for we find Giovan Leoni
Africano enumerating it as " une delle maggiore e
mirabili citta che siano nel mondo/'^ His summary
account of the people and government is surprisingly
accurate : — " The inhabitants are Moors [Arabs] and
MamlAks. The lord over them is the Grand Sultan,
who is served by the MamlAks, and the Mamliiks
are lords over the Moors." Egypt, at the time, was
governed by the Borjeeh MamlAk Sultan, El-Ashraf
Kansooh el-Ghori, whose territories comprised Syria
as far as the Taurus in Cilicia on the north, and the
Euphrates on the east. Already, the Turks under
Bayazid II. had attempted to wrest Egypt from the
hands of the Mamliiks ; but their invasion in 1490
resulted in nothing beyond the annexation of Tarsiis
and Adana. It remained for Bayazid's second son,
Selim I., surnamed El-YaAz, about thirty years later,
to put an end to a military dynasty which for up-
wards of two centuries and a half had usurped the
authority of the 'Abbaside Khalifs, whose representa-
tive in the person of El-Mustansik b'lUah must have
been residing in Egypt, in comparative obscurity, at
the period of our author's visit.
From Egypt Varthema sailed to Syria, landed at
^ Ramusio, vol. i. p. 83.
XXn INTRODUCTION.
Bey root, and travelled by Tripoli to Aleppo. He
I notices the concourse of Persians and other foreigners
at the latter place, which, until the route vid the
Cape of Good Hope became the great highway to
and from India, was one of the principal stations of
the overland transit trade between the Mediterranean
on the one side, and Persia and the Persian Gulf on
the other. Passing through Hamah, the Hamath of
Scripture, and Menin in the vicinity of Helbon, still
famous for the quality of its grapes, he arrived at
Damascus, where he appears to have sojourned
several weeks, and to have made good use of his
time in acquiring some knowledge of colloquial
Arabic. Here, he became acquainted with the Mam-
l{iks of the garrison, and by means of money, accord-
ing to his own statement, induced a captain of that
body, who was a renegade Christian, to attach him
to a company under his command ; but he cautiously
reserves, what is highly probable, that a profession of
Islamism was exacted as a necessary condition of his
enrolment among the MamMks. Whether on assum-
ing the new name of YAnas, (Jonah,) he underwent
any more special initiation than that of repeating the
simple formula, " There is no god but the God, and
Muhammed is His Apostle," does not transpire ; but
the sequel of his narrative proves, that he had been
tolerably well instructed in the outward ceremonies
of Islam, and by practice, combined with an inquir*
ing disposition, and a great facility in adapting him-
self to circumstances, eventually attained as correct
an insight into the doctrines of the Koran as is pos-
sessed by the generality of Mussulmans.
INTRODUCTION. XXVll
This is not the place to discuss the morality of an
act, involving the deliberate and voluntary denial of
iivhat a man holds to be the Truth in a matter so
sacred as that of Religion. Such a violation of con-
science is not justifiable by the end which the rene-
gade may have in view, however abstractedly praise-
worthy it may be ; and even granting that his demerit
should be gauged by the amount of knowledge which
he possesses of what is true and what false, the con-
clusion is inevitable, that nothing short of utter igno-
rance of the precepts of his faith, or a conscientious
disbelief in them, can fairly relieve the Christian, who
conforms to Islamism without a corresponding per-
suasion of its verity, of the deserved odium which all
honest men attach to apostasy and hypocrisy.
Forming one of the M amliik escort of the Hajj
Caravan, V arthema set out from Damascus on the 8th
of April 1503 on the march towards £1-Medinah.
Among the few Europeans who have recorded their
visits to the Holy Places of the Mussulmans, he is
still the only one who has succeeded in reaching
them by that route. Joseph Pitts of Exeter in a.d.
1680, AU Bey in 1807, Giovanni Finati in 1811,
Burckhardt in 1814, and Burton in 1853, all pene-
trafed into the Hijd,z and returned therefrom by the
Red Sea. In this respect, therefore, our author's
narrative is unique ; nevertheless, we have the means
of testing its authenticity by the Ha;o Itinerary from
Damascus compiled with so much care by Burck-
hardt. This has been attempted in the annotations
on the text of the present edition, and the result is
XXVlll INTRODUCTION.
alike confirmatory of Varthema's intelligence and
accuracy. A journey of thirty days through a desert,
which Sir John Maundeville and other travellers long'
after him would have filled with images of their own
marvellous imaginations, is recounted in the sober
colouring of a tourist of our own times, enlivened
ever and anon with vivid sketches of the wild country
and tribes through which the Caravan wended its soli-
tary way. His description of the Bedawtn, of their
marauding incursions and mode of warfare, is mi-
nutely correct, and the picture which he portrays
of an Arab encampment is as true to life now as it
was three centuries and a half ago.
Among the most interesting incidents contained
in this portion of Varthema's peregrinations is the
Caravan halt near *• a mountain inhabited by Jews,"
within three days' march of El-Medinah. The stature
of these people, which he limits to two feet in height,
was either taken on trust from his- Muhammedan
companions, or estimated irrespective of the distance
at which he saw them; but tinged with borrowed
fable as this part of his narrative undoubtedly is, the
existence of a Jewish colony in that locality for ages
anterior to his time is a well authenticated fact,
though every trace of them, beyond an unfounded
rumour that their descendants still existed there,
performing in secret all the ceremonies of their reli-
gion, had disappeared when Burckhardt visited the
Hijaz. Arabian authors refer the foundation of the
settlement to difierent periods extending as far back
as the days of Moses ; but the most probable account
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
IS that their first immigration occurred after the
devastation of Judea by the armies of Nebuchad-
nezzar, and that the colony was enlarged by succes-
sive bands of refugees in after times down to the
destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, and the persecu-
tions to which they were subjected under the Em-
peror Adrian.
On entering El-Medinah, ** wishing to see every
thing," our traveller's party engaged the services of
a Mnzawwir^ or guide, whose duty it doubtless was
then, as it is still, to instruct the pilgrims in the ap-
pointed ceremonies of the Haj)\ as well as to accom-
pany them in the character of ordinary ciceroni. The
principal object of interest here was the tomb of
Muhammed, and with one or two minor exceptions,
attributable probably to his imperfect knowledge of
Arabic, our author's detailed description of the inte-
rior and exterior of the Mosque is strikingly verified
by the later accounts of it as given by Burckhardt
and Burton. He takes occasion, moreover, in the
course of his observations, to correct the absurd
notion, which prevailed extensively in those days,
that the Prophet's coffin was made of metal, and
hung in mid air by the attraction of a powerful
magnet.
Another superstition which the party ventured to
question on the spot, was the supernatural light
which the more credulous Moslems believe to issue
from the sepulchre of their Prophet, as firmly as
pious Christians of the Greek rite believe in the fable
of the Holy Fire as it is manufactured at Jerusalem.
' ' %
/ ^ - - * >.
.;n Y .
XXX INTRODUCTION,
The discussion which took place on this subject
between the Captain of the Mamliiks and certain
Sheiifs of the Mosque reveals the renegade's general
disbelief in Muhammedanism ; though it may well be
doubted whether such an unreserved manifestation
of it could have been attempted with impunity ex-
cept by a person in his position.
The character of the townspeople, which is pro-
verbially bad, elicits from Varthema the epithet of
" canaglia," and expressing equal disgust at " the
vanities of Muhammed,'' which form the staple at-
tractions to the pilgrim visitors at El-Medinah, or
The City, par excellence^ he resumes his onward jour-
ney towards Meccah, which was accomplished in ten
days. The intervening country appears to have been
ia a very unsettled state, for he records two skir-
mishes with large bands of Arabs, and ascribes the
cause to the prevalence of a great war between
four brothers who were fighting for the lordship of
Meccah. In a subsequent chapter, whilst describing
Juddah, he mentions incidentally that the govern-
ment of that town was administered by one of the
brothers of " Barachet," who was then the ruling
" Sultan of Meccah."
By the latter designation, we are undoubtedly to
understand the " Sherlf," which title, as applied to
the Arab ruler of Meccah, has entirely superseded
the more ancient one of " Amir." The particular
family from which candidates for that dignity were
elected claim, in common with several others which
assume the same honourable distinction, to be the
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
descendants of Hasan, the eldest son of 'Ali, through
his two sons Zaid and Hasan el-Musanna ; but the
first historical notice which we possess of their terri-
torial jurisdiction in the Hijslz, is given by Ibn Shub-
nah, during the reign of the Ayyubite princes in
Yemen, who records that in his time El-Medinah
and Meccah were severally governed by two mem-
bers of that family, each bearing the title of " Amir."^
Although exercising almost sovereign power within
the limits assigned to them, the Sherifs were avowedly
subordinate to the successive Khalifs of the Omeyya
and 'Abbaside dynasties, and subsequently to the
MamlAk Sultans of Egypt, whose prerogative it was
to recognize their authority by investing them annu-
ally with a robe of honour. This suzerainty, in his
time, is casually adverted to by Varthema, who
speaks of the lord of Juddah and the Sultan of
Meccah as being " subject to the Grand Sultan of
Cairo."
But a supremacy which, in effect, was barely
nominal, seldom availed to maintain public order in
the Hij4z, more especially whenever rival factions
among the Sherifs contended for the chief magistracy
of Meccah. Such family feuds were of constant
occurrence, and one was actually in progress at the
time of our traveller's visit, and his incidental re-
marks on the subject are so strikingly corroborated
by native historical records, as to merit special illus-
tration. The following passages, translated from the
Kurrat eUAyim^ an Arabic manuscript Chronicle of
* See D'HbbbeloT; sub voce Meccah. v
XXXll INTRODUCTION.
Yemen, besides substantiating the statements of Var-
thema, afford a general view of the political condi-
tion of the Hijaz at the period referred to : —
" A.H. 906. In the month of Zul' Kaadah of this year,
[corresponding with parts of May and June, a.d. 1600J a
battle took place between the Sherif Haza'a bin Muhammed
bin Barakat and his brother Barak&t ibn Muhammed, the
lord of the Hijitz, wherein the latter was overcome and put
to flight, the Egyptian escort seizing all his property, and
depriving him of everything. The cause was as follows : —
When El-'Adil Tdman Bey, lord of Egypt, succeeded EI-
Ashraf Janblat, he expelled an amir of the latter named
Kansooh el-M&hmady, known as El-Burj, who proceeded to
Meccah ; but neither the Sherif nor the Kadhi, nor any of
the nobles, took any notice of him, fearing the displeasure of
Tiim&n Bey. On the death of Tdm^n Bey, he was succeeded
by El- Ashraf Kansooh el-Ghori, who forthwith sent a letter
to El-Burj, appointing him Naib of Damascus. Thereupon
the Sherif went to pay his respects to him ; but he refused
to receive him on account of his former conduct. Haza'a
being then at Meccah, Kansooh el-Burj instigated him to
assume the government of Meccah, and to place his brother
Barak&t over it [as his subordinate.] To this end he directed
him to go to Yembo, and sent word to the Amir of the
Egyptian Haj) to meet him there, to make over to him the
imperial firm&ns, and to invest him with the imperial robe«
This was accordingly done ; and Haza'a put on the robe
which had been brought for his'brother Barak&t, and dressed
his brother El-J&z8,ni in the clothes which he himself wore
when he presided with his brother Barakat. He then pro-
ceeded with the Egyptian caravan towards Meccah, accom-
panied by about one hundred of the Sherifs of the Benu-
Ibrahim. On hearing this, Barakat went out as far as the
W&di Markd, to meet them, when a battle ensued wherein
INTRODUCTION. XXxiU
Haza'a was routed several times^ about thirty of his followers
were killed^ and some parts of the caravan plundered. The
Egyptian escort then charged with Haza'a^ whereupon Bara-
kat fled^ leaving his son Abu'l-Kasam and several of his
soldiers dead on the field. After this, the Egyptians entered
the house of Barak&t, seized all he had, his women included,
whom they also plundered. Barak&t took refuge in Juddah,
and Haza'a entered Meccah with the Egyptian escort ; but
the city became much disturbed, outrages and fear increased
on the roads, and the pilgrims who had come by sea returned
home ; consequently the Hc^' was very small, and the Sherif
Barak&t did not perform it. When the Sajj was over,
Haza'a reflected that the cause of all this mischief was owing
to his contention with his brother Barak&t ; and fearing lest
he might be attacked by him in Meccah, he accompanied the
Damascus caravan to Yembo, whither Barak&t pursued him ;
but the escort protected Haza'a against him. So Barak&t
returned to Meccah, and peace and security were reesta<»
blished among the people and on the roads.
''But the year following [a.d. 1501] Haza'a and Barak&t
again encountered each other in a place called T&raf el-^
Burk&, when the latter was overcome, and his brother Ahxi^
Da'anaj, with seven of the Sherlfs of the Benu-»Nima, toge>-
ther with fourteen of the Turks on his side, were killed.
On this occasion Haza'a had with him three thousand two
hundred horsemen, and Barak&t only five hundred. The
latter fled till he reached Salkhat el-Ghor&b, and Haza'a
went to Juddah, where he proclaimed an amnesty to the
inhabitants, and appointed Muhammed ibn Rajah ibn S&m-
balah his deputy, and one of his slaves governor in Juddah^
and sent his brother, El-Jglz&ni, to Meccah, to settle matters
in that quarter, whither he subsequently followed him with
a military force. Some time after, a robe of investiture and
a firm&n were sent to him from Egypt, and he took up his
residence in Meccah.
d
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
*' On the fifteenth of the month of Rajab^ [25th December
1501 J Haza'a ibn Muhammed ibn Barak&t was removed to
the mercy of God, and his brother El-J^&ni succeeded him,
through the influence of the K&dhi Abu es-Sa'M ibn Ibra-
him ibn Dhuheirah.
*' A.H. 908. In the month of Sha*abftn of this year [cor*
responding with January a.d. 1502] there was a fierce battle
between the Sherif el-J&z&ni and his brother Barak&t at
Munhenna, to the eastward of Meccah, in which the Sherif
Barak&t was thoroughly routed, and all the principal men of
his armies killed, he himself escaping with only a few adhe-
rents.
'^In the month of Kajab of the same year [December
A.D. 1502] the Sherif El- J&z&ni ibn Muhammed ibn Barakftt
was killed near the gate of the Kaabah by a band of Turks,
on account of some outrages which he had committed, and
they set up in his place his brother Humeidhah. Towards
the end of that same year [between March and May 1503]
the Sherif Barak&t fled from Egypt [by which it would
appear that he had been taken there as a prisoner] with the
connivance of the Amir ed-Duweid&r,^ and brought with
him a large army, which he collected from among the Beni
L&m, the Ahl esh-Shark, and the Findiyin, and he pre-
vented the people from performing the Wdkuf? until the
Amir of the IIqi[;g&ye him four thousand ashrafi to clear the
road between them and the [place of the] Wakiif; where-
upon he was able to accompany the people to Araf&t and
Muzdelifah and Mina ;^ but in the meantime the followers
^ This was the first dignitary of the state, after the sovereign,
during the regency of the Maml^lks. The office corresponded with
that of the Grand Wazir among the Turks, and the court of the
Amit ed-Duweidar was almost equal to that of the Sult4n.
'^ One of the ceremonies connected with the Pilgrimage, which
is performed at Ara^t. See p. 43.
' See note 1 on p. 45.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
of Barak&t plundered a caravan from Jaddah,near the gates
of Meccah."
The facts thus recorded are corroborated by the
author of the Rudh er-Rudh, another Arabic chronicle
of a later date ; but these extracts amply suffice to
attest the truth of Varthema's incidental remarks
respecting the feud which existed between the rival
brothers Barak^t, and the general insecurity of the
country resulting therefrom. Moreover, a careful
comparison of dates, as they may be gathered from
our traveller's journal, with those given in the above
quotations, renders it highly probable that the Arabs
whom the caravan encountered between El-Medinah
and Meccah, (see p. 35,) and those also who caused
the precipitate rush from Arafllt, (see p. 44,) consisted
of adherents of one or other of the contending factions.
To return to our review of the narrative. Entering
Meccah with the ffajff\ Varthema proceeds to give an
account of the city and its inhabitants, noticing par^
ticularly the great number of foreigners who had
arrived there from the east and west, " some for pur-
poses of trade, and some on pilgrimeige for the pardon
of their sins"; and the various commodities which
were imported by them from Africa, the western
coast of India, and the Bay of Bengal. Next, he takes
us into the Great Mosque, describing the Ka'abah
and the well Zemzem, with the various ceremonies
performed there ; and thence he accompanies the
pilgrims to Araf&t, and returns with them in haste
through the Valley of Mina, where he witnessed the
customary lapidation of the " Great Devil."
d2
XXXVl INTRODUCTION.
Considering that our aathor is the first European
traveller on record who visited the holy places of the
Muhammedans, and taking into account how scanty
must have been his previous knowledge of the history
and distinctive doctrines of IsUm, his description of
Meccah and of the Hajj may fairly claim to be
regarded as a literary wonder. With but few excep-
tions, his minutest details are confirmed by later and
far more learned writers, whose investigations on the
whole have added comparatively little to the know-
ledge which we possess of the Mussulman pilgrimage
through the pages of Varthema ; and the occasional
correspondence between some of his statements and
those of Burckhardt is so striking, as to give rise to
the conjecture that that enterprising traveller had
perused his book either before or after his own journey
into the Hij&z. Burton, whose eastern learning and
personal experience of the -ffigy' constitute him a most
competent judge, bestows this well merited encomium
on our author's narrative: — "But all things consi-
dered, Ludovico Barthema, for correctness of observ-
ation and readiness of wit, stands in the foremost rank
of the old oriental travellers*"^
The Hajj over, Varthema being anxious to visit
other countries, or disinclined to return by the same
route he had come, meditated escape from his com-
panions. Fortune favoured the design by throwing
in his way a Mussulman trader who had been to
Europe, and who agreed to aid him in the attempt,
1 Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Mcdinah atid Meccahy
vol. ii. p. 352.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVll
Oil learning that he intended to manufacture " large
mortars," to be used by the Moslems against the in-
fidel Portuguese, and in consideration of having his
goods passed free of duty out of Meccah, through our
author's influence with the commander of the Mam-
l{iks. He also furnished him with directions how to
reach the court of the King of the Deccan, from
which latter circumstance it is clear that Yarthema
had already contemplated a journey to India. Depart-
ing himself with the caravan, the Mussulman con-
fided his charge to the care of his wife, with instruc-
tions to despatch him, on the following Friday, by the
Indian Jcdfikt proceeding to Juddah. According to
his own statement, Varthema succeeded in gaining
the affections of his kind hostess and her young niece,
both of whom held out strong inducements for him
to remain; but he prudently "declined all their
offers, on account of the present danger," and started
towards the coast with the caravan, " to the no small
regret of the said ladies, who made great lamenta-
tions."
At Juddah, our traveller took refuge in a mosque,
which was crowded with indigent pilgrims, and,
fearing detection, pretended sickness, and even ab-
stained from going abroad except by night in search
of food. Nevertheless, his brief account of the place
is quite correct, and judging from the number of
vessels then in the harbour, which he estimates at
one hundred, " great and small," the commerce of
the port must have been much larger at that time
than it is now, — a result mainly attributable to the
XXXVlll INTRODUCTION.
Cape route having subsequently diverted much of
the trade between India and Europe from its older
channel vid Egypt.
In his description of the voyage down the Red
Sea, (which he naively remarks is not red,) during
which the vessel only sailed by day owing to the
numerous coral-reefs and shoals which lie off the
coast, Varthema mentions their landing at J4zan,
now an unfrequented place, but at that time one of
the principal ports of southern Arabia; then their
skirmish with some wild Bedawin, who are as wild
still ; next, their touching at the island of Camran,
which he tells us was subject to the ** Sultan of the
Amanni," meaning the Im&m of Sanaa, but whose
territories were invaded a few years later by a
combined Egyptian and Turkish army whose fleet
anchored in that very place ; and finally the passage
through the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb, and their safe
arrival at Aden. Here, the day following, being sus-
pected as a Christian spy in disguise, he was forth-
with laden with irons, and placed in confinement
together with another individual, apparently a fellow-
passenger, whose name and country, however, do not
transpire. Three days after, some, refugees from a
ship, which had been captured by the Portuguese,
arriving at Aden, the suspicions of the inhabitants
were confirmed, and it was only through the personal
intervention of the deputy governor, who decided
that the case should be referred to the Sultan, that
they were saved from the vengeance of the infuriated
inhabitants. Accordingly, after a delay of sixty-five
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
days, the two captives were mounted on one camel,
still in chains, and sent under an escort to Radaa,
eight days' journey from Aden, where they under-
went a preliminary examination before the Sult4n ;
but Varthema failing to pronounce the Muhamme-
dan formula of faith, either through fear, or, as he
says, " through the will of God," he and his com-
panion were again cast into prison.
Leaving them there to chew the bitter cud of re-
pentance, it will not be out of place to notice the
coincidence connected with the proceedings of the
Portuguese in the Indian seas at this period, and the
misfortunes which they entailed on our enterprising
traveller.
In a note on the text of this part of the narrative,
I have adduced a passage from an Arabian historian,
to the effect that in the year a.d. 1502, seven native
vessels had been seized by the Franks between India
and the island of Hormuz, and most of the crews mur-
dered. 1 am inclined to believe, however, that the
case in which the refugees were concerned may be
gathered more definitely, partly from Greene's CoU'^
lection^ and partly from the journal of Thome Lopez.
The former has the following : —
^^ Stephen de Gama being arrived on the coast of India,
near Mount Deli, to the north of Kananor, he met a ship of
great bulk, called the Meri [probably Jffri, i.e. state pro-
perty,] belonging to the Sultfen of Egypt, which was very
richly laden, and full of Moors of quality, who were going
to Mekka. The ship being taken after a vigorous resistance,
the General went on board, and sending for the principal
/
Xl INTRODUCTION.
Moors ordered them to produce such merchandizes as they
had, threatening them, otherwise, to have them thrown into
the sea^ They pretended all their effects were at Kalekdt ;
but one of them having been flung overboard, bound hand
and foot, the rest, through fear, delivered their goods. All
the children were carried into the General's ship, and the
remainder of the plunder given to the sailors. After which,
Stephen de Gama, by Don Vasco's order, set fire to the
vessel ; but the Moors, having broken up the hatches under
which they were confined, and quenched the flames with
the water that was in the ship, Stephen was commanded to
lay them aboard. The Moors, having been made desperate
with the apprehension of their danger, received him with
great resolution, and even attempted to burn the other
ships.
" Night coming on, he was obliged to desist without doing
his work; but the General gave orders, that the vessel
should be watched, that the passengers might not, by favour
of the darkness, escape to land, which was near. All night
long the poor unhappy Moors called on Muhammed to help
them, but the dead can neither hear nor succour their vota-
ries. In the morning, Stephen de Gama was sent to execute
his former orders. He boarded the ship, and, setting fire to
it, drove the Moors into the poop, who still defended them-
selves ; for some of the sailors would not leave the vessel
till it was half burnt. Many of the Moors, when they
saw the flames approach them, leaped into the sea with
hatchets in their hands, and, swimming, fought with their
pursuers. Some even made up to, and attacked, the boats,
doing much hurt ; however, most of them were at length
slain, and all those drowned who remained in the ship,
which soon after sunk. So that of three hundred persons,
(among whom were thirty women,) not one escaped the fire,
sword, or water.*' ^
^ Greene's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i. pp. 51-2.
INTRODUCTION. xU
If this is the same act of piracy recorded by Thome
Lopez, which appears tolerably certain, it occurred
on the 29th of September 1502. The main incidents
are identical, and he dilates with admiration on the
gallant defence made by the Arabs, and stigmatizes
the conduct of the Portuguese admiral as cruel and
barbarous. But as all the unfortunate Arabs perished
on that occasion, the case alluded to in Varthema's
narrative, wherein several ships are said to have been
captured and some of the crews to have escaped,
must be a different one, though perhaps both were
connected. The desideratum is supplied by Thome
Lopez, who, in continuation of his account of the pre-
vious engagement, describes, the chase of four Moorish
ships immediately after, of which three escaped, and
one was stranded, and the capture of two others on
the 22nd and 26th of October following.^ The six
or seven months which elapsed between these out-
rages and Varthema's arrival at Aden, would allow
time for any of the surviving crews to reach that
place, and the coincidence thus established is another
striking example of the accuracy of our author's state-
ments.
In order to illustrate this still further, it will not
be irrelevant to the subject to give a general outline
of the political condition of Yemen at that period,
referring the reader to the annotations on the text for
the corroboration of particular facts mentioned in the
course of the original narrative.
During the reign of the more warlike Khalifs, the
^ See Ramusio, vol. i. pp. 136-38.
Xlii INTRODUCTION.
turbulent tribes of Yemen appear to have been kept
in tolerable subjection ; but towards the end of the
tenth century the authority of the 'Abbasides became
virtually extinct, and the country was divided into a
number of petty sovereignties, each assuming differ-
ent titles, and exercising various degrees of territorial
jurisdiction. This state of things continued till the
accession of Salah ed-Din, the first of the Ayyubite
Sult&ns, whose brother Toor4n Sh&h captured Sanaa,
the capital of the province, about a.d. 1173, and
reduced many of the independent chiefs both in the
interior and on the coast to submission. Successive
princes of that family continued to exercise a limited
supremacy over Yemen long after the dynasty had
been superseded by the Baharite MamlAks of Egypt ;
but the country gradually relapsed into complete
anarchy until about a.d. 1429^ when the government
was seized by two brothers of the Beni Tslhir, named
severally Shams ed-Din 'Ali and Sal&h ed-Din 'Amir
surnamed El-Melek edh-Dh^fir, claiming descent from
the Koreish tribe, who eventually succeeded in taking
possession of Sanaa, and in establishing their joint
sway over the southern provinces of Yemen. The
capital, however, was soon after retaken by its former
governor Muhammed ibn Nllsir, and in a fruitless
attempt to recover it Sal4h ed Din 'Amir lost his life.
The surviving brother was succeeded in 1454 by
MansAr Tkj ed-Din 'Abd el-Wahh4b, on whose death
in 1488 the government fell into the hands of his
nephew 'Amir ibn 'Abd el-Wahh4b, who was the
ruling sovereign of southern Yemen during the time
INTRODUCTION. xlui
of Varthema's visit.^ On the accession of *Amir ibn
'Abd el-Wahh&b the government of the peninsula,
according to the author of the Rudh er-RvMh^ was
divided as follows : — '* The Tehllma, and Zebid, and
Aden, and L4hej, and Abyan, as far as Rad4a, were
under 'Amir. Sanaa and its districts were subject to
Muhammed ibn el-Imam^ en-Nasir. Kaukab&n and
its districts under El-Mutahhir ibn Muhammed ibn
Suleiman. Esh-Shark, and Edh-Dhawahir, and Sa'a-
dah, with their dependencies, were divided between
El-Muw6yyed, the Sherifs of the Al el-Mansiir, and
the Im&m el-Mans\ir, Muhammed ibn 'Ali es-SerSji
el-Washli."
^ He mentions him by name as ** Sechamir" or Sheikh 'Amir.
See p. 83.
' In a religious sense, this title ordinarily designates the leader
of the services in the Mosque, and as the Khalifs were recognized
as spiritual as well as temporal presidents, they early adopted it.
When the authority of the 'Abbasides declined in Yemen, it was
assumed by the regents at Sanaa, who moreover usurped that of
Amir el-Mu^amantn, or Lord of the Faithful. In course of time,
however, other rulers of Yemen seem to have called themselves
** Im&m ;*' so that eventually it came to signify nothing more than
a presiding prince, or one having authority over subordinate chiefs.
At the present day, it would be difficult to trace the right of bear-
ing the distinction to lineal descent; in fact, those who now use
it in Yemen cannot lay claim to it on that score. On the other
hand, in 'Amm&n it appears to have been conferred, by the general
consent of the people, for some real or fancied excellence in the
person of the sovereign ; and it is remarkable that whereas all the
predecessors in the dynasty of the late Seyyed Sa'!d bore the ap-
pellation, he himself was never so styled except by Europeans,
and his successor at M^skat is known only by the title of
** Seyyed." I may also add that the title of *' Imam" has fre-
quently been given to renowned authors, either because they have
at some period taken the lead in the religious services of the
Mosque, or on account of their acknowledged learning and piety.
xliv INTRODUCTION.
It is easy to imagine, from the bare enumeration
of these petty chiefdoms, that the country at this
period was in a most distracted state ; but the genius
and military prowess of 'Amir soon eflfected a great
change. One after another, most of the inland chiefs
submitted to his sway, and in a.d. 1501 he made an
attempt to capture Sanaa, but was ignominiously
repulsed. Determined, however, not to abandon the
project which he had conceived of removing the only
impediment to his complete ascendancy over Yemen,
he two years after collected a vast army, which
according to the Rudh er-Ruah consisted of 180,000
men, including 3,000 cavalry, and after a severe
conflict entered the capital in triumph.
Comparing the dates given by the Arabian his-
torian with the probable time of Varthema's arrival
at Rad^a, there can be no doubt that the 80,000
troops which he saw reviewed there, and which he
tells us marched two days after towards Sanaa, headed
by the SultAn, was a portion of the army which shortly
after, as has just been stated, succeeded in capturing
that city. The coincidence is as perfect as it was
undesigned, and the inference substantiates with
the highest proof the authenticity of our author's
narrative.
After a similar digression, wherein he describes in
detail the arms and military equipment of the Sultan's
army, Varthema invites us to return to his prison.^
There he would probably have languished for an in-
^ Prisons in many parts of the East are attached to the palace
or residence of the governor.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
definite period but for the intervention of one of the
Sultan's wives, whom he honours with the title of
*' queen," who, impelled by various motives, in-
terested herself in his behalf, and employed her
maidens to minister to his necessities. But Var-
thema, intent on effecting his escape, and reasonably
doubtful whether the queen's liberality alone was
likely to promote that object, drew lots with his com-
panion which of the two should feign madness,^ — a
stratagem of ancient date, if not of authority, (see
1 Sam. xxi. 13 — 15.) The lot fell on our traveller,
and if in the course of his simulation he sometimes
transgressed the bonds of decency, the freaks were
not inconsistent with his assumed character ; and his
examination by two hermits, or sheikhs, who were
sent for to decide on the case, would probably have
resulted in a confirmation of his sanctity, but for the
practical joke which he imprudently played on the
persons of the venerable (examiners, which sent them
scampering from the prison, exclaiming : " He is
mad ! He is mad ! He is not holy !"
The amusement which these eccentricities afforded
the Sultana and her attendants is so inconsistent with
our notions of female modesty as to be almost in-
credible ; nevertheless, if the inner life of many native
harims were similarly exposed to view, it would exhibit
ladies of rank revelling in scenes far more revolting
than those described in the " Chapter concerning the
^ It is a popular superstition, throughout the East to attribute
madness to the influence of a separate spirit acting upon the
maniac.
Xlvi INTRODUCTION.
Partiality of the Women of Arabia for White Men."
What else, indeed, could reasonably be expected?
Brought up without education, confined to the seclu-
sion of the women's apartments, and debarred from
sharing in public amusements, it is not surprising that
the uncultivated mind of eastern females should follow
its natural bent, and seek to satisfy the longing for en-
joyment, inherent in us all, by kindred gratifications.
The queen was evidently convinced from the
outset that our hero's madness was merely a feint ;
but he very discreetly resisted all her consequent
blandishments, only availing himself of them as
might best conduce to his own ends. Simulating
sickness, he obtained her consent to visit a holy man
at Aden renowned for miraculous cures, and was
furnished, moreover, by her liberality with a camel
and the very opportune gift of twenty-five ashrafi^
for the journey. On reaching Aden, he forthwith
engaged a passage on board a native ship which was
to sail for India, vid the Persian Gulf, in the course
of a month, and, taking advantage of that interval to
escape from the notice of the Adenites, he set out on
an excursion into the interior.
In the subsequent pages, I have annotated so fully
on the text of this part of our author's wanderings,
that it would be superfluous to notice any details
here. The Arabic MS. Chronicles already men-
tioned and Niebuhr's voyages, conjoined with per-
sonal experience derived from natives of the country,
have been my principal guides in illustrating his trip
^ The ashrafi appears to have been equivalent to a ducat, or
about As, 6d. of our money.
INTRODUCTION. xlvu
into Yemen ; in fact, I am not aware that any others,
in the shape of general travels, exist, unless it be the
very meagre account given by Ibn Batiita in the
fourteenth century. Yarthema is undoubtedly the
first European who has left us a description of this
portion of Arabia, and between his time and the
present, Niebuhr as far back as 1761, (with the ex-
ception of several brief personal narratives of the
route between Mokha and Sanaa, and a trip from
thence to M4reb by Mons. Arnaud in 1843,) is the
only European traveller who has penetrated into the
country more than a few miles from the sea-coast.
Even Niebuhr^s journey, performed in comparative
security and luxury, does not embrace so large an
extent of Yemen as that of our author ; but where-
ever his testimony or that of others was available, it
substantiates in a remarkable manner the accuracy
of Varthema's observations. The annexed abstract
of his route conveys, in a tabular form, the difierent
towns visited, with their approximate distances : —
Aden to Damt,^ vid Lahej and 'Az'az
Damt to Yerim, vid £1-Makranah
Yerim to Sanaa
Sanaa to Ta'ez
Ta'ez to Zebid
Zebld to DhamSir
Dhamar to Aden
Oeneral
Direction.
Miles.
N.W.
120
K.
40
N.
70
8.
110
N.E.
70
E«1t»E«
65
8.
120
Total
595
^ In a note on the text (p. 75) I have identified this place, which
Varthema calls *' Dante/' with Niebuhr's Dimne ; but on second
thoughts I think it more likely that it represents his Dentiy which
he describes as *^ une petite ville, avec une bonne citadellc, et une
place de foire." Voy, en Arabte, vol. iii. p. 214.
Xlviii INTRODUCTION.
On his return to Aden, of which place he gives a
very accurate description, Varthema again sought
refuge in a mosque under pretence of sickness ; but
when the time for departure arrived, he was smuggled
on board by the conniving Arab skipper, who doubt-
less received some of the queen's ashrafi which Her
Majesty had given for a different purpose. Sailing
towards the Persian Gulf, the vessel probably en-
countered one of those north-westerly gales which,
at the season of the year when I have calculated the
voyage to have been made, blow for several days
together along the north-east coast of Arabia. Being
obliged to veer, they ran with a fair wind for the
north-east coast of Africa, anchoring first at Zaila,
from whence they subsequently proceeded to the
contiguous snug port of Berbera.
Varthema's account of Zaila comprises all that there
is to be said of the place. He notices the large number
of Abyssinian slaves which were exported from thence
to different parts, — a traffic which has only been ar-
rested within the last few years ; the various produce
which found its way there from the interior ; some
of the animals peculiar to the country ; and his de-
scription of the S6m4li inhabitants is true to life
still. Except that he erroneously calls Berbera an
island, (wherein he possibly translated from the
Ax^hic jezirah^ a term which the natives also apply
to a peninsula, and sometimes conventionally to
havens on the mainland,) his brief account of that
locality also, and of the pastoral habits of the people,
is equally truthful.
INTRODUCTION. xllX
Though originally bound for the Persian Gulf, the
Arab skipper most probably picked up some addi*
tional freight at the above-mentioned places for
India, between which and the north-east coast of
Africa a considerable trade is still carried on, chiefly
by Borah merchants of Guzerat and Cutch. This
commerce, which in more ancient times appears to
have been conducted through the intermediate ports
of Hadhramaut on the north-east coast of Arabia,
eventually took the more direct route across the
Indian ocean, and was in full play when the Portu-
guese first found their way to the Red Sea. The
fact of the skipper having made for Zaila proves that
the voyage occurred during the north-east monsoon,
which is the only season for foreign trade there,
the coast being generally dangerous throughout the
opposite or south-westerly monsoon.
In twelve days, the vessel reached the small island
of Diu in Guzerat, which Varthema calls " Diu
bander-er-rumi," i.e., Diu the Port of the Rikm^ and
describes with his usual accuracy. The suffix, which
I have not met with elsewhere, was probably a con-
yentional designation among the Arabs owing to so
many '* Turkish merchants," (more correctly, Cir-
cassians, Affgh&ns, and Persians,) being resident
there. The familiar intercourse which existed be-
tween that part of Western India and the opposite
coast of Arabia is attested by incidental notices
occurring in Arabian chronicles of the time.
From Diu, the ship proceeded up the Gulf of
Cambay to Gogo, and from thence steered across
1 INTRODUCTION.
the Indian Ocean, doubling Mussendom, to Julf4r,
an Arab town on the western side of that pro-
montory, which was subsequently occupied by the
Portuguese as a station for the pearl-fishery. Here,
a retrograde movement was made by redoubling
Mussendom in order to reach M4skat, of which
place our author barely gives the name, and the next
port gained was Hormuz, where he appears to have
sojourned for several days.
The eligibility of that island, situated directly in
the line of the Indian trade, vid the Persian Gulf,
appears to have given it considerable importance as
a commercial emporium at a very early period. If it
was the Nekrokis of Benjamin of Tudela, which is
highly probable though his description of that place
is most perplexing, it was largely frequented by
traders to and from India in the middle of the
twelfth century. A century later, Marco Polo makes
it the resort of many merchants who brought thither
spices, pearls, precious stones, elephants' teeth, " and
all other precious things from India ;" and 'Abd er-
Razz4k, sixty years prior to our traveller, says that
" the merchants of the seven climates all make their
way to this port." Vartheraa's account of the island,
— its situation near the mainland, its utter barrenness
and yet withal its prosperity as " a chief maritime
port, where sometimes as many as three hundred
vessels are assembled," — is in perfect accordance
with these preceding travellers, and he describes the
mode of fishing for pearls just as it exists at the
present day.
INTRODUCTION. U
All this is now changed, and Hormuz, like the
Tyre of Scripture, is little better than a rock for
fishermen to spread their nets on. It was captured
by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1508, who
were in turn expelled in 1662 by the Persians, aided
by a British fleet, during the reign of Sh&h Abb&s,
who caused the colony to be removed to Gombr&n
on the opposite mainland, and dignified it with the
name of Bander Abb&s. The intervention of Great
Britain in this affair is thus judiciously commented
on by Sir John Malcolm : —
*' If the English ever indulged a hope of deriving per-
manent benefit from the share they took in this transaction,
they were completely disappointed. They had, it is true,
revenged themselves upon an enemy they hated, destroyed
a flourishing settlement, and brought ruin and misery upon
thousands, to gratify the avarice and ambition of a despot,
who promised to enrich them by a favour, which they should
have known was not likely to protect them, even during his
life, from the violence and injustice of his own officers, much
less during that of his successors. The history of the EngUsh
factory at Gombroon, from this date till it was abandoned,
is one series of disgrace, of losses, and of dangers, as that of
every such establishment in a country like Persia must be.
Had that nation either taken Ormuz for itself, or made a
settlement on a more eligible island in the gulf, it would
have carried on its commerce with that quarter to much
greater advantage ; and its political influence, both in Persia
and Arabia, would have remained unrivalled."^
We are now to accompany our traveller through a
part of the journey where the landmarks of his route
* History of Persia, vol. i. p. 547.
e2
lii INTRODUCTION.
are less distinctly traceable. We must, of coufse,
suppose him to have crossed over to the mainland ;
but how far he had penetrated into the interior when
he writes : " Departing thence, I passed into Persia,
and travelling for twelve days I found a city called
Eri," is not specified. Nevertheless, as I see no
cause to question his visit to Eri, the ancient name
of HerAt, and as it is tolerably certain that he could
not have reached that place in the time given, we
may reasonably infer either that an error has in this
instance crept into the original narrative, or that
Varthema dates his departure from a point which he
has omitted to record. As far as his rather summary
account of Herat goes, — of the city, its productions,
its manufactures, and its population, — his information
is perfectly correct ; and that fact, taken in conjunc-
tion with a subsequent avowal that he described
Samarcand by report only, may be fairly regarded as
a proof of his veracity ; for if he was disposed to mis-
represent in the one case, there is no reason why he
should not have done so in the other.
Twenty days' march from Herat brought our tra-
veller to " a large and fine river, called Eufra," which
" on account of its great size" he supposes to be the
Euphrates. As he was then three days distant from
Shirilz, to which city the onward road lay " to the left
hand" of his Eufra, I have supposed him to have struck
on the Pulwan at or near Mergh4b, a little to the
southward of which town there appears to be a high-
way, leading by IstakAr, to a point below the junction
of the PulwAn with the Bendemir, from whence it is
Il^TRODUCTION. lui
continued to Shir&z. Should this identification be
correct, (and I can suggest no other, unless he pur-
sued a route by Neyriz and Bakhteg4n, mistaking
the neighbouring lake which goes by those names for
a river,) Varthema must unquestionably be charged
with exaggeration, as neither the Fulw4n nor the
Bendemir is entitled to the epithet of " a large and
fine river."
Arrived at ShirAz, which our author describes as a
great mart for turquoises and Balass rubies, remark-
ing, however, that those stones were not produced
there, but came, as was reported, from a city called
" Balachsam" (Badakshdn,) accident threw him in
the way of a Persian merchant called " Cazazionor,"
by whom he was recognized as a fellow- pilgrim at
Meccah, and whose friendly overtures on the occasion
were destined to exert a powerful influence in shaping
his subsequent course.
We, who carry with us on our travels circular
notes or letters of credit negotiable in any part of
the globe, can form a very inadequate conception of
the diflSiculties which an adventurer under Varthema's
circumstances must have encountered in making his
way from one place to another. He never alludes
directly to the subject, but his management may be
gleaned from incidental passages occurring in his
narrative. At the outset, he appears to have had a
supply of money, for he bribed the Captain of the
MamlAks to admit him into that corps. While with
them, he probably received pay and shared in their
exactions, which, with any remains of his original
liv INTRODUCTION.
funds, sufficed to take him to Aden. From thence,
he was sent into the interior, as the saying is, at
Government expense, and the liberality of the Arabian
sultina furnished his viaticum as far as Shir&z ; for, it
may be remarked, that there is not the slightest evi-
dence to prove his having engaged in any commercial
transactions up to that period, and, if he did so sub-
sequently, it was merely as sleeping partner to his
Persian benefactor. Be that as it may, his encounter
with the latter was a piece of good fortune, without
which it may fairly be questioned whether he would
have been able to extend his travels as far as he did.
On the other hand, the Persian merchant, who ap-
pears to have been a wealthy trader in jewels, was
evidently glad to secure an intelligent companion in
the projected journey, and his oriental hospitality
looked for no other recompense. Instances of such
generosity are not as uncommon in the East as in
the West, and the experience of Varthema in this
respect forms a striking contrast to that of Don Alonzo
Enriquez de Guzman in the course of his European
travels during the same century.^
The first place for which our travellers started in
company was Samarcand, whether with the intention
of limiting the trip to that city, or of making their
way from thence to India, does not appear. How-
ever, they had not proceeded far when they were
obliged to return, because " the Soffi was going
through this country putting every thing to fire and
^ Hakltttt Society's Publications, The Life and Acts of
Don Alonzo de Guzman^ translated and edited by C. R. Markham.
INTRODUCTION. Iv
flame ; and esi>ecially he put to the sword all those
who believed in Bubachar and Othman and Aumar,
who are all companions of Mahomet ; but he leaves
unmolested those who believe in Mahomet and Ali."
Here, we have another undesigned coincidence with
contemporary Persian history which deserves special
notice. Isma il es-Sufi, the first of the Sufawian
dynasty, was the son of the famous Sheikh Haidar,
the son of Juneid the great grandson of Seif ed-Din,
who claimed descent from 'Ali by Hussein his second
son, whose branch, according to the Persians, is that
of the Imams. Haidar's mother was the daughter of
Hasan Beg, the first of the Turkmfi,n dynasty called
Bayanddri, who furnished his son-in-law with an
army to avenge the death of his father Juneid, who
had been killed in battle with Ferukhz^d king of
Shirwan ; but Haidar lost his life in the attempt, his
two sons Isma'il and 'Ali Mirza were made prisoners,
and most of his adherents destroyed. Haidar's two
sons were afterwards set at liberty by Rustam Beg,
the grandson of Hasan Beg, who succeeded his
uncle Ya'acub. The subsequent portion of 'Ismai'il's
career illustrative of our narrative, I translate from
D'Herbelot :—
" At this period there were among the Mussulmans scat-
tered throughout Asia an infinite number of people who
professed publicly the sect of 'Ali, and especially the dis-
tinctive form of it ascribed to Haider, which Sheik Sdfi
one of his illustrious ancestors had raised into high repute.
Isma'll SAft, hearing that there were a great many of these
in Caramania, which is the ancient Cilicia^ repaired thither,
Ivl INTRODUCTION.
Bnd raised a levy of seven thousand men attached to the sect,
and more particularly devoted to his family, because either
they or their fathers had been delivered out of the hands of
Tamerlane through the intercession of Sheik Stlft.
" Young Isma^il, who was then only fourteen years old,
undertook with this handful of men to wage war with
Ferukhz&d, king of Shirwan, a province of Media, whom
he regarded as the murderer of his father. This enterprise
was so successful, that he challenged and slew his enemy,
seized his kingdom , and thereby gained a position which
opened Asia to his ambition.
'' This first essay in arms took place a.h. 906, correspond-
ing exactly with a.d. 1500, and the following year Isma'il
attacked and took the city of Tabriz, obliging Alvend, the
grandson of Usuncassan [Hasan Beg] who reigned there,
to flee and shut himself up in Baghdad ; but that sult&n was
forced to leave that city also and take refuge in Diarbekir,
where he died, a.h. 910, and Baghdad fell into the hands
of Isma'll.
" In A.H. 908, [a.d. 1052,] Isma'll Sh&h, after making
himself master of Tabriz, Media, and Chaldea, turned
his arms against Persia, where another grandson of Usun-
cassan reigned, named Murftd Beg, or 'Amr&th son of
Ya^acAb Beg. This prince, finding himself vigorously at-
tacked by his adversary, wished to decide the contest by a
general engagement. Leaving Shirftz with that object, he
marched towards Hamadftn, where the battle took place,
wherein he was overcome and obliged to flee to Baghdad,
as his cousin Alvend had done before him.
" In A.H. 909, [a.d. 1503,] Isma*il having besieged Mur&d
in Baghdad, the latter took to flight, and running from one
province to another was ultimately slain by the soldiers of
Isma^ll."!
1 Bihltotkeque Orieniaie, sub voce Ismael.
INTRODUCTION. Ivil
The disturbed state of the country consequent on
these intestine politico- religious contests may reason-
ably be inferred, and as they were at their height
during Vartheraa's sojourn in Persia, his incidental
notice of them, as interrupting his journey to Samar-
cand, is entitled to be regarded as a strong internal
proof of the truthfulness of his narrative.
The Persian merchant became so much attached
to our traveller during the abortive attempt to reach
Samarcand, that on their return to Shirdz he inti-
mated to the latter his intention of giving him the
hand of his niece, who was called ^^ Samis, that is, the
Sun," and so far transgressed Mussulman etiquette in
his favour as to present him personally to the damsel,
with whom Varthe.ma " pretended to be much pleased,
although his mind was intent on other things." He
tells us, however, that his destined bride was " ex-
tremely beautiful, and had a name which suited her ;"
and lest the designation should be considered a mis-
nomer, it must be remembered that the Sun takes
the feminine gender in most of the oriental languages.
Starting afresh from Shirdz, the two travellers
reached Hormuz, where they embarked for India,
and in due course anchored ^' at a port which is
called Cheo, near to a very large river called the
Indus, which Indus is near a city called Combeia."
Faulty as Varthema's geography is of that part of
the coast, there is no difficulty in identifying his
" Cheo" with Joah, or Kow, a village on one of the
estuaries of the Indus about four miles from the sea,
which is still frequented by native boats trading with
Iviii INTRODUCTION.
Scind. His account of Cambay, however, which is
the next port gained, — of the city ; its situation
near another river (the Myhee ;) the produce of the
district, comprising abundance of grain, " an im-
mense quantity of cotton" and manufactured silk
stuffs, with which between forty and fifty vessels
were laden every year ; and the cornelians and chal-
cedonies for which Cambay is still famous ; — in all
these particulars his description is as applicable now
as it was then. Moreover, the extraordinary tides
called the Bore^ which prevail in the Gulf of Cam-
bay, are recognizable in his remarks on that subject,
although he erroneously makes the waters " rise in
the reverse of ours," that is, " when the moon is on
the wane."
Befote accompanying our author any farther, it
may serve to illustrate his subsequent progress, and
obviate needless repetition, if we take a general view
of the political state of Western India at this period.
Till the end of the fourteenth century, Ouzerat
was a dependency of the Affghin or Ghori empire
of Hindust&n, and in a.d. 1391 NgLsir-ed-Din Mu-
hammed Sh4h bin FirAz Sh4h, the ruling emperor,
appointed Dhafir Khan viceroy over that province ;
but the disorders which subsequently ensued among
the successors of Firdz Shah induced Dhafir Khan to
throw off his allegiance to the court of Delhi, and in
1408 he declared himself independent under the title
of MuzaflSr Shdh. Three years later, he was poisoned
by his grandson Ahmed Shah, who succeeded him on
the. throne of Guzerat, and the sovereignty continued
INTRODUCTION. lix
in the same family till the accession of Mahm^d Sh4h,
sumamed Bigarrah, who was the reigning sult&n when
Varthema reached Cambay.
The next native state with which our narrative
brings us in contact is the Mussulman kingdom of
the Deccan, comprising several dependencies in the
Concan, of which the principal appear to have been
Vabul and Goa, ruled by tributary governors, and
extending as far south on the coast as the vicinity of
Varthema's " Bathacala," Towards the end of the
fifteenth century, the diflFerent principalities forming
this kingdom were still subject to the Bahm^ni
sultAns of Kalberga, or Ahsunab^d, a dynasty founded
by 'AlA-ed-Din Bahmslni, a servant at the court of
Muhammed ShAh ToghlAk, the Ghdii Emperor of
Hindustan, who about a.d. 1347 conquered all the
Deccan and established his capital at Kalberga. But
during the reign of MahmAd Sh&h II., (a.d. 1482 —
1618,) the fourteenth of the Bahmini dynasty, the
territories of this state were divided by the revolt of
several of its subordinate governors: Fath'- Allah
'Im4d Kh4n, of Berar, appropriated that province;
Ahmed Niz&m Sh&h, of Ahmednagar, followed his
example ; K&sim Berid, the Shah's minister, made
himself master of Bidar, or Ahmedabid ; and YAsuf
'Adil Kh&n seized upon Bijapilr. The latter per-
sonage was the reputed son of Mur&d II. of Anatolia,
who on the accession of his elder brother Muhammed,
and while yet a child, was sent secretly into Persia
by his mother to escape the law which ordained that
only one son of the reigning family should be suffered
Ix INTRODUCTION.
to live. Brought up until sixteen years old among
the disciples of the famous Sheikh SAfl, he subse-
quently determined to try his fortune in Hindust&n,
became one of the body-guard in the royal house-
hold at Kalberga, and eventually governor of BtjapAr.
Taking advantage of the dissensions which arose at
that period in the Bahmani empire, and supported by
a strong party in the state, he assumed independence
with the title of 'Adil Sh4h. This event occurred in
A.D. 1501, and as his reign lasted for ten years, he is
undoubtedly the " King of the Deccan" referred to
by Varthema in his description of BljapAr.
After passing the maritime provinces of BijapAr,
our narrative brings us into the territories of Bijaya-
nagir, which at the period under review comprised
several tributary dependencies on the Western coast
extending from Bathacala, or Bathcal, near or iden-
tical with the more modern town of Sedashevaghur,on
the north, and Mangalore on the south. This Brah-
minical kingdom of the Carnatic, having its capital
at BijayanagAr on the Toongabudra, and which in
more ancient times included the greater part of the
peninsula, had been deprived of several of its pro-
vinces by the encroachments of the Mussulman
sovereigns of the Deccan ; nevertheless, at the be-
ginning of the sixteenth century it was still a power-
ful state, and exercised jurisdiction over a number of
tributary r4jahs on the Coromandel coast as far north
as the Kistnah. At that time, the affairs of the
kingdom were administered by Ramrdj, whose ac-
cession to the regency is thus narrated by Ferishta : —
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
^' The government of Beejanuggur had remained in
one family, in uninterrupted succession, for seven
hundred years ; when Seeroy dying was succeeded
by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him,
and left the throne to a younger brother. He also
had not long gathered the flowers of enjoyment from
the garden of royalty, before the cruel skies, proving
their inconstancy, burned up the earth of his exist-
ence with the blasting winds of annihilation. Being
succeeded by an infant, only three months old,
Heemraaje, one of the principal ministers of the
family, celebrated for great wisdom and experience,
became sole regent, and was cheerfully obeyed by all
the vassals of the kingdom for forty years ; though,
on the arrival of the young king at the age of man-
hood, he had poisoned him, and put an infant of his
family on the throne, in order to have a pretence for
keeping the regency in his hands. Heemraaje at his
death was succeeded in office by his son Ramraaje,
who having married a daughter of Seeroy, by that
alliance greatly added to his influence and power.
By degrees, raising his own family to the highest
ranks, and destroying the ancient nobility by various
intrigues, he at length aspired to reign in his own
name, and totally to extirpate the family of Seeroy."^
This Ramraaje, or Ramr^j, was the person whom Var-
thema designates as " the king of Narsinga" in the
account of his visit to BijayanagSpr.
Adjoining the littoral provinces of the latter, on
the south, was the small independent rajahship of
1 Scott's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 262.
Ixii INTRODUCTION.
Cannanore, beyond which began the kingdom of the
Tarauri RSjah, commonly called the Zamorin, whose
territories extended as far south as Ponani, and who
appears to have exercised certain rights of suzerainty
over the contiguous state of Cochin. The origin of
the preeminence of the Zamorin, as collected from
the early Portuguese historians, is as follows: —
" About 600 years ago, Malabar was all united under
one prince, whose name was Sarana Perimal. In his
time, the Moors (Arabs) of Mekka discovered the
Indies ; and coming to Koulan, [Quilon,] which was
then the royal seat, the king was so taken with their
religion, that not content with turning Mohammedan,
he determined to go on a pilgrimage to Mekka, and
there spend the remainder of his life. Before his
departure, he divided his dominions among his kin-
dred, reserving only twelve leagues of land lying near
the sea. This, just before he embarked, he gave to
his page, who was a relation, ordering it to be in-
habited, in remembrance of his embarking there.
He also gave him a sword and his cap as ensigns of
state, and commanded all the other princes, among
whom he had divided his territories, to acknowledge
him as their Samorin or Emperor, except the kings
of Koulan and Kananor ; but forbid all to coin
money but this Emperor. After this, he embarked
where Kalekut now stands: on which account the
Moors took so great an affection to the place, that
thenceforward they deserted the port of Koulan, and
would never since lade goods at any but that of
Kalekut, which by this means became the greatest
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii
mart in all India for all sorts of spices, drugs, precious
stones, silks, calicoes, silver, gold, and other com^
modities."^ Varthema's account of the predominant
authority exercised by the Zamorin on the Malabar
coast, coincides generally with the foregoing, and
with all other writers on the subject.
Passing down the coast, our narrative brings us to
Quilon, which it describes as the capital of an inde-
pendent Hindu rajahship, comprising the maritime
districts as far as Cape Comorin on the south, and
extending beyond that cape to " Chayl " towards the
north-east.
Intermitting any further notice of the prevailing
government on the Coromandel coast, which, as has
already been stated, was ruled generally by deputies
subject to the RSjah of Bijayanag&r, the only Indian
kingdom remaining to be noticed is that of Bengal.
Incorporated towards the end of the twelfth century
with the Ghori or Patau empire of Hindustin,
Bengal was formed into a separate province under
Kutb ed-Din, the second Emperor, and placed under
the administration of Muhammed Bakhtiir Khiljt,
governor of Berar, who is considered as the first
Sultan of the Purbi dynasty. According to some
authors, Bengal threw off its allegiance to the Em-
pire under Nalsir ed-Din Baghra about the end of
the fourteenth century; whilst others postpone its
sovereignty to the reign of Fakhr ed-Din Iskandar,
who is said to have assumed independence a.d. 1340.
The succession continued in the same family till
^ Gkkexe's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i. p. 29.
b^iv INTRODUCTION.
the province was subjugated by Akbar in 1573, and
at the period of Varthema's visit the reigning Sultan
"was *A1& ed-Dln Husein Sh4h bin Seyyed Ashraf,
who held his court at Lucknouti or Gour, situated on
the left bank of the Ganges, about twenty-five miles
below Eajemal.
We must now return to our traveller whom we
left at Cambay. His account of the Jains of Guzerat,
and of the habits and customs of the Joghi ascetics,
is as interesting as it is accurate, while his description
of the person of the reigning sovereign supplies
another remarkable instance of his great observation
and veracity : — " The said Sultan has mustachios
under his nose so long that he ties them over his
head as a woman would tie her tresses/' According
to 'Ali Muhammed Kh&n, the historian of Guzerat,
Sultan MahmAd received his surname of " Bigarrah,"
the name applied to a cow with twisted horns,
because his mustachios were long and curled in a
similar way.
From Cambay the travellers sailed along the coast
to Chaul in the Northern Concan, and then to Goa,
from whence they started to Bijapilr, which Yarthema
styles, after the province, the " city of Decan," where
they arrived in seven days. His description of this
capital,— of its inhabitants, the splendour of the
the Sultan's court, the magnificence of his palace, his
military prowess, and the number of foreign merce-
naries enrolled in his army, as also his wars with the
neighbouring B&jah of Bijayanag4r, — is fully cor-
roborated by the history of the times as recorded by
INTRODUCTION. IxV
Ferishta, as well as by the monuments of its former
extent and grandeur which still mark the site of the
once famous city of BijapAr.
Returning to the coast, our travellers touched at
Bathcal, Uncola, and Honahwar, in North Canara, —
places of greater trade then than they are now, — from
whence they proceeded to Cannanore, where Var-
thema mentions the presence of the Portuguese, who
had arrived three years prior to his visit : the first
occasion being that of Cabral in 1501, and the next
of any importance that of Vasco de Gama in 1603,
when he obtained permission to establish a factory in
the harbour. It is noticeable that our author appears
to have eschewed all intercourse with the resident
Europeaus at this time, though Cannanore was
eventually the place where he sought their protec-
tion. He was evidently not yet tired of his adven-
turous mode of life, and his assumed profession of
Isl&m might have been suspected by his companion,
and his future aim thereby thwarted, had he estab-
lished amicable relations with the Portuguese.
Fifteen days' journey inland from Cannanore
brought the travellers to Bijayanag&r, where they
remained some time. After describing the city, its
noble site, and the hunting grounds in the neighbour-
hood, our author's narrative is taken up with a full
account of the elephants maintained by the RSjah,
detailing the various uses to which they were applied,
their armour when employed in war, their surprising
intelligence, and the manner of their propagation.
He also gives the names of the different coins cur-
Ixvi mTBODUCTION.
rent in the country, with their relative value, on
comparing which with a similar list supplied by the
Arabian traveller 'Atd er-Razzak sixty years before,
some changes appear to have been made in the
interval in the silver and copper money; but the gold
coinage had undergone no alteration, unless it was
the withdrawal of the Vardha^ or Double Pagoda,
from circulation.
Returning to Cannanore, the party proceeded along
the coast to Tormapatani, Pandarani, and Capogatto.
The first of these places is undoubtedly the " Dorma-
patam" of Hamilton, situated near the Tellicherry
river. The two last I have been unable to identify
satisfactorily with the names of any existing towns ;
but they are distinctly mentioned by Baldseus as
occurring between Cannanore and Calicut, and appear
to have occupied the sites of Hamilton's " Burgara "
and " Cottica," answering to the ** Bergara " and
" Cotta " of D' Anville, and the " Vadacurry " and
" KotacuU " of Buchanan and Arrowsmith. Vasco
de Gama landed at this Pandarani, (which must not
be confounded with a place which then bore a similar
name, to the south of Calicut, but now called Ponani,)
when he paid his first visit to the Zamorin.
Our adventurers made a long stay at Calicut, and
an entire book of Varthema's narrative is taken up
with reminiscences of the memorable things observed
there. Its topography, trade, agriculture, animal
and vegetable productions, the court and state of the
Zamorin, the administration of justice, the Brahmins,
the religion of its inhabitants, their every-day worship
INTRODUCTION. Ixvii
and ftmeral services, their division into castes, the
inflaence acquired there by the foreign and native
Muhammedans, their mode of navigation and war-
fare, — all these subjects are treated of in detail,
and with more than ordinary care, forming together
a most complete domestic history of what he calls
** the place of the greatest dignity in India." Bearing
in mind that all this matter is original, and that
many of the particulars noted were communicated to
Europe for the first time through our author's
writings, one cannot but express surprise at the extent
of his observation and the depth of his researches.
What strikes us most is the generally clear insight
which he obtained into some of the abstruse doctrines
of Hinduism, and the correct account which he gives of
the mode of succession to the sovereignty, the oligarchy
of the NairSy and the distinctions between the sub-
ordinate castes down to the half savage Poulias or
Paulichees. Not less remarkable is his description of
the extraordinary relations, sanctioned by usage if
not by law, existing between the Ncanhauris, or
highest caste, and the wife or wives of the Zamorin,
which, coupled with the picture which he draws of
the polyandry prevailing among the Nairs^ reveals a
state of social depravity as revolting as it is lament-
ably true.
Through what medium did Varthema acquire all
this information, so diffuse in detail and yet so
authentic % He had no books of reference, and his
prejudiced Mussulman companions alone would un-
doubtedly have led him into frequent misrepresenta-
/2
Ixviii INTBODUCTION.
tions regarding the Kdfirs. The only inference we
can draw is, that he did not confine his inquiries to
them, but associated familiarly with the Hindiis also,
and, being endowed with uncommon perspicacity,
was enabled to separate the true from the false, and
to present us with a narrative almost unrivalled for
originality of investigation and accuracy of statement
among the published travels of his age. Moreover,
how did he compile his book % Did he keep a jour-
nal, noting down day by day his acquired experience,
or did he trust to recollection alone % If the latter,
the retentiveness of his memory would not be the
least qualification for the task which he accomplished
with such surprising exactness.
The suspension of trade at Calicut, owing to the
hostile proceedings of the Portuguese on the coast,
was a serious drawback to Cogiazenor's mercantile
speculations, apparently causing him and Varthema
to leave the place sooner than they had otherwise
intended. In describing their onward progress, the
latter says : " We departed and took our road by a
river, which is the most beautiful I ever saw, and
arrived at a city called Cacolon, distant from Calicut
fifty leagues." This river was unquestionably what
is known to sailors as the " Backwater of Cochin,"
formed by the inland confluence of different streams
with the numerous estuaries along the coast, by
which, especially during the rainy monsoon, naviga-
tion is practicable in a line parallel with the shore.
It seems very likely that the journey was continued
by the same mode of conveyance as far as Quilon,
INTRODUCTION. Ixix
for Yarthema tells us, in a subsequent part of his
narrative, that they went from that place to Calicut
by this same '' river" on their return from the Indian
Archipelago. " Cacolon," the modern Kay an Kulam,
and the Coilcoiloan of Hamilton, is described by the
latter, in his time (1688 — 1723) as " a little princi-
pality contiguous to Forkah," which our author calls
•* the island of Porcai," probably from its being almost
insulated by the ** Backwater of Cochin.*' At Kayan
Kulam he fell in with the " Christians of St. Thomas,"
or Nestorians, the ancestors of the native Christian
community still existing in Malabar, and notices
briefly some of their ritual differences from the
Church of Rome. Quilon, the town next gained,
and which Varthema calls " Colon," he describes as
fertile in fruits but not in grain, and speaks of the
king as being very powerful, and a great friend of
the Portuguese, which is true, for they had obtained
permission to settle a factory there two years prior to
his visit.
Leaving Quilon, our travellers rounded Cape Co-
morin, and proceeded in a north-easterly direction to
" Chayl," noticing by the way the pearl-fishery near
Tuticorin. Chayl, I take to represent the " Calligi-
cum" of Pliny, and the " Kolkhi" of the author of
the Periplus, and appears to have been situated near
the promontory forming one side of the Pamban
Passage.^ Their next voyage was to the city of
^ I baye identified it with Barbosa's ** Gael," which be locates
on the mainland '' after passing the province of Quilicare [Killi-
karai] towards the north-east/' and also with Hamilton's *' Coil,"
(see note I, on p. 184); but I do not find the name in that neigh-
IXX INTRODUCTION.
" Cioromandel," ** distant from Colon seven days'
journey by sea, more or less, according to the wind,"
and subject to the R4jah of Bijayanag^r. From
the indications given, I presume this to be Nega-
patam, though, if right in the conjecture, it was a
place of greater commercial importance then than
it is now. Departing thence, and passing a gulf
where there were many rocks and shoals, (the Palk
Strait,) they reached Ceylon, and from Varthema*s
description of the locality as being situated near a
large river, surrounded by cinnamon-plantations, and
in the neighbourhood of high mountains, I infer that
they landed at Colombo. Though their stay here
was short, owing to some jealousy of Cogiazenor on
the part of a resident Arab merchant, our author
managed to collect a considerable amount of general
information respecting the island. He mentions the
intestine wars which prevailed between four rival
kings, — a fact corroborated by Sir J. E. Tennent and
other historians ; the various gems found there ; the
cultivation of cinnamon ; Adam's Peak, and the tra-
dition associated with it among Mussulmans; the
dress of the people, their ignorance of fire-arms, and
the weapons in use among them, with which, how-
ever, " they did not kill each other overmuch, because
they are cowardly fellows."
Three days'sail from Ceylon brought our party
bourbood in any of tbe modern maps. Colonel Yule identifies
Barbosa's Gael with a Coilpatam near tbe Tinnevelly river ; but I
think that position is too far south to correspond with Varthema's
** Chayl." See Friar Jordanus, p. 40.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxi
to ** Paleachet," the modern Pulicat, about twenty-
two miles north of Madras, then subject to the Nar-
singa, or Rajah of Bijayanagir. The neighbouring
district is represented as abounding in grain, and the
port as largely frequented by " Moorish" merchants.
Varthema also mentions that ^' the country was at
fierce war with the king of Tarnasseri," — a statement
which I have been utterly unable either to question
or to confirm for want of any historical records, known
to me, of any such international hostile relations
between the rulers on the Coromandel coast and
those of the Burmese peninsula.
Before accompanying our travellers from the shores
of Hindustan, I venture to submit a fe'w brief obser*
vations on the narrative under review, as far as it
treats of that continent.
Notwithstanding the civil wars which prevailed
at the time, the external commerce of the country,
except in the single instance attributed to the pro*
ceedings of the Portuguese fieet off Calicut, appears
to have been carried on without interruption, and to
have been subject to no restrictions beyond the levy
of a fixed customs duty at the place of entry or em-
barkation. Moreover, foreign merchants residing at
the seaports, or periodically visiting them, seem to
have enjoyed perfect immunity in person and property,
to have been under the special protection of the local
authorities, and were withal wholly free in the exer-
cise of their religion. The principal seaports on the
western side were Cambay and Calicut; on the Coro-
mandel coast, Negapatam, Pulicat, and Masulipatam ;
Ixxii INTRODUCTION.
and, farther east, Banghella near the eastern mouth
of the Ganges, and Satgong on the Hooghly; bat
between these were numerous subordinate depots,
occupied originally on account of their harbours, and
as affording more direct communication with different
points in the interior, which were much frequented not
only by coasting craft, but by vessels engaged in the
foreign trade. Many of these ports, some of which
were selected for factories by the early European
traders to India, have been abandoned, and even the
names of a few of those mentioned by Varthema have
disappeared from the modern maps. One cause of this
is doubtless assignable to a considerable share of the
external commerce, in which a great many native
boats were engaged, having been diverted from the
Red Sea and Persian Gulf to the route vid the Cape
of Good Hope. The larger vessels employed in that
transport required deeper anchorage, and sought the
•most eligible harbours, whither the trade followed
them ; whilst the gradual absorption of the native
states by the British Government tended still further
to promote commercial centralization. That the
trade of the country has progressively increased is
certain; nevertheless, it may fairly be questioned
whether it would not have increased in a higher
ratio had good roads been more generally substituted
for those numerous outlets on the coast which, by
the combined operation of the causes aforesaid, were
eventually disused and forsaken. This conjectural
inference is confirmed by the fact, that notwith-
standing the efforts which have been made of late
INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii
years to facilitate inland intercommunication, the
desirableness of adding to the existing harbours has
originated several schemes for improving several of
the old ports and for creating new ones.
Another inference deducible from our narrative is
the uniform prosperity which prevailed among the
inhabitants. Excepting the case of the outcast
PoulioB of Malabar, the different classes of the popu-
lation appear to have been in a thriving condition,
and we read of no systematic oppression on the part
of their rulers. These, and the higher ranks of the
community, are represented as being very opulent;
but their riches served to support large establish-*
ments of retainers, and being wholly expended in
the country contributed to promote the general
well-being of the people. It may fairly be doubted,
indeed, whether in this respect the natives of India,
on the whole, have benefited by their subjection to
British rule. Larger fortunes are perhaps amassed
by private individuals, but the domestic changes
which a different system of government has intro-
duced have closed many of the outlets through
which the wealth of the few found its way among
the many ; besides which, no insignificant portion of
the incomes realized in the country is now taken out
of it and disposed of elsewhere. In consequence of
this altered state of things, property is becoming
more unequally distributed, and the native popula-
tion is gradually assimilating itself to the European
model. It remains for the future to decide whether
the results in the East will correspond with the
workings of the social organism of the West.
Ixxiv INTEODUCTION;
Varthema's reiterated encomium on the impartial
administration of justice, wherein he corroborates the
testimony of ancient Greek and Roman authors,
reveals another striking feature in the Indian polity
at this period. That no declension, in that respect,
has resulted from the supersession of the old native
tribunals by British legislation cannot be doubted ;
nevertheless, the two systems are frequently con-
trasted by the people to the decided disparagement
of the latter. The chief defect complained of, how-
ever, is the comparative tardiness of our law; for
under the oriental mode of procedure, punishment
follows hard on the offence, and cases are disposed of
without the intervention of those intricate forms and
delays, and without the heavy fees, which seem in-
separable from a British law court. There are, un-
questionably, many among the better informed natives
who appreciate the even and solid justice ultimately
aimed at and dispensed ; but the masses revert with
regret to the good old days when awards were
attainable in much less time, and at far less cost,
than at present. This subject reminds me of a wealthy
Arab pearl merchant from the Persian Gulf, whom
I met at Maskat upwards of two years ago, and who
occasionally formed one of a party of evening visitors
whose opinions I frequently endeavoured to elicit on
points connected with British policy in the East.
The theme under discussion was the administration
of justice in India, in the course of which the Arab
merchant, who was well acquainted with Bombay,
spoke as follows, as nearly as I can remember his
IKTEODUCTION. IxXV
words: — "There can be no doubt that the government
of the English is the best in the world, and no
Eastern government can be compared to it. Their
law too is excellent, and their judges and magistrates
incorruptible; still, there are serious drawbacks in
the way of obtaining justice. Knowing this by
experience, I long forbore pressing a case against a
man who was indebted to me to a large amount ; but
a Farsee acquaintance eventually persuaded me to put
myself into the hands of an English lawyer who, he
was sure, would get my claim settled promptly and
economically, and moreover gave me a note of intro-
duction to his legal adviser. Thanking him for his
courtesy, but still wary of the machinery of the law,
I took the note to a Banyan and begged him to read
it for me. It contained this sentence : — * My dear
— ; , I send you a good fat cow ; milk him well.'
I need not tell you that my suspicions were con-
firmed, and that I preferred a voluntary compromise
with my debtor, to an involuntary milking at the
hands of the English advocate." The anecdote,
whether true or fabricated, is illustrative of a very
common notion among the natives respecting the
obstacles in the way of securing prompt justice from
a British court of law in India.
It is high time to revert to our travellers, but we
must leave them a little longer in the house of the
" Moorish " merchant at Pulicat, (who was delighted
with the corals and saffron, figured- velvet and knives,
which they had brought for sale,) while we take a
cursory glance at the political condition of the
countries whither they subsequently proceeded.
IxXVi INTRODUCTION.
The principal monarchies in the great Barmese
peninsula at this period were those of Pegu and
Siam. The capital of the former was the city of the
same name, and of the latter, Yiithya, or Odia,
situated on the river Menam above the modem
capital of Bangkok. The kingdom of Pegu appears
to have comprised tlie sea-coast as far as the fifteenth
degree of south latitude, and that of Siam the whole
of the Malayan peninsula, the maritime districts of
which were divided into three provinces, viz.^ Tenas-
serim, Ligor, and Queda, ruled by semi-independent
viceroys, of whom the chief was the viceroy of
Tenasserim. It would seem, however, that Malacca,
though subject to Siam, formed a separate jurisdic-
tion under a Muhammedan deputy, whereas the
governors of all the other provinces, like the mass of
the people, were Buddhists. There were frequent
wars at this time between Pegu and Siam, and
between Pegu and the inland states of Ava and
Toungoo, which before the end of the sixteenth
century considerably modified the territories of the
rival sovereigns.
The island of Sumatra was divided into several
kingdoms, of which the principal were those of Achin
and Pedir, though it is not improbable that the
latter was tributary to the former. Most of the in-
land sovereigns professed Hinduism, and in Var-
thema's time the king of Pedir was a " Pagan ; " but
there were many " Moors " resident on the eastern
coast, and Achin had embraced Islamism as early, at
least, as the fourteenth century.
INTHODUCTION. Ixxvil
Java, also, was ruled by a number of petty HindA
kings, who were for the most part subject to a
paramount sovereign, called " Pala-TJdora " by Bar-
bosa, who resided in the interior. According to the
same authority, this personage was a " Pagan ;" but
Crawfurd assigns a.d. 1478 as the date when the
principal Hindii state was overthrown by the Muham-
medans. There were many " Moors " settled at the
different seaports, and about this period Islamism
appears to have been making rapid progress among
the inhabitants of the maritime provinces.
Of the places visited by our travellers to the east-
ward of Java, there is but little to be remarked under
this head. According to Varthema, the inhabitants
of the Banda or Nutmeg Islands were *' Pagans, who
had no king, nor even a governor ; " Barbosa makes
them Moors and Pagans, and Pigafetta, Moors only ;
to which De Barros adds, that ** they had neither
king nor lord, and all their government depended on
the advice of their elders." The people of the
Moluccas were Pagans and Muhammedans, but most
of the "kings" were of the latter denomination.
Barbosa describes one of these sovereigns, however,
as being "nearly a Pagan;" from which we may
infer that the population generally, as regards re-
ligion, were in a state of transition between heathen-
ism and Islam. Of the prevailing government in
Borneo, we know scarcely anything, beyond the fact
that it comprised a number of petty independent
states, which were chiefly subject to heathen rulers.
The inhabitants of the place where Varthema landed
Ixxviii INTEODUCTION.
were Pagans, as were those of the island generally ;
but Crawfurd adduces evidence to prove that many of
the Malay and Javanese settlers had embraced Islam-
ism long prior to this period.
Rejoining our travellers, we shall now proceed to
accompany them in their subsequent wanderings.
From Pulicat, they sailed to " Tamassari," which 1
have found no difficulty in identifying with Tenas-
serim, although Dr. Vincent was disposed to locate it
either at Masulipatam, or between that place and
the Ganges. Varthema's description of this city, —
its situation on the southern bank of a large river,
forming a good port; the military power of the king,
who maintained a standing army of 100,000 men,
whose weapons were bows and lances, swords and
shields, some of the latter made of tortoise-shell ;
the animal and vegetable productions of the country ;
the domestic habits of the people generally;^ the
^ Vartbema describes tbe cocks and bens at Tenasserim (p. 200)
as tbe largest be ever saw ; and among tbe domestic usages of tbe
people, be speaks of tbeir eating out of "some very beautiful
vessels of wood." (p. 201.) Colonel Yule informs me tbat tbe big
cocks and bens, and very bandsome vessels of lackered wood, are
notable features in Burmab at tbe present day. He also suggests
wbetber tbe word " Mirzel," wbicb be bas found applied to an
Indian dye in a work written by a Dutcb autbor twelve bundred
years ago, and wbicb seems to indicate tbe brazil-wood, one of tbe
products of Tenasserim, may not bave originated tbe Italian
"verzino," wbicb Vartbema uses to describe tbe dye, but tbe
etymology of wbicb I bave failed to discover. (See note on p.
205.) Tbe quotation witb wbicb be bas kindiy supplied me is as
follows : — " Tinctura quaedam, Mtrzel illis dicta, qua panni ele-
gantissimo colore jecorario sive castaneo inficiuntur.'' Wbereon be
remarks : '' Now, bas tbe illis dicta any foundation ? It migbt
INTRODUCTION. Ixxix
peculiar dress of the Brahmins, or, more correctly,
Buddhist priests; the amusement of cock-fighting;
the concremation of the dead bodies of the kings and
principal Buddhists, and the prevailing practice of
8aU^ or widow-burning, with their attendant rites ; —
all these subjects are treated of in detail, and with an
accuracy which is amply confirmed by the testimony
of subsequent writers. Among the birds enumerated
by our author, there is one " much larger than an
eagle," with a yellow and red beak, " a thing very
beautiful to behold," the upper mandible of which
was made into sword-hilts. Professor Owen con-
siders that this parti-coloured bill applies to the
Buceros gdleatua^ of which a jewelled bowl, belong-
ing to the crown jewels of the Ottoman Sultan, is
formed; but which tradition had believed to have
been made from the beak of the fabulous Phoenix.
Varthema devotes a whole chapter to the descrip-
tion of an extraordinary usage among the people of
Tenasserim, connected with their marriages, in which
the concurrence of foreigners was importunately so-
licited, and illustrates it by the personal experience
of his party. Extravagant and obscene as the custom
is, its prevalence in the Burmese provinces is con-
firmed by writers of a later date, and evidence is not
wanting of its existence up to a very recent period.
help us to the origin of the words brazil and eerzino. Drury or
Ainslie would give the synonymes." I have searched through
both writers in vain for an Indian name anything approaching that
of Mirzel either in form or sound, and am therefore inclined to
think that it is nothing more than a native corruption of Verzino.
IXXX INTEODUCTION.
A voyage of eleven days from Tenasserim brought
our travellers to the " city of Banghella." In my
annotations on the text (p. 210,) I have inferred
that this place was the ancient Gour on the Ganges ;
but the following judicious remarks, which Colonel
Yule has been good enough to transmit to me, lead
me to doubt the accuracy of that identification. He
observes : — " I think it is to be deduced from what
Varthema says, that the * city of Banghella ' was a
seaport, and therefore could not be Gour. In an old
Dutch Latin geography book, which I have chanced
on in the salle of this hotel, (Hotel Royal, Genoa,)
with wonderfully good maps, by J. and C. Blaen,
(no title; date about 1640, as Charles I. is spoken
of as reigning,) I find Bengala put down as a town
close and opposite to Chatigam (Chittagong.) I don't
lay much stress on this ; but I suspect it was either
Chittagong, or Satgong on the Hoogly, which was
the great port one hundred years later, and also
in Ibn Batuta's time." By Satgong I presume the
Colonel indicates Ibn Batuta's Sddkdwdn, which the
latter describes as " the first town he entered," [in
Bengal,] and as being *^ large and situated on the
sea-shore."^ But the following quotation from Pata-
vino, whose work was published in 1597, seems to
upset my friend's deduction as well as my own ; for
it also describes Bengala as a town distinct from either
Gour, or Chittagong, or Satgong. He writes: —
'' GOVRO vrbs Regia habitatio fuit, et BENGALA
urbs qu8e regioni nomen dat, inter vniversse Indise
1 Lee's Translation, p. 194.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi
preeclarissimas connumeratur. Preeter has iuxta maris
ripam ad ostia Chaberis insignia emporia Catigan et
Satigan iacent, quae centum propemodum leucis ab
invicem distant."^ I find, moreover, on further investi-
gation, that Rennell likewise recognizes Satgong and
Banghella as distinct towns, and gives some clue to-
wards determining the position of the latter. The
former he describes as follows : — " Satgong or Sata-
gong, now an inconsiderable village on a small creek
of the Hoogly river, about four miles to the north-
west of Hoogly, was, in 1566, and probably later, a
large commercial city, in which the European traders
had their factories in Bengal. At that time, Satgong
river was capable of bearing small vessels ; and I
suspect, that its then course, after passing Satgong,
was by way of Adaumpour, Omptah, and Tamlook ;
and that the river called the Old Ganges was a part of
its course, and received that name while the circum-
stance of the change was fresh in the memory of the
people. The appearance of the country between Sat-
gong and Tamlook countenances such an opinion."
Of the other place, which seems to be Varthema's
Banghella^ he says : '' In some ancient maps, and
books of travel, we meet with a city named Bangella ;
but no traces of such a place now exist. It is de-
scribed as being near the eastern mouth of the
Ganges,^ and I conceive that the site of it has been
^ Geoff. Univ, turn Vet, turn Nova absolutissimum opus, p. 258.
3 It is 80 placed in several of the old maps belonging to the
British Museum. For some further notes on this subject, the
reader is referred to the PoMtscript at the end of this Introduction.
9
Ixxxii INTRODUCTION.
carried away by the river, as in my remembrance a
vast tract of land has disappeared thereabouts. Ben-
galla appears to have been in existence during the
early part of the last century."^
To return from this digression : Varthema repre-
sents Banghella as one of the finest cities he had
hitherto seen. The Sult&n was a Muhammedan, and
had a standing army of 20,000 men. Here they
found the richest merchants they had ever met ;
the principal exports were cotton and silk stuffs,
which were woven by men and not by women ; the
country abounded in grain of every kind, sugar,
ginger, and cotton, and was, withal, the best place
in the world to live in. In this latter particular,
our author's statement is corroborated by the ex-
perience of Ibn BatAta nearly two centuries before,
who says: " I never saw a country in which
provisions were so cheap. I there saw one of the
religious of the West, who told me that he had
bought provisions for himself and family for a whole
year with eight dirhems,"^ or about twenty-four
shillings of our money !
At Banghella our adventurers met two Christians
from the city of Samau in Cathay, a place which I
was unable to identify when writing the notes, but
for which I have since discovered, what appears to
me, a very probable representative in one of the
letters of Fra Odorico (a.d. 1318), who, in his ac-
count of " Catay," speaks of Christians inhabiting that
^ Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan, p. 57.
^ Lee's Translation, p. 194.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii
province in considerable numbers, and mentions that
of the 4,009 doctors who attended on the " Gran
Cane," eight were Christians. He then adds : —
'' During the winter, this lord resides at Cabalec,
[Kanbali!i=Pekin,] but at the beginning of summer
he leaves it to take up his abode in a city called
Sanaff, situated towards the north, a very cold lo-
cality and habitation, and in removing from the one
place to the other, he goes in wonderful state."^
This quotation is from the narrative which Fra
Guglielmodi Solona professes to have taken down from
Fra Odorico's own lips, at Padua, in the year 1330.
In the other account, which is also preserved by
Rarausio, and which appears to have been written
by the missionary Friar himself, this summer-palace
of the Great Kh4n is called Sandoy ; but the names
of the same places are so differently spelt in the two
exemplars as frequently to defy identification without
the aid of the accompanying narrative. In this in-
stance, there can be no doubt that Sanay and Sandoy
represent one and the same locality ; and although it
is beyond me to decide which is the more correct or-
thography, I deem it tolerably certain that the place
so called was identical with Varthema's " city of
Samau."
There is so much interesting matter in these early
travels of Fra Odorico, that it is to be hoped some
competent hand will prepare an annotated transla-
tion of them for the Hakluyt Society. A striking
feature in the two narratives, which evidently de-
* Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 251.
i/2
Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION.
scribe the same journey, is that one of them, vur., that
written by Fra Guglielmo, contains an account of
several places on the western coast of India between
Thana (Tanna) and Cape Comorin, including Alan--
drina (Fandaraina=Pandarani?) and Mebor (Mala-
bar,) and also of SumoUra (Sumatra?) and /ana (pro-
bably for /atfa= Java's) as far bs Hicunera^a, large island
in the ocean towards the south about 2,000 miles in
circuit, from whence the traveller proceeds to Silam^
(Ceylon,) then to Dadin^ an island one day distant, and
next, after a navigation of many days, to Manzd on the
frontiers of China ; whereas, in the other exemplar,
most of these intermediate places are omitted, and
the writer goes direct from Tana (Tanna) to Nicoverra^
and then to Mangi by Diddi. Whence this discrepancy ?
Was the additional matter an interpolation of a
later date? The subject deserves a thorough investi-
gation.
The two Sarnau Christians whom our travellers
encountered at Banghella had evidently come to that
part of India for trading purposes, and as Varthema
describes them as writing from right to left, they
were probably Nestorians. On seeing the branches
of coral which Cogiazenor had for sale, they advised
him to accompany them to Pegu, as being the most
eligible market for such articles ; and the party ac-
cordingly set oflF together on a voyage of " about one
thousand miles,"^ during which they " passed a gulf
^ It is somewhat strange that Varthema should make the dis-
tance between his Banghella and Pegu three hundred miles more
than he interposes between Tenasserim and Banghella. See pp.
213, 214.
INTRODUCTION. IxXXV
towards the south," (Martaban,) and in due time
reached their destination.
Varthema correctly describes the Pegu of his day
as a great city, situated to the west of a beautiful
river, containing " good houses and palaces built of
stone, with lime," and as being enclosed within a
walL The old town has long since disappeared, but
Symes tells us that its extent may still be traced by
the remains of the ditch which surrounded it, and
that the bricks from its ruins now pave the streets of
the new town. Among the vegetable productions of
the kingdom, its splendid timber-trees and enormous
bamboos, and, among the animals, the abundance of
civet-cats, are particularly noticed. The chief mer-
chandize of the place was in jewels, and the mines of
Capellan, which Tavernier a century and a half later
locates in a mountain twelve days' journey from
Sirian, are mentioned as the great source of rubies.
In his account of the Peguese army, our author
makes the singular statement that it contained one
thousand Christians like those found in Sarnau, mean*
ing thereby Nestorians. As there is not the slightest
evidence to prove that so large a number of native
Christians ever existed in Pegu, I have been led to
suppose that Varthema had heard that many of the
soldiers, like the Buddhists in general, believed in a
trinity, or, as Yule explains it in commenting on a
similar remark made by Nicold de' Conti, " the Triad
of Buddha^ Dharma^ and Sanffa" and incontinently
christianized them. The same writer, in another
place, quotes the old Geographer in Ramusio as iden-
IxXXVi INTRODUCTION.
tifying the Hindii Triad with the Christian doctrine
in personal detail : — " All the country of Malabar
believes in the Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy
Spirit, and this, beginning at Cambay, and ending
at Bengal."!
Finding that the King was absent on an expedition
against the King of Ava, our party hired " a ship,
made all of one piece," and set forth in search of
him, their course being, as may be presumed, down
the river of Pegu and then up the Irawaddy. Not
being able to reach Ava on account of the war, they
retraced their steps, and on the return of the King
five days after were admitted to an audience of His
Majesty, who was so bedizened with jewels that, if
seen by night, " he appears to be a sun." The
Christians, who acted as interpreters on the occasion,
apprised him of the merchandize which Cogiazenor
had brought for sale ; but that business was deferred
to the day after the next, " because the next day the
King had to sacrifice to the devil for the victory
which he had gained" over his A van enemies. The
account which Varthema gives of the subsequent
interview reveals the craft of the Persian in placing
his corals at the King's disposal for the mere honour
of having them accepted by royalty. The artifice
was eminently successful ; for although the King
was unable to pay in ready cash, owing to the heavy
expenditure occasioned by two years' war, he gave
the wily merchant a handful of rubies for his corals,
and presented the Christians with two rubies each.
^ Friar Jordanus, p. 24, twte.
INTRODUCTION.. IxXXvii
** Wherefore/' remarks our author, " he may be con-
sidered the most liberal King in the world ; " adding
for our information that his principal revenue was
derived from the lac and sandal-wood, brazil-wood
and cotton, which the country produced in great
abundance. Five days after, news arrived that the
King of Ava was marching to attack the King of
Pegu, and as the latter left the city with a large
army to encounter him, our party embarked on board
a ship and in eight days reached Malacca.
Near this place was a river twenty-five miles wide,
called " Gaza," This was undoubtedly the Straits of
Malacca, which are about that width between the
mainland and the opposite island of Rupat, and the
name is most probably a contraction of Bogh6z^ the
common Arabic designation of a strait. As Var-
thema describes their course from Pegu as being
" towards the west," he had evidently a very incor-
rect idea of the geography of the peninsula. The
country about Malacca was not very fertile, but it
abounded in fruits and different kinds of birds and
animals, and the commerce carried on at the port
was very extensive, for " more ships arrived there
than at any other place in the world." The natives
generally were a bad race, and foreign merchants
slept on board their ships to avoid assassination.
Distinct from the more civilized community of the
place, who dressed after the manner of Cairo, there
was another class who set the local authorities at de-
fiance, and who did not care to reside on land be-
cause they were " men of the sea." I have pointed
IxXXViii INTRODUCTION.
out in my annotations on the text how strikingly
this part of Varthema's narrative is corroborated
by the learned researches of Mr. Crawfurd, ** Men
of the Sea'* is the literal translation of the Malay
Orang-lauty or sea-gipsies, who are to be found so-
journing from Sumatra to the Moluccas. The only
habitations of this people are their boats, and they
live exclusively by the produce of the sea, or by the
robberies which they commit on it.
The next place to which our party proceeded was
Pider in the island of Sumatra, which Varthema
locates about eighty leagues from the mainland, — a
correct estimate if measured from the coast directly
opposite, but nearly twice that distance from Malacca.
After portraying the physical features of the people,
and remarking that their religion and customs, that
of Sail included, were like those of Tenasserim, Var-
thema describes the currency as consisting of gold,
silver, and tin coins, " all stamped, having a devil
[idol] on one side, and something resembling a cha-
riot drawn by elephants on the other." This state-
ment is somewhat in opposition to Mr. Crawfurd, who
says that the natives of the Archipelago generally had
no coined money prior to the arrival of the Eu-
ropeans ; but this conclusion is modified by the ex-
ception of Java, and more especially of Achin, where
he states that a gold coin existed inscribed with
Arabic characters, bearing the names of the sove-
reigns under whom it was struck, from which it may
be inferred that the date of coinage was subsequent
to the establishment of Islamism in that province.
^ V*
INTRODUCTION, IxXXlX
Still, as Ibn Batiita foand a Muhammedan sovereign
reigning at Sumatra in the fourteenth century, and
as Achin was most likely the place which he touched
at in that island, there is nothing incredible in Var-
thema's account of the different coins current at
Pedir in his time ; for Pedir is the next adjoining
province to Achin, and was probably at some period
tributary to that state. It is possible, however, that
some of these coins were imported in the course of
trade with the continent of India, for Varthema de-
scribes one street of Pedir as occupied by five hun-
dred money-changers, and associates the remark with
the great number of foreign merchants who carried
on an extensive traffic at the place. As a colony of
Hindiis still exists at Malacca, whose profession it is to
try gold by the touch and to refine it, it is not unlikely
that the money-changers at Pedir were also natives of
India ; and, if so, the importation of Indian money is
readily accounted for. Perhaps some one learned in
oriental numismata may succeed, where I have failed,
in identifying the devices on Varthema's stamped
money of Pedir with some of the old Hindii coins.
In his enumeration of the natural productions of
Sumatra, our author includes most of those peculiar
to the island, such as pepper, specifying the long
pepper, of which he gives a detailed description ;
benzoin ; different qualities of sandal- wood, the eagle-
wood of commerce ; and silk, both domestic and
wild. With regard to the latter article, Crawfurd
says, in commenting on a similar statement made by
Dc BarFos, that it is probably an error, as he is not
XC INTRODUCTION.
aware of any kind of silk being produced in the
islands of the Archipelago ; and as I can suggest no-
thing to modify this wide discrepancy, I must just
leave it as it is, and rejoin our travellers in their on-
ward journey.^
A desire on the part of Cogiazenor to see the place
where the nutmegs and cloves were produced, in-
duced him and Varthema to put themselves under
the guidance of their two Christian companions, who
were now anxious to return to their own country,
but who eventually consented to accompany them,
on hearing that Varthema had been a Christian, and
had seen Jerusalem, where he had been purchased as
a slave, and brought up as a Mussulman. This
fabricated story so delighted the simple Samau couple,
that they endeavoured to persuade Varthema to go
with them to China, promising that he should be
made very rich there, and be allowed the free ex-
ercise of his adopted faith. Cogiazenor objected to
the latter arrangement, informing them that his
companion was the destined husband of his bright-
eyed niece " Samis,'^ which finally settled the matter.
Smaller boats being required for the projected trip,
^ Varthema also mentions that many of the houses in Sumatra
were covered with shells of sea turtles, — a remark which I have
been able to illustrate by the researches of Mr. R. H. Major (see
fiote I, on p. 240). But the colossal tortoise of Diodorus Siculus,
and even the Colossochelys Atlas of the British Museum, is out-
done by one described by Fra Odorico in a country which he calls
*' Zapa," somewhere in the Indian Archipelago. He says :
" And in this place I also saw a turtle of wonderful size like the
Cuba or truUo [the square tower] of [the church of] Saint An-
thony at Padua"! Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 248.
INTRODUCTION. XCl
wherein there were no dangers to be apprehended
from pirates, though the Christians could not promise
them immunity from the chances of the sea, two
sampans^ ready manned, were bought by the Persian
for 400 pardaiy (about £280,) and after taking on
board a stock of provisions, including the best fruits
which Varthema had ever tasted, the party sailed from
the island of Sumatra.
We are now to follow our adventurers on a route
never before traversed by Europeans, or, more safely,
of which no European before him has left any record.^
" About twenty islands " were passed during the
voyage, leading us to infer that they steered along
the coast of Java, and in fifteen days they arrived at
*' Bandan," one of the Banda or Nutmeg group.
The inhabitants are represented as being *Mike
beasts : " they had no ruler, neither was any law
necessary, ** because the people were so stupid, that
if they wished to do evil they would not know how
to accomplish it." Nevertheless, they must have
been within the area of the trade at that period,
and in frequent contact with a superior civilization,
^ As far as I can recollect, Marco Polo and Fra Odorico are the
only Europeans, prior to our author, who have given us a personal
account of any of the countries to the east of the Malayan peninsula,
yet neither of them travelled to the eastward of Borneo. Never-
theless, it is by no means improbable that stray foreigners from
the West may have been there long before Varthema. Until very
lately, I believed with the rest of the world that Burton was the
first European who visited Hurrur; but Padre Sapeto affirms that
he himself was there some years before Burton, and that several
other Europeans had resided at the place half a century antecedent
to his time.
XCll INTRODUCTION.
for " money circulated there as at Calicut." The
only production of the island was the nutmeg, which
grew spontaneously, and was common property, each
person gathering as much as he chose. The tree,
nut, and mace, are described with Varthema's usual
accuracy, and he states that the market price of
twenty-six pounds of nutmegs was half a carlinoy or
about three pence of our currency.
Leaving Bandan, the next place gained was
" Monoch,"^ a distorted form of Malukaj the proper
collective name of the Moluccas, which they reached
in twelve days. Mr. Crawfurd remarks that Var-
thema ** seems to consider the Moluccas as one island,
including probably under this name the great island
of Gilolo."2 This is hardly so; for our author
mentions expressly " other neighbouring islands where
cloves grow," but says " they are small and unin-
habited." It is impossible to decide with certainty
which of the islands the party landed at, but as it is
described as being " much smaller than Bandan," I
have conjectured that it was either Ternat6 or Tidon
The inhabitants are represented as being worse than
those of Bandan, but lived much in the same style.
The only object of interest here was the cloves, — an
object which, as Mr. Crawfurd correctly says, " mainly
prompted the European nations of the fifteenth cen-
tury to the discovery of the New World." Varthema
gives a very fair account of the clove tree, the soil in
* I perceive that, by an oversight, I have written •' Maluch**
for Monoch in the 23rd line of the note on p. 247.
^ Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, etc., p. 64.
INTRODUCTION. xciu
which it flourished, and the simple manner of gather-
ing the spice. The price of the cloves was double
that of the nutmeg, but they were sold by measure
" as the people did not understand weights." He
says the country was very low, which is only true of
the latitude of the Moluccas; and that was evidently
our author's meaning, for he immediately subjoins :
" and the north star is not seen from it."
After a short stay at ** Monoch," the Christians
proposed to conduct our travellers to " the largest
island in the world;" for so they designated Java,
proving how ignorant they were of its relative size.
But they must first go to *' Bornei," or Borneo, and
procure a large ship there, ^' because the sea is more
rough." As this precaution would have been un-
called for had the party taken the same route as that
by which they had come, I was at first inclined to
suppose that they might have sailed through the
Macassar Strait ; but that would not agree with the
course pursued, which Varthema says was " constantly
to the southward." Hence, I have been led to infer
that the Java Sea was the rougher passage indicated;
though one fails to see the necessity for their having
taken the route by Borneo, when they might have
reached Java without touching there at all, unless,
indeed, the Christians had some particular object in
visiting that island. Unluckily, the space of twd
hundred miles, which Varthema interposes between
the Moluccas and Borneo, affords no clue to de-
termine the route, as the nearest extremities of those
two places are more than twice that distance apart.
XCIV INTRODUCTION.
which leads to the conjecture that by some mischabce
the word miles has been substituted for leagues.
However this may be, the place where they disem-
barked was certainly in the highway of trade, for
" a very great quantity of camphor " was shipped
from it every year. Varthema heard that this sub-
stance was the gum of a tree, but not having seen
the tree himself, he abstains from asserting the truth
of the report.
Chartering a vessel at " Bornei," the party pursued
their course towards the south. The captain, — who
was probably a Malay, for Varthema and the Persian
communicated with him through the Christians,
whereas, had he been an Arab, they would not have
required an interpreter, — " carried the compass and
magnet after our manner, and had a chart which was
all marked with lines perpendicular and across."
Mr. Markham assumes that the compass was of Euro-
pean manufacture, its index pointing to the north,
and not like that of the Chinese pointing to the
south. It may be so ; nevertheless, I have not yet
met with any conclusive proof that the Easterns
borrowed the use of the compass, as they now have
it, from the West. However, as the polar star was
invisible, Cogiazenor inquired of the master how he
navigated. To which he replied, that he steered by his
tompass, which was adjusted to the north ; but,
pointing out " four or five stars, among which he said
there was one which was opposite to our north star,"
he stated that on the other side of the said island,
towards the south, [Java?] there were '* some other
INTRODUCTION. XCV
races who navigate by the said four or five stars
opposite to ours." There can be no doubt that the
constellation of the Southern Cross is here indicated ;
but the additional information respecting other races
to the south, " where the day lasted only four hours,"
which would be about 15° to the southward of Van
Diemen's Land, is most interesting. It is highly im-
probable that the Malay could have guessed at phe-
nomena so true, and yet so different to anything
which he himself had experienced ; still, from whence
did he derive his knowledge, superficial as it was ]
In a note which Mr. R. H. Major kindly drew up for
me on this chapter, he remarks : — " This reference to
Australia is the more remarkable, as it precedes, in
time, those early indications of the discovery of that
country which I have shown to exist in manuscript
maps of the first half of the sixteenth century,
although the discoverers' names, most probably Por-
tugese, and the date of the discovery, as yet remain a
mystery." The mystery of the old Malay's knowledge
will never be revealed : Varthema might have aided
us in the matter by pursuing his inquiries, but he
winds up his record of the skipper's communications
with the exquisite peroration : " On hearing this, we
were much pleased and satisfied" !
The tedium of the voyage between Borneo and Java
was relieved by the anxious inquiries of the Christians
respecting their brethren in the far West. On this
subject Varthema had much to communicate which
would be deeply interesting to them ; and when he
told them " of the Volto Santo at St Peter's, and of
XCVl INTRODUCTION,
the heads of St. Peter and St. Faal, and of many
other saints," his ingenuous listeners would fain have
taken him back with them to their country. It is
by no means improbable, that this friendly converse
had some influence in determining our traveller to
bring his wanderings to a close at the first favourable
opportunity. He had slaked his thirst for adventure
by seeing parts of the globe which no other European
of his day had yet visited, and the associations of
kindred and home, and of the things which he once
regarded as sacred, revived as they were by these dis-
cussions, made him long to throw off the trammels of
a profession which was now becoming a burden
to him.
Five days' sail from Borneo brought the vessel to
Java, but at what place on the island the party
landed is uncertain ; doubtless, it was somewhere on
the northern coast. The king and all the people
were " Pagans," and although one class of the com-
munity consisted of " the most trustworthy men in
the world," there was another class still so barbarous
as to be addicted to the practice of eating human
flesh. Mr. Crawfurd ridicules the latter idea, which
would perhaps have been preposterous had our tra-
vellers touched at one of the more civilized maritime
towns ; but that, as it appears to me, was not the
case: first, from this recorded statement respecting
the subsistence of cannibalism, which, as I have
shown in my notes, prevailed in other parts of the
Archipelago at this period. Secondly, because the
inhabitants were all Pagans, whereas most of the
INTRODUCTION. XCVll
frequented ports contained many Muhammedans who
had introduced a superior civilization together with
their reh'gion. Thirdly, because in such localities
fire-arms were well known, while the natives where
our party disembarked were quite ignorant of ar-
tillery, their only weapons being bows and darts of
cane, and the peculiar Sumpitan, or blow-pipe. And,
lastly, these separate considerations receive general
confirmation from the absence of all mention in Var-
thema's narrative that the place which they visited
was one of trade, — a circumstance which he never
omits to record whenever such was the case.
Before quitting Java, Cazazionor purchased a
couple of young children who had undergone the
cruel operation regarded as desirable for fitting them
to become attendants on a Mussulman harim. The
barbarous practice, which also prevailed in different
parts of India at this period, was most probably in-
troduced into these countries with IsUm, and many
•'Moorish merchants" are said to have made a trade
of buying and preparing these wretched victims for
exportation to foreign markets.
Crossing over to Malacca, steering at first to the
eastward to avoid the surrounding islands, our tra-
vellers there took leave of the Samau Christians, with
sincere regret on both sides, and from thence proceeded
to "Cioromandel" (Negapatam), where they engaged
a sampan to take them to Quilon. At that place
Varthema found twenty Portuguese, and would gladly
have made his escape to them, " but they were very
few," and the eyes of some Mussulmans who knew
h
XCVlll INTRODUCTION.
him to be Hcyjji were upon him. At Quilon they em-
barked on the " river" (see p. Ixviii. ante^) and in ten
days reached Calicut.
At Calicut, our author met two Milanese, who had
deserted from the Portuguese at Cochin, and were
there employed in casting artillery for the Zamorin.
Varthema concerted with these renegades how to
effect their escape, but the attempt was surrounded
with difficulties on all sides, and he was obliged to
trust to his own resources. Long practice had made
him fertile in expedients, and an adept at dissimula-
tion, and on this occasion he set himself up as a
Muhammedan santon, affecting abstinence from ani-
mal food, (though he clandestinely helped the Milanese
to consume two brace of fowls every day,) and a se-
verity of demeanour consistent with his assumed cha-
racter. As such, he was * consulted in the case of a
sick friend of Cazazionor, and requested to prescribe
for him. The narrative of his mode of treating the
patient, as recorded in the chapter entitled " How I
made myself a physician in the town of Calicut," is
as extravagant as it is ludicrous. Fortunately, the
sick man survived the severe treatment to which he
was subjected, and the success of his amateur medi-
cal practice greatly enhanced our author's repute,
insomuch that he was solicited to act the part of
Imdm^ and lead the prayers of the congregation in
the mosque. Conceiving that his saintliness was
now generally established, he next simulated sick-
ness, and suggested that a change of air might be
beneficial. Cazazionor, who appears to have been
INTRODUCTION. XCIX
wholly blinded by his companion's deceit, readily
gave his consent, and furnished him with letters of
recommendation to a friend at Cannanore. Var-
thema narrowly escaped detention by the Zamorin's
Nairs at the place of embarkation, but his good
star was in the ascendant, and after travelling some
distance along the coast, he eventually picked up a
boat which carried him to his destination. Under
the hospitable roof of Cazazionor's acquaintance, he
breathed more freely, and after reconnoitering the
spot where the Portuguese fort was in course of erec-
tion, he availed himself of the next favourable oppor-
tunity to place himself under the protection of the
garrison. Lorenzo de Almeyda, the Viceroy's son,
who was there at the time, gave a hearty welcome to
one who was so well able to describe the warlike
preparations which were being made at Calicut to
oppose the Portuguese, and after discussing such mat-
ters with him for several days, sent him on board a
galley to his father at Cochin, who also gave him
an honourable reception, and remanded him to
Cannanore to use his best endeavours in behalf
of the two Milanese at Calicut. His efforts, how-
ever, to effect their liberation were unsuccessful. The
unfortunate men were betrayed by the spy he em-
ployed to communicate with them, and were barba-
rously murdered by a crowd of infuriated Joghis in
their own house at Calicut.
The sequel of our author's Indian career may be
told in a few words. He appears to have been pre-
sent at a great naval engagement between the Por-
h2
C INTRODUCTION.
tuguese and the Zamorin's fleet off Cannanore, and was
subsequently employed for a year and a half as factor
at Cochin. He also describes the siege of the Por-
tuguese fort at Cannanore by the justly-incensed
population, which occurred during his tenure of office,
and the opportune relief of the beleaguered gamson
by the fleet under Tristan de Cunna. He also took part
in the attack on Ponani, and in the destruction of the
Zaraorin^s ships which were anchored there, and after
the battle was, with several others, dubbed a knight
by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda, the gal-
lant Captain Tristan de Cunna acting as his sponsor
on the occasion. His account of these different ope-
rations is replete with interesting details, and its
general authenticity is fully corroborated by nume-
rous undesigned coincidences between his narrative
and the records of later Portuguese historians. Un-
fortunately, one is unable to deduce any reflection,
from Varthema's independent testimony, palliative of
the unwarrantable proceedings of the Portuguese
towards the native states on the western coast of
India at this period. Those proceedings, the offspring
of national ambition and selfishness, were carried
out in a spirit of barbarity mingled with fanaticism
which outraged the first principles of justice, and dis-
graced the religion which it was one design of such
conduct to promote. Would that the history of our
own first transactions in India were unstained by any
such blemishes ! Let us hope that some, at least, of
those early faults have been atoned for, and that the
remainder will be forgotten in the future prosperity
INTRODUCTION. CI
of an empire which has been justly called the brightest
jewel in the diadem of Britain's glorious Queen.
On the 6th of December 1607, our traveller finally
left Cannanore with the homeward-bound ships, on
board the San Vicenzo^ a vessel belonging to one Bar-
tolomeo Marchioni, a Florentine resident at Lisbon.
While on the voyage, he takes a brief retrospect of
the recent conquests of the Portuguese in the East,
and predicts a glorious future for that monarchy
owing to the simultaneous efforts which were made,
under its immediate auspices, to promote Christianity
among the natives of India. *• Ten, and even twelve.
Pagans and Moors were baptized every fete day" at
Cochin alone, and the work of conversion, which was
being zealously prosecuted, was everywhere crowned
with signal success. The prognostication, as regards
territorial aggrandizement, was speedily realized ;
for, fifteen years later, the Portuguese had made
themselves masters of the principal ports on the Ma-
labar and Coromandel coasts, of parts of Ceylon and
the Malayan peninsula, and also of the Moluccas.
Their possession of Malacca in the east, and their
settlements at Diu and Goa on the west, enabled
them to engross the entire trade, including that of
the Persian Gulf on the one side, where they held the
important island of Hormuz, and that of China, Japan,
and the Indian Archipelago on the other. Their
ships frequented every port, and their merchandize
was to be found from the Cape of Good Hope to the
river of Canton; while along this immense line of
coast they had established a chain of forts and fac-
CU INTRODUCTION.
tories, where their traffic was carried on and pro-
tected, unrivalled and uncontrolled. The commercial
empire of the Portuguese in the East, whether con-
sidered in the dimensions which it attained, the hrief
space in which it was consolidated, its opulence, the
splendour with which its government was conducted,
or the very slender powers with which it was formed,
is unique in the history of nations.
But the dominion thus acquired was as short-lived
as the sincere piety, the generous courage, and the
indefatigable energy which had created it. No longer
animated by the spirit of the original conquerors,
their successors, heedless of the common cause, be-
came indolent, debauched, and effeminate, and strove
solely for their own individual profit. Officers and
soldiers were w*ithout subordination, discipline, or
patriotism, and the governors, corrupt themselves,
found it their interest to foment divisions among their
countrymen. These intestine cabals alone, combined
with the oppression which was exercised towards the
natives,' would have sufficed in time to disintegrate
the newly-formed empire ; but its downfall was pre-
cipitated by the appearance of a formidable enemy
from without. The revolted Dutch, interdicted by a
decree of Philip II., of Spain and Portugal, from all
commercial relations with those kingdoms, seized
every opportunity of harassing and humiliating their
former masters, and, taking advantage of the anarchy
which pervaded the Portuguese colonies in the East,
boldly prosecuted their trade in that quarter, and
determined at length to expel their rivals. In the
INTRODUCTION. CllI
course of a few years they deprived them of the
Moluccas, the Spice Islands, Amboyna, Tidor, Ceylon,
and Malacca. The English, also, who had now begun
to claim a share of the spoils, wrested from them
Surat and other parts of Guzerat, and in conjunction
with the Sh4h of Persia drove them from the island of
Hormuz,whiletheImim of Maskat expelled them from
'Amman, and from many of their settlements in East
Africa. And now, Macao in China, with Diu, Goa,
and Daman on the Guzerat and Canarese coasts, are
the only fragments which remain to them of an em-
pire which Alexander coveted but could not win.
The religious conquests of the Portuguese, how-
ever, have survived their temporal sovereignty, and
the descendants of the first converts, with large
additions won over to the Church of Rome by the
zeal of subsequent missionaries, are still to be found
scattered over the continent of India, and more
especially in the Madras Presidency, the scene of
their earliest efforts at evangelization, where their
numbers are very considerable. Political influence,
emanating from every department of the Govern-
ment, was undoubtedly used at the outset to promote
Christianity among the natives ; for that, indeed, was
one of the avowed objects of the invaders, who pro •
fessed to be as anxious to destroy the strongholds of
heathendom, as to secure territorial dominion. But
the withdrawal of State cooperation, consequent on
the extinction of Portuguese supremacy, was not
followed, as might have been expected, by any
general apostacy of the proselytes ; on the contrary.
CIV INTRODUCTION.
though arrested for a time, the work of conversion
progressed, and fresh native churches were formed,
whose members at the present day far outnumber the
converts to Protestantism made by the combined
efforts of Dutch, American, and English missionaries,
of all denominations.
How are we to account for this remarkable pheno-
menon in the history of Christianity in India? Whence
comes it that Roman Catholic missions there have
ever been more successful than missions from the
Reformed Churches 1 Whence, that their converts,
a feeble folk though they be, have persistently
clung to their adopted faith amidst all the political
changes which have surrounded them, the social in-
fluences which both directly and indirectly have been
levelled against them, and the strenuous exertions
which have been put forth to win them over to a
purer creed ? And, supposing the case, that British
domination in India were to terminate as suddenly as
did that of the Portuguese, is it probable that two
centuries later there would be found amidst its ruins
native communities professing the Reformed religion
as we now find congregations of native Christians
firmly attached to the Church of Rome 1 One of
our own Bishops in India, after describing some of
the old Portuguese churches in the neighbourhood
of Bombay makes the following remarks : — " They
are melancholy objects to look at, but they are monu-
ments, nevertheless, of departed greatness, of a love
of splendour far superior to the anxiety for amassing
money, by which other nations have been chiefly
INTRODUCTION. CV
actuated, and of a zeal for God which, if not accord-
ing to knowledge, was a zeal still, and a sincere one.
It was painful to me, at the time, to think, how few
relics, if the English were now expelled from India,
would be left behind of their religion, their power,
or their civil and military magnificence."^ During
the forty years which have elapsed since the late
lamented Heber penned these lines, a great advance
has been made in our own civil and political status in
India, and much has undoubtedly been done to im-
prove the secular and intellectual condition of the
people generally; but as regards the diffusion of our
religion among the natives, how insignificantly little
has been effected, especially when compared with the
profuse and expensive machinery which for the last
century has been set in motion to that end !
I would be understood as alluding to this subject
in its purely human point of view, and wholly apart
from all supernatural or Divine affinities ; but even
under that aspect, the reflections which it is calcu-
lated to evoke deserve the serious consideration of
such as believe that Christianity alone can regenerate
India, and particularly of those who, whether in this
country or on the spot, are engaged in promoting its
extension among our fellow-subjects in that vast
continent.
To discuss this interesting topic more fully would
be foreign to a work like the present, and perhaps
an apology is due for the foregoing intrusion of it-
Readily granting the same, I return again to the
narrative of our Europe-bound traveller.
1 Bishop Heber's Journal, vol. iii. p. 91.
CVl INTRODUCTION.
After a course of "about three thousand miles'*
from Cannanore, the San Vincemo reached Mozam-
bique on the east coast of Africa, or, as the coun-
try was then called, "Ethiopia." They saw "many
lands'' on the way, where the King of Portugal
held strong fortresses, but whether they landed at
those places or not is uncertain. Varthema enu-
merates Malindi, Mombasa, Kilwah, Sof41a, Pate,
and Brd.va, but omits all mention of Mukdishu and
Lamu on the continent, and the adjacent islands of
Zanzibar and Pemba, which latter is called by the
Arabs Jezirat el-Khadhr4, or the Green Island.
Most of these localities had been captured by the
Portuguese before our author's amval, and several
of them were well garrisoned. The conciliatory policy
adopted by Vasco de Gama when he first visited this
coast in 1498 had been reversed by his successors,
whose arrogant pretensions, inspired by a thirst after
gold and conquest, soon brought them into collision
with the inhabitants, who were eventually obliged to
succumb to the superior arms of the invaders. Almost
all the places above-mentioned were at this period in
the hands of the Arabs, whose original settlements on
the coast must have taken place at a very early
period. Eschewing the knotty question of the
locality of the Scriptural " Ophir," which some have
attempted to identify with Sof&la, and whether Solo-
mon was supplied with " ivory, apes, and peacocks,"
by Arab traders between Eziongeber and the east
coast of Africa, the reader will find in the following
quotation from the researches of Dr. Krapf a valuable
INTRODUCTION. Cvii
summary of the more authentic history of these
foreign colonists. —
" It is well known that the Muhammedan Arabs, during the
first period of their history, for 150 years, overran a large
section of Asia, Africa, and Europe, and that soon after the
death of their prophet Muhammed they fell a prey to political
and religious dissensions, and the defeated party resolved to
abandon the land of their birth. Where was a better home
to be found than the fruitful strand of Eastern Africa?
There they were already known, and would be safe from
the pursuit of their fanatical conquerors. It seems that the
first settlements of the kind were made in various points of the
East- African coast in the year 740 by the Emosaids, or ad-
herents of Said, a great grandson of Ali, the' prophet's cousin
and son-in-law. Said, proclaimed Caliph by the rebels, was
defeated and slain, on which his adherents were obliged to
seek safety in flight, and it was in East Africa that they
foui)d refuge. In the works of various Arabian historians
and geographers, for several centuries afterwards, we find in-
teresting notices of these Arab settlements. From all these
notices it is to be gathered, that the Muhammedan Arabs
founded political and religious states or towns in Eastern
Africa, and that their migration to that country was some-
times voluntary, sometimes forced upon them. Among these
Arabian states or towns the most prominent are: Mukdishu,
Kilwah, Br&va, Malindi, and MombcLsa. Mukdishu was
supreme in the north, while Kilwah was queen of the south,
from Zanzibar to Sof&la. With the declining power of these
two states and towns, Malindi a^d Momb&sa, situated mid-
way between them, appear to have increased in influence
and importance. Mukdishu seems to have been founded
between a.d. 909-951 ; and Kilwah between a.d. 960-1000.
It is likely from the narrative of the famous Ibn Batiitaj^
' [See Lek's Translatum, pp. 55-57.]
CVlll INTRODUCTION.
who visited Momb&sa about a.d. 1330^ that the Wanika
[a native tribe] had not then settled in the vicinity of the
coast.
" These Arabian cities and communities were prosperous,
and in some degree civilized ; but they were deficient in
military organization. They had not been founded by con-
querors, but by traders, emigrants, and exiles, who behaved
peaceably to the natives, and so developed and established
their influence slowly, but at the same time more surely.
They were pacific colonists, and by the trade and commerce
which they originated, the natives of the interior could not
but recognize the advantage of peaceful intercourse with the
strangers, and be glad of their presence. . . . But the
Arabs were not to remain for ever in exclusive possession of
the knowledge, the commerce, and the power of Eastern Africa,
— a possession which would have led them to rule and
to convert the whole of Southern Africa. Providence inter-
posed, and at the right time led into those waters and to
that coast a Christian power, to check the progress and
weaken the influence of Muhammedanism."
The subsequent domination of this " Christian **
power, and its baneful results, are thus described : —
" In East Africa, Portugal enriched herself by levying
tribute and taxes, in addition to her enormous gains from
the gold-mines of Sof&la ; but East Africa received nothing
in return. She ruled the East- Africans with a rod of iron,
and their pride and cruelty had their reward in the bitter
hatred of the natives. In Eastern Africa, the Portuguese
have left nothing behind them but ruined fortresses, palaces,
and ecclesiastical buildings. Nowhere is there to be seen a
single trace of any improvement effected by them. No
wonder that the Portuguese rule was of short duration, and
that it fell as quickly as it had risen. John IV. had, indeed,
restored independence to Portugal in 1640; but he could
no longer save his colonies. In 1620, Portugal had already
INTRODUCTION. CIX
lost the island of Hormuz^ and its loss was the more felt^
because it gave the Arabs of Om&n courage and leisure to
extend and to strengthen their influence in the Persian
Gulf and in Eastern Africa. Portugal had no longer men
like Albuquerque^ capable of restoring the fallen influence
of their country in those seas. All were now alike corrupt
and incapable. In India and its waters, England and
Holland had appeared, and with their appearance the star of
Portugal had to sink to the horizon."
Some idea of the hostile relations which existed
between the Portuguese and the natives towards the
middle of the seventeenth century, may be gathered
from an inscription over the gateway leading into the
fortress of Mombasa. I had not time to transcribe
it during my short stay at that island in December
1860, but relied on a copy in my possession, which I
believe was taken by Dr. Krapf. The following is a
translation of the original Portuguese : —
" In 1635, Chief Captain Francisco de Xeixas de Cabreira,
aged 27 years, after hating commanded this fortress for
four years, rebuilt it, and raised this corps-de-garde. And
he reduced into submission to His Majesty the coast of
Malindi, where a tyrant king had sprung up, and made the
kings of Tondo, Mandra, Lazieva, and Jaca, tributaries.
He also visited Pati and Sio with a punishment never before
witnessed in India, levelling the walls thereof to the ground.
He imposed a fine on the Muzungulos, and punished Pemba
and its rebel people, killing the petty king, who had been set up
by them and by others of note, obliging the Pariahs to pay
to His Majesty the tribute which they had evaded for years.
For these services, he was raised to the dignity of Fidalgo of
His Majesty* s Household, hating previously received, for other
similar services, the decoration of the Knight of the Order of
Christ, an annuity of a thousand Reis, and six years* tenure
/
ex INTRODUCTION.
of the Goternorship of Jafampatas and four of that of
BeligaSy with the faculty of making all [appointments] therein
during his lifetime. [^This inscription was raised] a.d. 1639,
when Pedro de Silvoa was Viceroy, ^^
" We have still to show how the authority of the Arabian
princes of Om^n first rose^ and gradually replaced that of the
Portuguese along the East- African coast. Oman comprises
the north and south-eastern portions of Arabia, which lie on
the Gulf of Persia and the Indian Ocean. In the year 1624,
after great disorders and dissensions, Oman and its inhabi-
tants became subject to the rule of a sagacious and energetic
Imam, N4sir bin Murshid, the Ya'arabite. After establishing
his sovereignty in Omfi-n, he planned the complete expulsion
of the Portuguese from their Arabian and African posses-
sions. . . . His victories over the Portuguese were con-
tinued by his cousin and successor, Sult&n bin Seif bin
M^k, who took M&skat in 1658, leaving the Portuguese
then no seaport of any consequence on the coast of Arabia.
His second son. Sultan Seif, who defeated his brother
Bel'arab and usurped the throne, at the request of the
people of Momb&sa, sent a fleet to Eastern Africa, captured
Momb&sa, Zanzibar, and Ktlwah, and laid siege to Mozam-
bique in 1698. He placed a governor in Momb&sa who
was nominally subject to Oni&n. After the fall of MombsLsa,
the Portuguese on the East-African coast were everywhere
massacred or expelled; and there was an end of their
sovereignty from Cape Delgado to Cape Gardafui. Even
the town of Mukdtshu, which had retained its independence
during the period of the Portuguese rule, placed itself under
the protection of the princes of Om&n."^
The different towns and forts on the coasts, to-
gether with the adjacent islands, from Cape Delgado
^ Krapf's Travels and Missionary Labours in Eastern AJrica,
pp. 621-29.
INTRODUCTION. CXI
to Mukdishu, still remain in the hands of the *Ainmdn
Seyyeds or Sultans; but by a recent arrangement
the African territories have been detached from the
parent state, and placed under the sovereignty of
Seyyed M4jid, a younger son of the late Seyyed Sa id,
known to Europeans as the Im&m of M4skat, his
eldest brother Seyyed Thoweynee retaining possession
of 'Amm^n.
But it is high time to rejoin our party whom we
left at Mozambique. During their fifteen days' resi-
dence at that island, they made several trips on the
mainland, and Varthema gives a graphic description
of the physiognomy of the aboriginal Makuas, their
strange jargon, and peculiar and scanty costume.
The excursionists carried torches to frighten the ele-
phants which abounded in the neighbourhood, but,
notwithstanding this precaution, they were chased by
three dams followed by their young, and only escaped
by running up a mountain. On this occasion also,
they met some natives who dwelt in caves, and our
author's account of their bartering with them reveals
the cupidity of the foreigners and the simplicity of
the barbarians. The former had the dishonesty to
demand thirty bullocks for a bombardier's rasor and
a little bell, with the addition of a shirt which Var-
thema incontinently divested himself of for the sake
of obtaining a meal of fresh meat. They were even-
tually content with fifteen head of cattle, on the un-
derstanding, however, that the owners should conduct
the animals to the top of the mountain. On the way,
and while these Christians were exulting over their
CXU INTRODUCTION.
extortionate bargain, a great noise was heard which
was supposed to arise from a warm discussion among
the natives, as to which of their number should be-
come the happy possessor of the little bell. What
a picture of civilized and uncivilized humanity !
Europe and Africa !
Madagascar, or the Island of San Lorenzo, as it
was then called, was sighted on the voyage to the
Cape, beyond which the vessels composing the fleet
were scattered by a furious storm, and did not meet
again till they reached Portugal. That in which our
author sailed passed under St. Helena and Ascension,
at which latter place he notices the swarms of boo-
bies which alighted on the deck, and were easily
taken with the hand. Next, they reached the Azores,
remaining for two days at the island of Terceira, and
finally arrived at Lisbon, — in Varthema's case, after
an absence from Europe of about five years. He
leaves to the conception of his readers the delight
which he experienced at being once more within easy
reach of home, while he himself sets off on a visit to
Don Emanuel of Portugal. That deservedly " For-
tunate" monarch welcomed the enterprising traveller
to his court, where he detained him several days lis-
tening with pleasure to the interesting tale of his
discoveries and adventures, and was graciously pleased
to confirm the honour of knighthood which had been
conferred upon him by the Viceroy of India after the
battle of Ponani. Receiving his Majesty's permission
to depart, Varthema hurried away to the land of his
birth, and takes leave of us from the city of Rome as
abruptly as I bring my following him to a close.
INTRODUCTION. CXIU
In the annotations on the text, I have specified my
obligations to Professor Owen, to J. J. Bennett, Esq.,
and to R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum,
and also to C. R. Markham, Esq., for their prompt
aid where my own knowledge was at fault. A similar
recognition is due to J. Winter Jones, Esq., my col-
league in the preparation of this work, for his uni-
form kindness in aiding me in my part of the task.
To J. Crawfurd, Esq., whose learned researches into
the history of that region were my principal guide in
tracing our author's route through the Indian Archi-
pelago, I owe my best thanks. And last, though
not least, I feel deeply indebted to my friend Colonel
H. Yule, C.B. for many useful suggestions, and,
moreover, for having volunteered to compile the
Table of Contents, and also the valuable Index at
the end of this volume, which may justly elicit the
encomium, finis coronat opus.
I had designed to write an Introduction, but have,
I fear, written a book. The mistake will be un-
accompanied with regret, if the attempt be found
useful to the Members of the Hakluyt Society in
illustrating the early and wonderful travels of old
LuDovico Di Varthema.
George Percy Badger.
London,
7, Dawson Place, Bayswater,
November 1868,
POSTSCRIPT,
ON THE SITE OF THE ANCIENT CITY OF BENGALA.
I AM surprised to find that in transcribing a quotation
from Barbosa respecting the City of Bengala^ (note 8
on p. 210,) I omitted a part of his account which,
had the passage been more carefully studied, might
have prevented my erroneous identification of Var-
thema's Banghella with the capital of Gour^ and
afforded me at the same time a clue to the position
of the former town. Premising that Barbosa was
travelling from west to east, and had just before
described the kingdom of Orixa, (Orissa,) and the
Guenffua, or Ganges, whereby the Hoogly branch is
clearly indicated, he proceeds to say : —
*^ Beyond the Ganges^ onward towards the East^ is the
kingdom of Bengala, wherein there are many places and
cities^ as well inland as on the sea-coast. Those in the in-
terior are inhabited by Gentiles^ who are subject to the king
of Bengala^ who is a Moor ; and the stations on the coast are
full of Moors and Gentiles^ among whom are many mer-
chants and traders to all parts. For this sea forms a gulf
which bends towards the norths at the head of which is
situated a great city inhabited by Moors, which is called
Bengala, with a good port. The inhabitants thereof are
white men, who are well-disposed. In the same city there
are many foreigners from all parts, including Arabia, Persia,
and Abyssinia. The country being very extensive, and the
INTRODUCTION. CXV
climate temperate^ many persons frequent it, and all are
great merchants, who possess large ships made like those of
Mece^, and some like those of China, called Giunchty which
are very large, and carry large cargoes, and with these they
navigate towards Coromandel, Malabar, Cambaia, Tarnasseri,
Sumatra, Zeilam, and Malaca, and they trade with all kinds
of merchandize from one place to the other/' Ramvsio,
vol. i. p. 315.
The foregoing extract, taken iu conjunction with
Varthema's narrative, is satisfactory evidence that a
city called Banghella or Bengala existed at this period,
that it was a seaport of considerable trade, and was
situated beyond the Hooghly, at the head of the gulf
known in those days as the Gulf of Bengal. It is
remarkable that Barbosa makes no allusion whatever
either to Satigan or Chatigam^ (Satgong and Chitta-
gong ;) but in the Sommario de' Regni^ etc., as given
by Ramu^io, the former place is mentioned under the
name of Asedegam, and some further particulars are
supplied respecting the city of Bengala. After de-
scribing the kingdom of Bengala^ the author sub-
joins: —
" Of the seaports of the kingdom, the principal is in the
city of Bengala, from which the kingdom takes its name.
One goes in two days from the mouth of the Ganges to the
city, which [Mouth of the Ganges] now goes by the name of
Sino Gangetico or Gulf of Bengal, and in the best roadsteads
the water is three braccia deep. The city contains about
40,000 hearths, and the king has a residence there at all
times, which is the only one covered with tiles, and is built
with well-made bricks.
''There is also another port, called -4«^rf<?^aw, towards the
kingdom of Orixa, which is a good port, with a wide en-
i2
CXVl INTRODUCTION.
trance^ where there is a good and wealthy city, containing
many merchants, and about 10,000 hearths. These are the
principal mercantile cities of Bengala.^* Kamusio, vol. i.
p. 833.
As far as ray researches go, these are the only
circumstantial accounts which we possess of the
ancient Bengala^ subsequent to which I find it men-
tioned by Purchas and Mandelslo, but by no other
writers. Mandelslo does not appear to have visited
it personally, and merely enumerates it among the
principal cities of the then kingdom of Bengal. (See
a quotation from his Voyages in the note on p. 211.)
Purchas has the following : —
*^ The kingdome of Bengala is very large, and hath of
coast one hundred and twentie leagues, and as much within
land. Francis Femandes measureth it from the confines of
the kingdome of Bamu or Porto Grande [Chittagong] to
Palmerine, ninety miles beyond Porto Pequene, in all six
hundred miles long. The river Chaberis, (which some call
Guenga, and think it to be the ancient Ganges,) watereth
it : it is plentiful in rice, wheat, sugar, ginger, long-pepper,
cotton and silke, and enjoyeth a very wholesome ayre. The
inhabitants neere the shoare are, (for the most part,) Ma-
humetans, and so also was the king, before the Great Mogarey
(one likewise of his owne sect,) conquered him. Gouro, the
seat royall, and Bengala, are faire cities. Of this, the Gulfe,
sometimes called Gangeiicus, now beareth name Golfo di
Bengala. Chatigan is also reckoned amongst these cities."
Voyages, vol. v. p. 508.
Of the travellers subsequent to Barbosa, Csesar
Fredericke (a.d. 1563) represents Satigan as a flour-
ishing commercial port, and locates it 120 miles from
the mouth of the Ganges (Hooghly,) but he does not
INTRODUCTION. CXVll
allude either to Bengala or Chaiigam. (Ramusio,
vol. i. p. 392.) Ralph Fitch, twenty years later,
describes both Satagan and Chatigan^ and tells us
that Chatigan was called " Porto Grande " by the
Portuguese ; but he says nothing about Bengala.
In Hamilton's time, a.d. 1688 — 1723, the town of
Hooghly appears to have succeeded Satigan as the
chief seaport on the western branch of the Ganges,
for he represents the former as " driving a great
trade, because all foreign goods are brought thither
for import, and all goods of the product of Bengal
are brought hither for exportation," which circum-
stance sufficiently accounts for his not naming Sati-
gan. " Chittagoung, or, as the Portuguese call it,
Xatigam," he describes at some length, but he never
mentions the city of Bengala^ which the earlier writers
located at no great distance from that town. (See
PiNKERTON, vol. ix. p. 414-16. Vol. viii. p. 415.)
Turning from the travellers to the historians of
the period under review, one is surprised to find the
same omission. De Barros, as quoted by Ramusio,
in describing the Ganges, says : —
^* Its first mouthy which is on the West, is called Satigan,
from a city of that name situated in its streams, where our
people carry on their mercantile transactions. The other,
which is on the East, comes out very near another and more
famous port called Chatigam, which is frequented by most
of the merchants who arrive at and depart from this king-
dom." Ramusio, vol. i. p. 890.
De Faria y Souza is equally explicit with regard
to Satigan and Chatigan^ but never alludes to Ben-
CXVUl INTRODUCTION.
gala. After indicating the line of coast between the
Hooghly and the eastern branch of the Ganges, he
writes : —
** Within this interval is contained the Bay of Bengala,
called by some Sinus OangeticuSy because the river Ganges,
after watering the country of Berigala, falls into this bay
about the latitude of S3 degrees. . • . Though the river
Ganges has many mouths, the two most remarkable are called
Satigan to the west, and Chatigan on the east, near one hun*-
dred leagues distant from each other."
And, again : —
** This river [Ganges] has its springs in the mountains of
Great Tartary, from whence it runs to the southward near
600 leagues, and divides India into two parts, /«/ra andiSr*
tra Gangem. In the mouth that falls into the sea to the
eastward is the city Chatigamy on that to the westward Satu
gam. The principal city is GourOy seated on the banks of
Ganges, three leagues in length, containing one million two
hundred thousand families, and well fortified." Portugtiese
Asia, translated by Stevens, vol. i. pp. 96-97, 416-17.
The absence of all allusion to Bengala by travellers
and historians generally subsequent to Varthema and
Barbosa, with the exception of Mandelslo and Purchas,
is the more remarkable from the fact of its appear^*
ance, together with Chatigam^ in most of the early
maps of Asia and of India, and its reproduction by
succeeding cartographers for nearly two centuries
later. The following is a list of the principal maps
belonging to the British Museum, arranged in chrono-
logical order, wherein both cities are noted: —
INTRODUCTION.
CXIX
M«p.
AuUior.
Date.
Orthography.
Asia
-
Gastaldi -
Venetia,
, A.D. 1561
Bengala and Catigan.
India
«.
Koerius •
Amst.y
1620 -
-
Bengala, Chatigam.
Asia
-
Speed
London,
, 1626 -
-
Bengala, Chatiga.
Asia
-
Bleauw^ -
Amst.y
1640 -
-
Bengala, Chatagam.
India
-
Mariette -
Paris,
1650 -
-
Bengala, Chatigam.
India
-
Bleanw -
Amst.,
1660 -
-
id.
Asia
•
Visscher -
Amst.,
1657 -
-
id.
Asia
-
Berey
Paris,
1671 -
m
Bengala, Chatiga.
Asia
•
DeWitt -
Amst.,
1680 -
-
Bengala, Chatigam.
Asia
-
Dankerts
Amst.,
1690 -
-
id.
Asia
-
Sanson •
Paris,
1696 .
•
id.
India
-
Visscher -
Amst.,
1710 -
-
id.
Asia
•
Matbys -
Amst.,
1715 -
-
id.
India
-
Seuttcr -
Augs.,
1730 -
-
id.
Hindoostan id.
id..
1730 .
m
id.
Asia
•
Ottens -
Amst.,
1740 -
-
id.
To the above I may add that in the map of India
Orienialis attached to Patavino's Geography^ [A^Xe^
A.D. 1597,) Bengala is marked as a town situated at
the head of the gulf, on the right bank of the eastern
mouth of the Ganges. It also occupies the same
position in Hondius his Map of ffie East Indies^ as
given in Vol. i. of Purchas.
The following cartographers, immediately succeed-
ing Ottens, omit the city of Bengala^ and the name
does not reappear in any map of a subsequent date: —
Asia - Hasius - Nurnberg, 1744 - Satigan [for Chatigam].
India - Mayer - id., 1748 - Chatigan..
Hindoostan Blair « -London, 1773 - ChittagongorShatigan.
The time when Bengala thus ceases to be repre-
1 This is most probably the map referred to by Colonel Yule,
(see p. Ixxx. ante,) He writes the author's name Bleau, mis-
printed Blsan ; but in the copy of the map in the British Museum it
is spelt as above.
CXX INTRODUCTION.
sented in the maps corresponds with Rennell's state-
ment, that the city " appears to have been in exist-
etice during the early part of the last century." (See
p. Ixxxi. ante.)
The next subject which calls for inquiry is the site
of this ancient Bengala. All the maps enumerated
in the first of the foregoing lists, with the exception
of the oldest one by Gastaldi, locate Bengala either
on the north-east, due east, or south-east of Chatigam.
Now, if the relative situation of the two cities cor-
responded with one pr other of these descriptions,
it is difficult to conceive how the site of Bengala
could have been carried away by the river, as Rennell
supposes, and that of Chatigam^ or Chittagong, left
intact. Reverse the position of the two places, and
such a result would not only be probable, but would
moreover serve to account for the present greater
depth of the Gulf of Bengal in that direction as com-
pared with the delineations of it given in the old maps,
and also for the increased distance which now appears
to exist between Chittagong and the eastern mouth
of the Ganges. Singularly enough, Gastaldi does so
transpose the sites of the two cities, placing CaUgan
on the south-east of Bengala^ as will be seen from the
accompanying section copied from his map.
This alone is but slender ground whereon to form
an hypothesis ; nevertheless, the inference which I
am disposed to draw therefrom receives support from
the manner in which De Barros and De Faria y Souza
describe the Ganges in the extracts already quoted
from their writings. Both profess to indicate its two
INTRODUCTION. CXXl
extremities where it deboaches into the sea, and in
doing so both select Satigan as its western and Chati-
gam as its eastern boundary ; whereas, had Bengata
been to the south* eastward or southward of Chatigam^
it is presumable that, standing as Barbosa tells us it
did on the mouth of the nether Ganges, they would
have chosen it, rather than Chatigam^ to mark the
eastern termination of that river.
In the absence, therefore, of any direct proof to
the contrary, beyond the not very reliable informa-
tion contained in the old atlases, I am inclined to
infer that Bengala occupied a position between the
Hattia and Sundeep islands, situated at the present
mouth of the Brahmaputra, which I conceive to be
the eastern branch of the Ganges of the earlier geo-
graphers, and have so placed it, marked with a star,
in the map attached to this volume. That I may be
mistaken is more than possible ; but it is worth while
hazarding an erroneous opinion on a subject of this
nature, if it were only for the sake of eliciting ulterior
research and discussion, which may result in defining
the correct site of the ancient city of Bengala*
G. P. B.
ADVANTAGES OF TRAVEL.^
Go, traverse distant lands, in each you'll find
Some in the place of those you leave behind :
Some, it may chance, of more congenial hearts,—
Sympathy is life's charm,— rits bane ennuiy'^
No honour lies in inactivity, —
Then quit your home, go, range in foreign parts.
The stagnant puddle foul and fetid grows.
Healthful and clear the running fountain flows :
Unless the changes of the moon on high
Revealed the future to the sage's eye.
He would not watch her aspect in the sky :
Unless he left his den, tbe forest-king
Would win no trophies of the sylvan war :
Unless the arrow parted from the string/
It could not hit t}ie destined mark afar :
The Ttbr,^ when from its native mine cast forth.
Appears as vile unprofitable earth ;
The aloes-wood enjoys but slight esteem
In its own land, — mere fuel for the hearth ;
Let either quit the country of its birth.
The one, an ore all-coveted we deem,
The other, a perfume of priceless worth.
^ Translated from the Arabic. For the English versification, the Editor is
indebted to the Rev. P. G. HilU
' Tibr means unwrought gold, either in the form of dust or nuggets. The
word is also applied to designate native ores generally.
THE ITINERARY
of Ludovico di Varthema, of Bologna,
in Egypt, in Syria, in Arabia Deferta and
Felix, in Perfia, in India, and in
Ethiopia. The religion, mode of life,
and cuftoms, of all the aforefaid
Provinces, with the Grace
and Privilege hereinafter
mentioned
LFor the Publishen' uam08 and dale of publioatloui see the end of the Toliime on p. 29a j
[PRIVILEGE.]
ITramlatfd from the original Latin hy the Editor.^
RAPHAEL, by Divine grace. Bishop of Portueri,
Cardinal of Saint George, Chamberlain of our
Most Holy Lord the Pope, and of the Holy Roman
Church, to all and singular, by whatsoever name
called, and with whatsoever dignity or office invested,
and to all others whom it does or may concern, to
whom these our letters may come, — Peace in the
Lord for ever.
Whereas among other subjects and sciences which,
as well by the inspiration of genius as by art and
experience, promote the benefit, usefulness, and
enjoyment of mankind, and by transmission from
hand to hand are enlarged and illustrated, the de-
scription and measurement of the world and of parts
of the earth, which the Greeks call Cosmography,
Geography, Topography, Geometry, and other like
names, do not hold the last place, and yield no less
pleasure than profit; on which account those who
have devoted themselves to such studies have always
been held in the highest honour, and have been
abundantly rewarded. — Therefore, whereas our well-
beloved friend Ludovico Vartomanus of Bologna,
PRIVILEGE.
who (as we are assured) has for the space of seven
years travelled over the most remote and hardly-
known regions of Asia and Africa, and has largely
written in the vernacular tongue of their sites, seas,
rivers, pools, lakes, forests, mountains, cities, lands,
people, and their established manners, rites, laws, and
other memorable things, and has corrected many
places, (as one may well do who sees all with his own
eyes, and has not merely heard thereof or received it
from others,) in Ptolemy, Strabo, Pliny, and other
most famous writers, and has also added much to
what others have written thereon up to this time. — It
is our pleasure, being moreover advised thereto by
many other Most Reverend Cardinals of the Apostolic
See, that what he has committed to writing and
collected into a volume, should be printed for the
public use and study of the things therein contained,
and that it should be held worthy, not only of praise
and commendation, but of ample reward. We, being
desirous (as is meet) to assist him as far as we are able,
and to recompense his industry with all due favours,
do, by these presents, proclaim, decree, and inhibit,
in virtue of a mandate from our Most Holy Lord the
Pope in person, communicated to us by word of
mouth to that effect, and by the authority of our
Chamberlain's office, that all Printers who shall be
applied to by the said Ludovico, that they print his
writings on his own request or that of any of his
heirs; and that all other Printers abstain from print-
ing them, and that no Printers or persons of any
other condition whatsoever, either of themselves, or
PRIVILEGE.
through any other or others, shall dare or presume to
sell the printed books or volumes of the said Ludo-
vico, without the consent of the said Ludovico or of
his acknowledged heirs, for the space of ten years to
come, to be reckoned from the date of their first
impression; and, further, that they lend no aid,
counsel or countenance, to either Printers or Venders
of the same, against the wishes of the said Ludovico
and his heirs, under the penalty of one hundred
ducats of gold to be exacted for every counterfeit
and from every one so counterfeiting, without any
other declaration of the fact, through the medium of
the Apostolic Chamber, to be applied to the use of
the said Ludovico or his heirs. We further command
and inhibit, under the same penalty, all those whom
it may concern, that this our edict, decree, and will,
be executed in like manner at the instance of the
said Ludovico, or of his successors and heirs, for the
space of the aforesaid ten years, against all and every
one who, in any manner, or under any pretext, shall
be guilty of counterfeit, — the Apostolical constitu-
tions, ordinances, statutes, and customs, even when
confirmed by oath, also the privileges and licenses
granted to any persons whatsoever, under any words
or form of words, notwithstanding.
Given at Rome, at our Palace of Saint Laurence
in Damaso, the xviith day of November m.d.x., with
the usual seal of our Chamberlain's ofiBce appended.
MATTHEUS BOHFimS, Secretarius.
or
THE TRAVELS OF
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA
TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT
LADY THE COUNTESS OF ALBI AND DUCHESS OF
TAGLIACOZZO, MADAME AGNESINA FELTRIA
COLONNA, LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA OF
BOLOGNA WISHES HEALTH.
Therb have been many men who have devoted themselves
to the investigation of the things of this worlds and by the
aid of divers studies, journeys, and very exact relations, have
endeavoured to accomplish their desire. Others, again, of
more perspicacious understandings, to whom the earth has
not sufficed, such as the Chaldeans and Phcenicians, have
begun to traverse the highest regions of Heaven with careful
observations and watchings ; from all which I know that
each has gained most deserved and high praise from others
and abundant satisfaction to themselves. Wherefore I, feel-
ing a very great desire for similar results, and leaving alone
the Heavens as a burthen more suitable for the shoulders of
Atlas and of Hercules, determined to investigate some small
portion of this our terrestrial globe ; and not having any
B
8 THE TRAVELS OF
inclination (knowing myself to be of very slender understand-
ing) to arrive at my desire by study or conjectures^ I
determined^ personally^ and with my own eyes^ to endeavour
to ascertain the situations of places^ the qualities of peoples^
the diversities of animals^ the varieties of the fruit-bearing
and odoriferous trees of Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and
Felix, Persia, India and Ethiopia, remembering well that
the testimony of one eye-witness is worth more than ten
heard-says. Having then, by Divine assistance, in part ac-
complished my object and examined various provinces and
foreign nations, it appeared to me that I had done nothing if
I kept hidden within myself the things I had witnessed and
experienced, instead of communicating them to other studious
men. Wherefore I bethought myself to give a very faithful
description of this my voyage, according to my humble
abilities, thinking thereby to do an action which would be
agreeable to my readers ; for that, whereas I procured the
pleasure of seeing new manners and customs by very great
dangers and insupportable fatigue, they will enjoy the same ad-
vantage and pleasure, without discomfort or danger, by merely
reading. Reflecting, then, to whom I might best address
this my laborious little work, you. Most Illustrious and Most
Excellent Lady, occurred to me as being a special observer
of noteworthy things, and a lover of every virtue. Nor did
my judgment appear to me vain, considering the infused
learning transferred by the radiant light of that Most
Illustrious and Excellent Lord the Duke of Urbino your
Father, being as it were to us a sun of arms and of science.
LT7D0V1G0 DI VARTHEMA. S
I do not speak of the very Excellent Lord your Brother^
who (although still a young man) has so distinguished him-
self in his Latin and Greek studies as to be spoken of as
almost a Demosthenes and a Cicero. Wherefore, having
derived every virtue firom such broad and clear streams, you
cannot do other than take pleasure in honourable works and
entertain a great desire for them. He who can justly appre-
ciate them, would willingly go with his corporeal feet where
he flies with the wings of his mind, remembering that one of
the praises awarded to the most wise and eloquent Ulysses
was, that he had seen many customs of men and many
countries. But as your Ladyship is occupied with the affairs
of your Most Illustrious Lord and Consort (whom, like
another Artemisia, you love and respect), and about the dis-
tinguished family which, with admirable rule, you adorn by
your graces, I say it will suffice if amongst your other good
works you will feed your mind with this fruitful, although,
perhaps, unpolished reading, not acting like many other
ladies who lend their ears to light songs and vain words,
taking no account of time, unlike the angelic mind of your
Ladyship, which allows no moment to pass without some
good fruit. Your kindness will easily supply all want of
skill in the connection of the narrative, grasping only the
truth of the facts. And if these, my labours, should prove
agreeable to you and meet with your approbation, I shall
consider that I have received sufficient praise and satisfaction
for my long wanderings, my rather fearful exile, during
which I have endured, innumerable times, hunger and
4 THB TRAVELS^ ETC.
thirsty cold and heat^ war, imprisonment^ and an infinite
number of other dangerous inconveniences^ and shall gain
fresh courage for that other journey which I hope to under-
take in a short time ; for having examined some parts of the
countries and islands of the east^ souths and west^ I am re-
solved, if it please God, to investigate those of the north.
And thus, as I do not see that I am fit for any other pursuit,
to spend in this praiseworthy exercise the remainder of my
fleeting days.
LUOUTICO DI VARTHBMA. 5
THE TRAVELS,
BTC.
THE FIRST CHAPTER, GOKOERNIKG ALEXANDRIA.
The same desire to behold the various kingdoms of the
world which has urged on others, excited me also to a similar
enterprise; and inasmuch as all countries have been very
much laid open by our people, I deliberated in my own
mind that I would see those which had been the least
frequented by the Venetians. Wherefore spreading our sails
to a favourable wind, and having implored the Divine aid, we
committed ourselves to the sea. When we came to Alexandria,
a city of Egjrpt, I, longing for novelty (as a thirsty man longs
for fresh water) departed from these places as being well
known to all, and, entering the Nile, arrived at Cairo.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CAIRO.
On my arrival in Cairo I, who had been previously much
astonished at the account of its size, came to the conclusion
that it was not so large as it had been reported to be. But
its size in circumference is about equal to that of Home. It
is true, however, that it contains very many more habita-
tions than there are in Home, and that the population is
larger. The mistake which many have made is this, that
there are several hamlets outside the walls of Cairo which
some believed to be within the circuit of Cairo itself; this.
6 THE TRAVELS OF
however^ cannot be the case^ for they are distant some two
or three miles^ and are distinct villages^ I shall not enter
into any long account of their faith and manners^ because
everyone knows that they are inhabited by Moors* and
Mamelukes. The lord over them is the Grand Sultan^^ who
is served by the Mamelukes^ and the Mamelukes are lords
over the Moors.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BARUTI/ TRIPOLI, AND
ALEPPO.
I say nothing about the riches and beauty of the afore-
said Cairo and of the pride of the Mamelukes^ because they
are well known to all our countrymen. I sailed thence into
Syria ; and first to Baruti^ the distance from the one place to
the other by sea is 500 miles. In that Baruti I remained
several days. It is a country thickly inhabited by the
Moors, and is well supplied with everything. The sea
breaks against the walls, and you must know that the dis-
trict is not entirely surrounded by walls, but only in some
parts, that is to say, towards the west and towards the sea.^
^ Mi9r d-^Ateekah or Old Misr, corrupted by Europeans into ''Old
Cairo,'* and the large suburb of Bool&k, are probably the '' distinct vil-
lages'* indicated.
' The author frequently uses this term as laxly as we do that of
" Arabs," and sometimes as synonymous with " Mussulmans."
' As Yarthema commenced his travels a.d. 1503, Egypt was still
under the rule of the Borjeeh or Circassian MamltLks, and the " Grand
Sultan" of the text must have been Sult&n el-Qhdree of that dynasty.
Contemporaneous with him in Egypt was the Khalifa el-Mustansik
b*Ill&h of the 'Abbasteh or Abbaside Caliphs, who, however, had long
ceased to exercise more than a nominal sovereignty over the country.
^ Beyroot is still written and pronounced as above by the Levantines
and Italian residents in Syria.
^ Until very recently Beyroot was completely enclosed on the land
side by a wall, whereas there is only a small extent of wall *' towards the
sea." Possibly, at the period of our author's visit, some parts of the
LUDOVIOO DI YABTHBMA. T
I did not see anything there worthy to be recorded, ex-
cepting an ancient buildings which, they say, was inhabited
by the daughter of the king when the dragon wanted to
devour her, and where St. George killed the said dragon.^
This ancient building is all in ruins ; and I departed thence,
and proceeded in the direction of Tripoli in Syria, which is
two days' journey towards the east. This Tripoli is sub-
ject to the Grand Sultan,^ and all are Muhammedans, and the
said city abounds in everything. And I departed thence
and went to Aleppo, which is eight days* journey inland,
which said Aleppo is a very beautiful city, and is under the
Grand Sultan of Cairo, and is the mart [scala] of Turkey
and Syria, and they are all Muhammedans. It is a country
of very great traffic in merchandize, and particularly with
the Persians and Azamini,^ who come as far as there. This
former had been levelled, and were subsequently restored by the Ameer
Fakhr ed-D!n, who repaired and strengthened the fortifications in the
beginning of the seventeenth century ; and he may have mistaken for a
wall the numerous ancient columns which form the foundation of the
quay, and against which the sea frequently beats with great violence.
^ The legend of St. George and the Dragon has been attached to this
locality since the Crusades, and the remains of an old brick building,
situated about two miles from Beyroot, on the road to Jebail, are still
pointed out as occupying the exact site of the renowned encounter.
Yarthema describes it as it is now, " an ancient building in ruins/'
though d'Arvieux, in 1660, speaks of a chapel of St. George in this
neighbourhood which had been converted into a mosque, and Pococke
repeats the same in 1738. If a Christian chapel ever existed here, the
Muhammedans, in converting it into a mosque, would not scruple to
retain the original dedication, as the Ifahi Jergees (the Seer George) is
regarded as an orthodox saint by all Mussulmans.
' Of Cairo, of course, as the whole of Syria at the time was subject to
the Maml(tk sovereign of Egypt.
* This is, doubtless, a distorted plural form of ^AJamif a Persian, the
Italian initial » being used to express the^ sound of the Arabic, just as
in the sequel we find " Zida, cio^ porto della Meccha,'' where Juddah
( Jiddah) is obviously indicated. Also " xii zomate,^^ for xii giornate.
The phrase " Persians and Azamini," moreover, is not altogether a
pleonasm ; since the latter term, in the original, has a wide significa-
tion, and denotes the natives generally of all the countries comprehended
8 THE TRAVEI^ QF
is the route which is taken to go into Turkey and Syria by
those who come from Azemia.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING AMAN^ AND MENIN.«
And I departed thence and went towards Damascus^
which is distant ten short days* journey. Midway there is
a city which is called Aman^ in which there grows a vast
quantity of cotton, and very good fruit. And near to Da-
mascus, sixteen miles distant from it, I found another dis-
trict called Menin, which is situated on the summit of a
mountain, and is inhabited by Christians of the Greek
Church, who are subjects of the lord of Damascus. In this
place there are two very beautiful churches^ which are said
to have been erected by Helena, the mother of Constantine.
Very excellent fruits grow there, and most especially good
grapes ; and here also there are very beautiful gardens and
fountains. I departed thence, and went to the most noble
city of Damascus.
THE FIRST CHAPTER CONCERNING DAMASCUS.
Truly it would not be possible to describe the beauty and
the excellence of this Damascus, in which I resided some
under the Persian empire. Besides which, the word " 'Ajami" conveys
the same idea among the people of the East as '' Barbarian" did with
the ancient Greeks, and " Gentile" among the Jews.
^ The modern town of Hamah, the Hamath of Scripture, the Epi-
phania of the Greeks and Romans, and the birthplace of Abu*l-Feda,
the eminent Arabian geographer and historian, which lies midway on
the caravan route between Aleppo and Damascus, is obviously indicated.
It is somewhat surprising that Yarthema does not mention the river
Orontes, which bisects the town.
' Menin is situated ten miles from Helbon, still famous, as of old, for
the quality of its grapes. (See Ezek. xviii. 28.) The vine is the chief
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. ^
months in order to learn the Moorish language, because
this city is entirely inhabited by Moors and Mamelukes and
many Greek Christians. Here I must give an account of
the government of the lord of the said city^ which lord is
subject to the Great Sultan of Cairo. Ypu must know that
in the said city of Damascus there is a very beautiful and
strong castle, which is said to have been built by a Floren-
tine Mameluke at his own expense, he being lord of the
said city. And, moreover, in each angle of the said castle,
the arms of Florence are sculptured in marble. It is sur*
rounded by very wide fosses, and has four extremely strong
towers and drawbridges, and powerful and excellent artil-
lery are constantly mounted there.^ Fifty Mamelukes, in
the service of the Grand Sultan, are constantly quartered
with the governor of the castle. This Florentine was a
Mameluke of the Grand Sultan ; and it is reported that in
his time the Sultan was poisoned, and could find no one
who could relieve him of the said poison, when it pleased
God that this Florentine should cure him. For this service
he gave him the said city of Damascus, and thus he came
to build the castle. Afterwards he died in Damascus ; and
the people held him in great veneration as a holy man, pos-
sessing great knowledge, and from that time forward the
product of the district, which abounds also in fountain-streams tribu- '
tarj to the Barada. One of these streams takes its rise at Menln.
Christians of the orthodox Greek rite are more numerous in this neigh-
bourhood than in any other part of Syria.
^ The citadel of Damascus is an eztensive quadrangular fortress, with
towers, surrounded by a deep fosse. I remember noticing several sculp-
tured escutcheons built into the exterior wall of the city during my visit
in 1835, when a portion of the same was being demolished by Ibrahim
Pasha to furnish materials for a military hospital ; but the tradition of
the Florentine is quite new to me, neither do I find it alluded to by any
of the older or more recent travellers in Syria. In its present form the
castle is evidently of Saracenic origin, though its foundations probably
date from a very early age. Tnere is nothing improbable, however, in
the story of a renegade Christian having rebuilt or restored it.
10 THE TRAVELS OF
castle has always been in the possession of the Sultan.
When a new Saltan succeeds to. the throne, one of his lords,
who are called Amirra} says to him : '^ Lord, I haye been
for so long a time your slave, give roe Damascus, and I will
give you one hundred thousand, or two hundred thousand,
teraphim^ of gold." Then the lord grants him this favour.
But you must know, that if in the course of two years the
said lord does not send him 25,000 teraphim, he seeks to
kill him by force of arms, or in some other manner ; but if
he makes him the said present, he remains in the govern-
ment. The said lord has always ten or twelve lords and
barons of the said city with him, and when the Sultan wants
two or three hundred thousand teraphim from the lords or
merchants of the said city, who are not treated with justice,
but whom they vie with each other in oppressing by rob-
bery and assassination (for the Moors live under the Mame-
lukes like the lamb under the wolf), the said Sultan sends
two letters to the governor of the said castle, one of which
simply enjoins him to bring together in the castle such lords
or merchants as he may think proper. And when they are
assembled, the second letter is read, the object of which is
immediately carried out, whether for good or for evil. And
in this manner the said lord seeks to obtain money. Some-
times the said lord becomes so powerful that he will not go
into the castle ; whereat many barons and merchants, feeling
themselves in danger, mount their horses and retire towards
Turkey.^ We will say no more upon this subject, except-
ing that the men of the guard of the said castle, in each of
the four great towers, are always on the watch. They make
^ Ameer.
' In the Third Chapter concerning Damascus, and in some editions,
this word is spelt " Saraphi" and also " Sarahpi." I take it to be the
Shertf or Atkrafi^ an old Arabian ducat
' In some editions it is the Lords and Merchants who are said to
refuse to go into the castle when they have become powerful, and this
appears to be the more correct reading.
. LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 11
no cry daring the nighty but each has a drum^ made in the
shape of a half-box/ upon which they beat vigorously with
a sticky and each answers the other with these said drums.
He who delays answering for the space of a pater nosier ^ is
imprisoned for a year.
THE SECOND CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SAID
DAMASCUS.
Now that we have seen the customs of the Lord of Da-
mascus^ it is necessary that I should make mention of some
circumstances relating to the city^ which is extremely popu-
lous and very rich. It is impossible to imagine the richness
and elegance of the workmanship there. Here you have a
great abundance of grain and of meat^ and the most prolific
country for fruits that was ever seen, and especially for
fresh grapes^ during all seasons. I will mention the good
and the bad fruits which grow there. Pomegranates and
and quinces^ good : almonds and large olives^ extremely
good. The most beautiful white and red roses that were
ever seen. There are also good apples and pears and
peaches^ but with a very bad taste, the reason of which is
that Damascus abounds much in water.^ A stream runs
through the city, and the greater number of the houses have
very beautiful fountains of mosaic work. The houses are
^ The hdz or small UM^ still generally used by the IfusahhirSj who
traverse the streets during the Ramadhlkn, to announce the hour of the
iSahoor, or last meal of the early da¥nDi.
' It is rather surprising that no mention is made of oranges and apri-
cots, the former being very plentiful, and the latter by far the most
abundant produce of the orchards round Damascus, and one of its chief
articles of export ; but as Yarthema left the city early in April, that
fruit was not in season.
Roses, from which the rich perfume of the ^atar is extracted, are ex-
tensively cultivated in a part of the great plain about three miles from
the city.
12 THE TRAVELS OF
dirty externally, but within they are very beautiful^ adorned
with many works of marble and porphyry.
In this city there are many mosques. One, which is the
principal, is as large as St. Peter's at Rome. It has no roof
in the centre, but the surrounding parts are covered in. It
is reported that they keep there the body of St. Zachariah
the prophet, and they pay him very great honour. In the
said mosque there are four principal doors of metal, and
within there are many fountains. Again, we see where the
canonica stood, which belonged formerly to the Christians,
in which canonica there are many ancient works in mosaic.^
Again, I saw the place where they report that Christ said
to St. Paul, **Saule, Saule, cur me persequeris?" which is
without the city, about a mile from one of the gates thereof.
They bury there all the Christians who die in the said city.
Again, there is that tower in the wall of the district where
(as they say) St. Paul was imprisoned. The Moors have
many times rebuilt it, but in the morning it is found broken
and thrown down, as the angel broke it when he drew St. Paul
out of the said tower. I also saw the. house where (as they
say) Cain slew Abel his brother, which is a mile without
the city in the opposite direction, on the side of a hill in a
large deep valley.^ We will now turn to the liberty which
the said Mamelukes enjoy in the said city of Damascus.
1 The "Masjid Yahya" or" Jamaa Beni Umeyya" (the Temple of
John or the Mosque of the OmmiadeB), a part of which is generally Bup-
posed to have formed a Christian church dedicated to St. John the
Baptist, the son of Zechariah. This is stHl regarded as the adytum or
most sacred portion of the building, and is belieyed by Muhammedans
to contain the head of the aforesaid Apostle. A peristyle, supported on
splendid Corinthian pillars, surrounds the quadrangular court, in which
there are several marble fountains for religious ablution. Buckingham,
like Varthema, speaks of the mosque as haying been a church dedicated
to St. Zechariah.
' These and several other absurd local traditions, such as the house
of Ananias, the grave of the martyr George who assisted St. Paul to
escape through a window in the wall, and a cleft in the rock, about a
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 18
OHAPTEB THE THIRD, CONCERNING THE MAMELUKES
IN DAMASCUS.
The Mamelukes are renegade Christians^ who have been
purchased by the said lord. Certain it is that the said
Mamelukes never lose any time^ but are constantly exercis-
ing themselves either in arms or in letters, in order that
they may acquire excellence. And you must know that
every Mameluke, great or little, has for his pay six saraphi
per month, and his expenses for himself, his horse, and a
family; and they have as much more when they are en-
gaged on any warlike expedition.^ The said Mamelukes,
when they go about the city, are always in companies of two
or three, as it would be a great disgrace if they went alone.
If they accidentally meet two or three ladies, they possess this
privilege, or if they do not possess it they take it : they go
to lay in wait for these ladies in certain places like great inns,
which are called Chano,^ and as the said ladies pass before the
mile from the city, through which the Apostle evaded his pursuers, are
still current among the monks and Christians at Damascus.
' Browne's account of the Mamies in Egypt in 1722, coincides in
the main with the foregoing description. " These military slaves are
imported from (Georgia, Circassia, and Mingrelia. A few have been
prisoners, taken from the Austrians and Russians, who have exchanged
their religion for an establishment... Particular attention is paid to the
education of these slaves. They are instructed in every exercise of
agility or strength, and are in general distinguished by the grace and
beauty of their persons... They have no pay, as they eat at the table in
the house of their master... Any military officer may purchase a slave,
who becomes ipso facto a Mamliik. After a proper education, the candi-
date thus constituted a Maml^, receives a present of a horse and arms
from his master, together with a suit of clothes, which is renewed every
year in the month of RamadhtUi." Browne was assured that during
the eleven years preceding his visit, sixteen thousand white slaves, of
both sexes, were imported into Egypt. TraveU in Africa^ ^ypU Syria,
etc., pp. 63-66, 76.
' Khdns, buildings generally designed for the accommodation of mer-
cliants and their goods. In some instances the principal bazaars are
held in the kh&ns.
14 THE TRAYELS OF
door each Mameluke takes his lady by the hand, draws her in,
and does what he will with her. But the lady resists being
known, because they all wear the face covered, so that they
know us, but we do not know them. The Mameluke says
to her, that he wishes to know who she is, and she replies :
^' Brother, is it not enough that you do with me what you
will, without desiring to know who I am ?" and she entreats
him so much that he lets her go. And sometimes they
think that they take the daughter of the lord, when in fact
they take their own wives ; and this has happened while I
was there. These ladies go very well clad in silk, and
over it they wear certain white garments of wool, thin and
bright like silk, and they all wear white buskins and red or
purple shoes, and many jewels around their heads, and in
their ears, and on their hands. These ladies when they are
married, at their own will and pleasure, that is, when they
do not wish to remain with their husbands any longer, go to
the cadi of their faith and cause themselves to be talacare,^
that is, to be separated from their husband ; and then they
take another, and he takes another wife. Although they
say that the Moors have five or six wives, I for my part
have never seen any who had more than two or three at the
most. These Moors for the greater part eat in the streets,
that is, where the clothes are sold; they have their food
cooked and eat it there, and there are very many horses,
camels, and buffalos, and sheep and goats. There is here
an abundance of good fresh cheese ; and if you wish to pur-
chase milk, there are forty or fifty goats, which go every
day through the district, and which have ears more than a
span in length. The master of these goats takes them up
into your chamber, even if your house have three stories, and
^ An Italiftnized infinitiye of the Arabic talak, to divorce. Ac-
cording to Muhammedan civil law a woman cannot repudiate her hus-
band against his will, unless it be for some grievous fault or cruelty on
his part, and even in that case a formal decision of the E&dhi is neces-
sary to dissolve the union.
LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 15
there in your presence he milks as much as you please into
a handsome tin yessel.^ And there are many milch goats.
Here^ again^ is sold a great quantity of truffles : sometimes
twenty-five or thirty camels arrive laden with them, and in
three or four days they are sold. They come from the
mountains of Armenia and Turkey.^ The said Moors go
clothed in certain long and wide garments^ without girdles^
made of silk or cloth, and the greater number wear breeches
of wool and white shoes. When a Moor meets a Mameluke,
although he may be the principal merchant of the place, he
is obliged to do honour and give place to the Mameluke,
and if he do not so he is bastinadoed. The Christians have
there many warehouses, which contain cloths, and silk and
satin, velvets, and brass, and all merchandize that is re-
quired ; but they are ill treated.'
^ The loDg-eared goats of Damascus are correctly described, and the
oufftom of hawking them about the streets still prevails.
' Truffles (Arab. Kama) are found in large quantities, at certain
seasons of the year, along the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris, and
are transported by the Bedawin long distances. The price at Mosul
and Baghdad varies from one to six shillings the ^okkah of four
pounds.
' Until within the last few years Yarthema's Moors or Mussulmans at
Damascus were quite as overbearing in their conduct towards the
Christians as the Mamies were in his time. As late as 1835 a haughty
Seyyed insisted on my descending from the pavement into the street
while he. passed, and he literally foamed at the mouth with rage because
I declined obeying him.
16 THE TRAVELS OF
THE BOOK CONCERNING
ARABIA DESERTA.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING THE ROUTE FROM DAMASCUS TO
MECCA, WHEREIN SOME ARABS ARE CONCERNED.
The matters relating to Damascus having been here
described perhaps more diffusely than was necessary^ oppor-
tunity invites me to resume my journey. In 1503, on the
8th day of Aprils the caravan being set in order to go to
Mecca, and I being desirous of beholding various scenes and
not knowing how to set about it, formed a great friendship
with the captain of the said Mamelukes of the caravan, who
was a Christian renegade, so that he clothed me like a
Mameluke and gave me a good horse, and placed me in com*
pany with the other Mamelukes, and this was accomplished
by means of the money and other things which I gave him ;
and in this manner we set ourselves on the way, and travelled
three days to a place which is called Mezeribe,^ and there we
remained three days, in order that the merchants might
provide themselves, by purchase, with as many horses as they
required. In this Mezeribe there is a lord who is named
^ El-Mezarib, where, according to Burckhardt, the pilgrim caravan
to Meccah generally remains encamped for ten days to collect stragglers,
obtain supplies, and pay the accustomed tribute to the different Arab
tribes for tho passage of the caravan through the desert. TraveU in
Syria, pp. 240-242.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 17
Zambei,' and he is lord of the country, that is to say, of the
Arabians ; which Zambei has three brothers and four male
children, and he has 40,000 horses, and for his court he has
10,000 mares. And he has here 300,000 camels, for his
pasture-ground extends two days* journey. And this lord
Zambei, when he thinks proper, wages war with the Sultan
of Cairo, and the Lord' of Damascus and of Jerusalem, and
sometimes, in harvest time, when they think that he is a
hundred miles distant, he plans some morning a great in-
cursion to the granaries of the said city, and finds the grain
and the barley nicely packed up in sacks, and carries it off.
Sometimes he runs a whole day and night with his said
mares without stopping, and when they have arrived at the
end of their journey they give them camels' milk to drink,
because it is very refreshing. Truly it appears to me that
they do not run but that they fly like falcons ; for I have
been with them, and you must know that they ride, for the
most part, without saddles, and in their shirts, excepting
some of their principal men. Their arms consist of a lance
of Indian cane ten or twelve cubits in length with a piece of
iron at the end, and when they go on any expedition they
keep as close together as starlings. The said Arabians are
very small men, and are of a dark tawny colour, and they
have a feminine voice, and long, stiff, and black hair. And
truly these Arabs are in such vast numbers that they cannot
be counted, and they are constantly fighting amongst them-
selves. They inhabit the mountain and come down at the
time when the caravan passes through to go to Mecca, in
order to lie in wait at the passes for the purpose of robbing
the said caravan. They carry their wives, children, and all
> Burckhardt enables me to identify this with Zfiabi or Ez-Z&abi, the
patronymic of the principal Arab family in this district. He says: '^At
three hours from Mezailb is the village of Bamtha,...the sheikh of which
is generally a santon, that dignity being in the family of Ez-Z&abi,
who possess there a mosque of the same name." — Ihid, Appen-
dix lu.
18 THE TRAVELS OF
their furniture^ and also their houses^ upon camels^ which
houses are like the tents of soldiers, and are of black wool
and of a sad appearance.^
On the 11th of April ,^ the said caravan departed from
Mezeribe ; there were 36,000 camels, about 40,000 persons,
and we were sixty Mamelukes in guard of the said caravan.
One third of the Mamelukes went in advance of the caravan
with the standard, another third in the centre, and the other
third marched in the rear. You must understand that we
performed our journey in this wise. From Damascus to
Mecca is a journey of forty days and forty nights : thus, we
set out from Mezeribe in the morning and travelled for
twenty hours. At that point certain signals made by the
captain were passed from band to band that the whole
company should stop where they then found themselves,
and they pass twenty-four hours in unloading, and feeding
themselves and their camels. And then they make signals,
and the camels are immediately laden again. And you must
know that they give the said camels for food only five loaves
of barley-meal, uncooked, and each of about the size of a
pomegranate/ and then they mount their horses and journey
all night and all the following day for the said twenty-two
hours, and then for twenty-four hours do as before. And
every eight days they find water, that is^ by digging in the
earth or sand ; also, certain wells and cisterns are found, and
at the end of the eight days they stop for one or two days,
because the said camels carry as great a burthen as two
^ A most graphic and correct description of the predatory and warlike
customs of the desert Arabs, and of their physical and social peculiari-
ties. The picture is throughout true to the life at the present day.
' This is either an error, or Varthema meant thereby to reckon his
travelling days only ; otherwise, as he left Damascus on the 8th of the
month, was three days in reaching Mezarib, and remained there another
three days, the date should be April 14th.
' The meal or flour is made into a paste and then formed into a ball.
Cameleers throughout the East, especially on long journeys, adopt the
same mode of baiting their animals.
LCDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 19
xnuIeSj and they only give the poor animals drink once in
every three days. When we halted at the said waters we
always had to fight with a vast number of Arabs^ but they
never killed more than one man and one lady^ for such is the
baseness of their minds, that we sixty Mamelukes were
sufficient defence against forty or fifty thousand Arabs;
for pagans^ there are no better people with arms in their
hands than are the Mamelukes. You must know that I had
excellent experiences of these Mamelukes during the journey.
Amongst others, I saw a Mameluke take one of his slaves
and place a pomegranate on his head, and make him stand
twelve or fifteen paces distant from him, and at the second
trial strike off the pomegranate by a shot from a bow. Again,
I saw another Mameluke, running at full gallop, take off his
saddle and place it upon his head, and afterwards return it
to its original place without falling, and always at full gallop.
Their saddles are made according to our usage.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF SODOM AND
GOMORRAH.
And when we had travelled twelve days we found the
valley of Sodom and Gomorrah. Verily the Scriptures do
not lie, for one sees how they were destroyed by a miracle
of God ; and I say that there are three cities which were on
the top of three mountains, and around them to the height
of three or four cubits is still seen what appears to be blood,
like red wax mixed with earth. Of a truth, I believe,
upon what I have seen, that they were a wicked people, for
all around the entire country is desert and barren. The
earth produces no one thing, nor water ; and they lived
upon manna and were punished, for not acknowledging the
benefits they received ; and by a miracle everything is still
seen in ruin. Then we passed that valley, which was at
eg
jW THE TRAVELS OF
least twenty tniles^ and there died there from thirst thirty-
three persons, and many were baried in the sand who were
not quite dead, and they left only their faces uncovered.^
Afterwards we found a little mountain, near which was a
well, whereat we were well pleased. We halted upon the
said mountain. The next day, early in the morning, there
came 24,000 Arabs, who said that we must pay for their water.*
We answered that we could not pay, for the water was
given by God. They began to fight with us, saying that
we had taken their water. We fortified ourselves, and made
a wall of our camels,^ and the merchants stood within the
'* After twelve days' journeying our trayeller must have passed the
Talley of the Dead Sea proper, but being in the neighbourhood it was
natural that he should refer to the Scriptural narrative of the destruc^
iion of Sodom and the other cities of the Plain. Besides which, it is
now ascertained that the depression about the Dead Sea is but a section of
a continuous valley, extending between B4ni&8, at the foot of Jebel esh-
Sheikh, and the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah. True, Yarthema's route,
if he followed that of the Hajj at the present day,'was about twenty miles
to the eastward of the W&di 'Araba (the name which the valley takes to
the south of Petra) ; but it is not surprising that he should have confounded
therewith a dreary and difficult pass which branches off from the cen-
tral chain of mountains, and which is known as the 'Akabet esh-Sh&mi,
for with that I am disposed to identify his " Valley of Sodom and
Gomorrah.'' Burckhardt gives this as the twelfth day's journey of the
pilgrims from Damascus, and describes it as follows : " The Hadj route,
as far as Akabet Esh-Shami, is a complete desert on both sides. The
mountain chain continues about ten hours to the west of the Hadj
route... Here the Hadj descends a deep chasm, and it takes half an hour
to reach below... The mountain consists of a red grey sandstone, which
is used at Damascus for whetstones." [Was it this colour of the geolo-
gical formation which Yarthema's vivid or pious imagination converted
into '' what appeared to be blood, like red wax mixed with earth" f ] —
Travels in Syria^ Appendix iiL
' The caravan was now in Edom, traversing a section of the route
taken by the Israelites when they turned *' northward" to ''pass through
the coast of the children of Esau," with whom they were commanded
'' not to meddle," but peaceably " to pass through the coast," and to
'* buy meat and water of them for money." (See Deut. ii. 3-6.) Payment
for water is still exacted by the descendants of Esau in the same locality
at the present day.
* A prevailing custom among the Bedawin when defending themselves
LUDOVIOO DI VABTHBMA. 21
said camels^ and we were constantly skirmishings so that they
kept us besieged two days and two nights, and things came
at last to that state, that neither we nor they had any more
water to drink. They had completely surrounded the
mountain with people, saying that they would break through
the caravan. Not being able to continue the fighting, our
captain consulted with the Moorish merchants and we gave
them (the Arabs) 1200 ducats of gold. They took the money,
and then said that 10,000 ducats of gold would not pay for
their water, and we knew that they wanted something else
besides money. So our prudent captain arranged with the
caravan, that all those men who were capable of bearing arms
should not ride on the camels, and that each should prepare
his arms. The morning having come, we put forward all
the caravan, and we Mamelukes remained behind. We
were in all three hundred persons, and we soon began
to fight. One man and one lady were killed by bows on
our side, and they did us no further harm. We killed of
them 1600 persons.^ Nor is it to be wondered at that we
killed so many of them : the cause was, that they were all
naked and on horseback, without saddles, so that they had a
difficulty in turning on their way.
against an attack. The right fore-leg is first bent at the knee, and firmly
secured with the leading halter so as effectually to prevent the camel
rising. The animals are then made to lie down in close contact, their
mass serving as a rampart, the space between the shoulders as embra-
sures, and their bodies as rests for the matchlocks of the defenders.
^ Probably an exaggeration, though Strabo records a battle between
the Roman army under ^lius Oallus and the Arabians of the southern
part of the Hijikz, with a loss of two only of the former and ten thousand
of the latter. Lib. xyL
22 THE TRAVELS OF
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING A MOUNTAIN INHABITED
BY JEWS.1
At the end of eight days we found a mountain which ap-
peared to be ten or twelve miles in circumference, in which
^ This is a most interesting subject, and deserves more than a cursory
notice. Our traveller describes the locality as being three days* journey
from El-Medlnah, which brings it to about " Hedye/' given in Burck-
hardt's Itinerary as the twenty-fourth halt of the modem Hajj from
Damascus, and four hours distant from Ehaibar, "whither the people of
the caravan often go to buy provisions.*' Travds in Syria, Appendix iii.
Mons. Caussin de Perceval has collected together the various notices
found in the principal Arabian historians respecting the first Jewish
colony in the Hij&z, from which it will be seen that Khaibar was one of
their most important settlements. According to Ibn Khaldoon, the ori-
ginal immigrants formed part of an army sent by Joshua against the AmJl-
lica (Amalekites), which, after destroying that people, took possession of
their country, and occupied Tathrib (El-Medinah), Khaibar, and the sur-
rounding places.
Others, and among them the author of the Aghdniy make the original
colonists to have consisted of a large body of troops which Moses, on
reaching Syria, had despatched against the Am&lica, with order to exter-
minate them utterly; but that having spared the young son of the Amalek-
ite king, Arcam, the Israelites refused to receive them on their return
from the expedition. Whereupon they retraced their way back to the
Hij&z, and finally settled at Tathrib, Khaibar, and the adjoining
districts.
Caussin de Perceval, in noticing the striking resemblance which this
narrative bears to the Scriptural account of the Amalekite king Agag,
whose life was spared by the soldiers of Saul against the positive com-
mand of the prophet Samuel, remarks that if the Arab tradition is
founded on any historical truth connecting the fact of the disobedience
of the Israelitish troops with the establishment of a Jewish colony in
the Hij^, it would serve to ^n the date of that emigration to the time
of Saul, or four centuries after Moses.
Other Arabian historians assert that the emigration did not take place
till after the fall of Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, and the devasta-
tion of Judea by the armies of Nebuchadnezzar, when many Jewish
families sought refuge in the Hij&z. Personal experience enables me to
add that such also is the prevailing tradition among the Jews of Yemen
of their original settlement in that country.
From these various accounts it is natural to infer that the Jewish
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 28
mountain there dwell four or five thousand Jews, who go
naked, and are in height five or six spans, and have a fe-
colony in the Hij&z was formed by several successive immigrations in
very remote times, and that it received new accessions by similar im-
migrations of a more recent date, one of which, specially noticed by the
author of the Agkdni, may be referred either to the period of the re-
duction of Judea into a Roman province by Pompey, b.o. 64, to the de-
struction of Jerusalem by Titus, a.d. 70, or to the cruel persecution of
the Jews under Adrian, a.d. 136. It is, indeed, highly probable that on
each of those occasions many fugitive Jews from Judea sought an
asylum with their co-religionists in the Hij&z.
The existence of a considerable Jewish population in the district in-
dicated by Varthema at the period of Muhammed is a well-authenticated
historical fact. His cursory description of the particular locality is
equally correct ; and the enmity of the resident Jews towards the
Muhammedans appears to have been inherited by them through many
generations. Referring to that period, Gaussin de Perceval says: ''The
Jewish race was still powerful. They possessed, between three or four
days' journey from Medinah, a fertile territory, abounding in grain and
date-trees, and protected by several forts, the principal of which, called
El-Cammoos, was situated on a mountain difficult of access. The dis-
trict occupied by these strongholds was denominated Khaibak, a word
which Arabian authors take to signify a castle. [More probably a con-
federation or colony, from the Hebrew ^^H (khabar) to be confederated].
Its population was composed of different families, which had been esta-
blished in the country from time immemorial. The Jews of Khaibar
had manifested an active and implacable hatred towards the Prophet
and his followers. United by an old alliance with their neighbours the
Bedawln descendants of Ghataflto, they laboured incessantly to stir up
the hostility of that and other adjacent tribes against Muhammed."
In the month of Muharram of the seventh year of the Hijrah (12th
April — 12th May, a.d. 628) Muhammed led an army in person against
Khaibar, and after a severe conflict, which lasted for several days, suc-
ceeded in capturing all the forts in that and the surrounding districts,
and in reducing the Jews to abject submission. At first, they merely
begged that their lives might be spared, promising to quit the country
forthwith ; but they were subsequently permitted to remain as simple
farmers of the soil, binding themselves to give half of the produce to its
new Mussulman proprietors. It was expressly stipulated, however, that
their future expulsion should depend on the will of the Prophet.
Though it is generally believed that 'Omar, on his succession to the
Khalifate a.d. 634, availed himself of this proviso to banish the Jews
from the country, in order to execute an injunction said to have been
\ an
24 THB TRAVELS OP
minine voice, and are more black than any other colour;
They live entirely upon the flesh of sheep, and eat nothing
else. They are circumcised, and confess that they are Jews;
and if they can get a Moor into their hands, they skin him
l_alive. At the foot of the said mountain we found a tank of
water, which is water that falls in the rainy season. We
loaded with the said water 16,000 camels, whereat the Jews
were ill-pleased ; and they went about that mountain like
wild goats, and on no account would they descend into the
plain, because they are mortal enemies of the Moors. At
the foot of the mountain, by the said water, there were six
or eight feet of beautiful thornbushes, in which we found
two turtledoves, which circumstance appeared to us like a
miracle, inasmuch as we had travelled fifteen days and
given by Muhammed when dying, that two religions were not to be
tolerated in Arabia ; nevertheleBs, it is tolerably certain that they con-
tinued to occupy the neighbourhood of Ehaibar in considerable numbers
up to a very recent period. As late as 1762, Niebuhr was informed that
that district was still inhabited by several independent Jewish tribes, who
had sheikhs of their own like other Arabs. Burckhardt mentions the
old colony of the Jews at Ehaibar, but says that it had disappeared,
though there still existed an unfounded belief at Meccah and Juddah
that their descendants still existed there, strictly performing the duties
of their religion. They seem, indeed, to have become extinct as a separate
race, for Burton was assured that there is not a single Jewish family now in
Ehaibar, adding : '4t is, indeed, the popular boast in £i-Hejaz that, with
the exception of Jeddah (and perhaps Tembo), where the Prophet never
set his foot, there is not a town in the country harbouring an infidel. This
has now become a point of fanatic honour ; but if history may be trusted,
it has become so only lately,'* Pilgrimage to Meccah and El-Medinahy
vol. ii. p. 118, note. See also Oausbiv db Pbrcbval, Histoire des Arabet
avant VIdamUme, e^c., vols. ii. 641-644; iii 193-201, 444. Nibbubb,
DSdcrtption de l*AraM&, pp. 326, 327.
Varthema evidently miscalculated the effects of distance in diminish-
ing objects ; hence, I presume, his fabulous measurement of the Jews at
five or six spans in height, and his failing to see the scanty cloth round
their loins, which still constitutes the only garment of the common
Bedawin of the Hij&z. As to complexion, if those seen by our traveller
were like the generality of .the Jews in Yemen, he aptly describes it as
<< more black than any other colour.** In that respect they are not to be
distinguished from the Arab Bedawin.
LUDOVICO Dl VAETHEMA. 25
nights and had not met with a single animal or bird. The
next day we resumed our journey, and in two days time
arrived at a city which is called Medinathalnabi.^ Near
that city, at a distance of four miles, we found a well, by
which the caravan halted for a day, and at this well each
person washed. himself, and put on clean linen to go into
the said city, which contains about three hundred hearths,
and is surrounded by walls made of earth.^ The houses
within are constructed with stone walls. The country
around the said city lies under the curse of God, for the
land is barren, with the exception that about two stones'
cast, outside the city, there are about fifty or sixty feet of
palmtrees in a garden,^ at the end of which there is a certain
conduit of water, which descends at least twenty-four steps,
of which water the caravan takes possession when it arrives
there.* Now, some who say that the body of Mahomet is
suspended in the air at Mecca must be reproved ; I say that
it is not true. I have seen his sepulchre in. this city, Medi-
nathalnabi, in which we remained three days, and wished
to see everything.^ The first day we went into the city, at
the entrance by the door of their mosque, and each of us,
small or great, was obliged to be accompanied by some per-
1 Medinat en-Nabi, the City of the Prophet.
' These earthen fortifications, according to Burton, were built by
order of Easim el Daulat el Ghori. The wall is now of stone, " well-
built of granite and lava blocks, in regular layers, cemented with lime."
' ^< This alludes to the gardens of Kuba. The number of date-trees is
now greatly increased." Bu&ton, ut supra,
* Burckhardt, in his plan of El-Medinah, marks these "steps leading
down to the canal in different parts of the town." Burton supposes the
water to come from a spring in the date-groves of Kuba. " It flows
down a subterranean canal, about thirty feet below the surface. In
some places the water is exposed to the air, and steps lead to it for the
convenience of the inhabitants."
' This absurd story, so long current in Christendom, but utterly un-
known to Mussulmans, is supposed by Niebuhr to have originated from
the position, one above the other, which the three enshrined tombs are
represented as occupying in the rude drawings of the mosque made by
native artists.
26 THB TRAVEI^ OF
son/ who took us by the hand^ and led us where Mahomet
was buried.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING WHERB MAHOMET AND HIS
COMPANIONS WERE BURIED.
The mosque is made square in this manner : being about
one hundred paces long, and eighty wide, and it has around
it two doors on three sides, and the roof made arched, and
there are more than 400 columns made of burnt stone, all
whitened, and there are about 3,000 lighted lamps burning
on one side of the arches.^ On the right hand, at the head
of the mosque, there is a square tower, about five paces
on every side, which tower has a cloth of silk around
it. At the distance of two paces from the said tower
there is a very beautiful grating of metal, where per-
sons stand to see the said tower; and at one side, on
the left, there is a little door which leads you to the said
tower, and in the said tower there is another little door, and
by one of the doors there are about twenty books, and on the
other side there are twenty-five books, which are those of Ma-
homet and of his Companions, which books declare his life
and the commandments of his sect.^ Within the said door
1 A gtdde, called Dalil or Ifuzaiffmr.
' Burckhardt makes the dimensions 165 paces in length by 130 in
breadth. Burton calls it <^a parallelogram about 420 feet in length by
340 broad." The former says : '' It forms an open square, surrounded on
all sides by covered colonnades, with a small building in the centre of
the square The columns are of stone ; but being plastered white it
is difficult to decide what species The roof of the colonnade consists
of a number of small domes." The latter styles it " a hypaethral build-
ing with a spacious central area, called £1 Sahn, £1 Hosh, £1 Haswah,
or £1 Ramlah, surrounded by a peristyle with numerous rows of pillars,
like the colonnades of an Italian monastery. Their arcades, or porticoes,
are flat-ceilinged, domed above with the small ' Media Naranja,' or half-
orange cupola of Spain."
' " Near the south-east comer stands the famous tomb, so detached
LTJDOVICO DI VARTHKMA. 27
there is a sepulchre, that is, a pit under ground, wherein
was placed Mahomet, also Haly, and Babacher, and 0th-
man, and Aumar, and Fatoma. Mahomet was captain, and
he was an Arab. Haly was son-in-law of Mahomet, that is,
he was the husband of Fatoma, who was the daughter of
Mahomet.^ Babacher was he of whom we should say that
from the walls of the mosque as to leave between it and the south wall
a space of about twenty-five feet, and fifteen feet between it and the
east wall. The enclosure [Yarthema's 'tower'] forms an irregular
square of about twenty paces, in the midst of the colonnade, several of
its pillars being included within it. It is an iron railing painted green
...the railing is of good workmanship, in imitation of filagree, and is
interwoven with open-work inscriptions of yellow bronze... What appears
of the interior is merely a curtain carried round on all sides, resembling
a bed, which is of the same height as the railing, and fills nearly the
whole space... This veil is a rich silk brocade of various colours, inter-
woven with silver flowers and arabesques. A band of inscriptions in
gold characters runs across the middle." — BuacKHAaBT.
*^ The Hnjrah, or Chamber, as it is called, from the circumstance of its
having been Ayisha's room, is an irregular square of from fifty to fifty-
five feet in the south-east comer of the building, and separated on all
sides from the walls of the mosque by a passage about twenty-six feet
broad on the south side, and twenty on the eastern... Inside there are,
or are supposed to be, three tombs facing the south, surrounded by stone
walls, or, as others say, by strong planking. Whatever this material may
be, it is hung outside with a curtain, somewhat like a large four-post bed.
The outer railing is separated by a dark narrow passage from the inner
one, which it surrounds, and is of iron filagree, painted of a vivid grass
green, whilst carefully inserted in the verdure, and doubly bright by
contrast, is the gilt or burnished brass work forming the long and grace-
ful letters of the Suls character, and disposed into the Moslem creed,
the profession of unity, and similar religious sentences. This fence has
four gates... they are constantly kept closed, except the fourth." —
EuBTon.
The foregoing extracts prove the remarkable correctness of Yarthema's
brief description of this mosque. Neither of the two enterprising tra-
vellers, however, throws any light on the books mentioned by him as ex-
isting in the vicinity of the Hujrah. The mosque library, according
to Burton, is now kept in large chests near the Bab el Salam.
' Muhammed, 'Ali, Abubekr, 'Othmlkn, 'Omar, and F&timah. Here
Yarthema is in error, for it has never been believed by Mussulmans
that either 'Ali or 'Othm&n was buried in the Prophet's mosque.
Burton says : " The sepulchre or cenotaph of Flktimah is outside the
r
\
28 THB TRAVELS OF
he was cardinal^ and wanted to be pope.^ Othman was one
of his captains. Aumar was another of his captains. And
these said books treat about each of his people^ that is^ of
the said captains ; and, on this account it is that this canaille
cut each other to pieces, for some wish to act according to
the commandments of one, and some of another, and thus
they do not know how to make up their minds ; and they
kill each other like beasts about these, heresies, for they are
all false.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING THE TEMPLE AND SEPULCHRE
OP MAHOMET AND HIS COMPANIONS.
In order to explain the sect of Mahomet, you must know
that over the said tower there is a cupola, in which you can
walk round the top, that is, outside.^ You must understand
enceinte and the curtain which surrounds her father's remains." Burck-
hardt describes it thus : *' Near the curtain of the Hejrah [Hujrah], but
separated from it, though within the precincts of the railing, which
here, to admit it, deviates a little from its square shape, is the tomb of
Sitna Fatima, the daughter of Mohammed and wife of Ali. But some
difference of opinion exists whether her remains actually rest here, or
in the burial-ground called Bakya, beyond the town."
> I know of no passage in Abubekr's life which merits this remark.
He was throughout the firm ally of Muhammed, and on the death of
the latter proposed two candidates, 'Omar and Abu-'Obeidah, as most
worthy to succeed him. It was mainly through the intervention of
'Omar, who recognized his superior claims as the special favourite of the
Prophet, as his sole companion in the cave at Thor, and as having been
designated by Muhammed to preside at the public prayers when he saw
his end approaching, that the dignity of being his first successor was
accorded to the aged Abubekr.
' The dome over the ffujrah, or Chamber, containing Muhammed's
tomb. " Above the hujrah is the green dome, surmounted outside by a
large gilt crescent springing from a series of globes. The glowing imagi-
nations of the Moslems crown this gem of the building with a pillar of
heavenly light, which directs from three days' distance the pilgrims'
steps towards El-Medinah." — Burtozt, Pilgrimage to El-Medtnah and
Meccah, tol. ii. pp. 73, 74.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 29
iSlie trick they played off upon the whole caravan the first
evening we arrived at the tomb of Mahomet. Our captain
sent for the superior of the said mosque, to whom he said :
that he should show him the body of Nabi — this Nabi
means the Prophet Mahomet — that he would give him three
thousand seraphim of gold ; and that he had neither father
nor mother^ nor brothers nor sisters^ nor wife nor children^
neither had he come to purchase spices or jewels^ but that
he had come to save his soul, and to see the body of the
Prophet. Then the superior answered him with great vio-
lence, and rage, and pride, saying : '^ How do those eyes of
yours, which have done so much evil in the world, desire
to see him for whom God has created the heavens and the
earth!*' Then answered our captain: "Sidi intecate el
melie ;" that is to say. Sir, you say true ;^ but do me a fa-
vour, let me see the body of the Prophet, and immediately
that I have seen it, I will pull out my eyes for the love of
him. And Sidi* answered : '* O Sir, I will tell you the truth.
It is true that our Prophet wished to die here, in order to
set us a good example; for he could well have died at
Mecca had he so willed, but he desired to exercise poverty
for our instruction ; and as soon as he was dead, he wad
carried at once into heaven by the angels, and he says that
he is equal with God." Our captain said to him : " Eise
Hebene Marian phion?" that is, Jesus Christ the son of
Mary, where is he ? The Sidi answered : " Azafel al Nabi,''
that is, at the feet of Mahomet.^ Our captain answered :
^ Stdif anta tahki et-mdieh. Sir, you say well. I shall correct tho
orthographj and mistranslations of Yarthema's romanized Arabic,
preserving the barbarisms of the original. The orthography varies in
different editions, but in all it is execrably bad.
' Meaning the JSherif belonging to the mosque.
' Isa ibn Mariamfain huf Jesus, the Son of Mary, where is He?
Aafd en-Nabi, Below (or under) the Prophet, Burton, having
before him only the translation of these words, as he found it, unaccom-
panied by the Arabic, in Eden's HUtory of Trav€ls, supposes the reply
80 THE TRAVELS OF
** BesbeSy hiosi,**^ that is, enough, enough ! I will not know-
more. Then the captain came out and said to us: ''See
where 1 wanted to throw away three thousand seraphim !"
In the night time, at three o'clock, there came into the camp
about ten or twelve of those old men of that sect, for the
cai'avan was encamped near the gate, two stones' cast off,
and these old men began to cry out, some in one part and
some in another : '' Lei la illala, Mahometh resullala ; lam
Nabi, hia la, hia resullala, stasforla !" that is, God pardon
me. " Leilla illala," means, God was, God will be ; and ** Ma-
hometh resullala" is, Mahomet, the messenger of God, will
rise again ; " lam Nabi" signifies, O Prophet ! O God ! " hia
resullala" means, Mahomet will rise again ; " stasforla" sig-
nifies, God pardon me.^ Our captain and we, hearing this
noise, immediately ran with our arms in our hands, thinking
they were Arabs who wanted to rob the caravan, saying to
them : " What is this you are crying out ?" for they made
just such a noise as is heard amongst us Christians when a
saint performs a miracle. These old men answered : '' Into
mar abser miri igimen elbeit el Naby uramen il sama?"
that is. Do you not see the brilliant light which comes, out
of the sepulchre of the Prophet ?* Our captain said : '' I do
to refer to the buritvl-place of Christ, and justly remarks that in that
sense it is incorrect, since no Moslem ever believed that Christ left his
body in this world. My own impression is, that it merely conyeys the
speaker's belief of Christ's inferiority to Muhammed, either locally or in
rank, when the question was propounded.
^ BasSy hau. Enough, enough; but I cannot decipher the"hiosi,"
unless it is a corruption of the vulgar mush ^awaz, I don't want [any
more].
La ilah ilia AUdh ; Muhammed RasiU AUdh. Ta Nabi ! Hayya
AUAh I Hayya BasiU AUdh I iMtaghfir lana I There is no god but
God. Muhammed is the Prophet of God. Prophet 1 Salute God !
Salute the Prophet ! We invoke forgiveness !
' Antamatahsar en-n^r [alladhi] yaji min heit en^Nahi wara tnin »-
9ama f Do you not see the splendour proceeding from the house of
the Prophet beyond the heavens? The superstition that a super-
natural light issues from Muhammed's tomb as still popular among
pious Moslems.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 31
not see anything ;" and he asked all of us if we had seen
anything^ and we answered : *' No." One of the old men
replied : " Are you slaves ?" that is, Mamelukes. The cap-
tain said : " Yes, they were slaves.'* The old man answered :
'^ Oh, sirs ! you cannot see these celestial things because
you are not well confirmed in our faith." Our captain
replied : " Lami ianon ancati telethe elphi seraphi : vualla
anemaiati chelp menelchelp," which means, " Oh, fools, I
was willing to give you three thousand ducats, by God, but
I won't give you them now, you dogs, sons of dogs.*'^ You
must know that these lights were certain artificial fires which
they had cunningly lighted on the top of the said tower to
make us believe that they were lights which issued from
the sepulchre of Mahomet ; wherefore our captain ordered
that none of us should on any account enter the said mosque.
And you must know (I tell it you for a truth) there is no
coffin of iron or steel, nor loadstone, nor any mountain within
four miles. We remained there three days in order to give
rest to the camels. The people of the said city supply
themselves with the provisions which come from Arabia
Felix, and from Cairo, and from Ethiopia by sea, for from
thence to the sea is four days' journey.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE JOURNEY TO GO FROM
MEDINA TO MECCA.
Now we being tired of these things and vanities of
Mahomet, prepared ourselves to pass onwards, and with our
pilots, great observers of their compasses and charts,^ neces-
^ Fa majnUnf ana ^aiiti thaldth df ashrafi ! TT* AUdh, ana ma
^aati. Kdb bin d-kelh. Tou fool ! I give three thousand ducats ! By
God, I will not give. Tou dog, son of a dog.
> E con nostri Pilot! delle sue bussole e cart« al corso del mare ne-
cessarie grand! obseruator! cominciamo a caminare per mezo giomo.*'
The passage is obscure. If it means, as I conclude it does from a similar
statement a few lines farther on, that the guides in the Hij&z used such
S2 THE TRAVELS OF
sary when traversing the sea, began the joarney southwards,
and we found a very fine well in which there was a great
quantity of water, which well, the Moors say, was made by
St. Mark the Evangelist, by a miracle of God, on account of
the want of water which prevails in that country. This well
was dry at our departure.^ [I must not forget to mention our
instrumenta in order to direct their course between El-Medinah and
Meccah, it is unquestionably absurd. Our traveller may have been led
into the erroneous inference by seeing the leaders of the caravan consult-
ing small portable compasses, called KiUah-ndmeh, to ascertain the true
KiMahf or prescribed point to which they should turn during prayer.
Nevertheless, the comparison which he here institutes leads to the con-
jecture that the Arabs who navigated the Bed Sea at this period, one
year at least before the appearance of the Portuguese in that quarter,
were in possession of the mariner's chart and compass, which he expressly
tells us in a later chapter were used on board the vessels in which he
sailed from Borneo to Java. It is to be regretted that Tarthema did
not record the name by which the native pilots designated the compass.
That of BusMa or Bvula, from the Italian Busiola, though common
among Arab sailors in the Mediterranean, is very seldom used in the
eastern seas. Dairah and Beit el-Ihrah (the Circle, or House of the
Needle), are the ordinary appellatives in the Bed Sea. In the Persian
Gulf, KHjlah-ndmeh is in more general use.
^ There are four roads leading from £1-Medinah to Meccah ; but it is
impossible, from Varthema's brief description, to decide with certainty
which was taken by his caravan. " St. Mark's well " affords no clue, as
the name of that Apostle is utterly unknown to the Mussulmans of the
Uij&z at the present day ; nevertheless, its occurrence in connexion with
this locality is somewhat remarkable, lias the tradition a much earlier
origin ? Eusebius makes St. Mark the first Bishop of Alexandria, and the
patriarchal see of Egypt has borne that title ever since. Ecclesiastical
historians further assert that one Pantsonus, a teacher of divinity, was
sent by Julianus, bishop of Alexandria, to preach the Gospel in Arabia
towards the end of the second century. Ibn Ehaldiin and the author
of the Aghdni state that several of the Arab tribes between Egypt and
Palestine professed Christianity at the time of Muhammed ; and the
destruction of an Abyssinian army before Meccah, a.d. 570, is a well
authenticated historical fact. Now, as the first introduction of Christ-
ianity into Arabia is referrible to the zeal of the patriarchal see of St.
Mark in Egypt, to which the Abyssinian church has always been eccle-
siastically subject, it is just possible that the occurrence of the Apostle's
name, as mentioned by Yarthema, may be a traditional relic handed
down from the earliest Christians in the Uij&z.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 8S
meeting with the sea of sand^ which we left before we found
the mountain of the Jews^ and through which we travelled
five days and five nights.^ Now you must understand all
about this. This is a very large level plain, which is full of
white sand as fine as meal, where, if unfortunately the wind
should blow from the south as you come from the north, all
would be dead men, and although we had the wind with us
we could not see each other at a distance of ten paces. The
men ride on camels in certain wooden boxes,^ in which they
sleep and eat, and the pilots go in advance with their com-
passes as they do at sea. And here many died from thirst,
and a great many died because when they dug and found
water they drank so much that they burst; and here
mummies are made.* When the wind blows from the north
this sand collects against a very large mountain, which is a spur
^ Burton remarks on this chapter generally, that *' It is impossible
to distinguish from this description the route taken by the Damascus
caravan in 1503. Of one thing only we may be certain, namely, that
between El-Medinah and Meccah there are no ^ seas of sand.* " Ibid,
p. 368. I am of opinion that the passage which I have placed be-
tween brackets is retrospective, and refers to a part of the journey be-
tween Damascus and El-Medinah, for Varthema describes his having
left the sea of sand before he came to the Mountain of the Jews.
Burckhardt's brief description of the stages on the present Hajj route
does not enable me to identify the precise locality ; but I think it
should be looked for between £1-Akhdar, the sixteenth stage from Da-
mascus, and Hedye or Ehaibar (the Mountain of the Jews), three days
from El-Medlnah ; for in a note attached to £1-Akhdar, in his enume-
ration of the caravan halts, Burckhardt says : '* Two or three hundred
years ago the Hadj route went to the east of the present route, and
it is even now called Darb esh-Sharki, the Eastern Road."
' The Shugduf, the Taktrawdn, the Shibriyahf and the Mahafah,
vehicles of different construction, borne by camels, and used by the
more wealthy pilgrims in making the Hajj.
> *' Wonderful tales are still told about these same mummies. I was
assured by an Arabian physician, that he had broken a fowPs leg, and
bound it tightly with a cloth containing man's dried flesh, which caused
the bird to walk about, with a sound shank, on the second day." —
BuRTOif, ibid, p. 361, n,
D
84 THE TRAVELS OF
of Mount Sinai.^ When we were at the top of the said moun-
tain we found a door [or doorway] of the said mountain made
by the hand of man. On the left side upon the top of the said
mountain there is a grotto to which there is a door of iron.
Some say that Mahomet stopped there to pray. At this door
^ Burton, having inferred that Yarthema was describing a part of
the route between £1-Medinah and Meccah, supposes this to be Jebel
Warkan, on the sea^route to the latter place. For the reason already
given, I prefer identifying it with the mountains in the vicinity of
Hedjer (more correctly, £1-Hijr), which, though with great latitude, may
be styled an offshoot of Sinai. I am confirmed in this opinion by our
author's somewhat romantic account of the ancient remains existing
there, and the traditions with which they are associated. Burckhardt*8
description of them is as follows : '' The most interesting spot on the
caravan route between Damascus and Medinah, within the limits of
Arabia, appears to be Hedjer, or, as it is sometimes called, Medayen
Saleh, seven days north of Medinah. This place, according to many
passages of the Koran (which has a chapter entitled Hedjer), was
inhabited by a gigantic race of men, called Beni Thamoud, whose
dwellings were destroyed because they refused to obey the admoni-
tions of the prophet Saleh. In circumference, Hedjer extends several
miles ; the soil is fertile, watered by many wells, or running streams.
...An inconsiderable mountain bounds this fertile plain on the west,
at about four miles' distance from the ground where the pilgrims'
caravan usually encamps. In that mountain are large caves cut out
of the rock, with sculptured figures of men and various animals, small
pillars on both sides of the entrances, and, if I may believe the Be-
douins, numerous sculptures over the doors." — Travels in Syna, Ap*
pendix vii. According to the Koi&n, (chap, vii.), the destruction of
the Thamudites was accompanied by " a terrible noise from heaven,"
and Muhammed's own conduct, on the occasion of his expedition against
£1-Hijr, shortly after his destruction of the Jews at Khaibar, served to
perpetuate among his followers a dread of that signal example of the
Divine vengeance, for he refused to let them drink at one of the wells
in the valley, bidding them flee the accursed spot. The vivid imagina-
tion of pious Moslems still attributes supernatural noises, ^* like violent
and repeated claps of thunder," to the desolate abode of those ancient
Troglodytes, and it may fairly be presumed that these and similar tra-
ditions, and the fact of a chapter of the KoriLn being entitled " El>Hijr,"
— subjects which his Muhammedan companions would freely discuss
while in that vicinity, — ^gave rise to the fable with which this part of
Varthema's narrative is disfigured.
LUDOVTCO DI YARTHBMA. 85
a very great noise is heard* We passed this said mountain
with great danger, so much so that we thought we should
never arrive at this place.] Then we departed from the said
well, and travelled for ten days, and twice we fought with
50,000 Arabs, till at length we arrived at Mecca, and there
was a very great war, one brother with another, for there
are four brothers, and they fought to be Lords of Mecca.^
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW MECCA IS CONSTRUCTED,
AND WHY THE MOORS GO TO MECCA.
We will now speak of the very noble city of Mecca, what
it is, its state, and who governs it. The city is most beauti-
ful, and is very well inhabited, and contains about 6,000
families. The houses are extremely good, like our own, and
there are houses worth three or four thousand ducats each.
This city is not surrounded by walls.^ A quarter of a mile
distant from the city we found a mountain where there was
a road cut by human labour.^ And then we descended into
^ The remarkable coincidence of this casual remark with the historical \
record of the period has been fuUj noticed in the Introduction. — - —
* '< The city is open on every side ; but the neighbouring mountains,
if properly defended, would form a barrier of considerable strength....
The mode of building is the same as that adopted at Djidda, with the
addition of windows looking towards the street : of these many project
from the wall, and haye their framework elaborately carved or gaudily
painted. Before them hang blinds made of slight reeds... Every house
has its terrace.*' — BuaoKHAanT's Travels in Arabia, vol. i. pp. 189, 190.
' Burton identifies this with the Saniyah Euda, a pass opening upon
the Meccah plain. It is, doubtless, the same as that described by Burck-
hardt in the following extract : '' Opposite to this building [a house
belonging to the Shertf Ghlkleb], a paved causeway leads towards
the western hills, through which is an opening that seems artificial.
El-Azraki applies the name of Jebel el-Hazna to this part of the moun-
tain, and says that the road was cut through the rock by Tahia ibn
Khold ibn Barmak. On the other side of the opening, the road descends
into the plain of Sheikh Mahmoud, so named from the tomb of a saint,
round which the Syrian pilgrims generaUy encamp." — Ibtd. p. 234.
Die
36 THE TRAVELS OF
the pkin. The walls of the said pity are the moantains^ and
it has four entrances. The governor of this city is a Sultan,
that is, one of the four brothers, and is of the race of
Mahomet/ and is subject to the Grand Sultan of Csdro. His
three brothers are always at war with him. On the 18th
of May we entered into the said city of Mecca ; we entered
from the north, and afterwards we descended into the plain.
On the side towards the south there are two mountains
which almost touch each other, where is the pass to go to
the gate of Mecca. On the other side, where the sun rises,
there is another mountain pass, like a valley,^ through which
is the road to the mountain where they celebrate the sacrifice
of Abraham and Isaac, which mountain is distant from the
said city about eight or ten miles.' The height of this
mountain is two or three casts of a stone by hand, and it is
of some kind of stone, not marble, but of another colour.
On the top of this said mountain there is a mosque accord-
ing to their custom, which has three doors. At the foot of
the said mountain there are two very beautiful reservoirs of
water. One is for the caravan from Cairo, and the other
for the caravan from Damascus ; which water is collected
there from the rain and comes from a great distance.^ Now,
* A Slierif. '^ In Arabia the 8heilf is the descendant of Hasan through
his. two sons, Zaid and Hasan el-Musanna." — Bvrtotx^b Pilgrimage to
d-Medinahf etc. Vol. ii. p. 257, n.
' "This is the open ground leading to the Muna Pass.'' — IHd. p.
362, n.
' '' An error. The sacrifice is performed at Muna, not at Arafat, the
mountain here alluded to.*' — Ibid, p. 362, n.
* Burckhardt's account of Araf&t reads like an amplification of Yar-
thema's briefer description. " This granite hill, which is called Jebel
er-Rahme, rises on the north-east side of the plain, close to the moun*
tains which encompass it, but separated from them by a rocky valley.
It is about a mile or a mile and a half in circuit : its sides are sloping,
and its summit is nearly two hundred feet above the level of the plain...
On the summit is shown the place where Mohammed used to take his
station during the hadj ; a small chapel [Yarthema's 'mosque'?] for-
merly stood over it, but it was destroyed by the Wahabys... Several large
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. S7
let us return to the city. At the proper time we will -speak
of the sacrifice which they make at the foot of the said
mountain. When we entered into the said city wc found
the caravan from Cairo, which had arrived eight days before
us, because they had not travelled by the same route as our-
selves. In the said caravan there were sixty-four thousand
camels and one hundred Mamelukes. You must know that,
in my opinion, the curse of God has been laid upon the said
city, for the country produces neither grass nor trees, nor
any one thing.^ And they suffer from so great a dearth of
water, that if every one were to drink as much as he might
wish, four quattrini worth of water daily would not suffice
them.^ I will tell you in what manner they live. A great part
of their provisions comes from Cairo, that is, from the Red
Sea. There is a port called Zida [Juddah], which is distant
from the said city forty miles. A great quantity of food also
comes there from Arabia Felix, and also a great part comes
from Ethiopia. We found a great number of pilgrims, of whom
reservoirs lined with stone are dispersed over the plain : two or three are
close to the foot of Araf&t...They are filled from the same fine acqueduct
which supplies Mecca, and the head of which is about one hour and a
half distant in the eastern mountains." — Travels in Arabia, vol. 1. pp.
40-42. Burton says the Meccans have a tradition that the water comes
from Baghdad.
^ ** Moslems who are disposed to be facetious on serious subjects often
remark^ that it is a mystery why Allah should have built his house in a
spot so barren and desolate.*' — Bubton, Ibid, Vol. ii. p. 363, n.
' " With respect to water, Mecca is not much better provided than
Djiddah. There are but few cisterns for collecting rain, and the well
water is so brackish, that it is used only for culinary purposes... The
famous well of Zemzcm, in the Great Mosque, is indeed sufiiciently
copious to supply the whole town ; but, however holy, its water is heavy
to the taste, and impedes digestion... The best water in Mecca is brought
from the vicinity of Arafat, six or seven hours distant. The supply
which it affords in ordinary times is barely sufiicient for the use of the
inhabitants, and during the pilgrimage sweet water becomes an absolute
scarcity. A small skin of water, two of which skins a person may carry,
being then often sold for one shilling, a very high price among Arabs."
— Bubckhabdt's, Travels in Syria, vol. i. pp. 198-196.
88 THB TRAVELS OF
some came from Ethiopia^ some from India Major, some
from India Minor, some from Persia, and some from Syria.
Truly I never saw so many people collected in one spot as
daring the twenty days I remained there. Of these people
some had come for the purposes of trade, and some on
pilgrimage for their pardon, in which pardon you shall
understand what they do.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MERCHANDIZE IN
MECCA.
First we will speak of the merchandize, which comes
from many parts. From India Major there come a great
many jewels and all sorts of spices, and part comes from
Ethiopia; and there also comes from India Major, from a
city called Bangchella,^ a very large quantity of stuffs of
cotton and of silk, so that in this city there is carried on a
very extensive traffic of merchandize, that is, of jewels,
spices of every kind in abundance, cotton in large quantites,
wax and odoriferous substances in the greatest abundance.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PARDONING IN MECCA.
Now let us turn to the pardoning of the said pilgrims.
In the midst of the said city there is a very beautiful temple,
similar to the Colosseum of Rome, but not made of such
large stones, but of burnt bricks, and it is round in the same
manner ; it has ninety or one hundred doors around it, and is
arched, and has many of these doors.^ On entering the said
> Bengal, pronounced Bangala by the ATab8(1)
3 Joseph Pitts, who yisifced Meccah in 1^8, describes the Great
Mosque as having " about forty-two doors to enter into it, — ^not so much,
I think, for necessity, as figure ; for in some places they are close by
one another." Ali Bey says: ''The temple has nineteen gates with
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 89
temple you descend ten or twelre steps of marble, and here
and there about the said entrance there stand men who sell
jewels, and nothing else. And when you have descended
the said steps you find the said temple all around, and every-
thing, that is, the walls, covered with gold.^ And under the
said arches there stand about 4,000 or 5,000 persons, men
and women^ which persons sell all kinds of odoriferous
things ; the greater part are powders for preserving human
bodies,* because pagans come there from all parts of the
world. Truly, it would not be possible to describe the
sweetness and the odours which are smelt within this temple.
It appears like a spicery full of musk, and of other most
delicious odours. On the SSrd of May the said pardon
commences in the above-mentioned temple. The pardon is
this : Within the said temple, and uncovered, and in the
centre, there is a tower, the size of which is about five
or six paces on every side,' around which tower there is
thirty-eight arches.** Burckhardt, in 1814 : " The gates of the mosque
are nineteen in number, and are distributed about without any order of
symmetry. As each gate consists of two or three arches or divisions,
separated by narrow walls, those dirisions are counted in the enumera-
tion of the gates leading into the Kaabah, and thus make up the number
thirty-nine." Burton says : '' The principal gates are serenteen in num-
ber. In the old building they were more numerous." The latter fact,
coupled with Burckhardt's description of the double and triple division
in each gate, may account for Yarthema's approximate estimate, and
might have spared him Burton's remark thereon, who calls it " a pro-
digious exaggeration." '
^ ** Seven [or, according to Burton, eight] paved causeways lead from
the colonnades towards the Kaabah or Holy House in the centre... The
whole area of the mosque is on a lower level than any of the streets sur-
rounding it. There is a descent of eight or ten steps from the gate on
the north side into the platform of the colonnade, and of three or four
steps from the gate on the south side."— 'BuacKHABnT's Travels in
Arabia, vol. i. p. 247.
' " I saw nothing of the kind, though constantly in the Haram at
Meccah," — Bubtob.
' The Kdahah is here described. Burckhardt calls it ''an oblong
massive structure 18 paces in length, 14 in breadth, and from 35 to 40
•
(
40 THE TRAVBI^ OK
a cloth of black silk.^ And there is a door all of silver,
of the height of a man, by which yoa enter into the said
tower. On each side of the door there is a jar, which
they say is full of balsam, and which is shown on the
day of Pentecost.* And they say that that balsam is part of
the treasures of the Sultan. On each side of the said tower
there is a large ring at the comer.' On the 24;th of May all .
the people begin, before day, to go seven times around the
said tower, always touching and kissing each corner.^ And
at about ten or twelve paces distant from the said tower
there is another tower, like one of your chapels, with three
or four doors. In the centre of the said tower there is a
very beautiful well, which is seventy fathoms deep, and the
water is brackish.*^ At this well there stand six or eight
feet in height.'^ Burton says it is 18 paces in breadth, and 22 in length ;
but as the ESabah was entirely rebuilt as it now stands in 1627, these
measurements afford no test of the accuracy of Yarthema's statement.
^ The KUtffohy or curtain covering the Eaabah. Burton says that the
material now is a mixture of silk and cotton. It is renewed annually at
the time of the Hajj.
s The door of the present ESabah, according to Burckhardt, is " wholly
coated with silver, and has several gilt ornaments ; upon its threshold
are placed every night various small lighted wax candles, and perfuming
pans filled with musk, aloe- wood, etc."
Gioyanni Finati (1814) restricts the opening of the E&abah to once
a year. Burckhardt says it is opened two or three times a year. Burton,
that " the house may now be entered ten or twelve times a year gratis ;
and by pilgrims, as often as they can collect, amongst parties, a sum
sufficient to tempt the guardians* cupidity."
Yarthema was probably thinking of Qood Friday and the Easter
which follows, and connecting in his mind the Muhammedan sacrifices
at Araf&t with the solemnities of those Christian seasons, when he spoke
of " the day of Pentecost."
s " These are the brazen rings which serye to fasten the lower edge of
the Kiswahj or covering." — Bubtoet.
^ '< Then commenced the ceremony of Tawdfj or circumambulation....
I repeated, after my Mutawwif, or cicerone : ' In the name of Allah, and
Allah is omnipotent ! I purpose to circuit seyen circuits unto Almighty
Allah glorified and exalted.'" — Bubtov.
^ *' A true description of the water of the well Zemzem." BvBTOir, The
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 41
men appointed to draw water for the people. And when the
said people have gone seven times around the first tower,
they go to this well, and place themselves with their backs
towards the brink of the well, saying : ^^ Bizmilei erachman
erachin stoforia aladin/^ which means, In the name of God,
God pardon me my sins.^ And those who draw the water
throw three bucketsful over each person, from the crown of
their heads to their feet, and all bathe, even though their
dress be made of silk. And they say in this wise, that all
their sins remain there after this washing.^ And they say
that the first tower which they walked round was the first
house that Abraham built.^ And all having thus bathed,
they go by way of the valley to the said mountain of which
we have before spoken, and remain there two days and one
night And when they are all at the foot of the said
mountain, they make the sacrifice there.*
building which encloses the well (Yarthema's ''tower") was erected,
according to Burckhardt, a.p. 1072. Burton estimates the distance
between the well and the Kaabah at forty cubits.
^ B^ism-IUdh er-rahmdn er^ahtm, lUaghjw lana. In the name of
God, the Pitiful, the Compassionate. Pardon us.
' '* Many hadjis, not content with drinking it, strip themselves in the
room, and have buckets of it thrown over them, by which they believe
that the heart is purified as well as the body." — Bubckhabdt, Idem,
vol. ii. p. 264.
' " Mohammedan mythology affirms that the Kfiabah was constructed'
in heaven two thousand years before the creation of this world, and that
it was then adored by the angels, whom the Almighty ordered to perform
the Tatpqf, or walk round it. Adam, who was the first true believer, erected
the Kaabah on earth on its present site, which is directly below the spot
ic occupied in heaven... The sons of Adam repaired the Kaabah, and after
the deluge Ibrahim [Abraham], when he abandoned the idolatiy of his
forefathers, was ordered by the Almighty to reconstruct it. His son
Ismayl [Ishmael], who from his infancy resided with his mother Hadjer
(Hagar) near the site of Meccah, assisted his father, who had come from
Syria to obey the commands of Allah." — Bubokhardt, Idem, p. 297.
* Burton justly observes that there is great confusion in this part of
Yarthema's narrative, and gives the following as the consecutive order of
the ceremonies : " On the 9th of Zu'l Hijjah, the pilgrims leave Mount
Arafat. On the 12th, many hasten into Meccah, and enter the KSabah.
42 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF THE
SACRIFICES IN MECCA.
Every generous mind is the most readily delighted and
incited to great deeds by novel events. Wherefore, in order
to satisfy many of this disposition, I will add concisely the
custom which is observed in their sacrifices. Every man and
woman kills at least two or three, and some four and some
six sheep ; so that I really believe that on the first day more
than 80,000 sheep are killed by cutting their throats, facing
the east. Each person gives them to the poor for the love
of God,^ for there were about 80,000 poor people th«re, who
made a very large hole in the earth, and then put in it camels'
dung, and thus they made a little fire, and warmed the flesh
a little, and then ate it.^ And truly, it is my opinion, that
these poor men came more on account of their hunger than
for the sake of the pardon; and as a proof that it was so, we
had a great number of cucumbers, which came from Arabia
Felix, and we ate them all but the rind, which we afterwards
threw away outside our tent. And about forty or fifty of
the said poor people stood before our tent, and made a great
scrambling among themselves, in order to pick up the said
rinds, which were full of sand. By this it appeared to us
They then return to the valley of Muna, where their tents are pitched,
and sacrifice the victims. On the lOth, the tents are struck, and the
pilgrims re-enter Meccah."
1 " Others stood before their tents, and, directing the victim^s face
towards the Eaabah, cut its throat, ejaculating : ' Bismillah ! Allahu
Akbar!'"
'* It is considered a meritorious act to give away the victim without
eating any portion of its flesh." — Bubton.
' This extempore style of cooking is common among the Bedawin.
Niebuhr describes it with his usual accuracy : '' Quelquefois ils [les
Arabes du d6sert] mettent une boule de p&te sur des charbons de bois
allum^s, ou sur du fumier de chameau 86ch6 ; ils la couvrent soigneuse-
ment de ce feu, afin qu'elle en soit pen6tr6e ; ensuite ils en 6tent les
cendres, et la mangent toute chaude." — Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p. 46.
T^
I
LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 43
that they came rather to satisfy their hunger than to wash
away their sins.^ On the second day a cadi of their faith,
like one of our preachers, ascended to the top of the said
mountain and made a discourse to all the people, which
discourse lasted for about an hour ;^ and he made in their
language a sort of lamentation, and besought the people that
they should weep for their sins. And he said to them in
a loud voice: "Oh, Abraham, well- wished for and well-
loved of God !" And then he said : '* Oh, Isaac, chosen of
God, friend of God, beseech God for the people of Naby !"
and then were heard very great lamentations.^ And when
he had finished his sermon, the whole caravan rushed back
into Mecca with the greatest haste, for at the distance of
six miles there were more than 20,000 Arabs, who wanted
to rob the caravan, and we arrived for the defence of
^ Burton remarks that " this well describes the wretched state of the
poor Tahruri and other Africans, but it attributes to them an unworthy
motive.'' He gires a still more revolting instance of their abject poverty,
which occurred on the road between El-Medioah and Meccah : '' After
the long and sultry afternoon, beasts of burden began to sink in con-
siderable numbers. The fresh carcases of asses, ponies, and camels,
dotted the wayside : those that had been allowed to die were abandoned
to the foul carrion-birds, the Bakham (vulture), and the yellow Ukab ;
and those whose throat had been properly cut, were surrounded by troops
of Takruri pilgrims. These half-starved wretches cut steaks from the
choice portions, and slung them over their shoulders till an opportunity
of cooking might arrive. I never saw men more destitute.'* — Ibid, vol.
iii. pp. 7,8.
' The Khuthat d- Wahfak, or Sermon of the Standing, usually preached
by the E&dhi of Meccah from Araf&t, the orator taking his stand on the
stone platform near the top. In Burckhardt and Burton's time the
sermon lasted nearly three hours, i,e. from three p.m. till towards sun-
set.
' Joseph Pitts, the first Englishman who visited Meccah, describes a
similar scene during the Hajj of 1680 : — '* It was a sight, indeed, able to
pierce one's heart, to behold so many thousands in their garments of
humility and mortification [clad in the white ihrdm\ with their naked
heads, and cheeks watered with tears ; and to hear their grievous sighs
and sobs, begging earnestly for the forgiveness of their sins." — A Faith-
fxd Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mahometans, etc.
44 THE TRAVELS OF
Mecca.^ But when we had gone half way, that is, between
Mecca and the mountain where the sacrifice is made, we
found a certain little wall four fathoms high, and at the
foot of the said wall a very great quantity of small stones,
which stones are thrown there by all the people when
they pass that way, for the objects which you shall hear.
They say that when God commanded Abraham that he
should go and sacrifice his son, he went before him, and he
said to his son that he must follow after him, because it was
necessary to fulfil the commandments of God. The son
answered him : ^' I am well pleased to fulfil the command-
ment of God." And when Isaac^ arrived at the above-men-
tioned little wall, they say that the devil appeared to him in
the form of one of his friends and said to him : *^ My friend
Isaac, where art thou going ?" He answered him : ** I am
going to my father, who is waiting for me in such a place."
The devil answered him : " Do not go, my son, for thy
father will sacrifice thee to God and will put thee to death."
And Isaac replied : " Let it be so ; if such be the will of
God, so let it be." The devil then disappeared, and a little
farther on he appeared in the form of another dear friend
of Isaac, and said to him the above-mentioned words. They
relate that Isaac answered with anger : " Let it be so ;" and
' On this particular occasion the return of the pilgrims may have been
hastened by fear of an apprehended attack from the Bedawin ; but the
same rush, often attended with fatal results, occurs at every Hajj, and
has given to that part of the ceremonies the name of Ed-Defda min
Arafdtf the Hurry from Arafat. ** Every man," says Burton, " urged
his beast with might and main : it was sunset ; the plain bristled with
tent-pegs, litters were crushed, pedestrians trampled, and camels over-
thrown ; single combats with sticks and other weapons took place ; —
here a woman, there a child, and there a camel were lost ; briefly, it was
a state of chaotic confusion.*' The cause of this precipitation is that,
in accordance with the example of Muhammed, the Saldt d-^Esha, or
Prayer shortly after Sunset, should be said at the mosque of Muzdalifah
about three hours distant.
* Here Yarthema is in error. According to Muhammcdan theology it
was Ishmael and not Isaac who was ordered to be sacrificed.
l^UDOVICO DT VARTHEMA. 46
took a stone and threw it in the devil's face : and for this
reason^ when the people arrive at the said place^ each one
throws a stone at the said wall, and then they go to the city.^
We found in the street of the said city 15,000 or 80,000
doves, which they say are of the stock of that dove which
spoke to Mahomet in the form of the Holy Spirit,^ which
doves fly about the whole district at their pleasure, that is,
in the shops where they sell grain, millet, rice, and other
vegetable productions. And the owners of the said articles
1 <<Bartema alludes to the 'Shaytan el Eabir/ the ''Great Deyil/ as
the buttress at £1 Munah is called. His account of Satan's appearance
is not strictly correct. Most Moslems believe that Abraham threw the
stone at the ' Rajim/ — the lapidated one ; but there are various tradi-
tions on the subject/' — ^Bubton .
This custom of maledictory lapidation prevails elsewhere in the East.
In 1835, while travelling from Sidon to Tyre, not far from the former
place, my muleteer and another Mussulman who accompanied us each
took up several small stones, at the same time giving me a handful, and
requesting me to follow their example. Shortly after, we came in sight
of a conical heap of loose pebbles and stones which stood in the road, on
approaching which my companions hurled their stones at it with great
vehemence, uttering simultaneously a long string of curses on the me-
mory of a famous robber and murderer, who, as I afterwards learned,
had been killed and buried there half a century before. It has often
occurred to me since, that the ancient practice, recorded in the Old
Testament, of raising a heap of stones, or calms, over notorious crimi-
nals, may have been analogous to that which I have just mentioned,
and was, perhaps, the origin of the rite instituted by Muhammed of
casting stones at the places where Satan is said to have appeared to
Abraham in the Valley of Muna (more properly, Mina). The language
in which Scripture describes the execution of Achan is remarkable : —
" And aU Israel stoned him with stones, and burned him with fire after
they had stoned him with stones. And they raised over him a great heap
of stones unto this bat." Joshua vii. 25, 26. I think it may fairly
be inferred from this account that the stoning on the occasion was not
only general on the part of the Israelites, but that the action or cere-
mony was, or was intended to be, perpetuated. See also Joshua viiL 29 ;
2 Sam. xviii. 17.
* " A Christian version of an obscure Moslem legend about a white
dove alighting on the Prophet's shoulder, and appearing to whisper in
his ear whilst he was addressing a congregation." — Bubtoit.
46 THE TRAVELS OF
are not at liberty to kill them or catch them. And if any-
one were to strike any of those doyes^ they would fear that
the country would be ruined.^ And you must know that
they cause very great expense within the temple.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE UNICORNS* IN THE
TEMPLE OF MECCA, NOT VERY COMMON IN
OTHER PLACES.
In another part of the said temple is an enclosed place in
which there are two live unicorns^ and these are shown as
^ ''Meccah generally, but the mosque in particular, abounds with
flocks of pigeons, which are considered the inviol&ble property of the
temple, and are called the Pigeons of the Beit- Allah. Nobody dares to
kill any of them when they enter private houses. In the square of the
mosque seyeral small stone basins are regularly filled with water for their
use." — ^BuBCKHABDT, Travels in Arabia, vol. i. p. 227.
When Muhammed, accompanied by Abubekr, fled from Meccah, he
took refuge in a cave of Mount Thor, situated about three miles to the
south of that city, to which spot he was traced by the emissaries of the
hostile chiefs of the Koraish ; but on noticing that a dove or pigeon had
laid its eggs in the narrow passage, and that a spider had spun its web
across it, they discontinued the search, remarking that if the refugees
had entered there, the eggs would have been broken, and the web de-
stroyed. The reverence for the pigeon which prevails among the Mos-
lems of the Hij&z is supposed to originate in this tradition ; neverthe-
less. Burton states that at El-Medinah it is sometimes used as an article
of food. The same is true of many other parts of the East, but, as a
general rule, Moslems everywhere have a superstitious notion that ill-
luck IS associated with the killing of pigeons.
' Burton remarks that these animals "might possibly have been
African antelopes, which a lu8\is naturae had deprived of their second
horn," adding, *^ but the suspicion of fable remains." I was inclined, at
first sight, to coincide in this opinion, and to conclude that Yarthema
saw merely two anomalous specimens of the Oryx, by no means an un-
common quadruped on the north-east coast of Africa, judging from the
quantity of its horns brought to Aden by the Somalis. On further re-
flection, however, I am induced to believe that the *' unicorns*' which
our traveller describes with so much exactness, and which were " shown
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 47
very remarkable objects, which they certainly are. I will
tell you how they are made. The elder is formed like a
as yeiy remarkable objects," were living representatiyes of a species of
the antelope family, the existence of which is very generally doubted.
The following extracts on this interesting subject are from the notes
of Dr. Edward Robinson, the learned American editor of Calmet^s
Bictionart/ of the Holy BibU^ under the head of " Unicom," who, among
other authorities, quotes the above testimony of Yarthema.
The figure of the unicorn is depicted, according to Niebuhr,on almost
all the staircases found among the ruins of Persepolis. V(yyaqt tn AraUe,
vol. iL p. 109.
Pliny {Hi$t. Nat. yiii. 21) in speaking of the wild beasts of India says :
^ The unicorn {/era monoceros) is an exceedingly fierce animal, resem-
bling a horse as to the rest of its body, but having the head like a stag,
the feet like an elephant, and the tail like a wild boar ; its roaring is
loud ; and it has a black horn of about two cubits projecting £rom the
middle of its forehead." With the exception of the Sacred Scriptures,
these seem to be the chief ancient notices of the existence of the animal
in question.
Don Juan Gabriel, a Portuguese colonel who lived several years in
Abyssinia, assures us, that in the region of Agamos in the Abyssinian
province of Damota, he had seen an animal of the form and size of a
middle-sized horse, of a dark chesnut-brown colour, and with a whitish
horn about five spans long upon the forehead ; the mane and tail were
black, and the legs short and slender. (Ludolph, Bi$i» JEthiop, lib. i.
c. 10.) This account is confirmed by father Lobo, who lived for a long
time as a missionary in Abyssinia. He adds, that the unicorn is ex-
tremely shy, and escapes from closer observation by a speedy flight into
the forests. {Voyage Hiet. d^Alymnie, Amst. 1728, vol. i. p. 83, 291.)
Dr. Sparrman, the Swedish naturalist, who visited the Gape of (}ood
Hope in 1772-6, gives an account of one Jacob Kock, who had travelled
over the greater part of South Africa, and who had found on the face of
a rock a drawing representing a quadruped with one horn. The Hot*
ten tots told him, that the animal there depicted was very like a horse,
but had a straight horn on the forehead. They added that these ani-
mals were rare, that they ran with great rapidity, and were very fierce.
A more definite account of a similar animal is contained in the TVaiw-
action$ of the Zealand Academy of Science at Flushing. (Pt. xv. Mid-
delb. 1792. Prssf. p. Ivi.) The account was transmitted from the Cape
of Good Hope by Mr. Henry Oloete. It states that a bastard Hottentot,
named Gerritt Slinger, related that while engaged with a party in pur-
suit of the savage Bushmen, they got sight of nine strange animals,
and shot one of them. It resembled a horse, and was of a light-gray
48 THE TRAVELS OF
colt of thirty months old^ and he has a horn in the forehead,
which horn is about three braccia in length. The other
unicorn is like a colt of one year old, and he has a horn of
about four palmi long.^ The colour of the said animal re-
sembles that of a dark bay horse, and his head resembles
that of a stag ; his neck is not very long, and he has some
colour, with white stripes under the lower jaw. It had a single horn,
directly in front, as long as one's arm, and at the hase about as thick.
The hoofs were round like those of a horse, but divided below like those
of oxen. Mr. Cloete mentions that several different natives and Hotten-
tots testify to the existence of a similar animal with one horn.
The Qwirterly Review for October 1820 (vol. xxiv. p. 120) contains a
letter from Major Latter, commanding in the Rajah of Sikkim's terri-
tories, addressed to the Adjutant-General Nicol, wherein he explicitly
states that the unicorn, so long considered a fabulous animal, actually
exists at this moment in the interior of Thibet, where it is well known
to the inhabitants, and is called by them the one-homed Uo*po. They
describe it as being as large as a middling-sized horse ; fierce and ex-
tremely wild ; seldom, if ever, caught alive, but frequently shot.
A paragraph in the Calcutta Oovemment Gazette^ August 1821, gives
the following sequel to the foregoing : ** Major Latter has obtained the
horn of a young unicorn from the Sachia Lama, which is now before us.
He expects shortly to obtain the head of the animal, with the hoofs and
skin, which will afford positive proof of the form and character of the
Uo'po, or Thibet unicorn.'*
Whether Major Latter's expectation was ever realized, I am unable
to say ; but Professor Owen, whom I had the pleasure of consulting on
the subject, regards the existence of the unicorn as mythiq&l, to be classed
with the mermaid and sea serpent, and he consequently infers that Yar-
thema, however trustworthy on other matters of fact, was led astray
in this instance, either through zoological ignorance, preconceived notions,
or defective examination, or, perhaps, by a combination of these draw-
backs. Not presuming, for a moment, to contest the learned professor's
opinion, which is unquestionably founded on pre-eminent knowledge of
this branch of science, I am still disposed, nevertheless, to rely on the
credibility of Varthema, and to believe that he saw at Meccah two ordi-
nary specimens of the famous unicorn, an animal which further research
in the unexplored parts of Central Africa, or among the mountains of
Thibet, may yet bring to light.
* Yarthema's scale of measurements was probably Yenetian. .What
it was in his time I have not ascertained. The modem brctccia at Yenice
varies from 25.08 to 26.87 inches. The palmo is 3.937 inches.
LDDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 49
thin and short hair which hangs on one side ; his legs are
slender and lean like those of a goat; the foot is a little
cloven in the fore part^ and long and goat-like^ and there are
some hairs on the hind part of the said legs. Truly this
monster must be a very fierce and solitary animal. These
two animals were presented to the Sultan of Mecca as the
finest things that could be found in the world at the present
day^ and as the richest treasure ever sent by a king of
Ethiopia,- that is, by a Moorish king. He made this present
in order to secure an alliance with the said Sultan of Mecca.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME OCCURRENCES BE-
TWEEN MECCA AND ZIDA A PORT OP MECCA.
I must here show how the human intellect manifests itself
under certain circumstances, in so far as it became necessary
for me to exercise it in order to escape from the caravan of
Mecca. Having gone to make some purchases for my
captain, I was recognized by a Moor who looked me in the
face and said to me : " In te menaine ?" that is, ** Where are
you from V* I answered : " I am a Moor." He replied :
" In te chedeab,** that is, " You are not telling the truth.'*
I said to him : '* Orazalnabi Aneymuz lemma," that is, ** By
the head of Mahomet, I am a Moor." He answered: ^'Thale
beithane," that is, '^ Come to my house ;" and I went with
him,^ When I had arrived at his house, he spoke to me in
Italian, and told me where I had come from, and that he
knew that I was not a Moor, and he told me that he had
^ ArUa min cein f Where are you from ?
AfUa kadh-^hAb, Tou are a liar.
Wortds enrNahi ana Mudim, By the head of the Prophet, I am a
Moslem.
TadZ Ua heitana. Come to our house.
E
50 THB TRAVELS OF
been in Genoa and in Venice* and gave me proofs of it.
When I heard this^ I told him that I was a Boman, and that
I had become a Mameluke at Cairo. When he heard this
he was much pleased, and treated me with very great honour*
and as it was my intention to proceed further, I began to say
to him* if this was the city of Mecca which was so renowned
through all the world* where were the jewels and spices* and
where were all the various kinds of merchatidize which it
was reported were brought there. I asked him this only
that he might tell me why they had not arrived as usual*
and in order not to ask him if the king of Portugal was the
cause* he being Lord of the Mare Oceano [the Atlantic] and
of the Persian and Arabian Gulfs. Then he began to tell
me by degrees why the said articles had not come as they
were accustomed to do. And when he told me that the king
of Portugal was the cause* I pretended to be much grieved*
and spoke great ill of the said king* merely that he might
not think that I was pleased that the Christians should make
such a journey.^ When he saw that I displayed hostility to
the Christians* he showed me yet greater honour* and told
me everything point by point. And when I was well in-
formed* I said to him : " O* my friend* I beg you* Mena^
hamena Ihabi*^ to tell me some mode or way by which I may
escape from the caravan* because my intention is to go to find
those beings who are hostile to the Christians ; for I assure
you that, if they knew what I am capable of, they would
send to find me even to Mecca.'* He answered me : " By
the faith of our prophet what can you do ?" I answered
him that I was the most skilful maker of large mortars in
the world. Hearing this he said : '^ Mahomet be ever
^ According to the Kurrat d-Ay^n, a manuscript History of Yemen
in my poBsession, the Portuguese had seized seven native ships be-
tween India and the Persian Gulf, and massacred their crews, prior to
Yarthema's visit to Meccah. See note on p. 61.
' Probably atmdannak tnin en-Nahi, I beseech jou from (or, for the
sake of,) the Prophet.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 61
praised, who has sent us such a man to serve the Moors and
God." So he concealed me in his house with his wife.
And he begged me that I would induce our captain to drive
out from Mecca fifteen camels laden with spices, and this he
did in order not to pay thirty seraphim to the Sultan for the
toll. I replied that if he would save me in this house, I
would enable him to carry off a hundred camels if he had
so many, for the Mamelukes have this privilege. And when
he heard this he was much pleased. Afterwards, he in-
structed me in the manner in which I should conduct my-
self, and directed me to a king who is in the parts of India
Major, and who is called the king of Deccan. When the
time comes we will speak of that king. The day before
the caravan set out he concealed me in his house in a secret
place. In the morning, two hours before day, there went
through the city a great quantity of instruments and trumpets,
sounding according to their custom, and making proclama-
tion that all the Mamelukes, under pain of death, should
mount their horses and commence their journey towards
Syria. Whereupon, my heart was seized with a great per-
turbation when I heard this proclamation, and I earnestly
recommended myself with tears to the wife of the said mer-
chant, and besought God that he would save me from such
violence. On Tuesday morning the said caravan departed,
and the merchant left me in his house with his wife ; and
he went with the caravan, and told his wife, that on the
following Friday, she must send me away in company with
the caravan of India which was going to Zida, which is a
port of Mecca, forty miles distant. I cannot express the
kindness I received from this lady, and especially from her
niece of fifteen years old, they promising me that, if I would
remain there, they would make me rich. But I declined all
their offers on account of the present danger. When
Friday came, I set out with the caravan at noon, to the no
small regret of the said ladies, who made great lamentations,
b2
52 THE TRAVELS OP
and at midnight we arrived at a certain city of Arabia, and
remained there all night and until noon of the following
day. On Saturday we departed and travelled until mid-
night, when we entered into the said port of the city of
Zida.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa ZIDA,i rpHE PORT OF MECCA,
AND OF THE RED SEA.
This city is not surrounded by walls, but by very beautiful
houses, as is the custom in Italy ; we will, therefore, not
dwell long on a description of it.^ It is a city of very ex-
tensive traffic, because a great number of the pagan people
come here ; the reason being that neither Christians nor Jews
are admitted.* When I had arrived at the said city I imme-
diately entered into a mosque, that is, a temple, where there
were at least 25,000 poor people, and I hid myself in a corner
of the said temple, and remained there for fourteen days.
All day long I remained stretched upon the ground covered
up with my garments, and keeping up a constant groaning
^ Jiddah, or, more correctly, Juddah.
' The present wall which surrounds Juddah on the land side was built
by El-Ashraf Eansooh El-Ghdree, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, a.h.
917, or thirteen years after the date of Yarthema's visit. The town is
superior to any in the Hij&z : the houses are well built of stone and
madrepore, and consist generally of two stories.
' The rule which excluded all but Muhammedans from Juddah has
been practically rescinded within the last half century, and there are
now several Christian merchants, chiefly Qreeks, resident in the town.
Kiebuhr experienced greater civility there than in Egypt, but he was
warned against approaching the gate leading to Meccah. At the period
of Burckhardt's visit there were no Christians settled in Juddah, but a
few Greeks from the islands of the Archipelago brought merchandize to
the market from Egypt. He says : '* In the time of the Shertfs they
were much restricted, compelled to wear a particular dress, and prohi-
bited from approaching the Meccah gate ; but the Turks, having become
masters of the Hij&z, abolished these restrictions, and a Christian now
enjoys complete liberty there."
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 68
as though I were suffering intense pain in my stomach SittH
body. The merchants said : " Who is that who is lament-
ing so ?" The poor people who were near me said : *' It is
a poor Moor, who is dying.*' Every eyening when night
came I quitted the mosque and went to buy food. I leave
you to judge whether or no I had an appetite, eating
only once a day, and that very badly. This city is governed
by the lord of Cairo. The lord of it is one who is a brother
of Barachet, that is, of the Sultan of Mecca.^ They are sub-
ject to the Grand Sultan of Cairo. There does not occur
to me much to say here, for they are Moors. The land does
not produce one single thing, and there is a great scarcity
of water, that is to say, of fresh water.^ The sea beats
against the walls of the houses.^ All sorts of necessaries are
found here, but they come from Cairo, from Arabia Felix,
and from other places. In this city there are always a great
number of sick people,and they say that this is in consequence
of the bad air of the place. It contains about five hundred
families.^ At the end of fourteen days I made an agreement
' This is another striking proof of Yaithema's general correctness.
The patronymic of the ruling Shertf of M eccah at the time was Barakftt,
of which family seyeral notices, collected from Arabian historians, have
already been given in the Introduction.
' With the exception of a few palm-trees near one of the mosques
there is no vegetation of any kind in Juddah, and the country beyond is
a barren desert. Bain water is carefully preserved in cisterns, with
which many of the houses are provided ; but most of that used for drink-
ing is drawn from wells about one mile and a half distant on the south-
em side. Water, indeed, may be found everywhere in the vicinity at
a depth of a few feet from the surface, but it is so brackish as scarcely
to be drinkable.
* Only to a very small extent now, and that at high water, or, more cor-
rectly, according to the winds, by which the tides in the harbour are greatly
influenced. This circumstance seems to corroborate Niebuhr*8 opinion
that the sea had gradually receded from the town : the combined result,
perhaps, of growing coral-reefs and silt. Voyage en Arable^ vol. i. p. 222.
^ The population is much larger now. All Bey estimated it at 5,000,
which was probably an exaggeration. Burton, on the authority of Mr.
Cole, H.M. late vice-consul at Jiddah, states it to be 2,500, but thinks
that figure too low.
54t THE TRAVELS OK
with the master of a vessel which was going towards Persia,
for in the said port there were about one hundred ships
great and small. Three days afterwards we set sail> and
began to navigate the Bed Sea.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING WHY THE RED SEA IS NOT
NAVIGABLE.
It will be understood that this sea is not red^ but that the
water is like that of any other sea. In this sea we sailed
one day until the setting of the sun^ because it is not pos-
sible to navigate it during the night time. And every day
they proceeded in this manner until they arrived at an
island called Chameram.^ After this island you can proceed
in safety. The reason why it is not possible to sail during
night is, that there are many islands and many rocks, and
it is necessary that a man should always be stationed on the
top of the mast of the ship in order to see the route, which
cannot be done during the night-time, and therefore they
can only navigate during the day.^
> Oamrftn, generally written Camaran.
' The same precautions are still taken to avoid the numerous coral-
reefs, sunken rocks, and dangerous patches, which exist between Leet,
about ninety miles to the south of Juddah, and the island of Camr&n.
The navigation below the latter place is much more easy.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 55
THE SECOND BOOK
OF ARABIA FELIX.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITT OF aEZAN,> AND OF
ITS FERTILITY.
Haying discoursed of the places^ cities^ and customs of the
people of Arabia Deserta^ as far as it was permitted me to
see them^ it appears to me that it will be proper^ with brevity
and more happily, to enter upon Arabia Felix. At the end
of six days we arrived at a city which is called Gezan,
which city has a very fine port ; and we found there forty-
five vessels belonging to different countries. This city is
situated on the sea shore, and is subject to a Moorish lord,
and is a district very fruitful and good, like Christian coun-
tries. Here there are very good grapes and peaches,
1 Jeez&n, or Gheezikn, is situated in a fertile district, but the town has
fallen into decay. It has a few stone buildings, but the principal part
consists of grass huts, with pyramidal tops. It possesses a large fort,
in a ruinous condition, and the small bazaar is now scantily supplied
with such provisions as the natiyes use, the principal of which is the
dhurah (Yarthema's ''dora*'), a species of millet, extensively culti-
vated throughout Yemen, where it is called tddm. There is a good
inner anchorage for small boats off the town. The dress of the male
portion of the population, like that of the common Arabs of the country
generally, consists of a cotton cloth, called a footah, worn round the
loins. El-Edrlsi states that the district of Jeezftn was occupied by a
family of the famous tribe of Ghass&n (the Ghassanides,) which proba-
bly became extinct, or was made subject by the Im&ms of Yemen, during
the thirteenth century of our era. Nibbuhb, Voyage en Arable, vol. iiL p.
232. See also Mobbsbt's Sailing Directions for the Red Sea, pp. 27, 28.
I
56 THE TRAVELS OF
quinces^ pomegranates^ yery strong garlic^ tolerable onions,
excellent nuts, melons, roses, flowers, nectarines, figs, gourds,
citrons, lemons, and sour oranges, so that it is a paradise.
The inhabitants of this city go almost naked, and Uve after
the manner of the Moors. There is here abundance of flesh,
grain, barley, and white millet, which they call dora^ and
which makes good bread. We remained here three days
in order to lay in proyisions.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME PEOPLE CALLED
BADUIN.*
Departing from the said city Gezan, we went for fiye days
always in sight of land, that is to say, the land was on our
left hand ; and seeing some habitations on the sea shore, we
disembarked fourteen of our people to ask for some provi-
sions in exchange for our money. They answered our request
by beginning to throw stones at us with slings, and these were
certain people who are called Baduin : they were in number
more than one hundred, and we were only fourteen. We
fought with them for about an hour, so that twenty-four of
them remained dead on the field, and all the others took to
flight; for they were naked, and had no other arms than these
slings. We took all that we could, namely, fowls, calves,
oxen, and other things fit to eat. In the course of two or three
hours the disturbance began to increase, as did also the inha-
> Bedouin, or more correctly Bedawin, sing. Bedawy. From the col-
lectiye Bedu, properlj 'a desert.' Hence the literal rendering is
^ desert-men ;* but the designation is frequently applied to Arabs who
inhabit the open country in contradistinction to those who dwell in towns.
In this instance, howeyer, Yarthema may have taken the term from the
village £1-Bedawi, there being one of that name midway between Jeez&n
and Gamr&n. Another locality in the neighbourhood, called Khabt el-
Bakk&r, Niebuhr describes as being inhabited by some wandering fami-
lies who were accused of plundering all travellers who came in their
way. Voyage en Arabie, vol. iii. p. 233.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 67
bitants of the said land, so that they were more than six
hundred, and we were obliged to withdraw to our ship.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINQ THE ISLAND OF THE RED
SEA CALLED OHAMARAM.'
On that same day we took our course towards an island
called Chamaram, which island appears to be ten or twelve
miles in circumference, where there is a place containing
about two hundred families^ which is inhabited by Moors,
In this said island there is sweet fresh water and flesh, and the
best salt I ever saw is made there. It has a port towards
the mainland, from which it is distant about eight miles.
This island is subject to the Sultan of the Amanni,^ that is,
the Sultan of Arabia Felix, and we remained there two
days. We then steered towards the mouth of the Bed Sea,
and for two days you can navigate in safety night and day,
but from the island to Zida you cannot navigate by night.
And when we had arrived at the said mouth, it really ap-
^ CamTd,n is eleven miles long and from two to four broad. There are
seven Tillages on the island, consisting mostly of huts belonging to the
fishermen employed on the neighbouring pearl banks and turtle islands.
Several spots are under cultivation, good water is plentiful, and other
supplies, such as oxen and sheep, are tolerably abundant ; for which
reasons, as well as on account of its secure harbour, the island is much
frequented by native vessels trading between the coasts of India and
Persia and the Red Sea.
' '^ Soldano delli Amanni." This was either the reigning Im&m of
San&a, or Sult&n 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahh&b. The latter, about this
period, was contesting the sovereignty of Yemen with the former, and
had already succeeded in wresting from him a large portion of the
southern districts, including the sea -board. As Yarthema does not men-
tion the term " Im&m," the ordinary designation of the rulers at Sanaa,
and which he must frequently have heard used, I apprehend that he
misconstrued the title into the name of a country or people, and then
Italianized it, distorting ^' Im&m" into ^* Amanni." Or, it may be a
contraction and corruption of [Amir el-. Vujamanin^ (Lord of the Faith-
ful,) another title common to all the Im&ms of San&a.
58 THE TRAVELS OF
peared as though we were within a hemmed-in house ; for that
embouchure is about two or three miles wide^ and on the right
hand thereof there is land about ten paces high and unin-
habited^ so far as we could perceive from a distance. On
the left hand of the said embouchure there is a very high
mountain, and it is of stone ; and in the middle of the said
embouchure there is a certain little uninhabited island which
is called Bebmendo.^ Those who wish to go to Zeilla take
the route on the right hand, and those who want to go to
Aden take that on the left hand ; and this we did in order
to go to Aden, and we always sailed in sight of land. From
the said Bebmendo we arrived at the city of Aden in a little
less than two days and a half.
^ The narrowest part of the '' Little Strait" ia one and a half mile wide.
Yarthema'fl description of the low land on the African side, and the
*' very high mountain" on the Arabian side, (B&b el-Mandeb Gape,) is
remarkably correct. Native craft going from the Red Sea to Zeila, or
any other ports on the former coast, still take the right or wider chan-
nel ; those bound for Aden the left. By a pardonable misconception,
however, he gives the name of the two Straits, '* Babmendo,*' (B&b el-
M^deb) to the small island which forms them, and which will be re-
cognized at once as Perim, called by the natives, Mayt^.
The Arabs have a tradition respecting the formation of the Straits of
BIkb el-Mandeb which, for its absurdity, surpasses very many of their ex-
travagant legends. I quote the following from a manuscript in my pos-
session, entitled Tdrikh Thaghr *Aden (a History of the Valley of
Aden), written by the learned and devout E&dhi, Aboo-Abdallah bin
Ahmed Muhrim. He says : " Formerly from Kalzam [the Gulf of
Suez?] to Aden, and beyond the mountains of Socotra, all was dry
land : there was no sea, and no outlet ; but when Alexander the Great,
in his voyage round the world, came here, he opened a gulf wherein the
sea flowed until it was arrested near the mountains of B&b el-Mandeb,
whereby Aden was surrounded by water, and nothing was visible there
but the tops of the mountains jutting up into peaks Then Alex-
ander, (but others say, some other person,) cut a passage through Bkh
el-Mandeb, whereby the water rushed in and filled the whole of El-Eal-
zam. When the rush was over, Aden rose up, and the waters about it
were drained in the direction of Esh-Sham."
I
LUDOriCO DI VARTHBMA. 59
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa THE CITY OP ADEN, AND OP
SOME CUSTOMS RESPECTING THE MERCHANTS.
Aden is tlie strongest city that was ever seen on level
ground. It has walls on two sides, and on the other sides
there are very large mountains. On these mountains there
are five castles^ and the land is level, and contains about
five thousand or six thousand families.^ The market is held
at two o'clock in the night, on account of the intense heat
in the city during the day.' At a stone's cast from this
city there is a mountain, upon which stands a castle, and at
the foot of this mountain the ships cast anchor.^ This city
' The ruins of these towers still exist, also of the two walls, one of
which extended along the shore of '' Pront Bay'* (which appears to have
been the principal harbour at that period), and the other over the heights
commanding Bandar Hokk&t, now called Holket Bay. These waUs, con-
necting as thej did the ManstLri heights on the north-east with the
offshoots of the lofty Shams^ range on the south-west, completely en-
closed the area where the town of Aden is situated, and which seems at
one time to have been the crater of a volcano, forming a tolerably per-
fect circle from one to one mile and a half in diameter. According to
the Arabian author last quoted, most of these fortifications were built by
'Othmftn ez-Zenjtly, who was appointed governor of that district by
Toor&n Shah bin Ayytlb, brother of the famous Salfth ed-Din (Saladin),
Sultan of Egypt, on his departure from Yemen in the year of the Hijrah
571, A.p. 1175. Ez-Zenjtly erected many other public buildings at
Aden, some of which were standing when the British captured the
place in 1839; but his rapacity rendered him odious to the in-
habitants, and on hearing of the approach of Taghtakin, another
brother of Salikh ed-Bln, who was sent with an army against Yemen,
A. H. 579, he fled from Aden, and died at Damascus four years
after.
s An incidental proof that Yarthema wap at Aden during the hot
season, which lasts from May to October. By " two o'clock in the night,"
I understand two hours after sunset.
* The mountain here mentioned is the small island of Seerah, which
has lately been joined to Aden by a causeway. The following absurd
tradition respecting this spot is recorded by the author above quoted :
'' Cain, haying killed his brother Abel, and being afraid of his fi&ther
Adam, fled from India to Aden, and took up his abode on Seerah. Be-
coming sad at the separation from his home and relatives, S&tan appeared
60 THE TRAVELS OF
is extremely beautiful, and the capital of Arabia Felix. It
is the rendezvous for all the ships which come from
India Major and Minor, from Ethiopia and from Persia.
All the ships which are bound for Mecca put in here. As
soon as a ship comes into port, the officers of the Sultan of
the said city board it, and desire to know whence it comes,
the nature of its cargo, and when it left its own country, and
how many persons there are on board. And when they
have obtained all this information^ they remove from the
said ship the masts, sails, rudder, and anchors, and carry
them all into the said city ; and this they do in order that
the said persons may not depart without paying the dues to
the Sultan.^ The second day after my arrival in the said
city I was taken and put in irons, and this occurred through
one of my companions, who said to me : *' Christian dog, son
of a dog." Some Moors heard this speech, and through
this I was taken with great violence to the palace of the
Vice-Sultan, and they immediately consulted whether they
should at once put me to death, because the Sultan was not
in the city. They said that I was a spy of the Christians.
But as the Sultan of this country never puts any one to
to him, and ptesented him with sundry musical instruments, such as the
lute, with which he managed to amuse himself." According to another
tradition, the fire of the day of judgment is to spring from this rock ;
and the same author states that a well existed there up to a compara-
tiyely recent period, from the bottom of which flames used to issue, and
that the end of a rope, let down by way of experiment in the presence
of many witnesses, was found to be burnt on being drawn up. There is
nothing improbable in this story, for the peninsula of Aden is undoubt*
edly of volcanic origin, and the same igneous agency still occasionally
manifests itself among the Zebair islands in the Red Se%, and on the
opposite coast of Africa.
The Portuguese, under Lopez Soarez de Albergaria, occupied the
island of Seerah in 1516, and during their short stay repaired the old
fort which stood on its summit, and further strengthened the position
by enclosing it with a strong wall, the remains of which are still extant.
I This is a common custom with the native chiefs on the Arabian
shores when they wish to detain a vessel.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 61
death, these people respected my life, and kept me sixty-five
days with eighteen pounds' weight of iron on my feet. On
the third day after we had been taken, there ran to the
palace forty or sixty Moors, belonging to two or three ships
which had been captured by the Portuguese,^ and who had
escaped by swimming, and they said that we belonged to
these Portuguese ships, and that we had come there as spies.
For this fancy of theirs they ran to the palace in the greatest
fury, with arms in their hands to slay us ; but through the
merciful intervention of God, those who guarded us fastened
the door on the inner side. At this report the district rose
in arms, and some desired that we should die and some not*
At last the Vice-Sultan obtained that we should be spared.
At the end of sixty-five days the Sultan sent for us, and we
were both taken on a camel, still, however, with the said
irons on our feet. We were eight days on the road, and
were then presented to the Sultan at a city called Bhada.
At the time when we arrived at the city the Sultan was
reviewing eighty thousand men, because he was about to go
to war with another Sultan of a city called Sana, which is
distant from Bhada three days' journey.^ This city lies
^ The following passage, which I translate from the Kurrat d-Ay^n,
confirms this statement: "In this year [a.h. 908=a.d. 1502, about one
year before Yarthema's arriyal at Aden], the ships of the Sultan of the
Franks made their appearance in the sea between India and the island
of Hormuz. They seized seven vessels and murdered most of the
crews."
' Rad&a is situated about one hundred and sixty miles north of Aden,
and sixty to the south of SanSa. The town possesses a strong citadel
and seyeral detached forts, now in a very ruinous condition. The name
in fuU is Bad&& eI-*Arsh.
The preparations for an expeditionagainstSanaa, incidentally mentioned
by Yarthema, are strikingly corroborated by the following extract from
the Kurrat el-AyAn : *^ In the month of tSqfar of this year [a.h. 910 =
A.P. 1503-4] El-Mdek Edh-Dh&fir, [The Victaruma King, the surname
giyen to 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahh&b, the then reigning Sultan of Aden
and southern Yemen], projected an attack on SanSa, and made pre-
parations accordingly. To that end he despatched several of his
62 , THE TRAVELS OF
partly on an acclivity and partly on the plain,^ and it is very
beautiful and ancient, populous and rich. When we were
presented before the Sultan he asked me whence I came. I
answered: ''Anabletrom iasidi anaigi assalem menel Cayro
anegi Medinathalnaby & Mecca & badanigi bledech cul ragel
calem inte sidi seich hiasidi ane abdech Inte maarf sidi ane
musolimim." That is, the Sultan said : ^ Whence are you
and what do you purpose doing ?" I answered : ^^ that I was
a Boman, that I had become a Mameluke at Cairo, that I
had been to Medina, to Naby, where Mahomet is buried,
and to Mecca, and that then I had come to see his High-
ness; because through all Syria, and at Mecca, and at
Medina, it was said that he was a saint, and if he was a saint,
(as I believed), he must know that I was not a spy of the
Christians, and that I was a good Moor and his slave."'
officers to the Tihftma to levy a forde from among the Arabs, and in the
month of Rabid el-AkhiTf a body of Arab horsemen, consisting of the
Zaaliyyin, the Samiyyin, the Kahia, the Mun&sika, the Wam&h, the
Lamiyytn, the ESabiyyin, the Maazibah, and the 'Arshiyytn, proceeded
to the seat of government. And in the same month our lord [the Sultan]
marched towards San&a, stopping for some days at Rad&& el-'Arsh, from
whence he went to DhamlU', and on the twenty-second of the same month
to Sanaa, before which city he halted with a very large army and many
terrible engines of war, and he pressed the siege until the date herein-
after mentioned." It seems highly probably that Yarthema's interyiew
with the Sultan at Rad&a occurred during the short stay made by the
latter at that place while on his march towards Sanfia.
* The passage in the original is : " £t e questa Oitta parte in costa,
parte in piano." As the town of Rad&a is nearly two hundred miles
from the sea, Yarthema undoubtedly uses the word ^' costa*' in the sense
given above, which is, moreover, locally correct. Dante affixes the same
signification to it : —
" Lo sommo er' alto, che vincea la vista,
E la costa superba piii assai
Che da mezzo quadrante al centre lista."
Bel PuaoATosio, Canto iv.
which Boccacio paraphrases thus : " L' accliTitik di essa costa rispetto al
piano orizontale era assai maggiore di 45 gradi."
' Ana linin]baldd er-It^fn, ya sidi. Anac^i ataUim min d-Kdhirah,
LUDOVICO DI VABTHEMA. 63
Then said the Sultan: ''Say, Leila ilala Mahometh resul-
lala."^ But I could not pronounce the words at all, whether
such were the will of God, or through the fear which had
seized me. The Sultan, seeing that I could not pronounce
these words, commanded that I should be thrown into prison
and kept with the greatest strictness by the men of eighteen
castles, that is, four for each castle. They remained four
days, and then were changed for four others from four other
castles. And in this order they guarded me for three
months, with a loaf of millet in the morning and one in the
evening, although six of these loaves would not have suf-
ficed me for one day, and sometimes I should have been
well pleased if I could have had enough water.
Two days afterwards, the Sultan took the field, and
marched to the said city Sana with his army, in which there
were three thousand horsemen, sons of Christians, as black
as Moors. They were of those of Prester John,* whom they
Ana aji Medindt-en-Nabiy loa-Meccah, wa-hUad ana aji halddak, Kul
rajul haUam ; Anta, sidi, sheikh. Fa Hdi, ana abdah, Anta ma tUartrfy
Miy ana Mwiim f " I am of the country of RtLm, my lord. I became
a Muhammedaa at Cairo. I came to El-Medinah of the Prophet, to
Meccah, and then I came to your country. Every one says, sir, you are
a sheikh. Sir, I am your slave. Do you not know, sir, that I am a
Mussulman?"
^ La Udh ilia AUdh ; Mukammed BasUl AUdh. " There is no god
but the God ; Muhammed is the Prophet of God."
< That is, Abyssinians, '' Prester John " being the fanciful name which
the Portuguese had given to the Emperor of that people during the
preceding century. The late Professor Lee, in a note on the title of
** Rasdl" (gent or commissioned), which Ibn Battlta, in his Travds, says
had been maintained bj some of the Sult&ns of Yemen up to his time be-
cause their grandfather was so called when commissioned as the Em!r of
Yemen by one of the Ehalifs of the house of 'Abb&s, remarks as fol-
lows : — " A title of this sort seems to have originated the Prester John of
Abyssinia, of which the missionary accounts said so much. A Tartar king
seems also to have assumed this title, which in Persian was translated
Feriskta Jdn^ John the Angel, probably because he had received Christ-
ianity. Hence the European * Prester John ;' but how this became
ascribed to the King of Abyssinia, it is not easy to say, unless he had
*
64 THE TRAVELS OF
purchased at the age of eight or nine years, and had them
trained to arms. These constituted his own guard, because
they were worth more than all the rest of the eighty thou-
sand. The others were all naked, with the exception of a
piece of linen worn like a mantle. When they enter into
battle they use a kind of round shield, made of two pieces of
cow hide or ox hide fastened together. In the centre of the
said round shields there are four rods, which keep them
straight. These shields are painted, so that they appear to
those who see them to be the handsomest and best that could
be made. They are about as large as the bottom of a tub,
and the handle consists of a piece of wood of a size that can
be grasped by the hand, fastened by two nails. They also
carry in their hand a dart and a short and broad sword, and
wear a cloth vest of red or some other colour stuffed with
cotton, which protects them from the cold and also from their
enemies. They make use of this when they go out to fight.
They all also generally carry a sling for the purpose of
throwing stones wound round their heads, and under this
sling they carry a piece of wood, a span in length, which is
called mesuech^ with which they clean their teeth,^ and gene-
rally from forty or fifty years downwards they wear two
horns made of their own hair, so that they look like young
kids.^ The said Sultan also takes with his army five thou-
assumed the title mentioned here by our traveller which belonged to the
King of Yemen." TraveU of Ibn BcU^ta, p. 54, n.
^ This custom still prevails throughout Yemen. The Miswdk, which
is generally carried about the head-dress, is made from the branch of an
indigenous shrub, the wood of which is very fibrous, and is covered with
a tough spongy bark, about an inch of which is cut off in order to allow
the enclosed fibres to expand, thereby forming the tooth-brush. The
Indigo/era pcmcifiora is applied to a similar purpose in Scinde and by
the Hindus of India.
s This style of wearing the hair is peculiar, I believe, to some of the
tribes of central Yemen ; but I have seen a similar coiffurt among the
African female slaves at Zanzibar. The Arabs nearer the coast, generally
bind their long shaggy hair lightly on the top of the head, leaving the
ends to form a large waving tuft.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 65
sand camels laden with tents^ all of cotton^ and also ropes of
cotton.^
CHAPTER CONCERNINa THE PARTIALITY OP THE WOMEN
OF ARABIA FELIX FOR WHITE MEN.
Having seen this army depart^ let us return to my prison.
In the said palace of the city there was one of the three
wives of the Sultan, who remained there with twelve or
thirteen very beautiful damsels, whose colour was more near
to black than otherwise. This queen was very kind to me.
I and my companion and a Moor, being all three in prison
here, we arranged that one of us should pretend to be mad,
in order the better to assist one another. Finally, the lot fell
^ It is remarkable that in the foregoing account of the weapons borne
by the Arabs no mention is made of fire-arms, and I find from the
Chronicles of the Kurrat d-Ay^n, and likewise from the Rib&h er-Ru&hy
another MS. in my possession, that they were not generally known in
Temen before a.h. 921 = a.d. 1515, when they were introduced by
the Egyptian expedition, and used with murderous efiect on the inha-
bitants of the coast opposite Gamrd,n, which island they had preyiously
seized akid fortified. A year later, the Egyptian forces were joined by a
Turkish fleet and army under Suleiman Pasha, who had been sent by
Sult&n Selim to cooperate with them against the Portuguese ; for the
attack made on Yemen by the former does not appear to have been
authorized by Eansooh el-Qhdree, the then reigning soyereign of Egypt.
The following is a description given by the author of the Kurrat el-
AyAn of the Turkish matchlock : — ^^ The soldiers of the Lord of the Boom
were armed with musket-bows with which they took aim. It is a most
wonderful weapon, and whoever confronts it must be overcome. It is
something like a gun, only it is longer and thinner. It is hollow, and in
this hollow is inserted a piece of lead as large as a lote berry, and it is
filled with powder, and then discharged by means of a match at the
bottom of the musket, and if it strikes any ope he must perish, for it
goes in at one side of him and comes out at the other."
Slings as well as bows and arrows had ceased to be used by the Arabs
of Yemen as far back as Niebuhr^s time. ( Voyage en Arahie, vol. iii. p.
187, n.) They are now generally armed with matchlocks ; those who
do not possess that weapon carry a sword or spear ; but all are provided
with iYiQJanheahy or curved dirk, worn in a girdle round the waist.
F
GO THE TRAVELS OF
upon me to be mad. Having then taken this enterprise
upon myself^ it behoved me to do such things as were natu-
ral to madmen. Truly, I never found myself so wearied or
so exhausted as during the first three days that I feigned
madness. The reason was that I had constantly behind me
fifty or sixty little children, who threw stones at me, and I
threw stones at them. They cried out : " lami iasion lami
ianun ;** that is to say : " Madman.'*^ And I had my shirt
constantly full of stones, and acted like a madman. The
queen was always at her window with her damsels, and re-
mained there from morning till evening to see me and talk
with me ; and I, being mocked by many men and merchants,
taking off my shirt, went, quite naked as I was, before the
queen, who took the greatest delight in seeing me, and would
not let me leave her, and gave me good and sound food to
eat, so that I gained my point. She also said to me : " Give
it to those beasts, for if you kill them it will be their own
fault." A sheep was passing through the king's court, the
tail of which weighed forty pounds. I seized it and de-
manded of it if it was a Moor, or a Christian, or, in truth, a
Jew ; and repeating these words to it and many others I
said : '^ Prove yourself a Moor and say : Leila illala Ma-
hometh resuUala ;" and he, standing like a patient animal
which could not speak, I took a stick and broke all its four
legs. The queen stood there laughing, and afterwards fed
me for three days on the flesh of it, than which I do not
know that I ever ate better. Three days afterwards I killed,
in the same manner as I had killed the sheep, an ass which
was carrying water to the palace, because he would not 4
become a Moor. Acting in the same manner by a Jew, I
cudgelled him to stich an extent that I left him for dead.
But one day, being about to act in my usual manner, I came
across one of those who had me in custody, and who was
more mad than I was, who said to me : " Christian dog, son j
^ Fa maJnUn / Ya majn^n I Madman ! Madman ! '
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 67
of a dog." I threw a good many stones at him, and he
began to turn towards me with all the children, and struck
me with a stone in the breast which did me an ill service.
I, not being able to follow him on account of the irons on
my feet, took the way to my prison ; but before I reached
it he struck me with another stone in the side, which gave me
much more pain than the first. I could easily have avoided
both if I had chosen to do so, but I chose to receive them to
give colour to my madness. And therefore I immediately
entered my prison and blocked myself in with very large
stones, and remained there two days and two nights without
eating or drinking. The queen and the others feared that I
might be dead, and caused the door to be broken open, and
these dogs brought me some pieces of marble, saying: '^Eat,
this is sugar ;'* and some others gave me grapes^ filled with
earth, and said that it was salt, and I eat the marble and the
grapes and everything, all together. On that same day,
some merchants belonging to the city brought two men who
were esteemed amongst them as two hermits would be
amongst us, and who dwelt in certain mountains. I was
shown to them, and the merchants asked these men*: " Whe-
ther did it appear to them that I was holy or mad ?*' One
of them said : *^ It appears to me that he is holy ;*' the other
said it appeared to him that I was mad. In this way they
kept disputing for more than an hour, and I, in order to get
rid of them, raised my shirt and p — d over them both;
whereupon they began to run away crying out : " Migenon
migenon sufB mafiis," that is, ^' He is mad, he is mad, he
is not holy." The queen was at her window with her
maidens, and seeing this they all began to laugh, saying :
" O achala o raza al Naby ade ragel maphe donia metha-
lon ;" that is, " By the good God, by the head of Mahomet,
^ Bad^ is famous for its giapes. Most of those which are sent to
the Aden market come from that district.
f2
68 THE TRAVELS OF
this is the most capital fellow in the world."^ The next
morning I found asleep him who had given me the two
blows with the stones. I seized him by the horns/ and put-
ting my knees upon the pit of his stomachy gave him so
many blows upon the face that he was covered with bloody
and I left him for dead. The queen remained standing at
her window, exclaiming : *' Kill those beasts." The gover*
nor of that city, discovering through many circumstances
that my companions treacherously wished to escape, and had
made a hole in their prison and removed their irons, and
that I had not done so, and as he knew that the queen took
great pleasure in me, he would not do me any injury until
he had spoken with her ; who, when she had heard every-
thing, considered me in her own mind to be rational, and
sent for me, and had me placed in a lower chamber in the
palace without any door, but still with the irons on my feet.
CHAPTER CONCEENING THE LIBERALITY OF THE QUEEN.
The first night ensuing, the queen came to visit me with
five or six of her damsels, and began to examine me, and I
began to give her to understand by degrees that I was not
mad. She, being a clever woman, saw that I was not at all
mad, and began to make much of me ; ordered a good bed
after their fashion to be given me, and sent me plenty of
good food. The following day she had prepared for me a
bath according to their custom, with many perfumes, and
continued these caresses for twelve days. Afterwards, she
began to come down to visit me every night at three or four
o'clock, and always brought me good things to eat. Enter-
I MajrvAny majnUn ; 9tfi mafUh, He is a madman ; ho is not Intel-
gent (or pious).
W^Allahj wa-rds en-Nahiy hddha er-rajvl mafid-Mnya mitklu. By God,
by the head of the Prophet, there is not one in the world like this man.
* That is, by the tufts of his hair.
LT7D0VIC0 Dl VARTHEMA. 69
ing where I was, she called me *' lunus tale inte iohan,"
that is, " Lodovico, come here, are you hungry ?"^ And I
replied : " E vualla," that is, " Yes,"* for the hunger which
was to come ; and I rose on my feet and went to her in my
shirt. And she said : " Leis leis camis foch," that is, " Not
in that manner, take off your shirt."^ I replied : ** laseti
ane maomigenon de lain," which is, " O, madam, I am not
mad now."* She answered me : " Vualla ane art in te habe-
denin te migenon inte mafdunia metalon," that is, ''By God,
I know well that thou never wast mad, on the contrary, that
thou art the best witted man that ever was seen."* In order
to please her I took off my shirt, and held it before me for
modesty's sake, and thus she kept me before her for two
hours, contemplating me as though I had been a nymph,
and uttering a lamentation to God in this manner : " lalla
in te sta cal ade abiat me telsamps Inte stacal ane auset ;
lalla lanaby iosane assiet : Villet ane asuet ade ragel abiath
Insalla ade ragel Iosane Insalla oel binth mit lade," that is,
'' O God, thou hast created this man white like the sun,
thou hast created my husband black, my son also is black,
and I am black. Would to God that this man were my
husband. Would to God that I might have a son like this
man."^ And saying these words she wept continually and
^ FUncu, t&dl; arUaju^dn f Jonah, come ; are you hungry ?
' Ay w* Allah, a common expletive affirmation.
^ Zeis leu kamUfdk. No, no, not with your shirt on.
* Ya sUtif ana ma majnUn ildn. Madam, I am not mad now.
* yPAUah, ana ""aaraf anta abadan anta majnUn. Anta ma fid-
dunya miihlak. By God, I know that you were never mad. There is
not another in the world like you.
' Ta Allah/ Anta khalakt hddha abyad mithl esh-shams, Anta
khalaktani ana aawad. Ya AUah ! Ya Nabi ! zauji astoad : ipoladi
ana amoad : hddha er-rajtU abyad. In- shiia- Allah hddha errajvl zauji I
In shaa- Allah atoaUad ibn mithl hddha. God ! Thou hast created
this [man] white like the sun. Thou hast created me black. Qod !
Prophet ! my husband is black ; my son is black ; this man is white.
Would that this man may become my husband ! Would that I may
bear a son like this [man] !
70 THE TRAVELS OF
sighed, passing her hands over me all the while^ and pro-
mising me that^ as soon as the Sultan returned, she would
make him take off my irons. On the next night the queen
came to me with two of her damsels and brought me some
good food to eat, and said to me : " Tale lunus," that is,
" Come here, Lodovico ;** " Ane igi andech," I replied.
^' Leis setti ane mochaet ich fio," that is, said the queen,
" Lodovico, would you like that I should come and stay a
little while with you." I answered : " No ; that it was
quite enough that I was in chains, without her causing me
to have my head cut off." Then said she : " Let caffane
darchi alarazane," that is^ ** Do not be afraid, for I will
stake my own head for your safety." *' In cane in te may-
rith ane Gazella in sich : oUa Tegia in sich oUe Galzerana
insich," that is, " If you do not wish me to come, shall Ga-
zella, or Tegia, or Galzerana come ?"^ She only said this
because she wished to come herself and remain with me in
the place of one of these three. But I never would consent,
because I thought of this from the time when she began to
show me so many kindnesses. Considering also, that as soon
as she had had her wish she would have given me gold and
silver, horses and slaves, and whatever I had desired. And
then she would have given me ten black slaves, who would
have been a guard upon me, so that I should never have
been able to escape from the country, for all Arabia Felix
was informed of me, that is to say, at the passes. And if I
had once ran away, I could not have escaped death, or
1 Tadl TUnas. Come hither, Jonah. Ana aji andak. I will come
to you.
Leis [ya] sUii ; ana muhayyady jakfi. No, madam, I am in chains,
and that is enough.
La tahkdfy ana tarahi ^<da rdsana. Do not be afraid ; I take all the
responsibility on my head.
Inrkdn anta ma tarid ana, Gaulle atmeh; wa-illa Tdjiah amieh ;
wa-illa Gulzerdna anneh. If you do not want me, I will call Gazelle ;
or I will call Tdjiah ; or I will call Gulzer&na [for you].
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 71
chains for life. For this reason, therefore, I never would
yield to her, and also because I did not wish to lose both
my soul and body. I wept all night, recommending myself
to God. Three days from that time the Sultan returned,
and the queen immediately sent to inform me that if I would
remain with her she would make me rich. I replied : "That
if she would cause my chains to be taken off, and perform
the promise she made to God and Mahomet I would then
do whatever her highness wished. She immediately had me
taken before the Sultan, who asked me where T wished to
go when he had taken off my chains. I answered him :
*' lasidi habu mafis una mafis, meret mafis uuellet mafis,
ochu mafis octa mafis alia al naby Intebes sidi in te iati iacuU
ane abdech," that is, '* O lord, I have no father, no mother,
no wife. I have no children, I have neither brothers nor
sisters, I have only God, and the Prophet, and you, O lord :
will it please you to give me food, for I wish to be your
slave all my life ?"^ And I wept constantly. The queen
was present all the time, and said to the Sultan : " lliou
wilt have to render an account to God of this poor man,
whom without any cause thou hast kept so long in chains.
Beware of the anger of God.'* Said the Sultan : " Well, go
where thou wilt, I give thee thy liberty." And immediately
he had my chains taken off, and I knelt before him and
kissed his feet, and then I kissed the queen's hand, who
took me also by the hand saying : " Come with me, poor
fellow, for I know that thou art dying of hunger." When
I was in her chamber she kissed me more than a hundred
times, and then she gave me many good things to eat. But
I did not feel any inclination to eat, for I had seen the
queen speak privately to the Sultan, and I thought that she
1 TaMi,ahbmafUh;ummma/Uh; maratmafUh; vxdadfnafUh;
akh ma fUh; okht ma fUk. AUah, en-Aabi, ania, bos, Mi, Anta
Uiaiini akul, ana abdak. O lord, I have no father,, no mother, no wife,
no child, no brother, no sister. God, the Prophet, [andj you only. You
give me food to eat, and I am your slave.
72 THE TRAVEI^ OF
had asked me of the Sultan for a slave. Wherefore I said to
the queen: ''I will not eat unless you promise to give me my
liberty." She replied : *' Scut mi lanu inte maarfesiati alia/*
that is, '^ Hold thy peace, madman, thou dost not know what
God has ordained for thee." ^'Incane inte milie inte amirra/'
that is, ** If thou wilt be good thou shalt be a lord."^ Now,
I knew the kind of lordship she wished to confer upon me ;
but I answered her that she should let me get a little fatter,
and get back my blood, for the great fear I was in filled my
breast with other thoughts than those of love. She answered :
** Yuulla inte calem milie ane iaticullion beit e digege e amam
e filfil e cherfa e gronfili e iosindi," that is, " By God, thou
art right, but I will give thee every day eggs, hens, pigeons,
pepper, cinnamon, cloves, and nutmegs."^ Then I recovered
my spirits somewhat at the good words and promises she
gave me. In order the better to restore me, I remained
fifteen or twenty days in her palace. One day she sent for
me and asked me if I would go hunting with her. I replied
in the afiirmative and went with her. On our return I pre-
tended to fall sick from weakness, and remained in this
feigned state eight days, while she continually sent persons
1 AsktU, majnUn ; anta ma tUarafaish jUati Allah. Silence, madman ;
you do not know what God will give.
In-kdn anta maliek, arUa amir. If you are good, you [shall be] an
ameer.
^ W* Allah, anta tUkaUam malieh : ana ^adttk ieutjdm baidh, wa-dujdj,
wa-hamdm^'wa-fiifil, wa-kirfahy wakaranful, wajdz- Hindi, By God,
you say well : I will give you every day eggs, fowls, pigeons, pepper,
cinnamon, cloves, and cocoa-nuts. The spices named are in common use
among fche Arabs. It is not surprising that Yarthema should have mis-
taken Jdz'Hindi for nutmeg ; the word is so misapplied still by the
common Maltese and other Franks in Syria and Egypt. Ibn Batiita's
description of the cocoa-nut is quaint. He says : *' It is like a man's
head ; for it has something like two eyes and a mouth, and when green
is like brains, and its properties are, to nourish and quickly to fatten the
body, to make the face red, and greatly to stimulate to venery.'* And
in a subsequent chapter he more broadly than modestly describes the
effect of the incentive on himself. Lee's Translation, pp. 60,.176.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 73
to Tisit me. One day I sent to inform her that I had made
a promise to God and to Mahomet that I would visit a holy
man who was in Aden, and who, they said^ performed
miracles ; and I maintained that it was true in order to
accomplish my object. She sent to tell me that she was well
pleased^ and ordered a camel and twenty-five seraphim of
gold to be given to me, whereat I was much rejoiced. The
following day I mounted and went to Aden in eight days,
and immediately visited the holy man, who was worshiped
because he always lived in poverty and chastity, and spent
his life like a hermit. And, truly, there are many in that
country who pass this kind of life, but they are deceived
from not having been baptised.^ When I had performed
my devotions on the second day, I pretended to be cured by
virtue of that holy man. Afterwards I wrote to the queen,
that by the virtue of God and of that holy man I was cured,
and since God had been so merciful to me I wished to go
and see the whole of her kingdom. This I did because the
fleet was in that place, and could not depart for a month. I
spoke secretly with the captain of a ship, and told him that
I wished to go to India, and if he would take me I would
give him a handsome present. He replied : " That before
he went to India he wished to touch at Persia." With that
I was satisfied, and so we agreed.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING LAGI, A CITY OF ARABIA
FELIX, AND CONCERNING AIAZ, AND THE MARKET
IN AIAZ, AND THE CASTLE DANTE.
The following day I rode for fifteen miles, and found a
city which is called Lagi ;^ the place is level and very popu-
' According to contemporaneous Arabian historians, Yemen teemed
with such devotees at the period referred to. The fashion, or piety, has
considerably decreased within the last two centuries.
' Lahej, the place indicated, is about thirty miles to the north-west
74 THE TRAVKLS OF
lous. A vast number of date-trees grow here^ there is also
plenty of animal food and grain as with us. But there are
no grapes here, and a great scarcity of firewood. This city
is uncivilized, and the inhabitants are Arabs, who are not
very rich. I departed thence and went to another city,
which is one day's journey from the first mentioned, and is
called Aiaz.^ It stands upon two mountains, between which
there, is a very beautiful valley and a beautiful fountain, in
which valley the market is held to which the men come
from both the mountains. And very few of those markets
are held without quarrels taking place. The reason is this :
those who inhabit the mountain towards the north wish that
those who inhabit the mountain towards the south should
believe with them in Mahomet with all his companions;
while these will only believe in Mahomet and Ali, and say
that the other captains are false. For this reason they kill
of Aden. The name, though frequently applied to the town, designaiea
more correctly the surrounding district, the former being generally
called El-IIawtah by the Arabs, signifying a level spot. It is situated
in a fertile plain, and is watered by the torrents which periodically
descend from the mountains in its rear. The country is well cultiyated
and produces abundance of dhurah, sesamum, several kinds of pulse,
and a small quantity of cotton, besides various culinary vegetables. It
also affords good pasturage, and supplies the Aden market with excel-
lent cows, sheep, and goats. It raises very little fruit, and, as Yarthema
remarks, no grapes grow there. At the period of his visit, Lahej was
under the government of Sult&n *Amir ibn Abd el-WahhIlb, who ruled
over the greater part of southern Yemen. On his death, a.d. 1517, it
reverted to the Im&m of Sanaa, and continued under that jurisdiction,
though not without frequent intervals of independence, till the year
1728, when the chief of the Abdali tribe inhabiting the district threw off
his allegiance to the Im&m, and subsequently succeeded in capturing
Aden. His successors in the same family retained the government of
both places until dispossessed of the latter by the British in 1839.
I presume this to be the " Asas," or, according to his Arabic ortho-
graphy, the " 'Az'az," of Niebuhr, which he describes as a village on the
confines of the domain belonging to Aden. As I have not met with the
name in any of the Arabian authors within reach, I conclude it is a place
of little note.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 75
each other like dogs.^ Let us return to the market, to which
are brought many kinds of small spices^ and a great quantity
of stuffs^ of W00I3 and of silk^ and very excellent fruits, such
as peaches, pomegranates, and quinces, figs, nuts, and good
grapes. You must know that on each of these mountains
there is a very strong fortress. Having beheld these things I
departed thence and went to another city, which is distant
from this two days' journey and is, called Dante,^ and is an
extremely strong city, situated on the top of a very great
mountain, and is inhabited by Arabs, who are poor, because
the country is very barren.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ALMACARANA, A CITY OP
ARABIA FELIX, AND OF ITS ABUNDANCE.
In order to follow out the desires after novel things already
conceived in our minds we departed from that place, taking
our way towards another city, distant two days' journey,
which is called Almacarana,^ and is situated on the top of a
^ That is, the northerners were Sunnis, and the southerners ShidSf or
more probably Zaidis, the followers of Zaid, son of Ali, sumamed Zain
el-'Abidin, which sect was very numerous in Yemen, and comprised the
person and family of the Im&m. They held with the Bhias that Ali was
unjustly superseded in the Khallfate by Abubekr, 'Omar, and 'Othm&n,
and are represented as having no respect for the Twelve Im&ms, and for
omitting all mention of the saints in their devotions. These were the
more salient points of antagonism between them and the Sunnis, which
frequently led to bloody feuds. There were other differences of a more
abstruse character respecting the Divine decrees, free will, and human
responsibility. (See Sale's Preliminary Discount to the Kordn, p. 233,
NiBBUHft, Voy. en Arabte, vol. iii. pp. 17, 18, and D'Hbbbblot, sub
voce Zeidiah, vol. iii. p. 734.)
' More correctly Damt. Niebuhr's orthography is worse than Yar-
thema's : he writes it '* Dimne," and describes it as a " bourg h foire au
sud de mont Maharras," which mountain he says is very high and steep.
It appears to have been an important stronghold, and will be found
mentioned in the succeeding note.
" El-MakriUiah. It is surprising that Niebuhr has not enumerated
76 THE TRAVELS OF
mountain, the ascent to which is seven miles, and to which
only two persons can go abreast on account of the narrow-
ness of the path. The city is level on the top of the moun-
tain, and is very beautiful and good. Food enough for the
whole city is collected here, and for this reason it appears
to me to be the strongest city in the world. There is no
want of water there nor of any other necessary of life, and,
above all, there is a cistern there which would supply water
this place in his list of the towns and villages of Yemen. Arabs who
have come to Aden from that and the adjoining districts have frequently
dilated on the by-gone impregnability of its castle, and the extent of its
great reservoir. The following extract, also, from the Rudh er-Rudh,
recording the capture of the place from Sult&n *Amir ibn Abd el-Wahh&b
by the Egyptian army, strikingly corroborates several details contained
in this chapter: — "Then the Ameer Bar-Sabbai [the Egyptian com-
mander] deputed the Ameer Akbai over the affairs of Ta'ez, and went
himself with his army towards El-Makr&nah. On hearing this, 8ult&n
Amir hastened to the place, and took from thence his women [or wives],
and as much treasure as he could conveniently remove, and departed
towards El-Halkah, where he remained. Immediately after, the Egyp-
tian army entered El-Makr&nah and plundered it, taking therefrom the
immense stores of wealth and provisions which it contained, and forcing
some of the people to surrender the valuables which 'Amir had deposited
with them." Subsequently, a Fakth named 'Amr el-Jabraty, who had
acted as jester to the Sultan, disclosed to the Egyptian commander some
treasures which were hidden in the castle, consisting of a vast amount
of specie, jewels, and other valuables belonging to the royal family, all
of which the captor seized and distributed among his soldiers.
Notwithstanding this spoliation, however, El-Makr&nah was not plun-
dered of all its wealth. Twelve years later, after the Imkia had suc-
ceeded in expelling the Egyptians from San&a, his son Mutahhir attacked
them at El-Makrft»nah and Damt, and carried away considerable booty.
The following narration of that event is from the author above quoted :
— " Then Mutahhir proceeded to take Malikiah and all the intervening
strongholds as far as Damt, which castle he captured, and proclaimed an
amnesty to the inhabitants. Next he entered £l-MakrlLnah, granting an
amnesty to the Circassian [MamlOk] garrison, and receiving the sub-
mission of the tribes. He then took all the arms and guns which he
found there ; also many copper utensils of Ohasadni manufacture inlaid
with silver, and costly China ware, which had belonged to the Beni
Dh&hir" [the Sultan's family].
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 77
for 100^000 persons. The Sultan keeps all his treasure in
this city, because he derives his origin and descent from it.
For this reason the Sultan always keeps one of his wives
here. You must know that articles of every possible kind
are brought here^ and it has the best air of any place in the
world. The inhabitants are more white than any other
colour. In this city the Sultan keeps more gold than a
hundred camels could carry^ and I say this because I have
seen it.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa RBAME, A CITY OP ARABIA
FELIX, OP ITS AIR, AND OP THE CUSTOMS OP
ITS INHABITANTS.
When I had rambled about the above-mentioned city^ on
parting thence I went to another place^ distant from this one
day's journey, which is called Keame/ and is for the most
part inhabited by black people, who are very great mer-
chants. This country is extremely fertile, excepting in fire-
wood, and the city contains about two thousand families.
On one side of this city there is a mountain, upon which
stands a very strong castle. And here there is a kind of
sheep, some of which I have seen, whose tails alone weigh
forty-four pounds. They have no horns, and cannot walk
on account of their size.^ Here also is found a kind of white
* This is undoubtedly Tertm, which Niebuhr describes as '' une petite
yille mal b&tie, munie d'une forteresse sur un rocher escarp^ ; et situ6e
dans une plaine assez vaste, et k 4 lieues d'AUemagne de Dam&r ;"
nevertheless it was the residence of a Dowla, or governor, of the Imftm.
He adds, that as the name of this town resembles that of the &mou8
garden of Irem mentioned in the 89th chapter of the Korikn, it is inferred
by some that the terrestrial paradise stood in this region ; but having
himself travelled through the district, he considers that it is less fertile
than many others in Yemen. It was at Yerim that one of his com-
panions, the lamented Porsk&l, died on the 11th of July 1763, just a
century ago. Niebuhr gives a view of the town in vol. i. of his Voyage
en Arable.
' This is generally a correct description, though I cannot vouch for
the weight ascribed to the sheep's tails.
78 THE TRAVELS OF
grape, which has no seeds within, than which I never tasted
hetter.^ Here also I found all kinds of fruit as I said above.
The climate here is most perfect and singular. In this place
I conversed with many persons who were more than one
hundred and twenty-five years old, and were still very
healthy. The people here go more naked than otherwise,
but the men of good condition wear a shirt. The lower
orders wear half a sheet crosswise, after the fashion of
prelates.^ Through the whole of this Arabia Felix the men
wear horns made of their own hair, and the women wear
loose trowsers, after the fashion of seamen.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SANA, A CITY OP ARABIA
FELIX, AND OF THE STRENGTH AND CRUELTY OF
THE KING'S SON.
Then I departed and took to a city named Sana,® which is
distant from the said city Reame three days' journey. It is
^ These grapes are brought to Aden during the season in small baskets
covered with wild sage. They resemble the sultanas which are imported
from Smyrna.
' The original is : Li aUri di hassa eondUione portano meso ttn linsoio
ad armacoUa a la apostolieha, the sense of which is very obscure. Per-
haps it means that the cloth in question, which is oblong in shape, is
worn like a pallium or a stole, sometimes thrown loosely round the neck,
and sometimes over one shoulder, which is precisely the case. In addi-
tion to this, however, they generally wear a similar cloth round the loins.
The uses of these simple garments are thus correctly described by
Niebuhr : — " En d6ployant sa large ceinture il a un matelas, avec le
linge d'6paule il couvre le corps et la tdte, et c'est entre ces draps qu'il
dort nud et content." Voyage en Arable, vol. iii. p. 56.
' Sanaa, the capital of Yemen and the residence of the Im&m, is situ-
ated at ike foot of a high range of mountains called Jebal Nikam. With
this exception, Yarthema's notes, which are unusually brief on the sub-
ject, are generally correct. Edrisi describes it as '' abounding in good
things, and full of buildings. It is the oldest, the largest, and most
populous city of Yemen. It is in the centre of the first climate, has an
even atmosphere, a fertile soil, and the heat and cold there are always
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 79
sitaated on the top of a very large mountain, and is ex-
tremely strong. The Sultan encamped before with 80^000
men for eight months in order to capture it, but could
only gain it by capitulation.^ The walls of this city are
of earth, of the height of ten braza, and twenty braza
tomperate.'* Ibn BattLta merely says " it is a large and well-built city."
The BeT. Mr. Stem, who visited Saufia in 1856, estimates the population
at about 40,000 inhabitants, of whom 20,000 are Muhammedans, and
18,000 Jews. Niebuhr gives a plan and a detailed description of the
city in his Voyage en Arable, vol. i. pp. 326-329.
* He should have said that the Sultan had utterly fiiiled in capturing
the place. The circumstances of the attempt referred to, which occurred
two years before Yarthema's visit, are thus narrated by the author of the
Kurrat et-AyHin : — " During this year [a.h. 907 = a.d. 1601] Sultan
'Amir besieged Sanfia, and when the inhabitants were reduced to great
straits, they wrote to Bahlll, offering him certain presents, together
with the fortress of Dhamarmar, if he would come to their assistance.
(Before their arrival, the Zaidieh [Zaidis] abandoned the side of the
Sultan.) They accordingly came in vast numbers, and a severe battle
was fought between them and the Amtr 'All el-Baad&ni, [one of the Sul-
tan's generals,] in which neither party gained the advantage. Eventually,
however, the Ameer's soldiers were overpowered ; whereupon the Sultan
collected all his forces, which were dispersed around Sanaa, and formed
them into one camp, in consequence of which movement the enemy were
able to stop the road, and to cut off all his supplies. The Sultan then
decided to return homewards, and to fall on the Zaidis who had gathered
in strength to circumvent him ; but Qod came to his relief. [Here, a
different hand, probably a Zaidi, has added these words to the MS., ' had
he remained he would have been caught.'] The Sultan, having collected
his troops and equipage, retired from before Sanai on the 7th of Muhar-
ram, a.h. 908, followed by the Zaidis who harassed his rear ; but his
soldiers charged them like *Antar and attacked them like 'Omar, and put
them to an ignominious flight. Finally, he reached Dhamarmar in
safety, [' and a fugitive,' adds the interpolator], losing nothing of any
consequence, so that his safety was in effect a great victory to him and
to those who were with him over the enemy, who were in such large
numbers, and had succeeded in stopping all his supplies. This first
siege lasted five months."
'Amir's second attack on Sanaa was more successful. On that occa-
sion, according to the author of the Rudh er-RtUih, his army consisted
of 180,000 men, of which 3,000 were cavalry. When Yarthema met him
at Rad&&, on his march towards Sanaa, he witnessed a review of 80,000
(See p. 61 ante and note 2.)
80 THE TRAVELS OF
wide. Think, that eight horses can go abreast on the top of
it.^ In this place many fruits grow the same as in our coun-
try, and there are many fountains. In this Sana there is a
Sultan who has twelve sons, one of whom is called Mahometh.
He is like a madman: he bites people and kills them, and
then eats their flesh until his appetite is satisfied. He is four
braza high, well proportioned, and of a dark brown colour.'
In this city there are found some kinds of small spices
which grow in the neighbourhood. This place contains
about 4,000 hearths. The houses are very handsome and
resemble ours. Within the city there are many vines and
gardens as with us.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TAESA AND ZIBIT AND
DAMAB^ VERY LARGE CITIES OF ARABIA FELIX.
After seeing Sana I resumed my journey and went to
another city called Taesa,' which is distant three days' jour-
I Niebuhr says that the walls are of earth, faced with unbumt brick
and surmounted by a great many small turrets. According to the nar-
ratire of the French trayeliers who yisited Sanaa in 1712, as given by
De la Roque in his Voyage de I* Arabic ffeureuse, the breadth of the walls
is sufficient to admit of drinng eight hones abreast.
' The thei^ ruling Im&m was Ahmed ibn el-Im&m en-N&sir, sumamed
El-Mansiir, who was taken prisoner by SuItiLn 'Amir when he captured
Sanfia, and died at Ta*ez under suspicion of haying been poisoned. I have
not succeeded in discovering any notices corroborative of Yarthema's
statement respecting the cannibal propensities of one of his sons. Bur-
ton remarks on the passage : '' This is a tale not unfomiliar to the
western world. Louis XI. of France was supposed to drink the blood of
babies, — ^pour rajeunir aa veine Sputsie,* The reasons in favour of such
unnatural diet have been fully explained by the infamous M. de Sade."
PilgrimqgejQ^zMfdinaL an d Miccah^ voLij. .E:j52, n.
*"^a*ez is about one hundred and ten miles to the south of SanSa.
Abulfeda says that in his time (fourteenth century) it was the residence
of the princes of Yemen, and describes it as '' a fortress situated in the
midst of t&e mountains which overlook the Tih&ma [the sea coast],
and the plain of Zebid. Above Ta'ez there is a pleasure-ground
called Sahlah, to which spot the prince of Yemen has conducted a stream
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 81
ncy from Sana aforesaid, and is situated in a mountain.
This city is very beautiful, and abounds in all kinds of
elegancies, and, above all, in a vast quantity of rose water,
which is distilled here. It is reported of this city that it is
extremely ancient: there is a temple there built like the
Santa Maria Rotonda of Rome, and many other very ancient
palaces. There are very great merchants here. These people
dress like those above mentioned. They are olive coloured.
Departing thence I went to another city, distant from this
three days' journey, which is called Zibit ;^ a large and very
of water from the neighbouring heights. He has also erected several
large buildings in a garden, and, altogether, it is a most agreeable
place." Niebuhr, who gives a detailed account of the town together
with a view and plan, says it is situated at the foot of a fertile moun-
tain called Jebel S&bir, and is surrounded by a wall of crude bricks with
a slight revitement of burnt bricks. Within the enceinte of the walls is
a steep rock four hundred feet high, on which the citadel El-K&hirah
stands. Yarthema's 'temple" was probably the mosque of the re-
no?med Mohammedan saint Isma*il Mulk, which Niebuhr styles the
'' Cathedral of Ta*ez/' There are many mosques and other public build-
ings both within and without, the city, but most of them are in a very
dilapidated condition. Baskets of rose-buds are brought from Ta*ez to
Aden during the season. The place was occupied by the Egyptian forces
on its evacuation by Sultlln 'Amir ibn Abd el-WahhIlb, a few days
before his capture and death. At present, though nominally subject
to the Im&m of Sanaa, it is governed by the chief of the Sherjebi tribe
who inhabit the district.
^ Zebid, situated in one of the most fertile valleys of Yemen, was for-
merly the capital of the Tihilma, and a place of considerable importance ;
but owing to the gradual fiUing-up of the old port of Gh&lifkah, much
of its trade was diverted to Mokha, Hodeidah, and Loheia, and it is now
reduced to a second-rate town. £1-Edrtsi describes it in his time as
'' a large city, its inhabitants are prosperous, being men of wealth and
substance, and the voyagers thereto are many. There assemble mer-
chants from the Hij&z, and Abyssinia, and Egypt, who go up in Juddah
vessels. The Abyssinians bring their (raWc) slaves thereto, and from
thence are exported different kinds of Indian aromatics, Chinese and other
commodities." (I was surprised to find that Gabriele Sionita, in his Latin
translation of El-£drisi, makes merces of the Arabic rakik, which occurs
in this and in another extract which I have quoted in note 1, page 86.
Rakik is a common word for slave in Yemen and in Egypt.) Abul-
G
8S THE TRAVELS OF
excellent city, situated near the Red Sea, at half a day's
journey. It is a place of very considerable extent by the
Ked Sea, and is supplied with an immense quantity of sugar,
and has most excellent fruits ; is situated on a plain between
two mountains, and has no walls around it. A very great
traffic is carried on here in spices of all kinds, which are
brought from other countries. The dress and colour of
these people is the same as of those before mentioned. Then.
I departed from this place and went to another city, distant
one day's jouri^ey, called Damar,^ inhabited by Moors, who
are very great merchants. The said city is very fertile, and
the manner of living and customs of the inhabitants are the
same as of those before mentioned.
feda says Zebtd is ^'situated in a plain, somewhat less than a day's
journey from the sea. Its water is derived from wells, and it abounds
in palm-trees. It is surrounded by a wall, and has eight gates." As
this latter observation contradicts the statement of Yarthema, it must
be borne in mind that Abulfeda wrote two centuries before his time,
and the more recent account of Niebuhr is sufficient to establish our
traveller's general veracity. Niebuhr states that " the wall of the town
is almost entirely demolished to a level with the ground, and the poor
people dig into the foundations to obtain stones wherewith to build
their houses." Notwithstanding the existence of a river, which during
the rainy season flows in a copious stream through the valley, the same
author says that the inhabitants draw water from sunken wells, and that
it is of an excellent quality. Foy. en Arable, vol. i. pp. 261-264.
Zebid was taken from 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahh&b by the combined
Egyptian and Turkish armies on the 1 7th of Jum&d el-Awwal, 922 =
1 7th June, 1516. The excesses which they committed on the occasion,
as recorded by the author of the Kurrat d Aytn, were atrocious in the
extreme. It was wrested from the conquerors not long after by the
Imitm of Sanaa, and continued, nominally, a dependency of that princi-
pality until it finally fell into the hands of the Turks, together with
several towns on the coast, about A.n. 1832.
> More correctly, Dham&r, situated about sixty miles to the east of
Zebid,— a hard day's journey, but by no means an uncommon one with
the Arabs, mounted on their fleet dromedaries. Abulfeda remarks that
it is a well known city, and the birth-place of many authors on the
Traditions. Niebuhr, who visited it, says that it is situated in a fertile
territory, and is renowned for its breed of horses. The town, which is
large and well built, has no wall, but is defended by a strong fortress
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 83
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SULTAN OF ALL THE
ABOVE-MENTIONED CITIES, AND WHEREFORE HE
IS CALLED BT THE NAME 8ECHAMIR.
All these above-named cities are subject to the Sultan of
the Amanni/ that is^ the Sultan of Arabia Felix, who is
called Sechamir.^ Secho is the same as saint, amir^ lord, and
adjoining. It contains a famous MedresHh^ or College, belonging to the
sect of the Zaidieh, which was frequented by fi?e hundred students.
Voyage en Arable^ yol. i. pp. 324-5.
^ It now strikes me as most probable that Yarthema's '^ Amanni*' is
merely his Italian way of writing " Yemen," which Gabriele Sionita, in
his Latin yersion of El-Edrisi, renders ''laman." (For a different
solution see note 2 on p. 57.)
' We have here another remarkable coincidence strikingly confirma-
tiye of Yarthema's general correctness. The reigning prince at the time
was 'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhdib ibn Daood ibn Dh&hir, etc., sumamed
Edh-Dh&fir Sal&h ed-Din, who succeeded his father Abd el-Wahh&b,
generally styled El-Melek el-MansfLr, a.h. 894 = a.d. 1488. In the
course of a few years he wrested the greater part of Yemen from the
Imlkm, and eyentually occupied Sanaa. His career, indeed, was an
unbroken series of yictories until arrested, first by the Egyptian expedi-
tion in 1515, and then by the Turks, who inyaded Yemen the year fol-
lowing. He was overtaken as a fugitive, on his way to seek shelter in
the castle of Bhamarmar, by a detachment of the Egyptian army with
which he had had a fierce engagement on the preceding day, and was
murdered by them in cold blood on the 24th of Rabiaa el-Akhir, 923 =
12th May, 1517. His head they carried to San§A, and exhibited it
before the walls ; whereupon the people surrendered at discretion, and
opened the gates to the Egyptian commander.
The following account of the various public monuments erected by
'Amir ibn Abd el-Wahhdib is from the Kurrat d-AyAn : — " He built the
Great Mosque in the city of Zebid, which excels all others, and expended
thereon enormous wealth. Also the Medresseh [College] called Edh-
Dhllfirtch, opposite the Jykc el-Eebir, in the same city. Also the Me-
dresseh of Sheikh Isma'il ibn Ibrahim el-Jabraty, and the tomb of
the Fakih Abi*bekr ibn *Ali el>Hadd&d, outside the town, near the B&b
el-Eartab. Also two Medressehs at Ta*ez, to which place he also brought
a stream of water. Also the Great Mosque and a Masjid at El-Makrft-
nah. Also a Medresseh at Bad&a el-'Arsh. Also a Masjid at Aden, to
which place he also conducted the water [from the country beyond] as
far as the outer gate^ and built a large reservoir in the town itself, and
84 THE TRAVELS OF
the reason why they call him holy is this^ that he never put
any one to death excepting in war. You must know that in
my time he had 15,000 or 16,000 men in chains, and to all
he gave two quattrini per man for their expenses daily, and
thus he left them to die in prison when they deserved death.
He also has 16^000 slaves whom he maintains^ and they are
all black.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING APES, AND SOME ANIMALS
LIKE LIONS, VERY HOSTILE TO MAN.
Departing from this place I went to the above-mentioned
city of Aden for five days. In the middle of the route I
found a most terrible mountain, in which we saw more than
another at the village of 'Aik ; besides innumerable other mosques, re-
servoirs, wells, and dams, wherever they were needed, and in detached
hamlets. He it was who laid down the aqueduct to Aden from a distant
place, which cost him immense treasures. Other pious acts without
number are attributed to him,... and no passage of his life is censurable
except his interference with the Fakihs and their endowments. And I
think this was the cause of his downfal, and therefore counsel all
sovereigns who may rule over the affairs of the Mussulmans, and all
others who may have anything to do with them, not to meddle with the
pious endowments, or with the IJlema, for I have never heard of any
doing so who was not punished, either in his person, hia property, or his
&mily."
I find that 'Amir ibn Abd el-WahhlLb was styled ^* Sheikh" prior to
his succession to the principality, and although Arabian historians
denominate him subsequently as " Sultdin," it is highly probable that
he continued to be styled, generally, " Sheikh 'Amir." The word Sheikh
means primarily an aged man, an elder ; thence, a chief or ruler, a learned
man, or one renowned for piety.
Yarthema's statement that 'Amir never put any one to death except
in war, is contradicted by the narrative of his life contained in the
Kurrat el-AyHn ; though, as compared with his predecessors, and espe-
cially with the Egyptian and Turkish pashas who succeeded him, he
was a remarkably lenient ruler. The " slaves" mentioned above were
chiefly Abyssinians, and formed the principal part of the standing
army.
LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 85
10,000 apes,^ amongst which were certain animals like lions,
which do great injury to man when in their power to do so.
On their account it is not possible to pass by that route ex-
cepting in companies of at least one hundred persons. We
passed in very great danger, and with no little hunting of
the said animals. However, we killed a great number of
them with bows and slings and dogs, so that we passed in
safety. As soon as I had arrived in Aden, I placed myself
in the mosque pretending to be ill, and remained there all
day. In the evening I went to find the captain of the ship,
so that he put me on board secretly.
DISCOURSE TOUCHING SOME PLACES OP ETHIOPIA.
Having determined to see other countries we put to sea
according to our intention; but as fortune is accustomed to
exercise her unstable will on the water, equally unstable,
we were turned somewhat from our design ; for, six days
from that time we took the route to Persia, sailing for seven
days, and then an accident occurred which made us run as
far as Ethiopia, together with twenty-five ships laden with
madder to dye clothes ; for every year they lade as many as
twenty-five ships in Aden with it. This madder grows in
Arabia Felix.^ With extreme labour we entered into the
port of a city named Zeila, and remained there five days, in
order to see it and wait for favourable weather.
^ In the original " gatti maimonL" Niebuhr states that he frequently
saw hundreds of apes at a time in the woods of Yemen. Voy. en Arable^
vol. iii. p. 147.
Yarthema's animal '' something like a lion" was probably the hyena^
which is not uncommon in the country. Some large apes still exist in
the hills at Aden, and a hyena was killed there a few years ago.
' Arabic^, Foowtoah. This root is still extensively exported from
Aden and other ports of Yemen.
86 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ZEILA, A CITY OF ETHIOPIA,
AND OP THE ABUNDANCE OF IT, AND CONCERNING
SOME ANIMALS OF THE SAID CITY, SUCH AS
SHEEP AND COWS.
The beforenamed city of Zeila^ is a place of immense
traffic, especially in gold and elephants' teeth. Here also
are sold a very great number of slaves, which are those
people of Frester John whom the Moors take in battle, and
from this place they are carried into Persia, Arabia Felix,
and to Mecca, Cairo, and into India. In this city people
live extremely well, and justice is excellently administered.
Much grain grows here and much animal food, oil in great
quantity, made not from olives but from zerzalino^ honey and
^ Zaila, which Vincent identifies as the ancient Moondus, is situated
on the north-east coast of Africa, opposite to Aden, and about sixty
miles from the Straits of B&b el-Mandeb. El-£drisi, who calls it
<< Zalegh," says " it is a town small in size, but with many inhabitants ;
Toyagers thereto also are numerous. Most of the ships of Ealzam come
as far as this town, bringing various merchandise which is traded with
in Abyssinia. Slaves and silver are taken from thence." (As sUver does
not appear among the exports from Abyssinia either in ancient or modem
times, except in tl^e shape of foreign coin which had previously been
imported into the country, the Nubian geographer must have been mis-
informed in that particular.) Abulfeda correctly describes Zaila as
^ situated at the bottom of a bay, in a plain, and the heat of the place
is excessive. The water is derived from wells, but is brackish. There
are no gardens or fruits." Ibn BattLta says : '' the stench of the coun-
try is extreme, as is also its filth, from the stink of the fish, and the
blood of camels which are slaughtered in the streets." I may add, from
personal experience, that it is a most wretched place in every respect ;
with a population of nearly a thousand souls, it can only boast of about
a dozen houses built of madrepore, the remaining dwellings consisting
of mats and reeds. Nevertheless, Zaila, as the principal seaport of
Hurrur and southern Abyssinia, has still a considerable trade, of which
gold dust and elephants' teeth form a part. Until within the last few
years, also, it carried on a brisk trafiic in slaves, who were exported to
the places mentioned above by Yarthema. It is now under the Ottoman
Porte, but its customs are farmed by the Pasha of Hodeidah to a native.
9 Eden, following the Latin version, has tn^Qslated the passage thus :
LXJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 87
wax in great abandance* Here is found a kind of sheep,
the tail of which weighs fifteen or sixteen pounds, and with
the head and neck quite black, but the whole of the rest of
the body white.^ There are also some other sheep, which
have tails a hrazzo long and twisted like vines, and
they have the dewlap like that of a bull, which almost
touches the ground. Also in this place I found a certain
kind of cows, which had horns like a stag and were wild,
which had been presented to the Sultan of the said city.^ I
also saw here other cows, which had a single horn in the
forehead, which horn is a palmo and a half in length, and
turns more towards the back of the cow than forwards.* The
colour of these is red, that of the former is black. There is
an abundance of provisions in this city, and there are many
merchants here. The place has poor walls and a bad port,
^^ It hath also oyle^ not of olyues, but of some other thyng, I knowe not
trhat." The word <* zerzalino" puzzled me till I remembered how fre-
quently our author uses the letter t to express the sound of ^', when I
perceived at once that he m^tLUt juljuldn^ (Forskal writes if dsjildjylftri;"
in India and farther east it is pronounced '^jinjli*' or 'fjiijili;" and
Baretti gives ^' giuggiolana" as an Italian equivalent for semme,) one of
the Arabic names for the SeMmum Indieum, the oil of which is largely
exported from Zaila. Honey and wax, also, are among its exports still.
^ A correct description of the Berbera sheep generally. It is rare to
see an entirely white one, or one marked otherwise than above stated ;
they have also a long dewlap. The other species mentioned is less com-
mon. The caudal extremity of the latter may be likened to an exagge-
rated pig^s tail.
' Most probably the oryx, though Varthema would have been more
correct had he represented the horns as similar to those of an antelope.
The oryx abounds inland from Zaila, is often shot, but very rarely taken
alive.
' We have here another monoceros, but it is quite clear that the ani-
mals described differed from the unicorns which Varthema saw at Meccah
(see p. 47 ante,) He may have met with some specimens of the African
rhinoceros at Zaila ; but if so, they must have been brought thither
from the distant interior, as the animal is not found in the neighbour-
hood ; indeed, though the horns are frequently imported from thence to
the Aden market, I have never heard of a live rhinoceros existing on
that coast.
88 THE TRAVELS OF
nevertheless it is situated on level ground and the main-
land. The king of this Zeila is a Moor, and has many
soldiers, both foot and horseX The people are warlike. Their
dress consists of a shirt. They are olive- coloured. They
go badly armed, and are all Mahommedans.^
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BARBARA, AN ISLAND OF
ETHIOPIA, AND OP ITS PEOPLE.
As soon as the weather became favourable, we set sail and
arrived at an island which is called Barbara,^ the lord of
> A tolerably accurate description of the SomdliSj so called from
Barr es-SSmdl, by which same the country from R&s H&f<in on the
eastern coast of Africa as far as Zaila westward is designated. The in-
habitants, according to Cruttenden, " are divided into two great nations,
who, both tracing their origin from the Arab province of Hadhramaut,
are yet at bitter and endless feud with each other. The principal of
these two great families is that to the eastward, or windward, of Burnt
Island. It is divided into four large and three smaller tribes.... They
claim as their common father Darrood, the son of Ishmail, the son of
Okeil, the son of Arab, who came from Hadhramaut, and, marrying a
daughter of the Haweea tribe residing on the north-east coast of Africa,
became the first Muhammedan founder of the Somdili nation to the east-
ward...
"The second of these two nations extends from Burnt Island, or
Bunder Jedid, to Zaila, and is divided into three great tribes, namely,
the Haber-Qehajjis, the Haber-Awwal, and the Habert el-Jahlah, {Haher
meaning the sons of), who were the children of Isaakh by three wives,
the said Isaak having crossed over from Hadhramaut some time after his
countrymen had founded the nation to the eastward, and settled at the
town of Meyt, near Burnt Island, where his tomb exists to this day.
Isaakh, finding his influence on the increase, owing to his intermarriage
with a Galla tribe, made a sudden descent upon the neighbourhood of
Berbera, then in the hands of a celebrated Qalla chieftain, Sultan
Harlreh, and succeeded in obtaining possession of the country as far as
Zaila... The patruixch Isaakh was gathered to his fathers at a very ad-
vanced age, and was buried at the town of Meyt, leaving behind him a
name which is respected to this day.*' Tranmctiona of the Bombay
Geographical Society^ vol. viii.
* This was undoubtedly Berbera, but it is not an island as Yarthema
LXJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 89
^hich with all the inliabitants are Moors. This island is
small but good and very well peopled^ and contains many-
supposed. The name is generally applied to a deep and narrow inlet,
forming a safe harbour during the north-east monsoon, and to the
country in its neighbourhood. It is situated about one hundred and
twenty miles to the south-east of Zaila.
Br. Vincent identifies Berbera with the Mosullon of the author of the
PeripluSy and that it ''has existed as a port of great trade for several
centuries," writes Cruttenden, " I conceive to be almost sufficiently
proved by the fact of its being an annual rendezvous for so many nations
to the present day, and from the time for this great meeting having
been chosen so as to suit the set of the Red Sea and Indian Monsoons...
The annual fair is one of the most interesting sights on the coast, if
only from the fact of so many different and distant tribes being drawn
together for a short time, to be again scattered in all directions. From
April to the early part of October the place is utterly deserted, not even
a :fisherman being found there; but no sooner does the season change,
than the inland tribes commence moving down towards the coast, and
preparing their huts for their expected visitors.*' It is estimated that
as many as 20,000 natives assemble annually at this fair to barter their
gums, resins, ostrich feathers, coffee, ghee, oil, cattle, and sheep, with
merchants from the Bed Sea, Muscat, Baharain, Basra, Porebunder,
Mandavie, Bombay, and other Indian ports. A considerable quantity
of these commodities is also brought over to the Aden market by the
86m&lis, and the town and garrison there are almost entirely supplied
with butcher's meat from Berbera. Speaking of that country Crutten-
den further says : ^' The number of sheep, goats, she-camels, etc., found
on these plains is perfectly incredible, fully realizing the account given
of the flocks and herds of the patriarchs of old ; for many of the elders
of these tribes own each more than 1,600 she-camels, and their flocks of
sheep are literally uncounted." The territory is governed by the elders
of the different tribes, but during the fair at Berbera no chief is acknow-
ledged, the customs of by-gone years being the only recognized laws of
the place.
As Berbera was inhabited when our traveller arrived there, it is obvi-
ous that his visit took place during the north-east monsoon, and that
fact explains the circumstance of his having been driven back towards
the African coast after sailing from Aden. The vessel probably encoun-
tered one of those strong north-westerly gales, called Baldt by the Arabs,
which occasionally occur during that season along the north-east coast
of Arabia.
Although Yarthema supplies us with few dates, we are enabled to
verify this inference by several incidental remarks in the preceding nar-
90 THE TRAVELS OF
animals of every kind. The people are for the most part
black, and their wealth consists more in animals than in
other things. We remained here one day, and then set sail
and took the route towards Persia.
ratiye. He left Damascus on the 8th of April, reached Meccah in six
weeks, and remained there seyeral days at least. Was twelve days tra-
velling to El-Medinah, where he also sojourned some time before starting
for Juddah. He was detained a fortnight at the latter place, and was
seventeen days more making the voyage to Aden. At Aden he was impri-
soned for two months before being sent to Rad&&, where he arrived
during the hot weather, for grapes were in season, and on his release he
travelled through a great part of Yemen, which occupied him not less
than six weeks more. These periods combined make between seven and
eight months, so that he probably left Aden about the middle of Decem-
ber, when the north-easterly monsoon was fully set in, and the fair at
Berbera was at its height.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 91
THE BOOK CONCERNING PERSIA.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING DIUOBANDIERRUMI, ANI>
GOA, AND GIULPAR, LANDS OF MESCHET,
A PORT OP PERSIA.
When we had sailed about twelve days we arrived at a city
which is called Diuobandierrumi/ that is, ** Diu, the port of
1 Though Yarthema heads this chapter as relating to Persia, the two
places first named obviously belong to the Indian province of Guzerat,
and the change in the course of the vessel in which he sailed, originally
bound for the former country, may have been caused by the shipment of
cargo for those places at Zaila and Berbera, between which and the
S6midi coast there is still considerable traffic.
Diu Bander er-RAm^ which our traveller correctly renders '^ Diu the
Port of the Turks" (or Greeks,) but which Eden, following the doubtful
Latin version, mistranslates " The holy porte of Turkes," is undoubtedly
the small island of Diu, situated in the Gulf of Cambay, at that period
subject to MahmM Bigarrah, the reigning Sult&n of Guzerat. I have
sought in vain for the distinctive title which Yarthema gives it, and
which is Arabic in its form, in any other writer either before or after his
time. The author of the Kurrat d-^AyHn mentions a severe hurricane
** at Bander Diu in the Indian Sea," in the month of January 1495,
wherein many vessels were lost ; and the Rudh er-Ru&k records the death,
five years later, of one 'Abdallah ibn Muhammed ibn 'Alowi, a famous
Seyyed of Yemen, «< at Bander Diu in India ;*' but the suffix << Er-Rdmi*^
never occurs in their works in connexion with the place. The following
extract firom the Histoiredea Voyage$y relating the events of 1530, though
it fails to solve the difficulty, goes to prove that the name was familiar
in those parts, and that foreigners styled " RtLmi" or " Rtlm" resided at
Diu about that period : — ^^ Badur [Bahadur], qui avait succ6cl6 au tron
de Cambaye, se crut redevable de son salut k Mustapha. II lui accorda
pour recompense le gouvemement de Baroche, avec le titre de Rumiy
98 THE TKAYELS OF
the Turks/' which city is situated a short distance from the
mainland. When the tide rises it is an island, and when
it falls you can pass over on foot. This city is subject to the
Sultan of Combeia, and the captain of this Diuo is one
named Menacheaz. We remained here two days. There is
an immense trade in this city. Four hundred Turkish mer-
chants reside here constantly. This city is surrounded, by
walU and contains much artillery within it. lliey have
certain vessels which are called Thalae, which are somewhat
less than galleys. We departed thence and went to a city
which is called Goa/ distant from the above about three
parce qu*il Itait Grec, et celui de Kan, Ainsi nous le verrons paroitre
desormaifl sous le nom de Rumi-Kan." Vol. i. p. 118.
The town of Diu is situated at the eastern extremity of the island, and
is well fortified, being surrounded by a wall strengthened with towers at
regular intervals. The channel between the island and the mainland is
navigable only for fishing-boats and other small craft. Notwithstanding
the excellence of the harbour for ships of moderate draughty there is but
little traffic. (See Thobrton's OazeUeer of India,) In this latter respect
the place must have fallen off considerably since Yarthema's time.
M. CsMar Fredericke, who visited it a.d. 1563, describes it as " a small
city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships
for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with merchandise." (Haklutt's
Voyages, vol. ii.) Diu was captured by the Portuguese in 1515, and
remains in their possession still. In 1539 they repelled an attack on
the place by the Turkish fleet under Suleiman Pasha, who was obliged
to return to Suez. On his way thither he remained some time at Zebid,
exciting the people to revolt, with a view to extort money from the
Imlkm. Such is the opinion of the author of the Rudh er-Eudh, who
adds : — "I have, moreover, heard from credible witnesses, that he accepted
rich gifts from the powers in India to induce him not to prosecute the war
in that quarter."
^ This was unquestionably Goghfr, or, as it is now usually called, Gogo,
a town situate in the peninsula of Katty war, on the western shore of the
Gulf of 0am bay, about one hundred miles to the north-east of Diu.
Forbes describes it at present as " a neat and thriving seaport town,
containing upwards of eight thousand inhabitants, and possessing the
best roadstead in the Gulf of Oambay. Its seamen, called Gogh&rees,
partly of the Mohammedan faith, and partly Koolee or Hindoo, the
descendants of the navigators fostered by the kings of Unhilw&ra, still
maintain their ancient reputation, and form the best and most trusted
LUDOYICO Dl VARTHBMA. 93
days* jouroey. This Goa is a district of large extent and
great traffic^ and is fat and wealthy. The inhabitants^ how*
ever, are all Muhammedans. We quitted Goa and went to
another district called Guilfar, which is most excellent and
abounding in ererything*^ There is a good seaport there,
from which port setting sail with propitious winds we arrived
at another port which is called Meschet.^
portion of eyery Indian crew that eails the sea under the flag of Eng-
land. On the south-west comer of the town, and outside the circuit of
the present wall, may, however, be observed the site of the ancient
citadel... The situation was admirably selected for defensive purposes,
being the highest in the neighbourhood, and commanding an extensive
view of the gulf and the island of Perumbh, or Peerum, on the one side,
and on the other of the whole country as far as the foot of the Khokurft
hills." (Mb Mdldy vol. i. p. 318.) In Hamilton's Ume (1688-1723) Gogo
was " governed by an officer from the Great Mogul." It was taken from
the Mahrattas by the British in 1805, and now forms part of the district
of Ahmedabad«
. ^ From Gogo, Yarthema must have crossed the Indian Sea and
entered the Persian Gulf, for Julf][Ur is situated within the Gulf, on the
western side of Mussendom, about twenty miles to the south of that
cape. It is one of five towns belonging to the Shihiyyin Arabs, and its
inhabitants form the more stationary and civilized portion of that tribe,
being engaged chiefly in pearl-fishing, trade, and agriculture. Their
food consists of dates, wheat, barley, meat, and fish in abundance. The
remainder of the tribe is occupied in gaining a precarious livelihood by
fishing in the small bays on the coast, or in wandering over the arid rocks
of the interior, which supply a scanty vegetation for their flocks. The
male adults of the tribe are said to amount to 14,000.
Julf&r was captured by the Portuguese in the early part of the six-
teenth century. They maintained an establishment there, protected by
a fort, for the purpose of pearl-fishing, until their expulsion from the
gulf, when it reverted to the Arabs. In 1819 the town and fore were
destroyed by a combined British and M&skat expedition, in retaliation
for several acts of piracy committed by vessels belonging to the tribe.
' M&skat (Muscat), the principal seaport town of the province of
Oman, or, more correctly, 'Amm&n. As that place is situated on the
north-east coast of Arabia, bordering the Indian Sea, in lat. 23"* 28' N.,
long. 59^ 19' £., a retrograde voyage was made of two hundred miles.
The native vessel, however, does not appear to have had a fixed
course, although her destination on leaving Aden was the Persian Gulf ;
but the Arab skipper was probably guided in his movements by the
94 THB TRAVELS OP
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ORMUS, A CITY AND ISLAND
OF PERSIA, AND HOW THEY GET VERY LARGE
PEARLS AT IT BY FISHING.
Farsaing our journey, we departed from Meschet and went
to the noble city of Ormus,^ which is extremely beautiful.
freights which he picked up here and there on the coast, and our
traveller availed himself of the opportunities thus afforded to satisfy his
desire for seeing new countries.
M&skat, at the period of Yarthema's yisit, was governed by a native
sovereign who resided at Nezwa, two days' journey inland. It was
captured by the Portuguese, together with several other places on the
B&tinah coast, in the early part of the sixteenth century. They re-
tained possession till 1640, when they were expelled from the country
by Sult&n Bin Seif, in whose family the sovereignty of AmmAn remains
to the present day.
I 'Abd er-RazziLk, who visited the island of Hormuz sixty years before
Yarthema, speaks in similar terms of its commercial prosperity. (See
India in the Fifteenth Century, Haklutt Society's Publications, pp.
5, 6.) Ralph Fitch, in 1583, describes it as " an island in circuit about
five and twenty or thirty miles, and the driest island in the world ; for
there is nothing growing in it but only salt ; for the water, wood, or
victuals, and all things necessary, come out of Persia, which is about
twelve miles from thence. The Portuguese have a castle there, wherein
there is a captain for the king of Portugal, having under him a con*
venient number of soldiers, whereof some part remain in the castle and
some in the town. In this town are merchants of all nations, and many
Af oors and Gentiles. Here is a very great trade of all sorts of spices^
drugs, silk, cloth of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls,
which come from the isle of Baharim [Baharein], and are the best pearls
of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serve all India. They
have a Moor to their king, who is chosen and governed by the Portu-»
guese." Pinrbbtok's Voyages^ vol. ix. p. 407.
Hormuz was captured by the Portuguese under Alberquerque in 1508,
who were expelled in turn by Sh&h Abb&s, assisted by the British, in
1622, since which time it has been a dependency of Persia. Sh&h Abblks
transferred its commerce to Gombrdn, or Gamr<in, situate on the conti-
nent, and styled after him Bander Abb&s. The island was a dependency
of Persia when Marco Polo visited it towards the middle of the 13th
century, and, although governed by an Arab ruler, it was tributary to
that power when taken by the Portuguese, who allowed him to retain
his dignity on payment of an annual tribute of 15,000 cuhrafiy about
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 95
It is an island^ and is the chief, that is, as a maritime place,
and for merchandise. It is distant from the mainland ten
or twelve miles. In this said island there is not sufficient
water or food, but all comes from the mainland. Near this
island, at a distance of three days' journey, they fish up the
largest pearls which are found in the world, and the manner
of fishing for them is as you shall hear. There are certain
fishers with some little boats, who throw out a large stone
attached to a thick rope, one from the stern and one from
the prow, in order that the said boats may remain firm : they
throw down another rope, also with a stone, to the bottom.
In the middle of the boat is one of these fishers, who hangs
a couple of bags round his neck, and ties a large stone to his
feet, and goes fifteen paces under water, and remains there
as long as he is able, in order to find the oysters in which
are peai'ls. As he finds them he puts them into the bags, and
then leaves the stone which he had at his feet, and comes up
by one of the said ropes.^ Sometimes, as many as three hun-
dred vessels belonging to different countries are assembled
at the said city, the Sultan of which is a Mahommedan.
j£l,2dO of our money. (Histoire des Voyaga^ vol. i. p. 110.) It is now
£urmed of the Persian Shah by the Sultan of M&skat, together with
Bunder Abb&s, Minau, and several other places on the mainland, for a
yearly payment of 16,000 ToomanB=;£7,600 ; but it has lost all its
former trade and prosperity, and its population consists of about four
hundred inhabitants, mostly employed in the salt trade and as fishermen.
The island has no water except what is saved in reservoirs during the
rains. There are a number of these reservoirs in good repair, and the
ruins of some hundreds, showing what the place was in former times.
The old Portuguese lighthouse is still standing, though fast falling to
decay. Large quantities of salt are exported from the island to all
parts of the Persian Gulf and the coasts of Arabia. The fort is garri-
soned by a hundred men belonging to the Sultan of M4skat. The chan-
nel between Hormuz and the mainland directly opposite is only four
miles broad. Between the island and Bunder Abb^ it averages between
eleven and twelve.
^ This is a correct description of the pearl fishery as it exists at the
present day.
96 THE TRAVEI^ OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SULTAN OP ORMUS, AND
OF THE CRUELTY OP THE SON AGAINST THE SULTAN
HIS PATHER, HIS MOTHER, AND HIS BROTHERS.
At the time when I visited this country there happened
that which you shall hear. The Sultan of Ormus had eleven
male children. The youngest was considered to be simple^
that is^ half a fool : the eldest was looked upon as a devil
nnchained. Also the said Sultan had brought up two slaves,
the sons of Christians, that is, of those of Frester John,
whom he had purchased when quite young, and he loved
them like his own children.^ They were gallant cavaliers
and lords of castles. One night, the eldest son of the Sultan
put out the eyes of his father, mother, and all his brothers,
excepting the half-witted one ; then he carried them into
the chamber of his father and mother, and put fire in the
midst, and burnt the chamber with the bodies and all that
was therein. Early in the morning what had taken place
became known, and the city arose at the rumour, and he
fortified himself in the palace, and proclaimed himself Sultan.
The younger brother, who was considered a fool, did not,
however, show himself to be such a fool as he was supposed
to be ; for, hearing what had taken place, he took refuge
in a Moorish mosque, saying : ^* Vualla occuane saithan
uchatelabu eculo cuane," that is, " O God, my brother is a
devil; he has killed my father, my mother, and all my
brothers, and after having killed them he has burnt them."^
At the expiration of fifteen days the city became tranquil.
1 Hdheskiy or Abyssinian slaves, mostly of Christian parentage, were
the most trusted and favourite soldiers of the sultans and other chiefs of
Arabia at this period. They were also imported largely into India, and
frequently acquired considerable influence in the courts of the native
princes.
' W*AUahy akhUna thaitdn : hua kdtd abHh, wa-ktU akhwdnana. By
God ! our brother is a devil : he has killed his father, and all my
brothers.
LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 97
The Saltan sent for one of the slaves above mentioned and
said to him : '* Thale inte Mahometh." The slave, who
was named Mahometh, answered : ^' Escult iasidi," that is,
" What dost thou say, lord ? Said the Stdtan : ** An ne
Soldan ?" that is, '* Am I Sultan ?" Mahometh replied :
** Heu valla siti inte Soldan," that is, '* Yes, by God, thou
art Sultan."^ Then the Sultan took him by the hand and
made much of him, and said to him : '^ Roa chatel zaibei
anneiati arba ochan sechala," that is, '^ Go and kill thy com-
panion, and I will give thee five castles."^ Mahometh re-
plied : ^* lasidi anue iacul menau men saibi theletin sane
vualla sidi ancasent," that is, *^ O lord, I have eaten with
my companion thirty years and acted with him, I cannot
bring my mind to do such a thing.'*^ Then said the Sultan :
'* Well, let it alone." Four days afterwards, the said Sultan
sent for the other slave, who was named Caim, and made
the same speech to him that he had made to his companion,
that is, that he should go and kill. ^' Bizemele," Caim said
at once, *' erechman erachin lasidi,** that is, ** So be it,
lord, in the name of God ;"^ and then he armed himself
secretly and went immediately to find Mahometh his com-
panion. When Mahometh saw him, he looked him fixedly
in the face, and said to him : *^ O traitor, thou canst not
deny it, for I detect thee by thy countenance ; but look now,
for I will slay thee sooner than that thou slay me." Caim,
who saw himself discovered and known, drew forth his
dagger, and threw it at the feet of Mahometh, and falling
^ Tadl anUij Muhammed, Come hither, Muhammed. Aish kiUtf ya
Mi f What do you say, sir ? Ana suUdn ? Am I sultan ? Ay w*AU
lahy Mi, anta »tdtdn. Tes, sir, you are sultan.
' Ruk aktal adhibeky wa-ana ^acUik arbUa aw khama halda. Go kill
your comrade, and I will give you four or five castles.
* Ya Hdi, dna akdlt mdd'u min aabty — thldthtn aana, W* Allah, aidi,
ankdaair. Oh, sir, I have eaten with him from childhood, — thirty years.
By God, sir, I shall fail.
* B^iam-IUahy er-Rahmdn, er-Rakim. In the name of God, the Piti-
ful, the Compassionate. A formula frequently used to express assent.
H
98 THE TRAVELS OF
on his knees before him said : ^' O^ my lord^ pardon me
although I deserve deaths and if it seem good to thee take
these arms and kill me^ for I came to kill thee." Mahometh
replied : '^ It may be well said that thou art a traitor, having
been with me, and acted with me, and eaten together with
me for thirty years, and then at last to wish to put me to
death in so vile a manner. Thou poor creature, dost thou
not see that this man is a devil. Rise, however, for I par-
don thee. But in order that thou mayest understand, know
that this man urged me, three days ago, to kill thee, but
I would not in any way consent. Now, leave all to God,
but go and do as I shall tell thee. Go to the Sultan, and
tell him that thou hast slain me." Caim replied : '' I am
content," and immediately went to the Sultan. When the
Sultan saw him he said to him : ^' Well, hast thou slain thy
friend ?" Caim answered : " Yes, sir, by God." Said the
Sultan : '* Come here," and he went close to the Sultan,
who seized him by the breast and killed him by blows of
his dagger. Three days afterwards Mahometh armed him-
self secretly and went to the Sultan's chamber, who, when
he saw him, was disturbed and exclaimed : " O dog, son of
a dog, art thou still alive ?" Said Mahometh : '' I am alive,
in spite of thee, and I will kill thee, for thou art worse than
a dog or a devil ;" and in this way, with their arms in their
hands, they fought awhile. At length Mahometh killed the
Sultan, and then fortified himself in the palace. And be-
cause he was so much beloved in the city, the people all ran
to the palace crying out : *' Long live Mahometh the Sul-
tan 1" and he continued Sultan about twenty days. When
these twenty days were passed, he sent for all the lords and
merchants of the city, and spoke to them in this wise :
" That that which he had done he had been obliged to do ;
that he well knew that he had no right to the supreme
power, and he entreated all the people that they would
allow him to make king that son who was considered crazy ;"
\i
LUDOVICO DI VA.BTHEMA. 99
and thus be was made king. It is tnie^ however^ that Ma-
hometh govenis everything. All the city said : " Surely this
man must be the friend of God." Wherefore he was made
governor of the city and of the Sultan, the Sultan being of
the condition above mentioned.^ You must know that there
are generally in this city four hundred foreign merchants,
who traffic in silks, pearls, jewels, and spices. The common
food of this city consists more of rice than of bread, because
com does not grow in this place.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ERI IN CORAZANI OF PERSIA,
AND OP ITS RICHES, AN1> OP THE ABUNDANCE OP
MANY THINGS, AND ESPECIALLY OP RHUBARB.
Having heard this lamentable event, and seen the customs
of the abovenamed city and island of Ormus, departing
thence T passed into Persia, and travelling for twelve days
I found a city called Eri,^ and the country is called Cora-
^ I have not succeeded in finding any historical notices corroboratiye
of the events recorded in this chapter ; but the following extract irom
the Hiitoire de8 VayageSy referring to the capture of the island by Albu-
querque in 1508, four years subsequent to Yarthema's visit, tends to
confirm several of the principal £Ebcts narrated : — '* Albuquerque trouya
sur le trdne 8ayf Addin, jeune prince d'enyiron douze ans, dont les
afiaires 6toient gouyern6es par un esclave adroit et courageux.*' Vol. i.
p. 109.
' Eri or Heri is the ancient name of Herftt, and the question is,
whether Yarthema means that city, and, if so, whether he personally
visited it. His description is sufficiently accurate to warrant an in-
ference in the affirmative. Herftt at the time was the capital of Khoras-
san, and the residence of Sultftn Husein Mlrza, a descendant of Timour.
Its commercial and general prosperity under that enlightened ruler has
been perpetuated by the celebrated historian Ehondemir, and the natural
resources of the country correspond with our traveller's account of
them« Moreover, Yarthema speaks as an eye-witness, and thus far I
have not discovered a single instance inclining me to doubt his testimony
as such. Besides, there appears no sufficient reason why, if he had not
personally visited Herikt, he should not have described it as he does
hS5
100 THB TRAVBLS OF
zaniy which would be the same as to say ** The RomagnaJ'
The king of Corazani dwells in this city, where there is
great plenty, and an abundance of stuffs, and especially
of silk, so that in one day you can purchase here three thou-
sand or four thousand camel loads of silk. The district is
most abundant in articles of food,^ and there is also a great
market for rhubarb.^ I have seen it purchased at six pounds
Samarcand in a subsequent chapter, wherein he repeatedly states that
his information is based on hearsay and the authority of others.
The only difficulty is the time occupied by our traveller in performing
the journey. The distance between the coast opposite Hormuz and
Her&t is about six hundred miles, and, according to Abd-er-Bazz&k*s
itinerary, he was twenty-two days on the road. True, Yarthema says
distinctly, that, after travelling twelve days, he reached Eri ; but it is by
no means clear that Hormuz or Bunder Abbfts was his starting-point, for
he first '' passed into Persia," from which we may infer that he had pene-
trated some way into the country before setting out for Her&t.
In the following chapter Yarthema gives an account of his route from
HeriLt to Shirftz, which he accomplished in twenty or twenty-three days,
the usual length of the caravan journey between the two places. That
coincidence may be fairly considered as a corroborative proof of our
traveller's personal visit to Her&t.
^ ^* Her&t is the most fertile country in the whole of Ehorassftn. The
suburbs are covered with rich and green orchards, producing consider-
able quantities of fruits. Silk is a native production of Her&t. It is
produced in great quantities, and is exported to many countries. The
wheat is of many kinds.... Ootton is abundantly cultivated in Her&t, and
sometimes is sent to Mashad. Mash, adas, nakhud, lemghash or muth,
shamled or halbah, jawari and lobia, are also among its productions.
Sebist and shaftal grow exuberantly, and are given to horses. Opium is
much grown here, and is transported to Bokh&ra and other places."
MoHDir Lall*8 Travds, pp. 272-275.
' Her&t is styled by the natives the key of the commerce between
Turkest&n, Afghanist&n, Persia, and India. It is much less so now
than it was formerly. At the time of Yarthema's visit it is highly
probable that it was the ' principal high?ray between Mongolia and
Thibet, the chief rhubarb-growing countries, and the West. That fact
would account for the abundance of the drug found in the market of
HeriLt. Tavemier mentions a northern road between Bhut&n or Lassa
and C&bul ; and Bemier, writing in 1655, says : " It is not yet twenty
years that there went caravans every year from Cashmere, which crossed
all those mountains of the great Tibet, and arrived in about three
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 101
for the ducat, according to our use, that is, twelve ounces to
the pound. This city contains about 6,000 or 7,000 hearths.^
The inhabitants are all Mohammedans. I quitted this place
and travelled twenty days on the mainland, finding cities
and castles very well peopled.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE RIVER EUFRA, WHICH
I BELIEVE TO BE THE EUPHRATES.
I arrived at a large and fine river, which is called by the
people there Eufra,^ but, so far as I can judge, I believe
that it is the Euphrates, on account of its great size. Travel-
ling onwards for three days to the left hand, but following
the river, I found a city which is named Schirazo, and this
city receives its lord, who is a Persian and a Mahommedan,
from the Persians. In this city there is a great abundance
of jewels, that is, of turquoises,^ and an infinite quantity of
Balass rubies. It is true that they are not produced here,
months at Cataja... bringing back musk, cinnamon, rhubarb, and ma-
miron." (Pinkbbtoit's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 221.) I notice in the
Description of Persia, contained in the same Collection, that '^ a kind
of rhubarb, with which they purge their cattle," grows in that country ;
but the writer adds, ''the best rhubarb comes from China, or rather
from Eastern Tartary." Ibid. vol. ix. p. 181.
^ Ferrier estimated the population of Her&t in 1845 at from 20,000
to 22,000 souls. Caravan Journeys, p. 166.
' As there is no river between Her&t and Shirftz bearing any resem-
blance in name to that above mentioned, I am inclined to think that if,
as is very probable, his route was by Tezd, Yarthema must have struck
upon the Pulw&n, near Merghikb, about eighty miles to the north-east of
8hir&z, from which point there appears to be a highroad on the '' left
hand," or east, of that riyer, leading to the latter city by Istak&r. The
Pulw&n flows into the Bendemir, which is a rapid stream crossed by a
bridge three hundred feet wide, and Yarthema must have passed that
also before reaching Shir&z.
* Shir&z is a great mart for turquoises. The best stones are found in
the mountains near Nishapore in Khorassan. Malcolm's History of
Persia, vol. ii p. 616.
102 THB TRAVELS OP
but come (as is reported) from a city which is called Balach-
8am. And in the said city there is a yery large quantity
of ultra marine, and much tucia aud musk.^ You must
know that musk is rarely met with in our parts, which is not
adulterated. The fact is this, for I have seen some experi-
ments on this wise. Take a bladder of musk in the morn-
ing, fasting, and break it, and let three or four men in file
smell it, and it will immediately make blood flow from the
nose, and this happens because it is real musk and not
adulterated. I asked how long its goodness continued.
Some merchants answered me : '^ That if it were not adul-
terated it lasted ten years.'' Upon this it occurred to me
that that which comes to otir part is adulterated by the
hands of these Persians, who are the most cunning men in
intellect, and at falsifying things, of any nation in the world.
And I likewise will say of them, that they are the best com*
panions and the most liberal of any men who inhabit the earth.
I say this because I have experienced it with a Persian mer-
chant whom I met in this city of Schirazo. Howeyer, he was
of the city of Eri above mentioned, in Corazaui. This same
merchant knew me two years preyiously in Mecca, and he
said to me : '' lunus, what are you doing here ? Are you
not he who some time ago went to Mecca?" I answered
^ BadakhshlUi, in the Khan&t of Kunduz, is still famous for its lapis
lazuli quarries and ruby mines. Tttcia, spodium ; or, more probably^
tHi^dy the Persian and Arabic name for antimony, which is used exten-
sively iu the preparation of the kohlj a collyrium. Antimony is said to
abound in Persia. (Pikkeston's Voyages, vol. ix. p. 181.) Musk probably
reached BadakhsbiLn from Thibet and Tartary, where the best quality
is found. Pigafetta writing in 1522 says : '^ The grains of musk brought
to Europe are no other than small pieces of goat's flesh steeped in real
musk." (PiNKEETOir, vol. xi. p. 378.) I am not able to vouch for the
truth of Yarthema's experiment, but it is well known tbat " some per-
sons, from idiosyncrasy, cannot endure the remote odour of musk : it
produces headache, giddiness, nausea, and fainting. Drowsiness and
stupor have occasionally been induced by it when given in small medici-
nal doses." Brands, Dictionary of Materia Medica.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 108
that I was^ and that I was going about exploring the world.
He answered me : " God be praised ! for I shall have a com-
panion who will explore the world with me." We remained
fifteen days in the same city of Schirazo. And this merchant,
who was called Cazazionor/ said : " Do not leave me, for we
will explore a good part of the world." And thus we set
ourselves together en route to go towards Sambragante.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SAMBRAGANTE, (AS IT IS
CALLED), A VERY LARGE CITY, LIKE CAIRO, AND OF
THE PERSECUTION BY THE SOPFI.
The merchants say that the present Sambragante^ is a city
as large as Cairo. The king of the said city is a Mohamme-
dan. Some merchants say that he has sixty thousand horse-
men, and they are all white people and warlike. We did
not proceed farther ; and the reason was, that the Soffi
was going through this country putting everything to fire
and fiame ; and especially he put to the sword all those who
believed in Bubachar and Othman and Aumar, who are all
companions of Mahomet ; but he leaves unmolested those
who believe in Mahomet and Ali, and protects them.^ Then
^ The first part of this word is undoubtedly Khatodja, generally ab-
breviated into Khdja, equivalent to our English '* Mister.*'
' Samarcand.
* The occurrence of these fierce religious dissensions between the two
principal sects of Isl&m at this period is corroborated by contempo-
raneous history. Sb&h Ismail es-Sfift, the founder of the Sufawlan
dynasty, attained sovereign power over Persia and Ehorassfrn about a.i>.
1500. Deeply imbued with th& Sh^ doctrines of his austere father,
Haidar, who had endeavoured to revive the opinions of a famous S^fl
derwish, he put himself at the head of his adherents when only fourteen
years old, and, taking advantage of the religious enthusiasm of his dis-
ciples,eventually succeeded in subjugating the whole country, and in con-
verting the great mass of the people to the Shi&h creed. This was not
effected without great strife and bloodshed, and Yarthema's visit must
have occurred when the contention between the rival factions was at its
height. << The Persians dwell with rapture on the character of Isma'll,
104 THB TBAYBLS OF
my companion said to me : ^' Come here« lunos : in order
that you may be certain that I wish you well, and that you
may have reason to know that I mean, to exercise good fellow-
ship towards you, I will give you a niece of mine who is
called Samis,^ that is, the Sun. And truly she had a name
which suited her, for she was extremely beautiful. And he
said to me fiirther : '^ You must know now that I do not travel
about the world because I am in want of wealth ; but I go
for my pleasure, and in order to see and to know many
things." And with this we set ourselves on our way, and
returned towards Eri. When we had arrived at his house,
he immediately shewed me his said niece, with whom I pre-
tended to be greatly pleased, although my mind was intent
on other things. We returned to the city of Ormus at the
end of eight days, and embarked on board ship, and steered
towards India, and arrived at a port which is called Cheo.*
whom they deem not only the founder of a great dynasty, but the per-
son to whom that faith, in which they glory, owes its establishment as a
national religion. He is styled in their histories Shah Shi&n, or ' the
King of the Sheahs.' " Malcolm's History of Feriia^ vol. L p. 506.
^ ShanUy the sun.
* As it is evident from the succeeding chapter that this place was in
Scind, I find no difficulty in identifying it with Jooa (sometimes written
Joah, Joaah, and Kow), one of the estuaries or creeks of the Indus.
Dr. Heddle, in his memoirs of that river, describes the raj or village of
Joah as four miles and a half from the sea by the winding of the stream.
The largest sized native boats, which frequent this branch of the river
for grain, are obliged to remain there, and their cargoes are brought
down in flat-bottomed boats, called do&ndiesJ'^ Bombay OovemmerU
SdectumSy No. zviL pp. 434-5.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 105
THE FIRST BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
THE CHAPTER CONCBRNINO COMBEIA, A CITY OF INDIA.
ABOUNDING IN ALL THINGS.
Having promised at the commencement^ if I remember
rightly, to treat all subjects with brevity, in order that my
narrative might not be wearisome, I will continue to relate
concisely those things which appeared to me the most worthy
to be known, and the most interesting.
We entered India where, near to the said port [Cheo], there
is a very large river called the Indus, which Indus is near to a
city called Combeia. This city is situated three miles inland,
and to the south of the said Indus. You must know that
you cannot go to the said city either with large or middling-
sized ships, excepting at high water. There is a river which
goes to the said city, and the tide flows up three or four
miles.^ You must know that the waters rise in the reverse
1 Varthema appears to have had very confused notions respecting the
relative positions of Gambay (more correctly, Khumbdyut) and the
Indus. This is not surprising, since Philip Baldsaus, writing a century
and a half later, describes it as '* situated at the entrance of one of the
largest channels of that riyer." (Gollbotion or VoTAaBS, yol. iii. p.
666.) Nicol6 de' Gonti, who preceded our trayeller by fifty years, places it
more accurately '' in the second gulf after haying passed the mouth of
the Indus." {India in the Fifteenth Cenhtry, iii. p. 19.) Howeyer, he
correctly locates it to the south of the Indus, and near another riyer,
which was undoubtedly the Myhee, and his description of that estuary is
confirmed by the following extract from Horsburgh : — *^ Gpposite the
f
^
/
/
106 THB TRAVELS OF
way to ours ; for with us they rise when the moon is at the
full, but they increase here when the moon is on the wane.^
This city of Combeia is walled, after our fashion ; and truly
it is a most excellent city, abounding in grain and very good
fruits. In this district there are eight or nine kinds of small
spices, that is to say, turbidi, gallanga^ spiconardo, saphetica,
city of Cambay, seven or eight miles from the sea, the width is probably
about three miles, and the water is so shallow from side to side, at low
water spring tides, that the ground is left almost dry, and navigation
is impracticable even for the smallest boats." India Directory , vol.
i. p. 476.
^ This is an error into which Yarthema may have been led by the
accounts which he heard, or by his own limited observation, of the pecu-
liar and extraordinary tides in the Gulf of Cambay, called the Borey
which is thus described by the late Captain Ethersey of the Indian navy :
" The eastern or principal Bore rises five miles to the W.S. W. of Cambay
Creek, and is not perceptible on the neaps without the previous springs
have been very high, when it may be observed slightly through the
quarter. It generally commences when the springs begin to lift, the
wave increasing daily in height as the tides gain strength, and is at its
greatest height about two days after the new and full moon. Its height
depends upon the position of the moon with respect to the earth, and
consequently on the rise and strength of the tide; for at new moon,
when she is in perigee, at which time the highest tides occur, the wave
of the Bore will be the greatest ; and at full moon, when she is in apo-
gee, and the low tides lower than any other springs, it will be least. It
also varies with the night and day tide, because the higher the tide the
greater is its velocity ; and as the two tides differ from six to eight feet,
and still the flood of both runs the same length of time, the highest tide
must have the greatest velocity; and hence the wave of the Bore will be
highest with the greatest tide." {Bombay OovemmeTU Sdecttons, No.
xvii. p. 87.) Dr. Vincent recognizes the Bore in the account which the
author of the Periplits gives of the navigation of the Gulf of Cambay
(Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, etc., vol. ii. p. 396); and so
imposing is its a{)pearance, and so striking its effects, that we cannot be
surprised at the notice which it attracted from the early travellers to
India. Forbes says : '' The first rush of the spring tide is irresistible in
its force, and affords a scene which only an eyewitness can fully realize.
A perpendicular wall of water, three or four feet in height, and extend-
ing across the Gulf as far as the eye can reach, approaches at the rate
of twelve miles an hour in speed, and with an alarming noise, carrying
certain destruction to the mariner whose ignorance or foolhardiness leads
him to neglect its warning voice." Rds Mdld, vol. i. p. 319.
k
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 107
and lacra} with other spices^ the names of which I do not
remember. An immense quantity of cotton is produced here^
so that every year forty or fifty vessels are laden with cotton
and silk stuffs, which stuffs are carried into different countries.
In this kingdom of Combeia also, about six days' journey,
there is the mountain whence cornelians are extracted, and
the mountain of chalcedonies. Nine days' journey from
Combeia there is another mountain in which diamonds are
found.*
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ESTATE OP THE SULTAN
OP THE VERY NOBLE CITY OP COMBEIA.
We will now declare the estate and condition of the sultan
of this Combeia, who is called the Sultan Machamuth. About
^ The Latin veraion of Yarthema omits all these names. The Italian
edition in Ramusio has '* turbitti, galanga, spico nardo, aasa fetida, e
lacca." The first is the well known drug turhUh, the root of a species
of conyolyulus {C, Turpethvmy L.) which is found throughout India,
and also in the islands of the South Sea. I find it enumerated under
that name in a list of drugs purchased by Captain John Saris in 1612
from the captain of a natiye yessel which had arriyed at Mokha from
Surat. Galanffa, according to Baretti, is a kind of arrow-root used
medicinally. Spikenard and assafcstida are well known Indian drugs.
L<toca isy doubtless, the dye produced by the lac insect, of which Pr.
Buchanan giyes a full account in his Journey through Mysore, Canara,
and Malahar, (See Pinkebton*s Voyages, yol. yiii. pp. 760-1.) Nicol6
de' Conti, writing of Cambay, says : '' it abounds in spikenard, lac,
indigo, myrobalans, and silk ;" and Nikitin mentions '^ lek daakyk dalon"
as among its produce. These latter I take to be, lac ; ^akeeh, the Arabic
for agates ; and ddZ, the Hindostani for lentils, phtueUus aconUifolius,
(See India in the Fifteenth Century, ii. p. 20 ; iii. p. 19.)
' Cambay is still famous for agates, cornelians, and onyxes, which are
wrought into a great yariety of ornaments. The best agates and corne-
lians are found in a peculiar stratum, about thirty feet below the sur-
face, in a small tract among the Rajpeepla Hills, on the banks of the
Nerbudda, about seyenty miles to the south-east of Cambay. I am not
aware of any diamond mines existing in or about Guzerat. Probably
those at Golconda are indicated.
108 THE TRAVELS OF
forty years ago he captured this kingdom from a king of the
Guzerati^ which Guzerati are a certain race which eats
nothing that has blood, and never kills any living thing. And
these same people are neither Moors nor heathens.^ It is my
m
> The Sultan at the time waa Fath Ehftn, entitled MahmM Bigarrah,
who began to reign ▲.!>. 1459 and died in 1611 ; but our author is not
80 correct in his history of the succession. Guzerat became independent
of Delhi under Dh&fir Khka, who assumed the sovereignty of the pro-
vince in 1408. For obyious reasons that event does not tally with the
occurrence referred to by Yarthema. The mention of " a king of the
Guzerattis*', who was neither a Moor nor a Heathen, inclines me to
think that he distorted the accounts which he had heard of MahmM
Kh&n's successful wars with some of the native princes into the apocry-
phal statement respecting the time and manner of his accession to
supreme power. The most probable event in the history of that sove-
reign which may have led to this misapprehension, was his final capture
of the strong forts of Gimar and Janagarh from Rao Mandalik in 1473.
Those fortresses are in Eattywar, a province of Guzerat, and appear to
have been inhabited at the time chiefly by Jains. Writing of Gimar,
Postans says : " The whole of this extraordinary mount is invested with
peculiar sanctity, the origin of which would seem to be of high antiquity.
That the present system of worship would seem to be a graft of the
ancient Buddhist ftdth which obtained here, there can be no doubt.
The edicts of Pyadasi testify abundantly that the hill of Girinagar and
its neighbourhood was originally a stronghold of the Monotheists, whose
form of worship has now degenerated into the modem system of Jain-
ism." (Notes on a Joumetf to Oimar, p. 882.) I am the more inclined
to draw the foregoing ii^erence from Varthema's description of the
creed and habits of the people to whom he refers ; for the Jains generally,
who are numerous in and about Oambay, are very careful of animal life.
The Shravakas, one of the Jain castes, have many PinjreepoUy' or hos-
pitals for animals and reptiles, however vile. They have also another
peculiar establishment called a Jevhotee, This is a dome, with a door
large enough at the top for a man to creep in. In these repositories
wevlls, and other insects which the Shravakas may find in their grain,
are provided with food by their charity and extraordinary protection
to everything containing life. Moreover, they profess to worship the
Supreme being alone, and wholly reject the agency of Devtas and the
Aryhuntas, or Gooroos. (See Bombay OovemmerU SdeciiotUf No. xxxix.
p. 342-5.) Fitch notices the FinjreepoUt, He says : ^' In Oambaia they
will kill nothing, nor have anything killed. In the town they have
hospitals to keep lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will give
meat to the ants." PierKBaToir^B Voyages^ vol. ix. p. 409.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 109
opinion that if they were baptized^ they would all be saved
by virtue of their works^ for they never do to others what
they would not that others should do unto them. Their
dress is this : some wear a shirty and some go naked^ with
the exception of a piece of cloth about their middle^ having
nothing on their feet or on their legs. On their heads they
wear a large red cloth ; and they are of a tawny colour. And
for this, their goodness, the aforesaid sultan took from them
their kingdom.
You shall now hear the manner of living of this Sultan
Machamuth. In the first place he is a Mohammedan, toge-
ther with all his people. He has constantly twenty thousand
horsemen. In the morning, when he rises, there come to
his palace fifty elephants, on each of which a man sits astride ;
and the said elephants do reverence to the sultan, and they
have nothing else to do. So in like manner when he has
risen from his bed. And when he eats, there are fifty or
sixty kinds of instruments, namely, trumpets, drums of several
sorts, and flageolets, and fifes, with many others, which for
the sake of brevity I forbear mentioning. When the sultan
eats, the said elephants again do reverence to him. When
the proper time shall come, I will tell you of the intelligence
and understanding which these animals possess. The said
sultan has mustachios under his nose so long that he ties
them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and
he has a white beard which reaches to his girdle.^ Every
day he eats poison. Do not, however, imagine that he fills
his stomach with it ; but he eats a certain quantity, so that
when he wishes to destroy any great personage he makes
him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats
^ 'Ali Muhammed Kh&n, in his Bittort/ of Ouzerut, gives the follow-
ing account of Sultan MahmfLd : — '' Regarding his surname of Bigarrah,
the people of Guzerat say, that each of his mustachios being large and
twisted like a cow's horn, and such a cow being called Bigarrah, they
thus obtained for him the name." Bird's TrandatioUy pp. 202-3.
110 THB TRAVELS OF
certain fruits which are called chofoU, which resemble a
muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves of herbs, which
are like the leaves of the sour orange, called by some tam-
bolt; and then he eats some lime of oyster shells, together
with the above mentioned things. When he has masticated
them well, and has his mouth full, he spurts it out upon that
person whom he wishes to kill, so that in the space of half
an hour he falls to the ground dead. This sultan has also
three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps
with one she is found dead in the morning.^ Every time
that he takes off his shirt, that shirt is never again touched
by any one ; and so of his other garments ; and every day
he chooses new garments. My companion asked how it was
that this sultan eats poison in this manner. Certain mer-
chants, who were older than the sultan, answered that his
father had fed him upon poison from his childhood.
Let us leave the sultan, and return to our journey, that
^ A similar account is repeated by Odoardo Barbosa, who appears to
have visited Cambay shortly after Mahmtld Kh&n*8 death. He says :
*' I have heard that he was brought up from childhood to take poison ;
for his father fearing that, in accordance with the usage of the country,
he might be killed by that means, took this precaution against such a
catastrophe. He began to make him eat of it in small doses, gradually
increasing them, until he could take a large quantity, whereby he be-
came so poisonous, that if a fly lighted on his hand, it swelled and died
incontinently, and many of the women with whom he slept died from
the same cause." (Ramusio, yoI. i. pp. 294-5.) Yarthema seems to have
believed further, that MahmfLd's spittle, after masticating the Betel leaf,
in conjunction with the fruit of the Areca palm and fine lime, was fatal
to any upon whom his Majesty might choose to eject it. Beyond the
fact that he was an enormous eater, I can find nothing to substantiate
these fabulous statements, which remind us of Mithridates, and of the
Arabian Nights. The author of the Miradt Sikandari, quoted by *Ali
Muhammed Kh&n, says : " Sultan MahmM was the best of all the Guze-
lat kings, on account of his great justice and beneficence, his honouring
and observing all the Muhammedan laws, and for the solidity of his
judgment, whether in great or small matters. He attained a great
age, and was distinguished for strength, bravery, and liberality." Bibd's
Trandatton, p. 203.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHKMA. Ill
is^ to the men of the said city, the greater part of whom go
about in a shirt, and are very warlike and great merchants.
It is impossible to describe the excellence of the country.
About three hundred ships of different countries come and
go here. This city, and another of which I will speak at the
proper season, supply all Persia, Tartary, Turkey, Syria,
Barbary, that is Africa, Arabia Felix, Ethiopia, India, and a
multitude of inhabited islands, with silk and cotton stuffs.
So that this sultan lives with vast riches, and fights with a
neighbouring king, who is called king of the loghe, distant
from this city fifteen days' journey.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OP LIVING
AND CUSTOMS OF THE KING OF THE JOGHB.
This king of the loghe^ is a man. of great dignity, and has
about thirty thousand people, and is a pagan, he and all his
subjects ; and by the pagan kings he and his people are con-
sidered to be saints, on account of their lives, which you
shall hear. It is the custom of this king to go on a pilgrim-
age once in every three or four years, like a pilgrim, that
is, at the expense of others, with three or four thousand of
his people, and with his wife and children. And he takes
^ I am unable to identify this " king of the loghe" ( Joghees), with
whom Sultan Mahmiid is said to have been at war. No dependance can
be placed on Yarthema*s names and distances when given on the report
of others. In this instance he probably indicates the Rajah of Eedur
in the Myhee Eanta, against whom Mahmiid marched with a large
force in 1494, and between the Koolee Rajahs of which place and the
sovereigns of Quzerat there was a succession of fierce contests from a.d.
1400 till the latter country became a province of Akbar's empire in 1583.
(See Bibd'b Trandation of the Mirdt Ahmadiy pp. 121, 137, 222, 266,
325. Also FoBBis's Eds Mdla, vol. i. pp. 378, 381, 385, et seq.)
Perhaps the place of pilgrimage referred to by Yarthema was the
famous Buddhist shrine (Boodkhftna) at Perwuttum, which Nikitin
describes as " the 'Jerusalem of the Hindoos, where people from all parts
of India congregate." India in the Fifteenth Century y iii. p. 16.
112 THB TRAVELS OF
four or five coursers, and civet-cats, apes, parrots, leopards,
and falcons ; and in this way he goes through the whole of
India. His dress is a goat skin, that is, one before and one
behind, with the hair outwards. His colour is dark tawny,
for the people here begin to be more dark than white. They
all wear a great quantity of jewels, and pearls, and other pre-
cious stones, in their ears, and they go dressed d Tapostolica}
and some wear shirts. The king and some of the more noble
have the face and arms and the whole body powdered over
with ground sandal-wood and other most excellent scents.
Some of these people adopt as an act of devotion the custom
of never sitting on any high seat ; others, as an act of devo-
tion, never sit on the ground ; others adopt the custom of
never lying at full length on the ground ; others, again, that
of never speaking. These always go about with three or
four companions, who wait upon them. All generally carry
a little horn at their neck ; and when they go into a city
they all in company sound the said little horns, and this they
do when they wish alms to be given to them. When the
king does not go, they go at least three or four hundred at a
time, and remain in a city three days, in the manner of the
Singani.^ Some of them carry a stick with a ring of iron at
the base. Others carry certain iron dishes which cut all
round like razors, and they throw these with a sling when they
wish to injure any person ; and, therefore, when these people
arrive at any city in India, every one tries to please them ;
for should they even kill the first nobleman of the land, they
would not suffer any punishment because they say that they
are saints.* The country of these people is not very fertile ;
1 We hare here the same expression as in page 78. On second
thoughts, I am inclined to think that Varthema borrows his figure from
the Roman toga, in which the old Italian artists generally represent the
Apostles. Kot an inapt comparison with the manner in which the com-
mon people of India frequently wear the langMui,
' Zingani, gipsies (?).
' By no means an exaggerated account of the austerities practised by
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 118
they even suffer from dearth of provisions. There are more
mountains than pkins. Their habitations are very poor, and
they have no walled places.^ Many jewels come into our
parts by the hands of these people, because through the
liberty they enjoy, and their sanctity, they go where jewels
are produced, and carry them into other countries without
any expense. Thus, having a strong country, they keep the
Sultan Machamuth at war.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OF CEVUL, AND
ITS CUSTOMS, AND THE BRAVERY OP ITS PEOPLE.
Departing from the said city of Combeia, I travelled on
until I arrived at another city named Cevul,^ which is distant
some of the Joghee Faktrs, and of the estimation in which they were
held by their co-religionists. On this occasion, Yarthema is more modest
in his description than either Bemier or Hamilton, who descend to the
mosfc disgusting particulars in the habits of these filthy ascetics. See
Pinkebton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 180, 317-8.
^ This description of the country inhabited by Yarthema^s '' loghe*'
confirms me in the impression that the Myhee Canta is indicated.
' Chaul, Choul, or Chowul, a town and seaport of the Northern Concan,
in the British district of Tannah, twenty-three miles south of Bombay.
It appears to have been a place of considerable trade in former times.
Nikitin, the Russian traveller, who calls it Chivil, visited it about thirty-
five years before Yarthema, and describes the manners of the inhabitants
much as he does : '' People go about naked, with their heads uncovered,
and bare breasts... Their kniax [prince] wears 2bf<Ua [a large silken gar-
ment] on the head, and another on the loins ; the bojars wear it on the
shoulders and on the loins, [Yarthema's aUa apostolichaJ] The servants
of the kniaz and of the boyars attach the fata round the loins, carrying
in the hand a shield and a sword, or a scimitar, or knives, or a sabre, or
1^ bow and arrows; but all naked and barefooted." {India in the XVth.
Century y iii. 8, 9.) Ralph Fitch, who was at Chaul in 1583, after its
capture by the Portuguese, says : " Here is great traffic for all sorts of
spices and drugs, silk and cloth of silk, sandals, and elephants' teeth.*'
The trade had fallen off considerably in Hamilton's time, for he says :
"the place is now miserably poor." Pirkebton's Voyages, ix. p. 408;
viii, p. 351.
I
114 THB TRATELS OF
firom tbe above-mentioned city twelve days' journey^ and
the country between the one and the other of these cities is
called Gazerati. The king of this Cevnl is a pagan. The
people are of a dark tawny colour. As to their dress, wit^
the exception of some Moorish merchants, some wear a
shirt, and some go naked, with a cloth round their middle,
with nothing on their feet or head. The people are war-
like : their arms are swords, bucklers, bows and spears made
of reeds and wood, and they possess artillery. This city is
extremely well walled, and is distant from the sea two miles.
It possesses an extremely beautiful river, by which a very
great number of foreign vessels go and return, because the
country abounds in everything excepting grapes, nuts, and
chestnuts. They collect here an immense quantity of grain,
of barley, and of vegetables of every description ; and
cotton stuffs are manufactured her& in great abundance. I
do not describe their faith here, because their creed is the
same as that of the king of Calicut, of which I will give
you an account when the proper time shall come. There
are in this city a very great number of Moorish merchants.
The atmosphere begins here to be more warm than cold.
Justice i^ extremely well administered here. This king has
not many fighting men. The inhabitants here have horses,
oxen, and cows, in great abundance.
THB CHAPTER CONCBRNINa DABULI, A CITY OP INDIA.
Having seen Cevul and its customs, departing thence, I
went to another city, distant from it two days' journey,
which is called Dabuli,^ which city is situated on the bank of
1 Situated in the British district of Rutnagherrj, in lat. 17° 34' N.,
long. 73^ 16' £., on the northern bank of the river Washishtee, (called
Halewacko and KdUwacko by the earlier navigators), and about two miles
from its mouth : apparently a place of little consequence now, as it is
LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 115
a very great river* This city is surrounded by walls in our
manner^ and is extremely good. The country resembles
that above described. There are Moorish merchants here
in very great numbers. The king of this place [Dabuli] is a
pagan, and possesses about thirty thousand fighting men,
but according to the manner of Cevul before mentioned*
This king is also a very great observer of justice. The
country, the mode of living, the dress, and the customs, re-
semble those of the aforesaid city of Cevul.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING QOQA, AN ISLAND OF INDIA,
AND THE KING OF THE SAME.
I departed from the city of Dabuli aforesaid, and went to
another island, which is about a mile distant from the main-
land, and is called Goga,^ and which pays annually to the
king of Decan ten thousand golden ducats, called by them
pardai. These pardai are smaller than the seraphim of
Cairo, but thicker, and have two devils stamped upon one
not mentioned hj Thornton, but formerly one of the principal seaports
of Btjapiir. There 'Adil S^h landed from the island of Hormuz in 1458,
and thither an ambassador from Persia was escorted from the capital,
on his return homeward, in 1619. (Scott's Ferishta, vol. i. pp. 209, 258.)
Nikitin describes it as a very large town and an extensive seaport, '* the
meeting-place for all nations navigating the coasts of India and Ethi-
opia." It was captured by the Portuguese under (General Almeida in
1508. When Mandc^plo visited it in 1639, its fortifications had been
mostly demolished (lib. ii. p. 243) ; and fifty years later its importance
as a seaport appears to have been a thing of the past ; for Hamilton,
after indicating its situation at the mouth of a large river, merely adds :
'* it was of old a place of trade, and where the English once had a fac-
tory." PiRKEBTOv's YoyagUy vol. viii. p. 350.
' The island of Goa, (Ibn BattLta writes it <' E&wah"), now belonging
to the Portuguese, but at that time a dependency of the Muhammedan
kingdom of the Deccan. The place was surprised and captured by the
Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1510 ; but they were expelled shortly
after by 'Adil Sh&h, the reigning sovereign. It was retaken by them, the
I 2
116 THB TRAVELS OF
side of them, and certain letters on the other.^ In this island
there is a fortress near the sea, walled roond after our man-
ner, in which there is sometimes a captain^ who is called
Savain, who has four hundred Mamelukes, he himself being
also a Mameluke. When the said captain can procure any
white man, he gives him yery great pay, allotting him at
least fifteen or twenty pardai per month. Before he in-
scribes him in the list of able men, he sends for two tunics
made of leather, one for himself and the other for him who
wishes to enlist; each puts on his tunic, and they fall to
blows. If he finds him to be strong, he puts him in the list
of able men ; if not, he sets him to some other work than
that of fighting. This captain, with four hundred Mame-
lukes, wages a great war with the king of Narsinga,^ of
whom we will speak at the proper season. I departed
thence, and, traTelling for seven days on the mainland, I
arrived at a city which is called Decan.
year foUowmg, from 'Adil Sh&h's successor, and has remained in their
possession ever since. It does not appear to have heen a great mart of
trade prior to the Portuguese conquest, but its commerce increased con-
siderably during the early period of their domination. Ralph Fitch,
who visited Goa in 1583, says : 'Uhere are many merchants of all nations.'*
It has now fallen into a hopeless state of decay.
. ^ Pardao or pertab. The same coin appears to have been called also
a hun. According to Prinsep, it generally bore the figures of Siva and
Parbati on one side, and a pyramidal temple on the others : hence its
name of pagoda among Europeans; but among Marsden's Coins of
SotUkem India, there is one on plate xlviii. No. klxxii., which in size
and superscription agrees with that mentioned by Yarthema, having on
the one side the double figure of Siva and Parbati, and on the obverse a
legend shewing it to have been struck by a female sovereign whose title
.was "Sri Sad&rSiylL'* See Mabsdbk's NumisTnata Orientalia, vol. ii,
p. 738.
' The Rajah of Bijayanagar, then the metropolis of the famous Brah-
minical kingdom of the Camatic, between which and the 'Adil Bhkhi
realm of the Deccan there was constant war at this period. See Scott's
Ferithta, vol. i. pp. 207-226 et seq.
LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 117
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING DECAN, A VERY BEAUTIFUL
CITY OF INDIA, AND OP ITS MANY AND VARIOUS
RICHES AND JEWELS.
In the said city of Decan there reigns a king who is a
Mohammedan. The above-mentioned captain is in his pay,
together with the said Mamelukes. This city is extremely
beautiful, and very fertile. The king of it, between the
Mamelukes and others of his kingdom^ has twenty-five thou-
sand men horse and foot. There is a beautiful palace in this
city, in which there are forty-four chambers before you
arrive at that of the king. This city is walled after the
manner of the Christians, and the houses are very beautiful.^
^ This was unquestionably Bijaptbr, now a ruined town in the Satt&ra
district, near the eastern frontier, towards Hydrah&d, but formerly the
metropolis of the Muhammedan kingdom of the Deccan. Fitch, describ-
ing €k>a in 1583, says : " It standeth in the country of Hidalcan [Ed-
Deccan], which lieth in the country six or seven days* journey. Its chief
city is called Bisapor" [Bijapiir]. The reigning prince in Yarthema's
time was YiisM Eh&n, the reputed son of Murftd II. of Anatolia, who had
been purchased as a slave for the body-guard of the King of Bidar
(Ahmedab&d), but who subsequently raised himself to the highest offices
of the state, and finally assumed iudependent sovereignty as 'Adil Sh£bh
in 1601. His resources must have been great, for he built the vast
citadel of Bijapfbr, which he made his capital. Our traveller's account
of the magnificence and prosperity of the city, and of the gorgeous
retinue of the king, as well as his military prowess, is attested by the
noble remains which mark the site of the once famous Bijapdr, and by
the full account given by Ferishta of the reign of 'Adil Sh&h. A traveller
who visited the place in 1852, thus describes the ruins of the P&dishah's
palace : " It was magnificence, indeed ; far surpassing, I could almost
say, that of any ancient or modem European palace I ever beheld,-^!
mean as regards space and style of architecture. The bastioned walls
which enclose the palace and its precincts are about a mile and a half
in circumference, enclosing a space of about sixty-two acres. The broad
moat without is shaded by large tamarind trees, and the courts within
the citadel are also full of trees As for Raglan Oastle, it could be
put away in one corner of the Beejapore palace, and Eenilworth in
another." He estimates the present population at about eleven thousand
souls. See Bombay Quarterly Afayaziney July 1853; also Sydenham's
Account of Btjap^r.
118 THB TRAVELS OF
The king of the said city lives in great pride and pomp. A
great number of his servants wear on the insteps of their
shoes rubies and diamonds^ and other jewels ; so you may
imagine how many are worn on the fingers of the hand and in
the ears. There is a mountain in his kingdom where they dig
out diamonds, which mountain is a league distant from the
city, and is surrounded by a wall, and is kept by a great
guard.^ This realm is most abundant in everything, like the
above-mentioned cities. They are all Mohammedans. Their
dress consists of robes, or very beautiful shirts of silk, and
they wear on their feet shoes or boots, with breeches after
the fashion of sailors. The ladies go with their faces quite
covered, according to the custom of Damascus.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ACTIVITY OP THB KING
IN MILITARY AFFAIRS.
The above-mentioned king of Decan is always at war
with the king of Narsinga, and all his country is Moham-
medan. The greater part of his soldiers are foreigners and
white men.' The natives of the kingdom are of a tawny
colour. This king i« extremely powerful, ^d very rich,
and most liberal. He also possesses many naval vessels,
and is a very great enemy of the Christians.* Departing
thence, we went to another city, called Bathacala.
^ Probably the locality mentioned by TaTemier, who says : ^* The first
of the mines I visited is situated in the territories of the King of Visa-
pour (Bijapiir), in the province of Camatica. The place is called Raol-
conda. It is five days' journey from Golconda, and eight or nine from
Yisapour." Pinkebton's Voyages, voL viii. p. 235.
' According to Ferishta, 'Adil Sh&h entertained a large number of
foreign auxiliaries in his service, among whom were many Abyssinians.
He also mentions that his successor, Isma'il 'Adil 8h&h, '' formed an
army of 10,000 cavalry, consisting of Arabians, Persians, Turks, Usbecks,
Eoords, and other foreigners." Scott's Trandation, vol. i. p. 245.
' 'Adil Sh&h expelled the Portuguese from Goa on their first capture
LUDOVIOO DI VARTHEMA. 119
THE CHAPTER OONOBENING BATHAGALA, A CITY OF
INDIA, AND OF ITS FERTILITY IN MANY THINGS, AND
ESPECIALLY IN RICE AND SUGAR.
Bathacala,^ a very noble city of India, is distant from
Decan five days' journey. The king thereof is a pagan.
This city is walled, and very beautiful, and about a mile
distant from the sea. The king is subject to the king of
Narsinga. This city has no seaport, the only approach to it
being by a small river. There are many Moorish merchants
of that place in 1610. He appears to have been an enthusiast in matters
of faith chiefly on political grounds. After solemnly establishing the
Shi&h creed as the national religion, he subsequently retracted his
opinions and restored the Sunni rites, in order to aUay the serious oppo-
sition which his apostasy had excited among the zealous adherents of
'Omar, Abubekr, and 'Othmlm.
' I find no difficulty in identifying this place with the more modem
SedasoTaghur, which Thornton describes as '' a town in the British dis-
trict of North Ganara, on the north side of the EAla Nuddi, and a mile
east of its mouth." It is just within the Karwar Head, where, in
Hamilton's time, there was a British factory, and an adjacent cove was
used by our vessels as a harbour of refuge and to careen. Karwar, he
says, ** has the advantage of a good harbour on the south side of a bay,
and a river capable of receiving ships of three hundred tuns. The Rajah
is tributary to the Mogul at present, but formerly it was a part of
Yisapore's dominions before Aurungveb conquered that country." He
styles the town Batcoal and adds : " the Portuguese have an island
called Anjediva, about two miles from Batcoal.'* (PiKKEavoir's Voyages,
.vol. viiL pp. 361-2.) These indications are sufficiently explicit to pre-
vent our confounding Yarthema's " Bathacala" with Batcull, (Bucha-
nan's " Batuculla" and Hamilton's '' Batacola,") where the British had
also a factory. The latter is in lat. IS** 59', or fifteen miles 90tUh of
Honahwar, while Yarthema, who is travelling southward, reaches Batha-
cala three days before arriving at Honahwar.
As an attempt is being made to restore and improve the old harbour,
it is to be hoped that the more ancient, simple, and euphonious title of
Bathcal or Bathcole will be given to the new settlement. That of
'' Sedashevagur," or '' Sudaseoghur," as it is more generally written,
appears to have originated with Sedashwa fiao, one of the Rajahs of
Soonda, who built a fort at Bathcal, and grew into importance on the
overthrow of the great kingdom of Bijayanagar in 1565.
120 THE TRAVELS OF
here, for it is a district of great traffic. The abore-named
stream passes close to the walls of the city, in which there is
a great quantity of rice, and a great abundance of sugar,
and especially of sugar candied, according to our manner.
We begin here to find nuts and figs, after the manner of
Calicut. These people are idolaters, also after the man-
ner of Calicut, excepting the Moors, who live according
to the Mohammedan religion. Neither horses, nor mules,
nor asses, are customary here, but there are cows, buffaloes,
sheep, oxen, and goats. In this country no grain, barley, or
vegetables are produced, but other most excellent fruits, usual
in India. I quitted this place, and went to another island,
which is called Anzediva,^ and which is inhabited by a certain
sort of people who are Moors and pagans. This island is
distant from the mainland half a mile, and is about twenty
miles in circumference. The air is not very good here,
neither is the place very fertile. There is an excellent port
between the island and the mainland, and very good water
is found in the said island.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING CENTACOLA, ONOR, AND
MANGOLOR, EXCELLENT DISTRICTS OP INDIA.
Travelling for one day from the aforesaid island, I arrived
at a place called Centacola,^ the lord of which is not very
' An island two miles distant from the coast of North Canara. " It is
about a mile in length, and possessed by the Portuguese. It appears on
the outside rocky, but of a pleasant aspect on the opposite side next the
main, where it is fortified by a wall and some towers." (Horsbuboh's
JHreetary, vol, i. p. 507.) The island was captured by the Portuguese in
1505. Yarthema greatly exaggerates its dimensions.
' Centacola I take to be Uncola, (the ^'Ankla" of Hamilton and
" Ancola" of Buchanan,) ^* the principal place in the subdivision of the
same name, in the British district of North Canara, a town two miles
from the Arabian Sea or North Indian Ocean." (Thobnton's Gazetteer.)
Yarthema was one day reaching Centacola from Angediva, and Uncola
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 121
rich. A great quantity of cow beef is met with here, and
much rice, and good fruits customary in India. In this city
there are many Moorish merchants. The lord of it is a
pagan. The people are of a tawny colour : they go naked
and bare-footed, and wear nothing on the head. This lord
is subject to the king of Bethacala. Travelling thence for
two days, we went to another place called Onor,^ the king of
being in lafc. 14° 40', is fiye geographical miles south of that island.
Buchanan makes the distance eight eassea from Ancola to Sedasiva-
ghur, and describes the former town as having a ruined fort and a
bazaar, but few inhabitants, " as in this part of the country the popu-
lation does not settle in numbers in any spot, but is dispersed in hamlets
and farms. Midway between Gaukarna and Ancola, which are three
cosses apart, is the G(angawali, an inlet ^of salt water... Its mouth toward
the sea is narrow, but inwards it forms a lake, which is from one mile to
half that extent in width... Boats of a considerable size (patemars) can
come oyer the bar, and ascend the river for three cosses,,. The river has
no trade, and the country on its banks, though very beautiful, seems
rather barren." Piitkbbton, vol. viii. 362, 766-7.
^ Honahwar, (the " Hinaur" of Ibn Batiita, ** Honawera*' of Buchanan, '
" Honaver" of Wilks, and the " Onore" of the generality of British
writers,) is a seaport town in the British district of North Oanara. '* It
is situated on the north side of an extensive estuary, or rather inlet, of
the sea, which at its south-eastern extremity receives the Sheravutty, a
considerable river flowing from the western ghats... The lake abounds in
fish, great quantities of which are taken and made an article of com-
merce. . This port was formerly a place of great commerce, and still has
a trade in pepper, cocoa-nuts, betel-nut, fish, and some other articles, ^
especially the fragrant sandal-wood, which grows in great abundance on
the rocky hills of the country." Thornton's Gazetteer.
Ibn Batiita^ who visited Honahwar towards the middle of the four-
teenth century, describes its local features in similar terms. " The women
of this city," he adds, " and of all the Indian districts on the sea-shores,
never dress in clothes that have been stitched, but the contrary. One
of them, for example, will tie one part of a piece of cloth round her
waist, while the remaining part will be placed upon her head and breast.
...The present king is Jam&l ed-Btn Muhammed ibn Hasan. He is one
of the best of princes, but is himself subject to an infidel king whose
name is Horaib." (Lea's Trandation, pp. 165-6.) The Portuguese
built a strong fort here in the sixteenth century, from which they were
subsequently expelled by the Rajah of Canara. Hamilton describes a
pagan temple at Honahwar, which was visited yearly by a great number
122 THB TRAVELS OF
which is a pagan^ and is subject to the king of Narsinga,
This king is a good fellow^ and has seven or eight ships,
which are always cruising about. He is a great friend of
the king of Portugal. As to his dress, he goes quite naked,
with the exception of a cloth about his middle. There is a
great deal of rice here, as is usual in India, and some kinds
of animals are found here, viz., wild hogs, stags, wolves,
lions, and a great number of birds, different from ours ; there
are also many peacocks and parrots there. They have beef
of cows, that is, red cows, and sheep in great abundance.
Boses, flowers, and fruits, are found here all through the
year. The air of this place is most perfect, and the people
here are longer lived than we are. Near the said district of
Onor there is another place, called Mangolor,^ in which fifty
or sixty ships are laden with rice. The inhabitants are
pagans and Moors. Their mode of living, their customs,
and their dress, are like those above described. We de*
parted thence, and went to another city, which is called
Canonor.
of pilgrims. In Ibn Batiita's time the greater part of the inhabitants
were Muhammedans, and had committed the Eorlkn to memory !
^ A town in the British district of South Oanara, situate on the north
side of the estuary formed by the junction of a river flowing from the
north-east, and of the Naitravutty, a considerable rirer, but navigable
only by small vessels... The town is large, and is washed on east and
west by the two streams whose confluence forms the estuary. The houses
are generaUy mean, and there are no public buildings worth notice.
Mangalore, though a bad haven, was the principal seaport of the territoiy
of Hjder Ali. (See Thobstoit's Gazetteer,) It appears to have been so
long before his time, for Ibn Batdta, who calls it Manjerftn, sajs : ** in
this place are some of the greatest merchants of Persia and Yemen...
The king of this place is the greatest of the kings of Malabar, and in it
are about four thousand Muhammedan merchants." (Leb*b Thtrnda-
tion, p. 169.) Hamilton also describes it as '^ the greatest mart for trade
in all the Canary dominions.*'
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 123
THE CHAPTER OONOBRNING CANONOB, A VEEY GREAT
CITY IN INDIA.
Canonor^ is a fine and large city, in which the king of
Portugal has a very strong castle. The king of this city is
a great friend of the king of Portugal,^ although he is a
^ A seaport town in the British district of Malabar^ situate on the
north shore of a small bay, open to the south, but sheltered towards the
Arabian Sea by a bluff headland, surrounded by a fort... It is a populous
place, but rery irregularly built ; yet has many good houses, chiefly
belonging to the Moplai or Mussulman family, proprietors of the town,
...It is a port of considerable trade, principally in pepper, grain, timber
and cocoa-nuts." (Thobntok^s Gazetteer,) Hamilton mentions the fort
built by the Portuguese in 1607, who, howeyer, did not s^e the town tOI
some time after. They were expelled by the Dutch about the year 1660,
and they in turn sold it to the Moplai funily. It subsequently fell into
the hands of Tippoo Sult&n, from whom it was finally captured by the
British under Abercrombie in 1791.
The mention of the Moplahs in the foregoing paragraph induces me
to suggest a different derivation of the word to that generally receiTcd.
Duncan supposes it to be contracted from Mahapilla, or '* child of
Mocha," in Arabia, from which country they originally came, as, in the
language of Malabar, Itaha means Mocha, and piUa, child. (Thobn-
TOir's Oazetteer, snh voce Malabar.) 1 am inclined to think that the
Vame is either a corruption of the Arabic MUflih, (from the root fdlaha,
to till the soil,) meaning prosperous or victorious, — ^in which sense it
would apply to the successful establishments of these foreign Mussul-
mans on the western coast of India ; or, that it is a similar corruption of
Jlidfiih, (the active participial form of the same verb,) an agriculturist,
— a still more appropriate designation of the Moplahs, who, according
to Buchanan, are both traders and farmers. In the latter sense, the
term, though not usually so applied among the Arabs, would be iden-
tical with FeUdhy which is also a derivative from the triliteral loot/dlaha,
* The sequel will show that Yarthema is here anticipating, in part,
what did not actually take place till two or three years after his first visit,
which must have occurred between 1504-5. The Portuguese under
Pedro Alvarez Cabral made their first appearance at Cannanore on the
15th of January 1501. The second expedition, which was commanded
by Juan de Nueva, followed in November of the same year, and on both
occasions the foreigners were received and treated with the greatest con-
sideration by the inhabitants, the Rajah himself offering to become their
security for a large amount of produce rather than that their ships
c/.
124 THE TRAVELS OF
pagan. This CanoDor is the port at which the horses which
come from Persia disembark. And you must know that
every horse pays twenty-five ducats for customs duty, and
then they proceed on the mainland towards Narsinga. There
are many Moorish merchants in this city. No grain nor
grapes grow here, nor any productions like ours, excepting
cucumbers and melons. Bread is not eaten here, that is to
say, by the natives of the country, but they eat rice, fish,
flesh, and the nuts of the country. At the proper time we
will speak of their religion and customs, for they live after
the manner of those of Calicut. Here we begin to find a
few spices, such as pepper, ginger, cardamums, mirabolans,
and a little cassia. This place is not surrounded by a wall.
The houses are very poor. Here also are found fruits dif-
ferent from ours, and which are also far superior to ours. I
will make the comparison when the proper time comes.
The country is well adapted for war, as it is full of hollow
places artificially made. The king of this place has 50,000
Naeri,* that is, gentlemen who fight with swords, shields,
lances and bows, and with artillery. And yet they go
naked and unshod, with a cloth around them, without any-'
thing on their heads, excepting when they go to war, when
they wear a turban of a red colour passed twice round the
head, and they all have them tied in the same manner.
They do not use here either horses, mules, camels, or asses.
Elephants are sometimes used, but not for battle. At the
proper time we will speak of the vigour exerted by the king
should return to Europe empty. In 1502 Yasco de Gama established a
factory there, and the year following the Rajah gave him a house for the
purpose, and entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with the
Portuguese ; but the fort does not appear to have existed till 1507, when
Don Francisco de Almeyda, the first Viceroy, obtained permission to
build it in the harbour, where he left Lorenzo de Britto with 150 men,
and two vessels to cruise on the coast. See GREEirfi's CoUeetion of Voy^
offesy vol. i. pp. 48-60.
^ Buchanan says : '* the Nairs are the pure Siidras of Malayala, and
all pretend to be bom soldiers... They form the militia of Malayala, and
their chief delight is in arms." Pinkebton's Vo^/ages, viii. 735-6.
LUDOVICO BI VARTHEMA. 125
of Canonor against the Portuguese. There is much traffic
in this place^ to which two hundred ships come every year
from different countries. Having spent some days here we
took our way towards the kingdom of Narsinga, and tra-
velled on the mainland for fifteen^ days towards the east, and
came to a city called Bisinegar.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING BISINEGAR, A VERY FERTILE
CITY OF NARSINQA IN INDIA.
The said city of Bisinegar* belongs to the king of Nar-
singa, and is very large and strongly walled. It is situated
1 Abd er-RazzIlk was eighteen days travelling between Bijayanagar
and Maganor (Mangalore).
' Narsinga or Bijayanagar, (I believe that to be the correct ortho-
graphy of the latter name, but it is spelt in a great variety of ways by
modem as well as by earlier writers,) now a ruined city, was formerly
the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Camatic, which
before the conquests of the Muhammedans extended over the greater
part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Ooromandel coasts. It
is situated on the western bank of the river Toongabudra, in lat. 16° 19',
long. 76^ 32'. It was visited by Abd er-Razz&k and by Nicold de' Conti
A.D. 1442-1445, and described about twenty-five years later by Nikitin,
and their several narratives, contained in the volume entitled Ifidia in
the M/teenth Century of the Haklutt Sooiett's Publications, concur in
corroborating Yarthema^s brief sketch of the vastness and magnificence
of this once famous metropolis, and the splendour of its court. The
number of elephants, their strength and sagacity, and the large army of
the Rajah, which Conti estimated at 90,000 men in the city alone, at-
tracted the special attention of these early travellers. At the period of
Yarthema's visit, the administration of affairs was in the hands of
Heemraj, one of the principal ministers of state, who on the death of
See Rajah became regent on behalf of his son, a minor, who died shortly
after, and Heemraj so disposed of his successors that he retained almost
absolute sway for forty years, and was succeeded in office by his son
Ramraj, during whose reign the power of the Bijayanagar state was
broken by a confederacy of the Mussulman kings of the Deccan at the
battle of Talikote in 1565. '^ Since that time," writes Ferishta, '' the
raj of Beejnugger has never recovered its ancient splendour ; and the
126 TUB TRAVELS OF
on the side of a mountain, and is seven miles in circum-
ference. It has a triple circle of walls. It is a place of
great merchandise, is extremely fertile, and is endowed with
all possible kinds of delicacies. It occupies the most beau-
tiful site, and possesses the best air that were ever seen :
with certain very beautiful places for hnnting and the same
for fowling, so that it appears to me to be a second paradise.
The king of this city is a pagan, with all his kingdom, that
is to say, idolaters. He is a very powerful king, and keeps
up constantly 40,000 horsemen. And you must know that
a horse is worth at least 800, 400, and 600 pardai, and some
are purchased for 800 pardai, because horses are not pro-
duced there, neither are many mares found there, because
those kings who hold the seaports do not allow them to be
brought there. The said king also possesses 400 elephants
and some dromedaries, which dromedaries run with great
swiftness. It occurs to me here to touch upon a subject
worthy of notice, viz., the discretion, the intelligence, and
the strength of the elephant. We will first say in what
manner he fights. When an elephant goes into battle he
earries a saddle, in the same manner as they are borne by
the mules of the kingdom of Naples, fastened tinderneath
by two iron chains. On each side of the said saddle he
carries a large and very strong wooden box, and in each box
there go three men. On the neck of the elephant, between
the boxes, they place a plank the size of half a span, and
between the boxes and the plank a man sits astride who
city itself has been so destroyed, that it is now totally in ruins and unin-
habited ; while the country has been seized by the zemindars, each of
whom hath assumed an independent power in his own district." After
this disaster, the court was remoYed to Pennaconda, about ninety miles
to the southward of Bellary, where the ruins of this once powerful
dynasty continued to cast a lingering look at its former greatness till
the country was subjected by Aurungzib in 1685. Bijayanagar, how-
eyer, was still a large city when visited by Osssar Fredericke in 1667.
See Scott's FerUhta, yoI. i. pp. 262, 296-298. Wilkb's Eistorteal
Sketches of the South of IndiOy Calcutta, pp. 4-16.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 127
speaks to the elephant, for the said elephant possesses more
intelligenee than any other animal in the world; so that
there are in all seven persons who go upon the said ele-
phant; and they go armed with shirts of mail, and with
bows and lances, swords and shields. And in like manner
they arm the elephant with mail, especially the head and
the trunk. They fasten to the trunk a sword two
hraocia long, as thick and as wide as the hand of a man.
And in that way they fight.^ And he who sits upon his neck
orders him : '* Go forward," or " Turn back," " Strike this
one," '* Strike that one," " Do not strike any more," and he
understands as though he were a human being. But if at
any time they are put to flight it is impossible to restrain
them I for this race of people are great masters of the art of
making fireworks, and these animals have a great dread of
fire, and through this means they sometimes take to flight.
But in every way this animal is the most discreet in the
world and the most powerful. I have seen three elephants
bring a ship from the sea to the land, in the manner as I will
tell yon. When I was in Canonor, some Moorish merchants
brought a ship on shore in this manner, after the custom of
Christians. They beach ships the prow foremost, but here
they put the side of the vessel foremost, and under the said
ship they put three pieces of wood, and on the side next the
sea I saw three elephants kneel down and with their heads
push the ship on to dry land.^ Many say that the elephant
has no joints^ and I say that it is true that they have not the
joints so high as other animals, but they have them low. I
1 Kikitin's description is very similar. He says : " Elephants are
greatly used in battle. Large scythes are attached to their trunks and
tusks, and the animals are clad in ornamental plates of steel. They
carry a citadel, and in the citadel twelve men in armour with guns and
arrows." India in the Fifteenth CerUwry, iii. p. 12.
* Turpin mentions that the Siamese make use of the elephant '^ to
shoye vessels into the water, which he does with his back." Pinkeb-
ton'b Voyages, vol. i. p. 615.
128 THE TRAVELS OF
tell you, moreover, that the female elephant is stronger and
more proud than the male, and some of the females are mad.
The said elephants are as large as three buffaloes, and they
have a skin like that of the buffalo, and eyes like those of a
pig, and a trunk reaching to the ground, and with this they
put their food into their mouth as also their drink ; for their
mouth is situated beneath their throat, and almost like a pig
pr a sturgeon. This trunk is hollow within, and I have
many times seen them fish up a quattrino from the ground
with it. And with this trunk I have seen them pull down
a branch from a tree which twenty-four of our men could
not pull to the ground with a rope, and the elephant tore it
down with three pulls. The two teeth which are seen are
in the upper jaw. The ears are two palmi every way, some
more, some less. Their legs are almost as large at the lower
extremity as at the upper. Their feet are round like a very
large trencher for cutting meat on, and around the foot there
are five nails as large as the shell of an oyster. The tail is
as long as that of a buffalo, about three palmi long, and has
a few scattered hairs. The female is smaller than the male.
With respect to the height of the said elephant, I have seen
a great many thirteen and fourteen palmi high, and I have
ridden on some of that height; they say, moreover, that
some are found fifteen palmi high. Their walk is very slow,
and those who are not accustomed to it cannot ride them,
because it upsets their stomach, just as it does in travelling
by sea. The small elephants have a pace like that of a mule,
and it is a pleasure to ride them. When the said elephants
are to be ridden, the said elephant lowers one of the hind
legs, and by that leg it is mounted ; nevertheless, you must
help yourself or be helped to mount. You must also know
that the said elephants do not carry a bridle or halter, or
anything bound on the head.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 129
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW ELEPHANTS GENERATE.
The said elephant, when he wishes to generate, goes into
a secret place, that is, into the water in certain marshes,^ and
they unite and generate like haman beings. In some coun-
tries, I have seen that the finest present which can be made
to a king is the parts of an elephant, which said king eats
the said parts ; for in some countries an elephant is worth
fifty ducats, in some other countries it is worth one thousand
and two thousand ducats. So that, in conclusion, I say
that I have seen some elephants which have more under-
standing, and more discretion and intelligence, than any
kind of people I have met with. This king of Narsinga is
the richest king I have ever heard spoken of. This city is
situated like Milan, but not in a plain. The residence of
the king is here, and his realms are placed as it might be
the realm of Naples and also Venice ; so that he has the sea
on both sides. His Brahmins, that is, his priests, say that
he possesses a revenue of 12,000 pardai per day. He is
constantly at war with several Moorish and pagan kings.
His faith is idolatrous, and they worship the devil, as dp
those of Calicut. When the proper time comes we will
state in what manner they worship him. They live like
pagans. Their dress is this : the men of condition wear a
short shirt, and on their head a cloth of gold and silk in the
Moorish fashion, but nothing on the feet. The common
people go quite naked, with the exception of a piece of
cloth about their middle. The king wears a cap of gold
brocade two spans long, and when he goes to war he wears
a quilted dress of cotton, and over it he puts another gar-
ment full of golden piastres, and having all around it jewels
of various kinds. His horse is worth more than some of our
cities, on account of the ornaments which it wears. When
he rides for his pleasure he is always accompanied by three
^ This peculiarity is also noticed by Turpin. Id, p. 614.
K
180
THE TRAVELS OF
or four kingSy and many other lords, and five or six thou-
sand horse. Wherefore he may be considered to be a very
powerful lord. His money consists of a pardao, as I have
said. He also coins a silver money called tare, and others
of gold, twenty of which go to a pardao, and are called
fanom. And of these small ones of silver, there go sixteen
to Si fanom. They also have another coin called cas, sixteen
of which go to a tare of silver.^ In this kingdom you can go
1 The subjoined is a comparison of the Hindu coins current at Bija-
yanagar, and their relative value, as given by *Abd er-Bazz&k and Yar-
thema.
'Abd eb-Razzak, a.d. 1443.
Gold Coins (with alloy).
Var&ha = 2 Din&rs, Kopeki.
Pertab = ^ a Yariha.
Fanam = 1-lOth of a Pertab.
Pure Silver.
Tar = ^th of a Fanom.
Copper,
Djitel == irdofaTar.
Vabthbma, a.d. 1504-5.
Gold Coins.
Pardao
Fanom = l-20th of a Pardao.
Silver.
Tare = l-15th of a Fanom.
Copper.
Oas = I-16th of a silver Tare,
(equal to a Yenetian quaUrino.)
The Vardha and the Half Vardha, called Pertab or Pardao, was the
Hun of subsequent Mussulman writers and the Pagoda of Europeans,
the latter a Portuguese appellation derived from tl^e pyramidal temple
generally depicted on one side of it. In 'Abd er-Razz&k's Vardha and
Pertab we have, consequently, the Single and Double Pagoda of after
times. Yarthema omits all mention of the Vardha, but as he gives
twenty Fanams to the Pardao, while 'Abd er-Razz&k allows only ten,
his Pardao was probably identical with the Vardha or DouMe Pagoda.
Hence, it appears that the gold coinage of the Bijayanagar state had
undergone no material change in the half century intervening between
the visits of the two travellers.
The silver coinage must have fluctuated considerably, for whereas
'Abd er-Razzftk gives only six Tars to a Fanam, Yarthema allows fif-
teen. Probably, the Tar of the latter was of a baser metal ; that of the
former is described particularly as being '' cast in pure silver."
There is a still greater difference in the copper money of the two tra-
vellers, quite sufficient, indeed, to lead to the inference that the Ujitd
and the Cos were different coins ; but as I am quite unlearned in Numis-
matics, I must leave these discrepancies to be solved by others. Prinsep
LUDOVICO DI VARTHKMA. 181
everywhere in safety. But it is necessary to be on your
guard against some lions which are on the road. I will not
speak of their food at the present time^ because I wish to
describe it when we shall be in Calicut^ where there are the
same customs and the same manner of liying. This king is
a very great friend of the Christians^ especially of the king
of Portugal^ because he does not know much of any other
Christians. When the Portuguese arrive in his territories
they do them great honour. When we had seen this so
noble city for some days we turned towards Canonor. And
when we had arrived there^ at the end of three days we
took our way by land and went to a city called Torma-
patani.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TORMAPATANI, A CITY OF
INDIA; AND CONCERNING PANDARANI, A PLACE ONE
DAY DISTANT; AND CONCERNING CAPOGATTO, A
SIMILAR DISTRICT.
Tormapatani^ is distant from Canonor twelve miles^ and
the lord of it is a Pagan. The land is not very rich^ and is
affords but scanty assistance relative to the old Hindu coinage of the
Camatic.
It deserves to be noticed that neither 'Abd er-Razz&k nor Yarthema
mentions the Cowrie as forming part of the currency. Ibn BattLta speci-
fies it under the Arabic name of Wada^^ remarks that it was collected in
the Maldive Islands where it passed for money, and was sent in large
quantities to Bengal, where it was also current instead of coin. Lee's
TrandtOwn^ p. 178.
Nicold de' Oonti's account of the Indian currency in his time is very
loose and unsatisfactory. He says : '^ In some parts of anterior India,
Venetian ducats are in circulation. Some have golden coins, weighing
more than double of our florin, and also less, and, moreover, silver and
brass money. In some places pieces of gold worked to a certain weight
are used as money." India in the Fifteenth Century^ ii. p. 30.
^ This is, undoubtedly, the DormapcUam of Hamilton, a harbour near
the Tellicherry river, a little to the northward of that town, which latter
I presume to be the place which Yarthema indicates. Barbosa calls it
k2
182 THE TRAVELS OF
one mile from the sea^ and it has a river not very large.
There are many vessels of MooVish merchants here. The
people of this country live miserably, and the greatest riches
here consist of Indian nuts, and these they eat there with a
little rice. They have plenty of timber here for building
ships. In this land there are about fifteen thousand Moors,
and they are subject to the Sultan or pagan lord. I do not
speak of their manner of living at present, because it will
be described in Calicut, inasmuch as they are all of one and
the same faith. The houses in this city are not too good,
for a house is worth half a ducat, as I will explain to you
further on. Here we remained two days, and then departed
and went to a place which is called Pandarani,^ distant from
" Termapatani," and describes it as situated on a river with two outlets
to the sea, inhabited chiefly by MapuUres (Moplahs,) who are great
merchants, and as the limit of the kingdom of Oannanore in the direc-
tion of Calicut. {Ramtuio, vol. i. p. 335.) " The neighbouring country
is highly productive, the low lands producing annually two, and in some
places three, crops of rice in the year. The cocoa-nut tree also grows
in great abundance and perfection.... The population is estimated at
twenty thousand, the majority of whom are Mussulman Moplahs."
(Thornton*8 Gazetteer.) I am inclined to identify either Ibn Batiita's
" Jarafattan" or " Badafattan," both of which occur between his "Hill"
and " £[&likCLt," with this Dormepatam, or, as BaldsBUS writes it, " Terma-
patan." Hili I take to be the Ulala of Buchanan, " a large town on the
south side of the lake of Maugalore, and formerly the residence of a
petty prince." Pinkebton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 747.
^ This name and that of Oapogatto, the town next mentioned, have dis-
appeared from the modem maps ; but if not identical with Waddakarre and
Tikodi, they must be sought for in the vicinity of those places, which I
find spelt in a variety of ways by old travellers. Hamilton has " Bur-
gara" and " Oottica," and off Oottica he says is ** the Sacrifice Rock,
about eight miles in the sea," which is, doubtless, Yarthema^s "insula
deshabitata." D'Anville has " Bergare" and " Cotta": Buchanan writes
the former " Barrygurry" or " Vadacurry," and Arrowsmith makes
" Kotacull" of the latter ; but the diversity is as endless as it is per-
plexing. Both places, however, are distinctly mentioned by Baldssus in
his account of the early proceedings of the Portuguese on the Malabar
coast : — " Between Gananor and Oalecut lies the town of Panane seated
upon the seashore.... In this place the Sammoryn kept his residence
LUDOVICO Dt VARTHEMA, 188
this one day*8 journey, and which is subject to the king of
Calicut. This place is a wretched affair^ and has no port.
Opposite to the said city, in the sea three leagues or there-
about, there is an uninhabited island. The manner of living
of this Pandarini, and their customs, are the same as those
of Calicut This city is not level, and the land is high. We
departed hence and went to another place called Capogatto,
which is also subject to the king of Calicut. This place has
when Vasco de Gama came into those parts... The Sammoryn sent cer-
tain pilots to conduct the Portuguese fleet into the harbour of Capogate,
where there was much better and safer anchorage." (Churchill's Collec-
tion of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 625.) Another version of that visit, which
occurred in 1498, describes De Gama*s landing at Padarane and his
progress towards Kapokats, where his attendants rested to refresh
themselves. (Qrbene's Collection^ vol. i. pp. 30, 31.) This place. Pan-
darani or Punane, must not be confounded with Yarthema's Pannani
to the south of Calicut, which Thornton writes " Ponany."
Barbosa also mentions a Panderani between Cannanore and Calicut,
and describes it as inhabited by Moors, and as a great haven for ships ;
but he places it to the south of Capogatto. whereas Varthema^s Panda-
rani occurs to the north of his Capogatto. I am of opinion that the
seeming discrepancy arises from a similarity in the names of two different
places. Barbosa's Capogatto he describes as situated about twelve miles
up the river of Tarmapatam, whereas Yarthema's Capogatto was evi-
dently a seaport town, only four leagues distant from Calicut. Hence,
I find no difficulty in identifying it with Barbosa's Capitcar, which he
locates siiL miles to the north of Calicut. He says: '^ Beyond this
[Panderani] there is another place with a river, called Capucar, where
there are many Moors, natives of the country, and many ships, and
they carry on a large trade with the merchandize of the country, which
is brought hither to be shipped.. .Six miles beyond this place is Calicut."
(Ramttsio, vol. i. p. 311.) There are several lacunse in Barbosa's narra-
tive of this part of the coast as given by Ramusio, owing apparently to
a defect in the original MS. The following is his list of places as they
occur consecutively between Cannanore and Calicut : Cananor ; Crecate ;
...Tarmapatam ; Capogatto ;...Padripatam, the frontier of the kingdom
of Calicut; Tircori; Panderani ; Capucar; Calicut.
Though his description of the locality is widely different, I am never-
theless disposed to identify Yarthema's Pandarani with Ibn Batata's
*' Fandarain&," where he landed before reaching Calicut from tbe north-
ward. See Lee's Translation, p. 171.
134 THE TRAVELS OF
a very beautiful palace^ built in the ancient style, and there
is a small river towards the south, and it is four leagues dis-
tant from Calicut. There is nothing to be said here, because
they follow the manner and style of Calicut. We departed
hence and went to the very noble city of Calicut. I have
not written about the manner of living, the customs and
faith, the administration of justice, dress, and country of
Chiavul and of Dabul, of Bathacala, nor of the king of Onor,
nor of Mangalor, nor of Canonor, nor, indeed, of the king
of Cucin, nor of the king of Caicolone, nor of that of Colon,
neither have I spoken of the king of Narsinga. Now I will
speak of the king here in Calicut, because he is the most
important king of all those before mentioned, and is called
Samory,^ which in the pagan language means God on earth.
1 The English " Zamorin.*' According to some, this is a corruption
of Tamurij the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste.
Buchanan says : '' The Tamuri pretends to be of a higher rank than
the Brahmans, and to be inferior only to the invisible gods, a pretension
that was acknowledged by his subjects, but which is held as absurd and
abominable by the Brahmans, by whom he is only treated as a Sudra.*'
(Pinkebton'b VoyageSy vol. viii. p. 735.) Others derive the title from
Zamoodin, the sea ; and the Zamorin of Calicut is so called from his
being the Lord of the Sea.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 136
THE SECOND BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
Having nearly arrived at the head of India, that is to say,
at the place in which the greatest dignity of India is cen-
tered, it has appeared to me fitting to bring the First book to
an end and commence the Second ; as, moreover, I have to
lay before every kind reader matters of greater importance
and comfort to the intellect, and of courage, so far as our
favourite labour of travelling through the world may assist
us and our intelligence may serve us, submitting, however,
everything to the judgment of men who may, perhaps, have
visited more countries than I have.
TUB CHAPTER CONCERNING CALICUT, A VERY LARGE
CITY OF INDIA.
Calicut^ is on the mainland, the sea beats against the walls
of the houses. There is no port here, but about a mile from
^ Calicut, a seaport town in the British district of Malabar. '^ It is
situate on the open beach, there being neither river nor haven; and
ships must anchor in the open sea... The haven, said to have been once
capacious, has been filled up with drifted sand... Forbes, who visited it
in 1772, speaks of it as offering very little to interest a traveller, being
chiefly composed of low huts shaded by cocoa-nut trees, on a sandy
shore." (Thornton^s Oazetteer.) Ibn Bat4ta describes Calicut as ''one
of the greatest ports in the district of Malabar ;" Nicol6 de' Conti as ''a
maritime city, eight miles in circumference, a noble emporium for all
186 THB TRAVELS OF
the place towards the south there is a river, which is narrow
at its embouchure and has not more than five or six spans of
water. This stream flows through Calicut and has a great
number of branches. This city has no wall around it, but
the houses extend for about a mile^ built close together, and
then the wide houses, that is, the houses separate one from
the other,^ cover a space of about six miles. The houses are
very poor. The walls are about as high as a man on horse-
back, and the greater part are covered with leaves, and with-
out any upper room. The reason is this, that when they
dig down four or five spans, water is found, and therefore
they cannot build large houses.^ However, the house of a
merchant is worth fifteen or twenty ducats. Those of the
common people are worth half a ducat each, or one or two
ducats at the most.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING THE KING OF CALICUT AND
THB RELIGION OP THE PEOPLE.
The King of Calicut is a Pagan, and worships the devil
in the manner you shall hear. They acknowledge that there
is a God who has created the heaven and the earth and all
India ;" and *Abd er-Razz&k as '' a perfectly secure harbour, which, like
that of Hormuz, brings together merchants from eyery city, and from
every country.'*
^ That is, houses with compounds, as the open space around them is
called by Anglo-Indians.
' In a subsequent chapter, Yarthema alleges the same reason for the
lowness and insignificance of the Zamorin's palace at Calicut. The
following extract from Hamilton seems to corroborate his statement : —
** In anno 1703, about the middle of February, I called at Calecut on
my way to Surat, and, standing into the road, I chanced to strike on
some of the ruins of the sunken town built by the Portuguese in former
times. Whether that town was swallowed up by an earthquake, as
some affirm, or whether it was undermined by the sea, I will not deter-
mine.*' PiNKEaTON's Voi^ageSf vol. viii. p. 378.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 137
the world;* and they say that if he wished to judge you and
me, a third and a fourth, he would have no pleasure in being
Lord ; but that he has sent this his spirit, that is the devil,
into this world to do justice: and to him who does good he does
good, and to him who does evil he does evil. Which devil
they call Deumo,* and God they call Tamerani.' And the
King of Calicut keeps this Deumo in his chapel in his
palace, in this wise : his chapel is two paces wide in each of
the four sides, and three paces high, with a wooden door
covered with devils carved in relief.* In the midst of this
chapel there is a devil made of metal, placed in a seat also
made of metal. The said devil has a crown made like that
of the papal kingdom, with three crowns ; and it also has
four horns and four teeth, with a very large mouth, nose,
and most terrible eyes. The hands are made like those of a
flesh-hook, and the feet like those of a cock ; so that he
is a fearful object to behold. All the pictures around the
said chapel are those of devils, and on each side of it there
1 "Thej all believe in a great God, whose image they can neither
fancy nor make.'* Hamilton.
> « The word Dev means, indefinitely, a dweller in the upper worlds,
and, more particularly, an inhabitant of Swerga, the paradise where
Indra rules. Three hundred and thirty millions of Devs are spoken of
in the Hindu scriptures ; hut, in its sense of Qod, the term can only
apply to one being.'* (See Fobbgs's Eds MMd, yol. ii. pp. 423-442, for
an able dissertation on this subject.) Yarthema draws a distinction
between a '^ Diavolo " and a " Sathanas," evidently making the latter
the higher personage ; but it is surprising that he gives bo tolerably
correct an account of the Hindu theogony and worship.
* Tamhardn, lord or master, is a common title of honour, throughout
Malabar, among the higher classes of Nairs.
^ '< The great men of the clergy build temples, but they are neither
large nor beautiful. Their images are- all black and deformed, accord-
ing as they feincy the infernal gods to be shaped, who, they belieye, haye
some hand in goyeming the world, particularly about the benign and
malignant seasons that happen in the productions or sterility of the
earth, for which reason they pay a lateral adoration to them." (Pinkeb-
ton's Voyages^ yol. yiii. p. 376.) This quotation from Hamilton shows
that, like Yarthema, he understood the Devs to be devils.
138 THE TRAVELS OF
is a Sathanas seated in a seat^ which seat is placed in a flame
of fire, wherein are a great number of souls, of the length of
half a finger and a finger of the hand. And the said Satha-
nas holds a soul in his mouth with the right hand, and with
the other seizes a soul under the waist. Every morning the
Brahmins, that is the priests, go to wash the said idol all over
with scented water, and then they perfume it ;^ and when it
is perfumed they worship it ; and some time in the course of
the week they offer sacrifice to it in this manner : They have
a certain small table, made and ornamented like an altar,
three spans high from the ground, four spans wide, and fiye
long; which table is extremely well adorned with roses,
flowers, and other ornaments. Upon this table they have
the blood of a cock and lighted coals in a vessel of silver,
with many perfumes upon them. They also have a thurible,
with which they scatter incense around the said altar. They
have a little bell of silver which rings very frequently, and
they have a silver knife with which they have killed the
cock, and which they tinge with the blood, and sometimes
place it upon the fire, and sometimes they take it and make
motions similar to those which one makes who is about to
fence ; and finally, all that blood is burnt, the waxen tapers
being kept lighted during the whole time. The priest who is
about to perform this sacrifice puts upon his arms, hands,
and feet some bracelets of silver, which make a very great
noise like bells, and he wears on his neck an amulet (what
it is I do not know) ; and when he has finished performing
the sacrifice, he takes both his hands full of grain and retires
from the said altar, walking backwards and always looking
at the altar until he arrives at a certain tree. And when he
has reached the tree, he throws the grain above his head as
1 Forbes says : "The ordinary Hindu religious service consists in per-
forming for the idol such acts as a menial servant performs for his
human master." Among thesej which are given in detail, he describes
the anointing of the Dev with sandal-wood dust and vrater, and the
burning of incense before him.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 139
high as he can over the tree ; he then returns and remoVes
everything from the altar.^
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OP EATING OP
THE KING OP CALICUT.
When the King of Calicut wishes to eat he uses the fol-
lowing customs : you must know that four of the principal
Brahmins take the food which the king is to eat and carry
it to the devil^ and first they worship him in this manner :
they raise their clasped hands over his head^ and then draw
their hands towards them^ still clasped together, and the
thumb raised upwards, and then they present to him the
food which is to be given to the king, and stand in this
manner as long as a person would require to eat it ; and then
the said Brahmins carry that food to the king. You must
know that this is done only for the purpose of paying honour
to that idol, in order that it may appear that the king will
not eat unless the food has been first presented to Deumo.^
^ I have not been able to verify this particular service; but it is
generally known that animal sacrifices, propitiatory of the Bhuta, or
wicked spirits, are offered by seyeral sects of the Brahmins. Among
the victims so offered by the Hindus of Mysore, the Abb6 Dubois men-
tions bufialos, hogs, rams, cocks, and the like. The amulet (pentaeola)
noticed by Yarthema was probably the y ^ uiwul for Brahminical thread.
s An apt illustration of what St. Paul says (1 Cor. viii.) respecting
meats offered to idols.
A Brahmin can only eat of what is prepared by one of his own caste.
Buchanan states that the Kuriim, the highest order of Nairs in Malabar,
act as cooks on all public occasions, which, among Hindus, is a sure
mark of transcendent rank ; for every person can eat the food prepared
by one of higher birth than himself. Marco Polo notices the custom
prevailing among the Brahmins of eating off leaves:— "Instead of dishes,
they lay their victuals on dry leaves of the apples of Paradise," meaning,
probably, the plantain. See Pinkebton's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 735-6.
Gueeub's Collection, yoI. iv. p. 616.
The elaborate ceremonial of a Brahmin's repast is thus described by
Forbes: — ''The Brahmin, when his food is ready, before eating, performs
140 THE TRAVELS OF
This food is in a wooden vessel^ in which there is a very
large leaf of a tree^ and upon this leaf is placed the said
food^ which consists of rice and other things. The king eats
on the ground without any other thing. And when he eats,
the Brahmins stand around, three or four paces distant from
him, with great reverence, and remain bowed down with
their hands before their mouths, and their backs bent. No
one is allowed to speak while the king is speaking, and they
stand listening to his words with great reverence. When
the king has finished his meal, the said Brahmins take that
food which the king did not require and carry it into a court
yard and place it on the ground. And the said Brahmins
clap their hands three times, and at this clapping a very
great number of black crows come to this said food and eat
it.^ These crows are used for this purpose, and they are free
Turpun, tiiat is to say, he fills a copper with water, and pats therein a
few grains of barley, some sesamum, leaves of the sacred basil tree,
sandal, etc. ; then, holding some sacrificial grass, he fills his joined
hands with vrater, which he pours back again into the cup, saying : < I
ofier this water to all the I)tv%^ He proceeds to make similar offerings
of water to men, animals, trees, riyers, seas, BhuU, PreU, Beeshees, pro-
genitors, and others. Then he mentions the names, as many as he can
recollect, of his father's ancestors, his mother's ancestors, and his own
deceased friends. He now performs horn, or fire worship, by throwing a
portion of rice and clarified butter into a little copper or earthen vessel
containing fire, repeating, while so employed, the names of the Devs.
The Brahmin sets aside five portions of food for cows, beggars, dogs, ants,
and crows. He then takes a little of each dish, and offers it to the
DeVf in a vessel containing five divisions. He now aits down to break-
fast." Eds Mdld, vol. ii. p. 257.
^ In Western India these birds do not generally wait to be summoned:
the difiiculty is to scare them away when food is being served. Their
cunning, moreover, equals their pertinacity. I once saw a proof of this,
which I could hardly have believed on the testimony of another. A
flock of crows covered the branches of a tree, waiting for any offid from
a dinner which had just terminated. A dog brought out a bone into
the garden, and was quietly enjoying it, when the whole bevy alighted
and commenced an attack upon him in front. As often as they charged
in that direction the dog kept them at bay, until at length, as if by
concert among themselves, one of the assailants moved to the rear and
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 141
and go wherever they please, and no injury is done to
them.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE BRAHxMINS, THAT IS THE
PRIESTS OF CALICUT.
It is a proper, and at the same time a pleasant thing to
know who these Brahmins are. You must know that they
are the chief persons of the faith, as priests are among us.
And when the king takes a wife he selects the most worthy
and the most honoured of these Brahmins and makes him
sleep the first night with his wife, in order that he may de-
flower her.^ Do not imagine that the Brahmin goes willingly
to perform this operation. The king is even obliged to pay
him four hundred or five hundred ducats. The king only
and no other person in Calicut adopts this practice. We
will now describe what classes [or castes] of Pagans there are
in Calicut.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PAGANS OP CALICUT,
AND OP WHAT CLASSES THEY ARE.
The first class of Pagans in Calicut are called Brahmins.
The second are Naeri, who are the same as the gentlefolks
quietly pecked at the dog's tail. While he savagely faced &bout to re-
pel this unexpected assault, one of the enemy in front pounced upon the
contested bone and carried it away in triumph.
^ Hamilton says : '^ When the Samorin marries, he must not cohabit
with his bride till the Nambourie, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, and,
if he pleases, he may have three nights of her company, because the
first-fruits of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god she wor-
ships." Buchanan confirms the statement: —'^ These ladies [of the Tamuri
family] are generally impregnated by Namburis ; although if they choose
they may employ the higher ranks of Nairs ; but the sacred character of
the Namburis always procures them a preference." Pinkerton's Voy-
ages^ toI. viii. pp. 374, 734.
142 THE TRAVELS OF
amongst us ; and these are obliged to bear sword and shield
or bows or lances. When they go through the street^ if
they did not carry arms they would no longer be gentlemen.
The third class of Pagans are called Ti va^ who are artizans. The
fourth class are called Mechua, and these are fishermen.
The fifth class are called Poliar, who collect pepper, wine,
and nuts. The sixth class are called Hirava, and these
plant and gather in rice. These two last classes of people^
that is to say, the Foliar and Hirava, may not approach
either the Naeri or the Brahmins within fifty paces, unless
they have been called by them, and they always go by
private ways through the marshes. And when they pass
through the said places, they always go crying out with a
loud voice, and this they do in order that they may not meet
the Naeri or the Brahmins ; for should they not be crying
out, and any of the Narei should be going that way and see
their fruits, or meet any of the said class, the above men-
tioned Naeri may kill them without incurring any punish-
ment: and for this reason they always cry out. So now
you have heard about these six classes of Pagans.^
^ Hamilton's classification reads like a revised version of Yarthema's :
— *' There are many degrees or dignities in the church as well as in the
state. The Nanibouris are first in both capacities. The Brahmins are
the second in the church only. The BuU, or magicians, are next to
them. The Nayers^ or gentlemen, are next, and are very numerous.
The Teyveea are the farmers of cocoa-nut trees, and are next to the
gentry. The Povlias produce the labourers and mechanics. The Muek-
was, or fishers, are I think a higher tribe than the Poulias, but the
Paulichees are the lowest order of human creatures, and are excluded
from the benefit of divine and human laws. If a Poulia or Tey vee meet
a Nair on the road, he must go aside to let his worship pass, lest the air
should be tainted, on pain of severe chastisement if not of death ; but
the Poulichees are in a much worse state... If accidentally they see any
one coming towards them, they will howl like dogs, and run away, lest
those of quality should take offence at their breathing in the same air
that they do." The Poulichees seem to be the same people that
Buchanan describes under the name of Niadis, and both bear a general
resemblance to Varthema*s '* Hirava," though he describes them as culti-
vators of rice, whereas the former are not allowed to till the ground, but
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 148
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa THE DRESS OF THE KINO
AND QUEEN AND OTHERS OF CALICUT, AND OP
THEIR FOOD.
The dress of the king and queen> and of all the others,
that is to say, of the natives of the country, is this : they go
naked and with bare feet, and wear a piece of cotton or of
silk around their middle, and with nothing on their heads.^
Some Moorish merchants, on the other hand, wear a short
shirt extending to the waist ; but all the Pagans go without
a shirt. In like manner the women go naked like the men,
and wear their hair long. With respect to the food of the
king and the gentlemen, they do not eat flesh without the
permission of the Brahmins. But the other classes of the
people eat flesh of all kinds, with the exception of cow beef.*
And these Hiraya and Foliar eat mice and fish dried in the
sun.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CEREMONIES WHICH
THEY PERFORM AFTER THE DEATH OF THE KING.
The king being dead, and having male children, or
brothers, or nephews on his brother's side, neither his sons,
nor his brother, nor his nephews become king ; but the heir
of the king is the son of one of his sisters.* And if there be
dwell in woods and marshes, and subsist chiefly on hunting and beg-
ging. See Pinkbrton's Voyages^ vol. viiL pp. 375, 738-9.
As Ralph Fitch quaintly says : " The king goeth incached, as they
do all."
' ^'None of the southern Brahmins can, without losing caste, taste
animal food... The Nairs are permitted to eat yenison, goats, fowls, and
fish." Buchanan.
' Buchanan confirms this. He says: ''The succession goes in the
female line ;" and adds, in speaking of a particular case wherein a
nephew was heir to the rajahship : '' his son will have no claim to it,
and he will be succeeded by the son of his niece, who is the daughter of
144 TH£ TRAVELS OF
no son of a said sister, the nearest [collateral] relation of the
king succeeds him. And this custom prevails because the
Brahmins have the virginity of the queen ; and likewise
when the king travels, one of these Brahmins, although he
might be only twenty years of age, remains in the house
with the queen, and the king would consider it to be the
greatest favour that. these Brahmins should be familiar with
the queen, and on this account they say that it is certain that
his sister and he were born of the same person, and that there
is more certainty about her than of his own children, and
therefore the inheritance falls to the sons of the sister. Also on
the death of the king all the people of the kingdom shave their
beards and their heads, with the exception of some part of
the head, and also of the beard, according to the pleasure of
each person. The fishermen also are not allowed to catch
any fish for eight days. The same customs are observed
when a near relative of the king dies. As an act of devotion,
the king does not sleep with a woman or eat betel for a
whole year. This betel resembles the leaves of the sour
orange, and they are constantly eating it. It is the same to
them that confections are to us, and they eat it more for
sensuality than for any other purpose. When they eat the
said leaves, they eat with them a certain fruit which is called
coffohy and the tree of the said coffblo is called Arecha^ and
is formed like the stem of the date tree, and produces its
fruit in the same manner. And they also eat with the said
leaves a certain lime made from oyster shells, which they
call Oiomima^
his sister." (Pinkbrton'b Voyages, vol. viii. p. 745.) It was tho same
in Ibn BatClta^s time : — *' Each of their kings succeeds to rule as being
sister's son, not the son to the last." Lsb's Trandationj p. 167.
^ The Areca palm.
' Chunamt the common Hindustani word for lime.
99
99
99
99
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 145
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE PAGANS SOMETIMES
EXCHANGE THEIR WIVES.
The Pagan gentlemen and merchants have this custom
amongst them. There will sometimes be two merchants who
will be great friends^ and each will have a wife ; and one
merchant will say to the other in this wise: '^ Langal per-
ganal monaton on do ?"^ that is, " So-and-so, have we been a
long time friends ? " The other will answer : " Hognan
perga manaton ondo ;" that is^ '' Yes, I have for a long time
been your friend." The other says : *' Nipatanga ciolli ?
that is, *' Do you speak the truth that you are my friend ?
The other will answer, and say : " Ho ; " that is, *' Yes.
Says the other one : '* Tamarani ? *' that is, '* By God ?
The other replies : " Tamarani ! " that is, " By God ! " One
^ I had hoped to have been able, by the assistance of others, to reduce
this and the subsequent native words and phrases introduced by Yar-
thema into readable Malayalim, in the same manner as I have treated
his Arabic sentences ; but the attempt has proved unsuccessful. Two
Malayalim scholars, to whom they were submitted, concur in forming a
very low estimate of our traveller's attainments in that language. One
of the gentlemen states that 'Hhe majority of the words are not
Malayalim, or, if they are, the writer has trusted to his ear, and made a
marvellous confusion, which I defy anybody to unravel." This is not
to be wondered at ; on the contrary, there would have been reasonable
ground for surprise if, under his peculiar circumstances, Yarthema had
succeeded in mastering, even to a tolerable extent, any one of the
native languages. During his sojourn in the country, which was com-
paratively short, and seldom lasting more than a few days at each place,
he must have heard several different dialects spoken, without any
definite knowledge, perhaps, that they were such. Moreover, as his
most intimate associates appear to have been the Arab traders, who,
however long their intercourse with India, seldom speak any of the
native languages correctly, he most probably acquired most of his vocabu-
lary from them, jumbling that up with words and phrases which he had
picked up here and there along the coast. The specimens of his Arabic
are undoubtedly far superior to his essays in Malayalim, and, although
strongly Italianized, by no means inferior to the colloquial of the
majority of his countrymen at the present day after a much longer
residence in the East where that is the vernacular language.
146 THB TRAVELS OF
says : '^ In penna tonda gnan penna cortu; " thatis^ ^' Let us
exchange wives, give me your wife and I will give you
mine." The other answers : " Ni pantagocciolli ? " that is,
** Do you speak from your heart ? " The other says :
" Tamarani ! " that is, " Yes, by God ! " His companion
answers, and says : " Biti banno ; *' that is, " Come to my
house." And when he has arrived at his house he calls his
wife and says to her : " Penna, ingaba idocon dopoi ; " that
is, ** Wife, come here, go with this man, for he is your hus-
band." The wife answers: " E indi?" that is, "Wherefore ?
Dost thou speak the truth, by God, Tamarani ?" The hus-
band replies : " Ho gran patangociolli ; " that is, " I speak
the truth." Says the wife : " Perga manno ; " that is, " It
pleases me." ** Gnan poi ; " that is, *' I go." And so she
goes away with his companion to his house. The friend then
tells his wife to go with the other, and in this manner they
exchange their wives; but the sons of each remain with him.
And amongst the other classes of Pagans above-mentioned,
one woman has five, six, and seven husbands, and even
eight.^ And one sleeps with her one night, and another
another night. And when the woman has children, she says
^ The poljandria which prevailed at Calicut is also described by
Nicold de* Gonti and 'Abd er-Razz&k. The three accounts vary in detail,
and, as might be expected on a subject so intimately connected with the
domestic life of the natives, involve several misconceptions. Dr.
Buchanan's more accurate version of the custom is as follows : — ''The
Nairs marry before they are ten years of age ;...but the husband never
cohabits with his wife, tiuch a circumstance, indeed, would be con-
sidered very indecent. He allows her oil, clothing, ornaments, and food;
but she lives in her mother's house, or, after her parents' death, with
her brother, and cohabits with any person she chooses of an equal or
higher rank than her own... It is no kind of reflection on a woman's
character to say that she has formed the closest intimacy with many
persons ; on the contrary, the Nair women are proud of reckoning
among their favoured lovers many Brahmins, Rajahs, or other persona
of high birth... In consequence of this strange manner of propagating
the species, no Nair knows his father, and every man looks on his sisters'
children as his heirs." Pinkebton's Voyages, vol. viii. p. 737.
LUDOVICO DI YARTHBMA. 147
it is the child of this husband or of that husband^ and thus
the children go according to the word of the woman.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF LIVING,
AND OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE,
AMONG THE PAGANS.
The said Pagans eat on the ground in a metal basin^ and
for a spoon make use of the leaf of a tree, and they always
eat rice and fish, and spices and fruits. The two classes of
peasants eat with the hand from a pipkin ; and when they
take the rice from the pipkin, they hold the hand over the
said pipkin and make a ball of the rice^ and then put it into
their mouths. With respect to the laws which are in use
among these people: — If one kills another, the king causes a
stake to be taken four paces long and well pointed at one
end, and has two sticks fixed across the said stake two spans
from the top^ and then the said wood is fixed in the middle
of the back of the malefactor and passes through his body,
and in this way he dies. And this torture they call uncalveL
And if there be any one who inflicts wounds or bastinadoes^
the king makes him pay money, and in this manner he is
absolved. And when any one ought to receive money from
another merchant, there appearing any writing of the scribes
of the king, (who has at least a hundred of them,) they observe
this practice : — Let us suppose the case that some one has to
pay me twenty-five ducats^ and the debtor promises me to
pay them many times, and does not pay them ; I, not being
willing to wait any longer, nor to give him any indulgence^
shall take a green branch in my hand, shall go softly behind
the debtor^ and with the said branch shall draw a circle on
the ground surrounding him, and if I can enclose him in the
circle^ I shall say to him these words three times : ^^ Bra-
mini raza pertha polle ; " that is, '^ I command you by the
148 THE TRAVELS OF
bead of the Brahmins and of the king, that you do not depart
hence until you have paid me and satisfied me as much as I
ought to have from thee." And he will satisfy me, or truly
he will die there without any other guard. And should he
quit the said circle and not pay me, the king would put him
to death.^
' It is remarkable that the administration of justice in India has been
the theme of general admiration from the earliest times. Greek and
Roman writers, from Diodorus Siculus downward, haye eulogized it,
Marco Polo witnesses on the same side, and later Arabian authors con-
firm their favourable testimony. El-Edilsi says : " Justice is a natural
instinct among the inhabitants of India, and they hold nothing in equal
estimation. It is stated that their numbers and prosperity are due to
their integrity, their fidelity in fulfilling engagements, and to the general
uprightness of their conduct. It is, moreoyer, on this account that
yisitors to their country haye increased, that the country flourishes, and
that the people thrive in plenty and in peace. As a proof of their ad-
herence to what is right and their abhorrence of what is wrong may be
instanced the following usage : if one man owes another money, the
creditor finding him anywhere draws a line in the shape of a ring
around him. This the creditor enters, and also the debtor of his own
free will, and the latter cannot go beyond it until he has satisfied the
claimant ; but should the creditor decline to force him, or chooses to
forgive him, he, the creditor, steps out of the ring.*' 'Abd er-Bazz&k
also, speaking of Calicut, says : '* Security and justice are so firmly
established in this city, that the most wealthy merchants bring thither
from maritime countries considerable cargoes, which they unload, and
unhesitatingly send into the market and bazaars, without thinking in
the meantime of any necessity of checking the account, or of keeping
watch over the goods." India in the Fifteenth Century, i. p. 14.
The mode of procedure against debtors, as described by £l-£diisi
and Yarthema, and which Marco Polo, before them, states to have seen
carried out against the person of the king of Malabar, is confirmed by
Hamilton with slight variation : — ^^ They have a good way of arresting
people for debt, viz. there is a proper person sent with a small stick from
the judge, who is generally a Brahmin, and when that person finds the
debtor, he draws a circle round him with that stick, and charges him in
the king and judge's name not to stir out of it till the creditor is satis-
fied either by payment or surety ; and it is no less than death for the
debtor to break prison by going out of the circle." Pirkertoh'b Voy-
agee, vol, viii. p. 377.
Diodorus Siculus mentions the punishment by impaling as existing in
India. Lib. ii. 18.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 149
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MODE OP WORSHIP
OP THE PAGANS.
Early in the morning these Pagans go to wash at a tank,
which tank is a pond of still water. And when they are
washed^ they may not touch any person Until they have said
their prayers, and this in their honse.^ And they say their
prayers in this manner : — They lie with their body extended
on the ground and very secret, and they perform certain dia-
bolical actions [or motions] with their eyes, and with their
mouths they perform certain fearful actions [or motions] ;
and this lasts for a quarter of an hour, and then comes the
hour for eating. And they cannot eat unless the cooking is
performed by the hands of a gentleman, for the ladies only
cook for themselves. And this is the custom among the
gentlemen. The ladies wait to wash and perfume them-
selves. And every time that a man wishes to associate with
his wife, she washes and perfumes herself very delicately ;
but, under any circumstances, they always go scented and
covered with jewels, that is to say, on their hands and in
their ears, on their feet and on their arms.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE FIGHTING OP THESE
PEOPLE OP CALICUT.
In general they practise every day with swords, shields,
and lances. And when they go to war, the king of Calicut
maintains constantly one hundred thousand people on foot,
because they do not make use of horses, only of some ele-
' BrahminB are obliged to wash the whole body before eating. Some
are under a yow to bathe before sun-rise, which they do either in warm
water at home, or in a tank or river. After dressing, the Brahmin sits
down to cat, but must preserve himself from numerous accidents which
would render him impure, and compel him to desist from his meal. See
PoaBE8*8 Eds Mdld, vol ii. pp. 255-8.
ISO THB TRAVBLS OF
phants for the person of the king. And all the people wear
a cloth bound round the head^ made of silk and of a vermilion
colour, and they carry swords, shields, lances, and bows.
The king carries an umbrella^ instead of a standard, made
like the stem of a boot : it is formed of the leaves of a tree,
and is fixed on the end of a cane, and made to keep off the
sun from the king. And when they are in battle, and one
army is distant from the other two ranges of a crossbow,
the king says to the Brahmins : '' Go into the camp of the
enemy, and tell the king to let one hundred of his Naeri
come, and I will go with a hundred of mine. And thus they
both go to the middle of the space, and begin to fight in this
manner. Although they should fight for three days, they
always give two direct blows at the head and one at the legs.
And when four or six on either side are killed, the Brahmins
enter into the midst of them, and make both parties return
to their camp. And the said Brahmins immediately go to
the armies on both sides, and say : " Nur manezar hanno.''
The king answers : " Matile ?" that is, ** Do you not wish for
any more ?" The Brahmin says : " No." And the adverse
party does the same. And in this manner they fight, one
1 The chattray or black Chinese umbrella, commonly used in India,
when folded up, looks something like the leg of a boot. It is one
of the insignia of royalty throughout India, as it is with several other
eastern nations. Malcolm supposes the word '' satrap" to be a cor>
ruption of chaUrapa, lord of the umbrella of state, which, it is pro-
bable, those provincial rulers only were allowed to bear. He adds :
*' The distinction of cairying an umbrella is common to many countries
of Asia ; and that it was known in Persia, there can be no better evi-
dence than the sculpture of Peisepolls, where the umbrella often marks
the prince, or chief, of the group of figures. ChaUra, which signifies
umbrella, is a term common to Persian and Sanscrit. Pa^ a contraction
of pcttiy i.e, lord, is now lost in the former though preserved in the latter
language. The name, or rather title, of CluUtra pati, or ^' lord of the
umbrella," distinguishes one of the highest officers of the federal govern-
ment of the Mahratta state." {History of Perna, vol. i. p. 271, n.)
Within my own recollection, no person was allowed to pass before the
Sultanas palace on the Bosphorus without lowering his umbrella.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 151
hundred against one hundred. And this is their mode of
fighting. Sometimes the king rides on an elephant, and
sometimes the Naeri carry him. And when they carry him
they always run. And many instruments sounding always
accompany the said king. To the said Naeri he gives as
pay to each four carlini the month, and in time of war he
gives half a ducat. And they live on this pay. The before-
mentioned race have black teeth, on account of the leaves
which I have already told you they eat. When the Naeri
die they are burnt with very great solemnity, and some pre-
serve their ashes. But with respect to the common people,
after death some bury them within the door of their house ;
others, again, in their garden.^ The money of the said city
is struck here, as I have already told yqu in Narsinga. And
inasmuch as, at the time when I was in Calicut, there were
a very large number of merchants there from different coun-
tries and nations, I being desirous of knowing who these
persons were, so different one from the other, asked, and
was informed that there were here very many Moorish mer-
chants, many from Mecca, a part from Banghella, some from
Ternasseri, some from Pego, very many from Ciormandel,
in great abundance from Zailani, a great quantity from
Sumatra, not a few from Colon and Caicolon, a very great
number from Bathacala, from Dabuli, from Chievuli, from
Combeia, from Guzerati, and from Ormus. There were also
some there. from Persia and from Arabia Felix, part from
Syria, from Turkey, and some from Ethiopia and Narsinga.
There were merchants from all these realms in my time. It
must be known that the Pagans do not navigate much, but it
is the Moors who carry the merchandize; for in Calicut
there are at least fifteen thousand Moors, who are for the
greater part natives of the country.*
^ This is confirmed by Buchanan, who says that the Nairs bum their
dead, but most of the inferior castes buiy.
' That the Hindoos have never been seamen may be inferred from the
15S THK TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MANNER OF NAVI-
GATING IN CALICUT.
It appears to me very suitable and to the purpose, that I
should explain to you how these people navigate along the
coast of Calicut, and at what time, and how they build their
vessels. First, they make their vessels, such as are open,
each of three hundred or four hundred butts. And when
they build the said vessels they do not put any oakum be-
tween one plank and another in any way whatever, but they
join the planks so well that they keep out the water most
excellently. And then they lay on pitch outside, and put
in an immense quantity of iron nails. Do not imagine,
however, that they have not any oakum, for it comes there
in great abundance from other countries, but they are not
accustomed to use it for ships.^ They also possess as good
ahnost universal silence of ancient writers on India regarding their
maritime affairs, whereas most of them describe the constitution of an
Indian army in detail. It seems highly probable, indeed, that the laws
of Manu, which mention bottomry, and which led Sir William Jones to
infer that the Hindoos must haye been navigators in the age of that
work, referred primarily to river navigation, the superintendence of
which was committed to water-baili&, whose business, besides, it was to
keep the boundaries of the fields, to take care that each derived benefit
from the conduits and canals, etc. (See Manu, viii. 408-9.) Arrian
states expressly that sea-voyages were forbidden, and Pliny, that Indians
never emigrate (vi. 20) ; and although it may be conceded that their
navigation was not absolutely confined to rivers, nevertheless the weight
of testimony is decidedly against the idea that they were mariners in
the ordinary sense of the word.
It was undoubtedly the natural or religious antipathy of the Hindoos
for the sea, or a combination of both sentiments, which threw the navi-
gation of the Indian ocean, from the earliest ages, into the hands of the
more nautical Arabs, who thereby succeeded eventually in acquiring a
predominating influence on the western coast. The same aversion, pro-
ceeding from religious prejudice, is noticed by Marco Polo, who in de-
scribing the customs of the Malabarians remarks, that the testimony of
one who sails by sea was not admissible, because such men were regarded
as desperate. See Pinkebton's Voyages, vol. vii. p. 163.
^ This description coincides generally with the existing mode of ship-
LTJDOVICO DI VARTHKMA. 153
timber as ourselves^ and in greater quantity than with us.^
The sails of these ships of theirs are ma^e of cotton, and at
the foot of the said sails they carry another sail^ and they
spread this when they are sailing in order to catch more
wind ; so that they carry two sails where we carry only one.
They also carry anchors made of marble, that is to say^ a
piece of marble eight palmi long and two palmi every other
way. The said marble has two large ropes attached to it ;
and these are their anchors. The time of their navigation
is this : from Persia to the Cape of Cumerin, which is dis-
tant firom Calicut eight days' journey by sea towards the
south. Tou can navigate through eight months in the year,
that is to say^ September to all April ; then^ from the first
of May to the middle of August it is necessary to avoid this
coast because the sea is very stormy and tempestuous. And
you must know that during the months of May, June, July,
and August, it rains constantly night and day ; it does not
merely rain continually, but every night and every day it
rains^ and but little sun is seen during this time. During
the other eight months it never rains.^ At the end of April
they depart from the coast of Calicut, and pass the Cape of
Cumerin, and enter into another course of navigation, which
is safe during these four months, and go for small spices.^ As
buUding on the Malabar coast. Marco Polo states, however, that the
vessels which were constructed there in his time were well caulked with
oakum. A mistake on his part, or, perhaps, of his English translator.
^ In a Report published by the Royal Asiatic Society^ (No. iv. 350-
369,) one hundred and twenty valuable sorts of timber are enumerated
as produced in Malabar.
^ A generally correct statement of the prevailing winds and weather
during the two monsoons.
' Many vessels quit the Malabar coast at that season of the year for
the Indian Archipelago, and return thither, or proceed to the Persian
Gulf or the Bed Sea, at the opening of the north-east monsoon ; ''for the
south-west monsoon, which prevails outside of Achin-head, from April to
October, seldom blows far into the strait, particularly near the Sumatra
side, for the force of the monsoon being repelled by the mountains and
154 THE TRAVEI^ OP
to the names of their ships, some are called Samhuchi and
these are flat-bottomed. Some others which are made like
oursy that is in the bottom, they call Capel. Some other
small ships are called Parao^ and they are boats of ten
paces each, and are all of one piece, and go with oars made
of cane, and the mast also is made of cane. There is another
kind of small bark called Almadia, which is all of one piece.
There is also another kind of vessel which goes with a sail
and oars. These are all made of one piece, of the length of
twelve or thirteen paces each. The opening is so narrow
that one man cannot sit by the side of the other, but one is
obliged to go before the other. They are sharp at both
ends. These ships are called Chaturi, and go either with a
sail or oars more swiftly than any gsiUlejfftista, or brigantine.^
There are corsairs of the sea, and these Chaturi are made
at an island which is near, called Porcai.^
high land, stretching from Achin along the coast of Pedri, it is succeeded
by light variable winds and calms, with sometimes land breezes or hard
squalls from the Sumatra coast at night." Horsburg's Directory^ Part iL
1 These names of ships and boats furnish another indirect proof
against the notion that the early Hindoos were navigators ; for with one
exception, viz., that of Capd or Kapaly which Grawfurd says is of Telugu
or Telinga origin, the remainder are derived from foreign sources. Prau
belongs equally to the Malay and Javanese languages. Samhiuih is
from the Arabic SanbHk, Almadia is the Arabic El-3faadtahf a ferry.
And Chaturi I take to be a corruption of ShakhtUr, the ordinary name
for a boat on the coast of Syria, and one not unknown in the Red Sea
and the Persian Gulf. Fusta is the Italian for a kind of light galley.
' As there is no island so called in the vicinity of Calicut, I presume
Yarthema refers to the town of that name, situated on the coast, about
two degrees farther south. '^ It has no haven or port of any kind, and
ships trading there anchor In the open sea off the town in two fathoms
water, one and a half or two miles from shore. It was formerly a place
of much greater importance than it is at present, and was the principal
place of a small ro/or state, which was subverted in the year 1746 by
the rajah of Travancore." (Thornton's CkuetteerJ) Barbosa gives the
following description of the place : — " Porca has a lord of its own. Here
many Gentile fishermen reside who do nothing, and have no other occu-
pation than that of fishing during the winter, and of plundering on the
LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 155
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE PALACE OF THE KING
OP CALICUT.
The palace of the king is about a mile in circumference.
The walls are low, as I have mentioned above, with very
beautiful divisions of wood, with devils carved in relief.
The floor of the house is all adorned with cow dung.^ The
said house is worth two hundred ducats or thereabouts. I
sea during summer such as fall in their way. They poBsess certain small
boats, like brigantines, which they row skilfully, and collecting many of
these together, they themselves being armed with bows and arrows,
they surround any ship that is becalmed, and after forcing it to surrender
by means of their arrows, they proceed to plunder the crew and the ship,
casting the men naked on the ground. The booty they divide with the
lord of the country, who countenances them. This kind of boat they
call Caturi,^^ (Ramubio, vol. i. p. 312.) These piracies appear to have
declined in Hamilton's time. He says : '' Porcat or Porkah is of small
extent, reaching not above four leagues along the seacoast. The prince
is poor, having but little trade in his country, though it was a free port
for pirates when Every and Kid robbed along the coast of India ; but
since then the pirates infest the northern coasts, finding the richest
prizes amongst the Mocha and Persia traders." (Pinkerton's Voyagesj
vol. viiL p. 383.) Baldssus calls the place PerccUli, and in Keith John •
ston's superb new atlas it is written Parrakad.
Query f Is the whole or any part of the territory which formerly
constituted the small state of Porca ever insulated by the '' Backwater
of Cochin T' Horsburgh does not enable me to decide the question, but
judging from the maps it seems highly probable.
' A solution of cow dung {gohar) is in general use among the natives
throughout India for anointing the walls and floors of their mud huts,
on account of its binding and supposed purifying properties. Buchanan
says: "It is also much used as fuel, even where wood is abundant,
especially by men of rank, as, from the veneration paid to the cow, it is
considered as by far the most pure substance that can be employed.
Every herd. of cattle, when at pasture, is attended by women, and those
often of high caste, who with their hands gather the dung, and carry it
home in baskets. They then form it into cakes, about half an inch
thick, and nine in diameter, and stick them on the walls to dry. So
different, indeed, are Hindu notions of cleanliness from ours, that the
walls of their best houses are frequently bedaubed with these cakes."
PiNKBBTon^B Voyages, vol. viii. p. 612.
156 THE TRAVELS OF
now saw the reason why they could not dig foundations, on
account of the water, which is close to them.^ It would be
impossible to estimate the jewels which the king wears, al-
though in my time he was not in very good humour, in con-
sequence of his being at war with the king of Portugal, and
also because he had the French disease,^ and had it in the
throat. Neyertheless, he wore so many jewels in his ears,
on his hands, on his arms, on his feet, and on his legs, that
it was a wonder to behold.^ His treasure consists of two
magazines of ingots of gold, and stamped golden money,
which many Brahmins said that a hundred mules could not
carry. And they say, that this treasure has been left by
ten or twelve previous kings, who have left it for the wants
of the republic. This king of Calicut also possesses a casket
three spans long and one and a half span high, filled with
jewels of every description.
^ See note on p. 136 ante.
' Frang or Frank is the common name among Arabs for the disease
referred to.
' The following is a description of the Zamorin's dress when he gave
audience to Pedro Alvarez Oabral in 1500 : — '' He had only a piece of
white cloth, embroidered with gold, about his middle : all the rest of his
body being naked. On his head was a cap of cloth of gold. At his ears
hung jewels, composed of diamonds, sapphires, and pearls, two of which
were larger than walnuts. His arms, from the elbow to the wrist, and
his legs, from the knees downwards, were loaded with bracelets, set with
infinite precious stones of great value. His fingers and toes were coyered
with rings. In that of his great toe was a large ruby of surprising
lustre. Among the rest was a diamond bigger than a large bean. But
all this was as nothing compared with the richness of his girdle, made
with precious stones set in gold, which cast a lustre which dazzled
eyerybody's eyes. Near the Zamorin stood a chair of state and his litter,
all of gold and silver, curiously made, and adorned with precious stones.
There were three trumpets of gold and seventeen of silver, whose mouths
were set with stones also ; not to mention the silver lamps and censers
smoking with perfumes, and his golden spitting-basin." Qbbcitb's Cot-
lection, vol. i. p. 43.
LTJDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 157
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SPICES WHICH GROW IN
THAT COUNTRY OP CALICUT.
Many pepper trees are found in the territory of Calicut :
there are also some within the city, but not in large quanti-
ties. Its stem is like that of a vine, that is to say, it is
planted near to some other tree, because, like the vine, it
cannot stand erect. This tree grows like the ivy, which
embraces and climbs as high as the wood or tree which it
can grasp. The said plant throws out a great number of
branches, which branches are from two to three palmi long.
The leaves of these branches resemble those of the sour
orange, but are more dry, and on the underneath part they
are full of minute veins. From each of these branches there
grow five, six, and eight clusters, a little longer than a man's
finger, and they are like small raisins, but more regularly
arranged, and are as green as unripe grapes. They gather
them in this green state in the month of October and even
in November, and then they lay them in the sun on certain
mats, and leave them in the sun for three or four days,
when they become as black as they are seen amongst us
without doing anything else to them. And you must know
that these people neither prune nor hoe this tree which pro-
duces the pepper.^
1 « Pepper is proverbially styled the money of Malabar... The trailing
plant which produces pepper is propagated by planting a cutting at the
root of the jak, the mango, or other trees having rough bark, up which
the vine climbs. After it has been planted it requires no great trouble
or attention, the cultivator having little more to do than to collect the
produce in the proper season. When the fruit is intended for black
pepper, it is not allowed to ripen, but is collected green, and becomes
black on drying. That which is intended for white pepper is left to
ripen thoroughly, in which state the berries are covered with a red pulp,
which being washed off, leaves the peppercorn white, and requiring
merely to be dried to be fit for the market." (Thornton's Gazetteer,)
Fitch says : '' The shrub is like unto our ivy tree, and if it did not run
about some tree or pole, it would fall down and rot. When first they
158 THR TRAVKL8 OF
In this place ginger also grows j which is a root, and of
these same roots some are found of four, eighty and twelve
ounces each. When they dig it, the stem of the said root is
about three or four spans long^ and is formed like some reeds
[cannuze]. And when they gather the said ginger^ in that
same place they take an eye of the said root, which is like
an eye of the cane, and plant it in the hole whence they have
dug that root, and cover it up with the same earth. At the
end of a year they return to gather it, and plant it in the
aforesaid manner.^ This root grows in red soil, and on
the mountain, and in the plain, as the mirabolans grow,
every kind of which is found here.^ Their stem is like that
of a middle-sized pear tree, and they bear like the pepper
tree.
gather it, it is green ; and then they lay it in the sun and it hecometh
hlack/' (PiMKEBTON^s Voyages^ toI. ix. p. 426.) Barbosa gives a de-
tailed account of the plant, and also of the pepper trade shortly after
the arrival of the Portuguese in India. Ramubio, vol. L p. 322.
^ Hieronimo di Santo Stefano, who visited Calicut some years prior to
Varthema, describes the pepper-vine and ginger-shrub in similar terms.
Of the latter, he says : " For the propagation of ginger, they plant the
piece of a small fresh root, about the size of a small nut, which at the
end of a month grows large. The leaf resembles that of a wild lilly."
{India in the Fifteenth Century, iv. p. 4, 6.) Fitch likens the plant to
*' our garlic, and the root is the ginger." Dr. Buchanan states that the
cuttings of ginger are planted between the months of April and May,
and that between December and January the roots are fit for pulling.
Those intended for replanting are mixed with a little mud, and immedi-
ately buried in a pit. See A Journey from Madras through Mysore, &c.,
vol. ii. p. 469. ^
8 « Of Terminaliay the genus to which the Myrobalans belong, Wright
and Amott, in their Prodromtu Florce PeninmLas Indice Orienkdis,
vol. i, p. 312 e^ seq., enumerate eleven species ; but probably only ^ye of
them have edible fruits, viz. :
1. Terminalia Angiietifolia, Jacq.
2. „ Catappe, L.
3. „ Bdlerica, Roxb.
4. „ Chebula, Roxb.
6. ,, Travancorensis, W. & A." J, J. BenruU,
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 159
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME FRUITS OP CALICUT.
I found in Calicut a kind of fruit which is called Ciccara.
Its stem is like that of a large pear tree. The fruit is two
or two and a half joa/mi long, and is as thick as a man's thigh.
This fruit grows on the trunk of the tree, that is to say,
under the boughs, and partly on the middle of the stem.
The colour of the said fruit is green, and it is formed like
the pine, but the work is more minute. When it begins to
ripen, the skin becomes black and appears rotten. This
fruit is gathered in the month of December, and when it is
eaten it seems as though you were eating musk melons,
and it appears to resemble a very ripe Persian quince. It
appears also, as though you were eating a preparation of
honey, and it also has the taste of a sweet orange. Within
the Qaid fruit there are some pellicles like the pomegranate.
And within the said pellicles there is another fruit which, if
placed on the embers of the fire and then eaten, you would
say that they were most excellent chestnuts. So that this ap«
pears to me to be the best and the most excellent fruit I ever
ate.^ Another fruit is also found here, which is called Amba,
' The fruit here described is obyiously the Jack (Artocarpiu irUegri-
fdia), the large seeds of which, when roasted, are frequently eaten.
They were a favourite dish with my late lamented friend Sir James
Outram, who used to say they were equal to chestnuts. Though the
taste of the pulp is sweet, the smell is very disagreeable to Europeans.
Varthema, who seems to affix the odour to the skin, is the only one of
the old travellers who appears to have noticed this peculiarity. I cannot
discover the origin of the name Ciccara which he gives to the fruit,
unless it be a corruption of the Malayalim Tsjaka or Taca, Ibn
Batiita mentions two species of the Jack, Eih-Shaki and El-Barkis and,
in describing the fruit, says : " When it grows yellow in the autumn,
they gather and divide it : and in the inside of each is from one to two
hundred seeds. Its seed resembles that of a cucumber, and has a stone
something like a large bean. When the stone is roasted, it tastes like a
dried bean.'' (Lbb'b Trandationf p. 105.) The distinction thus drawn
between the seed and the stones of the Jack seems to justify Varthema
160 THB TRAVEI^ OF
the stem of which is called Manga, This tree is like a pear
tree^ and bears like the pear. This Amba is made like one of
our walnuts in the month of August^ and has that form ; and
when it is ripe it is yellow and shining. This fruit has a
stone within like a dry almond, and is much better than the
Damascus plum. A preserve is made of this fruit, such as
we make of olives, but they are much superior.^ Another
in calling the latter " another fruit ;" and I am gratified to find that
this inference is in a measure confirmed by the following valuable
remarks communicated to me by John J. Bennett, Esq., of the British
Museum, to whose kindness I am also indebted for several subsequent
notes on the different firuits mentioned in this chapter : —
<< The fruit of the Jack is compound, and made up of a number of
single-seeded fruits cohering together. It is singular that this fiiu^t,
which is not very obvious at first sight, should have been partially
noticed by these old writers. Roxburgh's description of it is as follows :
' Fruit compound, oblong, murexed (muricate), from twelve to twenty
inches long, from six to twelve in diameter, weighing from ten to sixty
pounds. Seeds uniform, one in each germ, were all to come to maturity,
which can never happen. They are about the size of a nutmeg, enve-
loped in a thin, smooth, leathery sheath, lodged within the fleshy edible
part of the fruit, which formed the exterior coverings of the germ,
already noticed... The fruit of this tree is so universally known that it is
unnecessary for me to say anything respecting its excellence, as well as
that the seeds, when roasted, are not inferior to the best chestnuts. In
Ceylon, where the tree grows most plentifully, and where the firuit
attains to its greatest size, the inhabitants make them a very consider-
able article of their diet.' Flora Indica, vol. iii. p. 632."
^ Though he misapplies their import, it is remarkable that Yarthema
uses these two names in connexion with this fruit. Am, Awh, Amba or
Anba, appears to be derived from the Sanscrit Amrd ; but, as written by
Ibn Batata, ^Anbd, it resembles so closely the collective form ^Anab^
and the singular ^Anbah, the Arabic for grape, that I scarcely wonder at
Professor Lee translating it by that word, more especially as there is no
original name for the Mango in the Arabic language. The fruit is not
indigenous to any part of Arabia, though a very inferior quality is now
to be found in the southern parts of Yemen, and in the province of
'AmmiLn (Oman). I am able to ^x the date of its introduction into the
latter country (but, unfortunately, not the place from whence it was
imported, though in all probability it was from India), by the following
extract from a manuscript history of 'Amm&n in my possession, entitled
El-Fath d-Mubtn. The author, writing of El-Fell&h ibn el-Muhsin,
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 161
fruit is found here resembling a melon, and it has similar
divisions, and when it is cut, three or four grains, which look
like grapes or sour cherries, are found inside. The tree
which bears this fruit is of the height of a quince tree, and
forms its leaves in the same manner. This fruit is called
Cor copal ; it is extremely good for eating, and excellent as a
medicine.^ I also found there another fruit, which is exactly
like the medlar, but it is white like an apple. I do not re-
member by what name it was called.^ Again, I saw another
kind of fruit which resembled a pumpkin in colour, is two
spans in length, and has more than three fingers of pulp,
and is much better than a gourd (zuccha) for confections, and
it is a very curious thing, and it is called Comolangay and
grows on the ground like melons.^ This country also pro-
who ruled over a portion of that country towards the end of the fif-
teenth century, says : <* It was he who planted the ^Amha at Makniy&t,
and it increased in 'Amm&n where before it was unknown. It had been
sent to him as a rarity, and described as an excellent fruit, so he caused
a great many of those trees to be planted."
The word Mango, according to Crawfurd, is a corruption of Mangga
which, though used^bj Malays, he says was picked up by our traders at
Bantamf^on th^Sd&t of Sumatra. {Hist, of the Indian Arehipdago,
vol. i. p. 425.) The seafaring Arabs of Malabar probably borrowed it
from the same source.
^ The names given by Varthema to the fruits mentioned in this
chapter do not appear to be in use at the present day, and Malayalim
scholars fail to recognize them as belonging to that language. With
regard to the Corcopal, Mr. Bennett remarks : " I can hardly give a
guess. It might be the Papau, but differs in the character of the leaves,
and in the number of seeds. Or, it might be a species of Diospyros,^^
> <* The medlar-like fruit here described may be either the Rose-apple
or the Guava, of both of which there are white-fruited yarieties. The
large open calyx in either may have suggested the comparison to a
medlar." Bbmnett.
' " Probably nearly allied to, if not identical with, the Water melon."
With regard to the Corcopal and Comolanga, Mr. Bennett observes :
" I find that Julius CsBsar Scaliger has been poaching in Varthema,
whom he translates somewhat differently, not naming the source of his
information. The following are his chapters with their headings : —
" ' Melo Corcopali et Mespilum, Corcopal Indiss provincia est : in qua
M
162 THB TRAVELS OP
duces another very singular fruit, which fruit is called
Matapolanda, The tree which bears this fruit is as high as
a man or a little more, and it produces four or five leaves
which are branches and leaves. Each of these covers a man
against rain and sun. In the middle of this it throws out a
certain branch which'^produces flowers in the same manner
as the stalk of a bean, and afterwards it produces some fruits
which are half a palmo and Sipalmo in length, and they are as
thick as the staff of a spear. And when they wish to gather
the said fruit they do not wait until it is ripe, because it
ripens in the house. One branch will produce two hundred
or thereabouts of these fruits, and they all touch one against
the other. Of these fruits there are found three sorts. The
first sort is called Oianchapalon ; these are very restorative
things to eat. Their colour is somewhat yellow, and the
bark is very thin. The second sort is called Cadelapalon^
and they are much superior to the others. The third sort are
bitter. The two kinds above mentioned are good like our
figs, but superior. The tree of this fruit produces once and
then no more. The said tree always has at its stem fifty or
sixty shoots (figlioli), and the owners remove these shoots by
the hand and transplant them, and at the end of a year they
produce their fruit. And if the said branches are too green
when they cut them, they put a little lime upon the said
fruits to make them ripen quickly. You must know that a-
cydonii magnitudine et foliis arbor prssgrandem gerit fnictum, melonis
figura, eodemque sulcatum mode. Intra quern tema quatemave grana,
acinorum uv» facie, acore cerasi. Ubi est adversus tuam subtilitatem
naturjB simplicitas. Non enim granorum numerus, uti tu volebas in
Punicis, certus est : sicuti neque in Oiccara. Melonem banc et edendo
esse, et ad medicinas utilem. Ibi Mespilum colore albo, Malo magni- .
tudine.'
" « Comotanga, In cadem Corcopal Gomolanga fructus esitatur, sea-
quipede major, curcubitoB colore. Humi jacet, ut melo. PulpsD pluri-
mum. Condimenta ex ea, vel cucurbitinis, quas Oarabassades Hispani
Yocant, vel citriis meliora, atque sapidiora.' Exbboitatio clxxxi. cap.
13, 16." Idem.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 163
yery large quantity of such fruits is found at all times of the
year^ and twenty are given for a quattrino.^ In like manner^
roses and most singular flowers are found here on all the
days of the year.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE MOST FRUITFUL TREE
IN THE WORLD.
I will describe another tree to you, the best in all the
world, which is called Tenga? and is formed like the trunk
' '' This is certainly the Plantain, in its several varieties, and very
well described. With respect to its dying off after producing its fruit,
I need only quote what Roxburgh says : ' They blossom at all seasons,
though generally during the rains, and ripen their seed in %^y^ or six
months afterwards. The plant then perishes down to the root, which
long before this time has produced other shoots : these continue to grow
up, blossom, etc., in succession for several years. Flora Indicay L p.
663." Idem.
McdapUanda may be a corruption of Valei pidlum, which, according
to Ainslie, is the Tamil name for Plantain. See his liaUria Indica,
vol. 1. sub voce Plantain.
* This is, obviously, the Cocoa-nut tree, the iMalayalim name of which,
according to Ainslie, is Tdnghd. I am aware of none among the earlier
travellers who has so thoroughly described this palm, and the several
uses to which it is applied, as Varthema ; and the accuracy of his details
may be tested by the following quotation from Seemanfv: — '^ The cocoa-
nut tree attains a height of from sixty to one hundred feet, and a
diameter of one or two feet.... It flourishes best in a sandy soil... The
wood is devoted to various purposes. The leaves are from eighteen to
twenty feet long : the Cingalese split them in halves, and plait the seg-
ments so as to form baskets. Under the denomination of cadfans, they
form the usual covering of their huts, as well as of the European
bungalows. The midribs of the leaves, when tied together, form brooms
for the decks of ships... There is one portion of the tree which attracts
much the attention of the observer, — it is a kind of net-work at the base
of the petiole. It is stripped off in large pieces, and used in Ceylon as
strainers, particularly for the toddy. A tree produces several bunches
of nuts, and from twelve to twenty large nuts, besides several small un-
productive ones, may be seen on each bunch. In good situations the
fruit is gathered four or ^yb times in the course of the year. The latter
M 2
164 THE TRAVELS OF
of a date tree. Ten useful things are derived from this
tree. The "first utility is wood to burn ; nuts to eat ; ropes
for maritime navigation ; thin stuffs which, when they are
dyed, appear to be made of silk; charcoal in the greatest
perfection; wine; water; oil; and sugar: and with its leaves
which fall, that is, when a branch falls, they cover the
houses. And these ward off water for half a year. "Were I to
declare to you in what manner it accomplishes so many
things you would not believe it, neither could you under-
stand it. The said tree produces the above-named nuts in
the same manner as the branch of a date tree ; and each tree
is much used as an article of food, both meat and drink, when green or
young : in that state it yields an abundance of a delicious cooling beyer-
age. The water, beautifully clear, has a sweetness, with a slight degree
of astringency, which renders it agreeable... From the flower spathes,
before the flowers are expanded, toddy or palm-wine is made. To pro-
cure the toddy, the spathe is tied with strips of the young leaves to
preyent its expansion. It is cut a little transversely from the top, and
beaten either with the handle of the toddy-knife, or a small piece of
ebony or iron-wood : this process having been continued morning and
evening, (at dawn of day, and just as the sun declines below the horizon,)
for ^ye or six successive days, the under part of the spathe is taken off,
so as to permit of its being gradually bent, when the toddy -drawers, for
the purpose of keeping it in that position, attach it to some neighbour-
ing leaf-stalk. After a further period of five days, an earthen chatty or
calabash is hung to the spathe, so as to receive the toddy that exudes,
which is collected every morning and evening, and the spathe cut a little
every day : the quantity collected varies much.
« Fermentation takes place in a few hours after the toddy has been
collected, when it is used by the bakers as yeast... Arrack is distilled
from toddy, which also yields abundance oi jaggery or sugar... The rind
or husk of the cocoa-nut is very fibrous, and when ripe is the H4>ya or
Coir of commerce... Another valuable production of the nut is the oil...
The Malabar method of extracting it is by dividing the kernels into two
equal parts, which are ranged on shelves made of the laths of the Betel-
nut palm, or split bamboo, spaces being left between each lath of half
an inch wide : under them a charcoal fire is then made, and kept up for
two or three days, in order to dry them. After this process they are
exposed to the sun on mats, and when thoroughly dried (then called
Kopperd) are placed in an oil-press or siccoor.^* Popular HiHory of the
Palms and their AllieSy pp. 146-175.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 165
will produce from one hundred to tw4> hundred of these nuts^
the outer part of which is taken off and used as firewood.
And then^ next to the second hark, there is taken off a
certain substance like cotton or linen flax, and this is given
to workmen to beat, and from the flower, stuffs which
appear like silken stuffs are made. And the coarse part
they spin, and make of it small cords, and of the small they
make large cords, and these they use for the sea. Of the
other bark of the said nut excellent charcoal is made. After
the second bark the nut is good to eat. The size of the said
fruit is [at first] that of the little finger of the hand. When
the said nut begins to grow, water begins to be produced
within ; and when the nut has arrived at perfection, it is full
of water, so that there are some nuts which will contain four
and five goblets of water, which water is a most excellent
thing to drink, and is also like rose-water, and extremely
sweet. Most excellent oil is made from the said nut, and
thus you have eight utilities from it. Another branch of
the said tree they do not allow to produce nuts, but they cut
it in the middle and give it a certain inclination ; and in the
morning and evening they make an opening with a knife,
and then they apply a certain fluid and that fluid draws out
a certain juice. And these men set a pot underneath and
collect that juice, of which one tree will produce as much as
half a jug between the day and the night. This they
place over the fire and boil it one, two, and three times,
so that it appears like brandy, and will affect a man's
head by merely smelling it, to say nothing of drinking it.
This is the wine which is drunk in these countries. From
another branch of the said tree they produce in a similar
manner this juice, and convert it into sugar by means of
fire ; but it is not very good. The said tree always has fruit
either green or dry, and it produces fruit in five years.
These trees are found over two hundred miles of country,
and all have owners. As to the goodness of this tree, when
166 THB TRAVELS OF
the kings are at enmity one with another, and kill each
other's children, they nevertheless sometimes make peace.
But if one king cut down any of these trees belonging to
another king, peace will never be granted to all eternity.^
You must know that the said tree lives for twenty or five
and twenty years, and grows in sandy places. And when
these nuts are planted to produce these trees, and until they
begin to germinate, or that the tree begins to grow from
them, it is necessary that the men who plant them should
go every evening to uncover them, in order that the cool
night air may blow over them ; and early in the morning
they return to cover them up, in order that the sun may not
find them thus uncovered. And in this manner does this
tree generate and grow. In this country of Calicut, there
is found a great quantity of zerzalinoy^ from which they make
very excellent oil.
THE CHAPTER CONCBRNINa THE PRACTICE THEY
FOLLOW IN SOWING RICE.
The men of Calicut, when they wish to sow rice, observe
this practice. First, they plough the land with oxen as we
do, and when they sow the rice in the field they have all
the instruments of the city continually sounding and making
merry. They also have ten or twelve men clothed like
^ The Israelites were expressly forbidden to cut down food-bearing
trees even in an enemy's country. (Deut. zx. 19.) To injure trees,
according to Manu, was an offence proportioned to the value of the tree,
(yiii. 286.) Quintus Curtius was correct when he said of the ancient
Hindus that they deified certain trees, which it was a capital crime to
destroy. (Lib. viii. cap. 9.) '* The Jlcua rdigioMy and other trees, are
never injured by the Hindus. Ward mentions a tree which was so much
reverenced that not even its withered branches were permitted to be
cut." Bombay Quarterly Magazine^ October 1850.
* Semmey see note 2, p. 86 ante.
LUDOYIOO DI VARTUEMA. 167
devils^ and these unite in making great rejoicing with the
players on the instruments, in order that the devil may make
that rice very productive.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa THE PHFSICIANS WHO VISIT
THE 8I0K IN CALICUT.
When a merchant, that is, a Pagan, is sick and in great
danger, the abovementioned instruments and the aforesaid
men dressed like devils go to visit the sick man ; and they go
at two or three o'clock in the morning ; and the said men so
dressed carry fire in their mouths ; and in each of their hands
and on their feet they wear two crutches of wood, which are
one pace (passo) high, and in this manner they go shouting
and sounding the instruments, so that truly if the person were
not ill, he would fall to the ground from terror at seeing these
ugly beasts. And these are the physicians who go to see and
to visit the sick man. And although they should fill the
stomach full up to the mouth, they pound three roots of
ginger and make a cup of j nice, and this they drink^ and in
three days they no longer have any illness, so that they live
exactly like beasts.^
' Hindus generally attribute all disease to malignant spiritual agency,
which must be either propitiated or exorcised ; and although this notion
does not wholly prevent their seeking relief from dietetics and physic,
their chief reliance, nevextheleBS, is placed on medical thaumaturgy.
The practitioners are men of low caste, who pretend to effect great cures
by amulets, philtres, and various incantations, not unfrequently asso-
ciated with a noisy display similar to that above described by Varthema.
Buchanan mentions a tribe of Telinga origin, called the Pacanet Joghis,
which is scattered over the peninsula, whose business consists in collect-
ing and exhibiting the plants used in medicine. He says : " Their vir-
tuous men, after death, are supposed to become a kind of gods, and
frequently to inspire the living, which makes them speak incoherently,
and enables them to foretel the event of diseases ;'^ and then adds :
^* Medicine in this country has, indeed, fallen into the hands of charla-
tans equally impudent and ignorant.** (Pikkerton's Voyage$^ vol. viii.
( ,
\
I
168 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE BANKERS AND
MONET-CHANGERS.
The money-changers and bankers of Calicut have some
weights, that is, balances, which are so small that the box
in which they stand and the weights together do not weigh
half an ounce ; and they are so true that they will turn by
a hair of the head. And when they wish to test any piece
of gold, they have carats of gold as we have ; and they have
the touchstone like us. And they test after our manner.
When the touchstone is full of gold, they have a ball, of a
certain composition which resembles wax, and with this ball,
when they wish to see if the gold be good or poor, they
press on the touchstone and take away some gold from the
said touchstone, and then they see in the ball the goodness
of the gold, and they say : ** Idu mannu, Idu aga," that is,
*^ this is good, and this is poor." And when that ball is
full of gold they melt it, and take out all the gold which
they have tested by the touchstone. The said money-changers
are extremely acute in their business. The merchants have
this custom when they wish to sell or to purchase their mer-
chandise, that is, wholesale: — They always sell by the hands of
the Cortor or of the Lella^ that is, of the broker. And when
the purchaser and the seller wish to make an agreement,
they all stand in a circle, and the Cortor takes a cloth and
holds it there openly with one hand, and with the other
hand he takes the right hand of the seller, that is, the two
fingers next to the thumb, and then he covers with the said
cloth his hand and that of the seller, and touching each
other with these two fingers, they count from one ducat up
p. 669.) For some valuable remarks on Medical Thaumaturgy in India,
see the Bombay Quarterly Magazine for October 1850, and Forbbs's
Chapter on Bhoots, Eds Afdld, yoI. iL pp. 379-400.
^ Cortor is probably a contraction of the Portuguese Mercador, Ldla
is doubtless a corruption of the Arabic DalldZ, a go-between, a broker.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 169
to one hundred thousand secretly, without saying " I will
have 60 much" or "so much." But in merely touching the
joints of the fingers they understand the price and say :
" Yes" or " No." And the Cortor answers " No" or " Yes."
And when the Cortor has understood the will of the seller,
he goes to the buyer with the said cloth, and takes his hand
in the manner above mentioned, and by the said touching
he tells him he wants so much. The buyer takes the finger
of the Cortor, and by the said touches says to him : ** I will
give him so much."^ And in this manner they fix the price.
^ This method of transacting business prevails among the Arabs in
the Red Sea and along the north-eastern coast of Arabia. Dr. Beke aiso
noticed it at the market of Baso in Abyssinia, and describes it thus :—
** The principals or their brokers, seated on the ground, take each other's
hand, — the hands being covered with their clothes so that they may not
be seen, — and then by a peculiar grasping or pressing of the fingers
they make known the price which they are respectively willing to give
or accept. A few examples will best explain this : Having first settled
between themselves whether the price in question is to be in gold
(ounces,) in silver (dollars,) or in salt (&moles,) they then, if the price is
in dmoles, for fifty grasp the whole five fingers ; for forty, only four.
For sixty they first grasp the whole five, and then say ' this,' and then,
after a momentary pause, add ' and this,' accompanying the latter words
with the pressure of one finger only. One hundred dmoles would be five
fingers and then again five, or simply a single finger ; 110, one finger
alone, say Hhis' — ' and this,' and pressing it twice ; 120 would, of course,
be first one finger and then two. If the price is settled in silver or gold,
then it will be two, three, or four fingers, according to their value ; and
subdivisions of the woktet [ounces] are made known by pressing the nail
of the forefinger on the forefinger of the other party, the end joint being
^, the second joint or middle of the finger ^, and the middle of the first
phalanx }. As it mostly happens that several persons are intereBted,-^
or, if not so, at all events take part in the transaction as friends or
advisers, — its progress is communicated to them by the principals
through their other hands, which are in like manner hidden under their
clothes ; and thus the price can be passed on in succession to an in-
definite number of individuals, without its being once openly named.
When any of these think the amount offered sufficient, they cry out
' seU, sell ;' and should the conclusion of the bargain be long delayed,
this cry is repeated, making a curious impression on a bystander, who
may not happen to be aware what is going on." Letters on the Com'
merce and Politics of Abyssinia, p. 19.
170 THK TRAVELS OF
If the merchandise about which they treat be spices, they
deal by the bahar, which bahar weighs three of our cantari.
If they be stuffs, they deal by curia, and in like manner
if they be jewels. By a curia is understood twenty ; or,
indeed, they deal hj farasola, which farasola weighs about
twenty-five of our lire.^
1 The namea of these weights and measures, I am informed, are not
Malayalim, though I think it highly probable that they are still used
by the Arabs who frequent the Malabar coast Buhdr is an Arabic
word, indicating usually a weight of three hundred pounds. By some
Arabian lexicographers it is supposed to be of Coptic origin, and Prinsep
seems to regard it as a term ** properly Hindu," a corruption either of
bhdra or bdha, (See L an 1*8 Arabic- EnfflM Lexicon^ sub yoce Buhdr ^
and PBiNSfiP*tf Useful TcMeSy part i. p. 76. CaletUta, 1834.) Grairfurd
says it is the only weight introduced into the Archipelago by the Arabs^
and was in use even as far as the Moluccas when the Portuguese first
airived. {Duariptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, sub voce Weights.)
Hamilton mentions the *^ Bahaar" as a weight used in several parts of
the East Indies in his time. Pinkbrton's Fbyo^ef, yoI. Till. p. 518.
Oiiria stands undoubtedly for k&raja, and Farasola is the plural of
fdrsalay both words being still in ordinary use among the Arabs of the
Red Sea and Persian Gulf ; but I am unable to verify their origin. The
latter seems identical yfith ferrah, a corruption of parah, the name of an
old Hindu weight, which is known throughout India, and used in mea-
suring lime, etc. ; and the former may be deriyed from the Sanscrit
kauri, a score. (Prinsbp's Tables, id.) Kdraja means twenty, and is
applied to bales of hides, piece-goods, etc., containing that number. It
is written " €k)ijes*' in the bill of goods purchased at Mokha in 1612 by '
Oaptain John Saris from a native merchant of Surat, and Saris also
enumerates it among the weights and measures known at Java and other
islands of the Indian Archipelago, e, g, " Tavfata, in Boults, an hundred
and twelve yards the Piece, forty-six Ryals of Eight the Ootj, or twenty
Pieces." Grbbvb's Collection of Voyages, vol. i. pp. 466, 604.
The present weight of Skf&rsala at Aden is 28 lbs. Hamilton, who
calls it *' Frasella," and places it among the Banyan Weights, reckoned
it in his time at 29^ lbs. avoirdupois ; and Niebuhr, who names it among
the weights of Mokha, makes it 30 livres. See Pimkerton's Voyages,
vol. viii. p. 518 ; Voyage en Arabic, vol. iii. p. 192.
LUDOViCO DI VAKTHEMA. 171
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE POLIARI AND HIRAVA
FEED THEIR CHILDREN.
The women of these two classes of people, that is, the
Poliari and Hirava, suckle their children for about three
months, and then they feed them upon cow's milk or goat^s
milk. And when they have crammed them, without wash-
ing either their faces or their bodies, they throw them into
the sand, in which they remain covered up from the morn-
ing until the evening, and as they are more black than any
other colour, they cannot be distinguished from little buf-
falos or little bears ; so that they appear misshapen things,
and it seems as though they were fed by the devil. Their
mothers give them food again in the evening. These people
are the most agile leapers and runners in the world.^ I
1 See note on p. 142 ante. That this is not an exaggerated picture of
the mode In which the offspring of these wretched outcasts are nurtured,
may be fairly inferred from the following description of the class which
they compose: — "The creatures in human form, who constitute the
number of 100,000, the agrestic slave population of Malabar, are dis-
tinguishable, like the savage tribes still to be found in some of the forests
in India, from the rest of the human race by their degraded, diminutive,
squalid appearance, their dropsical pot-bellies contrasting horribly with
their skeleton arms and legs, half-starved, hardly clothed children, and in a
condition scarcely superior to the cattle that they follow at the plough."
(Thobvtok*8 Gazetteer, sub voce Malabar.) Buchanan says : " The only
means they employ to procure a subsistence is by watching the crops,
to drive away wild hogs and birds. Hunters also employ them to rouse
game ; and the Achumars, who hunt by profession, give them one-fourth
part of what they kill. They gather a few wild roots, but can neither
catch fish, nor any kind of game. They sometimes procure a tortoise,
and are able, by means of hooks, to kill a crocodile. Both these am-
phibious animals they reckon delicious food. All these resources, how-
ever, are inadequate to their support, and they subsist chiefly by begging.
They have scarcely any clothing, and every thing about them discloses
want and misery. They have some wretched huts built under trees in
remote places; but they generally wander about in companies of ten or
twelve persons, keeping at a little distance from the road ; and when
they see any passenger they set up a howl, like so many hungry dogs."
172 THE TRAVELS OF
think I ought not to omit explaining to you tbe many kinds
of animals and birds which are found in Calicut, and espe-
cially about the lions, wild hogs, goats, wolves, kine, buf-
falos, goats, and elephants (which, however, are not pro-
duced here, but come from other places),^ great numbers of
wild peacocks, and green parrots in immense quantities ; also
a kind of red parrot. And there are so many of these
parrots, that it is necessary to watch the rice in order that
the said birds may not eat it. One of these parrots is worth
four quattriniy and they sing extremely well. I also saw
here another kind of bird, which is called saru? They sing
better than the parrots, but are smaller. There are many
other kinds of birds here different from ours. I must inform
you, that during one hour in the morning and one hour in
the evening there is no pleasure in the world equal to that
of listening to the song of these birds, so much so that it is
like being in paradise, in consequence of there being such
a multitude of trees and perpetual verdure, which arises
from the circumstance that cold is unknown here, neither is
there excessive heat. In this country a great number of
apes are produced, one of which is worth four casse, and
one casse is worth a quatlrino. They do immense damage
to those poor men who make wine.' These apes mount on
the top of those nuts and drink that same liquor, and then
Hamilton's account is somewhat different. He says : '' they are cunning
in catching wild beasts and birds ;*' and strikingly corroborates Yar-
thema by remarking that " they are very swift in running." Pikker-
Tow's Voyages, vol. viii. pp. 376-6, 739.
^ Wild elephants, inferior in size to none in India, exist in the jungles
and forests of Malabar. Yarthema probably meant that they were not
bred in the immediate vicinity of Calicut. All the other quadrupeds
and birds which he enumerates, and a great many besides, abound in the
country.
' Saru IS probably from the Persian sar, a starling. Shakespeare,
however, gives saro as an Hindostani name for that bird. He seems,
moreover, to make it identical with the maind {OraetUa religiota).
' That is, cocoa-nut wine, or toddy.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 173
they overturn the vessel and throw away all the liquor they
cannot drink.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE SERPENTS WHICH ARE
FOUND IN CALICUT.
There is found in this Calicut a kind of serpent which is
as large as a great pig^ and which has a head much larger
than that of a pig, and it has four feet, and is four
braza long.^ These serpents are produced in certain
marshes. The people of the country say that they have no
venom, but that they are evil animals, and do injury to
people by means of their teeth. Three other kinds of ser-
pents are found here which, if they strike a person a little,
that is, drawing blood, he immediately falls to the ground
dead. And it has often happened here in my time that
there have been many persons struck by these animals, of
which animals there are three kinds. The first resemble
deaf adders ; the*next are scorpions ; the third are thrice as
large as scorpions. Of these three kinds there are immense
numbers. And you must know that when the king of
Calicut learns where the nest of any of these brutal animals
is, he has made over it a little house, on account of the
water. ^ And if any person should kill one of these animals
^ Crocodiles, the animals here indicated, swarm in the rivers of Mala-
bar. " Of other reptiles, there are the skink, a large lizard about four
feet long, the salamander, tortoise, snakes of various kinds, as the cobra
de capello, the bite of which results in inevitable death, and many other
venomous kinds, as also the boa constrictor, generally swept down by
torrents from the jungly valleys of the Ghats." Thoknton's QazeUeer^
sub voce Malabar.
* I visited one of these retreats for serpents at Kolapore in the South-
ern Mahratta country, and witnessed them feasting on milk which had
been prepared for them by the guardians of the shrine ; nevertheless, on
two different occasions I have seen Hindus join heartily in killing a
cobra de capello.
Baldseus, speaking of the cobras at Negapataro, says : *^ They are iu
174 THE TRAVELS OF
the king would immediately put him to death. In like
manner, if any one kill a cow, he would also put that person
to death. They say that these serpents are spirits of God,
and that if they were not his spirits, God would not have
given them such a power, that biting a person a little he
would immediately fall dead. And it is from this circum-
stance that there are such numbers of these animals who
know the Pagans and do not avoid them. In my time one
of these serpents entered into a house during the night and
bit nine persons, and in the morning they were all found
dead and swollen. And when the said Pagans go on a
journey, if they meet any of these animals they receive it as
a good augury.
THE CHAPTER CONOERNING THE LIGHTS OP THE KING
OP CALICUT.
In the house of the king of Calicut there.are many cham-
bers, in which as soon as evening comes they have ten or
twelve vases made in the form of a fountain, which are com-
posed of cast metal, and are as high as a man. Each of
these vases has three hollow places for holding oil, about
two spans high from the ground. And, first, there is a vase in
which is oil with cotton wicks lighted all round. And
above this there is another vase more narrow, but with the
same kind of lights, and on the top of the second vase there
stands another yet smaller, but with oil and lights ignited.
The foot of this vase is formed in a triangle, and on each of
the faces of the foot there are three devils in relief, and they
are very fearful to behold. These are the squires who hold
such reverence among these Pagans, that if they should happen to kill
one of them, they will look upon it as an ezpiable [inexpiable ?] crime,
and to forbode some great misfortune.*' Chubchill's Collection^ vol.
iii. p. 651.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 175
the lights before the king. This king also makes use of
another custom. When one of his relations dies, as soon as
the year of mourning is accomplished, he sends an invitar
tion to all the principal Brahmins who are in his own king-
dom, and he also invites some from other countries. And
when they are arrived, they make great feastings for three
days. Their food consists of rice dressed in various ways,
the flesh of wild hogs, and a great deal of venison, for they
are great hunters. At the end of the three days, the said
king gives to each of the principal Brahmins three, four, and
&ve pardat, and then everyone returns to his house. And
all the people of the kingdom of the king shave their beards
for joy.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW A GREAT NUMBER OP
PEOPLE CAME TO CALICUT ON THE 25th OP
DECEMBER TO RECEIVE THEIR PARDON.
Near to Calicut there is a temple in the midst of a tank,
that is, in the midst of a pond of water : which temple is
made in antique style with two rows of columns, like San
Giovanni in Fonte at Rome.^ In the middle of that temple
^ This was probably the temple which De Gams and his companions
visited on their way from Padarane to Calicut about six years previously,
and where some of them, wittingly or unwittingly, took part in the
heathen services. " The temple was as large as a great monastery. It
was built of freestone, and covered with tiles. Over the front door there
hung seven balls ; and before it stood a pillar as high as the mast of a
ship, made of wire, with a weathercock of the same at top. Within, it
was full of images : this made De Gama and the rest take it for a Chris-
tian church. Entering it, they were met by certain men, naked from
the waist upwards, and from thence to the knees covered with calico.
They wore pieces of calico also under the armpits, with certain threads,
which were hung over their left shoulder, and passed under the right arm,
just as the Romish priests used to wear their stoles formerly. These
men, with a sponge dipped in a fountain, sprinkled their visitants ; and
then gave each of them some Sanders [sandal-wood] pulverized to strew
176 THE TRAVELS OF
there is an altar, made of stone, where sacrifices are per-
formed. And between each of the columns of the lower
circle there stand some little ships made of stone, which are
two paces long, and are full of a certain oil, which is called
Enna} Around the margin of the said tank there is an im-
mense number of trees all of one kind, on which trees there
are lights so numerous that it would be impossible to count
them. And in like manner around the said temple there are
oil lights in the greatest abundance. When the 25th day of
the month of December arrives, all the people for fifteen
days' journey around, that is to say, the Naeri and Brahmins,
come to this sacrifice. And before performing the said
sacrifice, they all wash in the said tank. Then the principal
Brahmins of the king mount astride of the little vessels
above-mentioned where the oil is, and all these people come
to the said Brahmins, who anoint the head of each of them
with that oil, and then they perform the sacrifice on that
altar before-mentioned. At the end of one side of this altar
there is a very large Sathanas, which they all go to worship,
and then each returns on his way. At this season the land
is free and frank for three days, that is, they cannot exercise
upon their heads, (as the Papists do ashes,} and on their arms. The
Portuguese did one, but not the other, because their clothes were on.
On the walls of the temple were many images painted, some with great
teeth sticking above an inch out of their mouth ; others with four arms,
and such frightful faces that the Portuguese began to doubt whether it
was a Christian church or not. Upon the top of the chapel, which stood
in the middle of the temple, was a fort, or freestone tower, with a little
wire door, and stone stairs on the outside. In the wall of this tower
was an image, on sight whereof the Malabars called out * Mary !* [Pro-
bably some native word of similar sound forbidding the strangers to
approach any nearer, or inviting them to worship.] Whereupon De
Gama and the rest, taking it for an image of the Virgin, fell on their
knees and prayed. Only one, Juan de Sala, who had some doubt of the
matter, in making his genuflexions, said : ' If this be the devil, I worship
God ;* which made De Gkma smile." GaBBRs's Collection, vol. i. p. 51.
1 Probably from ^eh, one of the Sanscrit names for oil, with the
Arabic article el- or en- prefixed.
LCDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 177
vengeance one against another. In truths I never saw so
many people together at one time^ excepting when I was at
Mecca.^ It appears to me that I have sufficiently explained
to you the customs and manner of living, the religion and
the sacrifices, of Calicut. Wherefore departing thence, I
will recount to you step by step the rest of my journey,
together with all the events which happened to me in the
course of it.
^ I am unable to determine the precise festival here described, and
which in the year of Yarthema's visit (probably 1505) fell on the 25th
of December. In many respects it resembles the festival at Bijayanagar,
-which was also of three days' duration, described in detail by 'Abd er-
RazzlLk, and called by him *' MahanadL" (See India in the XVth Cen-
turyy i. pp. 35-39.) Perhaps it was the Navardtra, or Hindu New Tear ;
but it would not be difficult for those skilled in comparative chronology
to identify it.
N
178 THE TRAVELS OF
THE THIRD BOOK CONCERNING INDIA.
Mt companion, who was called Cogiazenor/ seeing that he
could not sell his merchandize because Calicut was ruined
by the king of Portugal^ for the merchants who used to
come there were not there, neither did they come. — ^And the
reason why they did not come was that the [king of Calicut]
consented that the Moors should kill forty-eight Portuguese,
whom I saw put to death. And on this account the king of
Portugal is always at war, and he has killed, and every day
kills, great numbers. And therefore the said city is ruined,
for in every way it is at war.^ — And so we departed, and took
i This appears to be the same person that Yarthems picked up as a
companion at Shir&z. See p. 103 ante.
* Although Yasco de Qama^s first reception by the Zamorin was friendly,
the resident Muhammedans generally, and more especially the foreign
Arabs, who possessed great influence at the court, and who seem to have
feared a rivalry in their trade, did all in their power to thwart his views.
In consequence of this opposition, De Gama left India without establishing
commercial relations with Calicut. Two years later, Pedro Alvarez Cabral
succeeded in settling a factory there, but the Mekkah merchants prevented
their getting any cargoes, and instigated an attack on the factory, which
was completely destroyed, and many Portuguese killed. In revenge for this
outrage, Cabral bombarded the town, and in the course of the following
year the Zamorin*s fleet was defeated by Juan de Nueva. Between
1502-3 De Qama again appeared before Calicut, and having seized fifty
Malabarians at sea caused them to be hung on board his ships, and then
ordered their amputated hands and feet to be sent on shore in a prau.
After this, he cannonaded the place for several hours, demolishing many
houses, and among them the Zamorin *s palace. Then in 150d Lope
/
LUDOVICO DI VABTHEMA. 179
our road by a river,* which is the most beautiful I ever saw,
and arrived at a city which is called Cacolon, distant from
Soarez came to Calicut with a fleet of thirteen ships, on which occasion
certain prisoners who had been taken in the former wars were delivered
up to him ; but as some were detained, he battered the city for two 'days,
ruining a great part of it, and killing three hundred of the inhabitants.
Calculating that Yarthema must have been at Calicut about this time,
I think it highly probable that the forty-eight Portuguese whom he saw
dead were the individuals who had not been surrendered to Soarez. (See
Greene's Collection of Voyages^ vol. i. pp. 29-57, whose account of the
early voyages of the Portuguese to India is extracted from Castenheda,
De Barros, and De Faria y Souza.)
' The maps, unfortunately, do not enable me to decide whether inland
navigation is practicable to the southward beginning at Calicut, and
Horsburgh is silent on that particular point ; but if the hydrography of
Keith Johnston's Atlas is correct, there is a continuous water commu-
nication, formed by the different rivers and estuaries, and running
parallel with the coast, extending from Panane, (Thornton's Fonany,
and Keith Johnston's Ponani,) twenty-eight miles south of Calicut, as
far as Quilon, which is nearly two degrees to the southward of Panane.
This fact would partially justify Yarthema in saying that he proceeded
on his journey from Calicut " by a river ;" but I am inclined to think
that, with the exception, perhaps, of an occasional very brief run at sea,
from one estuary to another, his statement, on a more thorough investi-
gation than I have the means of giving it, will be verified in its entirety,
especially as I find that Ibn Batiita appears to have travelled by the
same route ; for he says : " I proceeded, therefore, [from Calicut] to that
place [K&wlam=Quilon] by river. It is situated at a distance of ten
days from Calicut ;" meaning, of course, that the river journey occupied
that time. See Lee's Translation, p. 174.
The following quotations illustrate the subject generally : — " Many of
these rivers [of Malabar] during the monsoon have inland communica-
tions, by which navigation is practicable, from stream to stream and
estuary to estuary, in a direction parallel to the shore. Of these waters,
the most remarkable is that of Chowgaut, a fine sheet on the south-
eastern frontier towards Cochin, twenty miles in length and eight in
breadth, having numerous islands, coves, and inlets, and characterized
by Buchanan as ' one of the finest inland navigations imaginable.' "
(Thornton.'s Gazetteer, sub voce Malabar.) Of the river of Cochin,
which is forty-nine miles to the south of Panane or Ponani, Horsburgh
says : " It may be considered as an arm of the sea, for it extends to the
southward parallel to the line of coast, and a very little distant from it,
communicating with Iviker inlet or river, which falls into the sea to the
180 THE TRAVELS OF
Calicat fifty leagues.^ The king of this city is a pagan and
is not very rich. The manner of living, the dress, and the
customs, are after the manner of Calicut. Many merchants
arrived here, because a great deal of pepper grows in this
country, and in perfection. In this city we found some
Christians of those of Saint Thomas, some of whom are
merchants, and believe in Christ, as we do. These say that
every three years a priest comes there to baptize them, and
that he comes to them from Babylon. These Christians
keep Lent longer than we do ; but they keep Easter like
ourselves, and they all observe the same solemnities that we
do. But they say mass like the Greeks. The names of
whom are four, that is to say, John, James, Matthew, and
Thomas.^ The country, the air, and the situation, resemble
northward of Quilon, forming islands bj the yarioos inlets." {Directory y
vol. i. p. 508.) These salt-water inlets, and the estuaries communicating
with them, form what is technically called by seamen ike Backwater of
Cochin,
The foregoing extract from Horsburgh convinces me that Porca or
Parrakad, which lies between Cochin and Quilon, is sometimes, if not
always, insulated by the rivers and estuaries in its neighbourhood. Yar-
thema is therefore justified in calling that place an island. See p. 154,
and note 2.
^ I have looked in vain for this place in Thornton's GaseUcer. It is
written Kayan Kulam in Keith Johnston's Atlas, but the same desig-
nation is incorrectly given to Quilon also. The two places are distinct,
and appear always to have had distinct names. Barbosa, a few years
after Yarthema, says : '' After passing the aforesaid place [Porca,] the
kingdom of CotUan commences, and the first place is called Caincoulan,
inhabited by many Gentiles, Moors, and Christians of the doctrine of
Saint Thomas, many of whom, in the interior, live among the Gentiles.
Much pepper grows in this place, with which many vessels are loaded."
(Bamusio, vol. i. p. 312.) Baldseus, nearly a century and a half later,
describes Kayan Kulam thus : — '* The next adjoining kingdom [to Percattl
or Porca] is CaUcoulang, of no great extent. Here the Dutch had a
factory." (Cuubcuill's CoUeclion of Voyages, vol. iii. p. 643.) Hamilton,
who writes it Coilcoloan, says it is *' a little principality contiguous to
Porkah." (Pinksrton'b Voyages, vol. viii. p. 383.) The two last men-
tioned authors mention Quilon also, the former calling it Coulang, and
the latter Coiloan,
^ Yarthema would have been more correct if he had merely adduced
LUDOVICO Dl VAKTHEMA. 181
those of Calicut. At the end of three days we departed
the above names as examples of those borne by these Christians ; but
that may be his meaning.
It is difficult to decide, from the imperfect and prejudiced accounts of
the early Portuguese, to what rite these Christians belonged at this
period^ or whether they belonged to more rites than one. Yar-
thema's notice of them is very brief, and what he does saj would apply
equally either to the Syrian Jacobite or to the Nestorian community,
with the exception of his remark about Babylon, which, if reliable, (and
he was less likely to err in the name of a place than in the definition of
a doctrine,) undoubtedly connects the Christians whom he met at Caco-
lon with the latter. Catholic or Patriarch of Babylon is the vague title
which has been applied to the Primate of the Nestorians while located
successively at the royal seats of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, and Baghdad, and
at the time referred to, the Nestorian patriarchate was established at
Baghdad, whereas the Jacobite Patriarch resided then, as he does still,
at Mardin in Mesopotamia. Be that as it may, at the present day the
Christians of Malabar, as they are generally called, are divided into two
distinct communities, one nominally subject to the spiritual primacy of
the Chaldean Patriarch at Mosul, {Chaldeans is the name assumed
by the Nestorians in Turkey and Persia who have submitted to the
Church of Rome,) and the other recognizing the Syrian Jacobite
Patriarch at Mardin. On the demise of the Malabar bishop of the latter
body, a successor, in the person of a native priest, was sent to Mardin,
where he was consecrated to the episcopate under the name of Mar
Athanasius ; but on returning to India the validity of his priesthood was
questioned by some of the community, who asserted that he had been
ordained by the laying-on of the bishop's hands after the death of the
latter. This and some other objections induced the Jacobite Patriarch
to send one Bishop Eirillos (Cyril,) a native of Mesopotamia, to Malabar,
which gave rise to new contentions among the Jacobites of that country,
who, from all the accounts that have reached me, appear to be involved
in an uninterrupted succession of ecclesiastical squabbles.
The Malabar Christians who composed the Nestorian section have as a
body conformed to Rome, preserving, however, their own Syriac rituals,
and such other ecclesiastical customs and observances, of eastern origin,
as were not considered heterodox by the Latin Church. At what precise
period they ceased their connexion with the Nestorian Patriarchate at
Baghdad is uncertain. Efforts were certainly made by Roman mis-
sionaries as early as the fourteenth century to induce the Malabar
Christians generally to abjure their alleged schism, and some valuable
notices of their proceedings at that epoch will be found in Colonel
Yule's Preface to his translation of the Mirabilia Descripta, written by
Friar Jordanus, who was Bishop of Columbum (Quilon) circa A.n. 1330 ;
182 THE TRAVELS OP
from this place, and went to another city called Colon/ dis-
tant from that above mentioned twenty miles. The king of
this city is a Pagan, and extremely powerful, and he has
20,000 horsemen, and many archers, and is constantly at war
but it seems most probable that the separation was not consummated
prior to the settlement of the Portuguese in India, through whose instru-
mentality the Kestorians were brought into communion with the See of
Home, when, of course, their relations with the Patriarch at Baghdad
ceased, and their priests received ordination through the Latin bishops
located in the country. Recently, however, they appear to have become
dissatisfied with that arrangement, and decided to have a bishop of their
own. Accordingly, about four years ago, they deputed twelve of their
number, several of whom had been ordained to the minor orders, to Mar
Yiisuf, the Chaldean Patriarch at Mosul, desiring that one of them
should be raised to the Episcopate. Mar YClsuf, acting on instructions
from Rome, declined to comply with this very natural request, and per-
sisted in his refusal notwithstanding the urgent solicitations of the
Chaldeans in favour of the Malabarians. Resolved not to be frustrated,
the latter proceeded from Mosul to Mar Shimdn, the Nestorian Pa-
triarch residing at Julamerk in Kurdistan, who readily consecrated the
episcopal candidate ; whereupon the deputation returned to India. It
remains to be seen what will be the result of this step as regards the
native Christian community in Malabar.
I The modem town of Quilon, *' situated in the native state of Tra-
vancore, on the seacoast, in a bight where ships may anchor under
shelter at about two and a half or three miles from the fort... The vege-
table productions are timber, cocoa-nuts, pepper, cardamums, ginger,
betel-nuts, and coffee. The population is stated to be about 20,000.**
(See Thobvton's GazeUeer, whose account of the place is very meagre.)
Quilon, under different modifications of that name, is mentioned by the
earliest Arabian and European travellers to India, and appears to have
been a considerable mart in those days. It is unquestionably the
Kattkammali of the Two Muhammedan travellers of the ninth century,
who describe it as the first place which vessels touch at proceeding to
India from M4skat, and a month's sail from that port with a fair wind.
(PiiTKEaTON, vol. vii. p. 185.) Any doubt which may arise on this point
from the difference in the name is removed by Lee's note on Ibn
Batdta's Kdwlam, wherein he says : " In our MS., as well as in that of
Mr. Apetz, it often appears thus : Kawkam.^' (p. 169.) El-Edrisi also
mentions Kawlam Meli, in the viith. Chapter of the 2nd. Climate ; but
erroneously places it, I think, top far north. (Yincent attempts to re-
concile the difference between Kdwkam and Kdwlam by supposing the
translator to have been misled by the want of diacritical points in the
LDDOYICO DI VARTHEMA. 188
with Other kings. This country has a good port near to the
sea-coast. No grain grows here^ but fruits^ as at Calicut,
original, which was certainly not the case in this instance, for neither
word in Arabic has any such points ; but he very judiciously recognises
in the suffix Mali a reference to MM, or Malabar. {Com, and Nav» of
the Ancients, vol. ii. p. 477.) I am very much disposed, however, after
a careful analysis of the original, to regard Hl-Edrisi's viiith. Chapter
as, in part, a recapitulation of the viith., and to identify another place
mentioned in the latter, or rather the same place under the name of
Kalkiydn, which he locates six days from Fandaraina (see note on
p. 113 ante,) and six or seven days from Serindib (Ceylon,) and de-
scribes as growing much brazil-wood, with the town of Quilon.
That Quilon is identical with Marco Polo's Co^lam is obvious from \
his description of the people and productions of the latter place. He
says : ^ Here, among the idolaters, dwell Jews and Christians, who have j
a language of their own. The produce are pepper, brazil, indigo, black
lions, and white parrots of divers sorts... They are very libidinous, and
marry thdir sisters." (Grbbnb's CoUeetion, vol. iv. p. 616.) His state-
ment that CotbUtm is situated five hundred miles north-west from Mala-
bar (in Finkerton it is south-west !) may be an error ; but whether it is
so or not depends on the limits which he allows to that country. It is
clear that he extended them as far as Cape Comorin on the south, and
carried them a considerable distance up the coast trending to the north- t
east, for he writes : — " Sailing sixty miles west from Zeilan (Ceylon) is i
the great province of Maabar...In this kingdom is a pearl-fishery be- '
tween the coast of Zeilan, in a bay where is not twelve fathom water,"
(Id, p. 614,) which was probably Tuticorin. Now, that district which
Marco Polo thus includes within '* the great province of Maabar," Bar-
bosa in the sixteenth century comprehends within the kingdom of Cou-
lam, the boundaries of which he prolongs still further in the same
direction : — *' Leaving this island of Zailan, and returning to the conti-
nent where it bends by Cape Cumeri, we come at once upon the country
of the king of Covlam, and of other kings who are subject to him and
reside therein, which is called Quilicare" [Killakarai.] And, again :—
*' After passing the province of Quilacare, onward by the coast, towards
the north-east wind, there is another town called Cael, also belonging to
the king of Coulam.^^ (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 313.) From which it is evi- j
dent that the Malabar of these writers comprehended, at leaet, the entire
line of coast between Cape Comorin and the Palk Strait, and although !
that distance is scarcely more than half the five hundred miles which |
Marco Polo places between Quilon and Malabar, it is, nevertheless, quite
as near a guess as his saying that Maabar is only " sixty miles west from
Zeilan." Vincent comes to a similar conclusion, though I do not per-
184 TUB TRAVELS OF
and pepper in great quantities. The colour of this people,
their dress, manner of living, and customs, are the same as
at Calicut. At that time, the king of this city was the friend
of the king of Portugal, but being at war with others, it did
not appear to us well to remain here. Wherefore, we took
our way by sea, aforesaid, and went to a city which is called
Chayl,^ belonging to the same king, opposite from Colon fifty
ceive on what ground he draws a distinction between Mahahar and
Molaba/r, He says : *' The Mshabar of Marco Polo is written Malabar
by some of his translators ; but his Mahabar is the Coast of Coroman-
del.*' (FeripluSf vol. ii. p. 520 n.) And the same terminology appears
to have obtained at a much later date, for Hamilton writes: — *< Having
thus run along the seacoast of Malabar from Decully to Negapatam,"
etc., thereby giving to Malabar an extension of nearly six hundred miles.
PiaKEaTOir, vol. viii. p. 389.
The following is Barbosa's account of Quilon : — " Proceeding onward
[from Caincoulan] by the same coast towards the south, there is another
principal seaport, with a town which is called OoiUam, where many
Moors, Pagans, and Christians reside, who are great merchants, and own
many ships with which they traffic with the country of Coromandel, the
island of Zeilan, Bengala, Malacha, Sumatra, and Pegu ; but these do
not trade with Cambaia. Here much pepper is grown. The king is a
Pagan, and a great lord over an extensive territory, is very rich, and has
many warriors who for the most part are expert archers." Ramusio,
vol. i, p. 312.
The Portuguese were well received at Coulan on their first arrival in
India, and Albuquerque settled a factory there in 1503. Its political
and commercial importance seem to have greatly declined during the
succeeding century and a half, for Baldsdus, who styles it CotUan^, de-
scribes it as the least among the Malabar kingdoms, (see CeiracHiLL's
Collection of Voyagu^ vol. iii. p. 643 ;} and Hamilton, in whose time it
was still in the hands of the Dutch, and who writes it CoHoan^ calls it a
small principality, and says that its trade was inconsiderable. See Pui-
KsaTOir, vol. viii. p. 383.
^ This name has also disappeared from the maps, but collating Bar-
bosa with Yarthema, I conclude that it is identical with Hamilton*s
*' Coil," which he places to the north-east of TiUecarten on the '' pro-
montory that sends over a reef of rocks to the island of Zeilan^ called
commonly Adam^s Bridge." (PiNKEaToir, vol. viii. p. 384.) Tuticorln,
formerly famous for its pearl-fishery, is ninety miles nearly due east of
Quilon, and was probably the spot where our traveller witnessed the
fishing for pearls while on the voyage to Chayly and which he loosely
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 186
miles. We saw those pearls fished for [here] in the sea, in the
same manner as I have already described to you in Ormus.
located at a distance of fifty miles opposite to Colon,** Ohayl seems, more-
over, to be identical with Marco Polo's Cad or Kad, which he mentions
before enumerating Ooulam and other regions to the westward, and
describes as "a great city, governed by Astiar...who is very rich, and
uses merchants kindly.*' (GaBBirB, vol. iv. p. 616.) Barbosa's account
of it is as follows : — " After passing the province of Quilacare, [KUla-
karaioi Keith Johnston's Atlas,] onward by the coast, towards the north-
east wind, there is another city called Cad, belonging to the king of
Coulam, inhabited by Pagans and Moors, who are great merchants, and
there is a seaport where many ships from Malabar, Coromandel and
Bengala come every year. Here traffic is carried on by all sorts of mer-
chants from every quarter. The people of this city are expert jewellers,
who trade in small pearls, for here great quantities thereof are taken ;
and this fishery belongs to the king of Ooulam, and for many years past
has been farmed to a very rich Moorish merchant.'' Bamusio, vol. i.
p. 313.
I am surprised that Dr. Vincent, who was well acquainted with
Ramusio's Collection, has made no reference to this Cad or CoU in his
identification of the Kolkhi of the author of the Periplus with the £dru
and Callifficum of Ptolemy and the Kdlis of Dionysius, as the existence
of a town of that name, and in the locality occupied by Cad, seems to
supply the only desideratum for removing the doubt which attaches to
his deductions. I quote his argument in full, leaving the reader to form
his own judgment on my suggestion : — '* Ptolemy has still another par-
ticular which is very remarkable ; for as he places the northern point
of his Tapr6bane opposite to a promontory named K6ru, so he has an
island Kdru between the two, and a Tala-06ri on Oeylon ; and Kdry, he
says, is the same as Oalligicum...The expedition of Ram to Ceylon, and
his victory over Rhavan or Rhaban, king of that island, is one of the
wildest fftbles of Hindoo mythology, but he passed into the island at the
strait, since called, by the Mohamedans, Adam's Bridge. The whole
country round, in consequence of this, preserves the memorial of his
conquest. There is a Ramanad-buram on the continent close to the
bridge ; a Rami-Ceram, or country of Ram, the island close to the con-
tinent ; [Rameswaram, called Rammanana Kojel by Baldseus, and Ra-
monan CoU by D'Anville ;] and a Point Rama on the continent. The
bridge itself, formed by the shoals between Rami-ceram and Manaar, is
Rama's Bridge ; and in Rami-ceram is Raman-Eoil, the temple of Ram.
This Eoil or temple [Koil means a temple in Malayalim] is undoubtedly
the origin of K6ru ; and the repetition of it three times in Ptolemy is in
perfect correspondence with the various allusions to Ram at the present
186 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING OIOROMANDEL, A CITY OF
INDIA.
We then passed further onwards, and arrived at a city
which is called Cioromandel/ which is a marine district, and
day. E6ru is likewise written Edlis by Dionysius, and the natives called
K6niaki, Koliki, and Koliaki, by different writers. This fluctuation of
orthography will naturally suggest a connection with the Eolkhi of
Ptolemy and the Periplus, which both of them make the seat of the
Pearl Fishery ; and if Sosikoor^ be Tuta-corin, as D'Anyille supposes,
the relation of Kolkhi to that place will lead us naturally to the yicinity
of Ramana-Koil ; for Tuta-corin was the point where the Dutch pre-
sided over the fishery while it was in their hands, and maintains the
same priyilege now under the power of the English. But Eoil, whether
we consider it, with Ptolemy, as the point of the continent, or seek for
it on the .island of Ramiseram, is so near, and so intimately connected
with Manaar, the principal seat of the fishery, that there can be little
hesitation in assigning it to the Kolkhi of the ancients. Whether there
be now a town of consequence either on the continent or on the island,
I am not informed ; but that Roil, and Kdlis, and Kolkhi, and Kalli-
gicum, (for Kyiigicum, Salmasius reads Km\i€uc6v,) are related, I have
no doubt." Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients^ vol. ii. pp. 601-
503.
^ I am not aware that a city so called has ever existed on the coast
referred to, and am therefore led to conclude that in this instance, as in
the case of Bijapiir which Yarthema styled '' Decan," he gives to one of
the principal towns the name of the district in which it was located. The
alleged vicinity of St. Thomas's tomb points to the neighbourhood of
Maliapur ; but as that position is irreconcileable with the other indica-
tions supplied, I am inclined to infer either that our author was mis-
informed in that particular, or that an error in the numerals record-
ing the distance has crept into the existing versions of his travels.
His " Oioromander* I take to be Negapatam, " a town on the western
coast of the Bay of Bengal. Here is a diminutive estuary of the Cau-
very, capable of receiving small coasting-vessels, which carry on a con-
siderable trade... The inhabitants have also considerable traffic with
Ceylon, and the lands and islands lying eastward." (Thornton's Ga-
zetteer.) It appears to have been the principal town on that part of the
coast, for Ralph Fitch nearly a century after Yarthema does not men-
tion the name of Ooromandel, but describes it as ''the mainland of
Negapatan." (Pinkbrton, vol. ix. p. 424.) Its situation about three
hundred miles, by the coast, from Quilon would make the interval be-
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 187
distant from Colon seven days' journey by sea, more or less,
according to the wind. This city is very large, and is not
surrounded by walls, and is subject to the king of Narsinga.
The said city is situated opposite to the island of Zeilon,
when you have passed the Gape of Cumerin. In this district
they gather a great quantity of rice, and it is the route to
very large countries. There are many Moorish merchants
here who go and come for their merchandize. No spices of
any description grow here, but plenty of fruits, as at Calicut.
1 found some Christians in this district who told me that the
body of St. Thomas was twelve miles distant from that place^
and that it was under the guard of some Christians. They
also told me that Christians could not live in that country
after the king of Portugal had come there, because the said
king had put to death many Moors of that country, which
trembled throughout from fear of the Portuguese. And,
therefore, the said poor Christians cannot live here any
longer, but are driven away and killed secretly, in order
that it may not come to the ears of the king of Narsinga,
who is a very great friend of the Christians, and especially
of the Portuguese. One of these Christians also told me a
very great miracle which his priest had told him, that forty-
five years ago the Moors had a dispute with the Christians,
and there were wounded on both sides ; but one Christian,
among the rest, was much wounded in the arm, and he went
to the tomb of St Thomas and touched the tomb of St.
Thomas with that wounded arm, and immediately he was
tween the two places a seven days* voyage ^' more or less, according to
the wind ;" and the actual distance which separates it from the nearest
point of Ceylon being one degree of latitude, corresponds approximately
with the twelve or fifteen leagues which Varthema subsequently places
between his Cioromandel and that island. The shoals and rocks in the
Palk Strait render navigation difficult at all times, and his notice of
them as endangering the passage from the mainland is an additional
argument in favour of the foregoing identification, proving, at least,
that his Cioromandel was to the northward of Calimere Point.
188 THE TRAVELS OF
cured.^ And that from that time henceforward, the king of
Narsinga has always wished well to the Christians. My
companion disposed of some of his merchandize here, and
inasmuch as they were at war with the king of Tarnassari
we remained here only a few days, and then we took a ship
with some other merchants, which ships are called Ciampane^
for they are flat-bottomed, and require little water and carry
much goods. We passed a gulf of twelve or fifteen leagues
where we had incurred great peril because there are many
shoals and rocks there; however, we arrived at an island
called Zailon,^ which is about 1000 miles in circumference,
according to the report of the inhabitants thereof.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINa ZAILANI, WHERE JEWELS
ARE PRODUCED.
In this island of Zailon there are four kings/ all Pagans.
^ A yery insignificant miracle compared with many others attributed
to the sepulchre of St. Thomas. Barbosa piously records a tradition
that the right arm of the Apostle protruded from his tomb at Maliapur,
and for a long time resisted every attempt to cover it.
' Sampan^ the common name for a canoe or skiff in Malay and
Javanese.
' Ceylon. Our traveller's informants were better acquainted with the
extent of the island than Marco Polo, who made it 2,400 miles in circuit,
and Bays that '' anciently it was 3,600 mUes, as is seen in the maps of
the mariners of those places ; but the north winds have made a great
part of it sea." (Pineebton, vii. p. 161.) Nicold de' Conti estimated
its circumference at 3,000 miles. '' The extreme length of the island is
about 270 miles ; its breadth varies greatly, but the average is about
100 miles." Thobntois's Gazetteer.
From the description which Yarthema gives of the locality, — the large
river, the adjacent mountains, and the cinnamon cultivation, — I con-
clude that he landed at Colombo on the western coast ; for it is by no
means a necessary inference that because he mentions the width of the
passage between the mainland and the island that the voyage was
limited to that extent.
* Marco Polo gives the same number of kings in his time. Yarthema's
brief description of the political condition of the island at the period of
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 189
I do not describe to you all the things of the said island, be-
cause these kings being in £erce war with each other, we
could not remain there long, neither could we see or hear
the things thereof; howeyer^ having remained there some
few days^ we saw that which you shall hear. And first, an
immense quantity of elephants which are produced there.^
his yisit is fully confirmed bj Sir J. E. Tennent. Writing of a.d. 1505,
he says : '^ The seaports on all parts of the coast were virtually in the
hands of the Moors : the north was in the possession of the Malabars,
whose seat of government was at Jaffna-patam ; and the great central
region, (since known as the Wanny,) and Neuera-kalawa, were formed
into petty chief ships, each governed by a Wanntt/a, calling himself a
vassal, but virtually uncontrolled by any paramount authority. In the
south the nominal sovereign Dharma Prakrama Bahu IX. had his capital
at Cotta, near Colombo, whilst minor kings held mimic courts at Ba-
duUa, Gampola, Peradenia, Kandy, and Mahagam, and caused repeated
commotions by their intrigues and insurrections. The rulers had long
ceased to busy themselves with the endowment of temples, and the
construction of works for irrigation ; so that already in the fourteenth
century, Ceylon had become dependent upon India for supplies of food,
and annually imported rice from the Dekkan." {Ceylon^ vol. ii. p. 7.)
The same author, in a note on the above passage from Yarthema, re-
marks : — " These confiicts and the actors in them are described in the
Singhalese chronicle called the RajavalV* I could not find Upham's
translation of that work in the British Museum ; but the following ex-
tract from Knighton is, I presume, partly based on its authority : — '' We
have already explained that on the arrival of Almeida, Ceylon was di-
vided into three distinct principalities, of which Dharma Pakrama-
bahu IX., who then resided at Cotta was king of the larger and more
important one, the other two being the territory of the Malabars in the
north and the wild Yeddahs on the north and east. Europeans have
frequently been misled into the idea that the island was divided into a
vast number of petty kingdoms, each independent of the other. Such,
however, was not the case. Sub-kings, or, as we should call them, lieu-
tenants, subject to the Emperor of Cotta, were appointed in many
places, who frequently endeavoured to play upon western visitors, by
representing themselves as independent princes.*' History of Ceylon,
pp. 222-3.
1 « The elephant, the lord paramount of the Ceylon forests, is to be met
with in every district, on the confines of the woods... In recent years there
is reason to believe that their numbers have become considerably re-
duced." Tewkent's Ceylorij vol. i. p. 168.
190 THE TRAVELS OF
We also saw rubies found there, at a distance of two miles
from the sea shore, where there is an extremely large and
very long mountain, at the foot of which the said rubies are
found.^ And when a merchant wishes to find these jewels,
he is obliged first to speak to the king and to purchase a
braza of the said land in every direction, (which braza is
called a molaUyy and to purchase it for five ducats. And then
when he digs the said land, a man always remains there on
the part of the king. And if any jewel be found which ex-
ceeds ten carats, the king claims it for himself, and leaves all
the rest free. There is also produced near to the said moun-
tain, where there is a very large river ,^ a great quantity of
garnets, sapphires, jacinths, and topazes.^ In this island there
grow the best fruits I have ever seen, and especially certain
artichokes (carzofoli) better than ours.^ Sweet oranges, (me-
langoli,) the best, I believe, in the world, and many other
fruits like those of Calicut, but much superior.
1 " The extent to which gems are still found is sufficient to account
for the early traditions of their splendour and profusion, and fabulous
RS the story of the ruby of the Ehandyan king may be, [which accord-
ing to Marco Polo was a span in length, and without a flaw,] the abun-
dance of gems in Saffragam has given the capital of the district the
name of Ratnapoora, which means literally the City of Rubies. They
are not, however, confined to this quarter alone, but quantities are still
found on the western plains, between Adam*s Peak and the sea." Id.
p. 33.
* Perhaps for Amnionan, which according to Pridham was equal to
2 acres, 2 square roods, 37^ square inches. Ceylon and its Dependencies,
vol. ii. p. 853.
' This was most probably the Ealan6-ganga, which Pridham describes
as "the chief river of the island in importance... It is formed by the
union of several torrents which have their source in the western division
of the mountainous range of Saffragam, connected with Adam*s Peak...
It debouches at Modera, about four miles to the north of the fort
of Colombo." (Id. p^ 635.) The river is navigable for a considerable
distance from its mouth.
* These and many other precious stones are enumerated and described
in Tbnvent^s Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 33-38.
° Probably the Custard Apple, which in outer form is not unlike an
artichoke.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 191
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE TREE OF THE
CANELLA,
The tree of the Canella is the same as the laurel, especi-
ally the leaves; and it produces some berries like the laurel ,
but they are smaller and more white. The said Canella^ or
Cinnamon, is the bark of the said tree, in this wise : Every
three years they cut the branches of the said tree, and then
take off the bark of them ; but they do not cut the stem on
any account There are great numbers of these trees. When
they collect that cinnamon it has not the excellence which it
possesses a month afterwards.^ A Moorish merchant told me
that at the top of that very large mountain there is a cavern
to which the men of that country go once in the year to pray,
because, as they say, Adam was up there praying and doing
penance, and that the impressions of his feet are seen to this
day, and that they are about two spans long.^ Rice does not
' If this is true, the cultivation and preparation of cinnamon must
have been very backward in Yarthema's time^ as at present it appears to
be gathered twice a-year. — " The best cinnamon is obtained from the
twigs or shoots, which spring almost perpendicularly from the roots after
the parent bush or tree has been cut down ; but great care is requisite
both as to the exact size and age... The rods cut for peeling are of vari-
reus sizes and lengths, depending on the texture of the bark : these are
first peeled, then scraped on the outside, and while drying cut up into
long narrow rolls called guiUSf then stuck into one another, so as to form
pipes about three feet long, which are then made up in round bundles.
There are two regular seasons for taking cinnamon, one from April to
August, another from to November to January ; but considerable quan-
tities are gathered at other times as the spice attains maturity.*' Prid-
HAM, Ceylon and its DependencieSf p. 387.
> " Adam's Peak is 7,420 feet above the level of the sea, and its sum-
mit, of an elliptic form, 72 feet in length by 34 in breadth, is surrounded
by a wall five feet high. Immediately within this, a level space of irre-
gular breadth runs all the way round, and the centre is occupied by the
apex of the mountain, a solid granite rock about nine feet high at the
highest part. On this is the Sree Fcula^ or Sacred Footstep. Whether this
much cherished memorial is rightfully attached to Saman by a prior claim
(whence Samanala, Hamallel, or Samantakuta,) the Sree Pada is now
192 TUB TRAVELS OF
grow in this country^ but it comes there from the main land.
The kings of this island are tributaries of the king of Nar-
singa^ on account of the rice which comes there from the
main land.^ The air in this island is extremely good, and
held by the Buddhists to be a memorial of Qautama Buddha ; by the
Mohammedans it is claimed for Adam, and called Baba-Aadamlai ; and
the Malabars and other Hindoos maintain that it was Siva who left the
impression of a monster footstep, and call it Sivanolipadam." /d, ii.
p. 614-5.
Sale has the following respecting the Mussulman tradition above al-
luded to : — '' The Mohamedans say, that when they were cast down from
paradise, Adam fell on the island of Ceylon, or Serindib, and Eve near
Juddah, the port of Meccah, in Arabia ; and that after a separation of
two hundred years, Adam was, on his repentance, conducted by the
angel Gabriel to a mountain near Mekkah, where he found and knew his
wife, the mountain being thence named Araf&t ; and that he afterwards
retired with her to Ceylon, where they continued to propagate their
species.
<' It may not be improper here to mention another tradition concern-
ing the gigantic stature of our first parents. Their prophet, they say,
affirmed Adam to be as tall as a high palm-tree ; but this would be too
much in proportion, if that were really the print of his foot, which is
pretended to be such, on the top of a mountain in the isle of Ceylon,
thence named Pico di Adam, and by the Arab writers ZSoAltn, being
somewhat about two spans long ; though others say it is seventy cubits
long, and that when Adam set one foot here, he had the other in the
sea ;— and too little, if Eve were of so enormous a size, that when her
head lay on one hill near Meccah, her knees rest-ed on two others in the
plain, about two musket-shots asunder." Note on chapter ii. of the
Kordn,
Ibn Batdta mentions " a cave known by the name of Ist4 Mahmiid,'*
also " a place called the seven caves," and again *' the ridge of Alex-
ander, in which is a cave and a well of water," on his pious pilgrimage
to Adam*s Foot, (Lbb's Tratulation, p. 187-9 ;) but I find no mention of
any locality corresponding with Yarthema's "cavern" in the modem
descriptions of the route up to the Peak.
^ On this statement Sir J. £. Tennenc remarks : — ^* There can be little
doubt that it applied chiefly to the southern parts of the island, and
that the north was still able to produce food sufficient for the wants of
the inhabitants." Rice appears to have been extensively cultivated in
many parts of Ceylon, but probably not in the maritime district visited
by Yarthema. *' The soil near the coast is light and sandy, but in the
great central districts of Neuera-kalawa and the Wanny, there is found
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 193
the people are of a dark tawny colour. And here it is
neither too hot nor too cold. Their dress is alia apostolica ;
they wear certain stuffs of cotton or silk, and go bare-footed.
This island is placed under the equinoctial line, and the in-
habitants of it are not very warlike. Artillery is not used
here ; but they have some lances and swords, which lances
are of cane, and with these they fight amongst each other ;
but they do not kill each other ovemnuch, because they are
cowardly fellows.* Here there are roses and flowers of every
kind,' and the people live longer than we do. Being in
our ship one evening, a man came on the part of the king to
in the midst of the forests a dark vegetable mould, in which in former
times rice was abundantly grown by the aid of prodigious artificial
works for irrigation, the ruins of which still form one of the wonders of
the island. Even after centuries of neglect, the beds of many of these
tanks coyer areas of from ten to fifteen miles in circumference. They
are now generally broken and decayed ; the waters which would fertilise
a province are allowed to waste themselves in the sands, and hundreds
of square miles capable of furnishing food for all the inhabitants of
Ceylon are abandoned to solitude and malaria, whilst rice for the sup-
port of the non-agricultural population is annually imported from the
opposite coast of India." Ceylon, voL 1. pp. 27, 639.
^ Fire-arms appear to have been unknown in Oeylon at this period.
Referring to the introduction of them into the island by the Portuguese,
Sir J. E. Tennent quotes the following passage from the Rajavali : — ''And
now it came to pass that in the Christian year 1622 [1507 ?],a ship from
Portugal arrived at Colombo, and information was brought to the king,
that there were in the harbour a race of very white and beautiful people
who wear boots and shoes, and never stop in any place. They eat a sort
of white stone, and drink blood ; and if they get a fish they give two or
three rid^ in gold for it ; and, besides, they have guns with a noise like
thunder, and a ball shot from one of them, after traversing a league,
will break a castle of marble." {Ceylorij vol. L p. 418.) Marco Polo
says of the Singhalese : '' the men are unfit for soldiers, and hire others
when they have occasion." Pinkerton, vol. vii. p. 162.
* " The indigenous phsenogamlc plants described up to August 1856
was 26,700... When it is considered that this is nearly double the in-
digenous flora of England, and little under one-thirtieth of the entire
number of plants hitherto described over the world, the botanical rich-
ness of Ceylon, in proportion to its area, must be regarded as equal to
that of any portion of the globe." Tennbnt*s Ceylon, vol. i. p. 83 n.
o
194 THE TRAVELS OF
my companion, and told him that he should carry to him his
corals and saffron ; for he had a great quantity of both. A
merchant of the said island, who was a Moor, hearing these
words, said to him secretly : ** Do not go to the king, for he
will pay you for your goods after his own fashion." And
this he said *out of cunning, in order that my companion
might go away, because he himself had the same kind of
merchandize. However, answer was given to the message
of the king, that on the following day he would go to his
lord. And when morning came, he took a vessel and rowed
over to the mainland.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNrNG PALEACHET, A COUNTRY OF
INDIA.
We arrived in the coarse of three days at a place which is
called Paleachet,^ which is subject to the king of Narsinga.
^ Pulicat : " a town in the British district of Chingleput, about
twenty- two miles north of Madras, situated on an extensive inlet of the
sea, or salt water lake, of the same name... From one to two miles off
shore is the road called Pulicat Anchorage, where there are six or seven
fathoms water.'* (Thornton's Gazetteer.) Pulicat appears to have been
a place of considerable trade at this period. Barbosa describes it a few
years after Varthema as having a good port, which was frequented by
''an infinite number" of Moorish vessels from all quarters. In his time
it was governed by a deputy appointed by the Narsinga, or Rajah of
Bijayanagar, who appears to have retained possession of a great part of
the sea-coast for more than half a century after the destruction of his
capital by the confederate Mussulman kings of the Deccan in 1565 ; for
in 1611, when Pulicat was visited by Captain Anthony Hippon, being
the seventh voyage set forth by the East India Company, the administra-
tion was in the hands of " the Governess Konda Maa, on the part of
Wankapati Raja, king of Narsinga." (Qrbenb's Collection, vol. i. p.
436.) But the coast to the north of Pulicat, including Masulipatam,
became tributary to Btjaptlr during the reign of Muhammed Sh&h
Bham&ni, about A.n. 1480, and formed subsequently a part of the king-
dom of Golconda, including Telingana, which in Fitch's time, 1583-91,
was ruled by *' Cutub de lashah," (Muhammed KMi Kutb Sh&b,) who
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 196
This district is one of immense traffic in merchandize^ and
especially in jewels^ for they come here from Zailon and
from Pego. There are also here many great Moorish mer-
chants of all kinds of spices. We lodged in the house of a
Moorish merchant^ and we told him where we came from,
and that we had many corals to sell, and saffron, and much
figured velvet, and many knives. The said merchant, under-
standing that we had this kind of merchandize, was greatly
pleased. This country is most abundant in everything
which is produced in India, but no grain grows there. They
have rice here in great abundance. Their laws, manner of
living, dress, and customs, are the same as at Calicut, and
they are a warlike people, although they have no artillery.
As this country was at fierce war with the king of Tarnassari,
we could not remain here a very long time. But after re-
maining here a few days we took our route towards the city
of Tarnassari, which is distant a thousand miles from here.
At which city we arrived in fourteen days by sea.
built Bhajnugger, which name he afterwards changed to Hydrabad.
On his death, which occurred in 1566, there appears to have been a
break in the Eutb-ShUhi dynasty, for Abdallah Eutb Sh&h, who became
tributary to the Emperor 8hkh Jehd.n, did not commence his reign till
1611, and must have succeeded "Eotobara of Badaya or LoUongana
[Bhajnugger or Telingana ?] and of Masulipatam," who, according to
Floris's account, died on the 20th of January of that year while he was
with Captain Hippon at the latter place. Abdallah Eutb Sh&h still
reigned over Golconda and Telingana in 1639 (Mandelblo, p. 289,) but
in 1672 it was incorporated into the empire of Arungzib.
I infer from De Faria y Souza that the Portuguese established a colony
at Pulicat as early as a.d. 1522, but I do not find the name in the list
of their foris on the Ooromandel coast. They were succeeded in 1600
by the Dutch, who built a fort there called Geldria, and made it their
chief settlement after the loss of Negapatam. PiNKEaTON, vol. xi, p.
203 n.
OSJ
196 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING TARNASSARI, A CITY OP
INDIA.
The city of Tarnassari^ is situated near to the sea : it is a
' Dr. Vincent, in his Dissertation on the Sequel to the Peripliu, ap-
pe&rs to have identified this town with Masulipatam ; or, as he did not
find the name in the modem maps, he concluded that ^ it might lie be-
tween Puleachat and Bengal." The inference is totally inadmissible ; for
in the first place Yarthema interposes one thousand miles between
Puleachet and Tarnassarif and in a subsequent chapter makes the lat-
ter seven hundred miles from Bangh^la ; whUst the distance between
Pulicat and Masulipatam is only 220, and between Masulipatam and
the mouths of the Oanges somewhat under 600 miles. Moreover, the
branch of the Kistnah runs to the south of Masulipatam, but the river of
Tarnassari was on the nor^A of that town. The fauna and flora of the coun-
try, as also several of its other productions, as described by our traveller,
are equally irreconcilable with the south of India ; whereas, taking his
Tarntusari to be identical with Tenasserim on the eastern coast of the
ancient kingdom of Siam, and of which at the time it formed a part, these
inconsistencies disappear, and his conjectural distances and other data
are approximately correct. The only point which I have been unable
to clear up, either from a want of historical records of the period, or
from my own unacquaintance with them, is Yarthema^s twice repeated
statement that there was continual war between the king of Tamassari
and the Narsinga, with the latter of whom, in this chapter, he couples
the king of Banghdla,
Like Dr. Yincent, I long searched in vain for a Tamauari on the
southern coast of India, but ultimately found one in Baldseus^s map
placed some distance inland on the south side of the branch of the
Kistnah which debouches at MasuUpatam. As he gives no account of
the place, I presume that he borrowed the name directly from Yarthema,
or from some subsequent geographers who drew the same erroneous infer-
ence respecting its locality as Dr. Yincent. In fact, I found the follow-
ing description of the town, under the heading of '^ Narsingce Regnum,^'*
in the Geography of lo. Ant. Magino Patavino, printed at Bologna, A.i>.
1597, which is evidently compiled from this and the two chapters suc-
ceeding the next of Yarthema's narrative : — " Tamassari urbs ad hoc
regnum pertinet, quae olim proprium agnoscebat regem idololatram, val-
dd potentem, qui ad helium mittere solebat centum elephantes armatos,
et centum millla milites, turn equites turn pedestres. Incolaa hujus
urbis uxores suas defiorandas albicantis coloris hominibus tradunt, sive
Christianis, sive Mahumetanis ; quas quidem uxores ornatao accomptao
post mariti obitum honoris ac fidelitatis ergd vivse construuntur un^
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 197
level place and well watered^ and has a good port^ that is,
a river on the side towards the north. The king of the city
cum viri cadayere, aliter perpetua infamisB nota laborarent : quern
morem in universe quoq; Narsingse regno observant." GeographioB
Universos turn Veteris turn Novcb ahsolutissimum Opus, etc., p. 256.
As far as I know, Yarthema's is the first authentic account which we
possess of the province of Tenasserim, with the exception of the follow-
ing brief notice by Gonti about a.d. 1440 : — '* Leaving the island of
Taprobane [Sumatra], he arrived, after a stormy voyage of seventeen
days, at the city of Temassari, which is situated on the mouth of a
river of the same name. The land around abounds in elephants and
produces much brazil-wood.'* {Ramusio, vol. i, p. 339.) Barbosa, a few
years after our traveller, gives us some additional particulars respecting
its government, from which we learn that it was then a province of
Siam, but ruled by an almost independent viceroy : — " Immediately on
leaving the kingdom of Pegu, there is another called Temasiari, where
are many Moorish and Gentile merchants, who trade in all kinds of
wares. They have vessels with which they navigate towards Bengala,
and Malaca, and other parts. Very excellent benzoin, which is the juice
of certain trees, is grown in the interior, and the Moors call it lubanuibi
[lubdn Jdvn, Java frankincense ?]. In this port of Temeutari there are
many Moors from different parts." And in the Summary of Kingdoms
we read : — " The Siamese trade on the TencKerim side with Pacem, Pedir,
Queda, Pegu, Bengala, and Guzerat. The king [of Siam] is called Fer-
ehoara, which means the lord of all. With the king is Aiam Oampetit,
who is viceroy on the side of Pegu, and makes war with Brema [Burmah]
and Iamgoma...The second, who is viceroy of Longer, is called Peraia,.,
The other is the Aia CAatoteri, who is the viceroy on the side of Queda
and Tencicerin : he is a chief person, and has power over all. Ue is
perpetual captain of Tenacerifiy is lord over many people, and of a coun-
try abounding in all kinds of provisions." {Ramusio, vol. i. p. 330.) Ralph
Fitch, A.n. 1563-91, merely mentions that he passed by Tenasseri on his
way from Pegu to Malacca. In 1600, Master John Davis touched at " the
city of TanassaHn,^^ which he styles '^ a place of great trade." (G&beme,
vol. i. p. 261.) He was followed in 1612 by Captain John Ploris, who
states that it was then tributary to Pegu, {Id. p. 439,) by which power
the province had been conquered in 1668, but was recovered by the
black king of Siam, aided by the Portuguese, in 1603. {Mod, Univ.
History, vol. vi. p. 269.) Purchas records that " in the year 1606 Bal-
thasar Sequerius, a Jesuit, landingat ^ana<««ry, passed from thence, partly
by good rivers, partly over cragged and rough hills and forests stored
with rhinoceros, elephants, and tigers, into Odia" [the capital of Siam.]
(Vol. i. p. 491.) Master William Methold, about a.d. 1619, describes
198 THE TRAVBL8 OF
is a Pagan, and is a very powerful lord. He is constantly
fighting with the king of Narsinga and the king of Ban-
ghella. He has a hundred armed elephants, which are larger
than any I ever saw. He always maintains 100,000 men
for war, part infantry and part cavalry. Their arms consist
of small swords and some sort of shields, some of which are
made of tortoise-shell, and some like those of Calicut ; and
they have a great quantity of bows, and lances of cane, and
some also of wood. When they go to war they wear a dress
stufied very full of cotton. The houses of this city are well
surrounded by walls. Its situation is extremely good, after
the manner of Christians, and good grain and cotton also
grow there. Silk is also made there in large quantities.^ A
the proyince as follows : — " Tanassery lyeth next to Pegu, a small king-
dom and tributary to Sjam, from which place this is but the port, and
that only to the inhabitants of this gulf [Bengal ;] for we find a way
with our shipping into the river of Syam." {fd. vol. v. p. 993.) Man-
delslo, twenty years later, reckons Tanacerim among the principal
tributary cities of Siam. ( Voyages, p. 334.) The English had a factory
at Mergui on the Tenasserim river about this time, but in 1687 the
settlers were nearly all massacred by the Siamese. (See Pinkerton,
vol. viii. p. 429-30.) Turpin describes the province in 1770 as producing
" an abundance of rice and excellent fruits. It is in its safe and com-
modious port that vessels of all nations arrive, and the people find more
means of subsisting there than in the other parts of the kingdom." {Id.
vol. ix. p. 578.) From that period, however, Tenasserim appears to have
declined in importance, chiefly by the removal of its trade to Mergui.
{Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. vL p. 267.) In 1793 the entire province was ceded
to Ava, and in 1826 it became a British possession by the Treaty of Tan-
daboo. The old town is now a place of no importance, containing only
one hundred houses and four hundred inhabitants. It is situate on the
river of the same name, at the confluence of the Little Tenasserim. The
river is navigable up to the town for vessels of one hundred and twenty
tons burthen. The town was once surrounded by a brick wall, which is
now so much in ruins that its remains can be traced only at intervals.'*
The trade of the province is as yet comparatively insignificant, but the
population, since the British domination, has increased from 90,000 to
191,476. See Thornton's Gazetteer,
^ " Cotton is grown to a small extent in the province of Tenasserim,
but it is not indigenous, and was probably introduced from the continent
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 199
great deal of brazil-wood is found there, fruits in great
abundance, and some which resemble our apples and pears,
some oranges, lemons, and citrons, and gourds in great
abundance.^ And here are seen very beautiful gardens, with
many delicate things in them.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE DOMESTIC AND WILD
ANIMALS OF TARNASSARL
In this country of Tarnassari there are oxen, cows, sheep,
and goats in great quantities,^ wild hogs, stags, roebucks,
wolves, cats which produce the civet, lions, peacocks in
great multitudes, falcons, goss-hawks, white parrots, and also
of India." (Trob!Ston*s Gazetteer.) I find no mention of silk as a natu-
ral production of the country ; but Tule calls it " the staple of the
import trade" into Burmah, " and is said to come from a city called
Tsa-ckdi-Sing, eighty-three days' journey from Bam6, and fifty days
beyond the city of Yunan.** He estimates the value of silk imported in
1854 at ;£ 120,000, and states that the weaving oftj^e raw material gives
employment to a large body of the pop\ilvkiionr(}^arrative of a Mission
to the Court of Ava, pp. 149-53.) Yarthema probably alludes to this
manufacture, for he does not say that the country produces silk, but
merely " sefa quivi seta in grandissima quantity."
'* The fruits are the pineapple, mango, orange, shaddock, Hme, citron,
melon, gourd, guava, and darian." Thornton's Gazetteer.
* Captain Low, writing of the provinces of Tenasserim and Mergui,
says : " goats are scarce, and there are no sheep !" In like manner,
Cassar Fredericke, sixty years after Yarthema, states that at all the
villages on his route "hennes, pigeons, eggs, milk, rice, and other
things, be very good and cheape ;" whereon Colonel Yule remarks : —
''a very different state of things from the present, when our hungry
purveyors complain that they can get neither ' hennes' nor eggs, let
alone 'other things,' for love or money." Allowing for exaggeration
in the accounts of the old travellers, it seems evident that the agricul-
tural and other productions of Pegu, as well as its population and trade,
have greatly fallen off since their time, the consequence, doubtless, of
the intestine and foreign wars which for upwards of a century subse-
quent to their visits devastated the country, and of the misrule which
succeeded. See NarrcUive of a Mission to the Court of Ava, pp. 211-2.
}
£00 THE TRAVELS OF
Other kinds which are of seven very beautiful colours. Here
there are hares and partridges^ but not like ours. There is
also here another kind of bird, one of prey, much larger
than an eagle, of the beak of which, that is, of the upper
part, they make sword-hilts, which beak is yellow and red,
a thing very beautiful to behold. The colour of the said
bird is black, red, and some feathers are white.^ There are
produced here hens and cocks, the largest I ever saw, so
much so that one of these hens is larger than three of ours.
In this country in a few days we had great pleasure from
some things which we saw, and especially that every day in
the street where the Moorish merchants abide they make
some cocks fight, and the owners of these cocks bet as much
as a hundred ducats on the one which will fight best. And
we saw two fight for five hours continuously, so that at the
last both remained dead.^ Here also is a sort of goat, much
larger than ours, and which is much more handsome, and
which always has four kids at a birth. Ten and twelve
large and good sheep are sold here for a ducat. And there
is another kind of sheep, which has horns like a deer :^ these
1 I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Owen of the British
Museum for the following interesting note : — " This coloured bill applies
to the Helmet-Hornbill, {Buceros galeatua,) of which the bowl of a
jewelled ladle, for sherbet, which was sent from Constantinople for my
inspection^ was formed. The tradition of this sherbet-ladle, which in
part of the crown-jewels of the Sultan, is that the bowl was made from
the beak of the Phoaniz. Buceros galeatug, however, is not known to
exist, as an indigenous bird, out of the islands of the Indian Archipelago.
Its plumage agrees, in a general way, with that ascribed to a bird with
the parti-coloured bill in the text."
' According to Turpin, '' cock-fighting in Siam attracts multitudes,
as the field is always stained by the death of one of the combatants.*'
(PiNEEBTOsr, vol. ix. p. 598.) Low also, in his History of Teruu^erim,
says : " they fight cocks with artificial spurs, but these are generally
made of bone, or of an alligator's tooth, or even of a human bone, if the
parties are of royal extraction, and so shaped as to resemble the natural
spur." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 272.
* " More probably like an ox. It may refer to the huge horns of the
male of Ovis ammon" Professob Owen.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 201
are larger than ours, and fight most terribly. There are
bufialos here, much more misshapen than ours. There are
also great numbers of fish like ours. I saw here, however,
a bone of a fish which weighed more than ten cantari}
With respect to the manner of living of this city, the Pagans
eat all kinds of flesh excepting that of oxen,^ and they eat on
the ground, without a cloth, in some very beautiful vessels of
wood. Their drink is water, sweetened where possible.
They sleep high from the ground, in good beds of cotton,
and covered with silk or cotton. Then, as to their dress,
they go alia apostolica,^ with a quilted cloth of cotton or silk.
Some merchants wear very beautiful shirts of silk or cotton :
in general, they do not wear anything on their feet, except-
ing the Brahmins, who also wear on the head a cap of silk
or camelot, which is two spans long. In the said cap they
wear on the top a thing made like a hazel-nut, which is
worked all round in gold. They also wear two strings of
silk, more than two fingers wide, which they hang round
the neck. They wear their ears full of jewels and none on
their fingers.* The colour of the said race is semi-white,
^ Tarpin says : ** The rivers and sea coasts of this kingdom [Siam]
abound more with fish than elsewhere : the reason doubtless is, because
the rivers for six months in the year overflow the sown grounds, and
then the fish find plenty of food, and do not prey on one another." (Piir-
KBBTOif, vol. ix. p. 632.) The bone which Yarthema describes may have
been that of a stray whale, as, according to Crawfurd, whales are only
found in this region on the shores of some of the more easterly islands
of the Archipelago. The Italian oarUaro varies in different provinces
and according to the article weighed. Its average is about a cwt.
English.
' " The people live on rice, fish, venison, pork, and in general on the
flesh of almost every sort of animal and reptUe ; but they seldom use
beef or poultry, and do not make butter." Joum. of R, A, JSoc.y vol. ii.
p. 266.
' See note on p. 112 ante.
^ A similar dress is described by Colonel Symes as worn by the Bur-
mese gentry : — '' It consists of a long robe, either of flowered satin or
velvet, reaching to the ancles, with an open collar and loose sleeves ;
202 THE TRAVELS OF
because the air here is cooler than it is in Calicut, and the
seasons are the same as with us, and also the harvests.^
THE CnAPTER SHOWING HOW THE KING CAUSES HIS
WIFE TO BE DEFLOWERED, AND SO ALSO THE OTHER
PAGANS OF THE CITY.
The king of the said city does not cause his wife's vir-
ginity to be taken by the Brahmins as the king of Calicut
does, but he causes her to be deflowered by white men,
whether Christians or Moors, provided th«y be not Pagans.
Which Pagans also, before they conduct their wives to their
house, find a white man, of whatever country he may be,
and take him to their house for this particular purpose, to
make him deflower the wife. And this happened to us when
we arrived in the said city. We met by chance three or
four merchants, who began to speak to my companion in
this wise : " Langalli ni pardesi," that is, " Friend, are you
strangers ?" He answered : *' Yes." Said the merchants :
** Ethera nali ni banno," that is, ** How many days have
you been in this country ?" We replied : " Man nal gnad
banno," that is, " It is four days since we arrived." Another
over this there is a scarf, or flowing mantle, that hangs from the
shoulders ; and on their heads they wear high caps made of velvet,
either plain or of silk embroidered with flowers of gold, according to the
rank of the wearer. Earrings are a part of male dress : persons of con-
dition use tubes of gold about three inches long, and as thick as a
large quill, which expands at one end like the mouth of a speaking-
trumpet ; others wear a heavy mass of gold beaten into a plate, and
rolled up ; this lump of metal forms a large orifice in the lobe of the
ear, and drags it down by the weight, to the extent sometimes of two
inches.*' Pinkerton, vol. ix. p. 496.
1 ** The natives on the coast divide the year into three seasons, viz., the
hot, the rainy, and the cold ; the temperature, however, hardly varies
sufficiently to justify the adoption of this division. Tuorntok's Oa-
zetteer.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 203
one of the said merchants said : '^ Biti banno gnan piga-
manathon ondo," that is, " Come to my house^ for we are
great friends of strangers;" and we, hearing this, went
with him. When we had arrived at his house, he gave us a
collation, and then he said to us : " My friends, Patanci
nale banno gnan penna periti in penna orangono panna
panni cortu," that is, " Fifteen days hence I wish to bring
home my wife, and one of you shall sleep with her the first
night, and shall detiower her for me." We remained quite
ashamed at hearing such a thing. Then our interpreter said:
" Do not be ashamed, for this is the custom of the country.'*
Then my companion hearing this said : " Let them not do
us any other mischief, for we will satisfy you in this ;" but
we thought that they were mocking us. The merchant saw
that we remained undecided, and said: *' O langal limaran-
conia ille ocha manezar irichenu," that is, ** Do not be dis-
pirited, for all this country follows this custom." Finding
at last that such was the custom in all this country, as one
who was in our company affirmed to us, and said that we
need have no fear, my companion said to the merchant that
he was content to go through this fatigue. The merchant
then said : " I wish you to remain in my house, and that
you, your companions and goods, be lodged here with me
until I bring the lady home." Finally, after refusing, we
were obliged to yield to his caresses, and all of us, five in
number, together with all our things, were lodged in his
house. Fifteen days from that time this merchant brought
home his wife, and my companion slept with her the first
night. She was a young girl of fifteen years, and he did for
the merchant all that he had asked of him. But after the
first night, it would have been at the peril of his life if he
had returned again, although truly the lady would have
desired that the first night had lasted a month. The mer*
chants, having received such a service from some of us,
would gladly have retained us four or five months at their
204 THE TRAVELS OF
own expense, for all kinds of wares cost very little money,
and also because they are most liberal and very agreeable
men.^
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE DEAD BODIES ARE
PRESERVED IN THIS CITY.
All the Brahmins and the king are burnt after death, and
at that time a solemn sacrifice is made to the devil. And
•then they preserve the, ashes in certain vases made of baked
earth, vitrified like glass, which vases have the mouth nar-
row like a small scutella.^ They then bury this vase with
the ashes of the burnt body within their houses. "When
they make the said sacrifice, they make it under some trees,
I I find nothing to confirm the flagrant profligacy described in this
chapter, either as regards Tenasserim or Siam ; on the contrary, Turpin
states that " the nuptial couch is seldom polluted by adultery... There is
a whimsical custom, however, which deranges all matrimonial agree-
ments. Sometimes the monarch bestows a wife, of whom he is tired, on
one of his favourites : it is a flattering distinction, which often con-
strains the inclination." (Pinkebton, vol. ix. p. 685.) Nevertheless,
revolting as the custom must appear to us, and difficult as it may be
to account for so strange an illustration of human depravity, I see no
reason to doubt the veracity of Yarthema's narrative, more especially as
Richard describes a similar usage as prevailing in the neighbouring
country of Aracan : — " Yirginity is not an esteemed virtue with them.
Husbands prefer running the risk of fathering the children of others,
rather than marry a novice. It is generally Dutch sailors, who are
liberally paid for this infamous prostitution." Id. pp. 760-1.
The colloquy between Yarthema's party and the Tenasserim mer-
chants was carried on through an interpreter, who appears to have
communicated with the former in a corrupt Malayalim,as the specimens
of the native dialect introduced bear a close affinity to those given in
one of the preceding chapters on Calicut.
' Or scodella. This word, which is nearly obsolete except in some of
the Italian dialects, signifies a bowl or basin, and according to Albert!
is a diminutive form of scudo, a shield. Not an inappropriate name for
the chatties common throughout India, the lower part of which is round
and convex. The upper part is generally drawn into a narrow mouth.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 205
after the manner of Calicut. And for burning the dead
body they light a fire of the most odoriferous things that can
be founds such as aloes-wood, benzoin, sandal-wood, brazil-
wood/ storax and amber, incense, and some beautiful
^ In the originali *' verzino ;" but I am at a loss to account for the ety-
mology of the word. It cannot be a corruption of " Brazil,** for Conti uses
it half a century before the discovery of that country in his brief descrip-
tion of Ternasaeri: — *'Tutto il paese ch*d arintorno dcopioso dielephanti,
e vi nasco molto verzino" {RamimOy yoI. i. p. 332.) The Latin original has
verzano, which by a mistake, such as the most careful translators some-
times fall into, is rendered '* a species of thrush*' in the translation of
De* Oonti's travels contained in India in the Fifteenth CeMrtry^ ii. p. 9.
The wood indicated is doubtless the Sappan, (Coeealpina eappan,) which
abounds in this quarter. Mr. O'Riley, in his Vegetable Prodtbcts of the
Tenauerim Provinces, writes : — " For many years past a trade from Mer-
gui to Dacca in Sapan wood has been prosecuted by the native boats, the
article being obtained from the Sapan-wood forests lying near the fron-
tier hills, from the eastern side of which large supplies are annually
imported through Bangkok into Singapore. It is also found throughout
the valley of the Great Tenasserim river." {Journal of the Indian
Archipelago, vol. iv. p. 60.) With regard to the dye-wood in question,
Crawfurd says : ^' It has, like many indigenous products, a distinct
name in the different languages, the only agreement, and this not per-
fect, being between the Malay and Javanese, in the first of which it is
called Sdpang, the origin of the European commercial and scientific
names, and in Javanese Sdchang. In one language of the true Moluccas
we have it as Samya, and in another as Roro, while in Amboynese it is
Lolan, and in the Tagala of the Philippines Sibukao,^* {Dictionary of the
Indian Islands, p. 376 ;) and I may add that the Arabic name is Bdkkam,
None of these, however, afford any clue to the Italian word verzino. If
the latter has any relationship with the term " Brazil,** is it not possible
that that name was a corruption of the earlier verzino, and was given to
the country so called on account of the quantity of Sappan-wood found
there ?
Since writing the above, I have lighted on the following interesting
note by Mr. J. Winter Jones, which places the subject beyond dispute :
— '^The name given to this country [Brazil] by the discoverers was
Santa Cruz, which was afterwards changed to Brazil, from the immense
quantity of the wood so called found there. There is early evidence to
prove that the wood gave the name to the country and not the country
to the wood. The following passage occurs in the Liber Radicum of the
Rabbi Kimchi, a Spaniard who lived in the thirteenth century : —
'Algummin (2 Ohron. ix. 10) alias Almugim (1 Kings, z. 12 ;) both
206 THE XaAVELS OF
branches of coral/ which things they place upon the body,
and while it is burning all the instruments of the city are
sounding. In like manner, fifteen or twenty men, dressed
like devils, stand there and make great rejoicing. And his
wife is always present, making most exceedingly great
lamentations, and no other woman. And this is done at one
or two o'clock of the night.^
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE WIFE IS BURNT
ALIVE AFTER THE DEATH OP HER HUSBAND.
In this city of Tarnassari, when fifteen days have passed
after the death of the husband, the wife makes a banquet for
stand for the same, and in common language it is called Corallo ; but
some persons declare it to be a sort of wood used for dying, called in
Arabic, Albakamj and in common language Brazil,^* Hakl. Soo. Pubs.,
Divers Voyages toticking the Disc, of America, p. 46, n.
' Orampa de coralli. ** Oobal, in large Branches, five and six Rjals
the MaUaya Tael^"* is enumerated in Captain Saris's list among the
articles most vendible in the Indian Archipelago. Greehb, vol. i. p. 503.
' Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, (if he is to be believed,) witnessed the
funeral of the king of Siam, which he describes as follows : — '' A mighty
great pile was forthwith erected, made of sandal, aloes, calembas, and
benjamin ; on the which the body of the deceased king being laid, fire
was put to it', with a strange ceremony : during all the time the body
was a burning, the people did nothing but wail and lament beyond all
expression ; but in the end, it being consumed to ashes, they put them
into a silver shrine, which they imbarqued in a LauLea very richly
equipped, that was accompanied with forty Seroos full of TaHagrepos^
which are the highest dignity of their Gentile Priests, and a great num-
ber of other vessels, wherein there was a world of people... All these
vessels got to land at a Fagode, called Quiay Poutor, where the silver
shrine, in which the king's ashes were, was placed." ( Voyages and Ad-
ventures, p. 276.) Captain Low says that the Burmans and Peguers of
the Tenasserim provinces generally bum their dead, but that all under
fifteen years of age are buried. He adds : " The body of the high priest
also, who died at Martaban, just after its capture, was burned in the way
which is described in Symes's Ava.^' Journal of the R. A. Society, vol.
ii. p. i274.
LTJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 207
all her relations and all those of her husband. And then they
go with all the relations to the place where the husband was
burnt^ and at the same hour of the night. The said woman
puts on all her jewels and other objects in gold, all that she
possesses. And then her relations cause a hole to be made
of the height of a human being, and around the hole they
put four or five canes, around which they place a silken
cloth, and in the said hole they make a fire of the abovemen-
tioned things, such as were used for the husband. And
then the said wife, when the feast is prepared, eats a great
deal of betel, and eats so much that she loses her wits, and
the instruments of the city are constantly sounding, together
with the abovementioned men clothed like devils, who carry
fire in their mouths, as I have already told you in Calicut.
They also offer a sacrifice to Deumo} And the said wife goes
many times up and down that place, dancing with the other
women. And she goes many times to the said men clothed
like devils, to entreat and tell them to pray the Deumo that
he will be pleased to accept her as his own. And there are
always present here a great many women who are her rela-
tions. Do not imagine, however, that she is unwilling to do
this ; she even imagines that she shall be carried forthwith
into heaven. And thus running violently of her own free
will, she seizes the abovementioned cloth with her hands,
and throws herself into the midst of the fire. And imme-
diately her relations and those most nearly allied to her fall
upon her with sticks and with balls of pitch, and this they
do only that she may die the sooner. And if the said wife
were not to do this, she would be held in like estimation as
a public prostitute is among us, and her relations would put
her to death. When such an event takes place in this
country the king is always present. However, those who
undergo such a death are the most noble of the land : all, in
^ See note 2 on p. 137 ante.
208 THE TRAVELS OF
general, do not do thus.^ I have seen in this city of Tar-
nassari another custom, somewhat less horrible than the
beforementioned. There will be a young man who will
speak to a lady of love, and will wish to give her to un-
derstand that he really is fond of her, and that there is
nothing he would not do for her. And, discoursing with her
in this wise, he will take a piece of rag well saturated with
oil, and will set fire to it, and place it on his arm on the
naked flesh, and whilst it is burning he will stand speaking
with that lady, not caring about his arm being burnt, in
order to show that he loves her, and that for her he is willing
to do every great thing.^
^ It would appear from the foregoing narratiye that the practice of
Saii at Tenasserim was confined to a particular sect, which did not
include the royal family of Siam ; for Pinto relates that the widow of
the king, whose funeral he describes, subsequently " married Uquum-
cheniraa, who had been one of the purveyors of her house, and caused
him to be crowned king in the city of Odiaa, the eleventh of November,
1545." Voyages and Adventures, p. 278.
' The proof by fire, in default of written or testimonial evidence, ap-
pears to have formed part of the judiciary system of Siam ; but I have
met with nothing to corroborate its use in the wooing of Tenasserim
lovers. Captain Low describes the modem ceremony of marriage,
omitting all mention of the fiery ordeal : — '' The Elder now gives the
bride a nosegay, and makes her repeat some Bali sentences, first directed
to her father, again to her mother, next to the parents of the bride-
groom, and lastly to her husband. The bridegroom goes through the
same ceremony, beginning with his parents and relatives, but does not
address the bride. The Elder then takes the flower from the bride, and
places it on the wall of the house ; she takes a little roUed-up betel-leaf
and presents it to the bridegroom, who exchanges the flower for it. They
then both sit on one mat, the bridegroom on the right ; a feast ensues,
and they finish the ceremonies by eating out of the same dish." Joum,
Roy. As, SoCf vol. ii. p. 270.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 209
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ADMINISTRATION OP
JUSTICE WHICH IS OBSERVED IN TARNASSARI.
He who kills another in this country is put to deaths the
same as in Calicut.^ With respect to conveying and holding,
it is necessary that it should appear by writing or by wit-
nesses. Their writing is on paper like ours, not on the
leaves of a tree like that of Calicut. And then they go to
a governor of the city, who administers justice for them
summarily. However, when any foreign merchant dies who
has no wife or children, he cannot leave his property to
whomsoever he pleases, because the king wills to be his
heir. And in this country, that is, the natives, commencing
from the king, after his death his son remains king.' And
when any Moorish merchant dies, very great expense is in-
curred in odoriferous substances to preserve the body, which
they put into wooden boxes and then bury it, placing the
head towards the city of Mecca, which comes to be towards
the north.® If the deceased have children, they are his
heirs.
^ That is, by impalement ; see p. 147 ante, Torpin, in his History of
Siam, describes the horrible process as follows : — '' The criminal is made
to lie down on his beUy, and after being securely tied, a stake of wood is
forced up his fundament by the blows of a club, and it is driven till it
comes out, either through the stomach or through the shoulders : they
afterwards raise this stake, and ^x it in the earth. It often happens
that the sufferer dies under the operation, but sometimes the stake
passes through the body without injuring any of the noble parts, and
then the poor wretch endures for several days the most agonizing tor-
ments." Pinkebton, vol. ix. p. 594.
* I infer from Pinto, who states that the son of the king, whose death
he records, succeeded his father, though he was shortly after poisoned by
the queen mother, that the sovereignty of Siam was hereditary. The
same order of succession probably prevailed as regards the Yiceroys of
the principal provinces. See note on p. 197 antey where the ruler of the
dependency of Tenasserim is styled ''perpetual Captain.'*
^ This is another incidental proof that Yarthema's Tarnauari was not
on the coast of Bengal, which is nearly in the same latitude as Meccah.
210 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER OOKCERHING THE SHIPS WHICH ARE
USED IN TARNASSARL
These people make use of yery large ships and of vari-
ous kindsj some of which are made flat bottomed^ because
such can enter into places where there is not much water.
Another kind are made with prows before and behind^ and
they carry two helms and two masts, and are uncovered.
There is also another kind of large ship which is called
Giunchi} and each of these is of the tonnage of one thousand
butts, on which they carry some little vessels to a city called
Melacha,^ and from thence they go with these little vessels
for small spices to a place which you shall know when the
proper time comes.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CITY OP BANGHELLA,
AND OF ITS DISTANCE FROM TARNAS8ARI.
Let us return to my companion, for he and I had a desire
to see farther on. After we had been some days in this said
city, and being, indeed, tired of that same service of which
you have heard above, and having sold some of our mer-
chandise we took the route towards the city of Banghella,*
* '' The name for a large trading yessel in Malay and Javanese iBJun^,
which the Portuguese converted into junco, and we, improving on this
corruption, into Junk.** CaAWFUBD^s De^c, Diet, of the Indian Islands.
' Malacca.
' Oour was undoubtedly the capital of Bengal at this period, bat it
appears that the name of the province was very commonly applied to
the city, more especially by foreigners. The following is from Barbosa :
— "Beyond the Ganges, onward towards the East, is the kingdom of
BengaUij wherein there are many places and cities, as well inland as on
th« sea-coast. Those in the interior are inhabited by Gentiles, who
are subject to the king of Bengalay who is a Moor ; and the stations on
the coast are full of Moors and Gentiles, among whom are many mer-
chants and traders to all parts. For this sea forms a gulf which bends
towards the north, at the head of which is situated a great city inhabited
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 211
which is distant from Tarnassari seven hundred miles^ at
which we arrived in eleven days by sea. This city was one
of the best that I had hitherto seen^ and has a very great
realm. The sultan of this place is a Moor, and maintains
two hundred thousand men for battle on foot and on horse ;
and they are all Mohammedans ; and he is constantly at war
by Moors, which is called Bengala.^^ (Bamusio, yoI. i. p. 330.) In 1637,
during the yiceroyaltj of Nunno de Gunna, when the Portuguese first
attempted to establish a fort in Bengal, ** Oovfro, the capital city, ex-
tended three leagues in length along the Ganges, and contained
1,200,000 families." (Q&bbnb, vol. i. p. 84.) In Balph Fitch's time,
1583-1591, Tanda appears to have succeeded Oaur as the capital of the
kingdom, which had then become tributary to the Moghul Emperor : —
''From Patanau [Patna] I went to Tanda, which is in the land of
Oauren. It hath in times past been a kingdom, but is now subdued by
Zelabdim Echebar [JallJ ed-Din, Akbar.] Great trade and traffic is
.here of cotton and cloth of cotton... It standeth in the country of Ben-
gala... Tanda standeth from the Ganges a league, because in times past
the river flowing over the banks in time of rain drowned the country
and many villages, and so they remain. And the old way which the
river Ganges was wont to run remaineth dry, which is the occasion that
the city standeth so far from the water." (Pinkebton, ix. p. 414.) I
conclude, therefore, that Mandelslo errs in enumerating Bengal as a
city of that province distinct from Gour and Tanda. He says : ''En tirant
vers le septentrional on trouve le royaume de Bengala, qui donne le
nom au golfe que les anciens appellent Sintu Gangetictu.,. On trouve plu-
sieurs belles villes dans ce royaume, comme sont celles de Gcwo, d'Ougely,
de Ghatigan, de Bengalay de Tanda, de Daca, de Patana, de Banares,
d'Elabas, et de Bagmehela." ( VoyageSy p. 290.) The following is from
Major Rennell on this subject : — " Gour, called also Lucknouti, the an-
cient capital of Bengal, and supposed to be the Gangia regia of Ptolemy,
stood on the left bank of the Ganges, about twenty-five miles below Ra-
jemal. It was the capital of Bengal 730 years B.C., and was repaired and
beautified by Homayoon, who gave it the name of Jeunuteabad, which
name a part of the evrcar, in which it was situated, still bears. Accord-
ing to Ferishta's account, the unwholesomeness of its air occasioned it to
be deserted soon after, and the seat of government was removed to Tan-
dah or Tanrah, a few miles higher up the river. No part of the site of
ancient Gour is nearer to the present bank of the Ganges than four
miles and a half, and some parts of it which were regularly washed by
that river are now twelve miles from it." Mem, of a Map of Hindottan^
quoted in Stewabt^s HiH, of Bengal, p. 44.
P %
/
\ * 1 i »
': V
212 THE TRAVELS OF
with the king of Narsingha.^ This country abounds more in
grain, flesh of every kind, in great quantity of sugar, also of
ginger, and of great abundance of cotton, than any country
in the world. And here there are the richest merchants I
ever met with. Fifty ships are laden every year in this
place with cotton and silk stuffs, which stuffs are these, that
is to say, bairamy namoney lizaiiy ciantary doazary and sina-
baff. These same stuffs go through all Turkey, through
Syria, through Persia, through Arabia Felix, through
Ethiopia, and through all India.^ There are also here very
great merchants in jewels, which come from other countries.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING SOME CHRISTIAN MER-
CHANTS IN BANGHELLA.
"We also found some Christian merchants here. They
said that they were from a city called Sarnau, and had
brought for sale silken stuffs, and aloes-wood, and benzoin,
and musk. Which Christians said that in their country
there were many lords also Christians, but they are subject
to the great Khan [of] Cathai.* As to the dress of these
> I have failed to discover any historical notices confirmatory of this
remark, though it is highly probahle that the Saltans of Bengal co-
operated generally with the Mussulman powers of the Deccan at this
period against the great Brahminical kingdom of Bijayanagar. (See
note 2, on p. 125 ante,) The reigning sovereign at the time of Yarthe-
ma's visit must have been the Patau Sultan *Ala ed-Din Husein Sh&h
bin Sejyed Ashraf.
' These names are mostly of Arabic or Persian derivation, and several
of them are still in use among the Arabs, while similar technical terms,
which obtained among Britbh traders in the time of Captain Saris,
such as Sat/es, Rashes, BoufxUs, CaniarU, Juwart, etc., have disappeared
from our modern commercial vocabulary. In Yarthema's sinabaffy I
recognize Sina haft, China woven-cloth.
' From the description of the manners of these Christians, I should
have inferred that they were Armenians, but as they wrote contrary to
us, that is, from right to left, they were most probably Nestorians. (I
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 2\3
Christians, they were clothed in a xebec^ made with folds,
and the sleeves were quilted with cotton. And on their
heads they wore a cap a palm and a half long, made of red
cloth. These same men are as white as we are, and confess
that they are Christians, and believe in the Trinity, and
likewise in the Twelve Apostles, in the four Evangelists, and
they also have baptism with water. But they write in the
contrary way to us, that is, after the manner of Armenia.
And they say that they keep the Nativity and the Passion
of Christ, and observe our Lent and other vigils in the
course of the year. These Christians do not wear shoes, but
they wear a kind of breeches made of silk, similar to those
need hardly remark that Yarthema is wrong in stating that the Anne-
mans write in that way, for they write. as we do from left to right.)
Assemanni, indeed, concludes that all the Christians formerly in Tartary
and China were Nestorians, quoting Marco Polo, among others, as his
authority : — '^ Christianos in Sinarum regno Nestorianos fuisse, non
Armenios, neque ex Armenia, sed partim ex Assyria et Mesopotamia,
partim ex Sogdiana, Bactriana et India illuc convolasse, eo maxime
tempore, quo Tartari in illud regnum invaserunt, ipse Marcus Paulus
Yenetus, qui a Trigautio citatur, pluribus in locis affirmat, ubi quoties
Christianorum in Sinis meminit, eos Nestorianos vocat." The same
author defines the limits of the ancient kingdom of Cathay as follows :— •
<< Cataja Sinam borealem significat, quam orientalis Sinse nomine ap-
pellant : habet autem Turchestanam ad occasum ; Sinam ad austrum ;
terram et mare Esonis, vulgd de Jesso, ad ortum ; et Tartariam veram
ad septentrionem. SericsB antiqusB pars est, ut ex Ptolema&o scribit
Cellarius ;*' but I have perused the interesting section from which this
quotation is made, (Biblioth, (hnerU., vol. iv. § vi.), and every other avail-
able author from Marco Polo downwards, without discoyering any clue
to Yarthema's city of Samau, The only additional information which
his book affords respecting its locality is given in a subsequent chapter,
and while he was at Sumatra, from which island his Christian com-
panions told him it was 3,000 miles distant.
I note, as a mere coincidence, that Ferdinand Mendez Pinto designates
the kingdom of Siam " The Empire of Somau." ( Voyages and Ad-
ventures, p. 284.) Whether he had any better authority than that of
his own fertile imagination for the name, I cannot say ; T)ut I do not
find it applied to that country by any other author. Qasparo Balbi
and some of the early Portuguese writers calls it '^ Silon."
* A jerkin.
814 THB TRAVELS OF
worn by mariners, which breeches are all full of jewels, and
their heads are covered with jewels. And they eat at a table
after our fashion, and they eat every kind of flesh. These
people also said that they knew that on the confines of the
Rumi, that is, of the Grand Turk, there are very great
Christian kings. After a great deal of conversation with
these men, my companion at last showed them his merchan-
dise, amongst which there were certain beautiful branches
of large coral. When they had seen these branches they
said to us, that if we would go to a city where they would
conduct us, that they were prepared to secure for us as
much as 10,000 ducats for them, or as many rubies as in
Turkey would be worth 100,000.^ My companion replied
that he was well pleased, and that they should depart imme-
diately thence. The Christians said : " In two days' time
from this a ship will sail which goes towards Fego, and we
have to go with it ; if you are willing to come we will go
together." Hearing this we set ourselves in order, and em*
barked with the said Christians and with some other Persian
merchants. And as we had been informed in this city that
these Christians were most faithful, we formed a very great
friendship with them. But before our departure from
Banghella, we sold all the rest of the merchandise, with the
exception of the corals, the saffron, and two pieces of rose-
coloured cloth of Florence. We left this city, which I
believe is the best in the world, that is, for living in. In
which city the kinds of stuffs you have heard of before are
not woven by women, but the men weave them. We de-
parted thence with the said Christians, and went towards a
city which is called Fego, distant from Banghella about a
thousand miles. On which voyage we passed a gulf towards
the south, and so arrived at the city of Fego.
* See note 1 on p. 206 ante.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHBMA, 215
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING PEGO,« A CITY OP INDIA.
The city of Pego is on the mainland, and is near to the
sea. On the left hand of this^ that is, towards the east, there
' In chapter viii. of his Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava^
Colonel Tule has arranged in chronological order a valuable collection
of Notes on the Intercourse of the Burmese countries with Western nations
up to the peace of Yandahoy comprising all the information available re-
specting Pegu and the adjacent kingdoms at this period. These notes,
with his own interspersed commentary, form the most authentic history of
those kingdoms extant, and the four sketch maps representing the his-
torical geography of the Burmese countries at several epochs, convey at
a glance the principal political and territorial changes which have suc-
cessively taken place in that empire since a.d. 1500. With regard to
the m«p illustrative of that date, I perceive that Tavoy is apparently
described as an independent state embracing the entire seabord between
the tenth and fifteenth degrees of latitude, whereas in a preceding note
on pp. 197-8, 1 have implied that Tenasserim, which is included within
those limits, was the principal kingdom on that part of the coast at
the period indicated, but subordinate, nevertheless, to the suzerainty of
Siam. (Towards the end of that century Tenasserim became tributary
to Pegu, and a few years later, dr, a.d. 1619, judging from the extract
quoted from Master William Methold's Relations of the King dome of
Qolchonda, and other Neighbouring Nations within the Outf of Bengale^
in the note last referred to, it appears to have reverted, for a time at
least, to the authority of Siam.) I notice this discrepancy rather by
way of suggesting a doubt as to the correctness of my own inference,
than with the idea of questioning the accuracy of my learned friend
Colonel Tule.
The following chapter from the Geography of Patavino, evidently
compiled from the travels of Nicolo de' Conti, Yarthema, Csssar Frede-
ricke, and the best authorities who succeeded them, contains so admira-
ble an account of Pegu at the date when the work was published (1597),
and when the kingdom was at the zenith of its glory, that I deem it
worthy of quotation in full : — " PEGU regnum occupat littoris spatium
300 miUiarium iuxta Occidentalem oram sinus Bengalici, ab urbe scilicet
Tauay ad caput usque Nigraes; in Mediterraneis verd vald^ extenditur.
Optimos habet portus, ex quibus praecipuus est Martahane, in quo one-
rantur circiter 40 naues ex oryza, qute in insulam Sumatram compor-
tantur. Ager huius regni pinguis ac fertilissimus est, et rei frumentariss
ut plurimum admodum accommodus ; animalia innumera nutrit, inter
216 THE TRAVELS OF
is a very beautiful river, by which many ships go and come.^
The king of this city is a Pagan. Their faith, customs,
manner of living and dress, are after the manner of Tarnas-
sari ; but with respect to their colour, they are somewHat
more white. And here, also, the air is somewhat more cold.
Their seasons are like ours. This city is walled, and has
quae sunt equi pusilli, ad ferendum tamen idonei, quorum ingens est
numeruB, sicut etiam eliphantorum, qui in altissimis quibusdam montibus
capiuutur, ac ad belli usum adseruantur. Psittaci etiam vocalioroB qukm
usquam alibi, et pulchriores reperiuntur, atque etiam feles, qui zibettum
gignunt : arundines hie excrescunt ad crassitiem unius dolij : nascuntur
quoque hie rubini. Unde regnum ipsum opulentissimum est et merca-
toribus frequentissimum, qui commercijs plurimum operam nauant, et
in ipsis portubus plures sunt mercatores Mauri ac gentiles. Beferunt
autem ex hoc Regno ad Malacam orjzam, laccam, benzuinum, museum,
lapillos precioBOs, argentum, batjrum, oleum, sal, cepas, et alia huius
generis comestibilia : contra yerd ex Malaca istuc ferunt porcellanas,
oolores, argentum vivum, 89s, cinnabarim, Damascum floribus contextum,
stannum, et alia. Giuitas Regia est PEGU, clarissima totius Indi»,
moDuibus munita, et sddibus elegantissimus omata, qua k mari ciciter 25
milliaribus abest, quam fluuius eiusdem nominis maximus abluit, qu»
etiam per totum regnum percurrens intumescit interdum aded, ut mag-
num terras tradum inundet : unde ab hoc incolss oryzam copiosissim^
coUigunt. Prsster banc sunt insignes Taivay, Martabane, et Losmin
emporium celebre. Sunt autem Peguini mediocris stature, magis ad
crassitiem accedentes, agiles, et yiribus prssditi, ad bellum tamen inepti :
nudi incedunt prsster pudenda, capita tegunt albicantis pannis ad instar
mitrso : luxuriss pneterea valde dediti sunt, qui in mulierum gratiam ad
yirile membrum tintinabula aurea vel argentea appensa gestant ut sonum
reddant dum per ciuitatem deambulant. Sunt verd super mortales
omnes superstitiosissimi, et vanissimas habent circa religionem opiniones,
ac ab omni yeritate alienas. Bex PEGU multa hodie possidit regna,
nempe Tarigtlf Prom^ Melintay, Calamy Bacam^ MyrandU, Atta, Brema
[Burmah ?] ad Septentrionem exposita ; deinde regnum Siam, et portus
MartahawB ac TemoMtriy et Aracam^ ac Afaein regna : et appellari
quoque consueuit k scriptoribus nonnullis Bex Bremss, seu Barm»." p.
260.
^ Sjmes says : ^' The Pegue riyer is called by the natiyes Bagoo
Kioupf or Pegue riyulet, to distinguish it from Ifiaup, or riyer. It is
nayigable but a yery few miles to the northward of the city of Pegue,
and for this it is indebted wholly to the action of the tide." Pinkbb-
TOM, yol. ix., p. 446.
LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 217
good houses and palaces built of stone, with lime.^ The
king is extremely powerful in men, both foot and horse,
and has with him more than a thousand Christians of the
country which has been above mentioned to you.^ And he
* So Ralph Fitch eighty years after Varthema :— " Pegu is a city very
great, strong, and yerj fair, with walls of stone, and great ditches round
about it. There are two towns, the old and the new. In the old town
are all the merchants strangers, and yery many merchants of the coun-
try. All the goods are sold in the old town, which is very great, and
hath many suburbs round about it, and all the houses are made of canes,
which they call hamboa, and are covered with straw." (/o?., pp. 416-7.)
Symes says : " The extent of ancient Pegue may still be accurately
traced by the ruins of the ditch and wall that surrounded it : from this
it appears to have been a quadrangle, each side measuring nearly a mile
and a half. In several places the ditch is filled up with rubbish that has
been cast into it, and the falling of its own banks ; sufficient, howevery
still remains to show that it was no contemptible defence.'* He de-
scribes the streets of the new town as well paved with the bricks brought
from the old city, but all the houses of the former as being made of
mats, or sheathing boards, supported on bamboos or posts, '^ the king
having prohibited the use of brick or stone in private buildings, from
the apprehension that if people got leave to build brick houses, they
might erect brick fortifications." Id., pp. 436-8.
' We have Colonel Tule*s authority for believing that Armenians,
who were most probably petty merchants like their representatives there
at the present day, have long frequented the Burmese court and capital ;
but the existence of a regiment of Armenians or Nestorians in the service
of an Indian potentate at this period may be set down as a fable, and I
read of no native Christians in Pegu prior to the advent of the Portu^
guese a few years later. Conti, who visited several parts of the country
in 1444, states that the people turned towards the East every morning,
and with clasped hands said : '* God in Trinity and His Law defend us !"
Varthema probably heard that a similar belief was professed by a por-
tion of the Pegu army, and forthwith christianized them. Tule makes
the following remark on the Burmese prayer above quoted : — '' This,
which at first sight looks like fiction, is really an evidence of Conti's
veracity. He had doubtless heard of the ' Three Precious Ones,* the
Triad of Buddha^ Dharma, and Sanga^ the Buddha, the Law, and the
Clergy.*' And he adds in a foot-note, that '* in a letter which the King of
Ava wrote to the Govemor-Gkneral of India, in 1830, his majesty speaka
of his ' observing the three objects of worship, namely, God, his Pre-
cepts, and his Attendants or Priests.' " Mission to the Court of Ava^
p. 208.
\
218 THE TRAVBM OF
giyes to each^ for pay^ six golden pardai per month and his
expenses. In this country there is a great abundance of
grain, of flesh of every kind, and of fruits of the same as at
Calicut. These people have not many elephants, but they
possess great numbers of all other animals ; they also have
all the kinds of birds which are found at Calicut. But there
are here the most beautiful and the best parrots I had ever
seen. Timber grows here in great quantities, long, and I
think the thickest that can possibly be found. In like
manner I do not know if there can be found in the world
such thick canes as I found here, of which I saw some which
were really as thick as a barrel. Civet-cats are found in
this country in great numbers, three or four of which are
sold for a ducat. The sole merchandise of these people is
jewels, that is, rubies, which come from another city called
Capellan,^ which is distant from this thirty days' journey ; not
that I have seen it, but by what I have heard from mer-
chants. Tou must know that in the said city, a large
pearl and diamond are worth more here than with us, and
also an emerald. When we arrived in this country, the
king was fifteen days' journey distant, fighting with another
who was called king of Ava.* Seeing this, we determined to
^ Fitch mentions the same locality : — '^Oaplan is the place where they
find the rubies, saphires, and the spinelles: it standeth six days* journey
from Aya, in the kingdom of Pegu. There are many great hills out of
which they dig them." (Pinkbrton, vol. ix. p. 421.) Tavemier, '' that
rambling jeweller, who had read nothing, but had seen so much and so
well," as Gibbon describes him, has the following on the same subject :-—
''There are but two places in the east in which coloured stones are
found, that is, the kingdom of Pegu and the island of Ceylon. The first
is a mountain about a dozen days* journey from Siren [Sirian], on the
north-east, and is called Capelan. This is the mine which produces the
greatest quantity of rubies and spinels, otherwise called the mother of
rubies, yellow topazes, jacinths, amethysts, and other stones of different
colours." Id, vol. yiii. p. 260«
' Pegu was also at war with Ava when visited by Hieronimo di San
Stephano in 1496. In 1544, and again in 1552, it was subjected by the
neighbouring King of Toungoo, called by Portuguese writers ** King of
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHBMA. 219
go and find the king where he was, in order to give him
these corals. And so we departed thence in a ship made all
of one piece,^ and more than fifteen or sixteen paces long.
The oars of this vessel were made of cane. Understand well
in what manner : where the oar takes the water it was cloven,
and they insert a flat piece of board fastened by cords, so
that the said vessel went with more power than a brigantine.
The mast of it was a cane as thick as a barrel where they
put in the provisions. Tn three days we arrived at a village
where we found certain merchants, who had not been able
to enter into the said city of Ava on account of the war.
Hearing this, we returned with them to Pego, and five days
afterwards the king returned to the said city, who had
gained a very great victory over his enemy. On the second
day after the return of the king, our Christian companions
took us to speak with him.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE DRESS OF THE KING
OF PBGC ABOVE MENTIONED.
Do not imagine that the king of Pego enjoys as great a
reputation as the king of Calicut, although he is so humane
and domestic that an infant might speak to him, and he
the Burmas," who extended his conquests over Ava, Magoung, Jan-
gomai (Zimm6), the west of Yunan, and other adjoining states. This
monarch appears to have been still on the throne when Csesar Fredericke
was at Pegu in 1586, and the extract from Patavino's Geography, quoted
on pp. 215-6, gives an apparently authentic account of the different de-
pendencies of the kingdom towards the end of that century. About that
time, however, the empire began to decline, and its fall was as rapid as
its rise : in 1600, Pegu was besieged by the kings of Aracan and
Toungoo, and its sovereign put to death ; and thirteen years later the
King of Ava was crowned at Pegu, from which period may be dated the
dominance of the Avan monarchy over the lower provinces. See Yulb^s
Narrative of a Mission to the Court of Ava, pp. 208-213.
^ The fMW9^6AM of the author of the Periplus, See ViiroBiiT's Oonhf
and Nav, of the Ancients, vol. ii. p. 521.
220 THE TRAVELS OF
wears more rabies on him than the value of a very large
city, and he wears them on all his toes. And on his legs he
wears certain great rings of gold, all full of the most beau-
tiful rubies ; also his arms and his fingers all full. His ears
hang down half a palm, through the great weight of the
many jewels he wears there, so that seeing the person of the
king by a light at night, he shines so much that he appears
to be a sun.^ The said Christians spoke with him, and told
him of our merchandise. The king replied : '^ That we
should return to him the day after the next, because on the
next day he had to sacrifice to the devil for the victory
which he had gained.'* When the time mentioned was past,
the king, as soon as he had eaten, sent for the said Chris*
tians, and for my companion, in order that he might carry to
him his merchandise. When the king saw such beautiful
corals he was quite astonished and greatly pleased ; for, in
truth, among the other corals there were two branches^ the
like of which had never before entered India. This king
asked what people we were. The Christians answered:
" Sir, these are Persians." Said the king to the interpreter :
" Ask them if they are willing to sell these things." My
companions answered : " That the articles were at the service
of his highness." Then the king began to say: '^That he had
been at war with the king of Ava for two years^ and on that
1 Both Gasparo Balbi and Ralph Fitch describe the richness of the
King of Pegu's dress and the splendour of his court retinue in their
time. The former saw him start on a war expedition against the King
of Ava ''all over coyered with gold and jewels ;" and the latter says :
'' When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guards and many
noblemen, often on an elephant with a fine castle upon him, veiy taiilj
gilded with gold, and sometimes in a great frame like a horse litter,
which hath a little house upon it coyered overhead, but open on the sides,
which is all gilded with gold, and set with many rubies and saphires,
whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is carried on sixteen
or eighteen men's shoulders.... He hath also houses fiill of gold and silver,
and bringing in often, but spendeth very little,*^ Pinkbrton, vol. ix.
pp. 404, 418.
LI3D0TIC0 DI YARTHEMA. ^21
account he had no money ; but that if we were willing to
barter for so many rubies^ he would amply satisfy us.*' We
caused him to be. told by these Christians that we desired
nothing further from him than his friendship, — that he
should take the commodities and do whatever he pleased.^
The Christians repeated to him what my companion had
charged them to say, by telling the king that he might take
the corals without money or jewels. He hearing this liberality
answered : " I know that the Persians are very liberal^ but
I never saw one so liberal as this man;" and he swore by
God and by the devil that he would see which would be the
more liberal, he or a Persian. And then he desired one of
his confidential servants to bring him a certain little bos
which was two palms in length, worked all round in gold,
and was full of rubies, within and without. And when he
had opened it, there were six separate divisions, all full of
different rubies ; and he placed it before us, telling us we
should take what we wished. My companion answered :
** O, sir, you show me so much kindness, that by the faith
which I bear to Mahomet I make you a present of all these
things. And know, sir, that I do not travel about the world
to collect property, but only to see different people and dif-
ferent customs." The king answered : " I cannot conquer
you in liberality, but take this which I give you." And so
he took a good handful of rubies from each of the divisions
of the said casket, and gave them to him. These rubies
might be about two hundred, and in giving them he said :
" Take these for the liberality you have exercised towards
^ A thoroughly oriental way of driving a good bargain, though ez-
tensively copied by tradesmen on the continent of Europe. The artifice
is as old as the days of Abraham, who was a long time in getting the
children of Heth to name the price of Machpelah. At length Ephron,
overcoming his modesty, ventured to say : " My lord, the land is worth
four hundred shekels of silver," (which was most probably ten times its
value,) but politely added : " What is that betwixt me and thee 1 "
Genesis, chap. xxLii.
222 THE TRAVELS OF
me." And in like manner he gave to the said Christians
two rabies each^ which were estimated at a thousand ducats,
and those of my companions were estimated at about one
hundred thousand ducats. Wherefore by this he may be
considered to be the most liberal king in the world, and
every year he has an income of about one million in gold.
And this because in his country there is found much lacca^
a good deal of sandal-wood^ very much brazil-wood, cotton
and silk^ in great quantities, and he gives all his income to
his soldiers. The people in this country are very sensual.
After some days, the said Christians took leave for them-
selves and for us. The king ordered a room to be given to
us, furnished with all that was requisite for so long as we
wished to remain there ; and so it was done. We remained
in the said room five days. At this time there arrived news
that the king of Ava was coming with a great army to make
war upon him, on hearing which, this one [of Fego] went to
meet him half way with a great many men, horse and foot.
The next day we saw two women burnt alive voluntarily,
in the manner as I have described it in Tarnassari.
' This I take to be the colouring matter produced by the lac insect, or
coccus ficus, which is abundant throughout the Burmese provinces. Bar-
bosa speaks of it as one of the principal exports from Martaban, and
says that the Indians and Persians called it Laco Martahani. He does
not seem, however, to have been aware how it was produced : — ^ They
say this lacca is the gum of trees ; others state that it is produced on the
branches of trees, just as the grane grow in our parts, and this account
seems more natural and probable. They carry it in small vases, because
they may not gather too much of it." (Bamdsio, vol. i. p. 317.) Albert!,
in his definition oi grane^ says : — *' Sono coccole d'un albero, simili quasi
alle coccole dell* ellera, coUe quali si tingono i panni in rosso o paouaszo
ed d preziosa tinta. Oggidl si potrebbe anche dire CochenilleJ** The early
Italian travellers appear to have used the same word, lacca, to describe
both the lac and the lacca-wood.
' See note 1 on p. 198 ante.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 223
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINQ THE CITY MELACHA, AND
THE BIYER GAZA, OTHERWISE QANGB AS I THINK,
AND OF THE INHUMANITY OP THE MEN.
The next day we embarked on board a ship and went to
a city called Melacha,^ which is situated towards the west,
at which we arrived in eight days. Near to the said city we
found an extremely great fiumarat as large as any we had
ever seen, which they call Gaza,* which is evidently more
than twenty-five miles wide. And opposite to the said river
there is a very large island, which is called Sumatra. The
inhabitants of it say that the circumference of it is four
thousand five hundred miles. I will tell you about the said
island at the proper time. When we had arrived at the city
of Melacha, we were immediately presented to the Sultan,
who is a Moor, as is also all his kingdom.^ The said city is
^ Malacca, or, more correctly, M&laca, the well-known town on the
western side of the Malay peninsula. Our traveller was the first to
make Europe acquainted with its name and situation.
s By " fiumara'* Varthema undoubtedly means the Straits, which are
about twenty-fiye miles broad opposite Malacca. '' Gaza,'* I take to be
a contraction of Boghdz, the Arabic for a strait The Arabs of tho
present day use the same word to denote the passage between the island
of Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, calling it Boghdz Mdlaca, or
Boghdz SingafUl/ra, I notice that Crawfurd, in his Descriptive Diction-
ary^ sub voce Archipelago, remarks that Varthema underrates the
breadth of the Strait ; but he quotes our traveller from Ramutio as de>
scribing the fiumara to be only " about fifteen miles broad." {Id. sub
voce Malacca Straits.) Crawfurd himself says in one place, that the
town of Malacca is " washed by the Straits which bear its name, and
which are here about five-and-twenty miles broad ;" and in another, that
" the town of Malacca is distant from the nearest shore of Sumatra
about forty-five miles," (Id. 'sub voce Malacca, pp. 238, 249;) the ap-
proximate measurements being apparently given, in the one case, between
Malacca and the island of Rupat directly opposite, and in the other
between Malacca and the mainland of Sumatra.
' '' Of the time in which the Muhammedan religion was embraced by
the people of Malacca, there is no precise statement. The Malay ac-
count assigns the event to the reign of a prince called Sultan Muham-
224 THB TRAVELS OP
on the mainland and pays tribute to the king of Cini/ who
caused this place to be built about eighty years ago, because
there is a good port there, which is the principal port of the
main ocean. And, truly I believe, that more ships arrive
here than in any other place in the world,^ and especially
there come here all sorts of spices and an immense quantity
med Sb&h, who ascended the throne in 1276... The statement of De
Barros respecting the conversion is as follows: — 'The greatness of
Malacca induced the kings who followed Xaquem Darsa [Sekandar
Sh&h,] to throw off their dependency on the kings of Siam, and this
chiefly, since the time when induced by the Persians and Gujrati Moors,
who came to Malacca and resided there, for the purpose of trade, from
Gentiles to become converts to the sect of Muhammed.' " Obawfuad's
Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands, etc., p. 245.
^ If by Cini is meant Siam, the statement is corroborated, generally,
by the learned researches of Mr. Crawfurd, who writes : — " The subjec-
tion of Malacca to Siam seems, indeed, to be admitted by all parties.
Four of the most northerly of the States of the Peninsula are still subject
to it ; while a claim of supremacy is made for, at least, three more.
The author of the Commentaries of Albuquerque, giving a greater ex-
tension to Malacca than De Barros, thus describes it and its subjection
to Siam : — * The kingdom of Malacca on one side borders on Queda ; and
on the other, Pam [Pahang]. It has one hundred leagues of coast, and
inland extends to a chain of mountains where it is parted from Siam,
a breadth of ten leagues. All this land was anciently subject to Siam." "
Id,, p. 244-5.
" The port is an open road, but, notwithstanding, safe at all seasons,
not being within the latitude of hurricanes, nor within the influence of
either monsoons ; or, as the Commentaries of Albuquerque express it : —
' it is the beginning of one monsoon, and the end of another.' " Id.,
p. 249.
s « The flourishing condition of Malacca, at the time it was attacked
by the Portuguese, [five years after Varthema's visit,] has no doubt been
much exaggerated ; but making every abatement, enough will remain
to show that it was a place of considerable commercial importance,
judging it by the ideas of the beginning of the 16th century, and by
the peculiar value then attached to some of the commodities of which
its trade consisted. * In matters of trade,* says De Barros, * the people
[the Malays] are artful and expert, for, in general, they have to deal
with such nations as the Javanese, the Siamese, the Peguans, the Bcn-
gallis, the Quelijo [Chulias or T&Iugus,] Malabaris, Gujratis, Persians,
and Arabians, with many other people, whose residence here has made
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 225
of Other merchandise. This country is not very fertile,^ yet
there is produced there grain, a little animal food, wood,
birds like those of Calicut, excepting the parrots, which are
better here than in Calicut. A great quantity of sandal-
wood and of tin is found here.^ There are also a great many
elephants, horses, sheep, cows and buffalos, leopards and
peacocks, in great abundance. A few fruits like those in
Zeilan. It is not necessary to trade here in anything except-
ing in spices and silken stuffs.^ These people are oliye-
them yery sagaciouB. Moreoyer, the city is also populous, owing to the
ships which resort to it from the country of the Ohijs [Chinese], the
Lequios [Japanese], the Lu^oes [people of Luzon in the Philippines],
and other nations of the Orient. All these people bring so much wealth,
both of the East and the West, that Malacca seems a centre at which
are assembled all the natural productions of the earth, and all the arti-
ficial ones of man. On this account, although situated in a barren land,
it is, through an interchange of commodities, more amply supplied with
eyeiy thing than the countries themselves from which they come.*** Id.
p. 245.
^ Yarthema's remark respecting the comparative infertility of the
country, is confirmed by De Barros in the preceding note, and fully cor-
roborated by Crawfurd, who says : — '* It is in vain to plead for the un-
productiveness of Malacca the maladministration of former national
adminstrations, for Malacca has been, with little interruption, nearly
sixty years under British rule, while Arracan, in less than half the
time, under the same government, competing with its immediate neigh-
bour Bengal, has become one of the principal granaries of India.*'
ld,f p. 239
9 I infer from Crawfurd that sandal-wood, if it exists there at all, is
produced in very small quantities in the territory of Malacca, the chief
places of its growth being several of the islands of the Malay Archi-
pelago, but more especially Timur and Sumba, whicti latter takes its
European name of Sandal-wood Island from it.
In 1847, the quantity of tin obtained from the mines in the Malacca
territory was about five thousand cwts., and it is yearly increasing. Id.
p. 240.
' Meaning, I presume, that these were the most marketable commodi-
ties. With regard to silk, Crawfurd says : ** It may probably have been
first made known to the inhabitants of the Indian Islands by the Hin-
dus, if we are to judge from its Sanscrit name ; but in all times known
to us, they have been supplied with this article raw and wrought by the
226 THE TRAVELS OF
coloured, with long hair. Their dress is after the fashion
of Cairo. They have the visage broad^ the eye round, the
nose compressed. It is not possible to go about the place
here when it is dark, because people are killed like dogs,^
and all the merchants who arrive here go to sleep in their
ships. The inhabitants of this city are of the nation of
Giavai. The king keeps a governor to administer justice
for foreigners, but those of the country take the law into
their own hands, and they are the worst race that was ever
Chinese, the original inventors of silk f ...nevertheless, he adds : — " that
from the raw silk of China, the Malays and Javanese always wove, and
still continue to do so, some strong and often rich domestic fabrics suited
to their own peculiar tastes, /(f., p. 394.
^ Crawfurd describes the Malays as a brown-complexioned, lank-
haired people, of a squat form, with high cheek-bones, large mouth,
and flattened nose. With regard to costume, I had frequent oppor*
tunities, during my long residence at Aden, of seeing many Malay mer-
chants on their way to Meccah, who were generally dressed like the
same class in Syria and Egypt. As to character, the Malays in general
bear a very questionable one, and are notorious for their vindictiveness.
Barbosa describes them as '* very skilful and exquisite workmen ; but
very malevolent and treacherous, rarely speaking the truth, and ready
to commit any outrage and to die... There are some of them also, if at-
tacked with any serious illness, make a vow to Gk)d that if restored to
health, they will voluntarily select a more honourable death in His
service. On recovery, they leave their houses with a dagger in hand,
and rush through the streets, where they kill as many persons as they
can, men, women, and children, insomuch that they seem like mad dogs.
These are called Amulos, and when seen in this frenzy, all begin to
cry out, Amulos ! Amnios ! in order that the people may be on their
guard, who with knives and lances immediately put them to death.**
(Ramusio, vol. L p. 318.) AmxUos, I take to be a corruption of the
native amuk, and the origin of our " running a-muck," which, according
to Crawfurd, is a phrase introduced into our language from the Malay,
the latter word signifying a furious and reckless onset. — '^ Running
a-muck with private parties is often the result of a restless determina-
tion to exact revenge for some injury or insult ; but it also results, not less
frequently, from a monomania taking this particular form, and originat-
ing in disorders of the digestive organs. The word and the practice are
not confined to the Malays, but extend to all the people and languages
of the Archipelago that have obtained a certain amount of civilization."
Desc, Diet., p. 12.
LUnoVICO Dl VARTHKMA. 221
created on earth. When the king wishes to interfere with
them, they say that they will disinhabit the land, because
they are men of the sea.^ The air here is very temper-
^ CoDftideriDg that Varthcma was the first European to describe
Malacca, and that his stajr there did not extend beyond a few days, it is
surprising to find how strikingly correct his brief remarks are, not only
as regards the natural objects which were open to his inspection, but
others also which were less obvious, connected with the past history of
the people and their actual civil condition at the period of his visit.
The statement that Malacca was inhabited by a nation of Javanese is
corroborated by the learned researches of Crawfurd, who says : '' On one
point, all parties seem to agree, that not only the founders of Malacca,
but even of Singapore, were Javanese and not Malays ; for even the
Malayan account is substantially to this effect, since it brings the emi-
grants who established themselves at Singapore from Palembang, which
was a Javanese settlement." Id, p. 243.
Equally remarkable is our traveller's notice of two distinct classes
among the Malays, one given to trade and agriculture and subject to an
organised government, the other a wild race acknowledging no superior
authority, and who either felt themselves strong enough to resist any
attempt to impose it by expelling the more civilized community from
the country, or who did not care to reside on land because they were
« men of the sea ;" for Varthema's words — " Et quando il re si vol
mettere fra lore, essi dicono che deshabitaranno la terra perche sono
homini de mare,*' — will bear both interpretations. How surprisingly
this account is corroborated by Crawfurd, except that the latter makes
three sections of the Malays, will be seen by the following extract : —
*' The Malay nation may be divided naturally into three classes : the
civilized Malays, or those who possess a written language, and have
made a decent progress in the useful arts ; the gipsy-liie fishermen^
called the Sea People; and the rude half savages, who, for the most
part, live precariously on the produce of the forests. The civilized
Malays consist of the inhabitants of the eastern side of Sumatra, of
much of the interior of that island, and of those of the sea-boards of
Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. The sea-gipsies are to be found
sojourning from Sumatra to the Moluccas... The only habitations of this
people are their boats, and they live exclusively by the produce of the
sea, or by the robberies they commit on it. The most usual name by
which they are known is orang4aut, literally, *men of the sea\..The
rude wandering class, speaking the Malay language, is found in the
interior of the Malay Peninsula, in Sumatra, and in the islands lying
between them, but in no other part of the Archipelago.**... These three
classes of Malays existed near three centuries and a half ago, when the
\
S28 TUB TRAVKLS OF
ate.^ The Christians who were in our company gave us to
understand that we ought not to remain long here becaase
they are an evil race. Wherefore we took a junk and went
towards Sumatra to a city called Pider, which is distant from
the mainland eighty leagues^ or thereabouts.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF SUMATRA,*
AND CONCERNING PIDER, A CITY IN SUMATRA.
They say that in this district there is the best port of the
whole islandj, which I have already told you is in circum-
Portuguese first arrived in the waters of the Archipelago, just as they
do at the present day. That people describes them as liaving existed
also for two centuries and a half before that event, as without doubt
they did in times far earlier. Thus De Barros describes the first class of
Malays as ' men living by trade, and the most cultivated of these parts ;*
the second as ' a vile people,' whose ' dwelling was more on the sea than
the land,* and who ' lived by fishing and robbery ;' and the third as
* half savages* (quasi meios salvages,) while the Malay language was
common to all of them.** Id., p. 250.
1 « The climate of Malacca, as to temperature, is such as might be
expected in a country not more than one hundred miles from the
equator, lying along the sea shore, — hot and moist. The thermometer
in the shade ranges from 72? to 84^ of Fahrenheit, seldom being so low
as the first of these, and not often higher than the last. The rang^e of
the barometer is only from 29.8 to 30.3 inches. Notwithstanding con-
stant heat, much moisture, and many swamps, the town at least is
remarkable for its salubrity.** Id., p. 239.
' Mr. Orawfurd makes Varthema ** the first writer who gives the name
[of this island] as we now write it,** which remark is only correct if re-
stricted to the modem orthography of the word ; for Sumatra is undoubt-
edly the island where Nicold de' Oonti was detained a year, and which he
calls SciarmUhera. But although Conti was most probably the first to
make known the name to our continent, I deem it tolerably certain that
it was the island visited by Ibn Batiita about a.i>. 1330, which he desig-
nates Jdioah, but the capital of which, situated four miles from the
coast, he calls Shumatrah or Sumatrah, Our Java, to which he subse-
quently proceeded, he distinguishes by the name of Mnl^dwah, This
inference is corroborated by the fact that the former place was then under
a Muhammedan king called Ez-Z&hir Jamftl ed-Din, whereas, according
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 229
ferencc 4,600 miles. In my opinion, which agrees also with
what many say, I think that it is Taprobana, in which there
to Crawfurd, though several attempts had been made between 1358 and
1460 to convert the Javanese, it was not till 1478 that the Muham-
medans succeeded in capturing the capital, and establishing their own
power and fiiith ;'* which further agrees with Ibn Batiita's account of
Mfd-Jdwahj who calls it ^' the first part of the territory of the infidels.**
(See Lsb's Trandationi pp. 199-205 ; and Crawfurd^s Desc. Diet,,
p. 185.) As Ibn BattLta was proceeding from Bengal to China, and
appears to have touched at the Andaman or Nicobar Islands on his
voyage from the former coast, I think it highly probable that the present
Achin was the place which he visited in the island of Sumatra ; for that
town lies about two miles from the shore, and the Achinese are stated to
have been converted to Islftm as early as the year 1204 And if Achin
was also the city where Oonti was detained, which is not unlikely, his
designation of it strikingly accords with Ibn Batdta, for he applies that
of SciamtUhera to the diy as well as to the island, describing the former
as " a very noble emporium." Coupling these ideas with the following
quotation from Crawfurd, I think it by no means improbable that
ShumcUrah, or some modification of that word, ¥ras the prevailing name
of Achin (and, perhaps, of the island also,) in Ibn Batiita's time, and
that its present name is of more recent date : — " The native name is cor-
rectly Acheh ; but this word, which means a ' wood- leech,' does not,
aUhough naturalized, bdong to any of the Malayan languages, but to the
Tdinga or Tdug^i, of the Coromandel coastJ*^ (Id,, p. 2.) I note, however,
that the same author conjectures that the word Sumatra is of Sanscrit or
Hindu origin, probably from Samudra, the sea or ocean {Id., p. 414.)
Respecting Marco Polo's visit, Mr. Crawfurd has the following observa-
tions : — ^ It is remarkable that the name of Sumatra had not reached
Marco Polo, although he was six months wind-bound at the island, and
in communication with the natives. That of Java, the only large terri-
tory of the Archipelago, familiarly called an island, by the natives, had
done so ; and he called Sumatra, kbowing it to be an island but ignorant
of its relative extent, Java Minor." {Id,, p. 414.) Whereon I venture to
suggest, that although Marco Polo designates Sumatra, the compass of
which he approximately estimated at 2,000 miles, by the name of Java
the Less, he nevertheless describes it as comprising eight kingdoms, six
of which he visited, and one of these latter, namely, that where he was
detained for several months, he calls Samara, That word, as it stands,
approaches very nearly the orthography of the present name, and by the
simple addition of the letter t, which may have been omitted by an oversight
in the original manuscript or in the first copies, we have Samaira in full.
It is further deserving of notice that the same traveller apparently makes
230 THE TRAVELS OF
are three crowned kings who are Pagans, and their faith, their
manner of living, dress, and customs, are the same as in Tar-
Samara the chief kingdom in the island, for he says of its people : —
*' Hanno re grande e potente, e chiamansi per il Gran Can.** Ramusio,
Tol. ii, p. 52.
Varthema greatly exaggerates the extent of the island, which is
'* about 1,000 miles in length, its extreme ends being its narrowest parts,
and its centre its broadest. Its area is reckoned at 128,560 geographical
square miles.'* (Desc. Diet,, p. 414.) Prior to the publication of his book,
our traveller appears to have had some discussions with the learned men
of Europe, consequent on his own discoyery, respecting the ancient
geography of the island, which led him, as it did many others, to identify
it with the Taprobana of Ptolemy. The locality of that famous island
was a vexed question at the end of the sixteenth century, for Patavino
in describing Sumatra writes : — '^ Hanc Insulam antiquorum Taprobanam
fuisse omnes pen^ auctores sentiunt, licet aliqui magnss eruditionis viri
ipsam Auream fuisse Chersonesum putent, ac ob id antiquis ceu penin-
sulam creditam fuisse.** And, again, under the head of Ceylon : —
^* ZEILAN verd insula prsestantissima est, qu8a...antiquam fuisse Ptole-
mtei Taprobanam Andreas Corsalus et Joannes Barrius cum plerisque alijs
consent ; Mercator verd, cui magis in hac re fidem prsestamus, putat esse
Ptolemsdi Nanigerim." Geographia^ pp. 26.
With respect to the government of Sumatra, it has been already men-
tioned that Marco Polo divided the island into eight kingdoms, one of
which was Felich, where the inhabitants of the coast had embraced
Muhammedanism, " by frequent trade with the Saracens ; but those who
dwelt in the mountains were still like beasts.*' Varthema diminished
the number to " iii Re di corona," which probably comprised only those
of the principal states on the eastern side ; Odoardo Barbosa says the is-
land has ** molti regni di quali il principal h Pedir della banda di tra-
montana ;** while De Barros enumerates no less than twenty-nine on the
sea -board alone, of which Pedir, then an independent sovereignty, is one.
Patavino sums up the information acquired on this subject up to the
end of the sixteenth century in these words : — '* Scribunt quidam univer-
sam hanc insulam in quatuor regna esse divisam : alii in decem, alii
autem in 29. ex quibus nota sunt tantummodo decem : nempe Begnum
Pedir, quod csdteris prsQstat ; Fazem seu Pacem ; Achem seu Aeem ;
Campar ; Kenanoaboy quod est fundamentum divitiarum, universss in-
sulsQ, ciim in eo sint minerss auri opulentissimsa ; et regnum Zunde : et
hsac quidem sex regna sunt circa littus ipsius insulse, ac ^ Mauris occu-
pata olim fudre.** {Id,, p. 265.) The last remark agrees with De Barros
as quoted by Crawfurd : — ^' The inhabitants of the coast follow the sect
of Muhammed ;'* nevertheless, yarthema*s account, which makes some
LTJDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 231
nassari, and the wives also are burnt alive. The colour of
these inhabitants is almost white, and they have the face broad,
and the eyes round and green.^ Their hair is long, the nose
broad and flat, and they are of small stature. Here justice
is strictly administered, as in Calicut.* Their money is gold,
and silver, and tin, all stamped. Their golden money has
on one side a devil, on the other there is something resem-
bling a chariot drawn by elephants : the same on the silver
of the sovereigns Hindu by religion, and more especially the reigning
king of Pedir, is too circumstantial to be set aside by any general de-
scriptions of an island of such vast extent, and comparatively so little
known to the best Portuguese historians of that age. Moreover, Yar-
thema had become well versed in the externals, at least, of Muhammedan-
ism, and was not likely to confound the observances of Paganism with
those of Isl&m. In the absence, therefore, of any definite proof to the
contrary, I see no reason to discredit this part of his narrative, more
especially as we have Grawfurd's authority for believing that ''the
people of Sumatra had certainly adopted a kind of Hinduism, and this
is sufficiently attested by an examination of their languages, and even
by a few monuments and inscriptions." Desc, Diet., p. 419.
^ De Barros, as quoted by Crawfurd, says : " The people of the coast,
as well as of the interior of the island, are all of a yellowish-brown colour
(baQo), having flowing hair, are well made, of a goodly aspect, and do not
resemble the Javanese, although so near to them.*' Id,, p. 419. He
does not mention the '' green eyes."
' The same remark is made of the country by Hamilton : — '' Ko place
in the world punishes theft with greater severity than Atcheen, and yet
robberies and murders are more frequent there than in any other place.
For the first fault, if the theft does not amount to a tai/el value, it is but
the loss of a hand or a foot, and the criminal may choose which he will
part with ; and, if caught a second time, the same punishment and loss
is used; but the third time, or if they steal five tat/el in value, that
crim.e entitles them to souling or impaling alive. When their hand or foot
is to be cut off, they have a block with a broad hatchet fixed in it, with
the edge upwards, on which the limb is laid, and struck on with a
wooden mallet, till the amputation is made, and they have a hollow
bamboo, or Indian cane, ready to put the stump in, and stopped about
with rags or moss, to keep the blood from coming out, and are set in a
conspicuous place for travellers to gaze on, who generally bestow a little
spittle in a pot, being what is produced by the mastication of beetel,
and that serves them instead of salve to cure their wounds." Pimkeb-
TON, vol. viii. p. 44().
9Si THB TRAVKL8 OF
and tin money.^ Of the silver coin ten go to a ducat, and of
those of tin, twenty-five. Elephants in immense quantities
are produced here, which are the largest I ever saw. These
people are not warlike, but attend to their merchandise, and
are very great friends of foreigners.
^ Crawfuid sajB that prior to the arrival of the Europeans, the natives
of the Archipelago generally had no other coiil than small bits of copper,
brass, tin, or zinc, though he subjoins that '' the Javanese appear to have
coined some of their own money, as we find from many examples exca-
vated from their own temples and other places. These contain impres-
sions of scenic figures, such as are still represented in their dramas,
called wayang or shadows, but having no date, and, indeed, no written
characters, until after their adoption of Mahommedanism,** which was
not till towards the end of the fifteenth century. He further excepts
Achin, the state adjoining, (which probably comprised Pedir in Yarthe-
ma*s time,) and remarks as follows : — '^ The only native country of the
Archipelago in which a coin of the precious metals seems ever to have
been coined is Achin. This is of gold, of the weight of nine grains, and
of about the value of \Ad, sterling... All the coins of this description
which have been made are inscribed with Arabic characters, and bear the
names of the sovereigns under whom they were struck, so that they are
comparatively modem.*' {Deic. Dict^ p. 286.) As a Muhammedan king
was reigning in Sumatra when Ibn BattLta visited that island, similar
coins may have been current then ; but, be that as it may, Yarthema's
account fully proves that such "stamped** money existed at the time of
his visit, and I see no reason for doubting that it comprised, as he states,
coins of silver and of tin, as well as of gold. It is by no means impro-
bable, however, that some of the coined money at Achin was imported,
through the ordinary transactions of trade, from different parts of India ;
but I have searched Marsden'siTuTnimnata Orientalia in vain for a counter-
part of the Sumatran device— a chariot drawn by elephants— en any
of the early Indian coinage. That Indian coins had obtained a certain
degree of circulation in the Archipelago at this period, may be inferred
from Yarthema's statement regarding Banda, one of the Nutmeg Islands :
— " La moneta corre qui aUa u&anxa di CaliciU.*^ See the chapter ** Con-
cerning the Islands of Bandan."
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 28S
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING ANOTHER SORT OP PEPPER,
AND CONCERNING SILK, AND BENZOIN, WHICH ARE
PRODUCED IN THE SAID CITY OP PIDER.
In this country of Pider^ there grows a very great quan-
tity of pepper, and of long pepper which is called Molaga.
This said kind of pepper is larger than that which comes
here to us, and is very much whiter, and within it is hollow,
and is not so biting as that of ours, and weighs very little,
and is sold here in the same manner as cereals are sold with
us.^ And you must know that in this port there are laden
with it every year eighteen or twenty ships, all of which go
^ Pider, or *' Pedir, is the name of a Malay state on the eastern side
of Sumatra, and comprising that portion of the sea-board of the island
which extends from Diamond Point, the Tanjung-p&rlak of the Malays,
to Achin...It was the first spot in the Archipelago at which the Portu-
guese touched, and they found it carrying on some foreign trade, being
frequented by ships from different parts of the continent of India. At
present it is a place of no moment, except for its export of the areca-nut
and a little pepper which is carried to the British settlement of Penang.
The principal town, bearing the same name, is situated on a small river,
a little east of a headland, which is in north latitude 5^ 29' and east
longitude 96V' M, 330-1.
' Being uncertain whether this was the Piper lonffiim of botanists, I
consulted Mr. Bennett of the British Museum, whose kindness I have
already had occasion to acknowledge, and append his note in reply :•—
« There can be no doubt that the second kind of pepper referred to by
Yarthema is the same as that which we now call lonff pepper. His
account exactly tallies with it in every respect, and is singularly correct,
as indeed most of his descriptions are." Crawfurd says : *' This com-
modity is probably a native of Java, although now grown in other coun-
tries of the Archipelago," and then remarks : " it is singular that it is
not named by Barbosa, but there can be little doubt but that it must
have been an article of trade in his time." {Deee, Diet,, p. 335.) It is
mentioned by Pigafetta, Barbosa's companion/ as growing in one of the
Banda islands, and he describes it thus : — *^ The long pepper grows on a
plant or tree like the ivy, that is, it is flexible, and rests on other trees,
the fruit hangs on the stem, and the leaf is like that of the mulberry. It
is called htliJ** (Bakusio, vol. i p. 368.) Conti also enumerates pepe
luThgo among the productions of Sumatra. M, p. 339.
234 THE TRAVELS OP
to Cathai, becaase they say that the extreme cold begins
there. The tree which produces this pepper produces it
long, bat its yine is larger, and the leaf broader and softer,
than that which grows in Calient. An immense qnantitj of
silk is produced in this country, a great deal is also made in
the forests without being cultivated by any one. This, it is
true, is not very good.^ A great quantity of benzoin is also
produced here, which is the gum of a tree.^ Some say, for
I have not seen it myself, that it grows at a considerable
distance from the sea, on the mainland.
TOE CHAPTER CONCERNING THREE SORTS OF
ALOES-WOOD.
Inasmuch as it is the variety of objects which most de-
lights and invites man, as well to read as to understand, it
has therefore appeared to me well to add that of which I
^ It is singular that a similar statement is made by De Barros, who
in describing the productions of Sumatra says : '^ It produces also silk
in such quantity that there are cargoes of it sent to many parts of
India ;" whereon Crawfurd remarks : — " This is probably an error on
the part of that usually reliable writer. I am not eyen aware that wild
silk is produced in any of the insular forests such as it is found to be in
many of those of Hindustan." The same author asserts, indeed, that
<< the culture of the mulberry and the rearing of the silk-worm have
never been practised by the natives of the Archipelago, whether from
the unsuitableness of this branch of industry to the climate, or to the
state of society, is not ascertained." {Desc. Diet., p. 394.) The dis-
crepancy is a wide one, and I can suggest nothing to reconcile the con-
tradictory statements. It is noticeable, however, that Odoardo Barbosa
does not enumerate silk among his list of the productions of Sumatra.
* ** Benzoin, the resin of the Styrax henzoni, obtained by wounding
the bark. The plant, which is of moderate size, is an object of cultiva-
tion, the manner of culture being from the seed. The trees are ripe for
the production of the resin at about seven years old, and the plant is the
peculiar product of the islands of Borneo and Sumatra." Crawfurd
thinks that it may be the malabathrum of the ancients, (/d, p. 50.)
Benzoin is called by the Arabs Bakh^kk^r Jdwi^ Java incense.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. ^35
have real certainty by my own experience. Wherefore
you must know that neither benzoin nor aloes-wood comes
much into Christian ports^ and therefore you must under-
stand that there are three sorts of aloes-wood. The first
and most perfect sort is called Calampat, and which does
not grow in this island, but comes from a city called Sarnau^
which (as the Christians our companions said) is near to
their city, and here this first sort grows. The second sort is
called Loban, which comes from a river. The name of the
third sort is called Bochor} The said Christians also said
' The Lignum aloes or AgUay the Eagle- wood of commerce. Barbosa
mentions it under the two former names, and Grawfurd in describing it
says : *' There can be no doubt but that the perfumed wood is the result
of disease in the tree that yields it, produced by the thickening of its
sap into a gum or resin... It is found in the greatest perfection in the
mountainous country to the east of the Qulf of Siam, including Cam-
boja and Cochin-Ohina. It is found, however, although of inferior
quality, as far north as Sylhet, in Bengal, and as far south as the Malay
Peninsula and Sumatra." {Desc, Did., p. 6, 7.) In his earlier History
of the Iiidian Archipelago, (vol. i. p. 519,) he had remarked of the wood
in question that *' if it be a native of the Indian islands, the countries
which produce it have not been ascertained ;" but his later researches
corroborate Yarthema both as regards the existence of the tree in Su-
matra, and his other statement that the best quality of the perfumed
wood, the Calampat or Kalambak, was of foreign growth. The latter I
take to be the *Ood el-Kamdri of the Two Muhammtdan Travellers,
(PiSKBRTON," vol. vii. p. 208,) and of Ibn Batiita, (Leb*s Translation,
p. 201,) who both make that quality to come from Kom&ri in China.
I notice, however, that Castenheda, as quoted by Grawfurd, describes
the Kalambak as indigenous to Sumatra. He writes : — " It [Gampar,
on the eastern side of the island J has nothing but forests which yield
aloes-wood, called in India Calambuco, The trees which produce it are
large, and when they are old they are cut down, and the aloes-wood
taken from them, which is the heart of the tree, and the outer part is
agUa, Both these woods are of great price, but especially the Calam-
bucOf which is rubbed in the hands, yielding an agreeable fragrance ;
the agila does so when humed" Desc. Diet., p. 7.
The names of the other two qualities mentioned by Yarthema are
Arabic, and merely conventional, for lubdn means frankincense, and
bakh-khUr incense generally. Ibn Batiita apparently specifies the same
inferior kinds, and uses the word lubd7i, in describing the aromatic pro-
236 THE TKAVEI^ OF
that the reason the said Calampat does not come to us is
this^ that in Gran Cathai, and in the kingdom of Cini and
Macini/ and Sarnau and Giava^ they have a much greater
ducts of Java : — *' There is only the Ivhdn of Java, camphor, cloyes, and
^Ood Hindi" Indian aloes-wood. (Lib*8 Trans.^ pp. 201-2.)
From Castanheda*8 account of the Kalambak, and the experiment of
its fragrance when simply held in the warm hand, as described by Yar-
thema in the next chapter, I am inclined to infer with him that that
quality seldom finds its way to the westward. The *Ood is generally
used as a pastille by the Arabs, and their poets, ancient and modem,
who are fond of dilating on the excellency of the wood, and ransack
their imaginations to multiply its suggestiye imagery, mostly associate
the perfume with the action of fire. The following is nearly a literal
translation of an Arabic couplet which I found on the fireplace of an
old khiLn in the district of Aleppo. For the English yersification I am
indebted to the kindness of my friend the Rey. P. G. Hill, rector of
St. Edmund the King and Martyr : —
'* When €k)d would bring man's yirtue to the light.
He sets against him Enyy's tongue of spite :
Just as the flames the Aloes-wood surround,
Ere its delicious fragrance can be found."
The same pretty idea, clothed in similar language, occurs in Gregory
the Great^s Morals on the Book of Job : — ^^ For as unguents, unless they
be stirred, are neyer smelt far off, and as aromatic scents spread not
their fragrance except they be burned, so the Saints in their tribula-
tions make known all the sweetness that they haye of their yirtues."
Library of the FcUhers^ yol. xyiii. p. 18.
^ Stn Mdchin, or Stn wa-Mdchin, and sometimes the word Stn alone,
with the prefixed article, Es'Stn, are used synonymously by the Arabs
of the present day to signify the Empire of China generally. I haye
frequently endeayoured to ascertain from masters of Arab ships whether
they attached any definite limits to the country or countries designated
by the double name, but the result was unsatbfoctory : some main-
tained that it indicated the entire territory to the north of Siam ; others
that Stn was specially applicable to Siam and Oochin-Ohina, and Mdektn
to China including Tartary ; and others, again, that Jtdehin was Siam,
and Stny China. Conti, who most probably deriyed his nomenclature
from natiye traders, does not mention either Sin or China, but says that
the proyince of Aya was called Macinus by the inhabitants, and styles
the country beyond, towards the north, Cathay. Kikitin, who wrote by
report only, speaks of the seaports of Cheen and Maekin as yery large,
and supplies a few notices rendering it probable that Siam and China
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 287
abandance of gold than we have. They also say that there
are much greater lords there than there are in our parts,
and that they delight more than we do in those two sorts of
perfumes, and that af):er their death a very great quantity
of gold is expended in these perfumes ; and for this reason
these excellent sorts do not come into our parts. In Sarnau
they are worth ten ducats per pound, because there is very
little of them.
are meant, but nothing further. D'Herbelot gives a clue to the origin
of the conjoined names, and notices the contradictory opinions, much as
I have stated them, which had obtained regarding the countries which
they respectively indicated. After remarking that Stn or Chin, (China,)
according to the Persians and other Orientals, took its name from the
eldest sou of Japhet, he adds : — '' Tchin ent pour fils atn6 Matchln, et il
suffira de dire icy, que les Orientaux, en parlant de la Chine en general, I'ap-
pellent Tchin ei Matching de mdme que pour exprimer la Tartaric enti^re,
ils se servent des termes d' Jagioug* et Magioug', qui sont le Gog et Magog
de TEcriture Sainte. II y a pourtant des Geographes qui pr6tendent,
qu'il faut entendre par le mot Tchin, la Chine Septentrionale, que
plusieurs croyent dtre la mdme que la Ehatha ou Eathai, et par celuy de
Matchin, la Chine Meridionale, en y comprenant la Cochin-Chine, la
Tunquin, e la Royaume d*Anan avec ceux de Siam et la Pegu." {Bib,
Orient, sub voce SIN.) This is satisfactory as far as it goes, but it leaves
untouched another point suggested by the two names as used by the
early European travellers above quoted, and their prevalence among the
Arabs and Persians at the present day. Neither Suleimlkn in the ninth
century, nor Edrisi in the twelfth, nor Marco Polo in the thirteenth, nor
Ibn Batiita before the middle of the fourteenth, all of whom describe
China as Stn, ever mention the word Matchtn, There must be some
reason for this singular fact, though I am unable to suggest any. I
note, however, that D'Herbelot, in his article on SIN, remarks that
'^ the author of the Humaioun Nam^h, which is the book of Kalilah and
Dimnah, says that Homaiounfal was formerly a powerful king of Tchin
and Matching I have searched carefully through De Sacy*s Arabic
version of those famous fables without discovering the latter word, and
conclude, therefore, that the reference is to some annotations of Ali
Ch^lebi, who translated the Kalilah wa-Dimnah into Turkish in the
beginning of the tenth century, and dedicated it to Suleiman I., under
the title of UumayCiin-Namth,
238 THE TRAVELS OF
THE CHAPTER CONCERNINQ THE EXPERIMENT WITH
THE SAID ALOES-WOOD AND BENZOIN.
The aforesaid Christians made us see an experiment with
the two kinds of perfume. One of them had a little of both
sorts. The Calampat was about two ounces, and he made
my companion hold it in his hand as long as he could say
four times, '' Miserere mei, Deus/' holding it firmly in his
closed hand. Then he made him open his hand. Truly, I
never smelt such an odour as that was, which exceeded all
our perfumes. Then he took a piece of benzoin as large as
a walnut, and he took of that [the Calampat] which grows in
Sarnau about half a pound, and had it placed in two cham-
bers in vases with fire within. In truth I tell you, that that
little produced more odour, and a greater softness and sweet-
ness, than two pounds of any other kind would have done.
It is impossible to describe the excellence of those two kinds
of scents and perfumes. So that you have now heard the
reason why these said things do not come to our parts.
There also grows here a very great quantity of lacca^ for
making red colour, and the tree of this is formed like our
trees which produce walnuts.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE VARIETY OF DEALERS
IN THE SAID ISLAND OP SUMATRA.
In this country I saw the most beautiful works of art I
ever saw in my life, that is, some boxes worked in gold,
which they gave for two ducats each, which, in truth, with
us, would be valued at one hundred ducats.^ Again, I saw
^ " Lacca, in Malay, Laha^ the Tanarius major, a tree with a rose-
coloured woo^, a native of Sumatra, used in dyeing and pharmacy. It
is an article of considerable native trade, and is chiefly exported to
China." Crawfubd^b Disc. Did,, p. 204.
' " Gold ornaments of considerable beauty are made by most of the
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 239
here in one street about five hundred money-changers, and
these because a very great number of merchants come to
this city, where they carry on a very extensive traffic.^ For
the sleeping of these people, there are good beds of cotton,
covered with silk and cotton sheets. In this island they
have an extreme abundance of timber, and they make here
great ships which they call gtunchi, which carry three
masts, and have a prow before and behind, with two rudders
before and two behind. And when they navigate through
any archipelago, (for here there is a great sea like a canal,)
while sailing, the wind will sometimes come in their face,
they immediately lower the sail, and quickly, without turn-
ing, hoist sail on the other mast, and turn back. And you
must know that they are the most active men I have ever
met with. They are also very great swimmers, and excel-
lent masters of the art of making fire-works.^
civilized nations of the Archipelago. The neck-chains of Manilla are
examples of very delicate workmanship, and the filagree work of the
Malays of Sumatra is still more remarkable. In all these cases, what
is most striking is the beauty of the work compared with the rudeness
and simplicity of the workmen and their tools.*' Id., p. 145.
^ This remark undesignedly confirms Yarthema's former statement
respecting the coins which were current at Sumatra. (See note on p.
232 ant€.) The money-<:hanger8 were probably foreigners, natives of
India, like those at Malacca, where Crawfurd says " a colony of the
Hindus of Telingana still exists, whose profession it is to try gold by the
touch and to refine it." Id., p. 287.
' '' Fuochi artificiati." Crawfurd has collected abundant evidence to
prove that fire-arms were in use among the more advanced Malay
nations when the Portuguese first arrived in the Archipelago, and he
concludes that their knowledge of artillery was communicated by the
Arabs, who had acquired it from the Christians. If such was the case,
it must have been from the Arabs of the Persian Gulf, for, as has been
shown in a former note, (p. 65,) those of Yemen were generally un-
acquainted with fire-arms when the Egyptians invaded that country in
1515. I think Mr. Crawfurd's conclusion very probable, but I venture
to question one of the premises as contained in the following quotation :
— "The name by which fire-aruM are usually called [among the Malays]
is bddil, a general one for any missile, and marianif which is Arabic, and
2i0 THE TRAVBI^ OF
THE CHAPTER GOKCERNINQ THE HOUSES, AND HOW
TUET ARE COVERED, IN THE SAID ISLAND
OF SUMATRA,
The habitations of the said place consist of walled houses
of stone^ and they are not very high, and a great many of
them are covered with the shells of sea turtles,^ because they
in that language signifies 'the Virgin Mary,' which would seem to imply
that the knowledge of artillery was derived bj the Arabs themseWes
from the Christians, as without doubt it was.'* Mariam does, indeed,
mean Mary, not in Arabic only, but in several other Oriental languages,
and Mussulmans are as famUiar with the name through the Kor&n as
Christians are through the Bible. Moreover, as the word is certainly
never used by the Arabs in Arabia or Egypt to designate fire-arms, I
can only suppose it to be a conventional term confined to those residing
in the Archipelago, and, as such, can hardly be adduced in support of
Mr. Crawfurd's hypothesis. Varthema's notice of the skill displayed by
the people of Sumatra in the preparation of *' fuochi artificiati" at this
early period is corroborated by the same learned author's remarks on
that subject; — '^ A knowledge of gunpowder must have been, at least, as
early in the Indian islands as that of cannon. It is not improbable that
it may have been even earlier known through the Chinese, for the
manufiEMSture of fire-works [is] known to the Malays under the name of
MdrchUn, a word of which the origin is not traceable. The principal
ingredients of gunpowder are sufficiently abundant over many parts of
the Archipelago, and known by native names, tandAwa being the name
of saltpetre, and hdlirang or walirangy of sulphur." Dete. Diet,, p. 22.
^ Conti merely describes the houses at Sumatra as being very low,
but Barbosa says that all the cities of the kingdoms in the island were
built of straw, which contradicts Varthema, unless the latter refers to
some locality unknown to Barbosa. I have discovered nothing in the
accounts of the early European travellers to confirm the use made of
the shell as mentioned in the text ; but it is a well known fact that
turtles measuring from ^Ye to six feet are found in the seas of the
Indian Archipelago, and Conti had heard that some of the churchee
belonging to the Christians at Cathay were constructed entirely of
tortoise-shell. (See India in the Fifteenth Cent., ii. 33.) There is
nothing improbable, howeyer, in Varthema's statement, and its co*
incidence with the accounts of the ancient Qreek and Roman authors is
most striking. Mr. R. H. Major's learned researches on this subject
deserve to be quoted in full. Referring to the enormous tortoise
described by Sinbad in the Arabian Nights as measuring twenty cubits
LUDOVICO DI YARTHBMA. 241
are foand here in great quantities, and in my time I saw
one weighed which weighed one hundred and three pounds.
I also saw two elephants' teeth which weighed three hun-
dred and thirty-five pounds. And I saw, moreover, in this
island, serpents very much larger than those of Calicut. Let
us revert to our Christian companions, who were desirous of
returning to their country : wherefore they asked us what
was our intention, whether we wished to remain here, or to
go farther on, or to return hack. My companion answered
them : •* Since I am brought where the spices grow, I
should like to see some kinds before I return back." They
«aid to him : *' No other spices grow here excepting those
which you have seen." And he asked them where the nut-
megs and the cloves grew. They answered : ** That the
nutmegs and mace grew in an island which was distant from
there three hundred miles." We then asked them if we
could go to that island in safety, that is, secure from robbers
or corsairs. The Christians answered : " That secure from
robbers we might go, but not from the chances of the sea ;"
and they said that we could not go to the said island with
that large ship. My companion said : " What means then »
in length and breadth, he remarks : — " The account of these animals is
not to be attributed to a licentious exuberance of fancy in the Arabian
author. He might have seen in ^lian {De JVaturd Anim., 1. xvi. c. xvii.)
that the tortoises, whose shells were fifteen cubits in length, and
sufficiently large to cover a house, were found near the island of
Taprobane. Pliny and Strabo mention the same circumstance (N^at.
HUL, 1. ix. c. 10) : they likewise turn them upside down, and say that
men used to row in them as in a boat. {Oeoff., 1. xvi. 6.) Diodorus
Siculus adds to their testimony, and assures us, on the faith of an his-
torian, that the chelonophagi (shell-fish eaters, L. iv. c. 1) derived a
threefold advantage from the tortoise, which occasionally supplied them
with a roof to their houses, a boat, and a dinner." Mr. Major then
proceeds to identify this colossal tortoise with the Colonochdys Atlas,
the first fossil remains of which were discovered in the sub-Himalayahs
by Dr. Falconer and Major Cautley in 1835, an idea of the vast size of
which is afforded by the cast in the upper galleries of the British
Museum. See Introduction to India in the Fifteenth Cent,, pp. xliii-v.
R
t
242 THE TRAVEI^ OF
might there be for going to this island ?" " They ansiirered :
" That it was necessary to purchase a Chiampanay^^ that is^
a small vessel, of which many are found there. My com-
panion begged them to send for two, which he would buy.
The Christians immediately found two, furnished with peo-
ple whom they had there to manage them, with all things
necessary and proper for such a voyage ; and they bargained
for the said vessels, men, and necessary things, for four hun-
dred pardaiy which were paid down by my companion, who
then began to say to the Christians : ** O my very dear
friends, although we are not of your race, we are all sons of
Adam and Eve, will you abandon me and this other my com-
panion who is born in your faith?" "How in our faith? This
companion of yours, is he not a Persian ?" He replied : " He
is a Persian now, because he was purchased in the city of
Jerusalem." The Christians hearing Jerusalem mentioned,
immediately raised their hands to heaven, and then kissed the
earth three times, and asked at what time it was that I was
sold in Jerusalem. We replied : " That I was about fifteen
years old." Then said they : " He ought to remember his
country." Said my companion : " Truly he does recollect
it, for I have had no other pleasure for many months but
that of hearing of the things of his country, and he has
taught me [the names of] all the members of the body and
the names of the things to eat." Hearing this, the Christians
said : " Our wish was to return to our country, which is
distant from here three thousand miles ; for your sake and
for that of your companion we are willing to come where
you shall go ; and if your companion is willing to remain
with us, we will make him rich, and if he shall desire to
observe the Persian law, he shall be at liberty to do so." My
companion replied : ^' I am much pleased with your com-
pany, but it is out of order for him to remain with you,
because I have given him a niece of mine to be his wife for
^ See note 2 on p. 188 afUe.
LXJDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 248
the love which I bear him.^ So that, if you are willing to
come in company with us, I wish that you first take this
present which I give you, otherwise I should never be
satisfied." The good Christians answered : " That he might
do as he pleased, for they were satisfied with everything."
And 60 he gave them half a curia^ of rubies, which were ten,
of the value of five hundred pardai,^ Two days afterwards
the said Chiampane were ready, and we put on board many
articles of food, especially the best fruits I ever tasted, and
thus took our way towards the island called Bandan.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF BANDAN,*
WHERE NUTMEGS AND MACE GROW.
In the course of the said journey we found about twenty
islands, part inhabited and part not, and in the space of
^ See p. 104 ante, ^ See note on p. 170 anie,
^ See note on p. 130 ante,
* B&ndan, the modem Banda, one of " the Banda or Nutmeg Islands,
which consist of a group of mere islets, said to he five in numher, like
the Clove Islands, hut really amounting to ten, although some of them
he uninhabited." {Deac* Diet., p. 33.) Barbosa makes the population
Moors and Pagans, and Pigafetta speaks of them as being Moors only.
(Ramusio, vol. i. pp. 319, 368.) De Barros, as quoted by Crawfurd,
gives the following description of the inhabitants and produce of the
Banda Islands, which on most points strikingly confirms Yarthema's
account : — ^^ The people of these islands are robust, with a tawny com*
plexion and lank hair, and are of the worst repute in these parts. They
follow the Mohammedan sect, and are much addicted to trade, their
women performing the labours of the field. They have neither king
nor lord, and all their government depends on the advice of their elders;
and as these are often at variance, they quarrel among themselves. The
land has no other export than the nutmeg. This tree is in such abund-
ance that the land is full of it, without its being planted by any one,
for the earth yields it without culture. The forests which produce it
belong to no one by inheritance, but to the people in common. When
June and September come, which are the months for gathering the
crop, the nutmeg woods are allotted, and he who gathers most has most
profit." Dese, Diet., p. 35.
n2
244 THE TRAVEI^ OF
fifteen days we arrived at the said island, which is very ugly
and gloomy^ and is about one hundred miles in circnni-
ference, and is a very low and flat country. There is no
king here, nor even a governor, but there are some peasants,
like beasts, without understanding. The houses of this
island are of timber, very gloomy, and low. Their dress
consists of a shirt ; they go barefooted, with nothing on their
heads; their hair long, the face broad and round, their
colour is white, and they are small of stature. Their faith
is Pagan, but they are of that most gloomy class of Calicut
called Poliar and Hirava ^ they are very weak of under-
standing, and in strength they have no vigour., but live like
beasts. Nothing grows here but nutmegs and some fruits.
The trunk of the nutmeg is formed like a peach tree, and
produces its leaves in like manner; but the branches are
more close, and before the nut arrives at perfection the mace
stands round it like an open rose, and when the nut is ripe
the mace clasps it, and so they gather it in the month of
September ; for in this island the seasons go as with us, and
every man gathers as much as he can, for all are common,
and no labour is bestowed upon the said trees, but nature is
left to do her own work. These nuts are sold by a
measure, which weighs twenty-six pounds, for the price
of half a carlino. Money circulates here as in Calicut. It
is not necessary to administer justice here, for the people
are so stupid, that if they wished to do evil they would not
know how to accomplish it. At the end of two days my
companion said to the Christians : " Where do the cloves
grow ?" They answered : " That they grew six days' jour-
ney hence, in an island called Monoch, and that the people
of that island are beastly, and more vile and worthless than
those of Bandan. At last we determined to go to that island
be the people what they might, and so we set sail, and in
twelve days arrived at the said island.
^ See p. 171 and note.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 245
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF MONOCH/
WHERE THE CLOVES GROW.
We disembarked in this island of Monoch, which is much
smaller than Bandan ; but the people are worse than those
' Yarthema here applies the collective name to one of the five islands
forming the proper Moluccas, but affords no indication enabling us to
identify the island where he landed, which was probably either Ternat^
or Tidor. With regard to the collective appellative, Mr. Crawfurd re-
marks : — " The collective name, which the Portuguese write Malucay and
is correctly Maluka^ is equally unknown, although said to be that of a
place and people of the island of Gilolo. No such name is, at present,
known to exist in that island. There can be no doubt, however, but
that this word was used by the Malays and Javanese, who conducted
the spice trade, before it fell into the hands of the Portuguese ; for it is
employed by Barbosa, who visited the Archipelago before the conquest
of Malacca ; and again in 1521 by Pigafetta, who writes the word
Mcducco,^^ (Desc, Diet., p. 283.) It is clear that Gilolo was not
Yarthema's Monoch, for he describes the latter as much smaller than
Bandan, Pigafetta gives a circumstantial account of the group, but
Barbosa's briefer narrative comprises the most important particulars
respecting their condition at this period: — "In advance of these islands,
[Ambon = Amboyna,] towards the north, are the five islands of Maluco,
in all of which cloves grow, and they belong to Pagans and Muhammedans,
and the kings are Muhammedans. The first is called Bachan; the second,
Machian, which has a good harbour; the third. Motel; the fourth,
THdoro ; the fifth, TercTMtiy in which there is a Muhammedan king called
Sultan Heraram Corala, [the second word is probably a corruption of
Khair-AUah ; I can make nothing of the first,] who used to rule over
all the said Clove islands, but four were taken from him, and each has a
king of its own. The mountains of these five islands are all full of cloves,
which grow on certain trees like the laurel, which has a leaf like the
comari [?J and grows like the fiower of an orange. In the beginning it
[the clove] is green, then it becomes white, and when ripe is red. The
people then gather it with the hand, climbing on the trees, and place
it to dry in the sun, which makes it black ; and if there is no sun, they
dry it in smoke, and when it is well dried, they sprinkle it with acqita
9aUa [this may mean salt water] that it may not break, and that it may
retain its virtue. Of these cloves, the quantity is so great that they can
never wholly gather them, so that much of them is left to go to the bad.
Those trees from which fruit is not collected for three years remain in
a wild state, and those cloves are worthless. These islands are frequented
every year by those from Malaca and Oiava who come to load with
cloves, and bring to buy with, quicksilver, cinnaber, cloths from Camhaia,
246 THB TRAVELS OF
of Bandan^ but live in the same manner, and are a little
more white, and the air is a little more cold. Here the
cloves grow, and in many other neighbouring islands, but
they are small and uninhabited. The tree of the cloves is
exactly like the box tree, that is, thick, and the leaf is like
that of the cinnamon, but it is a little more round, and is of
that colour which I have already mentioned to you in Zeilan,
[Ceylon,] which is almost like the leaf of the laurel. When
these cloves are ripe, the said men beat them down with
canes, and place some mats under the said tree to catch them.
The place where these trees are is like sand, that is, it is of
the same colour, not that it is sand. The country is very-
low,^ and the north star is not seen from it. When we had
seen this island and these people, we asked the Christians
if there was anything else to see. They replied : " Let us
see a little how they sell these cloves." We found that they
were sold for twice as much as the nutmegs, but by measure,
because these people do not understand weights.
THB CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OP BORNEL
We were now desirous of changing countries, in order to
Benffola, and Paleacate, drugs of Cambaiay some pepper, porceUin
yases, large metal bells which are made in Oiava, and brass and tin
basins. The cloyes here are so cheap, that they get them almost for
nothing. This king of Mahuso is a Muhammedan, and almost a Pagan,
for he has a Muhammedan wife, and keeps in his house between three
and four hundred beautiful girls who are Pagans, of whom he has sons
and daughters, and only the sons of the Muhammedan women become
Muhammedans. Besides, he has always in his service many hunch-
backed women, whose shoulders and backs he causes to be broken in
infancy, and this he does for the sake of show and reputation. He has
between eighty and a hundred of these, who always stand around and
near him, and serve him instead of pages, for one hands him betel-leaf,
and another his sword, and in like manner they perform all other
offices." Ramusio, vol. i. p. 319.
' Meaning, perhaps, as to latitude.
LIJDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 247
learn new things in every way. Then said the Christians :
** O dear companion^ since God has conducted us so far in
safety^ if it please you, we will go to see the largest island in the
world,^ and the most rich, and you will see a thing which you
have never seen before. But we must first go to another island
which is called Bornei, where we must take a large ship^ for
^ By 'Hhe greatest island in the world" the Christians appear to have
meant Java, showing how ignorant they were of the comparative size
of Borneo. At what point of the latter island the party landed is un-
certain, bat it was undoubtedly on the southern part, for our author
says : " pigliammo il camino verso la detta isola, alia qual sempre ai va
al mezzo giorno" And yet, if this inference is correct, one fails to per-
ceive the necessity of the precaution suggested by the Christians, that
they must first go to Borneo, and take a larger vessel there, because the
sea on the way was rougher ; since, from the southern part of that island,
their route to Java would have been much the same as that by which
they had sailed from Sumatra to the Banda Islands, except, indeed, that
in the one case they probably hugged the coast of Java, (Yarthema tells
us that they found about twenty islands on the way,) and in the other
would have to cross the Java sea. Unfortunately, the approximate
measurement given of the distance between the Moluccas and Borneo
affords no aid in settling either the course pursued or the point of
disembarcation, as the nearest extremities of the two places are 450
miles apart, which leads to the conjecture that by some mischance
" 200 miles" may have been substituted for ** 200 leagues*^ in the origi-
nal MS., or in the first copies. Further, it is open to question
whether the mainland of Borneo was the locality visited : Yarthema's
description of the island as being " alquanto maggiore che la sopradetta
[referring to his MalTAch,'] e molto piil bassa,'* would rather indicate one
of the islets on the south-eastern side of Borneo, though perhaps by
" bassa" he refers to latitude ; otherwise we must pronounce his usual
accuracy greatly at fault in this instance, or infer that his informants
were as unacquainted as himself with the real size of Bomei, However
this may be, his statement respecting the large export of camphor warrants
the inference that the place was situated in the highway of the trade of
that period, and his account of the inhabitants shows that they had
attained a degree of civilization far beyond that of the aboriginal Dayaks.
These latter, according to Crawfurd, rarely reach the sea-coast, which is
in the occupation of foreign settlers, whom he considers to be generally of
Malay descent, and Yarthema's brief description of those whom he met
at Bomei coincides with that opinion.
For further information respecting Borneo, I refer the reader to the
248 THE TRAVELS OF
the sea is more rough." He replied : '' I am well pleased to
do that which you wish." And so we took our way towards the
said island, the route to which is constantly to the southward.
While on our way the said Christians had no other plea-
sure, night and day, than that of conversing with me upon
subjects relating to the Christians and about our faith. And
when I told them of the Volto Santo which is in St. Peter's,
and of the heads of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of many
other saints, they told me secretly that if I would go with
them I should be a very great lord, for having seen these
things. I doubted that after they had conducted me there
I should ever have been able to return to my country, and
therefore I abstained from going. When we had arrived in
the island of Boruei, which is distant from Monoch about
two hundred miles, we found it to be somewhat larger than
the abovementioned, and much lower. The people of this
island are Pagans, and are good people. Their colour is
more white than otherwise. Their dress consists of a cotton
shirt, and some go clothed in camelots. Some wear red
I ......
I caps. In this island justice is strictly administered, and
every year a very great quantity of camphor is shipped,
which they say grows there, and which is the gum of a tree.
If it be so, I have not seen it, and therefore I do not affirm
it. Here my companion chartered a vessel for one hundred
ducats.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE MARINERS MANAGE
THE NAVIGATION TOWARDS THE ISLAND OP QIAVA.
When the chartered vessel was supplied with provisions,
we took our way towards the beautiful island called Giava,
able article \mder that head in Mr. Orawfurd's Descriptive Dictionary^
where he has collected together all the available authorities on the early
history of the island, and the first attempts made by Europeans to open
commercial relations with the inhabitants.
LUDOVICO DI VAUTHEMA. 249
at which we arrived in five days^ sailing towards the south.
The captain of the said ship carried the compass with the
magnet after our manner^ and had a chart which was all
marked with lines^ perpendicular and across. My com*
panion asked the Christians : ** Now that we have lost the
north star^ how does he steer us ? Is there any other north
star than this by which we steer ?" The Christians asked
the captain of the ship this same thing, and he showed us four
or five stars, among which there was one which he said was
conirario della (opposite to) our north star,^ and that he sailed
by the north because the magnet was adjusted^ and subjected
to our north. He also told us that on the other side of the
said island, towards the south, there are some other races,
who navigate by the said four or five stars opposite to ours ;^
I In Yarthema'fl Travels as contained in the edition of Bamusio of
1613, the words are : " ch'era incontro della." The meaning doubtless
is, over against, opposite to.
' In the original " acconcia," %.e, conformed to, adjusted to.
' Being but very imperfectly acquainted with nautical astronomy, I
submitted this chapter to my friend C. R. Markham, Esq., the Honorary
Secretary of the Hakluyt Society, and also to R. H. Major, Esq., of the
British Museum, whose able Introduction to the Barli/ Voyagti to Terra
Australis^ now called Australia, is a sufficient warranty of his qualifica-
tions to give an opinion on any subject connected with the infancy of
navigation in that part of the globe. I append their respective notes,
with the initials of their names attached.
«< These four or five stars are the constellation of the Southern Gross.
When the Southern Cross is vertical, a line drawn through the upper
and lower stars passes through the South Pole, and meets a star called
B, Hydrus^ which is about twice as far from the South Pole as the star
which we call the Pole Star is from the North Pole. This, no doubt, is
the star alluded to by Yarthema as being ' contrary to our North Star.*
The skipper navigated by the North, because his compass was of Euro-
pean manufacture [?], its index pointing to the North, and not like that
of the Chinese pointing to the South." C. R. M.
Andrea Corsalis, a century after Varthema, gives the following in-
teresting account and diagram of the Southern Cross, which he also
describes as being '' opposta alia nostra Tramontana :" — '' After passing
the equinoctial line, we were in an altitude of 37°, in the other hemi-
sphere, opposite the Cape of Qood Hope, — a stormy and cold climate.
260 THB TRAVELS OP
and^ moreover, they gave us to understand that beyond the
the sun being at this season in the northern constellations, and we found
the night fourteen hours long. Here we saw a wonderful order of
the stars, which, in the part of the sky opposite to our north, reyolre in
infinite numbers. Wherever the Antarctic Pole might be, for the degrees
of altitude we took the day by the Sun, and we reconnoitred the night by
the astrolabe, and they made manifest two nebulas [or clouds] of tolerable
size, which, alternately falling and rising, continually moved round it, [this
order of the stars,] having a star always in the centre, which, with them,
revolved about eleven degrees from the Pole. Above these, there ap-
peared a wonderful Cross in the midst of five stars which surround it,
(as the Wain does the North [Star],) with other stars which, therewith,
go round the Pole, revolving round it at a distance of about 30°, and
performed the circuit in twenty-four hours ; and it [the Cross] is so
beautiful, that in my opinion none of the celestial constellations can be
compared to it, as will be seen by the annexed figure. And, unless I
am mistaken, I believe this to be the Crusero of which Dante, with a
spirit of prophecy, speaks in the beginning of his Purgatory."
[Reference is here made to the opening part of Canto I : —
" lo mi volsi a man destra, e posi mente
Air altro polo, e vidi quattro stelle
Non viste mai, fuor ch' alia prima gente.
Goder pareva '1 Ciel di lor fiamelle.
settentrional vedovo sito,
Poi che private se* di mirar quelle !"
We may fairly question Dante's prophetical powers, but if the Southern
Cross is indicated in these lines, whence did he obtain his knowledge i]
" A. Ahtabotic Pole. B. Crusero." iRamusio, toJ. I. p. 177.)
LUDOVICO DI YARTHBMA. 251
said island the day does not last more than four hours^ and
that there it was colder than in any other part of the world.
Hearing this we were much pleased and satisfied.^
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF GIAVA, OP
ITS FAITH, MANNER OP LIVING AND CUSTOMS,
AND OF THE THINGS WHICH GROW IN
THE SAID ISLAND.
Following then our route, in five days we arrived at this
island of Giava, in which there are many kingdoms, the
kings of which are Pagans. Their faith is this : some adore
idols as they do in Calicut, and there are some who worship
the sun, others the moon ; many worship the ox ; a great
many the first thing they meet in the morning ; and others
1 " This sentence is very important if it should point to latitudes on
a line with or south of Australia. The point where the shortest day
would only last four hours would be 16^ south of the southern point of
Van Diemen's Land. It is most improbable that the Malay skipper
should have been so far south ; yet his statements indicate a knowledge
of countries as far south, at least, as Australia." C. R. M.
" Vague as this sentence is, it either means nothing, or it contains
information of very great importance. It is difficult to suppose that
the Malay skipper should have been so far south as the great Southern
Continent ; yet it is more difficult to belieye him capable of describing
a phenomenon natural to these high latitudes, except from his own ob-
servation, or that of other navigators of that early period. But even
should we feel disposed to withhold our belief in the probability of an
event so ast'Onishing as this would be, there yet remains the almost
unavoidable conclusion that Australians are alluded to in the descrip-
tion of people to the south of Java who navigated by the four or five
stars, doubtless the constellation of the Southern Cross. This reference
to Australia is the more remarkable, that it precedes, in time, even those
early indications of the discovery of that country which I have shown to
exist on manuscript maps of the first half of the sixteenth century,
although the discoverers' names, most probably Portuguese, and the date
of the discovery, as yet remain a mystery.** R. H. M.
*
852 THE TRAVELS OF
worship the devil in the manner I have already told you.^
This island prodaces an immense quantity of silk,' part in
our manner and part wild, and the best emeralds' in the
1 JaTa wms unknown, even by name, to the civilized nations of Europe
before Marco Polo's time, and ids account of the island was founded oa
the report of others. Of the goyemment, he merely remarks that the
king was independent. Ibn Batikta, who visited Java circa a.i>. 1330,
says that the king was an infideL Yarthema places the country under
many rulers, and makes all the rulers and people Pagans. The first
statement is confirmed by De Barros, who says : *' The island of Java is
divided into many kingdoms ;" the second is modified by Barbosa, who
describes Java Major as ^ inhabited by many Pagans, and in the sea-
ports by Moors, wherein there are many villages and localities containing
very many dwellings of Moors and of Moorish kings, who, however, ar*
all subject to the king of the island, who is a Pagan, and resides inland.
He is a very great lord, and is called Pale udora. Sometimes they rebel
against him, but he immediately reduces them again." (Ramusio, vol. i.
p. 319.) This appears to be the most probable account of the govern-
ment and religion of the Javanese at the period referred to, though
Crawfurd says : '' All authorities are agreed in assigning the year of
Christ 1478 as that in which Majapait [the capital of the principal
Hindu state] was overthrown." I am unable to adjust the discrepancy,
which, after all, is not a wide one ; but that Islamism had not absorbed
the population generally till long after is evident, for Crawfurd himself,
quoting from De Barros, writes : — ** When Henrique Lem6 visited the
country of the Sundas in 1522, forty-four years after the supposed final
conversion of the Javanese, he found idolatrous temples, nunneries, and
the practice of concremation, still existing ;'* {Descr. Diet,, pp. 185-6 ;)
and Hamilton describes the religion of Java at the beginning of the last
century as partly Muhammedan and partly Pagan. See Pinkebtok,
vol. viii. p. 455.
* I find nothing to corroborate this statement about the growth of
silk at Java, on the contrary, Crawfurd's account entirely contradicts it :
^« The only material, besides cotton, from which cloth is made by the
Javanese is silk, and as the art of rearing the silk- worm has never been
introduced into Java, with any effectual result, the raw material has
always been imported." Id,, p. 178.
' If emeralds were found at Java, they must have been imported from
some other quarter. These stones appear to have been very scarce even
in India at this period, for Andrea Corsali, writing of that country, says :
'^ I do not know where emeralds are produced : here they are in greater
estimation than any other stone." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 180.) Yarthema
himself says the same of Pegu. See p. 218 ante.
LUDOVICO DI VAHTHEMA. 258
world are found here^ and gold and copper in great quan*
tity ;^ very much grain, like ours, and excellent fruits like
those of Calicut. Animal food of all kinds, like ours, is
found in this country. I believe that these inhabitants are
the most trustworthy men in the world : they are white and
of about our stature, but they have the face much broader
than ours, their eyes large and green, the nose much de-
pressed, and the hair long.^ The birds here are in great
multitudes, and' all diflferent from ours excepting the pea-
cocks, turtle-doves, and black crows, which three kinds are
like ours. The strictest justice is administered among these
people, and they go clothed alF aposiolica in stuffs of silk,
camelot, and cotton, and they do not use many arms, be-
^ I infer from Orawfurd that gold is found in its native state in Java,
ivhere also " massiye ornaments of this metal, with images of the same,
are frequently discovered." {Hist, of the Ind. Archp^y vol. i. p. 183.)
With regard to copper, the same author says : '' Ores of this metal have
been found in Sumatra, Celebes, and Timur...In Sumatra, mines of it
are said to be worked, but if such be the case, even their locality has
certainly never been shown. The probability is, that this metal has
always been, as it now is, imported... The use of copper in Java, chiefly
in the formation, with tin and zinc, of alloys, is attested to have been
of considerable antiquity by the discovery in old ruins of many statues
and utensils of bronze, and even of copper itself. Desc. Diet,, pp.
116-7.
' " Java, whether the inhabitants be of the Javanese or Sunda nation,
is peopled by the same race, the Malayan. This is characterized by a
short and squat person,... the face is round, the mouth wide, the cheek-
bones high, the nose short, small, never prominent as with the Euro-
pean, and never flat as with the African negro. The eyes are always
black, small, and deep-seated. The complexion is brown, with a shade
of yellow, not so dark as with the majority of Hindus, and never black
as with some of them." As to the moral character of the Javanese, Mr.
Crawfurd fully coincides with Yarthema, in which respect, however,
both are decidedly at issue with Barbosa, who calls them, by report,
''genti molto superbe, bugiarde, e traditori." Crawfurd, on the con-
trary, says they are *^ a peaceable, docile, sober, simple, and industrious
people ;" and adds : — ** from ray own experience of them, I have no
difiiculty in pronouncing them the most straightforward and truthful
people that I have met with." Desc, Diet., pp. 173-4.
254 THE TRAVELS OF
cause those only fight who go to sea.^ These carry bows,
and the greater part darts of cane. Some also use zara-'
bottane^ (blow-pipes), with which they throw poisoned darts ;
and they throw them with the mouthy and, however little
they draw blood, the [wounded] person dies. No artillery
of any kind is used here, nor do they know at all how to
make it.' These people eat bread made of corn ; some also
1 Barbosa speaks of the Javanese as being ''gran corsari, perchi^
yanno travagliando per mare ;" and Crawfurd sajs that boat-building
is still an art extensively practised all along the northern coast of Java«
Their maritime propensities maj be inferred also from the fact that they
have no fewer than four generic names for a ship or vessel : praUjjong,
hUitay and jwi/wa, — all native words." See Desc, Diet., p. 176.
' This weapon is thus described by Crawfurd : — " The chief missile in
use before the introduction of fire-arms, was a small arrow ejected from
a blow-pipe by the breath, called a Sumpitan, meaning the object blown
through. This instrument is at present in general use by most of the
wild tribes of Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes. The bow for discharging
arrows is well known to all the more advanced nations of the Archi-
pelago, but does not seem, at any time, to have been generally employed,
the blow-pipe probably superseding its use, although a far less effectual
weapon. It is found represented on the sculptures of some of the monu-
ments of Java of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries." Id., p. 21.
' Barbosa, in describing the Javanese by report from four to nine
years subsequent to Yarthema, says : ** they are great masters in casting
artillery. They make here many spingarde, [one-pounders 7] muskets,
and fire-works, and in every place are considered excellent in casting
artillery, and in the knowledge of discharging it. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 319.)
Crawfurd also adduces satisfactory evidence to prove that fire-arms
were used by the natives of Malacca when that place was assaulted by
Albuquerque in 1511, and sums up his researches into the subject with
this inference : — that although there is no record of the actual year in
which fire-arms were first made known to the inhabitants of the Archi-
pelago, yet, considering the frequent intercourse which subsisted be-
tween them and the maritime parts of Western India, '' we may safely
conclude that the event did not take place earlier than fifty years
before the arrival of the Portuguese, that is, about the middle of the
fifteenth century, or about a century after they had been in common
use in Europe." (/i., p. 23.) Yarthema's contrary statement cannot
stand against this weight of authority ; nevertheless, I venture to sug-
gest in his behalf, what I am disposed to consider very probable,
especially from the subject of the next chapter, whereon he is again in
LUDOVICO i>l YARTHBMA. 255
eat the flesh of sheep, or of stags, or, indeed, of wild hogs^
and some others eat fish and fruits.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW IN THIS ISLAND THE OLD
PEOPLE ARE SOLD BY THEIR CHILDREN OR THEIR
RELATIONS, AND AFTERWARDS ARE EATEN.
The people in this island who eat flesh, when their fathers
become so old that they can no longer do any work, their
children or relations set them up in the market* place for
sale, and those who purchase them kill them and eat them
cooked.^ And if any young man should be attacked by any
antagonism with Mr. Crawfurd, that our trayeller may have landed at
some out-of-the-way place in the island, where the people were com-
paratively uncivilized, and that he drew his general inferences from
what he saw in that restricted locality. Under any circumstances, the
introduction of fire-arms into Java at this period was recent, and their
use at the outset was most likely confined to the people of the more
advanced maritime districts, whilst those residing in less frequented
parts, and in the interior, would not have adopted them till some time
after. In support of the plausibility of this suggestion, I submit the
two following considerations: — 1st., that the Arabs of Yemen were
unacquainted with fire-arms in 1515, although the Egyptians, who in-
vaded their coast in that year, had long possessed them, (see note on p.
05 ante;) and, 2ndly., that notwithstanding the contiguity of the two
countries, and the frequent intercourse which had for centuries sub-
sisted between them, the inhabitants of Ceylon appear to have been
ignorant of artillery in 1507 when Don Lorenzo De Almeyda first disco-
vered that island, whereas those of Western India had certainly used
it at least twenty-five years before. See p. 193 antey and note.
^ Mr. Crawfurd remarks on Yarthema's description of Java generally,
and on this statement in particular, that " his account is obviously false
or worthless, for he describes parents as selling their children to be
eaten by the purchasers, and himself as quitting the island in haste for
fear of being made a meal of." (Dese, Diet,, pp. 165-6.) Now, it is
evident that our traveller is speaking of a class quite distinct from the
more civilized community of the place, for these latter he had desig-
nated as " the most trustworthy men in the world ;" hence, the ques-
tion arises whether among the rude aborigines of the island at that
period, (and I have already conjectured that Yarthema may have visited
256 THB TRAVELS OP
great sickness, and that it should appear to the skilful that
he might die of it, the father or the brother of the sick man
kills him, and they do not wait for him to die. And when
they have killed him they sell him to others to be eaten.
We, being astonished at such a thing, some merchants of the
country said to us : ** O you poor Persians, why do you
a part where such were likely to be found,) there were not some addicted
to the practice of eating human flesh. Non nobis tanUu oomponere Hies;
nevertheless, I would submit the following independent testimony as to
the preyalence of cannibalism in the Malayan Peninsula and the Archi-
pelago at this period, leaving the reader to form his own judgment on
Varthema's credibility. Premising as possible, that the credulity and
fears of the party may have been imposed upon in this instance, such a
supposition is inadmissible in the case of Nicold de' Conti, who resided
in Sunuttra a whole year, and who describes the custom as prevailing
there in his time : — " In one part of the island called Batech, the inha-
bitants eat human flesh, and are in a state of constant warfare with their
neighbours. They keep human heads as valuable property, for when
they have captured an enemy they cut off his head, and, having eaten
the flesh, store up the skull and use it for money." To which quotation
the editor appends the following note : — " BaUeh=B&ttti ; a district
extending from the river Singkell to the Tabooyong, and inland to the
back of Ayer Bangis. Marsden, in his History of Sumatra (p. 390, 3rd
edit.) gives instances of cannibalism among this people as late as the year
1780." {India in the fifteenth Century, ii. p. 9.) Pigafetta also, de-
scribing SulachOy fifty miles distant from the Moluccas, says : " The
men of this island are Pagans, and eat human flesh ;" and he subse-
quently attributes the same practice to one of the Ladrone or Marian
Islands, which he calls MauUa, stating that " its inhabitants are savages
and bestial, and eat human flesh." (Rahusio, vol. i. p. 368.) I note
that Mr. Crawfurd must have used a different edition of Pigafetta's
Voyages from that given in Ramueio, for this passage does not appear
in his long quotation from that author. {Besc. Diet,, pp. 268-9.) Lastly,
£>e Faria y Souza, in his account of the territory of %iam, says : " It
contains much mountain and plain, and in both sundry sorts of people,
some most barbarous and cruel, who feed on human flesh, as the Ottei,
who for ornament make figures on their bodies with hot irons." Porit^
guese Asia, translated by Stetens, vol. i. p. 223.
On the whole, although Yarthema's account of Java is certainly less
accurate than his descriptions in general, I hardly think it merits the
epithets of being '' obviously false or worthless" which Mr. Crawfurd
costs upon it.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. £57
leave such charming flesh to be eaten by the worms ?" My
companion hearing this immediately exclaimed : '^ Qaick,
qaick, let us go to our ship^ for these people shall never
more come near me on land."
THE CHAPTER WHERE, AT MID-DAY, THE SUN CASTS A
SHADOW* IN THE ISLAND OP GIAVA.
The Christians said to my companion : ^' O my friend,
take this news to your country, and take this other also
which we will show you. Look there, now that it is mid-
day, turn your eyes towards where the sun sets." And
raising our eyes we saw that the sun cast a shadow to the
left more than a pcdmo? And by this we understood that
we were far distant from our country, at which we remained
exceedingly astonished. And^ according to what my com-
panion said, I think that this was the month of June ; for I
had lost our months, and sometimes the name of the day.
You must know that there is little difference between the
cold with us and here. Having seen the customs of this
island^ it appeared to us that there was not much reason to
remain in it, because it was necessary to be all night on
guard for fear some wretch should come and carry us off to
eat us. Wherefore, having called the Christians, we told
them that, as soon as they could, we would return to our
country. Before we departed, however, my companion
^ In the original, " fa spera," but in the edition of Bamusio of 1613
it is rendered " faceva ombra." This is undoubtedly a gloss, but the
meaning is preserved.
* I am indebted to my friend Mr. Markham for the following note on
this passage : — " The equator bisects the island of Borneo, therefore, in
the month of June, when Yarthema was navigating, his vessel on the
way to Java would have crossed the sun's path, and, as he so concisely
observes, when he looked to the west the sun would be to his north, and
the shadow or reflection would be cast on his left hand."
s
258 THE TRAVELS OP
bought two emeralds for a thousaod pardaij and he pur-
chased for two hundred pardai two little children who had
no sexual organs ; for in this island there are a kind of mer-
chants, who follow no other trade excepting that of pur-
chasing little children, from whom they cut off in their
childhood everything, and they remain like women .^
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING OUR RETURN.
Having remained in this island of Giava altogether four-
teen days, we determined to return back, because, partly
through the fear of their cruelty in eating men, partly also
through the extreme cold, we did not dare to proceed far-
ther, and also because there was hardly any other place
known to them [the Christians]. Wherefore we chartered
a large vessel, that is, a giunco, and took our way outside the
islands towards the east ; because on this side there is no
archipelago, and the navigation is more safe. We sailed for
fifteen days and arrived at the city of Malacha, and here we
stopped for three days, where our Christian companions re-
mained, whose be waitings and lamentations it would be
impossible shortly to describe ; so that, truly, if I had not
' Barbosa attributes a similar inhuman practice to the Mussulmans
of Bengal : — "Li Mori mercatanti di questa citt^ vanno fra terra a com-
prar garzoni piccolini dalli lor padri e madri gentili, e da altri, che gli
rubbano, e li castrano, levandogli via ii tutto, di sorte che restano rasi,
come la palma della mano : e alcuni di questi moiono, ma quelli che
scampano, gli allevano molto bene, e poi li vendono per cento e ducenio
ducati Tuno alli Mori di Persia, che gli apprezzano molto, per taaerli
in guardia delle lor donne, e della lor robba, e per altre dishonestiL'*
Pigafetta also mentions the kingdom of Cirote in Burmah as the place
" dove si fanno tutti li Eunuchi che sono condotti di Levante.*' (Ra-
Musio, vol. i. pp. 316, 391.) It is a well known fact, that the excision
described was at one time extensively practised in Upper Egypt, and
tbat rumour, whether true or false I know not, attributed the horrible
operation to certain Coptic monks.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 259
had a wife and children, I would have gone with them.
And likewise they said, that if they had known how to come
in safety, they would have accompanied us. And I believe
also that my companion comforted them for not coming,
because they would not be obliged to give an account to the
Christians of so many lords who are in their country, who
are also Christians and possess immense riches. So that
they remained, saying that they would return to Sarnau,'
and we went with our ship to Cioromandel. The cap-
tain of the ship said that around the island of Giava, and
around the island of Sumatra, there were more than eight
thousand islands. Wherefore my companion bought in
Malacha five thousand pardai worth of small spices, and
silk stuffs, and odoriferous things. We sailed for fifteen
days, and arrived at the said city of Cioromandel, and here
the ship chartered in Giava was unladen. We remained in
this country about twenty days, and then took a ship, that
is to say, a Ciampana, and went to Colon,^ where I found
twenty-two Portuguese Christians. On which account I had
a very great desire to escape, but I remained, because they
were few, and I was afraid of the Moors ; for there were
some merchants with us who knew that I had been at Mecha
and to the body of Mahomet, and I was afraid that they
might imagine that I should discover their hypocrisies,
wherefore I abstained from running away. Twelve days
afterwards we took our route towards Calicut, that is, by
the river,'^ and arrivTed there in the space of ten days.
Now it will be an easy thing for every kind reader to
perceive, by the long discourse concerning various countries
contained in the above written books, that my companion
and myself having become wearied, partly by the different
temperatures of the air as may be imagined, partly by the
' See note 3 on p. 212 ante.
' Golon=Quilon. See note on pp. 182-4 ante.
* See note on pp. 179-80 ante.
8^
260 THE TRAVELS OF
different customs we met witli at every step as has been
described, and especially by the inhuman men not unlike
beasts, determined to return. I will now recount shortly,
(in order that my narrative may not be wearisome,) what
happened to me on our return, because it will be useful to
some either in restraining their too eager appetite for seeing
the inestimable greatness of the world, or, being on their
road, in knowing how to regulate themselves and use their
understanding in sudden emergencies. Being then arrived
in Calicut on our return, as I have shortly before written,
we found two Christians who were Milanese. One was
called loan-Maria, and the other Piero Antonio, who had
arrived from Portugal with the ships of the Portuguese, and
had come to purchase jewels on the part of the king.^ And
when they had arrived in Cocin,* they fled to Calicut. Truly
I never had greater pleasure than in seeing these two
Christians. They and I went naked after the custom of the
country. I asked them 'if they were Christians. loan-Maria
answered : ** Yes, truly we are." And then Piero Antonio
asked me if I was a Christian. I answered : " Yes, God be
praised." Then he took me by the hand, and led me into
his house. And when we had arrived at the house, we
^ Don Emanuel of Portugal, surnamed the Fortunate.
^ Cochin : — " a town which, though giving name to a small rdj or
native state, belongs to the British, and is included within the district
of Malabar, under the presidency of Madras. Lat. 9° 8', long. 76^ 18'.'*
(Thornton's OazetUer,) When the Portuguese first arrived in India,
Cochin was governed by a Rajah called Triumpara or Trimunpara, who
appears to have been subject to the Zamorin of Calicut. Pedro Alvarez
Cabral was well received by this sovereign, and established a factory in
the town as early as 1500. In 1502, the Zamorin endeavoured to detach
Triumpara from the Portuguese, but without effect, and the latter on
their part engaged to support him against his suzerain, who in the fol-
lowing year attacked and defeated him. He was subsequently restored
by the Portuguese, on which occasion they received permission to build
a fort and church at Cochin, and became virtually masters of the place.
It was taken from them by the Dutch in 1662. This is the first time
that Varthema mentions Cochin.
LUDOVICO DI VAKTHEMA. 261
began to embrace and kiss each other, and to weep. Truly,
I could not speak like a Christian : it appeared as though my
tongue were large and hampered, for I had been four years
without speaking with Christians.^ The night following I
remained with them ; and neither of them, nor could I,
either eat or sleep solely for the great joy we had. Tou
may imagine that we could have wished that that night
might have lasted for a year, that we might talk together of
various things^ amongst which I asked them if they were
friends of the king of Calicut. They replied that they were
his chief men, and that they spoke with him every day. I
asked them also what was their intention. They told me that
they would willingly have returned to their country, but
that they did not know by what way. I answered them :
** Return by the way you came." They said that that was
not possible, because they had escaped from the Portuguese,
and that the king of Calicut had obliged them to make a
great quantity of artillery against their will,^ and on this
account they did not wish to return by that route ; and they
said that they expected the fleet of the king of Portugal very
soon. I answered them, that if God granted me so much
grace that I might be able to escape to Cananor when the
fleet had arrived, I would so act that the captain of the
Christians should pardon them ; and I told them that it was
not possible for them to escape by any other way, because it
was known through many nations that they made artillery.
And many kings had wished to have them in their hands on
1 Meaning, Europeans or European Christians.
' Most of the cannoniers in the service of the Indian states at this
period appear to have been either Franks or Turks ; and a knowledge
of artillery was evidently much prized, for Yarthema professed himself
capable of making the largest mortars in the world in order to escape
from his Mamltlk companions at Meccah. (See p. 50 ante,) De Faria y
Souza mentions incidentally, that in 1507 a renegade Christian directed
the assault against the fort which the Portuguese had then recently
built on the island of Angediya. Stevens's Portuguese Asia^ vol. i.'p.
108.
THE rK4TELS OF
aeemiit of their sldlL and tikerefore it was not possiUe to
escape in an j other manner. And joa most know that they
had Bade between foor and fire hundred pieoes of ordnance
large and small, so that in ^ort thej had rery great fear of
the Portugnese ; and in truth there was reason to be afraid,
tofT not only did they make the artiUery themselres, bat they
also tanght the Pagans to make it ; and they told me, more-
orer, that they had taaght fifteen serrants of the king to
fire $pingarde. And daring the time I was here, they gaTe
to a Pagan the design and form of a mortar, which weighed
one hundred and fire cantara^ and was made of metal.
There was also a Jew here who had built a very beautiful
galley, and had made four mortars of iron. The said Jew,
going to wash himself in a pond of water, was drowned.
Let us return to the said Christians : God knows what I said
to them, exhorting them not to commit such an act against
Christians. Piero Antonio wept incessantly, and loan-
Maria said it was the same to him whether he died in Calicut
or in Rome, and that God had ordained what was to be.
The next morning I returned to find my companion,
who was making great lamentation, for he thought that I
had been killed. I told him, in order to excuse myself,
that I had been to sleep in a Moorish mosque to render
thanks to God and to Mahomet for the benefit received in
that we had returned in safety, and with this he was much
pleased. And in order that I might be able to know what
was going on in the country, I told him that I would
continue to sleep in the mosque, and that I did not want
any goods, but that I wished always to be poor. And
wishing to escape from them, I thought that I could only
deceive them by hypocrisy ; for the Moors are the most
stupid people in the world, so that he was satisfied. And
this I did in order that I might be able to talk frequently
with the Christians, because they knew everything, from
day to day, from the court of the king. I began to put my
LUDOVICO DI VAUTHEMA. 2()S
hypocrisy in practice, and pretended to be a Moorish saint,
and never would eat flesh excepting in the house of loan-
Maria, where every night we ate two brace of fowls. And I
would no longer associate with merchants, neither did any
man ever see me smile, and all day I remained in the mosque
excepting when he [my companion] sent for me to go and eat;
and he scolded me because I would not eat flesh. I replied :
'' That too much eating leads man to many sins." And in
this manner, I began to be a Moorish saint, and happy was
he who could kiss my hand and some my knees.
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I MADE MYSELF A
PHYSICIAN IN CALICUT.
It happening that a Moorish merchant fell sick of a very
great malady, and could not by any means get natural relief,
he sent to my companion, who was a great friend of his, to
know if he or any one in his house could give him any
remedy. He answered that 1 would go to visit him ; and so
he and I together went to the house of the sick man and
questioned him about his illness. He said to us : ''I feci
very bad in my stomach and bowels." I a.sked him if he
had had any cold by which this illness might have been
caused ? The sick man replied : ** That it could not be cold,
for he did not know what that was." Then my companion
turned to me and asked me : " O lunus, dost thou know
any remedy for this my friend ?" I replied : " That my
father was a physician in my country, and that that which I
knew, I knew by the practice which he had taught me."
My companion said : " Well, then, let us see if by any
remedy this merchant, my very dear friend, can be relieved."
Then I said : *' Bizmilei erechman erathin !"^ and then I took
his hand, and, feeling his pulse, found that he had a great
* See note 1 on p. 41 ante.
264 THE TRAVELS OF
deal of fever, and I asked him if his head ached. He re-
plied : '* Yes^ it aches very much." Then I asked him if
his bowels were relieved. He answered : '* They had not
been relieved for three days." I immediately thought to
myself, this man has an overloaded stomach, and to assist
him he requires an injection; and saying so to my com-
panion he replied: ''Do what you like, so that he be cured."
Then I made preparation for the injection in this wise : I
took sugar, eggs, and salt, and for the decoction I took cer-
tain herbs, which did more harm than good : the said herbs
were such as leaves of walnuts. And in this way, in the course
of a day and a night, I administered five injections to him ;
and it did him no good on account of the herbs, which pro-
duced a contrary effect, so that I should have been glad
had I not been involved in such a task. At length, seeing
that he could not obtain relief on account of the wretched
herbs, I took a good bunch of purslain, and made about
half a jug of liquor, and put in it the same quantity of oil,
and a good deal of salt and sugar, and then strained it all
well. And here I committed another blunder, for I forgot
to warm it, and administered it cold as it was. As soon as
the injection was administered, I tied a cord to his feet, and
we hoisted him up until he touched the ground with his
hands and head, and we held him up thus high for the
space of half a quarter of an hour. My companion said :
" O lunus, is it the custom to do thus in your country ?"
I replied : '' Yes, when the sick man is in extremis.*^ He
said that that was a good reason, for in that position the
mixture would penetrate better. The poor sick man cried
out and said : '' Matile, Matile, gnancia tu poi, gnancia tu
poi !" that is, ** No more, no more, for I am killed ; I am
killed 1" and so we standing there to comfort him, whether
it were God or nature, his bowels began to act like a foun-
tain, and we immediately let him down ; and truly he was
relieved to the extent of half a vat full, and he was well
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 265
pleased. On the following day he had neither fever nor pain
in his head or stomachy and, after that, he was relieved several
times.
The next morning, he said that he felt pain in his side.
I made him take cow or bu£falo butter and anoint himself
and bind himself up with hemp tow, and then I told him
that if he wished to be cured he must eat twice a day, and
before eating, I wished him to walk a mile on foot. He
replied : '* O nonal irami tino biria biria gnancia tu poi,"
that is, '^ If you do not wish me to eat more than twice in
the day, I shall be dead very soon ;" for they eat eight or
ten times a day. This order appeared to him very severe.
However, at last he was very well cured, and this gained
great credit for my hypocrisy. They said that I was the
friend of God. This merchant wished to give me ten ducats,
but I would not receive anything. I even gave three ducats
which I had to the poor, and this I did publicly in order
that they might know that I did not want any property or
money. From this time forward happy was he who could
take me to his house to eat, happy was he who kissed my
hands and feet ; and when anyone kissed my hands, I kept
my ground steadily, giving him to understand that he did
an act which I deserved, as being a saint. But it was my
companion above all who procured me credit, because he
also believed me, and said that I did not eat flesh, and that
he had seen me at Mecca, and at the body of Mahomet, and
that I had always travelled in his company, and that he
knew my manners, and that I was truly a saint, and that,
knowing me to be of a good and holy life, he had given me
one of his nieces for my wife, so that, in this way every man
wished me well, and every night I went secretly to talk with
the Christians, who told me, on one occasion, that twelve
Portuguese ships had come to Canonor. Then I said, now
is the time for me to escape from the hands of dogs, and we
considered together for eight days in what manner I could
S66 THK TRAVELS OF
escape. They advised me to escape by land^ but I had not
the courage, through the fear that I might be killed by the
Moors, I being white and they black.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE NEWS OP THE SHIPS
OF THE PORTUGUESE WHICH CAME IN TO CALICUT.
One day, while eating with my companion, two Persian
merchants of Canonor arrived, whom he immediately called
to eat with him. They answered : " We have no wish to
eat and bring bad news." We asked them : " What words
are these which you utter ?" They said : " Twelve ships
of the Portuguese have arrived, which we have seen with
our eyes." My companion asked : " What people are they?"
The Persians replied : " They are Christians, and are all
armed in white arms, and they have commenced building a
very strong castle in Canonor."^ My companion turned to
me and asked me : ^' O lunus, what people are these Portu-
guese ?" I answered him : " Do not speak to me of such a
race, for they are all thieves and corsairs of the sea, and I
should like to see them all of our Mohammedan faith."
Hearing this he became very malignant, and I rejoiced
much in my heart.
1 This must have been towards the end of 1506, and that inference is
confirmed by the date, .3rd December, given in the chapter succeeding
the next. In note 2 on pp. 123-4 ante, I have delayed the building of
the fort at Canuanore till 1507 : it was not probably completed till the
beginning of that year, for when he reached that place Yarthema says :
" il castello 8i faceva.^* The ships mentioned in the text were un-
doubtedly part of the fleet of Don Francisco de Almeyda, who arrived
at Cannanore about this time, and received the Bajah*s permission to
erect the fort in the harbour.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 267
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW THE MOORS SUMMON TO
THE CHURCH THOSE WHO ARE OP THEIR SECT
AND FAITH.
On the following day all the Moors^ having heard the
news^ went to the mosque to say their prayers. But first
some, deputed to this office, mounted the tower of their
church, as is the custom amongst them three or four times
a day, and, instead of bells, began with a loud voice to call
the others to this same prayer, keeping one finger constantly
in their ear and saying : ^' Alia u eccubar. Alia u eccubar, aia-
lassale aialassale aialalfale aialalfale Alia u eccubar leilla illala
esciadu ana Mahometh reeullala,"^ that is, '^God is great, God
is great, come to the church, come to the church, come to
praise God, come to praise God, God is great, God is great,
God was, God will be, Mahometh the messenger of God
will rise again." And they took me also with them, saying
to me that they wished to pray to God for the Moors ; and
so they set me publicly to make the prayer, which you shall
hear, which prayer is as common with them as the Pater
Noster is with us, and the Ave Maria. The Moors stand
all in a row ; but there are many rows, and they have a
priest as we have, who, after they have well washed, begins
to pronounce the prayer in this manner, saying : '* Un
gibilei nimi saithan e regin bizimilei erachman erachinal
hamdulile ara blaharami erachman erachin malichi iaum
edmi iachie nabudu hiachie nesta himi edina sarathel
mostachina ledina ana antha alyhin gayril magdubin alehy-
i AUdhu dkhar I AUdhu dkhar I Hie 'ala 'ssatd I HU 'ala 's-sald /
Hie 'ala 'Ufaldh ! Hie Wa 'l-faldh I AUdhu dkbar ! La Udh ilia
AUdh ; wjHuh-hadna Muhammed rasUl AUdh, God is most Great !
God is most Great ! Come to prayer ! Come to prayer ! Come to secu-
rity ! Come to security ! There is no god but the God, and I testify
that Muhammed is God's Apostle ! This is the ordinary adhdn or call
to prayer, chaunted by the muddh-dhin from the minaret of the
mosque.
268 THK TRAVELS OF
bimu ualla da lim amin alia u eccubar."^ And so I pro-
nounced the prayer in the presence of all the people, and
then I returned home with my companion. On the next day
I pretended to be very ill, and remained about eight days
wherein I would not eat with him, but every night I went
to eat with the two Christians. He [my companion] was
very much surprised, and asked me why I would not eat.
I replied : '* That I felt very ill, and my head felt as though
it were very large and full ; and I said to him that it ap-
peared to me that it proceeded from that air, that it was not
good for me." He, for the singular affection which he bore
me, would have done everything to please me ; wherefore,
hearing that the air of Calicut was injurious to me, he said
to me : *' Go and stay in Canonor until we return to Persia,
and I will direct you to a friend of mine, who will give you
all that you require." I answered him : '^ That I would
gladly go to Canonor, but I hesitated because of those
Christians." " Do not hesitate," said he, ** nor have any
fear of them, for you shall remain constantly in the city."
Finally, having well seen all the fleet which was preparing
in Calicut, and all the artillery, and the army which had
been raised against the Christians, I set out on my journey
to give them notice of it, and to save myself from the hands
of dogs.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE FLIGHT FROM CALICUT.
One day, before I set out, I arranged all that I had to do
with the two Christians, and then my companion placed me
in the company of those two Persians who carried the news
1 This is a tolerably correct wording, very badly spelt, of the Fdlihah,
or opening chapter of the Kor&n, preceded by the common formula of
renunciation, '^ I abhor the lapidated Devil.'* (See note 2 on p. 45 ante.)
Yarthema, on this occasion, appears to have acted the part of Imdm and
led the prayers of the congregation.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 269
of the Portuguese^ and we took a little bark. Now^ you will
understand in what danger I placed myself, because there
were twenty-four Persian, Syrian, and Turkish merchants,
all of whom knew me, and bore me great affection, and
knew well what the genius of Christians was. I feared that
if I took leave of them, they would think that I wanted to
escape to the Portuguese. If I departed without speaking
with them, and I was by chance discovered, they would have
said to me : ^' Why did you not speak to us ?" And this I
balanced in my mind. However, I determined to go with-
out speaking to any one excepting my companion. On
Thursday morning, the third of September, I set out with
the two Persians by sea, and when we had got about a bow-
shot in the sea, four Naeri came to the sea-shore, who called
the captain of the vessel, and we immediately returned to
land. The Naeri said to the captain : ** Why do you carry
away this man without leave of the king ?" The Persians
answered : *^ This man is a Moorish saint, and we are going
to Canonor." " We know well," said the Naeri, " that he
is a Moorish saint, but he understands the language of the
Portuguese, and will tell them all that we are doing here,
because a great fleet is being got ready ;" and they ordered
the captain of the ship that he should not take me away
on any account, and he acted accordingly. We remained
on the sea-shore, and the Naeri returned to the king's
house. One of the Persians said : ^* Let us go to our
house," that is, to Calicut. I answered : ** Do not go, for
you will lose these fine sinahaph} (which were pieces of cloth
we carried), because you have not paid the king's dues."
The other Persians said : *' O sir, what shall we do ?" I re-
plied : '^ Let us go along this shore until we find a parao^^
that is, a small bark ; and they were pleased so to do, and
we took our way for twelve miles, always by land, laden
with the said goods. You may imagine how my heart felt,
^ See note 2 on p. 212 ante.
270 THB TRAVELS OF
seeing myself in such danger. At length we found ^parao
which carried us to Canonor. We arrived at Canonor on
Saturday evenings and I immediately carried a letter which
my companion had written for me to a merchant his friend ;
the tenor of which letter stated that he should do as much
for me as for his own person until he came ; and he told him
about my being a saint^ and of the relationship there was
between him and me. The merchant, as soon as he had
read the letter, laid it on his head and said^ that he would
answer for me with his head ; and immediately had an excel-
lent supper prepared, with many chickens and pigeons.
When the two Persians saw the chickens come, they ex-
claimed : *' Alas, what do you do ?" Colli tinu ille," that is,
'^ This man does not eat flesh ;" and other things came im-
mediately. When we had finished eating, the said Persians
said to me : " Let us go a little to the sea to amuse our-
selves ;" and so we went where the Portuguese fleet was.
Imagine, O reader, the joy I felt. Going a little farther, I
saw before a certain low house three empty casks, from
which I imagined that the factory of the Christians was
there. Then, being somewhat cheered up, I felt a desire to
escape within the said gate ; but I considered that, if I did
so in their presence, the whole country would be in an
uprodr. And I, not being able to fly in safety, noted the
place where the castle of the Christians was being made^
and determined to wait until the following day.
THB CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I ESCAPED FROM
CANONOR TO THE PORTUGUESE.
On Sunday morning I rose early, and said that I would
go to amuse myself a little. My companions answered: ^'Go
where you please ;" and so I took my way according to my
fancy, and went where the castle of the Christians was being
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 271
built ; and when I was a little distant from my companions^
coming to the sea-shore I met two Portuguese Christians^
and said to them : " O sirs, where is the fortress of the Por-
tuguese ?" These two Christians said : " Are you a Chris-
tian ?" I answered ; " Yes, sir, praised be God." And they
said to me : *' Where do you come from." I answered
them : *' I come from Calicut." Then said the one to the
other of the two companions : '* Go you to the factory, and
I will take this man to Don Lorenzo," that is, the son of
the Viceroy.^ And so he conducted me to the said castle,
which is distant from the beach half a mile. And when
we arrived at the said castle, the Senor Don Lorenzo was
at breakfast. I immediately fell on my knees at the feet
of his lordship and said : " Sir, I commend myself to you
to save me, for I am a Christian." At this juncture,
we heard a great uproar in the neighbourhood because
I had escaped. The bombardiers were immediately sum-
moned, who loaded all the artillery, fearing that those of
the city might come to the castle to fight.. Then the captain,
seeing that those of the place did not do any harm, took me
by the hand and conducted me into a chamber to interro-
gate me concerning the affairs of Calicut, and kept me three
days to talk with me ; and I, being desirous of the victory of
the Christians, gave them all the particulars about the fleet
preparing in Calicut. These conversations being concluded,
^ After garrisoning the new fort at Oanncgnore, Don Francisco de
Almejda proceeded to Cochin, but hearing there that the factor at
Quilon and all his men had been murdered by the Mussulmans, " he
sent his son Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with
orders to procure lading, without taking notice of what had passed, but
in case of denial, to avenge the slaughter. The messenger was received
with a shower of arrows, and twenty-four ships of Calicut and other places
prepared to receive ours. Don Lorenzo, after pouring in his shot liberally,
burnt them all, only a few of the Moors were saved by swimming. Don
Lorenzo then went to load in another port." (Poriuguese Asia, vol. i.
p. 102.) I presume that it was about this time that Yarthema met the
Viceroy's son at Cannanore.
•
y
272 THB TRAVELS OF
he sent me with a galley to the Viceroy his father in Cuccin/
of which a knight named Joan Sarrano^ was captain. The
Viceroy was exceedingly pleased when I arrived, and showed
me great distinction, because I had informed him of all that
was doing iu Calicut ; and I also said, that if his lordship
would pardon loan-Maria and Piero Antonio, who made
artillery in Calicut, and assure me of their safety, that I
would induce them to return, and that they would not do
that injury to Christians which they had done, although
against their will, and that they were afraid to return with-
out a safe conduct. The Viceroy was extremely pleased
and much satisfied, and gave me the safe conduct; and
the captains of our ships and our vicar promised for the
Viceroy ; and at the end of three days he sent me back with
the said galley to Canonor, and gave me a letter which he
addressed to his son, that he should give me as much money
as I required for payment of the spies to be sent to Calicut.
When we had arrived at Canonor, I found a Pagan, who
gave me his wife and children as a pledge, and I sent him
with my letters to Calicut, to loan-Maria and Piero Antonio,
by which I advised them how the Viceroy had pardoned
them, and that they might come in safety. You must know
that I sent the spy five times backwards and forwards, and
that I always wrote to them that they should be on their
guard, and should not trust their wives or their slave ; for
each of them had a wife, and loan-Maria had a son and a
slave. They always wrote to me that they would come will-
ingly. In the last letter they said to me thus : ^' Lodovico,
we have given all our goods to this spy ; come on such a
night with a galley or brigantine where the fishermen are,
because there is no watch in that part, and, if it please God,
^ Cochin.
" This Jo&o Serrfto subsequently accompanied the expedition under
J>, Antao de Noronha to £l-Oatif and the island of Hormuz in the Per-
sian Gulf. See Be Oouto, Decadas, yol. ill pp. 247, 439.
::
LUDOVICO DI YARTHBMA. 273
^ -we will both come with all our party.*' You must know
^^ that I wrote to them that they should come alone, and that
^ they should leave their wives, their son, their goods, and
^ the slave, and that they should only bring their jewels and
'^ money. And you must know that they had a diamond
*-' which weighed thirty-two carats, which they said was worth
thirty-five thousand ducats ; and they had a pearl which
weighed twenty-four carats; and they had two thousand
rubies, which weighed a carat and a carat and a half each ;
and they had sixty- four rings with set jewels ; and they had
one thousand four hundred pardai ; and they also wished to
save seven spingarde and three apes, and two civet-cats,
and the wheel for repairing jewels; so that their avarice
caused their death. Their slave, who was of Calicut, saw
that they wanted to escape, and immediately went to the
king and told him everything. The king did not believe
him. Nevertheless, he sent five Naeri to their house to
remain in their company. The slave, seeing that the king
would not put them to death, went to i^ Cadi of the faith
of the Moors, and repeated to him those same words which
he had said to the king, and, moreover, he told him that
they informed the Christians of all that was done in Calicut.
The Moorish Cadi held a council with all the Moorish mer-
chants, amongst whom were collected one hundred ducats,
which they carried to the king of the Gioghi,^ who was at
that time in Calicut with three thousand Gioghi, to whom
the said Moors said : ^' Sir, thou knowest that in other years
when thou hast come here we have shown thee much kind-
ness, and more honour than we show thee now ; the reason
is this : there are here two Christians who are enemies of
our faith and yours, who inform the Portuguese of all that
is done in this country ; wherefore, we beseech thee to kill
them, and to take these hundred ducats.*' The king of the
Gioghi immediately sent two hundred men to kill the said
^ See note 1 on p. Ill, and note 3 on p. 112 arUt,
T
S74 THE TRAVELS OP
two Christians, and when they went to their house, they
began by tens to sound their horns and demand alms. And
when the Christians saw so many people increasing they
said : " These want something else besides alms ;" and
began to fight, so that these two killed six of them, and
wounded more than forty. At last, these Gioghi cast at
them certain pieces of iron which are made round like a
wheel, and they threw them with a sling, and struck loan-
Maria on the head and Fietro Antonio on the head, so that
they fell to the ground ; and then they ran upon them and
cut open the veins of their throats, and with their hands
they drank their blood. The wife of loan-Maria escaped
with her son to Canonor, and I purchased the son for eight
ducats of gold, and had him baptized on St. Lawrence's day,
and gave him the name of Lorenzo, because I baptized him
on that same day, and at the end of a year on that same day
he died of the French disease. You must know that I have
seen this disease three thousand miles beyond Calicut, and
it is called pua,^ ^d they say that it is about seventeen
years since it began^ and it is much worse than ours.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE FLEET OP CALICUT.
On the twelfth of March 1606,^ this news of the Christians
being killed arrived. On this same day the immense fleet
' Probably from the Sanscrit puya, matter from an ulcer. Yar-
thema*s remark on the recent appearance of the disease Tvould imply
that it was introduced into India by the Portuguese.
^ The year 1506 here given is somewhat perplexing. In Greene*s
Collection the fleet under Don Francisco de Almeyda is made to leaye
Lisbon on the 25th of March 1507, whereas the Modern Universal
History y after Maffei, starts them from that port on the 25th of March
1505, which I take to be the correct date. On the 11th of April follow-
ing, De Almeyda reached the Gape Yerd Islands, from whence he pro-
ceeded to the east coast of Africa, and after taking Quiloa (Kilwah) and
LTJDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 275
departed from Pannani/ and from Calicut^ and from Capo-
gat, and from Fandarani^ and from Tormapatan.' All this
fleet was two hundred and nine sail^ of which eighty-four
were large ships, and the remainder were rowing vessels,
that is, paraos. In which fleet there was an infinite number
of armed Moors; and they wore certain red garments of
cloth stuffed with cotton^ and they wore certain large caps
stuffed, and also on the arms bracelets and gloves stuffed ;
and a great number of bows and lances, swords and shields,
and large and small artillery after our custom. When we
saw this fleet, which was on the 16th of the month above-
mentioned^ truly, seeing so many ships together, it appeared
as though one saw a very large wood. We Christians
always hoped that God would aid us to confound the Pagan
faith. And the most valiant knight, the captain of the fleet,
son of Don Francisco dal Meda, Viceroy of India, was here
with eleven ships, amongst which there were two galleys
and one brigantine. When he saw such a multitude of
Momb^Lsa, steered towards India, visited the island of Anjediva, touched
next at Honahwar, and finally arrived at Cannanore, where he received
permission to build a fort. I have hitherto supposed it unlikely that
these different transactions were accomplished by the end of 1505 ;
nevertheless, it is still more improbable that Yarthema should be mis-
taken in this and the succeeding dates ; hence, by postponing the erec-
tion of the fort at Cannanore till the end of 1506, (see note I on p. 266
ante) I have miscalculated by one entire year.
I perceive that Greene also delays the battle recorded in this chapter,
and the subsequent attack on Ponani, till 1508, which is unquestionably
wrong ; for Yarthema mentions Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino, as being
alive when he dedicated his book to the Lady Agnesina, the Duke*s
sister. This was after his return to Europe, and Guidobaldo died on the
llthof April 1608.
Presuming Yarthema's dates to be correct, his eastern voyages and
travels from the day he left Damascus, 8th April 1503, until his return
to India, occupied two years and nine months. If we add thereto the
eighteen months during which he acted as factor at Cochin, and the
time expended on the return voyage, his total absence from Europe will
amount to about five years.
1 See note 1 on p. 132. * See note 1 on p. 131 ante,
t2
276 THE TRAVELS OF
ships, he acted like a most valiant captain : he called to him
all his knights and men of the said ships, and then began to
exhort and beseech them that, for the love of God and of
the Christian faith, they would expose themselves willingly
to suffer death, saying in this wise : " O sirs, O brothers,
now is the day that we must remember the Passion of Christ,
and how much pain He endured to redeem us sinners. Now
is that day when all our sins will be blotted out. For this
I beseech you that we determine to go vigorously against
these dogs; for I hope that God will give us the victory, and
will not choose that His faith should fail/' And then the
spiritual father stood upon the ship of the said captain, with
the crucifix in his hand, and delivered a beautiful discourse
to all, exhorting us to do that which we were bound to do.
And then he gave us absolution from punishment and sin,
and said : " Now, my sons, let us all go willingly, for God
will be with us.'* And he knew so well how to speak, that
the greater part of us wept, and prayed God that He would
cause us to die in that battle. In the meantime the immense
fleet of the Moors came towards us to pass by. On that
same day, our captain departed with two ships and went
towards the Moors, and passed between two ships, which
were the largest in the Moorish fleet. And when he passed
between the said ships, he saluted both of them with very
great discharges of artillery ; and this our captain did in
order to know these two ships^ and how they behaved ; for
they carried very great ensigns, and were captains of all the
fleet. Nothing more was done that day. Early on the fol-
lowing morning, the Moors began all to make sail and come
towards the city of Canonor, and sent to our captain to say
that he should let them pass and go on their voyage, for
they did not wish to fight with Christians. Our captain
sent to them to say, that the Moors of Calicut would not
allow Christians to return who were staying in Calicut in
their faith, but killed forty-eight of them, and robbed them
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 277
of three thousand ducats between goods, and money. And
then he said to them : ^'Pass, if pass you can, but first know /
what sort of people Christians are." Said the Moors:
** Our Mahomet will defend us from you Christians ;" and
so began all to sail with the greatest fury, wishing to pass,
and they always navigate near the land, eight or ten miles.
Our captain allowed them to come until they arrived oppo-
site the city of Canonor. Our captain did this because the
king of Canonor was looking on, and to show him how great
was the courage of the Christians. And when it was the
time for eating, the wind began to freshen a little, and our
captain said : ** Now, up brothers, for now is the time ; for
we are all good knights ;" and began to go towards these
two largest ships. It would be impossible to describe to
you the kinds of instruments which they sounded, accord-
ing to their custom. Our captain grappled valiantly with
one of the ships of the Moors, that is, the largest, and three
times the Moors threw off our grappling-irons ; at the fourth
time we remained fast, and immediately our Christians leaped
on board the said ship, in which there were six hundred
Moors. Here, a most cruel battle was fought with immense
effusion of blood, so that not one escaped from this ship :
they were all killed. Then our captain went to find the
other very large ship of the Moors, which was now grappled
fast by another of our ships ; and here also a cruel battle
was fought, in which five hundred Moors died. When
these two large ships were taken, all the rest of the fleet of
the Moors fought with desperation, and divided our sixteen
ships, so that there were some of our ships which had around
them fifteen or twenty of those of the Moors to fight. It
was a beautiful sight to see the gallant deeds of a very
valiant captain, loan Sarano, who, with a galley made such
a slaughter of the Moors as it is impossible to describe.
And there was a time when he had around his galley fifty
vessels, some with oars and some with sails, and all with
278 THB TRAVELS OF
artillery. And by the grace of God, neither in the galley nor
in the ships was any one of the Christians killed, but many
were wounded, for the fighting lasted all that day. Once
our brigantine separated a little from the ships, and was im-
mediately placed in the middle of four of the Moorish ships ;
and they fought her sharply, and at one time fifteen Moors
were on the brigantine, so that the Christians had all with-
drawn to the poop. When the valiant captain named
Simon Martin^ saw that there were so many Moors upon
the brigantine, he leaped amongst these dogs, and said :
** O Jesus Christ, give us the victory ! help thy faith !" and
with the sword in his hand he cut off the heads of six or
seven. All the other Moors threw themselves into the sea
and fled, some here, some there. When the other Moors saw
that this brigantine had gained the victory, four other ships
went to succour their people. The captain of the brigan-
tine, seeing the said Moors coming, immediately took a
barrel which had contained powder, and then he took a
piece of a sail and thrust it in the bung-hole of the said
barrel, which appeared like the stone of a mortar, and he
put a handful of powder over the barrel, and standing with
fire in his hand, made as though he were going to fire a
mortar. The Moors, seeing this, thought that the said barrel
was a mortar, and immediately turned back. And the said
captain withdrew where the Christians were with his brigan-
tine, victorious. Our captain then placed himself amongst
these dogs, of whom seven ships were captured, laden in part
with spices and in part with other merchandise ; and nine
or ten were sunk by our artillery, amongst which there was
one laden with elephants. When the Moors saw so many
of their ships sunk, and that the two ships, the captains of
the fleet and others were taken, they immediately took to
1 Though I do not find this officer speciallj mentioned elsewhere,
there appear to have been several Portuguese naval commanders named
Marlins engaged in India at this period. See Ds Oouto, Index, p. 197.
LDDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 879
flight, some one way, some another, some by land, some by
sea, some in the port, some in the opposite direction. At
the conclusion, our captain, seeing all our ships safe, said :
" Praised be Jesus Christ, let us follow up our victory
against these dogs ;'' and so we all together set ourselves to
follow them. Truly, to any one who had seen these dogs
fly, it would have appeared that they had a fleet of a hun*
dred ships behind them. And this battle commenced with
the hour for eating, and lasted until the evening. And then
they were pursued all night, so that all this fleet was put to
flight without the death of a single Christian ; and our ships
which remained here followed another large ship, which was
tacking out at sea. Finally our ships prevailed over theirs^
which was surrounded by us, so that all the Moors cast
themselves [into the sea] to swim, and we constantly followed
them to the shore in the skifl*, with crossbows and lances
killing and wounding them. But some saved themselves by
dint of swimming, and these were as many as two hundred
persons, who swam more than twenty miles, sometimes
under and sometimes on the water, and sometimes we
thought they were dead, when they rose again to the sur-
face a crossbow-shot distant from us. And when we came
near them to kill them, thinking that they were exhausted,
they dived again under the water ; so that their being able
to continue swimming so long appeared like a very great
miracle. At last, however, the greater part were killed,
and their ship sank from the blows of our artillery. On
the following morning, our captain sent the galleys, the
brigantine, with some other vessels, along the shore, to see
what bodies they could count. They found that those who
were killed on the shore and at sea, and those of the ships
taken, were counted at three thousand six hundred dead
bodies. You must know that many others were killed when
they took to flight, who threw themselves into the sea.
The king of Canonor, seeing all this battle, said : ^' These
280 THE TRAVELS OF
Christians are very brave and valiant men." And truly I
have found myself in some battles in my time^ but I never
saw any men more brave than these Portuguese. The next
day after^ we returned to our Viceroy, who was at Cuccin.
I leave you to imagine how great was the joy of the Vice-
roy and of the king of Cuccin, who is a true friend of the
king of Portugal, on seeing us return victorious.^
THE CHAPTER SHOWING HOW I WAS SENT BACK TO
CANONOR BY THE VICEROY.
Let us leave the fleet of the king of Calicut, which was
defeated, and return to my own affairs. At the end of three
months, the Viceroy gave me, of his favour, a certain oi&ce,
which was that of the factorship of these parts, and I re-
mained in this office about a year and a half. Some months
afterwards, my lord the Viceroy sent me by a ship to Cano-
nor, because many merchants of Calicut went to Canonor,
and took the safe conduct from the Christians by giving
> De Souza's account of this action is as follows : — '' Whilst these
things happened at Zofala, [SofSda, on the east coast of Africa,] the
Zamorin of Calicut had stirred up the Soldan of Cayre, [Cairo,] and
hoped, with his assistance to drive us out of these seas ; this was not so
private but that the king of Cochin had intelligence of it, and advertised
the Viceroy Pon Francisco, who sent his son Lawrence with eleven sail
to prevent or put a stop to the design. As he visited some ports, news
was brought to him that in the road of Cananor was a fleet of two hun-
dred and sixty paraos, whereof sixty exceeded our ships in bulk. He
directs his course towards them, and after a very sharp engagement
they were put to flight, pursued, and some taken, but many sunk and
obliged to run aground, with great loss to the enemy, and of his own
only five or six men." (Portuguese Asia, vol. i. p. 108.) Brief as this
description is, it coincides in several particulars with Varthema's more
detailed narrative : as, for example, in ascribing the command of the
Portuguese fleet to the Viceroy^s son ; in the approximate number of
vessels on both sides ; in the trifling loss to the Europeans and the
great slaughter of the native combatants ; and in the eventual escape of
many of the enemy's ships.
LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA. 281
them to understand that they were of Canonor^ and that
they wished to pass with merchandise in the ships of Cano-
nor, and which was not true. Wherefore, the Viceroy sent
me to these merchants, and to understand these frauds. It
happened at this time that the king of Canonor died, and
the next king that was made was a great enemy of ours ;
wherefore the king of Calicut made him [king] by force of
money, and lent him twenty-three pieces of artillery (bocche
difuoco). In 1507, there commenced a very great war on
the 27th of April, and it continued until the 17th of August.
Now, you shall understand what the Christian faith is, and
what sort of men the Portuguese are. One day, the Chris-
tians going to get water, the Moors assaulted them, through
the great hatred they bore us. Our people retired into the
fortress, which was now in a good state, and no harm was
done on that day. Our captain, who was called Lorenzo
de Britto, sent to inform the Viceroy, who was at Cuccin, of
this new occurrence ; and Don Lorenzo immediately came
with a caravella, furnished with everything that was neccs*
sary, and at the expiration of four days the said Don Lorenzo
returned to Cuccin, and we remained to fight with these
dogs, and we were not more than two hundred men. Our
food consisted solely of rice, sugar, and nuts, and we had no
water to drink within the castle ; but twice a week we were
obliged to take water from a certain well, which was a bow-
shot distant from the castle. And every time we went for
water, we always were obliged to take it by force of arms; and
every time we skirmished with them, the least people that
came were twenty-four thousand, and sometimes there were
thirty thousand, forty thousand, and fifty thousand persons,
who had bows, lances, swords, and shields, with more than
one hundred and forty pieces of artillery between large and
small, and they wore a kind of armour, as I have explained
to you in the fleet of Calicut. Their fighting was in this
wise : Two or three thousand came on at a time, and bring-
28S THE TRAVELS OF
ing with tliem the sounds of divers instruments^ and with
fireworks^ and they ran with such fury, that truly they would
have inspired with fear ten thousand people ; hut the most
valiant Christians went to meet them heyond the well, and
they never approached the fortress within two stones'-cast.
We were obliged to be on our guard, both before and
behind, because sometimes there came of these Moors by
sea with sixty prcioa to take us in the midst of them. Never-
theless, every day we fought we killed ten, fifteen, and
twenty of them, and not more, because as soon as they saw
some of their people killed they took to flight. But on one
occasion, amongst others, a mortar called the Serpent, at one
discharge killed eighteen of them, and they never killed
one of us. They said that we kept the devil, who defended
us. This war from the twenty-seventh of April never ceased
until the twenty-seventh of August. Then the fleet of the
Portuguese came, of which the most valiant knight Tristan
da Cugna was captain; to which, when it arrived at Ca-
nonor, we signalled that we were at war ; and the prudent
captain immediately had all the boats of the fleet armed,
and sent us three hundred knights all armed in white
armour, so that, had it not been for our captain, as soon as
they landed we would have gone to burn the whole of the
city of Canonor. Think, O kind reader, what was our joy
when we saw such succour ; for, in truth, we were almost
exhausted, and the greater part were wounded. When the
Moors saw our fleet arrive, they sent an ambassador, who
was named Mamal Maricar, who was the richest man in the
country, and he came to demand peace ; wherefore we sent
at once to the Viceroy, who was in Cuccin, to know what
was to be done. The Viceroy sent to say, that we should
make peace without delay, and so it was done.^ And this he
^ De Faria y Souza^s account of the origin of this rupture with the
BAJah of Cannanore, of the attack made upon the Portuguese fort, and
the opportune arrival of Tristan de Ounna, who was on his way to
LUDOVICO DI YAKTHKMA. 288
did only that he might be able to load the ships and send
them to Portugal. Four days being past^ there came two
Europe after haviDgj in concert with Albuquerque, taken possession of
the island of Socotra and left a garrison there, is as follows : — " The
king of Gananor, dpsiring to break with the Portuguese, was encouraged
by the Zamorin, and grounded this rupture on finding on the shore the
body of the nephew of Mamale, a rich merchant of Malabar, which was
one of those Gon9alo Yaz had thrown into the sea sewed up in a sail.
This action was not known then, and the blame was laid on Laurence
de Biito, captain of the fort, whose pass that ship carried. [This refers
to a vessel which Vaz had unjustly seized, putting all the crew and
passengers to death, whose bodies he subsequently caused to be sewed
up in a sail in order to prevent their floating to land.] The message
was delivered to him at church whilst he assisted at the service of
Maundy Thursday, and he immediately left the church, and went about
taking up from every one what provisions they had, and shipped the
men with such haste, [i.e. sent them to the fort in boats,] that those
who had lent their arms to those who watched at the sepulchre [the
imitation of the Sepulchre of Christ which is set up in Roman Catholic
churches during Holy Week] went to the church to disarm them. Don
Lorenzo was captain, and had orders when he came to Cananor to obey
Lorenzo de Brito ; but Brito insisted that the other, as the son of the
Viceroy, and so famous an officer, should command. Don Lorenzo was
positive he would obey Brito as being commander of the fort, and in
pursuance of his father's orders ; but finding Brito resolved to persist in
that courtesie, and that it might prove dangerous, he left the relief,
and returned alone to Cochin... The besieged fortified and entrenched
themselves, the same was done by the besiegers, who were twenty thou-
sand strong. Much blood was spilt about the water of a well, but our
men, by help of a mine, made themselves masters of it. The Moors after
this loss retired to a wood of palm-trees, and prepared engines to batter
the fort. Our commander had intelligence of it by means of a nephew
of the king of Cananor, who endeavoured to gain our friendship. He
prepared to receive them, and when they gave the assault, succeeded so
well, first with cannon, and then with the sword, that he filled the ditch
with their bodies, which they intended to have done with faggots. They
returned to the wood, and Brito sending out by night eighty men, com-
manded by one Guadalajara, a Spaniard, who was his lieutenant, the
sally was so vigorously executed by the firing of some small pieces first,
in a cold rainy night, that the enemy in consternation knew not where
to save themselves : three hundred were killed. But this joy was abated
by the magazine of provisions taking fire, so that hunger began to rage,
and all vermin was eaten. The garrison, part sick and part famished,
it
284 THB TRAVELS OF
merchants of Canonor, who were friends of mine before war
had been made^ and they spoke with me in this manner, as
you shall understand. " Fattore, on maniciar in ghene ballia
nochignan candile ornal patu maniciar patance maniciar
hiriva tu maniciar cia tu poi nal nur malabari nochi ornal
totu ille cura po;" that is, ** O factor, show me a man who is
a brazzo larger than any of you, who every day has killed
ten, fifteen, and twenty of us, and the Naeri were sometimes
four hundred and five hundred firing at him and never once
could they touch him.'' I answered him in this manner :
Idu manicar nicando inghene ille Cocin poi;" that is.
This man is not here, but is gone to Cocin." Then I
thought that this was other than a Christian, and I said to
him : " Giangal ingabani manaton undo." One of them
answered : " Undo." I said to him : " Idu maniciar ni-
cando Portogal ille." He replied : " Sui e indi." 1 said :
" Tamarani Portugal idu." He answered : " Tamerani ni
Patanga cioli ocha malamar Patangnu idu Portogal ille
Tamaran Portugal piga nammi ;" that is, I said to him :
" My friend, come here, that knight whom thou hast seen is
not a Portuguese, but he is the God of the Portuguese and
of all the world." He replied : " By God, thou sayest the
truth ; for all the Naeri said that that was not a Portuguese,
but that he was their God, and that the God of the Chris-
tians was better than theirs, and they did not know him, so
that it appeared to all that it was a miracle of God." See
what kind of people they are, who stood sometimes ten and
was reduced to extremity ; but the sea being then rough left abundance
of lobsters when it went off the point of land where our chapel was,
which was the only relief the men had. The Zamorin sent a powerful
supply to the king of Gananor, who gave the last assault to the fort by
sea and land with above fifty thousand men, who were vigorously re-
ceived and repulsed with great loss, not one of our men being killed in
the action. But now arrived Tristan de Ounna, and the king of Gananor,
terrified with his coming, and the defence made by Brito, sues for peace,
which was concluded with great honour to the Portuguese valour.*'
Portuguese Asia, vol. i. pp. 121-124.
LX7DOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 285
. twelve hours to see our bell ring, and looked upon it as
something miraculous, and when the bell did not ring any
longer, they said in this wise : *^ Idu maniciar totu, idu
parangnu tot ille parangnu ille Tamarani Portogal perga nan
nu ;" that is, " These people touch that bell and it speaks ;
when they do not touch it any longer it does not speak any
more ; this God of Portugal is very good." And, again,
some of these Moors were present at our mass, and when
the body of Christ was shown, I said to them : '* That is the
God of Portugal, and of the Pagans, and of all the world."
And they replied : " You say the truth, but we do not know
Him ;" wherefore it may be understood that they sin without
knowledge.^ There are, however, some of these who are
^ y&rthema seems to have rehabilitated himself as a devout Romanist,
as easily as he had doffed his five years* profession of Isl&m. His apology
for the ignorance of the natives does him more credit than his pious
fraud to impress them in favour of Christianity. It may fairly be ques-
tioned, however, whether these people were as credulous as he repre-
sents them ; I think it more likely that, if Muhammedans, they would
have listened to his theology with supreme disgust. The narrative re-
minds me of the case of a learned and wealthy Tunisian, who visited
Malta about twenty-five years ago on his way to £urope, bent on seeing
something of the civilization of the West. One day he called upon me
in a state of great excitement, and on inquiring the cause, he told me
that he had gone to inspect the Arabic class at the Normal School at-
tached to the Government University, and that while there, an abbate,
who was among the pupils, insisted on drawing him into a religious
discussion, in the course of which he ridiculed some of the doctrines of
the Kor&n. The young Tunisian, who was remarkably courteous in his
demeanour, quietly asked him to explain the doctrine of the Trinity,
promising in case of conviction that he would at once embrace Chris-
tianity. Whereupon the abbate, taking up his three-cornered hat, re-
quested him to handle each corner successively. This done, the zealot
said : *' How many angles are there V* To which the other replied ;
" Three," " And how many hats are there ?" The implied deduction
80 horrified the pious Mussulman, that he left the school forthwith, and
came to inquire of me whether such blasphemous comparisons formed a
part of Christian theology.
The natives of India were well acquainted with the use of bells long
before the arrival of the Portuguese ; so that our author must have been
286 THE TRAVELS OP
great enchanters. We have seen them grasp serpents which,
if they touch [bite ?] any one, he immediately falls to the
earth dead. Also I tell you that they are the greatest and
the most expert workmen, I believe^ in all the world.
THE CDAPTER CONCERNING THE ASSAULT OF THE
PORTUGUESE UPON PANNAND
Now, the time approached for the return homewards, for
the captain of the fleet began to load the ships to return to
Portugal, and I, having been seven years from my own house,
and from my love and good feeling towards my country,
and also in order that I might carry to it an account of a
great part of the world, was constrained to ask leave of my
lord the Viceroy, which of his grace he granted to me, and
said that he wished me first to go with him where you shall
know. Wherefore, he and all his company put ourselves in
order in white armour, so that few people remained in
Cucin, and on the twenty-fourth of November of the year
abovementioned we made the assault within the port of
Pannani. On that day we came before the city of Pannani.
On the next morning, two hours before day, the Viceroy
summoned all the boats of the ships with all the people of
the fleet, and told them how that was the country which made
war upon us more than any other country in India, and
sadly at a loss for an exemplification of Mussulman or Hindii ignorance,
when he adduced in proof of it their wonderment on hearing the tolling
of the church bell.
^ This is the Pananie of Barbosa, the P<mani of Keith Johnstone's
AdaSf and the Ponany of Thornton's Gazetteer, It is situated thirty-
four miles south-east of Calicut, on the south side of a river of the same
name, close to its entrance into the Arabian Sea. This town must not
be confounded with Yarthema's Pandarani, which lies to the north of
Calicut, which Baldasus calls Panayie, and which in Greene's Collection
is written Padarane. (Bee note 1 on p. 132.)
LUDOVICO DI VARTHBMA. 287
therefore he begged us all that we would go with a good
will to attack that place, which truly is stronger than any
other on that coast. When the Viceroy had spoken , the
spiritual father made such a discourse that every one wept,
and many said that for the love of God they were willing to
die in that place. A little before day, we began a most
deadly war against those dogs, who were eight thousand,
and we were about six hundred. But it is true that the two
galleys did not do much, because they could not approach
so near to the land as the boats. The first knight who
leapt on shore was the valiant knight, Don Lorenzo, son of
the Viceroy. The second boat was that of the Viceroy, in
which I was, and at the first ab«*ault a cruel battle took place,
because here the river was very aarrow ; and on the border
of the city there were a great many mortars, of which we
captured more than forty pieces. Here, in this assault, there
were sixty-four Moors, who had sworn that they would die in
that place or be victorious, for each of them was the master
of a ship. And so in the first assault they discharged many
mortars at us ; but God assisted us, so that none of our people
were killed here, but of them there were killed about one
hundred and forty, of whom the said Don Lorenzo killed
six in my presence, and he received two wounds, and many
others were wounded. For a short time the battle was very
severe. But after our galleys got to the land, those dogs
began to retire, and, as the water began to fall, we would
not follow them farther. And these dogs began to increase,
and therefore we set fire to their ships, of which thirteen
were burnt, the greater part new and large.^ And then the
^ The attack on Ponani is thus described by De Souza : — '^ Tristan
de Ounna was on his return [to Europe] with the merchant ships, and
the Viceroy bore him company to fall upon Panane, a town subject to
Calicut, where our enemies landed under the shelter of four ships of the
Zamorin commanded by Cutiale, a courageous Moor. The Viceroy and
Tristan anchored at the bar, held a council, and then sent both their
sons in two barques with several boats, and they in a galley followed
288 THE TRAVELS OF
Viceroy withdrew all his people to the headland, and here
made some knights, amongst whom, out of his grace, he also
made me one, and the most valiant captain Tristan da
Cugna was my sponsor. Having done this, the Viceroy
began to embark his people, but continued burning many-
houses of the said place ; so that, by the grace of God, with-
out the death of any one of us, we took our way towards
Canonor, and as soon as we had arrived, our captain had
the ships furnished with provisions.
them. Thej all went up the river through showers of balls sent front
the shore, which is high. The Moors ran into the water to meet the
boats, and killed three men ; but the dispute was now come to their
trenches, which some of ours mounted, and Peter Cam set upon them
Don Lorenzo*s colours. The colours were fljing, when the Viceroy,
seeing his son Don Lorenzo climbiDg with some difficulty, cried out :
' Lorenzo, Lorenzo, what laziness is that V and he very readily answered :
* Sir, I give way to him that has gained the honour.' A large Moor
encountered and wounded Don Lorenzo, and he gave him such a stroke
as clove his head to his breast. The town being entered, all were put
to the sword. Then all the ships in the harbour and docks were fired.
We lost eighteen Portuguese : none of note ; of the enemy above five
hundred perished.'' Portuguese Asia, vol. i. p. 124,5.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 289
THE BOOK CONCERNING ETHIOPIA.
To those who wish to make any profession of history or
cosmography, by which they may contribute both to the
common advantage, as already has been many times touched
upon, and to the immortality of a laborious life, there is
nothing more necessary than to be the tenacious possessors
of their memory, in order that, if anything has been pro-
mised by them in any previous place, they may be able to
perform it free from the defect of forgetfulness ; so that
there may be no one who may presume to reproach them
wantonly with negligence or lack of memory. Wherefore
I, having promised you in my proemium to display to you
part of Ethiopia on my return from so many involuntary
troubles, having now on my return an opportunity of ful-
filling my promise, will enter upon it with brevity, in order
that you may be able to arrive quickly at the end of the
work, and I to take repose in my country.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE VARIOUS ISLANDS
IN ETHIOPIA.
On the sixth of December we took our way towards
Ethiopia and passed the gulf, a course of about three thou-
sand miles, and arrived at the island of Mozambich, which
belongs to the king of Portugal. And before we arrived at
the said island^ we saw many countries which are subject to
u
290 THE TRAVELS OF
my lord the king of Portugal^ in which cities the king main-
tains good fortresses, and especially in Melindi^ which is a
realm, and Mombaza, which the Viceroy put to fire and flame.
In Chilva he has a fortress, and one was building in Mozam-
bich. In Zaphala, also, there is a very good fortress. I do
not describe to you what the valiant captain Tristan da
Cugna did, who, on his coming into India, took the cities of
Gogia and Pati, and Brava, a very strong island, and Sacu-
tara, extremely good, in which the aforesaid king keeps
good fortresses. I do not describe to you the war which
was waged, because I was not present at it. I am also
silent about many beautiful islands which we found on our
route, amongst which is the island of Cumere, with six
other islands about it, where much ginger and much sugar
grow, and many singular fruits, and animal food of all
kinds in abundance. I likewise do not speak to you of
another beautiful island called Penda, which is friendly
towards the king of Portugal, and most fertile in every-
thing.^
^ Mozambique, Malindi, Momb&sa, Eilwah, Sof&la, Angoza, Pat6,
Br&va, Peraba, and the Comoro Isles. These places, with a few others not
named, had been seized by the Portuguese, on different expeditions to
and from India, between the years 1498-1507. Some historical notices
respecting the Arab settlers, who appear to have occupied them for cen*
turies before the arrival of the Portuguese, will be found in the Intro-
duction. The island of Socotra, which lies about one hundred and
twenty miles off the north-eastern extremity of the African mainland,
was captured by the fleet under Tristan de Ounna and Alfonso do
Albuquerque towards the end of 1507. De Souza gives the following
account of the occurrence : — *' De Gunna found here an indifferent fort,
not ill manned, nor unprovided. Being provoked by the Sheikh's
answer to his message, he resolved, though it were dangerous, to land
with Albuquerque. The first who leaped ashore was his nephew Don
Alfonso de Noronna, with a few but brave men. The Sheikh received
him with no great number, though much gallantry, maintaining his
ground, and threatening De Cunna, who, through a shower of bullets
and stones, made his approach to the fort, and was briskly repulsed by
the Sheikh, whom then Don Alfonso struck down with his lance. Hence
ensued a sharp skirmish : the Moors endeavouring to carry off their
LUDOVICO DI YARTHBMA. 291
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE ISLAND OP MOZAMBICH
AND ITS INHABITANTS.
Let us return to Mozambich^ whence the king of Portu-
gal (as also in the island Zaphala) derives a very great
quantity of gold and of oil^ which comes from the main-
Prince, and the Portuguese to hinder it : till he and eight more being
slain, the enemy fled to the castle, which was scaled, and those who
entered opening the gate for the rest, a bloodj fight began within, the
Moors disputing it to the last man... The Portuguese lost six men. The
natives [Christians] who had kept ojf, hearing of their success, came to
thank De Cunna for delivering them from the heavj yoke of the Muham*
medans, and were received under the protection of the king of Portugal,
who having chosen Don Alfonso de Noronna to command the fort, if
taken, De Cunnft gave it him, with a hundred men for garrison." It
would appear from De Souza that the island at this period was in*
habited principally by Christians : — '^ They are all Jacobite Christians,
like the Abissins. The men use the names of the Apostles, the women
chiefly that of Mary. They worship the cross, which they wear on their
cloathes, and set up in their churches, where they pray thrice a day in the
Chaldean language, altemativisly, as in a choir. They receive but one wife,
use circumcision, fasting, and tithes. The n^en, comely ; the women, so
manly, that they follow the war, and live like Amazons. Some of them,
for propagation, making use of such men as arrive there, and even
bringing some by witchcraft. Their cloathing, some cloth, and some
skins ; their habitations, in the caves ; their weapons, stones and slings.
They are subject to the Arabian king of Caxem^* [Kesbin]. {Port. 49ia,
vol. i. pp. 116-119.) Dr, Vincent quotes Cosmas Indocopleustes as
stating that " the inhabitants of Socotra were Greeks from Egypt. He
was not at the island, but conversed with some of the natives in
Ethiopia : they were Christians, and their priests were from Persia,
that is, they were Nestorians." {Com, and Navig, of the Ancients, vol.
ii. p. 342 n.) El-Edrtsi describes the population in his time as being
composed chiefly of Christians, and his account of their original settle^-
ment there is curious though obviously fabulous : — " Most of the inha-
bitants of Socotra are Christians, and the cause of this was that Alex-
ander [the Great] after he had overcome the king of Persia, and his fleet
had captured the Indian islands, and he had killed Mdr, king of India,
his preceptor, Aristotle, having enjoined him t-o discover the Island of
Aloes, this subject was on his mind, owing to his preceptor's injunc-
tion ; so that after he had accomplished the taking of the Indian islands,
and had overcome them and their kings, he turned from the Indian Sea
IT ^
292 THK TRAVELS OF
land. We remained in this island about fifteen days, and
found it to be small: the inhabitants of it are black and poor,
and have very little food here ; but it comes to them from
the mainland, which is not far distant. Nevertheless, there
is a very good port here. Sometimes we went on the main-
land to amuse ourselves and to see the country. We found
some races of people quite black and quite naked, excepting
that the men wore their natural parts in a bark of wood, and
the women wore a leaf before and one behind. These
people have their hair bristling up and short, the lips of the
to the Sea of Yemen, [which he never did,] and he conquered those
islands as far as Socolra, with which he was much pleased on account
of its fertility and the temperature of its climate, and wrote to his pre-
ceptor accordingly. When this news reached Aristotle, he wrote direct-
ing him to remove its inhabitants, and to replace them by Greeks who
were to be instructed to take care of the aloes trees, and to cultivate
them, on account of the several benefits to be derived therefrom.''
(Part vi. of First Climate,) Marco Polo, a century later, describes
Socotra as the seat of an archbishop, who was subject to a ZatoUa
[Oatholicos] who resides at Baldak, [Baghdad,] by whom he was elected.
I infer from these several accounts, that the Ohrisiians at Socotra
were originally Nestorians, but that, following the example of some of
their co<religionists in India, they subsequently embraced the Ho-
nophysite doctrines of Jacob Baraddssus, whose followers were styled,
after him, Jacobites. In that case, De Souza is correct in classing
them with the Abyssinians, who hold the same theological views, and
some of whose social habits these Socotra Christians appear also to have
adopted. On the abandonment of the island by the Portuguese, it
reverted to its original native proprietor, the Arab Sheikh of Eeshin, a
small town on the north-east coast of Arabia. An attempt was made
on the part of the Indian Government in 1834 to obtain the island by
purchase, in order to establish a coaling-station there ; but *Amr ibn
Taw&ri, the then ruling chief of Keshin, resolutely refused to entertain
the proposal, declaring that " as sure as there is but one God, and He is
in heaven, I will not sell so much (making a span with his fingers.) It
was the gift of the Almighty to the Mahrahs, and has descended from
our forefathers to their children, over whom I am Sultan." (Tran», of
the Boiinhay Oeog. Soc,, vol. vii. p. 148.) The Christian population of
the island has entirely disappeared, and there have been no native
Christians resident there within the memory of any of the Arabs of the
adjoining coast.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA. 898
mouth as thick as two fingers, the face large, the teeth large
and as white as snow. They are very timid, especially
when they see armed men. We, seeing these beasts to be
few and vile, (we were about five or six companions well
armed with spingarde^ took a guide in the said island who
conducted us through the country, and we went a good
day*8 journey into the mainland ; and on this journey we
found many elephants in troops, and, on account of these
elephants, he who guided us made us carry certain pieces
of dry wood ignited, which we constantly made to flame up.
When the elephants saw the fire they fled, excepting once,
that we met three female elephants who had their young
behind them, who gave chase after us as far as a mountain,
and there we saved ourselves, and travelled through the
said mountain at least ten miles ; then we descended on the
other side and found some caverns, to which the said negroes
resorted^ who speak in a manner which I shall have great
trouble in making you understand. However, I will en-
deavour to explain it to you in the best way I can. For
example : when the muleteers follow their mules in Sicily
and wish to drive them on, with the tongue under the palate
they make a certain warble and a certain noise, with which
they make the mules go on. So is the manner of speaking
of this people^ and with signs until they are understood.
Our guide asked us if we wished to purchase some cows and
oxen, as he would procure them for us cheap. We answered
that we had no money, thinking he might have an under*
standing with these beasts, and might cause us to be robbed.
He said : " There is no need of money in this affair, for they
have more gold and silver than you have, for it is near here
that they go to find where it grows." We asked the guide :
" What would they then ?" He said : " They are fond of
small scissors, and they like a little cloth to bind round
themselves." They are also extremely fond of some little bells
for their children ; they also covet razors." We answered ;
894 THE TRAVELS OF
" We will give tbem some of these things, if, however, they
would take the cows to the mountain." The guide said :
'^ I will see that they shall take them to the top of the moun-
tain and no farther, for they never pass beyond. Tell me,
however, what you will give them ?" One of our com-
panions, a bombardier, said : *^ I will give them a good
razor and a small bell." And I, iu order to get animal food,
took o£f my shirt, and said that I would give them that.
Then the guide, seeing what we would give, said : *' Who
will drive so much cattle to the sea ?" We answered :
*' We will drive as many as they will give." And he took
the things abovementioned and gave them to five or six of
these men, and demanded for them thirty cows. The brutes
made signs that they would give fifteen cows. We told him
to take them, for they were enough, provided they did not
cheat us. The negroes immediately conducted fifteen cows
to the top of the mountain. But when wc had gone a little
way from them, those who remained in the caverns began
to make a noise ; and we, thinking that it might be to fol-
low us, left the cows and all betook ourselves to our arms.
The two negroes who led the cows showed us by certain of
their signs that we need not be afraid. And our guide said
they must be quarrelling, because each would have wanted
that bell. We took the said cows again, and went to the
top of the mountain, and the two negroes then returned on
their way. On our descent to come to the sea-shore we
passed through a grove of cubebs about five miles, and dis-
covered part of those elephants which we had met in going,
which put us into such fear that we were obliged to leave
some of the cows, which fled towards the negroes, and
we returned to our island.^ And when our fleet was far«>
^ The following is Barbosa^B description of Mozambique, from which
it would appear, chat in his time the Arab settlers, though subject to
the Portuguese, continued to exercise a separate civil jurisdiction t^
" Passing Angos [Angoxa] on the way towards India, there are three
LUDOYICO DI VARTHEMA. 295
nished with all that it required, we took our way towards
the Cape of Good Hope, and passed within the island of
islands very near the land, one of which, called Mozambique, is inha-
bited by Moors. It has a good harbour, frequented bj all the Moors
who navigate in the direction of Cefala, [SofMaJ Zuama, and Angos,
among which Moors is a Serife [Sherif,] who governs them, and admi-
nisters justice to them ; and these use the language and customs of the
Moors of Angos. In these islands the king of Portugal has now a
fortress, and has these Moors under his sway and government. In this
island [Mozambique] the Portuguese ships take in water, wood, fish, and
other provisions, and here those vessels that need it are repaired. In
like manner, from this island the Portuguese factory at Cefala is pro-
vided, both with articles from Portugal and from India, it being situated
in the highway. On the mainland opposite to this island there are
many very large elephants, and other wild beasts. The country is
inhabited by Pagans, who are very ugly men : they go naked, and
besmeared with coloured earth, e le lor parti vergognose involte in una
braca di drappo di bombagio azurro, without any other covering. Their
lips are bored,... each lip with three holes, and in the holes they insert
bones, jewels, and other trinkets." (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 289.) The
oppression of the Portuguese soon converted these comparatively 1^ *rzi-
less Makuas, as the aborigines are called, into troublesome neighbouri ;
for Purchas records an attack made by them on the colony as early as
1585, (vol. ii. p. 1553.) Their enmity was subsequently embittered by
the inhumanity of the slave-dealers, and Salt gives an account of one of
their incursions in 1806, when "they destroyed the plantations, burnt
the slave-huts, and killed or carried off every person who fell into their
hands. They penetrated even into the fort of Messuril, and threw down
the image of St. John, which was in the chapel, plundering the one ad-
joining the Government House, and converted the priest's dress, in
which he celebrated mass, into a habit of ceremony for their chief.''
( Voyage to Abyssinia, etc., p. 38.) The atrocities of the slave traffic
were revived a few years ago under the operation of the so-called French
Free Labour Emigration Trade, the Governor- General of Mozambique
taking an active part in the undertaking by despatching soldiers into
the interior to cooperate with the Arabs in their kidnapping expeditions.
'* At first they were successful ; but, at last, the negroes, exasperated
by the bloodshed which had again commenced among them, and attri-
buting it to its correct cause, viz., to the presence of the Portuguese
soldiers among them, rose and destroyed some of them, and the sur-
vivors escaped only with their lives, to bring to the city of Mozambique
the intelligence that all the natives had risen with the intention of
driving the Portuguese into the sea.^' (M^Lbod's Travels in Eastern
Africa, vol. i. pp. 319-23.)
896 THE TRAVELS OF
San Lorenzo^^ whicb is distant from the mainland eighty
leagues ; and I think that the king of Portugal will soon be
lord of it^ because they have already seized two places and
put them to fire and flame. From what I have seen of
India and Ethiopia, it appears to me that the king of Por-
tugal, if it please God^ and he is as victorious as he has
been hitherto, I think that he will be the richest king in
the world. And truly he deserves every good, for in India,
and especially in Cucin, every fSte day ten and even twelve
Pagans and Moors are baptized in the Christian faith, which
is daily extending by means of the said king ; and for this
reason it may be believed that God has given him victory^
and will ever prosper him in future.
THE CHAPTER CONCERNING THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
Let us now return to our journey. When we had passed
the Cape of Good Hope, about two hundred miles distant
from the cape, the wind became contrary, and this because
on the left hand there is the island of San Lorenzo and
many other islands, amongst which there arose a very great
storm of wind, which lasted for six days. However, by the
grace of God we escaped any accident. When we had
passed two hundred leagues we had again a very great
storm for six more days, when the whole fleet was dispersed,
which went some here and some there. When the storm had
ceased, we went on our way, and never saw each other again
until we arrived in Portugal. I went in the ship of Bartho-
lomeo Marchioni, of Florence, dwelling in the city of Lisbon,
^ Madagascar, called San Lorenzo by the Portuguese, who are said
to have first landed there on the anniversary of that festival. Some
authors assert that the island was discovered by Lorenzo de Almeyda in
1506 ; others, that it was first visited by the fleet under Tristan de
Cunna in 1507, on which occasion they had a skirmish with the Moorish
inhabitants of one or more towns on the eastern side of the island.
LUDOVICO DI VARTHEMA, 297
whicli ship was called Santo Vicentio, and carried seven
thousand cantara of spices of all sorts ; and we passed near
another island called Santa Helena, where we saw two
fishes, each of which was as large as a large house, which,
every time that they are upon the water, raise a sort of
visor, I think three paces (passi) wide, which they let down
when they wish to go under water. We were so alarmed
at the force of these fishes in swimming, that we fired off all
the artillery. And then we found another island called
Lascension,^ on which we found certain hirds as large as
ducks, which perched upon the ship, and they were so
stupid and simple that they allowed themselves to be taken
by the hand, and when they were taken they appeared very
sharp and fierce.^ And before they were taken they looked
at us like something miraculous. And this arose from their
never having before seen Christians ; for in this island there
is nothing but fishes, and water, and these birds. Having
passed this island, when we had sailed for some days we
began to see the north star, and yet many say that when
the north star is not seen it is not possible to navigate save
by the Antarctic Pole. Let me tell you that the Portuguese
always sail by the north star, although some days the said
star is not seen, nevertheless the magnet performs its office
and is adjusted to the Arctic Pole. Some days afterwards,
we arrived in a beautiful country, that is, at the islands of
the Astori,^ which belong to the king of Portugal. And
first we saw the island of Picco, that of Corvo, the island of
Flores, that of San Giorgio, La Gratiosa, the island of
Faial, and then we arrived at the island of Tertiera, at
which we remained two days. These islands are very fruit-
ful. We then departed thence and went towards Portugal,
and in seven days arrived at the noble city of Lisbon, which
is one of the noble and good cities I have seen. I leave you
^ Ascension. ' The birds Yulgarly known as Boohvet,
• The Azores.
298 THE TRAVELS, ETC.
to imagine, O my kind reader, the pleasure and joy I felt
when I had arrived on terra firma. And as the king was
not in Lisbon, I immediately set out and went to find him at
a city called Almada,^ which is opposite to Lisbon. When
I had arrived, I went to kiss his majesty's hand, who caressed
me much, and kept me some days at his court, in order to
know about the things of India. After some days, I showed
to his majesty the patent of knighthood, which the Viceroy
had granted me in India, praying him (if so it pleased him)
that he would confirm it, and sign it with his own hand,
and aflix his seal to it. When he had seen the said patent,
he said that it pleased him, and so he had a diploma drawn
up for me on parchment, signed with his hand, with his
seal, and registered ; and so I took my leave of his majesty,
and came to the city of Rome.
IT Printed at Rome by Master Stephano Guillireti de
Loreno, and Master Hercule de Nani, of Bologna,
at the request of Master Lodovico de Henricis
da Corneto, of Vicenza. In the year m.d.x.
the vith day of December.
<#£©!€>
1 In the edition of Ramusio of 1613 it is '^ Almeirim/* where there
was a palace belonging to the kings of Portugal.
INDEX TO THE TRAVELS OF LUDOVICO DI
VARTHEMA, AND TO THE NOTES.
Abbassidbs, ZXT ; 6
'Abdali tribe of Arabe, 74
Abdallah ibn Muhammed, 91
Kutb ShAhofGolcoiidah,195
'Abd er-Bazzftk ("India in the xyth
century") quoted, 1, Ixvi; 94, 100,
125, 130, 181, 136, 146, 148, 177
Abercrombie, General, takes Can-
nanore, 123
Abissins, 291
Aboo ' Abdallah bin Ahmed Muhrim,
58
Abraham (his sacrifice), 86, 41, 43,
44, 45 ; (and Ephronj, 221
Abubekr, (hia tomb at £l-Medtnah),
27, 28, 46, 75, 103
Abulfeda quoted, 80, 82
Abu 'Obeidah, 28
Abyssinia, 47, 86; (bargaining in), 169
Abyssinian army destroyed at Mec-
cah, 32 ; — mei'cenaries in India,
118
Abyssinians, 63, 81, 84, 291, 292
Achem, 230 ; see Achin
Achin, Iraviii ; 229, 231, 232
Head, 153
Adam, first builder of the K&aba, 41
Adam's Bridge, 184
^'s Peak, 190, 191
Adders, deaf, 173
Aden, 58; (described), 59, 60; his-
tory of the valley or, 58 ; Varthe-
ma's return to, 73 ; again, 84
Adhdn (or call to prayer), 267
'Adil, Sh4h of the Deccan, lix, Ix,
hriv; 115, 117, 118
iBlian quoted, 241
iElius Gallus, 21
A&icano, Gtiovan Leoni, zrr
Agag, 22
Agamos in Abyssinia, 47
Agates, 107
AghAni, £1-, author of, quoted, 22, 23,
32
Agila,235
Agnesina, Duchess, 275
Ahmed ibn el-Im4m en-Ndsir, 80
Ahmed, Shdh of Guzerat, Iviii ; of
Ahmednugger, liv
Ala Chatoteri, 197
Aiam Campetit, 197
Aiaz (city of Yemen), 74
Ainslie's Materia Medica, 163
'Akabet esh-ShAmi, 20
Akbar, the Emperor, Ldv; 111, 211
Akhdar, E1-, 33
'Aid ed-Din Husein, Sh&h of Bengal,
Mv; 212
Alandrina (Fandaraina) Ixzziv
Albi, Countess or Duchess of, xix ; 1
Alexander, fables about, 58, 291
Alexandria, 5
Aleppo, 7
Alia Apostolica (dress so designated),
78, 112, 193, 201, 263
Albcrti quoted, 204
Albuquerque, cix; 94, 99; ^takes
Gk)a), 115, 184; Commentaries of,
quoted) 224, 254, 283, 290
'Ali, (alleged tomb of), 26, 74, 103
Bey quoted, 53
Chelebi, 237
Muhammed Kh&n's History of
Guzerat. See Bird
Almacarana (El-MakrAnah), a city
of Yeman 75, 76
Almada, 298
Almadea, (El-Maadlah), a kind of
boat, 154
Almeida. See De Ahneyda
Aloes-wood, 235 ; — Island, of, 291
Am, Amb, Anba, Amba, Amra, (man-
go) 159, 160
Amalekites, 22
Aman (Hamath), 5
Amanm (Yemen), 57, 83
'Amir ibn 'Abd el-WahhAb, Sultftn,
67,61
300
IVDBX.
and
Amir Akbai, 76
'AU el-BSadAni, 79
Bar Sabai, 79
el-Moamantn, 57
'A mm An Seyyeds of
Zanzibar, cxi
'Amr el-Jalnraty, 76
Amnck, numing^, 226 .
Ananias, 12
Anchors of marbl^ 153
Andaman Islands, 229
Anecdote of British law as viewed
in the East, Izxr
Angediva, Island of, 119, 120,261,275
Anpos (Angoxa), 290, 294, 295
AmTnu-lgj at Honahwar, 122 ; at
Calient, 172 ; at Tenasserim, 199
Antartic regions heard of by Var-
thema, xcr ; 251
Antelope, 46, 47
Antimony, 102
Antipathy of Hindtis to the sea,
152
Apes, 85, 172
Aquednct at Aden, 83, 84
JLmbia, Deserta, 16; Christianity
in, 32; Felix, 31, 37, 53, 54, 57,
151
Arabians, 224
Arabic, Varthema's specimens of,
xxvi ; 29, 30, 31, 41, 49, 50, 62, 63,
66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 96, 97, 263,
267
couplet, quoted, 236
Arabs, of Damascus, 14, 15 ; of
the desert, 17, 19, 20, 21; dress
and arms of, 55, 64, 65, 78 ; fights
with, 19, 20, 21, 35 ; the navigators
of India, 152; in India, 178;
Christian, 32
Aracan, marriage customs in, 204,
216, 225 ; king of, 219
Arafat, 36, 41; hurry from, 44, 192
Arcam, 22
Archipelago, Indian, navif^tion
to, 153, 170; Varthema's visit to,
223; etseq.
Areca palm and nut, 144, 233
Aristotle, 291, 292
Armenia, 15 ; writing of, 213
Armenians in Burmah, 217
Arms and dress of Arabs. See Arcibs.
Arms of soldiers of Calicut, 150 ; and I
dress of Ceylonese, 193 ; of Ten- i
asserim, 198; of fleet of Calicut,
275
Army of King of Calicut, 149 ; of
King of Tenasserim, 198 ; of Ben-
gal SultAn, 211
Arnaud's travels in Yemen, xlvii
Arrack, 164
Arrian, 152
Arrowsmith's Atlas, Ixvi ; 182
'Arshiyytn, 62
Artichokes, 190
Artillery in Ceylon, 193, 255 ; nona
in Pulicat, 195 ; among Javanese,
254 ; made by Christians for the
Zamorin, 261, 276, 278, 279, 281.
See Fire-arm$
Artocarpus integrifolius, 159
Arungztb, 126, 195
Asas, ('Az'az). See Aicu
Asc^ision, Island of, 297
Asedegam, (Satgong), cxv
Ashrafl, xlvi; 10, 13. See Seraphitn
Asiatic Society, Boyal, 153
Assemanni Biblioth. Oriental, quo-
ted, 213
Astori Islands, (Asores), 297
'Atar of Boees, 11
Atlas, K. Johnstone's, 286. See J.
Aumar, 103. See 'Omar
Australia, supposed to be referred to,
251
Ava, xxvi; King of, Ixxxvi; 216,
217, 218, 219
Azamini, ('Ajami), 7
Azemia, 8
Azores, 297
Azraki, £1-, 35
Babacheb. See Abuhekr
Bab el-Mandeb Straits, legend of,
58,86
Bab es-Saiam at El-Medinah, 27
Babylon, priests from, 180; Patri-
arch of, 181
Bacam, 216
Bachan, 245
Backwaters of Cochin, Ixviii, hdx;
156, 179, 180
Badafattan, 132
Badakhsh&n, 102
Baduin. See Bedawtn
Badulla, 189
BahiU, 79
Bahar, (a weight), 170
Baharein Island, 94
Bahmini Dynasty of Kalberga, lix
Bakhtegdn, liii
Bakya at £1-Medinah, 28
BaJachsam, (Badakhshftn), 102
Balances, delicate, 168
Balass rubies, liii ; 101
BaJbi, Gtesparo, 213, 220
BaJdsras, Philip, quoted, Ixvi; 105,
132, 173, 180, 184, 185, 196, 286
BaJdak (Baghdad), 292
INDEX.
801
BaJsam, jars of, 40
Balthazar, Seqairius, 197
BambooB, enormous, 219
Bain<S, 199
Banda Islands, (Bandan of V.),
Ixxvii, xci; 232, 233, 243, 245
Bandar Uokkdt (Holket Bay), Aden,
59
Banghella, Bangchella, (i.e. Bek-
oala), (q.v.). City of, Izxx, Ixxxii,
cxiv, cxv; 38, 151, 196, 210
Banias, 20
Bankers in Calicut, 168
Barada Kiver, 9
BarakAt, (Bajachetof V.), Sherif of
Mecca, zxxii ; 53
Barbara. See Berhera
Barbosa, Odoardo, quoted, Ixix,
Ixxvii, cxiv J 110, 131, 133, 154, 157,
180, 183, 184, 185, 188, 194, 197,
210, 222, 226, 230, 233, 234, 235,
240, 243, 245, 252, 254, 258, 286,
294
Baretti's Dictionary, 107
Bargaining, by fingers, 168 ; Orien-
ts, 221
Barrygarry, 132
Bartema (Varthema), xviii
Barter with Negroes, 293
Baruti. See Beyroot
Baso, 169
Batech (Batta), 256
Batacola or BatcuU, 119
Batbacala, (Bathcal), Batcoal, or
Beitkul), lix, Ix ; 119, 151
Battle at Cannanore with the fleet
of Calicut, 276, et seq.
Bayazid II., xxv
Bebmendo, (I. of Perim), 58
Bed4wln, 15, 20, 23, 24, 34^ 42, 48.
See Ardbs
Beef, 00W-, 121, 122, 143
Beke's Commerce and Politics of
Abyssinia, 169
Bell-ringing impresses the Muham-
medans, 285
Bellary, 126
Bendemir, B., lii ; 101
Bengal, Bengala, History of, bdii,
Ixxx, Ixxxii ; 38, 151, 184, 196, 197,
198, 210; riches of, Ixxxii; 212;
Sult&ns of, 212; mutilation in,
258; postscript on, cxiv; site of.
See Banghella
Bengallis, 224
Beni Dhfthir, 76
Thamoud, 34
Benjamin of Tudebi, 1
Bennett, Notes by Mr. J. J., 158,
160, 161, 233
Benzoin, 197, 234
Berbera, 88
Berey's Map of Asia, cxix
Bergare, 132
Bemier, quoted, 100, 118
Betel leaf, 144
Beyroot, 6
Bhj^nu^er, or Hyderabad, 195
Bhuta (spirits), 139
Bhutan, 100
Bidar, King of. 117
Bigarrah, see MahmUd 8hAh
Bijapur, Ixiv ; 115, 117, 186, 194
Bijayanag&r, Ix ; 116, 125, 177, 194,
212
Biographic ITniverselle, xvii
Birds ; of Calicut, 172 ; of Java, 253;
beaks used for sword-hilts, 200
Bird's Transl. of AU Muh. Khan's
Hist.of Guzerat, Ixiv ; 109, 110,111
Bishops, Nestorian, consecration of
Indian, 182
Bisinegar (B\jayanag4r), 125
Black damsels of Arabia, 65
Arabs,. 77
and uncivilized people of Mo-
zambique, 292
Blaeu's Cosmo^praphy, Ixxx ; Maps of
Asia, &c., cxix
Blair's Map of Hindostan, cxix
Blemishes in British Indian His-
tory,
Blow-pipes, xcvi; 234
Bochor (as a name of aloes-wood),
235
Bogh&z Malacca (Straits of Malacca)^
Ixxxvii; 223
Bokhara, 100
Bombay, 113
Govt. Selections quoted^ 104,
106,106
Quarterly Mag., 117, 166, 168
Geog. Society's Transactions,
29, 88, 89
Boobies, 297
Bood-Ehana, 111
Books of Muhajumed at El-Medinah,
26
Bool4k, 6
Borali merchants of Guzerat, xlix
Bore at Cambay, Iviii ; 106
Boij€eh MamKiks, 6
Bomei (Borneo), bncvii ; 247
Bows and arrows, 65, 85, 254
Bracda — ^what ? 48
Brahminical thread, 189
Brahmins, 129, 134, 138, 140, 141,
142, 143, 175, 176; their feeding,
139 ; in war, 150 ; daily ceremonies,
149
802
INDEX.
Brande's Bictioniury of Mat. Medica,
qaoted, 102
Brava, city of, 290
Brazil-wood, 197, 199, 222 ; origin of
the name, Ixxviii ; 206
Bread not eaten, 124
Breastwork of camels, 20
Brema (Bnrmah), 197, 216
Bride assigned to Varthema^ Ivii;
104.
British fleet aids Sh^ Abb&s, U
role in India, whether it has
improved the average position of
the people, Ixxiii
capture of Aden, 69
Brokers, 168
Browne's Travels, quoted, IS
Bubachar. See Ahubekr
Baceros galeatus, Izzut ; 200
Buchanan's Journey through My-
sore, Canara, and Malabar, Dr.
Francis, quoted, Irvi; 107, 121,
124, 132, 134, 141, 143, 146, 151,
165, 158, 167, 171, 179
Buckingham, J. S., quoted, 12
Buddha, Ixxxv; 217
Buddhists, Ixzxv; 192
Buddhistic Triad, 217
Buffaloes in Tenassenm, 201
Bunder Abbis, 94, 95
Jedid, 88
Burckhardt, quoted, xxvii; 16, 17,
20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 83, 34, 35,
37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 52
Burgara, Bergara, Izvi ; 132
Buraiah, 216. (See Tenaaserim, Pegu,
and Ava,)
Burmas, ISing of the, 219
Burmese Peninsula, political state
of in time of Yarthema, Ixzvi
dress, 201 ; prayer, 217 ; coun-
tries, their intercourse with the
west, 215
Burning the dead, 151, 204, 206; of
widows, 206, 222
Burnt Ishmd, 88
Burying the dead, 151
Burton, Capt. E., quoted, xd ; 24,
25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34, 36, 36,
37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46,
63,80
his opinion of Yarthema,
xxxvi
Bushmen, 47
Buts, 142
Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, Ixv; 123,
156, 178, 260
Cflbul, 100
Cadelapalon (sp. of plantain), 162
Cftdhi ; preaching at Meocah, 43; of
Moors at Calicut, 278
Cadians, 163
Ca^ 183, 186. See Chayl
Cffisalpina Sappan, 206
CsBsar, Fredericke, quoted, czvi ; 92,
126, 199, 216, 219
Caicolon, Caoolon, Cainooulan, Cale-
coulang, CoUooloan (Kayan Ku-
lam), Ltviii, Ixix; 134, 161, 179«
180, 184
Cain and Abel, legends as to, 12, 69
Cairo, 6, 31, 37, 53, 103
Soldan of, 280
Fashion of, 226
Calam, 216
Calampat (Calambuoo), aloes-wood,
236,238
Calcutta Govt. Gazette, 48
Calicut, Izii; 133, 134, 143, 260; de-
scribed, 136 ; Yarthema's stay at,
Ixvi; ruined by war, 178; fleet of,
274, 275
King of (Zamorin), 174, 260,
261, 273
Manner of (i.e., Hinduism),
120, 124, 129, 131, 132, 134, 147,
180, 184, 195, 205, 209
Calimere, Point, 187
Caliphs, Abbaside, 6
Calligicum of Ptolemy, Ldx; 185
Calmet's Diet, of the Bible, 47
Cam, Peter, 288
Cambay (Combeia of Y.), Ivii, lviii«
Ixiv ; 91, 92, 105, 184
Camboja, 235
Camels, 17 ; food, 18 ; intrenchment
of, 20, 31, 33, 37; dung-fuel, 42;
of Sult4n of Aden, 64
CammooB, E1-, 23
Campar, 230
Camphor, xciv ; 248
Camrin, Island of, 65
Canara, North, 119, 120
South, 122
Kajah of, 121
Canes of Pegu, 218, 219
Canonica, 12
Cannanore, Ixi, Irv ; 122 ; described,
123, 131, 133, 261, 265, 266, 268,
272, 274, 275, 276, 288 ; Yarthema
goes to, 280; leaves for Europe,
c; 289; King of, 281, 283, 284;
Portuguese fort at, xcix ; 270, 281
CannibaBsm in Ind. Archip. 256;
alleged, in Java, xcvi ; 255, 257
Cape of Good Hope, 295, 296
Capel (Eapal), a kind of ship, 154
Capellan, alleged site of ruby mines,
219
INDEX.
803
Oapogatto, Ixyi ; 132, 133, 275
Oapucar, 133
Caravan of Bamasciis to Meccah, 16,
18, 20, 22 ; leaves Meocah, 61 ; of
Cairo, 37 ; of India, 51.
Caravans from Cashmere to China,100
Cardamnms, 124
Camatic, Kingdom of, Ix ; 116, 125.
See Bijayanagdr
coinage of, 131
Cas (a coin), 130
Cashmere, 100
Cassia, 124
Castenheda, 179
Castes of Calicut, Ixvii ; 141
Castle of Damascus, 9; of Portu-
guese at Cannanore, 270. See Can-
nanore.
Cathai, Cathay, Catai, 101, 294, 236 ;
Umits of, 213 ; Christians subject
to, 212
Catigan, Izxzi. See ChittagoTig, ChO'
iigomi,
CathoHc of Babylon, 181
Catholic missions in India, their
suiicess greater than those of Re-
formed churches, civ
Caussin de Perceval's Hist, des
Arabes avant Tlslamisme, 22, 23
Cautley, Sir P. T., 241
Cauvery river, 186
Cave on Adam's Peak, alleged, 191,
192
Caxem (Keshin), 291
Cazazionor. See Cogiazonor.
Ce&la. See Sofdla.
Centacola (Uncola), 120
Ceremonies; at the Eaaba, 40, 41 j on
death of King of Calicut, 144 ; of
HindA worship, 149, 176
Cevul. See Chaul,
Ceylon, ha ; 183, 185, 187, 188; cir-
cuit of, 188 ; described, ib. ; jewels
of, 218
Chabeiis, B., czvi
Chalcedonies, mountain of, 107
Chaldean tongue in Socotm, 291
Chameram (Camr&n), an island in
the Bed Sea, 54, 57
Chapel of the devil at Calicut, 137
Character of Persians, 102
Charts and compasses, alleged, in
the H%jj caravan, 31 ; in the Java
Sea, xciv ; 249
Chatigam, Cati^am (Chittagong),
Ixxx, cxvii, cxviii, cidz, cxx, cxzi
Chattra (umbrella), 150
Chattrapati, 150
Chaturi (Arab. Shakht^ P) a kind of
boat, 154
Chaul (Chonl Chowul Cevul), a port
of Concan, Ixiv ; 113, 115
Chayl (Cael, Coil), bdii, liix ; 184
Cheapness of Bengal, Ixxxii
Cheo (Jooah on Indus), Iv; 104, 105
Chiampana. See CiampaTia,
Chijs (Chinese), 225
Children, mutilated, 258
Chiloah (Quiloa, Eilwah), cvi, cvii ;
290
Chievuli, 151. See Chaul.
Chinese umbrella, 150
Chingleput, 194
Chitte.gong, cxvii
Chivil, 113
Chofole (name app. to Areca), 110
Christians; Arab, 32 ; restrictions on
at Juddah, 52
of St. Thomas, bdx; 180, 181,
187
— merchants from Saman who ac-
company Varthema to the farther
East, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, xc, xcv, xcvii;
212, 214, 219, 220, 235, 238, 241,
242, 244, 246, 248, 249, 257, 258
— , alleged, in Pegu, Ixxxv ; 217
of Socotra, 291
Christianity in Arabia, 32
spread of by Portuguese, al-
leged, 296. See Missions,
Chunam, 144
Church, idol temple taken for a, 175,
176
Churchill's Collection of Voyages,
133, 174, 184
Ciampana (Sampan, a kind of boat),
188, 242, 243, 259
Cianchapalon (sp. of plantain), 162
Ciccara (jack-nruit), 159
Cini (Kmg of — here apparently
Siam), 224 ; and Macini, 236
Cinnamon, 188 ; described, 191
Cioromandel (Coromandel put by
author for Negapatam), Ixx, xcvii ;
151, 259. See Coromandel.
Circassian Mamluks, 6
Circumambulation of the Kaaba, 40
Circumcision, 291
Civet-cats, 199, 218
Cloete, Mr. Henry, 47
Cloves and dove trees, xcii ; 245
Cobra, 173
Cochin (Cucin, Cuccin), 134, 260,
272, 286, 296; King of, 280,281;
liver or backwater of, 155, 179, 180
China, 235
Cock-fighting, 200
Cocoa-palm, described, 162 ; cutting
down, a crime, 166
Coifolo (Areca), 144
804
INDEX.
Cogiazenor, Cozazionor, etc. (Var-
tnema's comrade from Persia east-
ward), liii, Izxxiy, zc, zciv, xcvii,
xcviii, xcix ; 103, 178, 188, 194, 210,
220, 242, 244, 248, 249, 257, 262.
263,268
Coil. See ChoAfl,
Coilpatam, Ixx
Coilcoloan. See Caicolon,
Coiloan. See QuiUm.
Coins of B\jayami^dr, Ixv; 130; of
Calicut, 151 ; of Sumatra, Ixxxviii ;
232
Coir, 164, 165
Cole, Mr., Vice-consul at Juddah, 53
Colombo, Ixi ; 188, 189, 190
Columbum, 181
Colon, Coolam, Coulang, Coiloan
(Quilon, q. v.), 134, 151, 182, 183,
184, 187, 259
Colonna ; Agnesina, xix ; 1 ; Fabri-
zio and Vittoria, xix, xxii ; Guido-
baldo, zz, zzi, zzii ; Ascanio, zz
Colosseum, 38
Colossochelys Atlas, 241
Comari, a kind of tree, 245
Combeia {Cambay, q. v.), Ivii ; 105,
106, 107, 151
Commerce, freedom and extent of
medieval Indian, Izzi
Comolanga, a fruit of Malabar, 161
Comorin, Cape, Ixiii ; 153, 183, 187
Comoro islands, 290
Companion of Varthema. See Co-
giazenor.
Compass. See Charts and Compass,
Oriental names of, 82 ; whether
derived from Europe by the Arabs,
etc., zciv
Compounds, 136
Concan, lix, bdv
Conti, Nicol6 de', quoted, Ixixvj
105, 107, 125, 131, 135, 146, 188,
197, 205, 215, 217, 228, 233, 236,
240, 256
Conversions to Christianity, ci; 296
Copper in Java, alleged, 253
Coptic Monks, practices attributed
to, 258
Copyright of Yarthema's Itinerary,
xxiv. See Privilege at end of In-
troduction,
Corals, 194, 195, 206, 214, 219, 220
Corazani (Ehorassin), 99, 102
CorcopaJ, a fruit of Malabar, 161
Comeuans, 107
Coromandel (polit. state of), Ixiii;
125, 184, 186, 187. See Cioroman-
del.
Corroboration of Varthoma's descrip-
tions, xzviii, zziz, zzzi, xxzvi, zli,
xliv. See Veracity
Corsalis, Andrea, 249, 252
Cortor (a broker), 168
Corvo Island, 297
Cosmos, Indicopleustes, 291
Cotta, Cottica, Ixvi; 132, 189
Cotton and cotton stuffs, 8, 88, 107«
111, 114, 153, 198, 212, 222
Cowries, 131
Cows, unicorn, 87, stag-homed, 87
Cow (dung), plaster and fuel, 155
killing, a capital crime, 174
beef. See Be^.
Crawfrird's Descriptive Dictionary
of the Indian Islands, quoted
Ixxvii, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix; 170, 205,
210, 223, 254, 226, 227, 228, 229,
230, 233, 224, 235, 238, 239, 240,
243, 247, 252, 253, 254, 256
*s History of the TnHiftTi Archi-
pelago, 161
-'s condemnation of Varthema,
xcvi, 255
-, J., F.E.S., cxiii
Crecate, 133
Creed, Muhammedam, 63, 66
Crocodiles, 173
Cross, Southern, xcv; 249; appa-
rently referred to by Dante, 250
in Socotra, 291
Crowds at Meccah, 38
Crows at Calicut, 140
Cruttenden, Captain, quoted, 88, 89
Cubebs, in Mozambique, 294
Cucin, Cuccin. See Cochin
Cucumbers, 42 ; and melons, 124
Cumere (Comoro) Island, 290
Curia (At. Koroma, Ang. Ind. Corye,
a score), 170
Custard-apple, 190
Customs of the Hindiis, domestic,
149
Dabxjl, Dabuli, lix, 114, 151
Dadin, Ixxxiv •
D&l (lentils), 107
Dam (guide to holy places), 26
Dall^ (broker), 168
Damar (Dham&r, city of Yemen), 82
Damascus, 8; described, 8-16
lord of, 17
Damota, 47
Dant, see Dante
Dankert*s Map of Asia, cxiz
Dante (Damt, or Denn), a city of
Yemen), xlvii, 75
(the Poet)'s mention of the
Southern Cross, 250
D'Anville, quoted^ 185
INDEX.
805
Darb eah-Sharki, 83
D*Arvi©ux, quoted, 7
Dates given or implied by V arthcma,
see XXV, xxvii; 16, 18, 36, 89, 90,
177, 266, 274, 289
Date-trees, 74
Davis, John, 197
Days, short antaxotic, heard of by
Yarthema^ 251
De Almeyda, Francisco, Viceroy of
India, idx, c; 266, 271, 274, 280,
281, 282, 286
Lorenzo, son of the preceding,
xcix;' 271, 275, 276, 280, 281, 288,
287, 288, 296
De Barros, J., quoted, Ixxvii, bccdx,
oxvii, cxx ; 179, 224, 230, 234, 243,
252, 272, 278
De Cabreira, F. de X., cix
De Cunna (Da Cugna), Tristan, c ;
282, 284, 287, 288, 290, 296
Nunno, 211
De Britto or de Brito, Captain Lo-
renzo, 124, 281, 283
De Faria y Souza, his Portuguese
Asia, quoted, cxvii, cxx ; 179,
195, 256, 261, 271, 280, 282, 287,
290
De 6kuna» Yasco (and Stephen),
xxxix, xl, bnr, Ixvi, cvi; 24, 132;
takes a temple for a church, 175 ;
his first reception at Calicut, etc,,
178
De Quzman, Don Alonzo, liv
De la Boque, Yoyage de I'Arabie
Heureuse, quoted, 80
De Koronna, Alfonso, 290
De Nueva, Juan, 178
De Sala, Juan, his prudent reserva-
tion, 176
De Silvoa, P., ex
De Witt's Map of Asia, cxix
Dead, disposal of, 151, 204, 206
Dead Sea, 20
Deaths from thirst, 33
Debtors, treatment of, in Calicut,
147
Decan, Deccan, city and kingdom
of (Byap£kr), lix, bdvj 116, 117,
186
king of, 51, 115 ; his wars, sol-
diers, etc, 118
Decully, 184
Dedication of Yarthema's book, xx ; 1
Degradation of low castes in Mala-
bar, 142
Denn, a city of Yemen. See Dante
Dennistoun's Mem. of the Dukes of
Urbino, xix
Deumo (Deota), 187, 139, 207
Deuteronomy, quoted, 20, 166
Devil (appearing to Isaac, legend
of), 44 ; (worship, supposed),
129, 137, 167; sacrifice to, 220
Devotion, acts of, among Joghees,
112
Devs, 137
DhAfir,KhAnof Guzerat,lviii; 108
DhamAr, 62
Dhamarmar, 79, 83
Dharma, 217
Dharma Prakrama Bahu« king of
Ceylon, 189
D'Herbelot, quoted, xxxi, Iv, Ivi ; 75,
237
Dhura (a grain), 74
Diamond-mines, 107, 118
—— Point (Sumatra), 233
Dictionary, Shake^eare's Hin-
dustani, 172. See also Crawfurd
Difficulties in Yarthema's account
of Borneo, 247 ; of Java, 254
Di Solona^ Fra QuffUelmo, Ixxxiii
Diminution of number of frequented
ports in India since Yartiiema's
time, Ixxi, Ixxii
Dimne, see Dante
Diodorus Sic, xc; 148, 241
Diospyms, 161
Disease, Hindd notions of, 167
Dishes (or discuses), cutting, slung
by Joghees, 112
Disposal of dead in Calicut, 151 ; in
Tenasserim, 204, 206
Diu in Guzerat (called by Yarthema
Diuobandierrumi), xlix ; 91
Divers Yoyages touching Discovery
of America, quoted, 2&
Divorces, Muham., 14
Djitel (a coin), 130
Doondies, (kind of boat), 104
Dora. See Dhwra
Dormapatam, Ixvi ; 131
Dove of Muhammed, 45
Doves at Meccah, i6.
Dragon, St. George and, 7
Dress of ladies of Damascus, 14 ; of
King of Joghees, 112 ; of people
of Chaul, 114 ; of Nairs, 124 ; of
Narsinga, 129 ; of King and Queen
of Calicut, 143, 156 ; of Ceylonese,
193 ; of Tenasserim, 201; of Chris-
tian merchants of Samau, 213 ; of
King of Pegu, 219. See Arahe,
etc.
Dromedary journey, 82
Dromedaries, 126
Drum of Damascus, 11
Dutch, rise in the East, cii ; in India,
123, 180, 195, 260
806
INDEX.
Eaolb-wood, Izzziz; 235
Easter of Indian Churclies, 180
Eating, Hindd manner of, 139, 147 ;
in Tenasserim, 201
Ecclesiastical diasensionB in Mala-
bar, 181
Eden's old translation of Varthe-
ma, 91
Edh-Dhftfir, El-Melek, 61
Edom, 20
Ediisi, E1-, quoted, 78, 81, 83, 86, 148,
182, 183, 237, 291
Eedur, B^ah of. 111
Egypt, 5, 258
Egyptian expedition to Yemen, 65,
75, 82, 83
Elephant, Elephants ; teeth, 86 ;
enormous, 241 ; of Sult&n Mah-
mdd, 109, 124 ; how he fights, 126 ;
his intelligence, 127 ; his dread of
fire, ib. ; employed to beach ships,
ib, ; have joints, ib. ; described,
128 ; how they generate, 129 ;
eaten in some countries, ib.; varie-
ties of price, ib.; great under-
standing, t6., 149, 151, 172; in
Ceylon, 189 ; in Tenasserim, 198 ;
in Pegu, 218 ; at Malacca, 225 ; in
Sumatra very large, 232; ship
Isiden with, 278 ; in Mozambique,
293,294
El-Fath el-Mubin quoted, 160
Emanuel, King of Portugal, 260
Emeralds, 252 ; in Java, 258
Enchanters, Indian, 286
English aid to depress Pottngal in
the East, ciii
fiwjtory at Dabul, 115 ; at Kar-
war Head, 119
Enna^ (oil so called), 176
Ephron and Abraham, 221
Eri, (Herat), lii ; 99, 100, 102, 104
Esau, 20
Ethersey's account of the Bore, 106
Ethiopia, cvi ; 31, 37, 38, 60, 85, 151,
289; King of, 49
Eufra, a large river (P), mistaken for
Euphrates, lii ; 101
Eunuchs, 258
Eusebius quoted, 32
Expeditions of the Arabs to plunder.
Experiment with aloes and benzoin,
238
Ezekiel quoted, 8
Faial Ibulkd, 297
Fair at Berbera, 89
Fakhr ed-Din, (of Lebanon) Amtr, 7
Iskandar of Beng^, mii
Falconer, Dr. H., 241
Fandaraina, Ixxxiv ; 133, 183
Fanom (^Fanam, a coin), 130
Fantuzzi, Notizie degli Scrittoii Bo-
logpiesi, xviii
Farasola, (/Arsala, a weight), 170
Path-' Allah ImM, KhAn of Berar, lii
Fathers sold and eaten in Java,
Story of, 255
F&tihah, El-, Varth.'s version of, 268
Fatomah, (F&timah), tomb of at
El-MedSnah, 27
Feet of Adam, impressions of, 191
Female Hne, succession in, 143
Ferishta Jan (alleged origin of Pros-
ter John), 63
Ferishta's Histoiy by Scott quoted,
116, 117, 118, 126, 211
Ferrah, (a measure), 170
Ferriei^s Caravan Joumies quoted,
101
Ficus religioea, 166
Fighting of the people of Calicut,
149, 150
Filagree of Sumatra, 339
Finances, remarks on Yarthema's,
liii
Finati, Giovanni, 40
Fire-arms in Yemen, 65, 255 ; intro-
duced in Ceylon, 193 ; in the Ar-
chipelago, xcvii ; 239, 254, 255
Fireworks frighten elephants, 127
in Sumatra, 239
Fishes, gigantic, 201, 297
Fitch, Bcuph quoted, cxvii; 108,
113, 116, 117, 143, 157, 158, 186,
194, 197, 211, 217, 218, 220
Flaming well at Aden, 60
Fleet of CaHcut, 274, 275
Flight of Yarthema from Calicut,
269
Flora of Ceylon, 193
Florence, Arms of, 9
Flores Island, 297
Floris, Captain John, 197
Food, for Meccah, whence, 37 ; — of
people in India, 124; — of people
in Jfava, 254 ; — bearing trees not
to be cut down, 166
Forbes's KAs Mala quoted, 92, 106,
111, 137, 138, 139, 149, 168
Fdrskal, death of, 77
Fountains of Damascus, 11
Fragments of Portuguese Empire ia
the East, dii
Fran^ (Morb. Gall.), 156
Frasdla, see Fanuola
Fredericke, see CcBsar
French disease, 156, 274
Free Emigration, 295
INDEX.
807
FraitfdUest tree in the world (cocoa-
nut), 163
Froits of Damascus, 11; — of Ye-
men, 54, 66, 76, 78 ; — of Calicut,
168, et seq, ; — of Ceylon, 190; —
of Tenasserim, 199
Gabbiel, Don Juan, on the unicorn,
47
Gabiiele Sionita, quoted, 81, 83
GaUanga (a root), 106
Gallas,88
GaUeys, 287
Gampola, 189
Ganges, 211
Gangia Eegia, ih.
Garnets, 190
Gastaldi's Map of Asia, cxix, czz
C^utama Buddha, 192
€hiza( Straits of Malacca), Izxzvii, 223
Gems of Ceylon, 190
Generosity, Eastern, Uv
Ghenesis, quoted, 221
Genoa, 60
George, Saint, 7; — martyr, 12
Gezan (J&z4n), dty of, 66, 66
Gh&lifkah (a port of Yemen), 81
GhoBS&n, Ghassanides, 66; Ghas-
B&ni, 76
Ghatafi&n, 23
Ghorl dynasty of Hindostan, Iviii,
Giava, 236, 245, etc. See Java
Gilolo, xcii ; 246
Ginger, 124 ; described, 168
Gioghi, see Joghees
Gimar, fort of, 108
Giulfar, see Julfdr
Goa, island of, lix ; 115
Goa (GtoghA or Gogo, in Guzerat),
xlix; 92
Goats at Damascus, 14, 16 ; — and
sheep in Tenasserim, 199, 200
Gt)g and Magog, 237
Gk)ga (Ooa), 116
Gogo, xlix ; 92
6k)gia (Angoxa), 290
Golchonda, Monoid's Belation of,
216
Golconda, 107, 118, 194
Gold, 86, 291; touchstone for, 168;
— work of Sumatra, 238 ; — and
copper in Java, alleged, 253
Gombritn, Br. Factory at, li ; 94
Goij, see Curia
Goss-hawks, 199
Qour or Luknouti, city of, bdv, Ixxx,
cxiv, cxvi, cxriii ; 210
Grapes, of Monln and Helbon, 8;
Damascus, 11; 67; seedless, 70
Greek Christians, 8, 9
Greeks at Juddah, 62
Gregory the Great, 236
Greene s Collection of Voyages,
xxxlx ; 124, 133, 139, 166, 170, 176,
183, 186, 194, 197, 206, 211, 274,
276, 286
Guadalajara, 283
Guavas, 161
Guei, a savage people of Siam, 266
Guidobaldo,I)uj[eofUrbino,xx; 275
Gunners in India, Frank and Turk,
261 ; Ghinpowder in the Indian
Archipelago, 240. See Firearms
Guzerat (Pmitical state of in Yar-
thema's time), Iviii ; 91, 108, 109,
197
Guzerati tribe, 108, 109, 114, 161
Gm'ratis, 224
Gypsies, sea-, 227
Hadhbamaut, xlix ; 88
Ha4j^ (Hagar), 41
Hdmn, K&s, 88
Hajj route, xxvii; 33
Hakluyt quoted, 92
Halewacko or Kalewacko, 114
Haly, see 'Ali
Hamath, Hamih, 8
Hamilton, Captain Alexander,
quoted, 93, 113, 115, 119, 121, 122,
132, 136, 137, 141, 142, 148, 166,
170, 172, 180, 184, 231. 262
Haram at Meccah, 39. See Mo$que
Hailm, morals of the, xlv
Harbour at Sedashevaghur or Bath-
cal, 119
Hares and partridges in Tenasserim,
200
Hasius, his map of Asia;, cxix
Haswah, El-, 26
Hattia Island, cxxi
Haweea tribe, 88
Hawta, E1-, 74
Heb€r*s Journal quoted, civ, cv
He^jer (El-Hyr), 34
Hedye, 22, 33
Helena, mother of Constantine, 8
Heemrdj of B\jayanag&r, Ixi ; 126
HerAt, Hi ; 99, 100
Heresies and sects, Muhamm., 28
Hicunera Ixxxiv
Hidalcan, 117
Hieronomo di San Ste&no, 218
H\j&z, European visitors to the, xxvii
Jews in the, 22, 23, 24
Hijr, see Hedjer
Hm, 132
Hill, Rev. P. G., cxxii; 236
Hinaur, see Honahwar
808
INDEX.
Hindii, religion and temple, 137;
daily worSiip and coBtoms, 149 ;
fln*eat sacrifice, 176. See Book on
Galicat
Hindiis not navigators, 151, 152
Hippon, Captain Anthony, 194, 195
Hirava ana Foliar, low castes of
Malabar, 142, 143, 170, 244
Histoire de Voyages, 91, 95, 99
History, Modem Universal, 197, 198,
274
Hodeidah, 81, 86
Hogs, wild, 122, 172, 175
Homayoon, 211
Honahwar, Ixv ; 275
Hondins, Map of East Indies, cxix
Hooghly, cxvii
Horaib, King, 121
Hormuz (its trade and history), 1, li,
Ivii. See Ormus
Hombill, Helmet-, Ixzix; 200
Horns, coiffure in, 64, 68, 78
Horsbnrgh's India Directory, 106,
179, 180
Horses, imported to India from
Persia, 12i3 ; mules and asses not
used at Bathacala or Cannanore,
120, 121 ; not used at Calicut, 149 ;
cost of, 126
Hosh, £1-, 26
Hottentots, 47, 48
Houses of Calicut, their small value,
136
Htgrah at El-Med!nah, 27
Humaioun-N&meh, 237
Hun (pagoda, a coin), 116, 130
Hun<ui-backed slaves, 246
Hunting-grounds, 126
Hurrur, xci ; 86
Hyder AH, 122
Hydrabad, 117, 195
Hyenas, 85
Iakooka (Zimm6 or Changmai), 197
lana (for Java), Ixxxiv
Ibn Batiii», Lee's Trans, of Travels
of, quoted or referred to ; as to in-
terior of Yemen, zlvii; as to Sat-
gong in Beng^, Izxz; cheapness
of Bengal,lxEm ; Muhammed king
at Sumatra, Izzxiz; Mombfisa,
cvii ; as to title of BasM, 63 ; city
ofSan&a,79; Zaila,86; Ooa, 115;
Honahwar, 121 ; l^mgalore, 122 ;
Cowries, 131 ; Dormapatam, 132 ;
Fandarani, 133; Calicut, 135;
female line of succession in Mala-
bar, 144; Jack-fruit, 159; Cochin
Backwaters, 179; Quilon, 182;
journey to Adam's Peak, 1SK2; Su-
matra, 228, 229; name of China,
237 ; Java, 252
Ibn Ehaldoon, 22
Ibrahim Pasha, 9
Idols and idol worship of Hindis,
137, 138
Imim, title of, xliii
of Maskat, czi
in the Mosque, Yarthema acts
as, 267
TTnArna of SanAa and Yemen, 55, 74,
75, 78, 80, 81, 82
the twelve, 76
Impalement, 147, 209
India, Political State of Western, in
time of Yarthema, Iviii
Major and Minor, 88, 51, 60.
See Table of Oonienia.
in the xvth Century (Haklnyt
Soc., edited by Mr. K. H. M%jor),
94, 105, 107, 125, 127, 131, 158,
177,205,240. See also irq;or, 256
Indigo, 107
Indigofera pauciflora, 64
Indus, river, Ivii ; 104, 105
Inheritance in Calicut, law of, 143
Injection, 264
Inland navig^ation in Malabar, 179
Inscription on gate of Mombisa^ cix
Insignia, royal, 150
Irawaddy, river, Ixxzvi
Irons put on Yflffthema, 60, 61
Irrigation works in Ceylon, 193
Isaac, 43, 44
Isl&m, Yarthema's profession o^
xxvi, xxvii, Ixv, xcvi ; 49, 262, 266,
267, 286, etc.
in Sumatra, Ixxvi ; 230, 231 ; in
Java, Izxvi; in Malacca, 223
Isma'tl Mulk, a saint of Yemen, 81
'Adil ShAh, 118
Ismayl (for Ishmael, son of Abra-
ham), 41
Island, largest, in the world, 247
Islands, number o^ in Indian Archi-
pelago, 259
of Ethiopia, 289
IsraeHtes, 20, 22, 166
Istakdr, lii ; 101
lunus (the Mussulman name of
Yarthema), xxvi; 69, 70, 102, 104,
263,264,266
Jaca, cix
Jack-fruit, 159, 160
Jacinths, 190
Jacob Baraddeeus, 292
Jacobite Christians, 291, 292
Jaffhapatam, 189
Jaggery (pabn-sugar), 164, 165
INDEX.
809
Jains of Gozorat, bdv ; 106
JamAl ed-din Muhammed^ of Honah-
war, 121
Janagurh, 108
Janbeah or Arab dirk;, 65
Jangomai, 219
Jara&ttan, 132
Java^ political state of, Ixxvii, xciii,
zcvi j 228, 247 ; Yarthema's visit
to, 248 ; religion of, 251
Minor, 229
Javanese (in Malacca), 226, 227;
words, 188, 224; features and cha-
racter, 253
JAwah, 228
J&zAn. See Oetan
Jebail, 7
Jebel esb-Sheikh, 20
Warkan, 34
el-Hazna, 35
Nikam, 78
SAbir, 81
Jerusalem, Lord of, 17 ; destruction
of, 23, 242; —of the Hindus, 111
Jevkotee or asylum for vermin, 108
Jewel ; merchants, 212 ; trade,
195, 218
Jewels at Shir&z, 101; collected by
Joghees, 113; of the king of Cali-
cut, 156
Jew beaten by Varthema, 66
— maker of cannon in India, 262
Jews in Arabia^ xxviii; 22, 23, 24,
32,34
Jezlrah, meaning of, zlviii
Joah or Jooa, a port of Gcind. See
Cheo
Joan Maria and Pietro Antonio,
Milanese at Calicut, 260, 272 ; lose
their lives through avarice, 273,
274
Joghis (ascetics), bdv; 111, 167
the kizig of. 111 ; bribed to kill
the two Christians just named,
273
John Baptist's church at Damascus,
now a mosque, 12
Jones, Sir William, 152
Mr. J. Winter, cxiii ; 205
Jorduius, Friar, Izx; 181
Joshua, 22
Journal of Boyal As. Soc. 200, 201,
206,208
of Indian Archipelago, 205
Juddah, 24, 37, 51, 52, 53, 57, 192
Judea, 22, 23
Julamerk, 182
Julianus, bishop of Alexandria, 32
Jul£ir (a port in the Persian Gkilf).
1; 93
JunlcB, 239, 268 ; origin of the word,
210
Justice in India, Izziv
highly praised by ancient
writers, 148
in Calicut, 147 ; in Tenaflserim,
209
Kaaba at Meccah, 39
K&abiyyln, 62
Kddhi. See Cadi
K&hira, E1-, (in Yemen), 81
Kahra, 62
K&la Nuddi, 119
Kalambak. See CcUamp<U
Kalane gunga river, 190
Kalberga, lu, Ix
Kalila wa-Dimnah, 237
Kalkiyin, 183
Kalyam, 86
Kandy, 189
Kapokats, 133
Karwar Head, 119
Edsim Berid, of Bidar, lix
el Daulat el Ghori, 25
Kattywar, 92, 108
Eaukammali (Eaulam Mele), 182
Kawlam (Quilon), 179, 182
Eayan-Kulam, 180. See CaicoUm
Khaibar, 22, 23, 24, 83
Khalifa. See Caliph
EliAn, Qreat, Ixzxiii
Ehdns, 13
Khaw^ja, Ehdja, 108
Ehondemir quoted, 99
Ehorassin, 100, 103
Khumb&yat. See Cambay
Ehutbat el-Wakfah
Eeith Johnstone's Atlas, 155, 179,
180
Eeshin, 291, 292
Eillakarai (183). See Qwilieare,
Eilling, Sult&n MahmM's mode of,
110
Eings ; of Corasani, 100 ; of Sam-
bragante, 108 ; of the Joghe, 111,
278 ; of Cevul, 114 ; of Dabuli,
115 ; of Deccan, 115, 117, 118 ; of
Narsinga^ 116, 119, 122, 125, 129,
134, 187, 194 ; of Bathacala, 119,
121; of Onor, 121; of Canonor,
123, 281 ; of CaHcut, 138, 139, 148,
155, 261, 269, 273 ; of Cudn, 134,
280; of Caicolon, 134, 179; of
Colon, 134, 182; of Zailon, 188,
190, 194; of Tamassari, 195, 197,
202, 204, 207; of Peso, 216 et
seq, ; of Cini, 224 ; of Malacha,
226; of Sumatra, 230; of Giava,
251 ; of Portugal, 298
310
INDBX.
EiriUofl, Bishop, 181
Kistna, E., 196
Eiswa, or curtain of the Kiaba, 40
Knighthood conferred on Yarthema,
288; confirmed, 298
Eniffhton's Hist, of Ceylon, 189
Kock, Jacob, 47
Koerius, map of India, cxix
Kohl, 102
Eolapoor, 173
Koliaki, Eoniaki, Eolild, 186
EoliB, 186
KoDchi, Izix ; 185, 186
Eoolee B^ahs, 111
Eoord mercenanes in India, 118
Koppera, 164
EoraiBh, 46
Eor&n, quoted, 34; committed to
memory, 122
Eora of Ptolemy, 185
EotacnU, Ixvi ; 132
Eoulan (QuiUm), q, v,
Eow. See Cheo
Eraprs travels and missionary la-
bours quoted, cvii
Euba, gajrdens of, 25
Eunduz, 102
Eurrat el-'Aytin (corroborates Yar-
thema), xxzi; 50, 61, 65, 79, 82, 84,91
Eurrum (order of Nairs), 139
Eutb ed-Din of Delhi, Isii.
Shahi dynasty of Golconda, 195
La Gbatiosa Island, 297
Lacca, Lacra, (Lac dye), 107, 222
wood, 238
Ladies of Damascus, manners of, 14
Ladrone Islands, cannibalism, 256
Lagi (L4hq), 73
L4h€|j, V. 8.
Lamentation for sin, of pilgrims at
Meccah, 43
Lamiyyiin, 62
L&mu, cvi
Langhdti (Hind, garment), 112
Lane's Arab. Lexicon, 170
Lapis lazuli quarries, 102
Lassa, 100
Latter, M^or, 48
Lazieva, cix
Lee, Professor S., translator of Ibn
Bat<ita, 63, 182, and see Ibn Bat.
Leet (in Sed Sea), 54
Legend of Muhammed's coffin and
its origin, 25, 31 ; of the
Thamudites, 34 ; of sacrifice
of Abraham, 44 ; of Muhammed's
dove, 45 ; of Mea^li doves, 46 ; of
spider, ib, ; of Bab el-Mandeb, 58 ;
of Cain, 59
Legendaxy sites at Damascus, 12
LeUa (Ar. DellAl, a broker), 168
Lent of Indian Christians, 180
Lequios (Japanese), 225
Liberality of Eing of Pegu, 222
Library of the Fathers quoted, 236
Light over tomb of Muhammed,
pretended, 30
Lights of the Eing of Calicut, 174
Lignum-aloes, 235
Ligor, lxxvi;197
Lions (qu. tigers?), 122, 131, 172,
199 ; aTilTnalfl like (hyenas),
85
Lisbon, author's arrival at, 297
Litta, Famiglie celebn Italiane, xx
Loadstone and Muhammed's coffin,
story denied, 31
Loban (Lub4n), as a name of aloes-
wood, 235
Lobo, Father, Voyage Hist, d'Abys-
ginie, 47
Longevity, in Yemen, 78; at Hunah-
war, 122
Longer (Lig^or), 197
Loheia, 81
Lopez Juarez de Albergaria, 60
Journal of Thom6, xzzix
Lords of Meccah, 35
Lorenzo, a Christian boy, 274
Louis XI, 80
Lovers' custom in Tenasserim, 20S
LoVs History of Tenasserim (in
Jour. R. As. Soc.) quoted, 200,
201, 206, 208
Low castes of Malabar, 171
Lubaniabi (Lubdn Jdwt), 197
Lucknouti, 211
Lucoes (Luzonians), 225
Ludolph's Hist, ^thiop,, 47
Maabab, 183. See Malabar
Maazibah, 62
Mace, 244
Machamuth. See Mahmdd Bigarrah
Machian, 245
Macin, Machin, Madni, 216, 236
Macleod's Travels in Eastern Africa,
295
Mad Prince of Sanaa, 80
Madder, 85
Madness, Yarthema feigns, 66
Maffei, 274
Magino Patavino, Geography of, See
Pataviiu)
Magnet. See Compass
M^bar, 184
Mahaffah, 33
Mahagam, 189
INDEX.
311
Mahmtid Bigarruli, Stilt, of Gnzerat, I
lixj 107,108,109,111
ShAh of Kalb^rga, Ux
Maharras, Mt., 75
Mahratta State, 150
Maina (bird), 172
Muapait, 262
Mijor, B. H., Editor of India in the
XVth Century, g. v. ; also xxiy, zc,
ZCY, cxiii; 240, 241, 249, 251
Hakrftnali, E1-, (city of Yemen) . See
Malabar, History of, Izii ; 122, 123,
125, 135 ; low castes of, 171 ; in-
land navigation of, 179; Christians
of, 181. See ChrUHan
of Polo, its limits, 183 See
also Calicut, etc.
Malabars, MaJabaris (people of M.),
189, 224
Malabathrum, 234
Malacca (MaJacha of Y.), Izzvi,
lindi; 184, 197, 210; Varthema
goes there, 223; once subject to
Siam, 224 ; climate of, 228, 245; its
captare by Albuquerqne, 254, 258
Straits of, Ixxxvii, 223
Malapolanda (VaUi-pullum) a plan-
tain, 162, 163
Malatesta, Elisabetta, zz
MaJayaJim, Varthema's specimens
of, 145, 146, 147, 150, 161, 168, 170,
185, 202, 203, 204, 284, 285
Malays, Ixzxvii; 226, 227
Malcolm's Hist, of Persia, Sir John^
quoted, li; 101, 150
M^dive Islands, 131
Maliapoor, 186
Malikiah, 76
Malindi, ciz
Maluco, Maluka (Molucca), 245
Mamal Miricar, envoy to the Portu-
guese fleet, 282
MamaJe, a Malabar merchant, 283
Mamliiks, Mamelukes, zzv, xzvi ; 6,
9, 10; at Damascus, their ways,
13 ; Browne's account of, ib. ; Var-
thema's enrolment among, 16; in
the Pilgrim caravan, 16, 18, 21;
skill in warlike ezercises, 19, 37,
61; 76; in India, 116, 117
Manaar, 185, 186
Mandelslo's Travels quoted, ozvi;
115, 195, 198, 211
Mandra, ciz
MangaJore, 122
Mango, Manga, Mangga., descript. of;
origin of the name; introduced
into Arabia, 160, 161
Manjerftn (Mangalore), 122
Manners of Calicut. See Calieut
Mans(iri Heights, 59
Manu, laws of, 152, 166
Manzi, Mangi, Izzziv
Maps, early, showing Australia, 251;
of India from 1561 to 1740, cziz
Mar Athanasius, 181 ; Shimdn, 182 ;
Yftsuf, ifc.
Marchioni, Barth., ci, 296
Mardln, 181
Mares, none in Narsinga, 126
Mariam (for fire-arms), 239, 240
Mariette 8 map of India, cziz
Markham,Mr. C. B., zdv, czui ; note
by, 249 ; his trans, of life and acts
of Don A. de Guzman, liz
Marriage customs of Calicut, 141,
145, 146; of Tenasserim,
Izziz; 202, 203 ; of Aracan, 204
Marsden's Numismata Orientalia,
116, 232
history of Sumatra, 256
Martaban, 215, 216; Lac of,
222
Maskat (Meschet of Yar.), 1; 93,94;
Sultdn of, 95, 182
ImAm of, czi
Mass, The, of Indian Christians, 180
Masulipatam, 194, 195, 196
Matchlock, 65
Mathys's map of Asia, cziz
MaulLa., cannibals of, 256
Mayer's map of India, cziz
Mebor, Izzziv
Meccah, (its politics in Yarthema's
time), zzzii; 16, 18, 24 ; arrival of
Yarthema with the caravan at, 35 ;
description of, ib. ; its barrenness,
37; food whence, ib,; crowds at,
38; merchandize at, i5. ; the par-
doning, ib. ; the Temple, ib. : the
Eaaba, 39 ; sacrifices at, 42; Sul-
tdn of, 49; Yarthema escapes from,
52 ; 102 ; 151 ; 192
Mechuaa (fishermen), 142
Med¥ Sileh, 34
Medical thaumaturgy, 167, 168
Medical practice, Yarthema's, 264
Medinathalnabi (Medinat en-Nabi),
25. See Medinah
Medtnah, E1-, 22, 23 ; described, 25
Medlar, fruit like, 161
Medressahs (colleges), 83
Melacha, 223. See MaUieca
Melinde, 290
Melintay, 216
Melons, 124
Menacheaz, captain of Diu, 92
Menancabo, 230
Menin, 8
312
INDEX.
MergMb, lii; 101
Mergroi, English factory at, 198
Meschet. oee Mdskat
Methold, Master William, 197, 215
Mezeribe (El-Mezarlb) 16, 17, 18
Milan referred to, 129
Milanese at Calicut, xcriii ; 260, 272
Military matters at Calicut, 149
Minau, 95
Mirilat Sikandari, 110
Mirabilia Descripta. See Jordanus
S^^ICSL K 124. 158
Miracle at tomb of St. Thomas, 187,
188
, Yarthema invents a, 284
Mirandu, 216
Mirzel, for brasil, Ixxviii
Misr ^-'Ateeka, 6
Missions in India, Roman Catholic,
civ, cv; 181, 296
Mistake in distance, Izxdv
Miswik ^Mesuech of Yarthema), a
toothstick, 64
Modem Univ. History quoted, 197,
198, 274
Mogoung, 219
Mc^ul, Great, 119
Mokha, 81
Molaga, 233
Molan (oAnmonan, a Ceylon mea-
sure), 190
Moluccas, zcii ; 246. See Monoeh
MombAsa, Portuguese inscription at,
cix J cvi, cvii, cviii ; 275, 290
Money, of Narsing^, etc. See Coins
Money-changers, 168, 239
Mongolia, 100
Monoeh (the Moluccas), zcii; 244,
245
Monophysites, 292
Monsoons, 89, 153
Montefeltro, Battista, zix
Moondus (hod, Zaila), 82
Moors — poBsvM for civilized Arabs
and Muhammedans generally ; so
Moorish merchiuits, 114, 115, 119,
121, 124, 127, 132, 143, 151, 185,
187, 191, 194, 195, 197, 200, 209,
263, 273
language (for Arabic), 9
Moplahs, 123, 132
Mdr, king of India, 291
Moresby^9 Sailing directions for Bed
Sea, 55
Mortars, 262, 278, 282, 287
Mosaic work, 12
Moses, 22
Mosques ; of Damascus, 12 ; of El-
Medinah, 25, 26; of ArafAt, 36; —
greatatMeocah, 38; of Muzdalifah,
44; of Juddah, 52
Mosul, patriarch of, 181
Mosullon of the Periplus, 89
Motel, 245
Mozambique, cvi ; 289, 290, 291, 295
Muadh-dhin (caller to prayer), 267
Muckwas. See Mechua
Muhammed, the prophet, 23, 34, 45,
103; his tomb, 25, 26, 27, 28
Kutb Sh4h of Hyderabad, 194
Shah of ByapAr, 194
ToghlAk of Delhi, Ur
Bakhti&r Ehilji of Bengal,
mil
Muhammedan historyinEast Afrir>a^
cvii
arrogance, 15
sects, 74, 75. See SeeU
travellers of the ninth century,
182; legend of Adam in Cey-
lon, 192. S^ Legends
call to prayers, 267
saint, V arthema sets up for a.,
263, 265, 269, 270
Muhammedanism. See Ul6m
Mukdishu, cvi, cvii
Mul-J&wah, 228, 229
Mummies, 33
Muna, valley of, 42
Mun&sika, 62
MurAd II. of Anatolia, liz ; 117
Mus4hhirs, 11
Music of Sult&n MahmM, 109
Musk, 102
Mustachioes of SultAn Mahmdd of
of Cambay, Ldv ; 109
Mutahhir, 76
Mutilation of children, xcvii
Muz&fiSr Sh&h, Iviii
MiutdAowir, 26
Muzdalifah, mosque of, 44
Muzungulos, cix
Myhee river, Iviii ; 105
Kanta, 111
Nasi Jbbobbs (St. C^rge), 7
Naeri. See NcUrs
Noirs of Malabar, Ixvii; 124, 134,
137, 139, 141; marriage customs
of, 146, 150, 151, 176, 269, 273, 284
Namburi, Izvii ; 141, 142
Names of India^ Christians, 180
Naples referred to, 126,129
Narsinga, or kingdom of B^aya-
nag&r, Izzi ; 124, 125, 151
King of, bd ; 116, 119, 122,
125, 129, 187, 188, 192, 194, 198,
212
INDEX.
313
Naitravutty, 122
N&air ed-Din Muhammed Sh&h, Irii
Baghra of Bengal, Ixiii
Navigation of Indian seas, times of,
153
in Calicut, manner of, 152
Nebuchadnezzar, 22
Negapatam, Izx, zcvii, 173, 184, 186.
^e Cioromandel
Negroes described, 292 ; their man>
ner of speaking, 293
Nekrokis, 1
Nerbudda river, 107
Nestorian Christians, lziz,lzzzv; 181,
212, 213, 291, 292
Neuera-kalawa, 189, 192
Neyrin, liii
Nezwa, 94
Niadis (a caste), 142
Nicobar Islands, 229
Nicoverra (id.) Ixxxiv
Niebuhr (the elder) quoted, zlvi;
24, 26, 42, 47, 52, 53, 56, 66, 74,
75, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 85, 170
Nigraes (Negrais), 215
Nikitin, quoted (from India in the
xvth cent.), 107, 111, 113, 116, 127,
236
Noises, supernatural, 35
North-east monsoon, zlix
North star; steering in absence of,
249
Nose, bleeding, a test of musk, 102
Nueva, Juan de, 123
Nutmegs, and mace, xdi ; 244
Nutmeg Islands, 243
Nuts, Indian (cocoa), 132
Oakum not used in CaUcut ships, 152
Odia (Yuthia), 197
Odorico, Fra, quoted, Ittyii, zc, zci;
interest of his travels, Ixxxiii
Odours in Mosque at Mecca, 39
Oil (zerzalino), 86,166; (cocoa-nut),
164 ; called enna, 176 ; from
Mozambique, 291
Oman ('Ammftn) province of, 93, 160
'Omar, 23 ; (his tomb) 27, 28, 75
Onor. See Honahwar
Onyxes, 107
'Ood (aloes-wood), 236
Ophir (question about), cvi
C^ium, 100
Oppressions, Maml{ik, 10, 13, 15
Orang-laut, or Sea-Malays, Izzzviii ;
227
Oranges, 190
O'Biky's Vegetable productions of
Tenasseiim, 206
Ormus, 94, 104, 151 ; pearl-fisheiy.
95 ; story of Sult&n and his &mily,
96-99
Oryx, 46
'Othmdn (his alleged tomb), 27, 28,
75, 103
ez-Zonjlly, 59
Ottens, map of Asia, cxix
Outram, Sir James, 159
Ovis Ammon, 200
Oxen not eaten in Tenasserim, 201
Owen, Professor Bichd., Ixxix, cxiii ;
notes by, 48, 200
Pacanbt Joohib, 167
Pacem (Pazem), 197, 230
Padarane. See Pandarani
Padripatam, 133
Pagan kings of Dabuli, 115; of
Bathacala* 119 ; lord of Centacola,
121; of Honahwar, 121, 122; of
Cannanore, 123; of B^ayanagftr,
126; of Calicut, 136; of Caicolon,
180; of Pegu, 216; wives of
king of Moluccas, 246
Pagans of Calicut, their classes, 141 ;
of Bandan, 244; of Bomei, 248;
in Java, 252
Pagoda (a coin), 130, but see Pardai
Pahang, 224
Palace at B^apClr, 117; at Capo-
gatto, 134; of the Zamorin, 136,
155
PaJeachet, 194. See Pulicat
Palk Strait, 187
Palm-trees at El-Med!nah, 25
Palma, what it is, 48
Pambam Passage, box
Panane, Pannany, Ponany, etc,, 132,
179, 275 ; assault upon, 286, 287
Pandarani, Pandarane, Ixvi, Ixxxiv ;
132, 133, 175, 275, 286. See Fan-
daraina
Pantaanus, 32
Papau, 161
Pajah ^a measure), 170
Parao (Prahu, a fcbidof vessel), 154,
269, 270, 276, 280
Pardai (Pardao, or pagoda, a g^ld
coin), 116, 129, 130, 175, 218, 248,
258, 269, 273
Pardoning at Meccah, 8
Parrakad, 155. See Porkdh
Parrots, 122, 172, 199, 218, 225
Patavino, Geog. of Magino, xxx,
cxix ; 196, 215, 219, 230
Pate, Pati, city of, cix; 290
Patriarchs, Nestorian and Jacobite,
181 ; Chaldsean, 181, 182
Paul, St., legendary sites at Damas-
cus, 12
314
INDEX.
Pay of MamltUto, 13 ; of soldiers at
Calicat, 151
Peacocks, 122, 172, ld8
Pearls, 94, 273; fishery oi; 1 ; 93, 95,
185, 186
Pedir (Pider of Yatthema), zrvi;
197, 228, 230
Pe^ (Pego of Vaithema), Ixzvi,
Izzziv ; 151, 184, 194, 197 ; dete-
rioratioii of, 199, 214; described,
216, 217 J history of, ib.
king of, IxExvi ; 219 ; his pomp,
wealth, and Uberality, 220-222
Pegoans, 224
Pemba^ Penda» island of, cri, dx;
290
Pennaoonda, 126
Pepper, Izndz ; 124 ; described, 157 ;
in perfection, 180, 233
long, 233
Peradenia, 189
Percatti, 155, 180
Perchoara, 197
Periplus of the Erythnean Sea, 185,
196, 219. See VxncerU
Persei>olis, 47, 150
Persia, remarks on Varthema's tra-
vels in, lii ; 38, 60 ; book oonoem-
ing, 91, 94, 99 ; ambassador from
to India, 115, 151, 197
Malcolm's History of. See Ifol-
eolm
Persian, Varthema passes for a, 220,
242
Persians trading at Aleppo; 7, 101,
102, 214, 224
Perim or MayAn, island of, 58
Perombh, island of (Gozerat), 93
Perwuttom, 111
Petra, 20
Phoenix, beak of, 200
Phaseolus Aconitifolius, 107
Physician, Varthema acts as, 263
Physicians in Calicut, 167
Picco Island, 297
Pider. See Pedir
Piero Antonio, ^ a Milanese. See
Milanese
Pigafetta quoted, Ixxvii; 102, 283,
243,245,256
Pilgrhnages of the king of Jogheee,
111
Pilots of the desert, 31, 33
Pinjreepols or Brate-hoepitals, 108
Pinkerton's Collection of Voyages,
quoted, cxvii ; 94, 100, 102, 105,
107, 108, 113, 115, 118, 119, 121,
124, 127, 132, 134, 136, 137, 139,
141, 143, 144, 146, 148, 152, 155,
167, 167, 170, 172, 180, 182, 184,
186, 188, 193, 195, 198, 200, 201,
201, 209, 216, 218, 220, 231, 252
Pinto, F. Mendez, 206, 208, 209, 213
Piracies of Porcat, 155
Pitch in ship-buildinc^, 152
Pitts, Joseph, Faithful account of the
religion and manners of the Ma-
hometans, 38, 43
Piyad^, edicts of, 108
Plantain, 162, 163
Pliny quoted, 47, 152, 241
Pococke quoted, 7
Poison eaten daily hy Sult&n Mah-
mud, 109
Poisoned darts, 254
Poliars, Ponlias, Poulichees (a low
caste of Malabar), Irvii, Ixxiii;
142, 143, 171, 244
Polo, Marco, quoted, 1, xd ; 94, 139,
148, 152, 153, 183, 185, 188, 193,
213, 229, 292
Polyandry in Malabar, Ixrii ; 146
Polygamy, Muhammedan, 14
Pomp of the king of Decan, 118
Pompey, 23
Ponany, Ponany. See Patuine
Population of Juddah, 53; of. Aden,
59; of Her&t, 100; of BijapGr,
117; of Quilon, 182; of Tenas-
serim, 198
Porkah, Porca, Poxcai (PiBzrakad),
154,180
Portugal, king of, lord of the ocean,
50,122,123; Emanuel, 260; re-
ceives Varthema, 298
Portuguese in India, their piracies,
xxxix ; expelled ftom. Hormuz, li ;
at Cannanore, Ixv ; at Ne^iq>atam,
xcvii; Catholicism in India,
ciii; their &natacal violence, c;
rapid rise and decay of their com-
mercial empire, ci, cii; first ap-
pearance in Indian Seas, 61; on
Arabian coast, 65, 93, 94, 95 ; at
Diu, 92 ; capture Dabul and Ooa,
115, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124^
131, 132; at war with king of
Calicut, 156, 176, 178, 182, 184,
187; arrived in Ceylon, 193; at
Pulicat, 195 ; in Bengal, 211 ; in
the Archipelago, 233, 260; their
ships and ca^e at Cannanore,
266, 274 ; bravery, 280, 281, 282
in Eaat Africa, cviii ; decay of
their power there, ex
Asia, by De Faria y Souza,
translated by S evens. See De JP.
Prayer, Varthema set to lead, in
mosque, 267
PJrester John, 63, 86, 96
INDEX.
S15
Fridham's Ceylon audita Dependen-
ciea, 190^ 191
Prinsep, J., quoted, 116, 130, 170
Prison, Yarthema in, 65
Prisoners of Sult&n of Aden, 84
Privileges of Mamltiks, 13
Joghees, 112
Profligate customs of Tenasserim,
202-204
Pr6m, 216
Property, change in distribution of,
in India under British, Irdii
Prosperity of India in Varthema's
time, Izziii
Ptolemy, 185,211,230
Pua (Morbus Gallic,), 274
Pulicat,lzxi; 194
Pulw4n, lii; 101
Punishments in Sumatra, 231
Purbt dynasty in Bengal, bdi
Purchas quoted, cxri ; 197, 198, 295
Pygmies, alleged Jewish, 22, 24
QtJABTEBLT Eeyisw on unicoms, 48
Queda, Ixxvi ; 197
Queen of Aden, and her dealings
with Varthema, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71,
72, f 3
Queiyos (Chulias or Telugus), 224
QuiUcare (Killacarai), bdx ; 183, 185
Quiloa (Eilwah), 274 See Kilwah
Quilon(Golam, Colon, etc.), Izii, Iziii,
Lrix, icvii J 179, 180, 181, 182, 183,
186, 271
Quintus Curtius, 166
Babbi Kim CHI, 205
Badda el-'Arsh, 61, 62, 67
Banian castle referred to, ) 17
Bainy season, 153
I^jah. See King
BajayaU quoted, 189, 193
Bajemal, 211
B^im (''the Lapidated"). 46
Bajpeepla Hills, 107
BaJdk, a slave, 81
Bam, 185
Bama Point, 185
Bama's Bridge, 186
Bamadh&n, 11, 13
Bamanad-buram, 185
Bami-Ceram (Baoneswaram), 185
Bamlah, E1-, 26
Bamonan Coil, Baman-Eoil, Bam-
manana Eojel, 185, 186
Bamr^ of B\jayanagir, be
Bamtha, 17
Bamusio, his Fre&uie to Varthema,
xn
quoted, cxv, cxvii; 107, 110,
182, 183, 159, 180, 188, 184, 186,
197, 205, 211, 222, 223, 226 280,
246, 249, 252, 254, 256, 258, 295,
298
Bao Mandalik, 108
Baolconda diamond mines, 118
Bas Hafiin, 88
Batnapoora, 190
Beame (Tertm — ^in Yemen), 77
Bed Soil of Sodom, 19
— Sea, difficult navigation of, 64, 67
Benegade Christians, 13, 16
Bennell's Mem. of a Map of Hin-
dostan quoted, Izxxi, cxx; 211
Beservoirs near Meccah, 36
ancient, 95
Bhada. See Badd/i
Bhavan, 185
Bhinoceros, 87
Bhubarb, 100, 101
Biohard quoted, 204
Bice, cultivation of, 166 ; abundant,
120, 121, 187, 195; imported into
Ceylon, 192
Bobertson, Dr., xxiv
Bobinson, Dr. Ed., quoted, 47
Boman Catholic. See Missions
Bome, Varthema reaches, 298
Boses of Damascus, 11, 122
Bose-water, 81
Apple, 161
Boute of Varthema in Yemen, zlvii
Boxburgh's Flora Indica, 160, 163
Boya (Coir), 164
Buah er-Buah, quoted in corrobora-
tion of Varthema, zxxv, xliil ; 65,
76, 79, 91, 92
Bubies; Balass, 101; of Pegu, 218,
219 ; of the King of Pegu, 220, 221,
243
Buby-mines, 102, 190
Bupat, island of, 223
Butnagherxy, 114
Sachia Lama, 48
Sacrifices on the Meccah Pilgrimage,
37, 42 J HindA, 138, 139, 176
Sacrifice Bock, 132
Sacutara — Socotra, q. v.
S&dk4wiLn (Satgong), Ixxx
Safetica (Assc^osHda), 106
Saifragam, 190
Saffron, 194, 195
Sahlah, 80
Sahn, El-, 26
Said, grandson of 'Ali, cvii
Sails of Indian ships, 153
Saint Peter and St. Paul, xcvi; 248
Paul quoted, 139
316
INDEX.
Saint Thomas, tomb o^ 186, 187;
miracle of, 187; ChiistiaiiB of^ see
Christian
Saints, Mussnlman, 73; Yaithema
sets np for one, 263 et Meq,
SalAh ed-Din (Saladin), 59
Salamander, 173
S&leh the prophet, 34
Sale's Eor&n, 75, 192
Salt made, 57
Salt's visit to Abyssinia, 295
Samara, 229
Samarcand, liv; 100, 103
Sambraeante, Samarcand, q, v,
Sambachi (8anMk), a kind of ship,
154
Samiyytn, 62
Samis, a damsel offered in marriage
to Yarthema, Ivii, xc ; 104
Samory, Sammoryn. See Zamorin
Sampan (kind of boat). See Chiam-
pani,
Samuel, 22
Sanfta, city of, 57, 61 ; besieged, 62,
63 ; described, 78
Im4m of, 74, 76, 76
San Qiorgio, Island, 297
— Qioranni in Fonte referred to,
175
— Lorenzo (Mada^pascar), 296
— Vicenzo, ship, ci ; 297
Santa Helena Idand, 297
Maria Botondo referred to, 81
Santo Stephano, Hieron. di, 158
Sanay or Sandoy, Imiii
Sand, sea of, 33
Sandal-wood, Izzxiz; 121, 222, 225
powder, 112
Sanpra, 217
Samyah Kuda, at Meccah, 35
Sanson's Map of Asia, cxix
Sap^to, Padre, xci
Sappan, 205
Sapphires, 190, 218
Saraphi, Sara£ (gold coin). See
Ashrafi and Bera^m)
Sarana Perimal of Malabar, bdi
Saris, 107, 170, 206, 212
Samau and its ChristianB, Ixxxii;
212, 213, 235, 236, 237, 259. See
ChrUtiaiis
Sarrano, Joao, 272, 277
Sara (a starUng or mainaP), 172
Satan, 59
Satgong, Satigan, Izxii, Izxx, Ixzxi,
cxv, cxvi, cxvii, cxviii, cxix, cxxi
Sathanas (Hindu idol), 138, 176
Satf in Tenasserim, 206, 208, 222
Satrap, etymol. of, 150
Sattara district, 117
Saul, 22
Sayain, Ci^t., of 6oa» 116
Scaliger, J. C, 161
Schi»zo (ShirScs), q, v.
Sciamathera, 228
Scorpions, 173
Scott's Ferishta, 115, 116
Scntella or Soodella, 204
Sea, men of the, Ixxzviii ; 227; Bed.
See Red, fighting of Javan-
ese, 254
Seaports of India in Yarthema's
time, Ixxi
Seasons in Tenasserim, 202
Sechamir (Sheikh 'Amir), 83, 84. See
SuUdn of Aden
Sects, Muhammedan, ly ; 75, 103, 119
Sedashevaghur, Ix; 119, 121
Sedashwa, Bao of Soonda» 1 19
Seemann's Pop. Hist, of Palms, 163^
Seerah, Islana of (Aden), 59
Selim I., xxv
Semi- white people, 201
Seraphim of gold, 29, 73, 115. See
Ashrafi
Serindib, 183
Sermon at Meccah, 43 ; before
battle, 287
Serpent, mortar called, 282
charmers, 286
Serx>ents in Calicat, protected, 1 73,
174 ; very lan^e in Sumatra^ 241
Seutter'smap of India, cxix
Seyyeds of M&skat, xliii, cxi
Sforza, Battista> xix
Shiih Abbas, 94
Ismtu'l es-Si!^, 103
ShaJcespeare's Hin<L Diet., 172
Shamsan range at Aden, 59
Shaytan el-Eabir, 45
Sheep killed by Yarthema, 66 ; &t-
tailed, 77; Berbera, 87; twist-
tailed, lb. ; 122 ; and goats in Te-
nasserim, 199 ; with deer's horns,
200
Sheikh Mahmiid, 35
Shells of turtle, great, 240
Sherayatty river, 121
Sherif of Meccah, xxx; name defined,
36 ; of Mozambique, 295
a coin. See Ashrafi
Sheijebi tribe, 81
Shi'ilhs. See Sects
Shibriyah, 33
Shields, Arab, 64
Ships, of Honahwar, 122; building
of, in Malabar, 1 52 ; of Tenasserim,
210; of Pegu, 219
ShirAz, liii; 100, 101, 102, 103
Shravakas, a caste of Jains, 108
INDEX.
817
Shugdnf, 33
Siam, Izxvi; 196, 198, 200, 201, 213,
216, 224 ; funeral of king of, 213 ;
cannibals in, 256
Siamese, their use of elephants, 127 ;
224
Sick, how treated at Calicut, 167
Sickness feigned by Yarthema, 52,
72,85
Sikander Shilh, of Malacca, 224
Sikkim, B^ah of, 48
Silam, IzxxiY
Silk, 38, 75, 100, 107, 1 1 1 ; in Burmah,
199, 222; in Sumatra^ Ixzxix ; 234;
in Java, 252
Silken stuffs, 212, 225
Silon(Siam),213
Simon Martin, valour of, 278
Sin and Machin, what they stand
for, 236
Sinabaff, 212, 269
Sinai, Mount, 34
Sinbad, 240
Singani (Zingcmi — gypsies), 112
Sio, cix
Sirian, 218
Siva and Parbati on a coin, 116, 192
SlaveiB, Abyssinian, 63
— — trade, 86
Slings, 56, 64, 65, 85
Soarez, Lope, 179
Socotra, Is., of, 58, 283; and its
Christians, 290-292
Sodom and Gomorrah, 19, 20
Sofila, cvi ; 290, 291, 295
Soffi, Hv; 103
Soldan of Cairo, 280. See Sultdn
Som^lis, 88, 89
Somario de' Begni, in Bamusio,
lixxiv, cxv ; 197
Song birds of Calicut, 172
Soman, empire of, 213
Sosikoor^, 186
Southern Continent, zcv; 261
cross, ib.
Speed's Map of Asia, cziz
Spelling of Varthema's name, zviii
Spice Islands, Varthema's voyage
to, xc, zci ; 241
Spices, in Yemen, 80, 82 ; in India,
124; — , navigation for, 153; in
Malabar, 157, 187; trade in, at
Malacca, 224
Spider and Muhammed, legend of,
46
Spikenard, 106
Spinelles, 218
Spingarde, 262, 293
Spodium, 102
Sree Pada, 191
Stags, 122
Standard of King of Calicut, 150
Stature of Adam and Eve, 192
Steering by Southern Stars, 249
Stem, Bev. Mr., quoted, 79
Stevens's Translation of Portuguese
Asia. See De Faria
Stewart's History of Bengal, 211
Stone pile near Meccah, Si
houses in Pegu, 217 '
Strabo quoted, 21, 241
Stuffs of Bengal, 212
Stupidity of Sanda people, 244
Submarine ruins at Caucut, 136
Sudras, 124, 134
SuH, Sheikh, Iz
'Isma'U Es*, Shih of Persia, Iv
sect and dynasty, 103
Sugar, 82, 120; cocoa-palm, 164, 165
Su&cho, 256
SuleimlQ P&sha, 65, 92
— the Voyager, 237
SultUn, of Meccah, 36, 49 ; of Aden
and South. Yemen, 'Amiribn'Abd-
el-WahhAb, 57, 61, 63, 71; his
riches, 77 ; he besieges San&a, 79,
80, 81, 82; his history and monu-
ments, 83; his prisoners, 84; of
Egypt, Kansooh el-Ghoree, zzv;
6, 7, 9, 10, 17, 36, 52, 53, 59, 65 ;
Bin Seif, of Omitn, 94; Husein
Mirza of Herftt, 99; Mahmild of
Cambay, see MahmUd, etc.; of
Ormus and his &mily, 98, 99
Sultan's palace on Bosphorus, 150
Sumatra, Lcrvi, Izzxiv, Ixzxviii ; 151,
153, 184, 197, 223; name of, 228,
229 ; copper in, 253 ; cannibalism
in, 256
Sumba, 225
Sumoltra (Sumatra), Ixxxiv
Sumpitan or blow-pipe, 254
Sun, gender of, Ivii ; casts shadow to
south, 257
Sundas, country of, 252
Sundeep, Island of, czzi
Sunnis and Shi'ahs. See Sects
Superstitions about serpents, 174
Swmmiing of the Moors, wonderAil,
279
Sydenham's account of B^apilir, 117
Symes's Ava, Col. Michael, Ixzxiv;
201, 216
Syria, Vaorthema goes to, 6, 38, 151
Syriac ritual, 181
Syrian Jacobites, 181
Ta'bz (Taesa of Varthema), 76, 80
Taghtakin, 59
818
INDEX.
Taffliaoozzo, Duchees of, ziz ; I
Takrari, 43
TakhtTaw&n,83
Tala-c6ri of Ptol., 186
Talikote, battle of, 125
Tamboli, P&n leaf, 110
Tamerani (Tambardn), 137
Tamori lUjali, (Zamorin), 134
Tanda (in Bengal), 211
Tangu, 216
Tanjong Parlak, 233
Tank, temple in a, 175
Tannah, 113
Taprobane (identified by Varthema
with Sumatra), 185, 197, 229
Tar, Tare, a coin, 130
Tardiness of British jnstioe, Ixziv
Tartkh Thagr 'Aden, 58
Tamassari (Tenasserim), 188, 195,
196, 198, 216, but see Tenasserim
Tartajy, iOl, 102
Tavemier quoted, 100, 118, 218
Tavoy, 215
Taw&f at the E&aba, 40
Teeth, blaok, 161
Telinffana. 194, 195
TeUicSieny liver, 131
Telugu, 229
Temple, at Meccah, 38 ; at Calicut
described, 137; in a tank, 175;
taken for a church, ib,
Tenacerim, 197
Tenasserim, Ixxvi, vide Ixxviii; 196,
215. See Tamassari
Tenga (TiLnghd — the ooooa-nut),
163
Tennent, Sir J. E., Ceylon by, Ixx ;
189, 190, 193
Teraphim (gold coins). See Ashrafi,
Berajvm
Termapatani, 132, 133. SeeDormo-
patom
Terminalia, species bearing edible
fruits, 158
Temassari, 151, 216. See Tarwissari
and Tenasserim,
Temate, xcii ; 245
Terra AustraJis, early voyages to, 249
Tertiera Island, 297
Test of an able recruit, 1 1 6
Teyva. See Tiva
Thamudites, legend of, 34
Thana, Tana, IxzxLv
Theism, Hindti, 136
Theology, Varthema*s, 286
iigudidous illustrations of, t6.
Thibet, 48, 100, 102
Thirst, death from, 20, 33
Thor, cave at, 28 ; mount, 46
Tides at Cambay, 106
Tidor, xdi; 245
TihAma, 62, 80, 81
Tikodi, 132
Timber for ship-building (Malabar),
132, 153 ; Pegu, 218
Timor, 225
Tin, 225
Tippoo SultAn, 123
Tircari, 133
Titus, 23
Tiva (class of artisans), 142
Toddy, 163, 164, 165, 172
ToongabucUa river, 125
ToorAn Sh4h bin Ayyiib, 59
Topazes, 190
Tormapatam, 131, 275. ^e/QXhrma"
patam
Tortoise, enormous, 240
Touchstone for gold, 16^
Toungoo, Ixxvi; 218, 219
Traditions, local, at Damasous, 12
Travancore, 182
Travel, advantages of, cxxii
Treasure of king of Calicut, 156
Triad, the Bud&istic, 217
Trick on the caravan at El-Medinah,
29
Trinity, supposed belief in, Ixxxv,
Ixxxvi; 21y
Tripoli (Syrian), 7
Triumpara, B^ah of Cochin, 260
Truffles, 15
Tsopo, 48
Tucia (Ttl^vd— antimony), 102
Turbide (Turhith), a drug, 106
Turkestdn, 100
Turkey, 7, 8, 10, 15, 151
Turkish merchants, xlix; match-
locks, 65 ; forces in Yemen, 65 ;
mercenaries in India, 118
Turks, their toleration, 52
Turpin quoted, 127, 198, 200, 201,
204,209
Turquoises, 101
Turtle, roofe made of shells of, xc ;
240
Turtle-doves in desert, 24
Tuticorin, bdx; 183, 184, 186
Ulala, 132
Ulemay danger of meddling with, 84
Ultra-marine, 102
Umbrella, royal, 150
Uncalvet (impalement), 147
Unhilwara, kings of, 92
Unicorns at Meccah, discussed, 46
Unicom cow, 87
Upham's Bajavali, 189
Urbino, dukes of, xix, xxii ; 2, 275
Usbeck mercenaries in India» 118
INDBX.
819
Vadacusbt, Izvi; 132
Yaloar of the Portngaese, 280, 281,
282
Varaha (a coin), 130
Varana, Costanza, xz
Variety of nations at Calicat, 151
Yarthema, hia style, i ; editions and
translations of bis travels : Italian,
iii; Latin, ix ; German, xi; Spanish,
ziii ; Dutch, zv ; English, zyi ; de-
fective information regarding his
previons history, xvii, zzii; his
dates, see Dates ; his aocoracy, see
Veracity, and see Table of Contents
Yartomannos (foim of Yarthema's
name), zvii, ziz
Yaz, GonzaJo, 283
Yeddahs, 189
Yeiled ladies in India, 118
Yelvet, 195
Yenioe referred to, 129
Yenomons reptiles, 173, 174
Yeracity of Yarthema, i, ii; cor-
roboration of, Ivii, bdv, Ixvii, Izz,
Izxviii
Yerdnre, perx>etnal, of Malabar, 172
Yerzino (or brazil-wood), Izxviii; 205
Yessels of India, 152, 188
Yiceroy of India. See De Ahneyda
Sult&n of Aden, 60
Victory over fleet of Calient, 274-
280
Vincent's Commerce and Navigation
of the Ancients quoted, xxiv ; 86,
106, 183, 185, 186, 196, 219, 291
allocation of Temassari, Ixxviii
Visapour. See BtjapH/r
Visscher's map of Asia and India,
cxiz
Volcanic crater at Aden
Volto Santo, zcv; 248
Wad A (cowrie), 131
Waddakarree, 132
W&di 'Araba, 20
Wam&h, 62
Wanny, 189, 192
Wars, of the king of Decan, 118; of
Narsingra with Tenasserim, Izxi;
196; between Pegu and Ava, 219,
220, 222
Washings of the Hindiis, 149
Washishtee river, 1 14
Watch of Damascus, 10
Water, in the desert, ]8, 20, 21, 24;
dearth of, at Meccah, 37; and Jud-
dah, 53
melon, 161
Wealth of king of Pegu, 222
Weaving in Bengal, 214
Weevils, charity for, 108
Well of St. Mark near Meocah, 82
Whales, 201
White men, x>artiality of Arab women
for, 65, 69 ; enlisted in India, 116;
in Tenasserim, custom as to, 202
Wight and Amott, Prodromus Flo-
r» Penins. Ind. Orient., 158
Wilks's Hist. Sketches of the South
of India, 121, 158
Wine (for toddy), 172
Wives exchanged in Malabar, 145
Wolves, 122, 172, 199
Women burnt in Tenasserim, 207;
abd Pegu, 222
Worship of Pagans of Calicut, 149 ;
of Java, 251
Xaqttsk Dabsa, 224
Tahia, Ibn Ehold ibn Barmak, 85
Tandaboo, treaty of, 198
Yathrib, 22
Yembo, 24
Yemen, politics of, in Varthema's
time, xli; scarcity of authorities
on, xlvi ; Jews of, 22 ; history of,
50, 54, 57; saints of, 73; Sult&nof,
see SultAn; sea of, 292
Yezd, 101
Yule, Colonel Henry, In, Ixzviii,
Ixxx, Ixxxv, xcviii, cxix ; mis-
sion to Ava, 199, 215, 217, 219;
Friar Jordanus, 181
Yiinas, Varthema's Mussulm. name.
See lunus
Yunan, 199
Yftsuf 'Adil, Kh&n of B^japi!u•, 117.
See Adil Shah
Yuthya, Ixxvi
ZaalittIn, 62
Zachariah, St., 12
Z&hir Jam&l ed-D!n, king of Suma-
tra, 228
Zaid, son of ' Ali, 75
Zaidis, a sect, 75, 79, 83
Zambei (Ez-Zaabi), 17
Zamorin of Calicut, history of, Ixii ;
132, 134, 156, 178, 260, 280, 283,
284,287
Zani, Valerio, xviii
Zanzibar, coiffure of, cvi, ex ; 64
Zapa, xc
ZaphaJa (SofUa), 290, 291, 295
Zealand Acad, of Sciences, Trans, of,
47
Zebair Islands, 60
Zedekiah, 22
8^0
INDEX.
1
Zedler's Universal Lexioon, zvii I ZerzaJino (sesamuin), 86, 87, 166
Zeilan, Zalan, Zeilon (Ceylon), 151, 1 Zebid (Zibit of Yarthema), 80,81,83
183, 184, 187, 188, 230, 245. See Zida. SmJuddah
Ceylon \ Zo&Ja. See Zapkala and 8of6la
Zeila (Zaila), a port of AMca» 58, 85,
86
Zemzem (the well), 37, 40
Zuama, 295
Zunde, 230
Zurla, Dissert, di M. Polo, etc., xvii
T. RICHARDS, 37, ORRAT QUSBN RTREET. W.C.
CORRIGENDA.
Page
line
for
read
ilvi
m
25 of text
m
N.E.
.
.
N.W.
Ixiv
.
27
n
.
dele, the
-
.
IxTvii -
8 of notes
13 of text
-
twelve hundred
m
two hundred
Blaen
liuviii
-
i51ean -
-
•
Ixin
xc
m
24 „
5 of notes
-
Bangella
is
-
m
Bengalla
are
13
m
3
>»
.
1722 -
.
.
1792
23
38
-
2 of text
1 of notes
-
spans -
1608 -
-
-
palmi
1680
56
.
1
ff
.
Jeez&n or Gheezaix
.
Jftz&n or Glizan
56
.
6
>t
.
Jeez&n -
.
.
J4z&n
58
.
8
tt
.
Mendeb
-
.
Mandeb
62
79
m
24
6
-
• •
V*
3
-
-
1
112
115
-
4
8
If
-
inapt -
Mandeslo
-
-
unapt
Mandelslo
139
158
161
;
6
18
8
»>
ft
ft
-
Wright
on the coast
m
-
jane*<li,
Wight
or on the west coast
163
.
16
»>
.
Seemans
.
.
Seemann
199
-
7
>»
-
d«le, "
216
-
19
18
tt
-
purveyors
Loamin [sic in
1 orig ;
shoold
"
surveyors
Col. ivle remarks that
this
be Kosmin, a port of Pesru,
neai
' Bassein,
not now traceable.
247
.
23
>»
.
Maluch
.
.
Monoch
271
.
1
tt
.
Cananore
.
.
Cannanore
299
32
tt
Veman
Yemen
N.B. The Translator having entrusted the revision of the proof^heets
to the Editor, the latter is solely responsible for all typographical errors in
the text.
In romanizing foreign names and words occurring in the annotations,
the Editor has endeavoured to steer a middle course between a pedantic
adherence to the original on the one hand, and a servile copying of the
ordinary lax orthography on the other. The attempt, he tears, will be
found chargeable with many inconsistencies.
The work quoted in the earlier portion of the annotations under the
title of A Collection of Voyages is that generally known as Chubchill's.
In like manner, Vikcbnt'b PeripluB is quoted, whereas the book meant
is Vincent's Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients, in two volumes,
which comprises the Periplus.
The Collection quoted as Qbbsnb's is that more generally known as
ASTLET*8.
Z
^