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UNITED  EMPIRE 


EDITED    BY 


SIR    HARRY   WILSON,    K.C.M.G., 


AND 


MRS.   ARCHIBALD    COLQUHOUN 


VOLUME  VI.  (NEW  SERIES) 

1915 


LONDON 

SIB  ISAAC  PITMAN  AND  SONS,  LIMITED 

1  AMEN  CORNEB,  E.G. 

1916 


\o 


INDEX. 


AERONAUTICS,  165-6,  489,  710-2,  766,  842 
The  aeroplane  and  war,  Hill  Johnson,  250-8 
Our  flying  men  [Poem],  F.  G.  Penney,  575 
"  All  prisoners  and  captives — ,"  D.  H.  Moutray 

Read,  510-4 

ANGOLA.     See  FOREIGN  COLONIES 
ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC,  377,  540-1,  618,  695,  769 
War    help    from    the    Argentine    Republic, 

E.  M.  Pixton,  901-2 
ARMY.    See  IMPERIAL  DEFENCE 
ARYA  SAMAJ,  472 
ASIATIC  EMIGRATION  : 

India  and  German  East  Africa,  G.  H.  Lepper, 

350-3 

As  others  see  us,  E.  Colquhoun,  203-8 
As  others  see  us  :    an  Italian  view  of  British 

doings,  674-9 

AUSTRALIA,  70,  72-3,  374,  395-6,  464-5,  536, 
546,  549,  613-4,  690-1,  723-4,  766,  842-4, 
845-6,  851-2,  865-6,  919-20 
Australia  and  the  War,  J.  M.  Myers,  121-6 
Summary  of  the  Secretary's  report  on  his 
mission   to   Australia   and   New   Zealand, 
142-5 
Australia's  stake  in  the  War,  A.  H.  Horsfall, 

361-73 
Australia's  present  position,  F.    W.    Young, 

461-2 
What  Australia  thinks  :    no  terms  with  the 

enemy,  St.  Hon.  Sir  E.  Barton,  611-2 
Australians    in   literature :     a    glance    at    a 
colonial  product,  A.  L.  Salmon,  751-5 

"  BACKVELDER,"    Land    settlement    in    South 

Africa  [Letter],  927 
BAGDAD.     See  MESOPOTAMIA 
BAILEY,    GEORGE,    The    invasion    of    Angola, 

755-9 

Balkan  situation,  A.  W.  Tilby,  514-8 
Balkan   States   and   the   War,    E.    Colquhoun, 

813-21 
BARKER,  J.  ELLIS,  Impressions  of  a  new  fellow 

[Letter],  154 

The  value  of  the  German  colonies,  209-13 
Italy  and  the  War,  411-8 
Fight  for  the  Dardanelles,  576-81 
BARONETS.     See  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS 
BARTON,  RT.   HON.  SIR  EDMUND,  Speech  on 

National  Unity,   531-2 
What  Australia  thinks  :    no  terms  with  the 

enemy,  611-2 

BEACONSFIELD,  EARL  OF,  67-8 
Belgium  under  the  German  heel,  A.  Chainaye, 

189-96 

BELL,  H.  T.  MONTAGUE,  The  Indian  Expedi- 
tionary Force,  21-7 

The  War  in  East  and  West  Africa,  114-20 
Great  Britain  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  274-80 
The  Rebellion  in  South  Africa,  418-25 
Destiny  of  Egypt,  726-36 


BEOTHUCKS,  624 

Betsy  :   a  West  Indian  dialogue,  G.  Wroughton, 

140-2 

BISHOP,  HON.  H.  K.,  Speech,  297 
BOND,  RALPH  S.,  Canada  and  the  War,  763-5 
BOOSE,  JAMES  R.,  473 

Summary  of  the  Secretary's  report  on  his 
mission   to   Australia   and   New   Zealand, 
142-5 
The  Travelling  Commissioner    in    Scotland, 

839-42 
BORDEN,  RT.   HON.   SIR  ROBERT,   Speech  at 

Opera  House  Meeting,  631 
Bos  WELL,  H.  M.,  The  dawn  of  a  new  spirit, 

585-8 
BOYD,     CHARLES    W.,     Germany    in     Africa 

[Review],  470-1 
Rhodesia  in  1915,  582-5 
BRASSEY,  EARL,  Speech,  609-10 
BRIDGES,  BRIG.-GENL.,  Death  of,  490 
BRISCOE,  W.  A.,  Excess  profits  tax  [Letter], 

851-2 

BRISTOL  BRANCH.    See  ROYAL  COLONIAL  IN- 
STITUTE 

BRITISH  CITIZENSHIP,  18 
BRITISH  COLUMBIA  : 

British  Columbia   as   a   factor  in   the  War, 

By  a  British  Columbian,  28-30 
Colonisation  within  the  Empire,  J.  B.  Thorn- 
hill,  742-7 

BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA,  98, 487-8,  538,  713,  720-1 
The  War  in  East  and  West  Africa,  H.  T.  M. 

Bell,  114-9 

BRITISH  EMPIRE  LEAGUE,  C.  F.  Murray,  431-9 
BRITISH  GUIANA,  327 
BRITISH    IMPERIALISM,    237-8,    313-5,    393-4, 

402-5,  491,  545-6,  772-3,  851,  863-4 
Kindred  Societies — past  and  present,  263-73, 
341-6,     431-9,     503-9,      588-94,      650-5, 
736-41,  830-8,  893-901 
The  Empire  and  the  War,  Spenser  Wilkinson, 

214-24 

In  what  sense  can  an  Empire  prove  itself 
to  be  great  ?    N.  A.  Turner-Smith,  280-4, 
357-61 
The   Dominions   and   the   peace   settlement, 

H.  E.  Egerton,  425-31 
Opening    of    the    Bristol    Branch    Building, 

456-61 
The   outlook    for  national  unity,   Hon.   Sir 

John  McCall,  521-36 
The    dawn  of  a  new  spirit,  H.  M.  Boswett, 

585-8 
Strengthening  the  Empire  :    the  future  and 

its  problems,  H.  S.  Gullett,  759-61 
A  democratic  Empire,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  801-10 
See   also   IMPERIAL   FEDERATION,    IMPERIAL 

DEFENCE 

BRITISH  INDUSTRIES  FAIR,  463 
BRITTAIN,  HARRY,  In  the  U.S.A.,  572,  793 


IV 


INDEX. 


BROWN,  G.  MCLAREN,  Speech  on  land  settle- 
ment, 686-7 

BRYAN,  WILLIAM  JENNINGS,  494 

BUXTON,  SIR  THOMAS  FOWELL,  Obituary 
notice,  928-9 

CABLES,  409-10 

CAMEROON  COLONY,  318-9,  488,  642,  863 
The  War  in  West  Africa,    H.   T.   M.   Bell, 

119-20 

The  campaign  in  the  Cameroon,  822—4 
CANADA,  17,  71,  72,  149,  230-2,  233,  325-6, 
374-5,  382-3,  386,  399,  465-6,  473,  495, 
537,  546-7,  559-60,  614-5,  623-i,  625, 
649,  692,  698,  715-6,  767,  793,  842,  918-9, 
924-5 

Colonisation  within  the  Empire,  J.  B.  Thorn- 
hill,  742-7 

Canada  and  the  War,  R.  S.  Bond,  763-5 
See  also  BRITISH  COLUMBIA,  NOVA  SCOTIA 
CARTIER,  SIR  GEORGE  ETIENNE,  546-7 
CEYLON,  617-8,  921 
CHADJAYE,  ACHILLE,  Belgium  under  the  German 

heel,  189-96 
CHINA,  408-9,  497,  643 
CHRISTISON,  ROBERT,  Obituary  notice,  929 
COAL,  721-2 
COALITION  GOVERNMENT,  479 
Colonisation  within  the  Empire,  J.  B.  Thorn- 
hill,  742-7 

COLOUR  QUESTION,  923-4 
OOLQUHOUN,  ARCHIBALD,  Obituary  notice,  2 
Archibald   Colquhoun :     a  memoir,   E.    Col- 

quhoun,  99-108 
COLQUHOUN,  ETHEL,  782 

Archibald  Colquhoun  :   a  memoir,  99-108 
As  others  see  us,  203-8 
The  Balkan  States  and  the  War,  813-21 
CONSCRIPTION.     See  NATIONAL  SERVICE 
Contracts  and  Patriotism,  298-9 
COPPER,  89 
CORRESPONDENCE,    73-4,    154,    380-1,    545-6, 

772-3,  851-2,  927 
COST  OF  LIVING.     See  PRICES 
COTTON,  91,  329-30,  561,  638-9,  796-7 
CYPRUS,  870 

"  DACIA,"  steamship,  87-8 

DARDANELLES  OPERATIONS,  241,  395-6,  498- 

502,  557-8,  640-1 
The  fight  for  the  Dardanelles,  J.  Ettis  Barker, 

576-81 

DAVIS,  N.  DARNELL,  Obituary  notice,  850 
Dawn  of  a  new  spirit,  H.  M.  Bostoell,  585-8 
D'EoviLLE,     HOWARD,    The    Empire    Parlia- 
mentary Association,  830-8 
Democratic  Empire,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  801-10 
DIARY  OF  THE  WAR,  44-5,  147,  228-9,  300-1, 

378-9,  468-9,  541-2,  619,  695-6,  770,  849, 

917-8 
DOEFF,    H.,    Field    Marshall    von    Mackensen 

[Letter],  927 
Dominions   and   the   peace   settlement,  H.    E. 

Egerton,  425-31 
DUTTON,   F.,   Speech  on  Empire  and  money 

market,  915-6 
DYES,  14-5,  94,  327-8,  671 


EAST    AFRICA    PROTECTORATE.    See    BRITISH 

EAST  AFRICA 
EDITORIAL  NOTES,  3-20,  81-98,  159-75,  237-49, 

313-31,  391-410,  479-97,  553-74,  629-49, 

705-25,  782-800,  859-74 
EGERTON,  H.  E.,  The  Dominions  and  the  peace 

settlement,  425-31 
EGYPT,  7-8,  164-5,  232-3,  376,  539-40,  616, 

693-4,  768-9,  921 
Mohammedans     and     the    Empire,    Sir    B. 

Fuller,  108-14 

Destiny  of  Egypt,  H.  T.  M.  Bell,  726-36 
ELIOT,  E.  C.,  Model  protectorate  :   Gilbert  and 

Ellice  Islands,  878-82 
ELLJCE  ISLANDS.     See  GILBERT  ISLANDS 
ELLIS,  HENRY  A.,  The  expansion  of  Britain's 

Imperial     relations     with      the     Oversea 

Dominions  resulting  from  the  War,  56-67 
Emergency  measures  in  war-time,  J.    Watson 

Grice,  39-43 

EMIGRATION,  88,  324-5,  625,  713-5 
Soldiers  and  land  settlement,  680-90 
See  also  LAND,  EMPLOYMENT  OF  SOLDIERS 
Empire  and  money  market,  E.  T.  Powell,  902-17 
Empire    and    the     War,     Spenser     Wilkinson, 

214-24 

MPIRE  DAY,  154,  405 
EMPIRE     PARLIAMENTARY     ASSOCIATION,     H. 

D'Egville,  830-8 
EMPLOYMENT  OF  SOLDIERS,  242-3,  644-5,  680- 

90,  713-4 

English  peasant  and  the  War,  A.  Pott,  670-3 
ESCOTT,    LIEUT.    LESLIE  WINGFIELD    SWEET-, 

Obituary  notice,  929 
Essential  German,  E.  B.  Osborn,  258-63 
EVANS,    MAURICE    S.,    "  Black    and    white," 

review  of,  by  E.  L.,  923-4 


FALKLANDS,  BATTLE  OF  THE,  9 

FARRAR,  SIR  GEORGE,  Death  of,  490 

Fight    for   the   Dardanelles,    J.    Ellis   Barker, 

576-81 

FIJI,  376,  407-8 
FINANCE,  170-3,  407,  482,  564-6,  567-8,  613, 

645-6,  705,  783-4,  798,  851-2,  873-4 
Emergency  measures  in  war-time,  J.  Watson 

Grice,  39-43 

Paying  for  the  War,  A.  W.  Tilby,  811-3 
Empire  and  the  money  market,  E.  T.  Powett, 

902-17 

See  also  PRICES 
FLINDERS,  MATTHEW,  70 
FOOD  SUPPLY,  482-3,  495-6,  636-7,  648-9,  722 

See  also  PRICES 
FOREIGN  COLONIES,  304-5,  382,  470-1,  487-8, 

713 
The  War  in  East  and  West  Africa,  H .  T.  M. 

Bett,  114-20 
The  value  of  the  German  colonies,  J.  Ettis 

Barker,  209-13 
India  and  German  East  Africa,  0.  H.  Lepper, 

350-3 

The  invasion  of  Angola,  G.  BaiJey,  755-9 
See   also    CAMEROON,    SOUTH-WEST    AFRICA 

PROTECTORATE,  TOGOLAND 
FOREIGN  TRADE  DEBTS  COMMITTEE,  247 


INDEX. 


FREMANTLE,  ADMIRAL  THE  HON.  SIB  EDMUND, 
Speech  on  India  and  the  War,  454-5 

FULLER,  Sm  BAMPFYLDE,  Mohammedans  and 
the  Empire,  108-14 

GALICIA,  484-5 

GALLATIN,  JAMES,  69-70 

GALLTPOLI.    See  DARDANELLES  OPERATIONS 

German,  The  essential,  E.  B.  Osborn,  258-63 

GERMAN  COLONIES.     See  FOREIGN  COLONIES 

GHENT,  Treaty  of,  19 

GIBBONS,   LIETTT.-COL.    A.    ST.    HILL,   Speech, 

132-3 

GILBERT  AND  ELIICE  ISLANDS  : 
A   model  protectorate  :    Gilbert   and   Ellice 

Islands,  E.  C.  Eliot,  878-82 
GOLD  COAST,  467 
GOSNELL,  R.  E.,  Imperial  unity  as  a  business 

investment,  883-9 
Great  Britain  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  H.  T.  M. 

Bell,  274-80 

GRENFELL,  JULIAN,  Into  battle  [Poem],  477-8 
GREY,  EARL,  Speech  at  Bristol,  458-9 
GRICE,   J.    WATSON,   Emergency   measures  in 

war-time,  39-43 
GTTLLETT,   H.   S.,  Strengthening  the  Empire : 

the  future  and  its  problems,  759-61 

HAGGARD,  SIR  H.  RIDER,  Speech  on  land  settle- 
ment, 683-5 

HEAPE,  WALTER,  North-west  Amazons 
[Review],  774-5 

HILL,  T.  HISLOP,  Obituary  notice,  850 

HOBHOUSE,  RT.  HON.  CHARLES  E.  H.,  Speech 
on  India  and  the  War,  451-2 

HOLDERNESS,  SIR  THOMAS,  Speech  on  India 
and  the  War,  453 

HONG  KONG,  540,  921 

HOBSFALL,   ALFRED   H.,   Speech   on   Imperial 

relations,  64-5 
Australia's  stake  in  the  War,  361-73 

HOUSTON,  GEORGE  L.,  Union  with  Greece 
[Letter],  545 

ILBERT,  SIR  COURTENAY  P.,  Society  of  Com- 
parative Legislation,  503-9 
IMPERIAL  CITIZENSHIP.     See  BRITISH  CITIZEN- 
SHIP 

IMPERIAL  CONFERENCE,  81-3,  314-5,  785-6 
IMPERIAL  DEFENCE,  83-4,  166-7,  480-2,  709, 

866-8 
The  training  of  the  new  armies,  Earl  of  Meath, 

127-37 

The  war  work  of  the  navy,  H.  F.  W yatt,  176-83 
The  work  of  the  navy  in  the  War,  H.    W. 

Wilson,  332^0 
The  Empire  and  the  War,  Spenser  Wilkinson, 

214-24 
IMPERIAL    FEDERATION    AND    CLOSER    UNION, 

73-i,  237-8,  492-3,  559-60,  785-6 
The  expansion  of  Britain's  Imperial  relations 
with  the  Oversea  Dominions  resulting  from 
the  War,  H.  A.  Ellis,  56-67 
The  romance  and  rally  of  the  Empire,  E. 

Salmon,  285-98 

Outlook    for    national    unity,    Hon.    Sir    J. 
McCall,  521-36 


Imperial    unity    as    a    business    investment, 

B.  E.  Gosnell,  883-9 
See    also    BRITISH    IMPERIALISM,    IMPERIAL 

CONFERENCE 
IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  (DEFENCE)  COMMITTEE, 

1894-1906,  A.  H.  Loring,  341-6 
IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  LEAGUE,  1884-93,  W.  B. 

Worsfold,  263-73 
IMPERIAL  INSTITUTE,  175 
IMPERIAL  STUDIES,  404-5,  496,  850 

Imperial  studies,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  665-8 
Panel  of  lecturers  in  Imperial  studies  of  the 

Royal  Colonial  Institute,  668-9 
Public  lectures  under  the  Imperial  studies 

scheme,  771-2 

A  democratic  Empire,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  801-10 
IMPERIAL  TRADE,    15-6,   92-3,    174-5,   380-1, 
405-6,  566-8,  643,  705-6,  725,  794-5,  797-8 
Public  contracts  and  patriotism,  298-9 
British  Industries  Fair,  463 
National   aspect   of   public   body   contracts, 

762-3 
Impressions   from   an   outpost   of  Empire,  E. 

Wellwood,  518-21 
INCOME  TAX,  171-2 
INDIA,   153-4,  307,  375,  386,   472,   473,   539, 

616-7,  694,  768,  785-6,  844-5,  848,  925 
Indian  Expeditionary  Force,  H.  T.  M.  Bell, 

21-7 
Mohammedans  and  the  Empire,  Sir  B.  Fuller, 

108-14 

India  Councils  Bill,  246-7 
India  and  German  East  Africa,  G.  H.  Lepper, 

350-3 

India  and  the  War,  Lieut. -Col.  Sir  F.  Young- 
husband,  439—55 

Into  battle  [Poem],  Julian  Orenfell,  477-8 
Invasion  of  Angola,  G.  Bailey,  755-9 
In  what  sense  can  an  empire  prove  itself  to  be 
great  ?  N.  A.  Turner-Smith,  280-4,  357-61 
Italy  and  the  War,  J.  Ellis  Barker,  411-8 

JAPAN,  408-9 

JEBB,  RICHARD,  Imperial  unity  {Letter],  73-4 

The  Overseas  Club,  650-5 
JENKINS,  Hon.  J.  G.,  Speech,  372 

Speech  on  land  settlement,  685-6 
JERSEY,  EARL  OF,  Obituary  notice,  545 
JOHNSON,  HILL,  The  aeroplane  and  war,  250-8 
JOLLIE,  MRS.  TAWSE.     See  COLQUHOUN,  ETHEL 
JONES,  J.  LEIGH,  Empire  trade  [Letter],  380-1 
Julian  Grenfell  [Poem],  478 

Kaiser's    entry   into    Berlin,    August    2,    1914 

[Poem],  E.  B.  Sargant,  237 
KAMERUN.     See  CAMEROON  COLONY 
KINDRED  SOCIETIES — PAST  AND  PRESENT  : 

I.  Imperial    Federation    League,     1884- 

1893,  W.  B.  Worsfold,  263-73 

II.  Imperial    Federation  (Defence)  Com- 

mittee, 1894-1906,    A.    H.    Loring, 

341-6 
III.  British  Empire  League,  C.  F.  Murray, 

431-9 
IV.  Society    of    Comparative    Legislation, 

Sir  C.  P.  llbert,  503-9 
V.  Victoria  League,  E.  B.  Sargant,  588-94 
VI.  Overseas  Club,  B.  Jebb,  650-5 


VI 


INDEX. 


KINDHED  SOCIETIES,  ETC. — continued. 

VII.  League  of  the  Empire,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  F. 

Pollock,  736-41 
VIII.  Empire      Parliamentary     Association, 

H.  D'Egville,  830-8 
IX.  National  Service  League,  R.  MacLeod, 

893-901 
King    Albert    by    the    Yser,    November    1914 

[Poem],  E.  B.  Sargant,  391 
King's  Messages,  1,  781 

KNOX,  HENRY  T.  0.,  Australia's  stake  in  the 
War  [Letter],  546 

LABOUR  AND  THE  WAR,  707-8 

See  also  MUNITIONS 
LAND,  88,  644-5,  713-4 
Soldiers  and  land  settlement,  680-90 
See    also    EMIGRATION,     EMPLOYMENT     OF 

SOLDIERS 

LAW,  RT.  HON.  BONAR,  Speech  on  land  settle- 
ment, 689-90 
LEAGUE   OF   THE   EMPIRE,   Rt.   Hon.   Sir  F. 

Pollock,  736HU 

LEGGETT,  MAJOR  E.  H.  M.,  Speech,  297-8 
LENNARD,  T.  J.,  Speech,  457-8 
LEPPER,  G.  H.,  India  and  German  East  Africa, 

350-3 
LEWTN,  EVANS,  Nova  Scotia  Baronets,  49-55, 

137-40,  224-8 
"  The  Germans  and  Africa,"  review  by  C. 

Boyd,  470-1 
Lights  and  lessons  of  the  War,  Sir  G.  Parker, 

594-611 
LORING,  ARTHUR  H.,  The  Imperial  Federation 

(Defence)  Committee,  1894-1906,  341-6 
LUCAS,    SIR    CHARLES    PRESTWOOD,    Imperial 

studies,  665-8 

Speech  on  Imperial  relations,  63,  66 
Speech  on  Bristol  and  the  Colonies,  460 
Speech  on  national  unity,  535-6 
Imperial  studies,  665-8 
A  democratic  Empire,  801-10 
Speech  on  Empire  and  money  market,  914-5 
"  LUSITANIA,"  397-8 

McCALL,    HON.    Sm   JOHN,    The    outlook   for 

national  unity,  521-36 
MACKAY,  A.  H.,  Lord  Meath  and  Empire  Day 

[Letter],  154 
MACKENZIE,    HON.    SIR    THOMAS,    Speech    on 

Australia  and  the  War,  371-2 
MACLEOD,  R.,  National  Service  League,  893-901 
MAHAN,  ADMIRAL  A.  T.,  Letter  to  Mr.  Marston 

on  the  War,  32-3 
MAPS  : 

Sketch  map  of  operations  in  East  and  West 

Africa,  116 

Sketch  map  of  the  Balkan  States,  185 
Sketch  map  of  the  Middle  East,  275 
Map  of  the  world  showing  the  British  Empire, 

O  lt> 

The  "  Roumanian  sentinel  in  a  sea  of  Slavs," 

517 
MEATH,  EARL  OF,  The  training  of  the  new  armies, 

127-37 
MEETINGS  : 

Nov.  24,  1914.     The  expansion  of  Britain's 
Imperial     relations     with     the      Oversea 


Dominions  resulting  from  the  War,  H.  A. 
Ellis,  Discussion  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Sir 
Newton  J.  Moore,  Surgeon- Major  A.  H. 
Horsfall,  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  56-67 
Dec.  15,  1914.  The  training  of  the  new 
armies,  Earl  of  Meath,  Discussion  by  Earl 
Orey,  Lieut.-Col.  A.  St.  Hill  Gibbons, 
Surgeon-Major  A.  H.  Horsfall,  Dr.  G.  R. 
Parkin,  127-37 

Jan.  23,  1915.  The  Empire  and  the  War, 
Spenser  Wilkinson,  Discussion  by  Lieut.- 
Ge.nl.  Sir  J.  Sevan  Edwards,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir 
George  Reid,  Surgeon-Genl.  W.  D.  Williams, 
214-24 

Feb.  23,  1915.  The  romance  and  rally  of 
the  Empire,  E.  Salmon,  Discussion  by 
Lieut.-Genl.  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  Hon. 
Sir  G.  Perley,  Hon.  W.  P.  Schreiner,  Hon. 
H.  K.  Bishop,  Major  E.  H.  M.  Leggett,  285- 
98 

Mar.  24,  1915.     Australia's  stake  in  the  War, 
A.    H.    Horsfall,    Discussion   by    Viscount 
Milner,     Hon.     Sir     Thomas     Mackenzie, 
Hon.  J.  G.  Jenkins,  Mr.  Howard  D'Egville, 
Col.  Sir  Robert  Wittiams,  361-73 
May  11,  1915.     India  and  the  War,  Lieut. 
Col.  Sir  Francis  Younghusband,  Discussion 
by  Rt.  Hon.  Charles  E.  H.  Hobhouse,  Sir 
T.  Holderness,  Sir  Harry  Stephen,  Admiral 
the  Hon.  Sir  Edmund  Fremantle,  Mr.  Ellis 
T.  Powell,  439-55 
Apr.  21,  1915.     Australia's  present  position, 

F.  W.  Young,  461-2 

June    8,    1915.     The    outlook    for    national 

unity,  Hon.  Sir  J.  McCall,  Discussion  by 

Lord    Sydenham,    Rt.    Hon.    Sir    Edmund 

Barton,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  F.  Pollock,  Dr.  G.  R. 

Parkin,  Mr.   W.  B.    Worsfold,  Mr.  A.  P. 

Poley,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  521-36 

Apr.    13,   1915.     Lights  and  lessons   of  the 

War,    Sir    Gilbert    Parker,  Discussion    by 

Lieut.-Genl.  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  Hon. 

J.    C.    Watson,    Mr.    Richard   Reid,    Earl 

Brassey,  Dr.  G.  R.  Parkin,  594-611 

What  Australia  thinks  :    no  terms  with  the 

enemy,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Edmund  Barton,  611-2 

Canada  and  the  War,  R.  S.  Bond,  763-5 

Thoughts    on    some    problems    of    the  War, 

Hon.  B.  R.  Wise,  825-30 
Nov.  2,  1915.     Empire  and  money  market : 
the   romance   of   a   three   hundred   years' 
alliance,    Ellis    T.    Powell,    Discussion    by 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Mr.  Fred  Dutton,  Mr. 
Gordon    Sel/ridge,     Mr.     Harry     Brittain, 
902-17 
MERCANTILE  MARINE,  20,  90-1,  795-7 

See  also  IMPERIAL  TRADE 
MESOPOTAMIA  AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF,  241-2, 

317-8,  486-7,  558-9,  641,  712,  870-1 
Great  Britain  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  H.  T. 

M.  Bell,  274-80 

MILNER,  VISCOUNT,  Speech  on  the  War,  369-71 
Model  protectorate  :   Gilbert  and  Ellice  Islands, 

E.  C.  Eliot,  878-82 
Mohammedans  and  the  Empire,  Sir  B.  Fuller, 

108-14 

MOORE,  COL.  THE  HON.  SIR  NEWTON  J.,  Speech 
on  Imperial  relations,  63-4 


INDEX. 


Vll 


MOZAMBIQUE,  922 

MULLENS,    CLAUD,    Neutrals    and    sea-power, 

875-7 

MUKITIONS,  479-80,  783 
MURRAY,    C.    FREEMAN,    The    British   Empire 

League,  431-9 
MURRAY,  JAMES  P.,  "  English  "  and  "  British  " 

[Letter],  772-3 
MYERS,  J.  M.,  Australia  and  the  War,  121-6 

National  aspect  of  public  body  contracts,  762-3 
NATIONALISM,  491 

NATIONAL     PATRIOTIC     ORGANISATIONS     COM- 
MITTEE, 632 
NATIONAL  SERVICE,  33-4,  481,  554-5,  629-30, 

709 
National  Service  League,  R.  MacLeod,  893- 

901 

NATURALISATION.    See  BRITISH  CITIZENSHIP. 
NAVY.    See  IMPERIAL  DEFENCE,  WAR  OF  1914 — 

Navy 
NEUTRALITY,  244 

Neutrals  and  sea-power,  C.  Mullins,  875-7 
See  also  UNITED  STATES 
NEWFOUNDLAND,   331,   467,   537-8,   624,   692, 

767,  919 
NEW  ZEALAND,  374,  403^,  467,  536-7,  549, 

614,  691-2,  766-7,  844,  864-5,  920 
Summary  of  the  Secretary's  report  on  his 
mission   to   Australia   and   New   Zealand, 
142-6 
New  Zealanders  on  service,  G.  H.  Scholefield, 

498-502 

NIGERIA,  377,  381-2,  466,  539,  615-6,  618 
NOVA  SCOTIA,  154 

Nova  Scotia  baronets,  Evans  Leivin,  49-55, 
137-40,  224-8 

OBITUARY  : 

Archibald  Colquhoun,  2 

Sir  George  Farrar,  490 

Brig.-Genl.  Bridges,  490 

Earl  of  Jersey,  545 

N.  Darnell  Davis,  850 

T.  Hislop  Hill,  850 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  928 

Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton,  928-9 

Robert  Christison,  929 

Brig.-Genl.  James  Foster  Riddell,  929 

Lieut.  L.  Wingfield  Sweet-Escott,  929 
OSBORN,  E.  B.,  The  essential  German,  258-63 
Our  flying  men  [Poem],  F.  G.  Penney,  575 
Outlook  for  national  unity,  Hon.  Sir  J.  McCall, 

521-36 

OVERSEAS  CLUB,  R.  Jebb,  650 
OVERSEAS  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  THE  WAR,  45-6, 
84,  148,  786 

Indian  Expeditionary  Force,  H.  T.  M.  Bell, 
21-7 

British   Columbia  as  a  factor  in  the  War, 
28-30 

Australia  and  the  War,  J.  M.  Myers,  121-6 

South  Africa's  contingents,  890-2 

See  also  under  various  Dominions  and  Colonies 
and  under  India 


PALM  KERNEL,  15-6,  648,  799-800 

PANAMA  CANAL,  97,  163-4,  716-7,  777 

PANAMA-PACIFIC  INDUSTRIAL  EXHIBITION,  248 

PAN-AMERICANISM,  547-8 

PARKER,  SIR  GILBERT,  Lights  and  lessons  of 

the  War,  594-611 
PARKIN,    GEORGE    R.,    Speech     on    national 

unity,  533-5 
PATAGONIA,  845 
PATENT  LAWS,  330-1 
PATRIOTIC    LEAGUE    OF    BRITONS    OVERSEAS, 

19-20 

Paying  for  the  War,  A.  W.  Tilby,  811-3 
PENNEY,  F.  G.,  Our  flying  men  [Poem],  575 
PERLEY,  HON.  SIR  GEORGE,  Speech,  294-5 
PERSIAN  GULF.    See  MESOPOTAMIA 
PIXTON,  ERNEST  M.,  War  help  from  the  Argen- 
tine Republic,  901-2 
POLAND,  33-9,  183-9 
POLEY,  A.  P.,  Speech,  535 
POLLOCK,  RT.   HON.  SIR  FREDERICK,  Speech 
on  national  unity,  533 

The  League  of  the  Empire,  736-41 
PORTRAITS  : 

King  George,  1 

Lieut. -Genl.  Sir  James  Willcocks,  24 

Major-Genl.  H.  H.  the  Maharaja  Scindia  of 
Gwalior,  24 

Col.  H.  H.  the  Maharaja  of  Bikaner,  25 

Major-Genl.    H.    H.    Maharaja     Sir    Pertab 
Singh,  Regent  of  Jodpur,  25 

Field-Marshal  Earl  Kitchener,  81 

Archibald  R.  Colquhoun,  99 

H.H.   Prince  Hussein  Kamel  Pasha,  Sultan 
of  Egypt,  108 

H.H.  The  Nizam  of  Hyderabad,  109 

H.H.  The  Sultan  of  Johore,  109 

H.H.  The  Aga  Khan,  109 

H.H.  The  Khan  of  Khelat,  109 

The  Belgian  Royal  Family,  159 

Rt.  Hon.  Winston  S.  Churchill,  176 

Admiral  Lord  Fisher  of  Kilverstone,  176 

Admiral  Sir  John  Jellicoe,  176 

Vice- Admiral  Sir  D.  Beatty,  176 

T.  J.  Lennard,  459 

Genl.  the  Rt.  Hon.  Louis  Botha,  553 

Empire    Parliamentary    Association       [U.K. 
Branch],  859 

Brig.-Genl.  H.  T.  Lukin,  890 

Lieut. -Col.  J.  M.  Rose,  and  officers  of  the 

South  African  Heavy  Artillery,  890 
POST  OFFICE,  800 
POTASH,  723 
POTT,  ARTHUR,  War  songs  old  and  new,  196-203 

Servants  of  the  King  [Poem],  347-50 

English  peasant  and  the  War,  670-3 
POWELL,  ELLIS  T.,  Speech,  455 

The  Empire  and  the  money  market :    the 
romance  of  a  three  hundred  years'  alliance, 
902-17 
PRICES,  90-1,  167-9 

See  also  FOOD  SUPPLY 
PRIESKA-UPINGTON  RAILWAY,  169-70 
Public  contracts  and  patriotism,  298-9 


PACIFIC  OCEAN.     See  NEW  ZEALAND,  PANAMA 
CANAL,  SOUTH  PACIFIC 


RAWSON,  COL.  H.  E.,  Speech  on  land  settlement, 
687-8 


vm 


INDEX. 


READ,  D.  H.    MOUTRAY,  "  All   prisoners   and 

captives — ,"  510-4 
War  and  law,  655—65 
Rebellion  in    South  Africa,   H.    T.    M.    Bell, 

418-25 
REID,  RT.  HON.   SIR  GEOEGE  H.,  Speech  on 

the  Empire  and  the  War,  222-3 
REID,  RICHAKD,  Speech,  609 
Review  of  the  campaign  in  Eastern  Europe, 

A.  W.  Tilby,  33-9 

REVIEWS  AND  BOOK  NOTICES,  67-73,  149-53, 

230-3,  304-9,  381-7,  470-3,  546-9,  621-5, 

697-9,  774-7,  845-8,  923-6 
Life  of  Benjamin  Disraeli,  W.  F.  Monypenny 

and  G.  E.  Buckle,  67-9 
The  Diary  of  James  Gallatin,  69 
Life  of  William  Flinders,  E.  Scott,  70 
Fall  of  Canada,  0.  M.  Wrong,  71 
Some  British  soldiers  in  America,  Captain  W. 

H.  Wilkin,  72 
Political  reminiscences  of  the  Rt.   Hon.   Sir 

Charle*  Tupper,  72 
Some    early    records    of    the    Macarthurs    of 

Camden,  S.  Macarthur  Onslow,  72-3 
Canada  and  its  provinces,  A.  Shortt  and  A.  G. 

Doughty,  149,  382-3 
Malta  and  Gibraltar,  illustrated,  A.  Macmittan, 

150 

Life  of  Lord  Roberts,  Sir  George  Forrest,  150 
Life  and  times  of  Lord  Strathcona,  W.  T.  S. 

Preston,  151 
Life  cf  General  Sir  Harry  M.  N.  D.  Prender- 

gast,  Col.  H.  M.  Vibart,  151 
The    development    of   the    European    nations, 

1870-1900,  and  The  origins  of  the  War,  J.  H. 

Rose,  151-2 

France  herself  again,  E.  Dimnet,  152 
The  Spanish  dependencies  in  South  America, 

B.  Moses,  152 

Autobiography    of    Maharashi    Devendranath 

Tagore,  153 
English  factories  in  India,  W.  Foster,  1640- 

1650,  153 

Through  the  wilderness,  T.  Roosevelt,  153 
Books  on  the  war  of  1812,  230-1 
Abbas  II.,  Earl  of  Cramer,  232-3 
Twentieth  century  impressions  of  Canada,  H. 

J.  Boam,  233 

Germans  in  Africa,  Evans  Lewin,  304-5 
Origin,  causes  and  object  of  the  War,  Sir  P. 

Fitzpatrick,  305 
The  Hun  in  our  hinterland,  J.  K.  O'Connor, 

305 

The  Home  of  the  Blizzard,  D.  Mawson,  305-6 
Modern  Germany,  Ellis  Barker,  306 
Ancient  and  medieval  architecture  of  India, 

E.  B.  Havell,  307 
Cyprus  :    a  short  account  of  its  present  state, 

Col.  A.  0.  Green,  309 
Woman's    mysteries    of    a   primitive    people, 

D.  A.  Talbot,  381-2 

Germany's  vanishing  colonies,  G.  Le  Sueur,  382 
British  Empire,   and  A   historical  geography 

of  the  British  Dominions,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas, 

383-4 
History  of  the  Standard  Bank  of  South  Africa, 

Ltd.,  G.  T.  Amphlett,  384 
Lodges  in  the  wilderness,  W.  C.  Scully,  384-5 


History    of   Melanesian    society,    W.    H.    R. 

Rivers,  385 
Arabia  infelix,  or  the  Turks  in   Yamen,  G. 

Wyman  Bury,  385-6 
Sva,  Sir  G.  C.  M.  Birdwood,  386 
Forty  years  in  Canada,  Col.  S.  B.  Steele,  386 
The  Germans  and  Africa,  Evans  Lewin,  470-1 
Arya  Samaj,  Lajpat  Rai,  472 
Lands  forlorn,  G.  M.  Douglas,  473 
History  of  the  Indian  Medical  Service,  1600- 

1913,  Lieut.-Col.  D.  G.  Crawford,  473 
Sir  George  Etienne  Cartier,  J.  Boyd,  546-7 
Pan-Americanism,  R.  G.  Usher,  547-8 
Early  history  of  New  Zealand,  T.  M.  Hocken, 

549 
The  Log-books  of  the  "  Lady  Nelson,"  I.  Lee, 

549 

The  world  in  the  crucible,  G.  Parker.  621-3 
Adventures  in  Africa,  J.  B.  Thornhill,  623 
Battle  glory  of  Canada,  A.  B.  Tucker,  623-4 
Beothucks,  or  Red  Indians,   J.    P.    Howley, 

624 

History  of  Niagara,  J.  Carnochan,  625 
John  Bull's  surplus  children,  D.  Crane,  625 
Twenty  years  of  my  life,  D.  Sladen,  697-8 
Unexploited  west,  Major  E.  J.  Chambers,  698 
Naval   history    of   the   American   Revolution, 

G.  W.  Allen,  698 
The  East  I  know,  P.  Claudel,  699 
North-west  Amazons,  T.  Whiffen,  774-5 
Winning  of  the  Far   West,  R.  M.  McElroy, 

775-6 
Economics  of  war  and  conquest,  J.  H.  Jones, 

776-7 

Government  of  the  Canal  zone,  W.  Goethals,  777 
Geographical    aspects    of    Balkan    problems, 

M.  L.  Newbigin,  777 
My  recollections  of  Australia  and  elsewhere, 

Hon.  J.  M.  Creed,  845-6 
Picturesque    Paraguay,    A.    K.    Macdonald, 

846-7 
Rambles  and  recollections  of  an  Indian  official, 

Major-Genl.  Sir  W.  H.  Sleeman,  848 
English  factories   in   India,    1651-1654,    W. 

Foster,  848 
Black  and  white  in  the  Southern  States,  M.  S. 

Evans,  923-4 
Canadian   Annual  Review,   J.    C.   Hopkins, 

924-5 

RHODES  SCHOLARS  AND  THE  WAR,  174 
Rhodesia  in   1915   [C.  W.  Boyd],   582-5 
RIDDELL,    BRIG.-GENL.    J.    FOSTER,    Obituary 

notice,  929 
ROLL  OF  HONOUR,  25-7,  301-3,  379-80,  469, 

542-3,  620,  697,  770-1,  929-30 
Romance  and  rally  of  the  Empire,  E.  Salmon, 

285-98 
ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  MONTHLY  NOTES,  374-77, 

464-7,  536-41,  613-8,  690-5,  766-9,  842-5, 

918-22 
ROYAL    COLONIAL    INSTITUTE,    81,    154,    159, 

174-5,  307-8,  331,  473,  572,  573-4,  629-30, 

649,  680-90,  762-3,  772,  793,  930-2 
Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  the  War,  46-9, 

145-6,  229-30,  304 
Summary  of  the  Secretary's  report  on  his 

mission   to   Australia   and   New   Zealand, 

142-5 


INDEX. 


ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE — continued. 

Prize  Essay  Competitions,  156,  280-4,  357- 

61,  701,  931 

Annual  General  Meeting  of  Fellows,  353-7 
Opening    of    the    Bristol    Branch    Building, 

Speeches  by  the  Lord  Mayor,   Mr.   T.   J. 

Lennard,    Earl    Grey,    Sir    Charles   Lucas, 

Sir  Isambard  Owen,  456—61 
Bristol  Branch  Annual  Meeting,  543-4 
Royal    Colonial    Institute    Ambulance    Car, 

410,  544,  629-30 

Imperial  studies,  Sir  C.  P.  Lucas,  665-8 
Panel  of  lecturers  in  Imperial  studies  of  the 

Royal  Colonial  Institute,  668-9 
Soldiers    and    land    settlement.     Deputation 

of  the  After  the  War  Empire  Settlement 

Committee  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute, 

Speeches  by  Lord  Sydenham,  Mr.  Christopher 

Turnor,  Hon.  Sir  John  Taverner,  Sir  H. 

Rider  Haggard,  Hon.  J.  G.  Jenkins,  Mr.  G. 

McLaren  Brown,  Col.   H.   E.   Rawson,  Rt. 

Hon.  A.  Bonar  Law,  Earl  of  Selborne,  680-90 
Exhibition  of  autographs  in  the  Library  of 

the  Institute,  700-1 
The    Travelling   Commissioner   in    Scotland, 

839-42 

Bibliography  of  foreign  colonisation,  931 
RUBBER,  13-4 

SALMON,  ARTHUR  L.,  Australians  in  literature  : 

a  glance  at  a  colonial  product,  751-5 
SALMON,  EDWARD,  The  romance  and  rally  of 

the  Empire,  285-98 
SAEGANT,  EDMUND  BEALE,  The  Kaiser's  entry 

into  Berlin,  August  2,  1914,  [Poem],  237 
King  Albert  by  the  Yser,  November   1914 

[Poem],  391 

The  Victoria  League,  588-94 
SCHOLEFIELD,    GUY    H.,    New    Zealanders    on 

service,  498-502 

SOHREINER,  HON.  W.  P.,  Speech,  296-7 
SEDGWICK,   THOMAS   E.,   The  Dominions  and 

the  peace  settlement  [Letter],  545-6 
SELFRIDGE,  GORDON,  Speech  on  the  Empire  and 

money  market,  916 

Servants  of  the  King  [Poem],  A.  Pott,  347-50 
SIMSON,  G.  SPICER,  Naval  losses  [Letter],  74 
SMITH,  N.  A.  TURNER-,  In  what  sense  can  an 

Empire  prove  itself  to  be  great  ?    280-4, 

357-61 
SOCIETY   OF   COMPARATIVE   LEGISLATION,   Sir 

C.  P.  Ilbert,  503-9 
SOLDIERS,  EMPLOYMENT  OF.    See  EMPLOYMENT 

OF  SOLDIERS 

Soldiers  and  land  settlement,  680-90 
SOUTH  AFRICA,  11-2,  74,  95-6,   169-70,  384, 

399-400,  465,  490,  538,  554,  615,  641-2, 

692-3,    720,    768,    776,    787,    844,    871-2, 

920-1,  927 
The  rebellion  in  South  Africa,  H.  T.  M.  Bell, 

418-25 

South  Africa's  contingents,  890-2 
See  also  RHODESIA 
SOUTH  PACIFIC,  618 
SOUTH-WEST     AFRICA     PROTECTORATE,    95-6, 

245-6,  328,  384-5,  401,  488,  553-4,  693 
The  taking  of  German  South- West  Africa, 

W.  B.  Worsfold,  747-51 


STEPHEN,  SIR  HARRY,  Speech  on  India  and  the 

War,  453 
STRAITS  SETTLEMENTS,  376,  769 

Impressions    from    an    outpost    of   Empire, 

E.  Wellwood,  518-21 
Strengthening    the    Empire :     the   future    and 

its  problems,  H.  S.  Gulhtt,  759-61 
SUGAR,  327,  799 
SWAISH,  ALDERMAN,  LORD  MAYOR  OF  BRISTOL, 

Speech,  457 

SwEET-EscoTT.     See  ESCOTT. 
SYDENHAM,  LORD,  Letter  to  The  Times  on  the 

War,  31-2 

Speech  on  national  unity,  529-30 
Speech  on  land  settlement,  680 

Taking  of  German  South-West  Africa,   W.  B. 

Worsfold,  747-51 
TAVERNER,  HON.  SIR   JOHN,  Speech    on  land 

settlement,  682-3 
TAXATION.     See  FINANCE 
Teuton-Slav  contest  in  Eastern  Europe,  A.  W. 

Tilby,  183-9 
THORNHILL,    J.    B.,    Colonisation    within    the 

Empire,  742-7 
Thoughts  on  some  problems  of  the  War,  Hon. 

B.  R.  Wise,  825-30 
TILBY,  A.  WYATT,  A  review  of  the  campaign 

in  Eastern  Europe,  33-9 
The  Teuton-Slav  contest  in  Eastern  Europe, 

183-9 

The  Balkan  situation,  514-8 
Paying  for  the  War,  811-3 
TIMBER, 12-3 
TOBACCO,  92,  248-9 
TOOOLAND,  768 
Training  of  the  new  armies,  Earl  of  Meath,  127- 

37 
TREMEARNE,  A.  J.  N.,  A  suggestion  [Letter] 

[for    the    presentation    of    mementoes    to 

help  in  restoration  of  Louvain  University], 

380 
TUPPER,    RT.    HON.    SIR    CHARLES,    Obituary 

notice,  928 

TURNER-SMITH.     See  SMITH 
TURNOR,  CHRISTOPHER,  Speech  on  land  settle-  ' 

ment,  680-2 

UNITED   STATES,   86-8,    163-4,   400-1,   493-4, 
547-8,  562-3,  637-8,  715-8,  792,  794-5,  872 
Neutrals  and  sea-power,  C.  Mullins,  875-7 

Value  of  the  German  colonies,  J.  Ellis  Barker, 

209-13 
VICTORIA  LEAGUE,  E.  B.  Sargant,  588-94 

WANLISS  T.   D.,   "  English "   and   "  British  " 

[Lettet],  851 

War  and  law,  D.  H.  Moutray  Read,  655-65 
WAR  OF  1812,  230-1 

See  also  GHENT,  TREATY  OF 
WAR    OF   1914,   3-20,   81-98,    151-2,    160-75, 

237-49,  313-30,  391^10,  479-97,  553-74, 

621-3,  623-4,  629-49,  705-25,  776-7,  782- 

800,  859-74 
The  Indian  Expeditionary  Force,  H.  T.  M. 

Bell,  21-7 


INDEX. 


WAR  OF  1914 — continued. 

Roll  of  Honour,  25-7,  301-3,  379-80,  469, 

542-3,  620,  697,  770-1,  929-30 
British  Columbia  as  a  factor  in  the  War,  by 

a  British  Columbian,  28-30 
Wise  words  on  the  War,  30-3 
A  review  of  the  campaign  in  Eastern  Europe, 

A.  W.  Tilby,  33-9 
Emergency  measures  in  war-time,  J.  Watson 

Grice,  39-43 
Diary  of  the  War,  44-5,  147,  228-9,  300-1, 

378-9,    468-9,    541-2,    619,    695-6,     770, 

849,  917-8 

Overseas  contributions,  45-6,  148 
Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  the  War,  46-9, 

145-6,  229-30,  304 
The  expansion  of  Britain's  Imperial  relations 

with    the    Oversea    Dominions    resulting 

from  the  War,  H.  A.  Ellis,  56-67 
The  War  in  East  and  West  Africa,  H.  T.  M. 

Bell,  114-20 

Australia  and  the  war,  J.  M.  Myers,  121-6 
The  training  of  the  new  armies,  Earl  of  Meath, 

127-37 
The  Teuton-Slav  contest  in  Eastern  Europe, 

A.  W.  Tilby,  183-9 
Belgium  under  the  German  heel,  A.  Chainaye, 

189-96 

War  songs  old  and  new,  A.  Pott,  196-203 
As  others  see  us,  E.  Colquhoun,  203-8 
The  Empire  and  the  War,  Spenser  Wilkinson, 

214-24 
The  aeroplane  and  the   War,  Hill  Johnson, 

250-8 
Great  Britain  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  H.  T.  M. 

Bell,  274-80 
The  romance  and  rally  of  the  Empire,  E. 

Salmon,  285-98 
The  work  of  the  Navy  in  the  War,  H.  W. 

Wilson,  332-40 

Servants  of  the  King  [Poem],  A.  Pott,  347-50 
Australia's  stake  in  the  War,  A.  H.  Horsfall, 

361-73 
King  Albert  on  the  Yser,  November   1914 

[Poem],  E.  B.  Sargant,  391 
Italy  and  the  War,  J.  Ellis  Barker,  411-8 
The  rebellion  in  South  Africa,  H.  T.  M.  Bell, 

418-25 
The   Dominions   and  the   peace   settlement, 

H.  E.  Egerton,  425-31 
India  and  the  War,  Sir  F.    Younghusband, 

439-55 
New  Zealanders  on  service,  G.  H.  Scholefield, 

498-502 
"  All  prisoners  and  captives,"  D.  H.  Moutray 

Read,  510-4 

The  Balkan  situation,  A.  W.  Tilby,  514-8 
The  fight  for  the  Dardanelles, J.  EUis  Barker, 

576-81 
The  dawn  of  a  new  spirit,  H.  M.  Boswell, 

585-8 
Lights  and  lessons  of  the  War,  Sir  G.  Parker, 

594-611 
What  Australia  thanks  :    no  terms  with  the 

enemy,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  E.  Barton,  611-2 


The  English  peasant  and  the  War,  A.  Pott, 

670-3 
As  others  see  us  :   an  Italian  view  of  British 

doings,  674-9 

Soldiers  and  land  settlement,  680-9 
The  taking  of  German   South-West  Africa, 

W.  B.  Worsfold,  747-51 
Strengthening  the  Empire  :  the  future  and  its 

problems,  H.  S.  QuUe.lt,  759-61 
Canada  and  the  War,  R.  S.  Bond,  763-5 
Paying  for  the  War,  A.  W.  Tilby,  811-3 
The  Balkan   States   and  the   War,   E.    Col- 
quhoun, 813-21 

The  campaign  in  the  Cameroons,  822-4 
Thoughts   on   some   problems   of   the   War, 

Hon.  B.  R.  Wise,  825-30 
South  Africa's  contingents,  890-2 
War  help  from  the  Argentine  Republic,  E.  M. 

Pixton,  901-2 
See  also  King's  Messages. 
WAR   OF   1914   (Navy),  9-11,  74,   96-7,   97-8, 

160-1,  240-1,  396,  397-8,  568-9,  709-10 
The  war  work  of  the  Navy,  H.  F.    Wyatt, 

176-83 
The  work  of  the  Navy  in  the  War,  H.   W. 

Wilson,  332-40 

Neutrals  and  sea-power,  C.  Muttins,  875-7 
WATSON,  HON.  J.  C.,  Speech,  608 
WELLWOOD,  EDITH,  Impressions  from  an  out- 
post of  Empire,  518-21 
WEST  AFRICA,  615-6,  648 
WEST   INDIES,   326-8,   467,   540,   694-5,    769, 

921-2 
Betsy  :  a  West  Indian  dialogue,  G.  Wroughton, 

140-2 

WHEAT,  93,  249,  570 
WILKINSON,    SPENSER,   The   Empire   and   the 

War,  214-24 

WILLIAMS,  COL.  Sm  ROBERT,  Speech,  372-3 
WILSON,  H.  W.,  The  work  of  the  Navy  in  the 

War,  332-40 
WILSON,    Sm    HARRY,    Speech    on    Imperial 

relations,  65-6 
WISE,  HON.  B.  R.,  Thoughts  on  some  problems 

of  the  War,  825-30 
Wise  words  on  the  War,  30-3 
WORSFOLD,  W.  BASIL,  The  Imperial  Federation 

League,  1884-1893,  263-73 
Speech,  535 
The  taking  of  German  South-West   Africa, 

747-51 
WROUGHTON,    G.,    Betsy :     a    West    Indian 

dialogue,  140-2 

WYATT,  H.  F.,  The  war  work  of  the  Navy, 
176-83 


YOUNG,   F.    W.,   Australia's   present    position 

461-2 
YOUNGHUSBAND,    LIEUT. -CoL.     Sro    FRANCIS, 

India  and  the  War,  439-55 


ZANZIBAR,  921 


[P7ioto  ?>y  J.  Russell  &  Sons-] 
HIS     MAJESTY     KING     GEORGE    V. 


[To  face  page  1. 


UNITED    EMPIRE 

THE  KOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUENAL 

VOL.  VI  JANUAKY  1915  No.  1 

THE  KING'S   ADDRESS   TO   HIS   ARMY. 

THE  following  is  the  text  of  the  King's  address  to  his  Army  on  the 
conclusion  of  his  visit  to  France  :— 

SPECIAL  OKDER  OF  THE  DAY  BY  HIS  MAJESTY 

THE  KING. 

OFFICERS,  NON-COMMISSIONED  OFFICERS,  AND  MEN  :— 

I  am  very  glad  to  have  been  able  to  see  my  Army  in  the  field. 

I  much  wished  to  do  so,  in  order  to  gain  a  slight  experience  of  the 
life  you  are  leading. 

I  wish  I  could  have  spoken  to  you  all,  to  express  my  admiration 
of  the  splendid  manner  in  which  you  have  fought  and  are  still  fighting 
against  a  powerful  and  relentless  enemy. 

By  your  discipline,  pluck,  and  endurance,  inspired  by  the  indomit- 
able regimental  spirit,  you  have  not  only  upheld  the  tradition  of  the 
British  Army  but  added  fresh  lustre  to  its  history. 

I  was  particularly  impressed  by  your  soldierly,  healthy,  cheerful 
appearance. 

I  cannot  share  in  your  trials,  dangers,  and  successes,  but  I  can  assure 
you  of  the  proud  confidence  and  gratitude  of  myself  and  of  your  fellow 
countrymen. 

We  follow  you  in  our  daily  thoughts  on  your  certain  road  to 
victory. 

GEORGE,  R.I.  j 
December  5,  1914. 

General  Headquarters. 

B 


I 


As   UNITED   EMPIRE   goes   to   press,  we  have  received   with  the 
deepest  regret,  which  will  be  shared  by  all  our  readers  at  home 

and  overseas,  the  news  of  the  death  of  its  editor 
EdV  f  and  creat.or>  Mr-  Archibald  Colquhoun.  He  has 
"  United  literally  died  in  harness,  for  throughout  his  serious 
Empire "  illness  he  took  an  active  interest  in  the  work  of 

those    who   had  relieved   him — it  was   hoped   only 
temporarily — of  his  duties,  and  was  cheered  by  the  favourable 
reception  in  all  quarters  of  the  recent  series  of  "  war  numbers  " 
which  he  inaugurated  in  September.     More  than  this,  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  matter  for  our  last  issue  was  arranged  for  by  himself 
before  he  was  struck  down,  and  the  improvements  in  the  Journal's 
appearance,  which  are  noticeable  to-day,  are  in   accordance  with 
his  personal  wishes.     The  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  which  largely 
owes  to  his  initiative  as  a  member  of  the  Reform  Committee  of 
1909,  its  revivification  and   progress  during   the  past  five  years, 
has  lost  in  him  one  of  its  most  able  and  loyal  supporters.     To 
ourselves,  when  we  recall  his  wide  experience  of  men  and  cities  as 
a  traveller  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  his  great  literary  powers, 
stimulated  as  they  were  by  an  undeviating  devotion  to  the  cause  of 
Imperial  Unity,  his  vacation  of  the  editorial  chair  of  the  Journal 
is  nothing  less  than  a  disaster.     "  Of  late  years,"  says  the  Pall 
Mall  Gazette,  "  his  best  work  has  been  done  as  editor  of  UNITED 
EMPIRE,    which  he  made  a  most  important  organ  from  every 
Imperial  point  of  view."    Mr.  Colquhoun  had  a  remarkable  per- 
sonality, and  no  one  who  came  in  contact  with  him  could  fail  to  be 
impressed  with  the  vigour,  directness,  and  versatility  of  his  mind. 
He  was  also  a  man  of  strong  feeling,  kind-hearted,  sincere,  and 
wholly  devoid  of  any  pettiness  or  desire  for  self-advertisement. 
The  sympathy  of  her  many  friends  will  go  out  to  Mrs.  Colquhoun, 
who  participated  to  the  full  in  her  distinguished  husband's  many 
and  varied  interests,  and  helped  him  so  efficiently  in  his  literary 
enterprises.     It  will  be  remembered  that  their  latest  task  was  to 
co-operate    with    Professor    Grant    in    the     production    of     the 
Institute's  handbook  on  the  war,  entitled  "  Our  Just  Cause,"  and 
to  secure  its  distribution  in  the  Dominions  and  neutral  countries, 
as  well  as  at  home.     In  our  February  number  we  hope   to    do 
fuller  justice  to  Mr.  Colquhoun's  career  as  civil  servant,  explorer, 
and  author,  and  to  present  our  readers  with  the  portrait  of  one  who 
has  done  so  much  for  them.     Meanwhile  we  can  only  continue  the 
work  for  the  Empire,  which  he  has  laid  down,  in  the  light  of  his 
inspiring  example. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  3 

MR.  BONAR  LAW  made  an  important  announcement  in  his  speech 

at  the  Hotel  Cecil  on  December  14,  when  he  referred  to  the  action  of  the 

Opposition  during  the  present  War.     On  the  momentous 

Mr.  Bonar       gun(lay  preceding  the  Declaration  of  War,  before  the 
Law's  Speech.  ~  ,  .    J   f    ,  ,   ,     .  . 

Cabinet  had  come  to  an  actual  decision  on  the  course 

to  be  taken  by  Great  Britain,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Asquith  as  follows  : — • 
"  Lord  Lansdowne  and  I  feel  it  our  duty  to  inform  you  that  in  our 
opinion,  as  well  as  in  that  of  all  the  colleagues  with  whom  we  have 
been  able  to  consult,  it  would  be  fatal  to  the  honour  and  security  of  the 
United  Kingdom  to  hesitate  in  supporting  France  and  Russia  at  the 
present  juncture  ;  and  we  offer  our  unhesitating  support  to  the  Govern- 
ment in  any  measures  they  may  consider  necessary  for  that  object". 
It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  parallel  for  this  patriotic  action  at  a  period 
of  crisis  on  the  part  of  the  official  Opposition  during  the  whole  course  of 
our  national  history.  Without  referring  to  the  attitude  of  the  Opposi- 
tion during  recent  years  one  has  but  to  remember  how  seldom  they  have 
refrained  from  embarrassing  the  Government  of  the  day  whenever  there 
was  an  opportunity,  to  appreciate  fully  how  much  greater  is  the  sense  of 
patriotism  that  pervades  all  political  parties  in  the  Twentieth  Century. 
During  the  Continental  wars  in  the  time  of  Marlborough,  the  Whigs 
and  Tories  were  frequently  sharply  divided  regarding  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  and  particularly  with  respect  to  the  conduct  of  Marlborough 
himself.  During  the  Seven  Years'  War  and  the  American  War  of 
Independence  the  Opposition  frequently  brought  great  pressure  to  bear 
upon  the  Government,  and  as  constantly  jeopardised  the  success  of 
British  arms.  In  the  Napoleonic  era  the  case  was  similar,  for  Charles 
James  Fox  was  never  tired  of  proclaiming  that  Napoleon  was  the  friend 
of  liberty,  whilst  William  Pitt  held  rightly  that  he  was  the  enemy  of 
England.  In  the  Crimean  War  the  attitude  of  the  Opposition  was 
never  above  reproach. 

IT  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  by  suspending  all  criticism  of  the 

conduct  of  the  War  the  Opposition  have  shown  themselves  more  keenly 

alive  to  the  call  of  patriotism  than  did  any  of  their 

Pke  predecessors  during  the  long  period  of  parliamentary 

f  tVi  government.     "  To  a  party  politician  a  fighting  policy  ", 

Opposition      stated  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  "  is  as  the  breath  of  his  nostrils, 

and  in  such  a  case  there  is  a  strong  temptation,  while 

prefacing  every  speech  with  protestations  of  desire  to  help  in  the  war, 

to  continue  by  a  scarcely  veiled  attack  on  the  Government  as  a  whole 

B  2 


4  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

or  on  a  particular  Minister.  Many  times  in  the  past  nations  with  more 
or  less  free  institutions  have  been  brought  to  the  verge  of  ruin  because 
even  in  the  face  of  danger  from  without  they  have  not  been  able  to 
stifle  internal  conflict."  Mr.  Bonar  Law  went  even  further.  "  A 
Government ",  he  said,  "  supported  by  the  whole  nation  is  necessary  to 
end  the  war;  but  the  need  f  or  unity  will  not  end  with  victory."  These 
are  notable  words,  and  they  express  the  ideals  of  a  noble  patriotism 
that  is  above  the  petty  shifts  of  party. 

THE  most  damaging  official  exposure  of  the  deliberate  policy 
of  aggression  pursued  by  Germany  for  months  and  years  before  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities,  is  that  contained  in  the  French 
The  French  Yellow  Book,  of  which  the  authorised  translation  has 
been  published  by  The  Times.  From  two  points  of 
view  the  documents  issued  by  the  French  Govern- 
ment are  of  notable  importance.  They  show  that  France  was  fully 
warned  of  German  intentions,  and  they  contain  a  psychological  analysis 
of  the  situation  before  the  War.  The  masterly  despatches  of  the 
French  Ambassador,  M.  Jules  Cambon,  show  that  he  had  his  fingers 
upon  the  pulse  of  German  nationalism,  and  knew  how  to  diagnose 
the  Pan-Germanic  disease.  Writing  on  March  17,  1913,  he  stated 
that  "  the  Imperial  authorities  lose  no  opportunity  of  exalting 
patriotic  feeling.  Every  day  the  Emperor  takes  pleasure  in  recalling 
memories  of  1813.  Yesterday  evening  there  was  a  military  tattoo 
in  the  streets  of  Berlin,  and  speeches  were  delivered  in  which  the 
present  situation  was  compared  with  that  of  a  century  ago  ".  It  is  an 
abuse  of  historical  parallel,  continued  M.  Cambon,  "  to  compare  the 
present  with  1813.  If  the  movement,  which  a  century  ago  aroused  the 
German  people  against  the  man  of  genius  who  aspired  to  universal 
domination,  could  find  any  equivalent  to-day,  it  ought  to  be  sought 
for  in  France,  since  the  French  people  has  no  other  thought  but  to 
defend  itself  against  domination  by  force  ". 

THIS  false  historical  parallel  was  used  for  all  it  was  worth  in 

Germany.     The  Germans  have  always  been  fond  of  drawing  their 

inspiration  from  the  wells  of  history,  where  they  have 

seen  as  in  a  distorting  mirror  the  deeds  of  their  an- 

fuu?''          cestors,   without   troubling  to   ascertain   how   far  the 

surface  of  the  waters  has  been  disturbed  by  contrary 

currents.     It  was  thus  when  the  Colonial  movement  was  in  full  swing 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  5 

that  they  turned  to  the  achievements  of  the  Great  Elector  for  guidance 
and  inspiration.  And  it  was  thus  that  the  Kaiser,  voicing  the  aspira- 
tions of  his  House  and  playing  upon  the  historic  sense  of  his  people, 
constantly  appealed  to  his  ancestors  for  example  and  encouragement. 
The  parallel  of  1813,  false  historically,  but  correct  psychologically, 
appealed  with  peculiar  force  to  the  German  people.  In  a  document 
of  supreme  interest,  apparently  written  by  a  German  officer  of  high 
rank,  which  reached  the  French  Minister  of  War  on  April  2,  1913, 
it  is  stated  that  "  our  new  Army  Law  is  but  an  extension  of  the 
military  education  of  the  German  people.  Our  ancestors  of  1813 
made  greater  sacrifices.  It  is  our  sacred  duty  to  sharpen  the  sword 
which  has  been  placed  in  our  hand,  and  to  hold  it  ready  for  defence 
as  well  as  to  strike  down  our  enemy.  The  idea  that  our  armaments 
are  a  reply  to  the  armaments  and  policy  of  the  French  must  be  instilled 
into  the  people ".  If  there  be  anyone  who  still  believes  that  this 
war  was  not  forced  upon  Europe  by  the  German  Government,  let 
him  ponder  upon  this  last  sentence,  revealing  as  it  does  the  peculiar 
and  Machiavellian  policy  pursued  by  the  military  caste  in  Germany. 

BUT  the  most  important  document  from  the  psychological  point 
of  view  is  that  in  which  M.  Cambon,  in  a  despatch  dated  November  22, 
1913,  reproduces  a  report  of  a  conversation  between 
the  German  Emperor  and  the  King  of  the  Belgians 
with  m  ^e  Presence  °f  General  von  Moltke.     "Hostility 

King  Albert,  against  us  is  becoming  more  marked/'  writes  M.  Cambon, 
"  and  the  Emperor  has  ceased  to  be  a  partisan  of  peace. 
The  German  Emperor's  interlocutor  thought  up  to  the  present,  as  did 
everybody,  that  William  the  Second,  whose  personal  influence  has 
been  exerted  in  many  critical  circumstances  in  favour  of  the 
maintenance  of  peace,  was  still  in  the  same  state  of  mind.  This  time, 
it  appears,  he  found  him  completely  changed.  The  German  Emperor 
is  no  longer  in  his  eyes  the  champion  of  peace,  against  the  bellicose 
tendencies  of  certain  German  parties.  William  II  has  been  brought 
to  think  that  war  with  France  is  inevitable."  In  other  words, 
the  Kaiser's  military  education  had  been  completed.  M.  Cambon 
states  that  General  von  Moltke  also  declared  that  war  was  necessary 
and  inevitable,  "  but  he  showed  himself  still  more  certain  of  success. 
'  For ',  said  he  to  the  King,  '  this  time  we  must  put  an  end  to  it 
[cetle  fois  il  faiti  en  finir],  and  your  Majesty  can  hardly  doubt  the 
irresistible  enthusiasm  which  on  that  day  will  carry  away  the  whole 


6  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

German  people.'  The  King  of  the  Belgians  protested  that  to 
interpret  the  intentions  of  the  French  Government  in  this  manner 
was  to  travesty  them.  .  .  .  During  this  conversation  the  Emperor, 
moreover,  appeared  over-wrought  and  irritable.  As  the  years  begin 
to  weigh  with  William  II,  the  family  traditions,  the  retrograde 
feelings  of  the  court,  and  above  all,  the  impatience  of  soldiers,  are 
gaining  more  ascendency  over  his  mind  ". 

A  CAREFUL  perusal  of  the  preliminary  documents,  and  of  those  con- 
nected with  the  negotiations  arising  out  of  the  final  crisis,  leaves  no 
possible  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  warlike  intentions 
Applying        o|  khe  German  Government — and  the  German  people. 

A    , . ,  ,  The  enthusiasm  of  the  latter  had  been  aroused  by  a  long 

Antidote.  .  .  / 

series  of  artful  and  malevolent  distortions  of  fact  and 

misrepresentations  of  current  events.  Particularly  was  this  the  case 
in  connection  with  France,  and  it  is  now  known  from  an  authoritative 
source  that  the  French  Government  fully  understood  the  significance 
of  German  preparations.  The  intense  fervour  and  enthusiasm  of  the 
German  people  cannot  be  over-estimated.  It  would  be  folly  for 
Englishmen  to  close  their  eyes  to  the  lessons  conveyed  in  these 
despatches,  since  much  of  this  riot  of  hatred,  engineered  by  the  dominant 
faction  in  Berlin,  has  now  been  turned  against  this  country.  A  nation 
that  can  be  deceived,  as  the  Germans  have  been  deceived,  is  psycho- 
logically unsound,  and  it  becomes  the  duty  of  the  Allies  to  apply  the 
antidote  to  the  mental  poisons  with  which  the  Germans  have  been 
systematically  drugged  for  more  than  a  generation.  The  process 
must  be  painful  for  the  cure  to  be  assured. 

WIDESPREAD  curiosity  awaited  the  opening  of  the  Italian  Parlia- 
ment early  in  December,  and  the  anticipated  declaration  as  to  the 
continued  maintenance  of  neutrality  by  the  third  Power 

tb    ^w  °f   tte    TriPle   AUia1106-     Signer   Salandra,  the    Prime 

Minister,  set  all  doubts  at  rest  by  his  speech,  in  which 
he  declared  that,  after  an  examination  of  the  letter  and  spirit  of  existing 
treaties  under  the  terms  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  Italy  was  under  no 
obligation  to  Germany  and  Austria  to  participate  in  the  war,  and  that 
being  released  from  every  other  consideration,  Italy's  interests  re- 
quired neutrality.  But  this,  he  proceeded,  "  does  not  suffice  to 
guarantee  us  from  the  consequences  of  the  vast  upheaval  which  is 
daily  spreading.  Italy  has  vital  interests  on  land  and  sea  and  just 
aspirations  to  affirm.  Italy  has  to  see  that  her  position  as  a  Great 
Power  is  not  relatively  diminished  by  a  possible  aggrandisement  of  other 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  7 

States.  Neutrality  must  be  powerfully  armed,  and  our  first  care  has 
been  and  is  to  prepare  the  Army  and  the  Fleet,  because  recent  events 
teach  us  that  force  is  the  only  guarantee  of  a  nation's  welfare  ".  That 
is  to  say,  neutrality  for  the  present,  and  a  possible  attempt  to  secure 
Italia  Irredenta — Trentino,  Trieste,  etc. — at  a  later  stage  in  the  war. 
The  diplomatic  exchanges  between  Italy  and  Roumania  which  followed 
the  declaration  have  been  taken  as  an  indication  of  further  common 
action  between  the  two  Latin  States  in  the  future.  The  public  feeling 
in  Italy  is  all  in  favour  of  war,  the  Press  follows  the  public  rather  than 
the  Government,  and  the  Government's  own  words  were  evidently 
framed  with  an  eye  to  the  popular  desire  for  a  forward  movement. 

THE  entry  of  Turkey  into  the  war  as  an  ally  of  Germany  has  not 
compensated  the  Kaiser  for  the  cold  abstention  of  Italy  or  the  warm 
repudiation  of  German  aggression  by  other  neutrals. 
Turkey  and  gj.^^  influence,  which  sixty  and  even  twenty  years 
back  was  supreme  at  Constantinople,  has  sensibly  de- 
clined since  the  German  Emperor's  somewhat  theatrical  descent  upon 
the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  his  declaration  that  he  was  the  appointed 
protector  of  Islam.  The  assertion  was  ridiculed  in  India,  Egypt,  and 
Persia — although  the  German  Press  affects  to  believe  that  all  Moham- 
medan countries  are  secretly  praying  for  the  success  of  Germany ;  but 
Turkey  has  been  successfully  intrigued  or  coerced  by  German  diplo- 
macy into  war  against  Britain,  her  old  defender,  and  Russia,  her 
mighty  enemy.  Turkey's  military  capacity  is  very  doubtful ;  it 
has  hardly  had  time  to  improve  since  1912,  when  her  German-trained 
troops  failed  before  the  Balkan  armies.  Her  Navy,  even  when  rein- 
forced by  the  damaged  Goeben  and  the  Breslau,  is  unlikely  to  do  much 
damage,  and  it  has  already  had  the  shock  of  seeing  the  mine-strewn 
Dardanelles  penetrated  by  the  British  submarine  Bll,  which  sank  a 
Turkish  battleship  by  one  of  the  most  daring  exploits  of  the  war.  No 
V.C.  has  ever  been  more  worthily  won  than  that  awarded  to  her  gallant 
Commander,  Lieut.  Holbrook. 

TURKEY  has  professed  her  intention  of  invading  Egypt — an  enter- 
prise which  involves  crossing  the  Sinai  Desert.     (A  similar  excursion, 
albeit  in  the   reverse  direction,  took  Moses   and  the 

Britain's          Children   of  Israel  forty  years  to  accomplish.)     But 

"Protectorate  • 

over  Eev  t     meantime   Turkey   has    lost    the    nominal    hold    she 

possessed    and    the    real   tribute    she   claimed    from 
Egypt  and  Cyprus.     The  latter  island,  administered  by  the   British 


8  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

since  1878  under  Turkish  suzerainty,  is  definitely  annexed  to  the 
British  Empire.  Egypt  has  been  proclaimed  a  British  Protectorate, 
and  the  new  Sultan  who  has  been  installed  has  issued  a  stirring 
address  to  his  people  in  which  he  declares  that  he  trusts  Britain. 
The  ex-Khedive  is  in  exile,  reported  variously  at  Constantinople, 
Vienna,  and  Berlin  ;  since  the  war  broke  out,  indeed,  he  has  been 
everywhere  save  at  his  proper  post  at  Cairo.  He  has  long  been 
known  to  be  weak,  and  has  been  suspected  of  disloyalty  ;  German 
intrigues  have  not  forgotten  to  include  him  in  their  scope,  but 
their  error  is  now  apparent.  They  thought  to  deal  Britain  a  danger- 
ous blow  by  securing  the  Khedive,  and  through  him  Egypt ;  they  have 
only  succeeded  in  benefiting  Britain,  since  they  have  secured  the 
Khedive  indeed,  but  the  Khedive  has  lost  Egypt.  It  is  now  remem- 
bered how  early  in  the  present  year  the  British  agency  at  Cairo  dis- 
covered German  agents  perambulating  the  country  in  native  dress, 
and  enquiries  showed  that  these  persons  had  pursued  their  business 
even  among  the  tribes  of  the  desert.  They  were  summarily  sent  out 
of  the  country,  and  their  work  has  evidently  not  had  the  consequences 
that  were  anticipated  at  Berlin. 

THE  future  of  Egypt  under  its  Sultan  and  the  first  British  High 

Commissioner,  Sir  H.  McMahon,  looks  bright ;    the  country  will  find 

it  an  advantage  to  be  under  one  recognised  control 

T^TTr       "P-y*/\y^Ti  ** 

.      -  JJI!    ,"  instead  of  the  absurdity  of  a  British  Consul -General 
cies  fulfilled. 

practically  controlling  a  country  which  was  nominally 

ruled  by  a  Khedive  and  his  advisers,  and  nominally  a  province  of  the 
Turkish  Empire  ;  and  other  anomalies  that  grew  up  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  legal,  constitutional,  and  diplomatic,  will  now  also  be  rectified. 
It  may  be  recalled  that  Britain  was  urged  to  annex  Egypt  two  genera- 
tions back  by  a  Czar  of  Eussia  ;  that  Kinglake,  the  English  traveller, 
foretold  its  eventual  destiny  when  he  declared  that  the  Englishman, 
"  straining  far  over  to  hold  his  loved  India,  will  plant  himself  firmly 
on  the  banks  of  the  Nile  "  ;  and  that  Gladstone  also  prophesied  that 
our  first  definite  step  in  Egypt  would  be  followed  by  others,  until  the 
expansion  of  British  interests  penetrated  the  whole  continent  from 
north  to  south,  from  Cairo  to  Cape  Town.  Gladstone  was  opposed 
to  expansion,  but  he  foresaw  the  impossibility  of  checking  it.  By 
the  irony  of  events  it  was  he  who  took  the  first  step  in  Egypt  in  1882, 
and,  save  for  a  strip  of  territory  in  East  Africa,  his  prophecy  and  that 
of  Kinglake  have  now  both  been  fulfilled. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  9 

AT  7.30  A.M.  on  December  8,  a  little  more  than  a  month  after  the 
sinking  of  the  Good  Hope  and  Monmouth  off  the  coast  of  Chile,  a  British 

squadron    under    Vice-Admiral    Sir    Doveton    Sturdee 
A  Nava^          encountered  the  German  China  squadron  off  the  Falkland 

Islands.    After  a  running  fight — the  engagement  lasted 
five    hours — three    German   ships,    the   Scharnhorst,   Gneisenau,  and 
Leipzig  were  sunk.     The  Nurnberg  and  Dresden  made  off,  but  the  former 
was  overtaken  and  sunk  later  in  the  day.     Luck  and  good  strategy 
combined  to  bring  off  this  success.     At  the  time  of  the  engagement  in 
the  Pacific,  Vice- Admiral  Sturdee  held  the  post  of  Chief  of  the  Staff 
at  the  Admiralty.     He  was  selected  for  the  work  of  avenging  the  loss 
of  the  two  cruisers,  and,  hoisting  his  flag  on  the  Invincible,  set  off  with 
her  sister  ship,  the  Inflexible,  to  reinforce  the  squadron  in  South  Atlantic 
waters.     On  December  7  the  squadron  put  in  at  Port  Stanley  to  coal, 
and  was  so  drawn  up  that  the  two  battle-cruisers  were  hidden  from 
view  from  outside  by  the  land-locked  harbour.     The  following  morning 
the  German  squadron,  which,  pressed  no  doubt  by  the  Japanese  and 
Australian  squadrons  in  the  Pacific,  had  hoped  to  find  more  security 
in  the  South  Atlantic,  appeared  before  Port  Stanley,  evidently  with 
the  intention  of  using  it  as  a  coaling  station.     The  Canopus  was  on 
guard  before  the  harbour.     The  German  Admiral,  feeling  himself  strong 
enough  to  deal  with  the  British  ships  he  could  see — two  of  them  were 
the  Kent  and  Glasgow — resolved  to  give  battle  and  opened  fire.     The 
sudden  appearance  of  the  battle-cruisers  revealed  the  superior  strength 
of  the  British,  and  Admiral  von  Spec  sought  safety  in  flight.     When 
he  found  that  he  was  being  overtaken,  he  accepted  battle.    The  German 
ships  fought  gamely  to  the  end,  but  in  a  few  hours  the  loss  of  the 
Good  Hope  and  Monmouth  had  been  signally  avenged.     The  dramatic 
manner  in  which  the  annihilation  of  the  German  squadron  was  effected, 
and  the  insignificance  of  the  British  losses  in  killed  and  wounded — no  ships 
were  lost — created  a  great  impression  throughout  the  British  Empire. 

THE  fight  off  the  Falkland  Islands  stands  out  as  the  chief  naval 
incident  to  date  during  the  war.  If  in  all  the  circumstances  we 

accept  our  success  with  profound  satisfaction,  but 
—And  one  without  undue  exultation,  the  same  cannot  be  said  of 

the  manner  in  which  our  enemies  hail  the  latest  exploit 
of  their  own  fleet.  On  December  16  a  number  of  Germany's  swift 
battle-cruisers  appeared  early  in  the  morning  off  the  North-East 
coast  and  bombarded  West  Hartlepool,  Scarborough,  and  Whitby. 


10  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

Their  stay  was  brief,  at  no  point  lasting  an  hour,  and  on  being  engaged 
by  a  destroyer  flotilla,  they  retired  and,  favoured  by  a  mist,  made  good 
their  escape.  The  damage  done  to  property  on  shore  by  the  raid  was 
considerable ;  the  casualties  were  120  killed  and  three  times  that 
number  wounded,  the  great  majority  of  the  victims  being  non- 
combatants,  with  a  large  proportion  of  women  and  children.  In 
honour  of  this  achievement  Berlin  and,  we  may  suppose,  the  German 
Empire  at  large,  has  been  beflagged  ;  there  is  great  rejoicing  that  an 
effective  challenge  has  been  given  to  Great  Britain's  command  of  the 
sea.  To  understand  the  German  attitude,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
realise  the  extent  of  the  nation's  previous  depression  owing  to  the 
ill-success  of  the  war  as  a  whole,  and  to  the  loss  of  Admiral  von  Spec's 
squadron  in  particular.  In  view  of  the  German  exultation  it  is  not 
unnatural  to  suppose  that  the  raid  was  intended  as  a  set-off  to  the 
British  victory  off  the  Falkland  Islands.  No  doubt  it  was  hoped  that 
it  would  be  so  received  in  Germany,  and  that  in  England  it  would 
create  consternation  akin  to  panic. 

APAKT  from  their  supposed  moral  effects,  German  naval  activities 
can  now  be  grouped  in  two  categories  :   the  first  concerns  the  reliance 
placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  on  mines  and  sub- 
Germany  s      marines;  the  second  comprises  the  two  raids.     When 

Activities  **  *s  reca^e^  ^na^  *ne  mam  object  the  German  Navy  has 
set  itself  is  to  reduce  the  strength  of  our  battle  fleet  in 
the  hope  of  being  able  to  challenge  it  to  action,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see 
the  connection  between  the  two  categories.  British  losses  at  sea  have 
been  less  numerous  in  the  last  two  or  three  months  of  the  war  than 
during  the  first  month.  When  the  mine  and  submarine  began  to  prove 
less  effective,  a  trial  was  made  with  raids  in  the  expectation  that  the 
British  battle  fleet  would  allow  itself  to  be  broken  up  and  dealt  with 
in  detachments.  The  first  raid — off  Yarmouth — was  a  fiasco ;  the 
second,  on  December  16,  was  carried  out  somewhat  more  thoroughly, 
but  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  achieved  its  main  object.  On  the  other 
hand,  such  a  wanton,  purposeless  attack  on  the  inhabitants  of 
undefended  watering-places  cannot  fail  to  stiffen  Great  Britain's 
conduct  of  the  war,  while  destroying  for  Germany  her  last  pretence 
that  she  is  waging  a  justifiable — let  alone  righteous — war.  Germans 
may  lay  emphasis  on  the  boldness  of  the  raid.  We  do  not  dispute 
their  courage  ;  but  we  take  note  that  the  purpose  to  which  they  devote 
their  famous  fleet  is  not  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy's  ships,  but  to 
slaughter  his  women  and  children.  The  answer  to  the  outrage  will 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  11 

not  be  completed  in  the  next  British  naval  success.  It  can  only  be 
given  in  full  when  the  nation  which  in  peace  time  signs  treaties,  sub- 
scribes to  codes  of  international  law,  and  poses  as  a  representative  of 
modern  civilisation,  but  in  war  time  breaks  every  solemn  pledge  and 
stops  at  no  act  of  vandalism,  shall  have  been  deprived,  once  and  for 
all,  of  the  power  to  do  mischief  on  sea  or  land. 

THE  South  African  Rebellion,  after  running  a  lively  course  for 
some  six  or  seven  weeks,  has  ignominiously  collapsed.  We  alluded 

last  month  to  the  smashing  blows,  delivered  in  quick 
Collapse  of  succession  by  General  Botha,  upon  the  commandos 
A  fr'  °U  °^  Beyers  and  De  Wet  at  Rustenburg  and  Mushroom 

Rebellion  Valley.  Since  then  the  story  has  been  mainly  concerned 

with  the  rounding-up  of  these  rebel  leaders  and  their 
associates.  De  Wet,  who  had  been  for  some  days  a  fugitive,  was 
finally  caught  by  Colonel-Commandant  Brits,  without  bloodshed, 
on  a  farm  at  Waterburg,  by  a  clever  concentration  of  motor-cars 
co-operating  with  mounted  troops  ;  and  he  is  now  safely  lodged  in 
the  fort  at  Johannesburg.  Beyers  was  trapped  soon  afterwards  in  the 
Orange  Free  State,  near  the  junction  of  the  Vaal  and  the  Zandspruit, 
where  a  sharp  engagement  took  place,  during  which  he  attempted 
to  cross  the  flooded  river  on  horseback  and  was  drowned.  His 
despairing  cry,  "  Kan  nie  meer  nie  "  ("  I  am  done  "),  may  be  taken 
as  a  fitting  epitaph  on  the  ill-starred  adventure  into  which  the  former 
Commander  of  the  Forces  of  the  Union  had  led  his  misguided  followers. 
Practically  all  the  minor  rebel  commandants  have  since  surrendered 
or  been  captured  ;  and  General  Botha,  in  his  historic  pronouncement 
on  December  10,  could  say  that  there  were  left  in  the  field  "  only  small 
scattered  bands,  whose  operations  will  require  measures  more  of  a 
police  than  a  military  character."  The  trial  by  court-martial  of  the 
two  brothers  Fourie,  both  officers  in  the  Defence  Force,  has  already 
taken  place.  The  elder  was  condemned  to  death  and  shot,  while 
the  younger  received  a  sentence  of  five  years'  imprisonment. 

IN  appealing  to  his  countrymen,  both  British  and  Dutch,  to  practise, 
in  regard  to  what  has  happened,  "  the  wise  policy  of  forgive  and 
General  forget",  the  General  will  be  supported  by  all  fair- 

Botha's  minded  men.     "  Our  sacrifices  in  blood,  treasure,  and 

appeal  losses  of  population  ",  he  said,  "  have  been  considerable, 

to  his  but  I  believe  they  are  not  out  of   proportion  to  the 

Countrymen.  great    results  already  achieved,   or  which  will  accrue 
to  South  Africa  in  coming  years."    To  himself,  the  pain  of  taking 


12  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

up  arms  against  many  of  his  old  friends  in  the  war  of  1899-1902, 
must  have  been  poignant  indeed  ;  and  the  confidence  which  he  has 
won  by  his  stern  resolve  to  do  his  duty  in  these  distressing  circum- 
stances is  correspondingly  great.  Two  of  his  old  friends,  Sir  Starr 
Jameson  and  Mr.  Schreiner,  have  in  the  last  few  days  truly  voiced 
the  sentiments  of  all  but  those  extremists,  whose  virulence  is  the 
standing  curse  of  South  Africa,  when  they  paid  an  unstinting  tribute 
to  General  Botha,  and  to  his  brilliant  lieutenant,  General  Smuts, 
for  their  conduct  throughout  the  crisis.  But  the  loyalists  of  both 
races  have  a  right  to  say  "  never  again  "  ;  or  as  General  Botha  puts 
it  "  there  must  be  no  recurrence  of  this  criminal  folly  ".  Meanwhile, 
having  whipped  in  his  pack  with  salutary  vigour,  he  can  now  give 
his  undivided  attention  to  the  task  of  making  it  "  impossible  for 
German  South -West  Africa  to  be  again  used  in  the  future  as  a  secure 
base  from  which  to  threaten  the  peace  and  liberties  of  the  Union  ". 
Let  the  Kaiser  put  that  in  his  pipe,  and  smoke  it ! 

AMONG  the  attempts  which  are  being  made  by  our  principal  enemy 
to  exert  retaliatory  economic  pressure  on  the  arts  and  industries  of  the 
United  Kingdom  is  the  notice  recently  given  by  Germany 
ylrls  to  the  Scandinavian  countries  that  all  kinds  of  wood, 

Timber  worked  or  un worked,  have  been  added  to  the  previous 

list  of  contraband.  After  courting  in  vain  the  good 
offices  of  its  neighbours,  the  German  Government  seems  determined 
to  see  what  may  be  the  indirect  effects  of  reprisals  on  ourselves.  The 
declaration  is  a  serious  matter,  especially  for  Sweden,  whose  chief 
exports  are  iron  ore  and  timber.  Of  the  latter  commodity,  large  cargoes 
of  deals,  battens,  and  boards  are  annually  shipped  to  the  United 
Kingdom.  The  policy  and  effect  of  this  new  development  were  doubtless 
among  the  subjects  discussed  by  the  three  Scandinavian  kings  at  their 
recent  meeting.  The  subject  is  also  of  great  importance  to  ourselves. 
Particularly,  this  country  is  concerned  in  acquiring  an  adequate  supply 
of  pit  props  for  mining  purposes.  The  British  Government  has  not  been 
idle  in  the  matter.  Soon  after  the  war  commenced,  a  Commission  was 
despatched  to  Canada  and  Newfoundland  to  enquire  into  the  resources 
there  available.  The  report  of  the  Commission  just  issued  shows  that  the 
Dominions  can  easily  make  good  any  probable  deficiencies  occasioned 
by  the  curtailment  of  supplies  from  the  Continent.  The  outlook,  par- 
ticularly in  respect  of  pit  timber,  is  quite  satisfactory.  Some  four  and 
a  half  million  tons  are  yearly  required ;  of  this,  home-grown  supplies 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  18 

provide  only  one-fifth.  There  is  ample  opportunity  therefore  for  the 
Dominions  to  come  to  the  rescue,  aided  possibly,  as  the  report  suggests, 
by  larger  shipments  from  France  and  Portugal.  It  is  pointed  out  that 
extraordinary  fellings  of  timber  in  the  United  Kingdom  would  yield 
about  a  year  and  a  half's  supply.  While  it  is  all  to  the  good  that  the 
railway  companies,  in  response  to  an  appeal  by  the  Board  of  Trade, 
have  agreed,  as  an  urgency  measure,  to  carry  pit  timber  at  reduced 
rates,  the  magnificent  resources  of  Canada  and  Newfoundland  should 
amply  suffice  to  meet  any  needs  that  may  arise  during  the  progress 
of  the  war. 

ADEQUATE  supplies  of  rubber,  no  less  than  of  copper  and  oil,  are 
essential  for  the  continuance  of  the  war.     The  military  requirements 
for  rubber  continue  to  be  enormous,  not  only  for  making 
good  the  wear  and  tear  of  the  thousands  of  motor 
«u    ,®r  vehicles  employed,  but  also  to  provide  winter  equip- 

ment in  snow  boots  and  waterproofing,  and  for  shelter 
and  hospital  purposes.  Although,  by  devious  ways  and  questionable 
methods,  Germany  may  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  oversea  supplies 
in  the  earlier  period  of  the  war,  the  difficulties  have  gradually  increased 
and  any  further  leakage  is  impossible  since  the  issue  of  the  Govern- 
ment order  prohibiting  exports  from  this  country.  As  a  measure  of 
Germany's  restricted  opportunities  of  meeting  her  necessities  in  the 
matter  of  rubber,  it  should  be  remembered  that  practically  the  entire 
annual  total  of  plantation  rubber — some  70,000  tons — is  produced 
within  the  British  Empire,  and  the  output  is  in  the  hands  of  British 
firms.  The  large  transhipment  of  rubber  from  London  to  Germany, 
which  has  been  taking  place  in  recent  years,  came  to  an  end  under  the 
operation  of  the  prohibition  order,  and  none  can  now  be  exported 
to  any  destination  without  special  permission.  This  will  not  curtail 
the  supplies  to  Russia  and  France,  but  Germany  will  get  no  more 
from  this  country  :  even  representatives  in  London  of  American 
dealers  can  no  longer  fulfil  their  contracts.  In  normal  times  the 
United  States  takes  large  quantities  for  her  own  needs — usually  about 
one-third  of  the  world  supply.  Even  allowing  for  an  increased  impor- 
tation into  the  States  from  Brazil,  the  restricted  area  from  which 
American  supplies  can  now  be  drawn  will  barely  suffice  to  furnish 
enough  for  home  purposes,  and  leave  little  or  none  for  export  to  the 
Continent.  The  practical  annihilation  of  Germany's  trading  fleet  has 
made  it  impossible  to  convey  rubber  from  Para  except  in  British 


14  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

ships.  Any  covert  attempts  to  obtain  supplies  are  thus  rendered 
impossible.  The  almost  insuperable  difficulties  which  confront  the 
German  Headquarters  in  renewing  their  motor  vehicles  for  transport 
service  must  at  no  very  distant  date  have  considerable  effect  on  the 
character,  if  not  on  the  duration,  of  hostilities. 

OF  paramount  importance  to  the  textile  industries  is  an  adequate 
and  secure  supply  of  dyestuffs  and  colours.     Considerable  apprehen- 
sion for  the  immediate  future  was  accordingly  felt  by 
State  those  conversant  with  the  trade   requirements  at  the 

Support  for  outbreak  of  hostilities  owing  to  the  sudden  cessation  of 
D  stuffs  supplies  from  Germany,  which,  largely  through  British 
lethargy  and  neglect,  has  been  allowed  to  become  our 
main  source  of  supply.  In  spite  of  repeated  warnings  during  the  past 
forty  years,  with  an  incurable  complacency  British  manufacturers  had 
followed  the  line  of  least  resistance  and  had  been  content  with  a  policy 
of  optimistic  "  drift ".  When  war  broke  out  the  situation  had  to  be 
faced — there  was  no  further  opportunity  for  mere  academic  discussion. 
The  Government,  recognising  the  seriousness  of  the  outlook,  appointed 
a  Committee  on  Chemical  Manufactures,  under  the  Chairmanship  of 
the  Lord  Chancellor,  to  investigate  the  question  of  future  supplies. 
The  Board  of  Trade  has  just  issued  a  report  of  the  steps  which,  after 
recommendations  from  the  Committee,  are  proposed  to  be  taken  to 
procure  an  adequate  supply  both  during  the  war  and  afterwards. 
Temporarily,  means  have  been  adopted  to  encourage  the  immediate 
expansion  of  the  various  existing  sources  in  this  country.  With  regard 
to  the  future,  a  scheme  has  been  formulated  which  should  ensure  the 
necessary  financial  backing  advocated  in  a  reference  to  this  topic  in 
the  November  issue  of  UNITED  EMPIRE.  This  monetary  assistance  is 
to  be  contributed  by  manufacturers  using  dyestuffs  and  colours,  and 
others  interested.  The  Government  offers  to  take  up  a  certain  portion 
of  the  shares  and  to  guarantee  interest  on  a  debenture  issue  of  a  million 
and  a  half  sterling  for  a  term  of  years,  on  condition  that  it  has  sufficient 
power  on  the  Board  to  secure  strict  British  control,  and  to  protect  the 
interests  of  small  consumers.  Already  steps  have  been  taken  by  the 
Board  of  Trade  to  take  over  certain  important  producing  works,  and 
if  it  be  found  desirable,  other  concerns  in  the  United  Kingdom  will 
be  acquired.  A  national  emergency  has  called  forth  a  national  effort. 
As  was  forecasted  in  the  note  referred  to  in  the  November  issue  : 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  15 

"  Granted  security  for  production  and  sale  during  the  war  and  after- 
wards, the  necessary  factories  will  soon  spring  into  existence,  and,  with 
the  resources  of  the  Empire,  should  permanently  deprive  Germany  of 
the  practical  monopoly  she  has  held  in  many  of  these  commodities 
during  recent  years". 

AN  exceedingly  valuable  propaganda  is  being  actively  carried  on 
by  the  Imperial  Institute  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  the  attention  of 

the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  the  Home  Country 

British  to  ^he  wide  range  of  tropical  agriculture  and  industries, 

sf°J     and  the  desirability  of  utilising  more  extensively  the 

the  Emraire     commercial  value  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  Colonies 

and  India.  There  is  urgent  need  for  ensuring  British 
outlets  for  the  produce  of  our  tropical  dependencies  ;  and  the  crippling 
of  our  enemies'  trade  opens  up  a  magnificent  opportunity  for  new 
developments  in  this  direction.  The  trade  in  palm  kernels  and  copra 
deserves  early  attention.  Accordingly  it  is  a  matter  for  congratula- 
tion that  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  the  transfer  of  the  important 
industry  in  palm  kernels  from  Germany  to  Great  Britain  have  been 
pointed  out  lately  in  an  excellent  pamphlet  issued  by  the  West  African 
Section  of  the  London  Chamber  of  Commerce.  The  crushing  of  the 
kernels  yields  a  high  percentage  of  oil,  which  would  supply  directly 
the  necessary  fats  for  our  manufactures  of  soap  and  candles,  and  for 
certain  edible  products  such  as  margarine,  cooking  fats,  and  vegetable 
"  butters  ".  The  meal  residue  in  the  form  of  cake  has  for  some  years 
past  found  a  ready  sale  for  the  feeding  of  dairy  cattle,  pigs,  and  sheep 
in  Germany,  which  holds  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  trade.  The 
experience  of  continental  and  English  '  stock  raisers  should  be  a 
guarantee  of  the  prospective  value  of  the  industry ;  and  the  urgency 
of  present  circumstances  shows  the  desirability  of  an  attempt  to 
capture  the  trade.  Kernels  to  the  value  of  four  millions  sterling  have 
hitherto  been  exported  from  British  West  Africa  (principally  from 
Nigeria)  to  Germany :  henceforward  they  should  be  utilised  by  the 
Home  Country.  The  great  companies  of  Liverpool,  London,  and 
Hull  are  making  the  necessary  alterations  in  their  crushing  machinery ; 
and  under  the  present  propitious  circumstances,  and  with  the  necessary 
enterprise,  this  important  branch  of  industrial  employment  may 
be  established  here  on  a  more  extensive  and  remunerative  scale  than 
has  hitherto  been  possible.  Not  only  would  the  transfer  provide 


16  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

oil  ingredients  for  other  industries,  but  it  would  also  furnish 
a  comparatively  cheap  alternative  to  other  kinds  of  feeding 
materials  now  used  by  our  farmers,  and  be  a  valuable  adjunct  for 
winter  use. 

THE  Imperial  Institute,  the  London  Chamber  of  Commerce,  the 

Board  of  Trade  Intelligence  Department,  our  own  Committee  of  Trade 

and  Industry  (whose  activities  were  described  in  the 

Some  December  issue)  are  all  doing  their  utmost  to  provide 

Obstacles         O11tlets  for  the  products  of  the  Empire  and  for  the 

to  Trade  . 

Expansion      capture    of    our    enemies     trade.      The    contributory 

factors  necessary  to  success  are  being  widely  discussed, 
and  there  seems  to  be  a  solid  foundation  for  the  hope  that  the  lessons 
afforded  by  the  past  have  at  last  been  learned.  The  City  is  not  likely 
to  regard  German  clerks  in  the  future  as  advantageous  or  cheap  : 
facilities  for  handicapping  British  trade  by  surreptitious  information 
given  to  rival  firms  are  not  likely  to  be  as  prevalent  in  future  as  has 
been  the  case  in  the  past.  The  entente  must  inevitably  foster  a 
desire  for  the  acquisition  of  foreign  languages,  and  travellers  with 
sufficient  linguistic  capacities  for  conducting  business  without  the 
intervention  of  an  interpreter  would  be  an  obvious  advantage,  born 
of  present  necessity.  The  closer  acquaintance  with  the  ideas  of 
the  thousands  of  men  in  the  Dominion  contingents  should  induce 
our  manufacturers  to  send  direct  representatives  to  study  local  needs 
and  peculiar  demands  on  the  spot,  rather  than  trust  to  general  agents 
whose  interests  do  not  necessarily  coincide  with  our  own.  The  new 
position  which  will  follow  the  war  should  enable  British  manufacturers  | 
to  shake  off  much  of  their  old-time  conservative  prejudice  and  almost 
stubborn  adherence  to  antiquated  methods,  for  which  they  have  often 
been  reproved  in  the  reports  of  our  Trade  Commissioners  and  Consuls, 
and  which  perhaps  more  than  anything  else  have  given  opportunities 
to  our  more  adaptable  and  up-to-date  competitors  in  the  world's 
markets.  The  general  shaking-up  of  financial  conditions  should 
moreover  prompt  those  in  command  of  credit  to  adopt  a  more  enter- 
prising and  elastic  policy,  and  allow  facilities  in  furtherance  of  trade. 
And  finally,  the  new  light  which  is  being  thrown  on  the  working 
of  our  Patent  Laws,  and  the  appreciation  of  the  immense  part 
played  in  world-commerce  by  Bills  of  Exchange  may  bring  about 
certain  technical  reforms  which  have  long  demanded  attention,  but 
which  apparently  have  needed  a  time  of  stress  to  bring  nearer  to 
achievement. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  17 

AN  interesting  and  valuable  paper  on   the  financial  position  in 
Canada  was  read  before  the  Institute  of  Actuaries  on  December  21  by 

Mr.  A.  D.  Besant,  F.I  .A.,  General  Manager  and  Actuary 
The  Outlook  of  the  Clericai,   Medical,   and  General  Life  Assurance 

Society.  Mr.  Besant  had  visited  Canada  with  the 
object  of  studying  Canadian  mortgages  as  a  field  for  investment,  more 
particularly  for  British  Life  Assurance  Companies  ;  but  in  his  paper 
he  wisely  allowed  himself  to  traverse  the  wider  theme  of  the  financial 
outlook  of  the  Dominion  as  a  whole,  with  its  important  bearing  on 
the  more  immediate  purpose  of  his  investigations.  Subjected  to  the 
scrutiny  of  the  actuarial  microscope  the  financial  position  of  Canada 
is  undoubtedly  unsatisfactory.  The  great  land  boom  and  real  estate 
speculation  of  a  few  years  ago  have  been  followed  by  the  inevitable 
collapse,  and  the  Dominion  has  to  meet  the  emergency  of  a  world-war 
at  a  period  in  its  history  which  would  have  been  critical  even  if  peace 
had  been  maintained.  In  addition  to  the  financial  disabilities  under 
which  the  population  labours  individually,  Canada  must  face  a 
readjustment  of  her  methods  of  public  finance.  Of  late  years  confidence 
in  the  resources  of  the  country  and  in  their  own  destinies  have 
encouraged  the  Canadians  to  develop  their  inheritance  almost  entirely 
at  the  expense  of  coming  generations.  Expenditure  has  been  met 
out  of  loan,  and  the  mot  d'ordre  has  been  full  steam  ahead.  The 
war  has  suddenly  closed  the  channels  for  all  borrowers  with  the 
possible  exception  of  the  Dominion  Government,  which  is  to  share 
in  the  great  loan  raised  by  the  Mother  Country.  Thus  the  strain 
of  meiting  provincial  and  municipal  expenditure  out  of  income,  which 
has  already  begun  to  be  felt  acutely,  will  increase  as  the  war  continues . 
So  much  for  the  microscope.  If  we  get  far  enough  away  for  a  bird's- 
eye  view  of  the  whole  Dominion  we  see  a  country  of  enormous  natural 
wealth,  with  its  mineral  and  even  agricultural  development  still  in 
its  infancy,  and  a  nation  brimful  of  confidence.  Canada  has  over- 
come previous  periods  of  depression.  Having  unwisely  indulged  in 
over-speculation,  she  has  now  to  experience  a  reaction.  No  one 
doubts  that  the  difficulties  will  prove  temporary,  while  many  hold 
that  very  definite  good  will  come  out  of  the  present  trials.  If  the 
pricking  of  the  real  estate  bubble,  which  led  to  the  growth  of  mushroom 
townships,  has  the  effect  of  forcing  men  back  to  the  land,  they  will 
find  the  markets  clamouring  for  their  produce.  Canadian  prosperity 
will  be  established  on  a  sound  and  lasting  basis  by  the  steady  v  scientific 
development  of  the  country's  natural  resources,  not  by  speculation 
and  arffficial  booms. 


18  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

THE  new  law  of  naturalisation,  which  came  into  operation  on 

January    1,    established  for   the   first  time   a   status    of   citizenship 

applicable  to  every  part  of  the  British  Empire.     Hitherto 

The  New        naturalised  British  subjects  might  be  lieges  in  one  por- 

a  ura  isa-     ^Qn  Q|  ^Q  ]£mpjre  an(j  au'ens  m  another.     Americans 

who  entered  Canada  and  became  British  subjects  were 
still  American  citizens  if  they  visited  England.  A  naturalised  subject 
of  Cape  Colony  was  an  alien  in  the  Transvaal  or  Natal.  These  and 
many  other  anomalies  proved  that,  so  far  as  Imperial  Unity  was  con- 
cerned, naturalisation  meant  nothing.  The  British  Nationality  and 
Status  of  Aliens  Act,  1914,  has  initiated  a  reform  that  has  been 
advocated  constantly  in  these  pages.  Henceforth  a  residential  quali- 
fication of  five  years  in  any  portion  of  the  British  Empire  entitles 
an  alien  to  apply  for  a  certificate  of  naturalisation  in  this  country, 
providing  he  has  spent  the  preceding  year  in  the  United  Kingdom. 
The  new  Statute  has  been  so  framed  that  it  may  be  adopted  in  any 
self-governing  Dominion,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  delay  will  occur 
in  the  adoption  of  the  Act  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 

BUT  in  this  question  of  naturalisation  one  important  fact  must 
not  be  overlooked.    Aliens  who  have  become  British  subjects,  or 
who   may  become  so  under  the   new  Act,   are   not 
Reciprocity     necessarily  regarded  as  such  in  the  country  of  their 
in  Natural-      -,.  ,,        *        r  i_          T>  -j.-  i.       ui         •      i,- 

isation  birth.     An  auen  cannot   be  a  British  sub]ect  in  ms 

own  country  unless  he  has  divested  himself  of  all  claims 

to  belong  to  that  country,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  certificate 

of  naturalisation  is  only  granted  on  the  understanding  that  the  new 

subject  "  shall  not  when  within  the  limits  of  the  foreign  State  of 

which  he  was  a  subject  be  deemed  to  be  a  British  subject,  unless  he 

has  ceased  to  be  a  subject  of  that  State  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  thereof 

or  in  pursuance  of  a  Treaty  to  that  effect ".     Although  this  will  not 

be  stated  in  the  certificates  granted  after  January  1,  1915,  the  fact 

remains  precisely  the  same.     It  therefore  follows  that,  in  cases  where 

there  is  no  reciprocity  in  matters  of  naturalisation,  a  naturalised 

alien,  on  returning  to  his  own  country,  ceases  to  be  a  British  subject, 

and  may  as  easily  throw  off  his  British  nationality  as  though  it  were 

an  old  coat.     This  is  the  case  with  respect  to  German  and  Austrian 

subjects  who  have  been  naturalised  in  this  country,  and  such  a  state 

of  affairs  is  a  real  danger  to  the  interests  of  Great  Britain,  and  should 

be  remedied  wherever  possible  by  the  making  of  reciprocal  treaties. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  19 

ONE  hundred  years  ago,  on  December  24,  1814,  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent,  which  put  an  end  to  the  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  was  signed  at  that  place.  In  the  "  Diary 
Che  Treaty  Q|  james  Gallatin,"  noticed  elsewhere  in  these  pages, 
the  following  entry  occurs— "  The  Treaty  was  signed 
to-day  in  the  refectory  of  the  monastery.  Later  on  there  was  a  solemn 
service  in  the  cathedral ;  it  was  most  impressive."  On  the  following 
day  (Christmas  Day)  "  the  British  delegates  very  civilly  asked  us  to 
dinner.  The  roast  beef  and  plum  pudding  was  from  England,  and 
everybody  drank  everybody  else's  health.  The  band  played  first 
'  God  save  the  King/  to  the  toast  of  the  King,  and  '  Yankee  Doodle  * 
to  the  toast  of  the  President.  Congratulations  on  all  sides  and  a 
general  atmosphere  of  serenity."  There  was,  indeed,  ample  cause  for 
congratulation,  for  up  to  the  last  moment  it  was  generally  anticipated 
that  the  negotiations  would  be  unsuccessful  and  that  the  foolish  and 
ineffective  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  would 
be  renewed.  To-day,  one  hundred  years  later,  both  Britons  and 
Americans  have  also  every  cause  for  congratulation  for,  in  spite  of 
several  unpleasant  crises,  peace  has  been  maintained  and  our  relations 
are  now  cemented  by  a  feeling  of  cordiality  and  mutual  esteem  that 
makes  almost  unthinkable  the  possibility  of  war  between  our  two 
countries. 

THE  formation  of  the  Patriotic  League  of  Britons  Overseas  gives 
fresh  corporate  expression  to  the  desire  of  many  'British  subjects 
Patriotic  residing  in  foreign  lands  to  be  associated  with  patriotic 
League  of  movements  in  this  country.  This  desire  has  already  been 
Britons  met  to  a  considerable  extent  by  the  Koyal  Colonial 
Overseas.  Institute,  which  (despite  its  name)  has  Corresponding 
Secretaries  and  about  a  thousand  Fellows  in  foreign  countries,  the 
latter  mostly  recruited  in  the  last  two  years,  as  well  as  by  the 
Overseas  Club,  which  is  working  in  co-operation  with  this  Institute, 
and  has  over  ten  thousand  members  in  such  places.  The  new  Society, 
of  which  the  Earl  of  Selborne  and  Lord  Aldenham— the  former  a  Vice- 
President,  and  the  latter  a  Resident  Fellow,  of  the  Institute—  are  Chair- 
man and  Vice-Chairman  respectively,  has  two  objects.  Its  first  aim  will 
be  to  present  an  addition  to  the  Armed  Forces  of  the  Crown,  and  it  has 
been  agreed  that  the  most  suitable  gift  would  be  a  war-ship.  Its 
second  object  is  to  keep  together  the  contributors  as  a  permanent 
Society,  and  we  are  encouraged  to  hope  that  our  own  existing  organisa- 

C  2 


20  EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

tion,  which  has  been,  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  promoters,  may  be 
considered  by  them  as  the  most  suitable  body  for  obtaining  the  objects 
which  they  have  in  view.  The  field  for  such  activities  is  immense,  and 
largely  untilled.  It  has  been  computed  that  there  are  fully  three  million 
British  subjects  residing  in  foreign  countries,  of  whom  considerably 
over  a  million  are  in  the  United  States.  Many  of  these  are  men  of 
position  in  the  mercantile  community,  and,  therefore,  likely  to  support 
the  proposals  of  the  Patriotic  League.  Particularly  is  this  the  case 
in  South  America.  If  it  be  permissible  to  point  to  the  example  of 
Germany,  attention  need  only  be  directed  to  the  Pan  German  League 
(Attdeuischer  Verbund),  with  branches  in  every  part  of  the  world,  and 
the  German  Navy  League,  which  in  the  year  1911  had  more  than  a 
million  members,  to  show  that  the  Germans  have  recognised  fully 
the  advantage  of  combined  action  for  the  propagation  of  the  Germanic 
idea.  There  is  absolutely  no  reason  why  Britons  living  in  foreign 
countries  should  not  be  associated  together  for  similar  objects. 

"  NEVER  again  \"  is  a  motto  which  has  often  been  repeated  with 
various  applications  since  our  eyes  have  been  opened  by  the  experience 
New  of  the  past  few  months.  And  in  no  direction  will 

Outlook  it  be  more  necessary  to  bear  the  saying  in  mind  than 

for  British  in  formulating  the  policy  which  the  future  will  necessi- 
SMpping.  tate  for  the  control  of  British  shipping,  and  the  serving 
of  the  interests  of  British  trade  as  a  whole.  It  is  true  that  the  enormous 
strides  made  by  German  trade  and  commerce  during  the  past  twenty 
years  have  not  been  made  entirely  at  our  expense.  New  openings 
have  arisen,  particularly  in  the  Dominions  and  the  Far  East,  and 
German  pushfulness,  with  all  that  it  implies,  has  taken  advantage 
of  them.  Yet  the  fact  remains  that  German  advance  has  been  largely 
due  to  the  lethargy  and  complacent  optimism  of  British  traders  and 
manufacturers  who  have  too  easily  succumbed  to  devious  competition. 
This  is  especially  the  case  in  the  matter  of  the  Shipping  Con- 
ferences, which  have  been  a  powerful  lever  used  by  our  present  open 
enemies  for  the  furtherance  of  German  trade.  German  through 
and  combined  rates,  and  Government  subsidies,  have  weighted  the 
scales  heavily  against  the  British  trader  and  shipowner.  And  the 
Conference  system  has  undoubtedly  been  the  German  opportunity 
for  secuiing  domination  of  some  of  the  trade  routes  in  theii  own 
interests. 


The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


THE  INDIAN  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE. 

By  H.  T.   MONTAGUE  BELL. 

IT  is  symptomatic  of  the  German  character  that  the  German  Government 
should  claim  to  lay  down  all  the  rules  by  which  the  conduct  of  its  enemies  has  to 
be  regulated,  while  it  is  itself  to  be  bound  by  none.  One  of  the  rules  it  wished  to 
enforce  was  that  neither  the  British  nor  the  French  were  to  be  allowed  to  avail 
themselves  to  the  full  of  their  overseas  resources  in  carrying  on  the  war  which 
Germany  had  thrust  upon  them.  Consequently  much  bitterness  has  been 
caused  in  Germany  by  the  twofold  discovery  that  not  only  has  the  German 
proviso  been  ignored,  but  that  the  equally  confident  German  prediction  that, 
owing  to  sedition  in  India  and  across  her  borders,  Great  Britain  would  never  be 
able  to  move  a  white  soldier,  let  alone  a  native,  from  the  country,  has  been 
falsified.  After  the  war  had  been  in  progress  several  weeks  the  German  autho- 
rities sought  to  hearten  their  own  people  by  disseminating  the  information  that 
it  had  been  found  necessary  to  cancel  the  departure  of  all  troops  from  India 
owing  to  the  critical  nature  of  the  domestic  situation.  Almost  at  that  very 
moment  the  magnificent  spectacle  of  an  armada  of  sixty-eight  transports 
might  have  been  seen  ready  to  convey  the  Indian  Expeditionary  Force  to 
European  waters.  The  sympathetic  justice  of  British  rule  in  India  has  reaped 
its  own  reward.  Surface  indications  of  unrest  had  misled  the  prejudiced  observer, 
but  had  not  been  able  to  disturb  the  strong  undercurrent  of  loyalty  which  flowed 
from  one  end  of  the  peninsula  to  the  other. 

In  the  Boer  War  local  considerations  had  prompted  us  to  disappoint  our 
Indian  Army  by  not  making  use  of  it  in  South  Africa.  Much  water  has  flowed 
down  the  Ganges  since  then,  and  it  was  evident  both  from  the  military  and  the 
political  point  of  view  that  when  the  existence  of  the  Empire  was  really  at  stake 
we  should  not  think  of  denying  to  our  native  Indian  troops  the  right  to  take  their 
place  side  by  side  with  their  British  comrades.  In  Egypt,  East  Africa,  Abyssinia, 
Persia,  Burmah,  and  China,  Indian  troops  have  in  the  past  fought  our  battles. 
It  would  have  meant  the  stultification  of  all  our  work  in  India,  if  we  had  had  to 
confess  that,  on  the  first  occasion  when  the  resources  of  India  could  be  utilised 
in  the  defence  of  the  Empire  as  a  whole,  they  were  not  available. 

As  the  event  proved,  not  only  was  the  Native  Army  available,  but  the 
Indian  Government  found  itself  unable  to  make  full  use  of  all  the  offers  of  help 
which  came  to  it  in  one  magnificent  outburst  of  loyalty  from  the  whole  of  India. 
In  passing  we  may  notice — though  it  is  not  necessary  in  these  pages  to  correct 
it — the  idea  entertained  in  ill-informed  quarters  that  the  presence  of  the  Native 
Army  in  France  is  per  se  the  outward  and  visible  sign  of  Indian  loyalty.  The 
Indian  Army  does  not  differ  in  this  respect  from  any  other  army  ;  it  neither 
offers  nor  refuses  its  services.  The  decision  to  employ  Indian  troops  in  Europe 
was  received  with  enthusiasm  throughout  India,  while  the  troops  themselves 
made  no  secret  of  their  delight.  The  volunteer  element  in  the  Indian  Army, 
apart  from  the  circumstance  that  enlistment  is  in  any  case  voluntary,  is  repre- 
sented by  the  Imperial  Service  Troops,  a  force  of  a  total  strength  of  about  22,000, 


22  THE   INDIAN   EXPEDITIONARY   FORCE. 

raised  and  maintained  by  twenty-seven  Native  States,  and  officered  by  Natives, 
but  trained  under  the  supervision  of  British  officers.  The  two  largest  contingents 
of  Imperial  Service  Troops  are  contributed  by  Gwalior  and  Kashmir.  But 
these  troops  are  also  under  the  orders  of  the  Indian  Government,  and  would 
chafe,  no  less  than  other  sections  of  the  Indian  Army,  if  forced  to  remain  inactive 
while  Great  Britain  was  engaged  in  war. 

A  summary  of  the  offers  of  services  and  money  made  in  India  formed  the 
subject  of  a  telegram  sent  by  the  Viceroy  to  the  Home  Government  and  may  be 
recapitulated  here. 

"  The  rulers  of  the  Native  States  in  India,  who  number  nearly  seven  hundred  in  all, 
have  with  one  accord  rallied  to  the  defence  of  the  Empire  and  offered  their  personal 
services  and  the  resources  of  their  States  for  the  war.  From  among  the  many  Princes 
and  nobles  >vho  have  volunteered  for  active  service  the  Viceroy  has  selected  the  Chiefs 
of  Jodhpur,  Bikaner,  Kishangaih,  Kutlam,  Sachin,  Patiala,  Sir  Pertab  Singh,  Regent 
of  Jodhpur,  the  Heir  Apparent  of  Bhopal,  and  a  brother  of  the  Maharajah  of  Cooch 
Behar,  together  with  other  cadets  of  noble  families.  The  veteran  Sir  Pertab  would  not 
be  denied  his  right  to  serve  the  King-Emperor  in  spite  of  his  seventy  years,  and  his 
nephew,  the  Maharajah,  who  is  but  sixteen  years  old,  goes  with  him.  .  .  .  Twenty- 
seven  of  the  larger  States  in  India  maintain  Imperial  Service  Troops,  and  the  services 
of  every  corps  were  immediately  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government  of  India  on 
the  outbreak  of  war.  The  Viceroy  has  accepted  from  twelve  States  contingents  of 
cavalry,  infantry,  sappers,  and  transport,  besides  a  camel  corps  from  Bikaner." 

After  mentioning  gifts  of  a  hospital  ship,  of  large  sums  of  money,  of  horses 
and  camels,  the  Viceroy  continued  : — 

"  Last,  but  not  least,  from  beyond  the  borders  of  India  have  been  received  generous 
offers  of  assistance  from  the  Nepal  Durbar,  the  military  resources  of  the  State  have 
been  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  British  Government  and  the  Prime  Minister  has 
offered  a  sum  of  Rs.  3  lakhs  to  the  Viceroy  for  the  purchase  of  machine-guns  or  field 
equipment  for  British  Gurkha  regiments  proceeding  overseas." 

To  this  list  must  be  added  a  reference  to  the  personal  munificence  of  the 
Maharajah  Scindhia  of  Gwalior,  who,  in  addition  to  sharing  in  the  expenses 
of  the  hospital  ship,  The  Loyalty,  with  the  Begum  of  Bhopal,  has  now 
followed  up  various  donations  amounting  to  £38,000  with  a  Christmas  gift  to 
the  soldiers  and  sailors,  a  fleet  of  forty-one  ambulance  cars,  four  cars  for 
officers,  five  motor-lorries  and  repair  wagons  and  ten  motor-cycles,  at  a  total 
cost  of  £25,000. 

The  tact  and  sympathy  that  have  been  shown  by  the  British  authorities 
in  dealing  with  the  civilian  population  of  India  have  been  required  to  a  still 
greater  extent  in  handling  the  army,  in  which  conflicting  elements  may  be 
brought  into  close  juxtaposition.  Hindu,  Mohammedan,  Sikh,  and  Christian — 
all  the  chief  religions  are  met  with  in  the  Indian  Army,  and  each  is  subdivided 
into  any  number  of  sects  or  castes,  often  antagonistic  among  themselves. 
British  rule  has  eliminated  religious  differences  from  military  life,  but  hi  order 
to  safeguard  this  desirable  state  of  affairs  it  has  been  necessary  to  form  "  class  " 
regiments,  in  which  all  the  men  are  of  one  caste,  and  class  company  or  squadron 
regiments,  in  which  each  double  company  or  squadron  is  of  one  class. 


THE   INDIAN   EXPEDITIONARY   FORCE.  23 

The  Indian  Army  consists  in  peace  time  of  75,000  British  troops,  160,000 
Indian  troops,  together  with  22,000  Imperial  Service  Troops,  and  35,000  Native 
Eeservists.  Among  the  native  troops  the  Hindu  religion  predominates, 
comprising,  as  it  does,  in  addition  to  the  ten  Gurkha  regiments,  the  Brahmans, 
Eajputs,  Jats,  Mahrattas,  Madrasis,  and  Dogras.  Among  the  Mussulmans 
are  the  Pathans,  Punjabis,  and  Baluchis.  The  Sikhs  are  neither  Hindus  nor 
Mohammedans  ;  their  religion  consists  in  the  worship  of  God  as  expounded  in 
their  Bible,  the  Grunth  Sahib.  The  Christian  element  in  the  army  is  small, 
being  restricted  almost  entirely  to  men  recruited  in  Madras  Presidency,  who 
are  for  the  most  part  Eoman  Catholics. 

The  embargo  placed  by  the  War  Office  on  the  publication  of  the  exact 
composition  of  the  Indian  Expeditionary  Force  has  not  yet  been  removed. 
From  the  casualty  list  appended  to  this  article  the  names  of  some  of  the  units 
comprised  in  the  Force  may  be  learned,  and  the  list  unfortunately  is  long 
enough  to  indicate  the  care  which  the  military  authorities  gave  to  a  selection 
that  should  be  representative  of  the  Indian  Army  and  cause  as  little  disappoint- 
ment as  possible  to  the  troops,  who  were  all  eager  to  be  chosen  for  active  service. 

Three  expeditionary  forces,  apart  from  the  supplementary  troops  sent  to 
France  since  the  arrival  of  the  first  force,  have  been  despatched  from  India  since 
the  outbreak  of  war.  One  is  operating  from  the  Persian  Gulf  up  the  Tigris.  It 
includes,  with  a  battalion  of  the  Norfolk  and  Dorsetshire  Eegiments,  the  20th 
Infantry  Eegiment,  the  48th  Pioneers,  the  104th  Wellesley's  Eifles,  the  105th 
and  110th  Mahratta  Light  Infantry  and  the  117th  Mahrattas.  To  East  Africa 
have  been  sent  in  company  with  the  2nd  Battalion  of  the  Loyal  North  Lan- 
cashire Eegiment,  the  18th  Eajputs,  the  38th  Dogras,  the  61st  Pioneers,  the 
83rd  Wallajahbad  Light  Infantry,  the  63rd  Palmacottah  Light  Infantry,  the 
98th  Infantry,  and  the  101st  Grenadiers. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  all  artillery  in  India,  with  the  exception  of  twelve 
mountain  batteries,  is  British,  each  field  force  sent  from  India  has  to  be  com- 
posite ;  but  from  the  composition  of  the  two  minor  expeditions  it  will 
be  noticed  that  hi  both  cases  the  principle  of  giving  the  native  regiments  a 
"  stiffening "  of  British  infantry  troops  has  been  adopted.  British  troops 
formed  part  also  of  the  Indian  Expeditionary  Force  to  Europe,  although  the 
thirty-nine  regiments  of  cavalry  and  the  140  regiments  of  infantry  (with  nine- 
teen companies  of  Sappers  and  Miners)  of  the  Indian  Army  provided  ample 
material  for  as  fine  a  fighting  force  of  the  two  arms  as  could  be  desired. 

The  Indian  Army,  like  the  British  Army,  has  a  fighting  tradition.  All  the 
cavalry  regiments,  with  two  exceptions,  have  seen  service  in  Afghanistan  and 
on  the  Punjab  frontier ;  several  have  distinguished  themselves  in  Egypt, 
Burmah,  Abyssinia,  and  in  the  Terah  expedition.  The  2nd  Lancers  (Gardner's 
Horse),  the  6th  King  Edward's  Own  Cavalry,  and  the  13th  Duke  of  Connaught's 
Lancers  took  part  in  the  Egyptian  campaign  in  1882  and  were  conspicuous 
at  the  battle  of  Tel-el-Kebir.  The  34th  Poona  Horse,  which  has  already  been 
in  action  on  the  Continent,  was  formed  in  1817  and  has  a  distinguished  record. 
In  1900  the  cavalry  sent  to  China  included  the  38rd  Queen's  Own  Light  Cavalry 
(which  has  taken  part  in  nearly  every  expedition  in  which  Indian  troops  have 


24  THE   INDIAN   EXPEDITIONARY   FORCE. 

been  engaged  since  1842),  the  llth  King  Edward's  Own  Lancers  (some  officers  of 
which  have  been  in  Belgium),  the  16th  Cavalry  Regiment,  and  the  19th  Lancers. 
Wherever  he  has  been  used,  the  Indian  cavalryman  has  proved  his  usefulness 
time  and  again.  When  opportunity  once  more  favours  our  mounted  troops 
in  this  war,  the  Indian  cavalry  will  be  found  a  worthy  collaborator  with  the 
British  cavalry,  which  has  already  established  its  superiority  over  the  enemy. 

If  the  Indian  cavalry  is  able  to  supplement  the  spectacular  appeal  it  makes 
to  the  senses  by  sterling  merits,  it  is  certain  that  the  Indian  infantryman  is 
not  a  whit  behind  his  mounted  colleague.  As  a  soldier  the  Sikh  is  unsurpassed 
in  his  own  country,  and  few  people  can  look  upon  a  company  of  these  men, 
whether  soldiers  or  policemen,  without  being  impressed  by  their  fine  physique 
and  martial  bearing.  The  Gurkha  is,  perhaps,  a  more  popular  figure  with  the 
reading  public  by  reason  of  his  traditional  friendship  with  our  own  Highlanders. 
He  belongs  to  the  independent  Kingdom  of  Nepal,  and  is  recruited  for  the 
Indian  Army  on  the  strength  of  a  treaty  a  hundred  years  old,  the  first  Gurkha 
Kegiments  dating  from  1815.  Akin  to  the  Nepalese  are  the  inhabitants  of 
British  Garhwal.  Gurkha  regiments  formerly  contained  many  Garhwalis, 
and  the  regiment  now  known  as  the  39th  Garhwal  Eifles,  to  which  one  of  the 
first  Indian  V.C.'s  has  gone,  was  originally  the  2nd  battalion  of  the  3rd  Gurkhas. 

Rajputs,  Brahmans,  Pathans,  and  so  on  through  all  the  different  types  of  the 
Indian  Army,  one  and  all  are  warriors  by  descent  and  profession.  It  is  this 
feature  that  gives  the  Indian  Army  its  strength.  The  country  has  a  vast 
population,  but  the  warlike  tribes  form  a  comparatively  small  proportion,  and 
it  is  from  these  that  the  army  is  almost  entirely  recruited. 

If  the  rank  and  file  are  born  soldiers,  their  chiefs  are  worthy  leaders.  In  the 
despatch  already  quoted  the  Viceroy  of  India  referred  to  the  veteran  of  the 
Expeditionary  Force,  Sir  Pertab  Singh.  With  the  Maharajah  of  Bikaner, 
who  is  also  Aide-de-camp  to  the  King,  Sir  Pertab  Singh  was  in  attendance  on 
His  Majesty  during  his  recent  visit  to  the  army  in  the  field.  That  occasion, 
historic  in  itself,  was  rendered  more  so  by  the  circumstance  that  the  King 
presented  with  his  own  hand  the  Victoria  Cross  to  one  of  the  first  Indian  soldiers 
to  win  that  coveted  distinction,  for  the  privilege  of  being  eligible  for  it  was 
only  granted  at  the  Durbar  at  Delhi. 

The  Indian  Army  has  realised  its  highest  ambition  of  fighting  shoulder  to 
shoulder  with  its  British  comrades  in  the  common  defence  of  the 'Empire. 
How  well  it  has  already  performed  its  task  the  scanty  information  that  reaches 
us  from  time  to  time  has  shown.  When  the  veil  is  lifted  from  the  operations 
on  the  Continent  and  the  full  story  of  the  mightiest  conflict  in  history  is  recorded, 
we  shall  learn  that  the  severity  of  the  test  has  only  served  to  enhance  the 
reputation  of  our  Indian  regiments. 

The  illustrations  to  this  article  include  a  portrait  of  Lieut. -General  Sir 
James  Willcocks,  who  is  in  command  of  the  Indian  Expeditionary  Force. 


25 


THE  ROLL  OF  HONOUR. 

CASUALTIES  AMONG  OFFICERS  or  THE  INDIAN  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCES  ON  THE  CONTINENT, 
IN  EAST  AFRICA,  AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF. 


INDIAN   EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE. 


Killed. 


ADAIR,  CAPT.  F.  W.,  129th  Baluchis. 
ANDERSON,  CAPT.  A.  C.  (accidentally  killed), 

6th  Jats. 
ANDERSON,  LT.-COL.  H.  C.  (died  of  wounds), 

9th  (Bhopal)  Infantry. 

ATAL.,  MAJ.  P.  P.,  Indian  Medical  Service. 
BAILLIE,  LT.  D.,  9th  Gurkhas. 
BALDWIN,  CAPT.  H.  L.  C.  (died  of  wounds), 

58th  Rifles. 

BARTON,  CAPT.  F.  H.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
BARWELL,  MAJ.  E.  E.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
BECHER,  MAJ.  H.  S.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
BLACK,    MAJ.    W.    McM.,    58th    Vaughan's 

Rifles. 
BLANE,  MAJ.  H.  S.  (died  of  wounds),   19th 

Lancers. 

BRUCE,  MAJ.  J.  M.,  107th  Pioneers. 
BUCHANAN,  CAPT.  C.  G.,  35th  Sikhs. 
BURRIDGE,  LT.  H.  G.,  107th  Pioneers. 
CHAYTOR,  CAPT.  H.  C.,  26th  Cavalry. 
CORRY,  MAJ.  J.  B.,  D.S.O.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers 

and  Miners. 

CRAIG,  LT.  J.  MACA.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
DE  PASS,  LT.  F.  A.,  34th  Poona  Horse. 
DRUMMOND,    MAJ.     E.     G.,    attached    3rd 

Gurkhas. 
DUDLEY,  CAPT.  L.  G.  (died  of  wounds),  6th 

Jats. 

DUFF,  CAPT.  B.  O.,  1st  Gurkhas. 
ELLIOTT,  MAJ.  R.  W.  S.,  7th  Gurkhas. 
FENNER,  LT.-COL.  C.  C.,  59th  Rifles. 
GAISFORD,   LT.   L.    (died  of  wounds),   58th 

Rifles. 

GORDON,  CAPT.  R.  S.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
HAMPE- VINCENT,  CAPT.  P.  C.  (died  of  wound*), 

129th  Baluchis. 

HARTWELL,  CAPT.  B.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
HAYES-SADLER,  CAPT.  E.  J.  B.,  3rd  Sappers 

and  Miners. 

HAYES-SADLER,  CAPT.  E.  R.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
HUNT,  CAPT.  F.  W.,  19th  K.G.O.  Lancers. 
INNES,  LT.  I.  C.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
KELLY,  LT.-COL.  G.  H.  F.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 


LIPTROTT,  LT.  L.  C.  (died  of  wounds),    6tb 

Jats. 
LOGAN,    MAJ.    L.    S.    (accidentally    killed) 

Supply  and  Transport  Corps. 
MCCLEVERTY,  CAPT.  R.  J.,  129th  Baluchis. 
MACKAIN,  CAPT.  J.  F.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
McKAY,  LT.  H.  M.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers  and 

Miners. 

MACPHERSON,  LT.  D.  S.  R.,  7th  Gurkhas. 
MACPHERSON,  MAJ.  N.,  Gurkha  Rifles. 
MANNERS-SMITH,  MAJ.  F.  (died  of  wounds), 

3rd  Gurkhas. 

MARSH,  CAPT.  G.  H.  M.,  41st  Dogras. 
MASTERS,  CAPT.  A.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
MAXWELL,    LT.    C.    W.  (previously  reported 

missing),  8th  Gurkhas. 
MORTIMER,    CAPT.    G.    H.    W.    (previously 

reported  missing),  10th  Jats. 
RAILSTON,  LT.  S.  J.  W.,  18th  Lancers. 
REID,  LT.  J.  L.  I.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
REILLY,  LT.  R.  A.,  31st  Punjabis. 
Ross,  MAJ.  F.  G.  C.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
SCOTT,  CAPT.  W.  F.,  59th  Scinde  Rifles. 
STACK,  CAPT.  E.  H.  B.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
SWANSTON,    LT.-COL.    C.    0.,   D.S.O.,    34th 

Poona  Horse. 
VAUGHAN-SAWYER,   CAPT.   G.   N.,   attached 

34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 

VENOUR,  LT.-COL.  W.  E.,  Vaughan's  Rifles. 
WAKE,  MAJ.  H.  ST.  A.,  M.V.O.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
WALCOTT,  CAPT.  J.  H.  L.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
WALTON,  LT.  R.  C.,  9th  Gurkhas. 
WHITCHURCH,  CAPT.  L.  S.,  21st  Cavalry. 
WRIGHT,  CAPT.  H.  S.  N.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
YOUNG,  MAJ.  A.  (died  of  wounds),  1st  Gurkha 

Rifles. 


Wounded. 

ACKWORTH,  CAPT.  D.  H.,  57th  Rifles. 
ALDERSON,  CAPT.  B.  H.,  34th  Poona  Horse. 
ALEXANDER,^  CAPT.    R.    D.    (missing),    3rd 

Gurkhas. 
APTHORPE,  CAPT.  E.  H.  F.,  90th  Punjabis. 


26 


THE  ROLL  OF  HONOUR. 


ARMSTRONG,  LT.  G.  P.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
BAILEY,  CAPT.  P.  H.  H.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
BAILEY,  CAPT.  W.  B.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
BARLOW,  MAJ.  C.  P.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
BROOKES,  CAPT.  A.,  18th  Lancers. 
BROWNE,  MAJ.  H.  E.,  47th  Sikhs. 
BROWNE,  LT.  R.  B.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
BRUNSKILL,  LT.  G.  S.,  47th  Sikhs. 
BULLER,  LT.  F.  E.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers  and 

Miners. 

CASSELS,  MAJ.  K.  S.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
COMBE,  CAPT.  S.  E.,  47th  Sikhs. 
CORLETT,  MAJ.  J.  S.,  15th  Lancers. 
CROSS,  CAPT.  S.  T.,  attached  5th  Sikhs. 
CRUDDAS,  MAJ.  H.  W.,  41st  Dogras. 
CRUIKSHANK,  CAPT.  A.  H.  P.,  32nd  Pioneers. 
CXTLLEN,   MAJ.   E.   H.   S.,  M.V.O.,  D.S.O., 

34th  Sikhs. 

DARLEY,  CAPT.  W.  H.  LA  T.,  12th  Pioneers. 
DAVIS,  CAPT.  C.  T.,  107th  Pioneers. 
DAVISON,  LT.  D.  S.,  2nd  Lancers. 
DILL,  CAPT.  R.  F.,  129th  Baluchis. 
DOVIE,  LT.  F.  M.  C.,  R.E.,  1st  Sappers  and 

Miners. 

DUNDAS,  MAJ.  P.  H.,  6th  Jats. 
ELLIOT,  CAPT.  C.  H.,  58th  Rifles. 
FLEMING,  CAPT.  W.  E.,  41st  Dogras. 
FORBES,  CAPT.  L.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
FOWLER,  LT.  E.  K.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
GIB,  MAJ.  H.  A.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers. 
GORDON,  Lr.-CoL.  J.  L.  R.,  15th  Ludhiana 

Sikhs. 
GRAY,   Lr.-CoL.    F.    W.    B.,   D.S.O.,    57th 

Wilde's  Rifles. 
GRESWELL,  LT.  H.  G.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers 

and  Miners. 

GROWSE,  CAPT.  H.  E.,  15th  Sikhs. 
HALLO  WES,  MAJ.  J.  H.,  15th  Lancers. 
HENDERSON,    LT.    G.    B.,    15th    Ludhiana 

Sikhs. 

HOGG,  MAJ.  J.  McK.  T.,  9th  Gurkhas. 
IRVINE,    CAPT.    G.    B.    C.,     9th     (Bhopal) 

Infantry. 

JOBSON,  LT.  T.  S.,  27th  Cavalry. 
JONES,  CAPT.  L.  J.  (missing),  9th  (Bhopal) 

Infantry. 
KELLY,  CAPT.  E.  H.,  R.E.,  1st  Sappers  and 

Miners. 

LEWIS,  LT.  H.  V.,  129th  Baluchis. 
LIND,  CAPT.  A.  G.,  58th  Rifles. 
MCCLEVERTY,  CAPT.  G.  M.,  2nd  Gurkhas. 
MCLAUGHLIN,   CAPT.    W.    P.,   M.D.,    107th 

Pioneers. 


MACLEAN,  CAPT.  F.  A.,  129th  Baluchis. 
MACLEAN,  LT.  L.  L.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
MACPHERSON,  LT.  A.  K.,  12th  Pioneers. 
McSwiNEY,  LT.  H.  F.  C.,  3rd  Gurkhas. 
MANGIN,  CAPT.  E.  B.,  107th  Pioneers. 
MARTIN,  CAPT.  H.  W.,  59th  Scinde  Rifles. 
MOLONY,  LT.  C.  W.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
MOORE,  CAPT.  F.  G.,  6th  Jats. 
MORRIS,  LT.-COL.  G.  M.,  8th  Gurkhas. 
MURRAY,   CAPT.   K.    B.    D.,    59th    Scinde 

Rifles. 

MURRAY,  LT.  R.  G.  H.,  9th  Gurkhas. 
NORIE,  MAJ.  F.  H.,  attached  2nd  Gurkhas. 
ORTON,  CAPT.  S.  B.,  39th  Garhwal  Rifles. 
PEPLOE,  CAPT.  J.  R.,  6th  Gurkhas. 
RICHARDSON,  LT.-COL.  H.   L.,  47th  Sikhs. 
SANDERS,  CAPT.  A.  R.  C.,  R.E.,  1st  Sappers 

and  Miners. 

SHUTE,  CAPT.  C.  A.,  107th  Pioneers. 
SILLEM,     SEC.-LT.     E.    M.,    attached    15th 

Lancers. 
STURDEE,  SEC.-LT.  P.,  attached  34th  Poona 

Horse. 

TURNBULL,   CAPT.   B.,   23rd  Sikh  Pioneers. 
URMSTON,  LT.  H.  N.,  59th  Rifles. 
VIVIAN,  MAJ.  C.  A.,  15th  Sikhs. 
WADE,  LT.  H.  W.,  3rd  Brahmans. 
WALLIS,  LT.  B.  H.,  107th  Pioneers. 
WILLIS,  CAPT.  E.  S.  C.,  58th  Rifles. 
WILLS,  CAPT.  E.  V.,  9th  (Bhopal)  Infantry. 


BENNETT,  CAPT.  H.,  3rd  Gurkhas. 
CLARKE,  LT.  I.  H.  S.,  57th  Wilde's  Rifles. 
DAVIDSON,    CAPT.   D.    B.    (believed   killed), 

8th  Gurkhas. 

FLETCHER,  LT.  W.  T.,  97th  Infantry. 
GASKELL,     CAPT.     R.     W.,    9th    (Bhopal) 

Infantry. 
LUCAS,    LT.    H.    C.    M.    (believed    kitted), 

2nd  Gurkhas. 
MULLALY,  LT.  J.  C.  D.  (unofficially  reported 

prisoner  of  war),  9th  (Bhopal)  Infantry. 
ROBERTSON-GLASGOW,   CAPT.   A.    W.,   39th 

Garhwal  Rifles. 

TAYLOR,  MAJ.  G.  H.,  39th  Garhwal  Rifles. 
TODD,  CAPT.  J.  F.  (unofficially  reported  miss- 
ing), 39th  Central  India  Horse. 
WARDELL,    MAJ.  W.  H.  (believed  wounded), 

39th  Garhwal  Infantry. 
WILSON,  CAPT.  G.  H.  E.,  34th  Sikh  Pioneers 


THE  ROLL   OF  HONOUR. 


27 


OFFICERS  OF  INDIAN  ARMY  ATTACHED  TO  BRITISH  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE. 


Killed. 
BRADSHAW,  CAPT.  H.  E.,  14th  Lancers. 


Wounded. 
CAMPBELL,  LT.  F.  C.  G.,  40th  Pathans. 


GATACRE,  CAPT.  J.  K.,  llth  K.  G.  O.  Lancers.      FRASER,  CAPT.  W.  A.  K.,  39th  Central  India 
MERCER,  SEC.-LT.  E.  C.,  Unattached  List.          Horse. 


MILLER-STIRLING,  SEC.-LT.   A.   E.   S.,    Unattached  List. 
RAMSAY,  CAPT.  A.  FrrzG.,22nd  Sam  Browne's  Cavalry. 

PERSIAN  GULF. 


Killed. 

BIRCHWOOD,   CAPT.   R.   L.,   Political  Dept. 

Indian  Army. 
ELKES,  LT.-COM.  F.  J.  G.  M.,  R.N.R.,  H.M.S. 

Ocean. 
MAXWELL-MOFFAT,   LT.   A.  L.  N.   (died  of 

wounds).  Dorset  Regt. 
MERCER,  MAJ.  A.  A.,  Dorset  Regt. 
MIDDLETON,  CAPT.  F.,  Dorset  Regt. 
Twiss,    CAPT.    A.    M.,    R.E.,    3rd    Sappers 

and  Miners. 

Wounded. 

ARBUTHNOT,  CAPT.  A.  D.  S.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers 

and  Miners. 

BAILEY,  MAJ.  G.,  104th  Rifles. 
BRANSON,   CAPT.   L.   H.,   110th  Mahrattas. 
BTJLLOCK,  SEC.-LT.  H.  J.,  Norfolk  Regt. 
BURN-MURDOCH,  LT.  C.  T.,  20th  Infantry. 


CLEEVE,  LT.-COL.  E.  S.,  R.F.A. 

COCK,  CAPT.  H.  C.  L.,  R.A.,  Peshawar  Moun- 
tain Battery. 

DATTNT,  CAPT.  W.  J.  O'B.,  Norfolk  Regt, 

EVANS,  LT.-COL.  U.  W.,  R.E.,  3rd  Sappers 
and  Miners. 

FERRIER,  LT.  J.,  48th  Pioneers. 

FORDHAM,   MAJ.    W.   M.,    20th   Infantry. 

GAIN,  Mr.  R.,  Gunner  R.I.M. 

HALL,  CAPT.  E.  G.,  117th  Mahrattas. 

IRWIN,  LT.  H.  R.  B.  H.,  105th  Mahrattas. 

MCCLEVERTY,  CAPT.  P.  N.,  20th  Infantry. 

PATERSON,  MAJ.  T.  G.  F.,  Indian  Medical 
Service. 

ST.  JOHN,  MAJ.  R.  S.,  20th  Infantry. 

SAXTON,  CAPT.  P.  D.,  20th  Infantry. 

VICKERS,  CAPT.  A.,  48th  Pioneers. 

WINSLOE,  MAJ.  H.  E.,  Royal  Engineers. 

YEATMAN,  LT.  G.  D.,  Dorset  Regt. 


NIGERIA. 

Killed.  Wounded. 

SCHNEIDER,  SEC.-LT.  H.  H.,  Royal  Engineers.      LUXFORD,  LT.  C.,  East  Surrey  Regt.  and  West 

African  Frontier  Force. 

EAST  AFRICA. 


Kitted, 

BROOKES,  LT.  H.  R.,  101st  Grenadiers. 
BROWN,  CAPT.  F.  G.,  101st  Grenadiers. 
CERJAT,  CAPT.  F.  M.  DE,  East  African  M.I. 
CLOTHIER,  CAPT.  R.  F.,  13th  Rajputs. 
DAY,  SEC.-LT.  M.  C.,  13th  Rajputs. 
FULLER,  CAPT.  J.  H.  M.,  83rd  Infantry. 
HAMER,  LT.  H.  J.  T.,  108th  Infantry. 
HOGG,  CAPT.  I.  D.  M.,  101st  Grenadiers. 
HUGHES,  LT.  R.  P.,  101st  Grenadiers. 
HUMPHREYS,  MAJ.  G.  G.  P.  (died  of  wounds), 
Q.  Mary's  Own  Baluch.  L.I. 

WEST  AFRICA. 

Killed. 

CHILD,  LT.  H.  A.,  C.M.G. 
GRAY,  COMMANDER  G.  S.  B.,  R.D.,  R.N.R. 

ARABIA.  EGYPT. 

Wounded.  Died. 

CAMPBELL,  SEC.-LT.  M.  H.  A.,  89th  Punjabis.      MACKENZIE,  MAJ.  K.  L.  W.,  62nd  Punjabis. 


ISHMAEL,  SEC.-LT.  H.,  Special  Service  Officer. 
TATUM,  MAJ.  H.,  101st  Grenadiers. 

Wounded. 
AINSLIE,  LT.-COL.  H.  P.,  63rd  Palmacottah 

L.L 

BUNBURY,  CAPT.  G.  B.  ST.  P.,  13th  Rajputs. 
COOK,  LT.  G.  H.  (prisoner),  101st  Grenadiers. 
CORBETT,  MAJ.  B.  A.,  13th  Rajputs. 
GRISEWOOD,   CAPT.   A.   E.,   Indian  Medical 

Service. 
NAIRNE,  LT.  R.  G.,  61st  Pioneers. 


28 


BRITISH  COLUMBIA  AS  A  FACTOR  IN  THE  WAR. 

By  A  BRITISH  COLUMBIAN. 

THE  UNITED  EMPIRE  in  its  articles  on  the  war  question  deals,  it  is  true,  with 
Dominions  rather  than  provinces  ;  but  British  Columbia  is  in  a  sense  sui 
generis  among  the  provinces  of  Canada.  Its  conditions  are  very  dissimilar  from 
those  of  other  provinces,  though  in  respect  of  the  nature  of  its  resources  there  is  a 
similarity  to  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick.  Separated  for  so  long  a  time 
from  the  east  of  Canada  by  a  range  of  mountains  and  almost  thousands  of  miles 
of  "  trackless  waste  ",  there  is  a  distinctiveness  in  the  character  of  the  population, 
which  will  undoubtedly  develop  into  a  type,  compared  with  the  people  of  eastern 
provinces,  as  the  Calif ornian  compares  with  the  Vermonter  or  the  Ohioan. 
There  is  also  the  geographical  situation,  which,  though  we  are  the  farthest  away 
from  Great  Britain,  brings  us  nearest  ol  all  in  a  sense  to  the  Empire  as  a  whole. 
And  there  is  the  great  ocean  outlook,  which  by  its  scope  more  nearly  allies  us  with 
the  aspirations  of  a  Greater  Britain.  I  may  express  myself  vaguely  and  clumsily, 
but  there  are  things  which  to  some  considerable  extent  differentiate  British 
Columbia  as  a  province  from  other  provinces.  As  an  Eastern  Canadian,  trans- 
planted some  years  ago  on  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  I  do  not  say  that  British 
Columbians  are  in  any  way  superior  to  or  more  loyal  than  the  average  Canadian, 
but  they  are  different — more  distinctly  British  in  their  attitude  and  less  Canadian, 
than  the  established  Canadian  type.  This  is  accounted  for  in  several  ways. 
First,  there  is  the  Old  Country  element  introduced  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company, 
whose  officials  were  mainly  Scottish,  with  a  few  English  and  Irish,  but  all  British 
born.  Second,  the  officials  of  the  old  colonies  of  Vancouver  Island  and  British 
Columbia  were  practically  all  from  the  British  Isles.  Third,  many  of  the  most 
prominent  first  settlers,  or  those  who  became  prominent,  were  from  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland.  Fourth,  Esquimalt  was  for  fifty  years,  from  1855  to  1905, 
a  British  naval  station.  All  these  facts  gave  to  the  social  environment  of  British 
Columbia  a  decidedly  British  atmosphere.  In  addition  to  that  there  was  much 
in  the  climate  and  physical  configuration  of  the  country  which  reminded  people 
of  Great  Britain  and  appealed  strongly  to  British  tastes.  Our  communication 
with  the  rest  of  Canada  until  1886  was  very  roundabout,  and  our  chief  trade 
was  with  Great  Britain  in  ships  around  the  Horn.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore, 
that  in  many  respects  the  average  British  Columbian  resembles  the  Briton 
rather  than  the  Canadian.  That  distinction  will  in  time  fade  away,  because  with 
the  greater  commingling  with  Eastern  Canadians  a  new  type  will  be  evolved 
resembling,  perhaps,  the  one  not  more  than  the  other. 

Hence,  it  may  be  readily  understood  that,  as  a  whole,  British  Columbia  has 
always  had  strong  Imperial  sentiments,  that  its  people  were  influenced  by 
the  doctrine  of  a  Greater  Britain  to  include  all  British  Dominions  and  de- 
pendencies. With  the  vast  expanse  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  billowing  away  from 
our  shores  the  recognition  of  sea  power  is  at  once  stimulated,  and  sea  power 


BRITISH  COLUMBIA  AS  A  FACTOR  IN  THE  WAR.     29 

accounts  for  the  British  Empire  as  it  is  to-day.  It  is  the  factor  which  makes 
Britain  predominant  in  shaping  the  destinies  of  the  world,  in  the  process  of 
which  the  German  Empire  has  sought  and  is  now  seeking  to  control  the  tide 
of  human  affairs. 

Away  back  in  1874,  when  there  was  trouble  in  having  the  Terms  of  Union  in 
respect  of  the  C.P.K.  carried  into  effect,  it  was  to  the  British  Government 
that  British  Columbia  appealed,  and  got  the  Carnarvon  Terms,  which  were  a 
recognition  of  its  claims  at  that  date.  At  the  time  of  the  South  African  War 
great  enthusiasm  was  aroused,  and  several  contingents  went  clamorously  to 
the  front.  British  Columbians  as  a  whole  do  not  sympathise  with  the  naval 
policy  of  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier — not  on  account  of  partisan  considerations, 
but  because  they  do  not  believe  that  there  should  be  a  series  of  small  navies 
independent  of  each  other,  even  in  times  of  peace  though  possibly  united  in 
war,  instead  of  a  great  Empire  navy  united  both  in  peace  and  in  war.  British 
Columbia  was  almost  a  unit  in  1911  in  opposition  .to  the  Reciprocity  Treaty 
with  the  United  States,  not  so  much,  perhaps,  because  of  economic  reasons 
or  political  opposition  to  Sir  Wilfrid,  but  because  the  people  were  jealous 
of  their  British  connection  and  were  afraid  of  "  entangling  alliances  "  un- 
favourable to  its  continuance  in  a  more  permanent  and  perfected  form.  When 
this  present  war  broke  out,  British  Columbia  sent  its  large  first  contingent 
as  quickly  as  it  was  possible  to  get  them  away.  Over  two  thousand  more  ate 
their  hearts  out  for  weeks  to  get  to  the  front.  Men  volunteered  singly  and 
in  units.  Women  as  nurses  clamoured  to  be  attached  to  the  hospital  corps. 
Patriotic  funds  were  started  everywhere,  and  large  sums  of  money  and  car- 
loads of  supplies  were  sent  forward  for  Belgian  relief.  The  Government  quickly 
sent  the  quota  for  the  province  in  the  form  of  canned  salmon,  its  most  repre- 
sentative and  most  useful  form  of  food  production,  as  a  contribution  to  the 
Homeland.  As  in  other  parts  of  the  Empire,  political  differences  were  at 
once  put  aside,  and  a  truce  declared.  Liberals  and  Conservatives  vied  with 
each  other  in  the  performance  of  patriotic  duties.  British  Columbia,  relative 
to  its  population,  has  sent  more  men  than  any  other  part  of  the  Empire. 

Sir  Eichard  McBride,  Premier  of  the  Province,  practically  converted  his 
office  into  a  branch  of  the  War  Department,  and  for  two  months,  early  and  late, 
assisted,  advised,  and  in  a  measure  directed  operations.  Owing  to  the  distance 
from  the  capital  at  Ottawa,  the  number  of  persons  anxious  to  be  enlisted,  the 
inevitable  unpreparedness  in  the  way  of  supplies  and  equipment  to  cope  with  a 
situation  so  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  thrust  upon  the  military  authorities, 
and  the  Premier's  personal  influence  and  prestige,  his  co-operation,  at  a  critical 
time,  was  of  the  greatest  value  to  Canada  and  the  Empire.  Perhaps  one  of 
the  most  striking  events  of  the  war  locally  was  the  purchase  of  two  submarines 
built  for  the  Chilian  Government  in  Seattle,  Washington.  The  question  of 
the  defence  of  the  British  Pacific  coast,  with  which  Sir  Eichard  had  been  per- 
sistently identified,  and  the  danger  of  menace  by  German  cruisers  were  suddenly 
brought  into  prominence.  The  big  guns  at  the  fort  at  Eod  Hill,  near  Esquimalt , 
and  the  Rainbow  were  practically  the  only  means  of  defence  immediately 


30  WISE  WORDS   ON   THE   WAR. 

available,  and  the  Bairibow  had  already  been  loaned  by  Canada  to  the  Imperial 
Government  to  do  patrol  work  in  the  Behring  Sea  and  had  started  for  her  new 
field  of  action.  On  the  eve  of  war  it  was  discovered  that  the  two  new  sub- 
marines at  Seattle  could  be  purchased.  There  was  no  time  to  conclude  arrange- 
ments with  Ottawa.  The  Provincial  Government  acted  instantly  and  without 
hesitation.  A  cheque  for  over  a  million  dollars  was  made  out  and  certified  by 
the  bank,  and  on  the  very  day  upon  which  war  was  declared  the  submarines 
were  in  neutral  waters,  the  money  paid  over,  and  the  transfer  made  on  the  high 
seas.  This  prompt  action  gave  immense  Belief  to  the  public  mind.  For 
several  weeks  more  there  was  apprehension  and  excitement  on  account  of  the 
possibility  of  the  German  cruisers  somewhere  at  large  on  the  Pacific  Ocean 
swooping  down  on  the  British  Columbia  coast,  but  with  the  submarines,  the 
Rainbow  for  the  military  defence,  and  the  co-operation  of  British  and  Japanese 
war- vessels,  all  danger  soon  vanished. 


WISE  WORDS  ON  THE  WAR. 

As  has  already  been  stated,  the  policy  of  the  Council  of  the  Institute  is  to 
substitute,  during  the  early  part  of  this  session,  for  their  ordinary  pro- 
gramme of  dinners  followed  by  addresses,  a  series  of  afternoon  lectures  on 
subjects  more  or  less  directly  connected  with  the  war,  by  expert  authorities 
of  recognised  position.  Among  those  who  were  invited  to  give  such  lectures 
were  the  late  Admiral  Mahan,  and  Lord  Sydenham,  one  of  our  most  distin- 
guished Vice-Presidents.  It  was  suggested  to  Admiral  Mahan  that  he  might 
perhaps  be  willing  to  prepare  a  paper  upon  the  naval  aspects  of  the  war  to  be 
delivered  on  his  behalf  at  one  of  these  meetings ;  but  he  cabled  his  regret  that 
he  was  unable  to  comply  with  the  Council's  request.  Early  in  December,  as 
is  well  known,  to  the  great  regret  of  his  many  admirers,  he  passed  away  full 
of  years  and  honour.  Lord  Sydenham,  who  had  been  asked  to  address  the 
members  of  the  Institute,  on  the  military  situation,  wrote  that  he  did  not 
consider  that  the  time  had  yet  arrived  for  any  comprehensive  treatment  of  the 
subject  proposed. 

Since  then,  however,  some  months  have  elapsed  ;  and  it  so  happens  that 
both  these  high  authorities  have  contributed  some  pregnant  observations  on  the 
questions  suggested — Lord  Sydenham  in  a  letter  to  The  Times  dated  December 
4,  and  Admiral  Mahan  in  one  addressed  to  Mr.  E.  B.  Marston  on  October  14, 
which  was  communicated  to  The  Times  a  few  weeks  later  by  its  recipient.  Lord 
Sydenham's  letter,  in  case  it  may  have  escaped  the  attention  of  some  of  our 
readers,  we  venture  to  quote  in  full,  as  being  one  of  the  most  valuable  state- 
ments which  have  appeared  since  the  war  began,  in  its  broad  outlook  upon 
the  whole  sphere  of  operations,  both  naval  and  military,  and  its  calm  confidence 
in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Allies  : 


WISE  WORDS   ON  THE  WAR.  31 


To  the  Editor  oj  "  The  Times  ". 

SIR, — In  the  dim  light  which  is  at  present  available,  it  is  not  easy  to  discern  the 
course  of  events.  With  our  attention  constantly  drawn  to  violent  eddies,  we  may 
miss  the  movement  of  the  broad  stream.  Four  months  have  passed  in  which  there 
has  been  fighting  more  severe  than  any  that  history  recalls,  with  combatants  and 
losses  on  an  unparalleled  scale.  How  does  the  situation  now  stand  ? 

In  the  first  place,  it  has  become  clear  that  Germany  has  been  reduced  to  the  strat- 
egic defensive.  From  the  East  she  must  contemplate,  and  in  East  Prussia  she  is 
experiencing,  invasion.  In  the  West,  she  is  striving  to  retain  occupied  territory  on 
the  Bismarckian  principle  of  beati  possidentes.  The  entire  plan  of  campaign,  of  which 
time  was  a  vital  element,  was  shattered  when  the  retreat  to  the  Aisne  began,  and  in 
spite  of  immense  efforts  the  initial  failure  has  not  only  not  been  redeemed,  but  the 
German  strategists,  once  their  carefully  elaborated  scheme  for  crushing  France  was 
foiled,  showed  loss  of  military  judgment  and  indecision.  They  ignored  the  great 
principles  laid  down  by  Napoleon,  and  they  forgot  the  teaching  of  their  own  professors 
of  the  art  of  war.  Among  them  there  must  have  been  some  who  saw  that,  after  they 
had  retreated  before  the  Allies  in  France,  it  would  have  been  wisest  to  hold  the  line 
of  the  Khine,  and  to  throw  every  man  who  could  be  spared  into  the  Eastern  theatre 
of  war.  Instead  they  allowed  political  considerations  to  dominate  strategy,  with  the 
necessary  result  that  they  have  failed  on  both  fronts.  The  first  dash  for  Warsaw, 
like  that  for  Paris,  entailed  a  rapid  retreat,  and  whatever  the  issue  of  the  great  battle 
brought  on  by  the  second  advance,  a  decisive  German  victory  is  now  impossible. 
Austria  received  no  effective  aid  in  her  first  great  effort  in  Galicia,  and  in  spite  of  her 
gallant  rally  the  effect  of  the  tremendous  blows  she  received  could  not  be  remedied 
without  strong  support,  which  was  not  forthcoming,  and  she  is  now  nearing  the  end 
of  her  resources. 

Meanwhile,  obsessed  by  the  futile — because  political  and  not  military — idea  of 
reaching  Calais,  the  Great  General  Staff  ruthlessly  expended  the  equivalent  of  more 
than  five  Army  Corps  without  any  result  except  inflicting  wholly  disproportionate 
loss  upon  the  Allies,  who  are  stronger  in  numbers,  positions,  and  artillery  than  when 
the  fighting  in  Flanders  began.  The  keen  edge  and  more  of  the  sword  of  Michael 
have  disappeared,  and  the  shining  armour  is  cracked  and  dulled.  The  wonderful 
machine  will  continue  to  grind  out  brigades  and  divisions  ;  but  improvisation  must 
now  replace  calculated  mechanics,  and  the  Allies  are  at  least  equally  able  to  improvise, 
while  they  have  far  more  material  at  their  disposal.  It  would  be  rash  to  assume 
that  the  moral  of  the  German  Army  is  severely  shaken  ;  but  its  special  prestige  and 
the  pride  of  generalship,  won  in  1870-71,  have  gone,  not  to  be  regained  in  the  present 
war.  Time  is  on  the  side  of  the  Allies,  and  already  the  writing  on  the  wall  has  appeared 
in  the  great  German  cities  even  though  the  truth  is  still  concealed. 

On  the  sea,  also,  the  German  calculations  have  been  falsified.  At  the  end  of  four 
months,  the  relative  naval  strength  of  Great  Britain  remains  unimpaired.  The  Grand 
Fleet,  riding  out  the  winter  gales  in  unknown  waters,  and  the  flotillas  in  ceaseless 
activity,  are  prepared  for  action  as  no  harbour-keeping  forces  can  ever  be.  The  raid, 
expected  in  some  quarters,  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  the  long  days  and  calm  seas  have 
passed,  while  preparations  for  overwhelming  invaders  have  been  completed.  The 
enemy's  submarines  have  not  approached  the  achievements  which  have  been  claimed 
for  these  craft,  and  we  have  learned — at  too  heavy  a  cost  of  gallant  lives — the  con- 
ditions which  provide  them  with  opportunity.  The  mine,  surreptitiously  laid  under 


32  WISE   WORDS   ON  THE   WAR. 

a  neutral  flag,  is  not  a  weapon  of  honourable  warfare.  It  has  taken  heavy  toll ;  but 
it  has  not  swayed  the  balance  of  our  increasing  naval  strength.  The  naval  air  service 
has  shown  pre-eminence  in  skill  and  daring.  Trade  under  the  German  flag  has  ceased, 
with  the  result  of  economic  pressure  becoming  steadily  more  acute.  Our  losses  have 
proved  less  than  in  sailing  days,  and  it  is  now  clear,  as  I  have  always  maintained,  that 
commerce  can  be  better  protected  in  the  age  of  steam.  Our  command  of  the  sea  has 
not  yet  been  challenged,  and  has  been  so  completely  effective  that  great  numbers  of 
men  and  vast  quantities  of  stores  have  been  transported  across  the  waters  without  a 
single  mishap.  Our  one  reverse,  of  which  Admiral  Cradock  seems  to  have  had  a 
presentiment,  was  due  to  delay  in  making  a  suitable  distribution  of  naval  force.  The 
Royal  Navy  has  done  all  that  could  be  expected,  and  more.  It  has  exercised  a  con- 
trolling influence  on  the  Western  campaign,  in  which  it  was  able  to  take  a  direct  part 
as  soon  as  the  main  project  of  reaching  Calais  assumed  practical  shape.  Indirectly 
it  has  helped  to  limit  German  naval  activity  in  the  Baltic.  In  more  complete  readiness 
and  efficiency  than  when  war  began,  it  awaits  any  service  which  the  national  cause 
may  demand. 

Such,  in  broad  outline,  are  the  results  of  four  months  of  war  by  sea  and  land. 
Greater  efforts  and  sacrifices  may  be  required ;  but  the  Allies,  with  full  confidence 
born  of  experience  in  their  supreme  commands,  with  strength  steadily  increasing,  and 
with  the  consciousness  of  the  full  mutual  support  between  East  and  West,  which  has 
already  been  strikingly  demonstrated,  can  calmly  face  the  future. 

I  am,  Sir,  yours  obediently, 

SYDENHAM. 
December  4. 

The  late  Admiral  Mahan's  letter  is  equally  interesting,  and  was  introduced 
by  Mr.  Marston  in  his  communication  to  The  Times  with  a  reference  to  its 
characteristic  quality,  and  to  the  fact  that  coming  from  such  a  profound  student 
of  naval  power,  it  was  very  encouraging  for  our  Empire  and  our  Allies  : 

Marshmere,  Quogue,  Long  Island,  Oct.  14. 

DEAR  MR.  MARSTON, — Many  thanks  for  your  letter  of  21st  Sept.  and  for 
clipping  enclosed. 

Since  you  wrote,  the  misfortune  to  the  three  A.C.'s  [i.e.,  the  armoured  cruisers 
Cressy,  Hague,  and  Aboukir]  has  occurred,  and  I  saw  yesterday  that  the  Russians  had 
also  lost  the  Pallada.  I  have  been  surprised  myself  that  such  attempts  have  not  been 
more  frequent,  and  doubtless,  if  a  full  return  of  all  submarine  prowlings  were  obtainable, 
we  should  find  many  failures  against  each  success.  I  have  not  shared  Sir  Percy 
Scott's  dismal  forebodings,  believing  that  the  question  of  the  submarine  would  reduce 
itself  to  one  of  scouting  and  look-out ;  yet  I  have  not  ventured  so  positive  an  adverse 
opinion  as  sometimes  I  see  attributed  to  me.  As  regards  the  inactivity  of  the  German 
Main  Fleet,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  it  is  numerically  much  inferior.  In  an  article 
written  for  one  of  our  weeklies  early  in  the  war  I  gave  the  opinion  that  the  Germans 
would  first  try  to  reduce  the  margin  against  them  by  torpedo  attacks,  and  possibly 
by  airships,  and  I  have  been  accordingly  surprised  that  no  more  has  been  attempted 
in  the  two  months  intervening.  As  regards  the  general  course  of  the  war,  to-day's 
news  is  superficially  discouraging,  and  I  am  disappointed  that  the  Allies  should  have 
made  so  little  impression  on  the  lines  of  the  Germans  in  France,  while  these  were  able 


REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.     33 

to  spare  men  enough  to  reduce  Antwerp.  Nevertheless,  numbers  and  money  will 
eventually  tell,  as  in  our  Civil  War,  if  the  Allies  persist  to  the  end  ;  and  in  any  case 
the  British  Fleet  holds  the  decision  in  its  hands,  as  in  the  days  of  Napoleon.  I  do  not 
permit  myself  anxiety,  though  it  is  hard  to  avoid  when  so  interested  ;  besides,  I  am 
sure  that  if  Germany  wins  by  a  big  margin  she  is  likely  to  be  nasty  to  us.  Lord 
Koberts  has  a  fine  chance  for  "  I  told  you  so  "  as  regards  the  need  of  your  army  for 
greater  numbers,  if  he  wished  to  be  disagreeable. 

Myself  and  family  are  very  well,  though  my  seventy-four  years,  now  complete, 
make  themselves  felt  more  and  more.  I  have  lost  perceptibly  in  physical  vigour 
during  the  summer.  This  winter  we  are  to  spend  in  Washington  instead  of  New 
York,  I  having  been  asked  to  do  some  research  work  there. 

With  my  most  earnest  interest  in  your  nation's  present  and  future,  and  my  personal 
regards  to  yourself, 

Yours  sincerely, 

A.  T.  MAHAN. 

At  the  time  when  the  Admiral  wrote  the  above  lines  the  raid  by  the  German 
Navy  on  the  North-East  Coast  had  not  taken  place,  and  in  this  connection  our 
readers  will  be  interested  by  the  following  passage  from  his  famous  work, 
"  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History  "  (1660-1783)  on  the  subject  of  such 
enterprises.  We  are  indebted  for  the  reference  to  another  correspondent  of 
The  Times,  Mr.  Philip  E.  Wilks.  who  forwarded  it  to  the  editor  on  December  17. 

The  control  of  the  sea,  however  real,  does  not  imply  that  an  enemy's  single  ships 
or  small  squadrons  cannot  steal  out  of  port,  cannot  cross  more  or  less  frequented 
tracts  of  ocean,  make  harassing  descents  upon  unprotected  points  of  a  long  coastline, 
enter  blockaded  harbours.  On  the  contrary,  history  has  shown  that  such  evasions 
are  always  possible,  to  some  extent,  to  the  weaker  party,  however  great  the  inequality 
of  naval  strength. 

Truly,  the  great  Admiral  being  dead,  yet  speaketh ! 


A  REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

By  A.  WYATT  TILBY. 

THE  most  spectacular  event  of  the  month  in  the  eastern  theatre  of  war  was 
also  the  least  important.  The  Austrians  occupied  Belgrade,  the  capital  of 
Servia,  on  December  2  ;  and  they  evacuated  it — or  were  driven  out — precisely 
twelve  days  later. 

Now  Belgrade  as  the  capital  of  a  State  suffers  from  one  very  serious  disad- 
vantage. It  is  a  frontier  city  as  well  as  a  capital,  and  it  does  not  even  face  a 
neutral  frontier.  It  fronts  the  enemy  directly.  This  weakness  of  situation 
has  often  been  exposed  in  disputes  between  the  two  States  before,  when  Austrian 
gunboats  on  some  slight  pretext  have  taken  up  a  threatening  position  on  the 
broad  river  immediately  before  Belgrade  ;  and  so  grave  a  source  of  embarrass- 
ment has  this  proved  to  the  smaller  country  in  the  past,  that  at  the  beginning  of  the 

D 


present  war  the  Servian  Government  headquarters  were  removed  to  Nish  in  the 
interior,  and  Belgrade  became  in  effect  a  provincial  town.  The  decision  was  wise, 
for  it  was  heavily  and  continuously  bombarded  in  the  month  of  August ;  since  that 
time  the  Austro-Hungarian  armies  have  had  other  matters  to  occupy  them  in 
Galicia  and  Hungary,  and  the  defeats  they  received  in  their  invasion  of  Servia 
from  the  hard-bitten  Servian  Army,  already  seasoned  by  tough  fighting  in  the 
Balkan  campaigns  of  two  years  ago,  apparently  made  the  Austrian  General  Staff 
reluctant  to  pursue  that  reckoning  with  Servia  which  was  promised  in  the  original 
Austrian  ultimatum.  There  was  a  period  of  relative  calm  at  Belgrade  ;  but  if 
there  is  one  thing  certain  in  this  struggle,  it  is  that  Austria  could  have  stormed  and 
taken  that  place  practically  at  any  time  had  she  desired  to  do  so,  or  had  its 
possession  been  as  vital  to  her  as,  say,  the  possession  of  Liege  and  Namur  were 
to  the  Germans.  She  did  not  take  it  in  August  because,  in  a  military  sense, 
Belgrade  was  not  worth  taking ;  the  Austrian  General  Staff  began  the  war 
with  the  sound  conception  that  their  real  objective  was  the  Servian  Army,  not 
the  temporarily  degraded  Servian  capital — which  would  in  any  event  have 
been  at  their  mercy  after  the  Servian  Army  had  been  destroyed.  But  the 
Servian  Army  had  not  been  destroyed  by  December,  yet  Belgrade  was  occupied  ; 
obviously,  then,  a  new  conception  had  begun  to  work  in  the  meantime,  since 
Belgrade  as  Belgrade  was  no  more  and  no  less  valuable  in  December  than  in 
August. 

The  reason  for  this  change  may  probably  be  found  in  the  failure  of  the 
German  Army  to  take  Warsaw  in  the  East,  and  Paris  and  Calais  in  the  West. 
Something  had  to  be  "  taken  ",  in  order  to  impress  the  German  public  and  the 
world,  and  since  London  and  Petrograd  were  beyond  the  reach  of  Germany, 
the  empty  prize  of  Belgrade  was  seized  by  Austria.  There  have  been  several 
indications  during  the  war  that  German  tactics  have  occasionally  been  dictated 
more  by  the  desire  to  impress  its  own  or  the  neutral  or  the  enemy  public  with 
the  belief  that  German  arms  are  invincible  than  by  sound  military  considera- 
tions. The  German  people  is  easily  impressed,  since  it  has  the  admirable 
but  easily-abused  faculty  of  physical  and  mental  docility ;  it  believes  what  it 
is  told,  and  it  has  not  that  mild  cynicism  concerning  the  truth  of  the  printed 
word  which  is  one  of  the  blessings  that  a  cheap  press  has  diffused  among  the 
less  unsophisticated  English-speaking  world.  The  capture  of  Belgrade  may 
therefore  have  had  a  psychological  value  in  impressing  the  German  public 
with  the  idea  that  the  Austrian  Army  was  doing  its  share  in  the  war — a  pro- 
position which  was  hitherto  open  to  some  doubt ;  but  Nemesis  was  at  hand, 
for  the  Austrian  Army  was  not  in  possession  of  the  city  a  full  fortnight.  In 
a  military  sense,  neither  the  capture  nor  the  evacuation  of  Belgrade  mattered 
a  jot ;  in  the  psychological  sense,  whatever  enthusiasm  was  generated  by  its 
capture  was  more  than  dispelled  by  its  loss.  The  incident  illustrates  the  old 
axiom  that  war  is  war,  and  politics  are  politics,  and  it  is  dangerous  to  combine 
the  two — an  axiom  which  one  would  have  thought  the  Germans  had  had  im- 
pressed upon  them  sufficiently  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  French  political  generals 
in  1870. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.     35 

For  the  rest,  the  Servians  have  been  entirely  successful  in  their  campaign 
against  the  Austrians — so  successful,  indeed,  that  there  are  no  longer  any 
remnants  of  the  Austrian  Army  on  Servian  soil,  and  a  rumour  has  got  about 
that  Austria  is  desirous  of  concluding  a  separate  peace  with  her  fiery  little 
neighbour.  The  rumour  has  been  officially  contradicted  in  Vienna,  and,  like 
most  rumours  in  these  days,  is  probably  untrue  ;  but  the  fact  that  it  was 
necessary  to  deny  it  shows  that  it  was  largely  credited  in  quarters  where  the 
results  of  the  campaign  could  not  be  hid.  The  Servians  meanwhile  are  pre- 
paring to  invade  Bosnia-Herzegovina,  a  mountainous  and  difficult  country  with 
a  mixed  Mohammedan  and  Christian  population,  and  they  are  credited  with 
the  ambition  of  conquering  these  provinces  and  pushing  forward  to  the  Adriatic. 
The  Servian  answer  to  the  Austrian  declaration  of  war  has  certainly  not  lacked 
force. 

The  Austro-Servian  campaign,  however,  is  of  relatively  minor  consequence 
compared  with  the  mighty  struggle  in  which  Eussia  is  directing  her  forces 
against  Turkey,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Germany.  Here  the  Eussian  troops 
have  secured  an  initial  success  against  Turkey  in  the  Caucasus,  but  the  cam- 
paign against  Turkey  in  Europe  has  not  yet  developed ;  the  contest  between 
Eussia  and  the  two  Germanic  powers,  however,  draws  slowly  to  its  decisive 
point  amid  fighting  of  a  terrific  description. 

The  key  of  the  Eussian  plan  is  to  form  a  straight  military  line  along  the 
huge  front  that  stretches  from  a  point  east  of  Konigsberg  in  East  Prussia 
to  a  point  south  of  Cracow  in  Austrian  Poland.  The  Eussian  armies  now 
reach  from  the  Baltic  to  the  western  ridge  of  the  Carpathians  ;  and  against 
this  is  an  opposing  German-Austrian  line.  It  will  be  noticed  that  political 
frontiers  have  entirely  disappeared,  the  exigencies  of  their  long  military  line 
having  caused  the  Eussians  (a)  to  invade  East  Prussia  a  second  time  in  the 
north,  (fe)  to  hold  on  to  Western  Galicia  in  the  south,  and  (c)  to  give  up  a  portion 
of  Eussian  Poland  in  the  centre  to  the  Germans.  As  regards  (a),  little  advance 
is  probable  in  East  Prussia  at  present,  although  the  lakes  and  marshes  of  that 
region  are  already  frozen  over,  and  to  that  extent  Nature  has  facilitated  the 
work  of  Eussian  transport.  It  is  in  region  (c)  that  the  severe  fighting  has 
taken  place,  and  it  is  in  region  (&)  that  the  decisive  event  may  occur.  In 
both  these  cases  the  position  merits  more  detailed  examination. 

That  part  of  Eussian  Poland  which  juts  out  into  Germany  is,  from  the 
defensive  point  of  view,  almost  untenable,  since  it  can  be  attacked  both  from 
north  and  south  and  west  by  three  invading  armies  converging  on  some  central 
point,  such  as  Warsaw.  This  country  presents  no  natural  obstacles  to  an 
invader  ;  it  is  generally  flat,  alternating  between  forest,  pastoral,  and  agri- 
cultural land,  with  two  great  commercial  centres — Warsaw  and  Lodz — and 
several  minor  but  still  important  towns.  The  population  is  almost  entirely 
Polish,  with  the  usual  large  admixture  of  Polish  Jews  in  the  towns,  a  fair 
number  of  English  workmen  in  Warsaw,  and  a  considerable  number  of  German 
factory  managers,  artisans,  and  mechanics  in  Lodz,  a  modern  industrial  city, 
whose  growth  has  been  extremely  vigorous  during  the  last  twenty  years. 

D  2 


36     REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

Lodz  is  of  no  strategic  importance,  and  its  possession  does  no  more  than 
confer  a  certain  amount  of  military  prestige  among  civilians  on  the  army 
that  holds  it  ;  with  Warsaw,  on  the  other  hand,  the  case  is  different.  Apart 
from  being  the  capital  of  Russian  Poland,  Warsaw  is  on  the  Vistula  River, 
the  true  strategic  frontier  of  the  Russian  Empire  ;  and  it  is  the  centre  of  a 
very  important  railway  system  with  branches  east  to  Moscow,  north  to  Petro- 
grad,  west  to  Germany,  and  south  to  Galicia.  Of  these  the  last  is  vital  to 
the  Russian  plan  of  campaign,  which  aims  at  conquering  Galicia  preparatory 
to  invading  Germany  by  way  of  Silesia.  It  was,  therefore,  of  the  first  con- 
sequence to  the  Germans  to  capture  Warsaw,  in  order  to  destroy  the  railway 
— and  the  importance  of  this  objective  explains  the  repeated  attempts  to 
secure  that  city. 

All  these  attempts,  although  made  with  the  utmost  gallantry  and  deter- 
mination, to  say  nothing  of  disregard  for  loss  of  life  on  a  wholesale  scale,  have 
so  far  failed.  In  November  the  Germans  actually  came  within  sight  of 
Warsaw,  and  were  repulsed  ;  last  month  they  again  made  two  forward  moves, 
but  in  each  case  were  thrown  back.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been  omitted  to 
secure  success.  Large  numbers  of  troops  were  removed  from  the  western  to 
the  eastern  front,  and  reserves  of  troops,  hitherto  unblooded,  appear  to  have 
been  brought  from  Germany  ;  the  Kaiser  was  present  to  encourage  his  soldiers 
— and,  whatever  may  be  said  in  secret  by  the  German  generals  as  to  the  Kaiser's 
impetuous  interference  with  their  plans,  there  is  no  doubt  of  his  inspiring 
influence  upon  the  men — and  the  operations  were  in  charge  of  General  von 
Hindenburg,  the  victor  over  the  Russians  in  East  Prussia  and  the  one  German 
commander  who  has  made  good  in  practical  work  his  academic  reputation. 
Notwithstanding  these  advantages,  the  German  attempt  failed,  and  there  was 
a  moment  when  it  seemed  likely  to  fail  disastrously  for  them.  A  large  German 
force,  which  by  the  lowest  reckoning  numbered  not  fewer  than  150,000  men, 
was  almost  encircled  by  the  Russians  in  such  a  way  that  it  seemed  likely 
to  become  impossible  that  they  should,  in  the  German  Chancellor's  phrase, 
"  hack  their  way  through  ".  As  it  happened,  however,  the  Russian  General, 
whose  troops  were  to  be  the  final  link  in  the  encircling  chain,  arrived  on  the 
scene  two  days  late,  and  by  that  time  the  opportunity  had  gone.  The  Russian 
General  was  degraded,  but  the  German  Army  was  saved.  Even  the  violent 
fighting  which  preceded  and  followed  this  second  advance  on  Warsaw  had 
not  exhausted  the  German  troops,  and  a  third  attack  in  force  was  made.  The 
losses  appear  to  have  been  on  a  scale  unprecedented  in  warfare,  and,  if  the 
somewhat  vague  and  uncertain  reports  can  be  trusted,  to  have  far  surpassed 
those  in  the  western  field  of  war,  but  the  conclusion  is  the  same — temporary 
stalemate,  both  sides  entrenched  and  unable  to  advance,  and  each  preparing 
for  a  long  siege- battle  and  a  war  of  exhaustion.  Meantime  the  Germans  are 
continually  concentrating  more  troops  in  this  region,  and  so  important  is  it 
to  them  to  break  through  the  Russian  lines  at  some  point  and  thereby  dislo- 
cate the  whole  Russian  plan  of  campaign,  that  the  German  west  front  has 
been  temporarily  weakened  by  the  transfer  of  troops  from  Belgium  to 


REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.     37 

Poland,  and  the-  eastern  campaign  has  temporarily  become  of  major 
importance.  Every  German  soldier,  however,  is  fully  aware  that  Eussia 
cannot  be  conquered,  and  the  utmost  that  Germany  can  do  in  the  end  is  to 
hold  her  existing  eastern  frontier  intact.  There  will  be  no  second  edition 
of  Napoleon's  march  to  Moscow  ;  Warsaw  is  Germany's  farthest  objective, 
and  her  real  military  purpose  is  not  the  capture  of  Warsaw  as  a  perma- 
nent possession,  but  its  capture  in  order  to  smash  the  enemy's  campaign. 

Prom  the  German  point  of  view,  however,  it  is  not  enough  merely  to  have 
menaced  the  Eussian  line.  Not  to  have  succeeded  is  to  have  failed  ;  not 
to  have  broken  the  Eussian  line  is  to  be  themselves  broken  in  the  end.  For 
the  Eussians  may  be  quite  contented  to  see  the  Germans  wearing  out  their 
strength  in  the  trenches  in  Eussian  Poland  while  the  real  Eussian  offensive 
against  Germany  is  pushed  forward  in  Austria. 

In  this  division  of  the  enormous  seat  of  war  matters  have  progressed 
considerably  during  the  month.  Eussia  has  formally  annexed  Bukowina, 
and  it  is  reported  that  she  is  reorganising  the  administration  in  Galicia.*  The 
fortress  at  Przemysl  still  holds  out,  but  neither  its  existence  nor  the  Austrian 
armies  have  prevented  a  general  Eussian  advance  on  Cracow,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  which  city  a  great  battle  is  impending.  Unless  the  Germans 
can  drive  the  Eussians  back  from  here — as  they  claim,  in  an  announce- 
ment of  hypothetical  trustworthiness,  already  to  have  done — on  the  result 
of  this  battle  hangs  the  fate  of  Austria-Hungary  and  the  invasion  of 
Germany. 

Meantime,  the  distress  and  disorganisation  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
becomes  increasingly  more  evident.  In  Vienna  and  Buda-Pesth  an  exaggerated 
censorship  prevails,  but  the  streams  of  refugees  from  Galicia  tell  their  own  tale, 
and  the  cautious  official  admissions  of  the  existence  of  cholera,  typhus,  and 
tetanus  are  as  much  below  the  truth  as  the  number  of  Eussian  prisoners  claimed 
almost  daily  in  official  bulletins  is  above  it.  Industry  has  come  to  a  complete 
stoppage,  and  the  signs  of  disintegration  among  the  various  discordant  nation- 
alities become  more  marked. 

There  are  signs,  too,  that  Hungary  is  considering  the  need  of  playing  her 
own  hand.  The  Hungarian  statesman,  Count  Tisza,  has  visited  the  German 
Emperor,  and  report  declares  that  he  has  spoken  frankly  to  Wilhelm  II  as  to 
the  unrequited  sacrifices  Hungary  has  made  for  the  Germanic  powers.  Hungary, 
in  any  case,  stands  to  gain  little  from  the  war,  and  is  likely  to  lose  much.  Her 
troops  have  been  sent  abroad  to  fight  the  armies  of  the  Triple  Entente,  and 
meanwhile  her  own  proper  territory  has  been  neglected.  Hungary  has  been 
invaded  by  the  Eussians  across  the  Carpathians,  and  although  this  invasion 

*  This  report  should  be  received  with  caution,  because  it  also  stated  that  a  through 
train  service  has  already  been  established  between  Eussia  and  Galicia.  The  fact  that  the 
Russian  railway  gauge  is  broad,  while  that  of  Galicia  is  the  standard  4ft.  8J  in.,  is  sufficient 
to  cast  doubt  on  the  statement.  Broad  gauge  can  be  changed  to  narrow  very  quickly  by 
a  mere  relaying  of  the  rails,  but  the  change  from  narrow  to  broad,  such  as  Russia  would 
make  in  Galicia,  would  require  wholesale  change  of  sleepers.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
the  Russians  have  undertaken  such  a  work  in  the  thick  of  a  campaign. 


38     REVIEW  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

now  appears  to  have  been  a  feint  in  force,  if  such  a  term  be  allowed,  it  has  had 
grave  effects  in  Hungary.  It  has  made  the  Magyars  realise  the  precariousness 
of  their  position,  and  it  has  dangerously  excited  the  Transylvanian  peasantry. 
These  latter  have  always  been  opposed  to  their  Hungarian  rulers,  and  their 
natural  sympathies  are  with  their  Eoumanian  kinsmen  and  neighbours — a 
consideration  which  may  yet  draw  the  kingdom  of  Eoumania  into  the  war  as 
an  enemy  of  Hungary.  Official  circles  in  the  Roumanian  capital  under  a  Hohen- 
zollem  king  are  pro-German,  but  the  national  feeling  of  Eoumania  is  strongly 
anti-German.  The  fact  that  diplomatic  communications  have  already  passed 
between  Eoumania  and  that  other  neutral  power,  Italy — a  country  with  which 
Eoumania  is  intimately  connected  by  similarity  of  language  and  other  associa- 
tions— has  been  taken  in  some  quarters  as  an  indication  of  increasing  reluctance 
to  hold  to  the  neutral  position.  Both  countries  have  territorial  ambitions,  or, 
as  they  would  no  doubt  describe  it,  territorial  rights — Eoumania  in  Transyl- 
vania, Italy  in  Trieste  and  Trentino.  The  claim  of  the  latter  would  be  satisfied 
by  the  annexation  of  a  portion  of  Austria,  the  claim  of  the  former  by  the  annexa- 
tion of  a  portion  of  Hungary.  In  view  of  the  present  embarrassments  of  Austria- 
Hungary,  there  is  little  doubt  that  Eoumania  and  Italy  would  succeed  in  their 
aims  if  they  decided  on  an  active  policy. 

Meanwhile  the  German  Emperor  is  widely  credited  with  the  desire  to 
secure  his  son  Prince  Eitel  Friedrich  the  Hungarian  throne.  Clearly  this  is 
part  of  a  larger  policy  which  recognises  that  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
as  it  stands  is  doomed,  and  the  old  Ausgleich  between  the  Empire  of  Austria 
and  the  Kingdom  of  Hungary,  now  ruled  by  the  Emperor-King  Franz  Josef, 
would  be  superseded  by  a  new  arrangement,  under  which  the  Kingdom  of 
Hungary  would  be  ruled  by  a  Hohenzollern  Prince,  and  the  Austrian  Empire — 
or  such  part  of  it  as  survives  the  war — would  be  annexed  by  the  German  Empire, 
which  would  thus  gain  the  wealthy  provinces  of  Bohemia  and  Upper  and  Lower 
Austria,  as  well  as  the  coveted  outlet  to  the  Adriatic.  Vienna  and  Buda-Pesth 
would  be  directly  subordinate  to  Berlin  under  this  arrangement,  and  Prussian 
rule  would  still  dominate  the  middle  of  Europe  and  threaten  East  and  West. 
Should  Germany  achieve  that  end,  she  would  still  be  able  to  claim  that  the  war 
was  a  successful  war,  despite  the  loss  of  her  colonies  and  oversea  trade,  and 
her  failure  to  reduce  France  to  impotence.  She  would  have  gained  territory 
by  swallowing  her  ally  instead  of  by  conquering  the  enemy,  and  the  presence 
of  a  German  Prince  on  the  throne  of  Hungary  would  inevitably  give  her  a 
handle  to  intervene  in  Balkan  politics — a  troubled  sea  in  which  she  would  not 
fish  in  vain.  There  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  that  the  Balkan  States  are 
more  united  in  1914  than  they  were  in  1912,  when  the  short-lived  Balkan 
League  broke  down  over  the  question  of  dividing  the  spoils  of  war,  and  the 
incorporation  of  Austria-Hungary  with  Germany  would  place  the  Hohenzollerns 
in  a  position  to  draw  profit  from  the  mutual  jealousies  of  Servia  and  Bulgaria, 
and  to  intimidate  the  whole  Near  East.  Should  that  dream  be  realised,  the 
Teuton  would  have  conquered  the  Slav,  at  least  temporarily. 

It  is  against  that  peril  to  herself  and  the  Southern  Slavs — the  Croats,  Slovaks, 


EMERGENCY  MEASURES   IN   WAR-TIME.  39 

Slovenes,  and  others — that  Russia  is  working,  and  her  advance  on  Cracow  with 
its  objective  of  a  further  advance  into  Silesia  from  the  south  is  intended  to 
drive  a  wedge  between  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary.  This  is  the  very 
crisis  of  the  Teuton-Slav  controversy — and  the  fate  of  South-Eastern  Europe 
as  well  as  the  fate  of  the  German  Empire  will  be  fought  out  beneath  the 
shadow  of  the  old  Polish  capital  which  has  so  long  been  a  meeting-ground  of 
Teuton  and  Slav. 


EMERGENCY  MEASURES  IN  WAR-TIME. 

By  J.  WATSON  GRICE,  D.Sc.  (Lond.)  :  Author  of  "  National  and  Local  Finance  ",  &c. 

EVEN  before  war  had  been  declared  by  the  Great  Powers  practically  every 
Stock  Exchange  in  the  world  had  closed  its  doors.  The  sudden  outbreak  of 
hostilities  brought  London  face  to  face  with  a  crisis  which  might  easily  have 
developed  into  a  catastrophe.  Business  quarters,  both  wholesale  and  retail, 
were  in  confusion  ;  manufacturers  were  confronted  with  the  problem  of  obtain- 
ing materials  :  food  prices  went  up  by  bounds  :  the  ordinary  man  in  the  street 
was  scared  by  difficulties  in  ordinary  currency  :  the  whole  of  the  delicate  and 
complicated  machinery  of  modern  finance,  commerce,  and  industry  was  thrown 
out  of  gear  and  only  disaster  appeared  to  loom  ahead. 

The  immediate  purpose  of  this  short  article  is  to  bring  together  in  summary 
and  brief  fashion  the  principal  measures  which  were  adopted  to  bring  order 
out  of  the  actual  chaos  and  to  avert  the  threatened  catastrophe. 

The  task  which  the  Government  and  Parliament  had  to  undertake  was 
to  re-establish  both  home  and  foreign  credit,  to  enable  the  work  of  the  banks, 
accepting  houses,  and  manufactories  to  be  carried  on  under  the  new  conditions, 
to  maintain  commercial  relations  with  the  sister  nations  and  neutral  States 
overseas  on  which  our  world-wide  trade  depends,  to  secure  supplies  of  food 
and  raw  materials,  to  re-establish  facilities  for  foreign  and  internal  exchange — 
to  do  everything,  in  fact,  which  was  necessary  for  us  to  "  carry  on  ",  and  to 
pursue  our  traditional  policy  during  Continental  upheavals  of  transacting 
"  business  as  usual  ". 

FINANCE. 

In  his  speech  to  the  House  of  Commons  at  the  end  of  November,  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  described  in  detail  the  steps  which  had  been  taken  to  restore  to  proper 
working  order  the  mechanism  of  finance  which  had  broken  down.  "  The 
three  steps  that  we  took  ",  he  said,  "  were — the  preparation  of  a  moratorium, 
the  issue  of  currency  facility,  and  the  guarantee  of  the  due  payment  of  all  bills 
of  exchange  accepted  by  British  houses,  and  to  offer  the  accepting  houses 
reasonable  time  to  collect  the  debts  due  to  them  and  meet  the  bills." 

At  the  time  when  war  was  declared  bills  of  exchange  to  a  total  value  of 
somewhere  between  £850,000,000  and  £500,000,000  had  been  accepted  by  the 


40  EMERGENCY  MEASURES   IN   WAR-TIME. 

London  discount  houses,  representing,  in  the  currency  of  commerce,  debts 
due  to  Great  Britain  which  could  not  be  remitted.  Hence  the  deadlock,  and 
the  necessity  for  a  bold  and  unprecedented  financial  undertaking.  It  was 
essential  to  uphold  the  credit  of  the  nation  and  to  honour  these  "  scraps  of 
paper  "  which  circulate  throughout  the  commercial  and  financial  world,  bearing 
British  names  and  associated  with  British  trade  and  commerce.  Our  national 
assets  in  the  form  of  every  wealth-producing  instrument  and  agency  were 
represented  by  no  less  a  sum  than  £13,000,000,000,  and  at  the  moment  Great 
Britain  held  good  foreign  securities  to  the  value  of  an  additional  £4,000,000,000. 
The  Government  felt  that  it  would  be  a  "  criminal  act  of  negligence  "  to  allow 
any  dishonouring  of  British  credit,  and  they  "  decided  that  the  time  had  come 
to  hypothecate  the  credit  of  the  State  in  order  to  restore  those  exchanges  with 
the  restoration  of  which  the  trade,  commerce,  and  industry  of  the  country  were 
concerned,  and  on  which  all  classes  of  the  community,  whether  they  were 
traders,  financiers,  workpeople,  or  artisans,  depended  for  their  daily  life." 

The  effect  of  the  proclamation  of  a  general  moratorium  operating  as  from 
August  4,  and  of  the  complementary  proclamations  of  September  3  and  Sep- 
tember 30,  was  to  postpone,  according  to  circumstances,  for  three,  two,  or  one 
month  from  the  date  on  which  they  fell  due,  all  payments  in  respect  of  any 
bill  of  exchange,  negotiable  instrument,  or  contract  (with  some  qualifications 
and  exceptions).  All  such  payments  became  finally  due  at  some  date  between 
November  4  and  December  3,  when  the  general  moratorium  expired  in  regard 
to  most  transactions  of  this  character.  To  bills,  however,  accepted  before 
the  war,  with  an  original  maturity  date  after  October  3,  the  moratorium  is 
still  applicable  for  a  month  beyond  the  original  date  of  maturing,  whenever 
that  may  happen  to  be.  All  postponed  payments  carried  interest. 

Considerable  apprehension  (and  some  amusement)  arose  at  first  from  a 
general  uncertainty  as  to  what  was  the  nature  of  the  debts  of  which  the  post- 
ponement of  payment  might  be  claimed.  They  included  dividends  and  interest 
on  investments  other  than  those  in  trustee  stock,  and  all  accounts  at  the  banks. 
The  moratorium,  however,  did  not  apply  to  wages,  salaries,  and  small  debts  ; 
to  freights  or  foreign  debts  :  to  payments  made  under  the  series  of  the  present 
Government's  social  reform  Acts  ;  or  to  deposits  in  savings  banks. 

The  assistance  granted  under  the  operation  of  the  moratorium  was  supple- 
mented further  by  (a)  the  discounting  of  trade  bills,  and  by  advances  to  meet 
pre-moratorium  bills  :  and  (&)  the  Courts  (Emergency  Powers)  Act,  which 
was  passed  on  August  31.  The  former  scheme,  promulgated  on  August  12, 
was  to  provide  what  Mr.  Lloyd  George  described  as  a  Government  "  guarantee 
of  the  due  payment  "  of  bills  of  exchange.  The  Bank  of  England  agreed  not 
only  to  discount  such  bills,  which  is  customary,  but  also  good  trade  bills  and 
the  acceptances  of  such  foreign  and  colonial  firms  and  bank  agencies  as  are 
established  in  Great  Britain.  The  Government  on  its  part  has  undertaken 
to  guarantee  the  Bank  of  England  against  any  loss  incurred.  At  the  date 
of  Mr.  Lloyd  George's  speech  (November  27),  the  Bank  had  already  discounted 
£120,000.000  worth,  and  the  total  value  of  bills — chiefly  German  and  Eussian 


EMERGENCY  MEASURES   IN   WAR-TIME.  41 

— to  be  left  "  in  cold  storage  "  till  after  the  war  was  estimated  by  him  at  about 
£50,000,000. 

The  Courts  (Emergency  Powers)  Act  was  of  an  even  more  comprehensive 
character.  Its  purpose  was  to  prevent  any  summary  and  compulsory  pay- 
ment (with  certain  exceptions)  on  account  of  any  contract  entered  into  under 
conditions  which  obtained  before  the  war,  except  after  application  made  to 
the  Court.  Judgment  as  to  inability  to  pay  "  owing  to  circumstances  arising 
out  of  the  war  "  lies  with  the  Court  after  inquiry  into  all  the  conditions  ; 
and  the  protection  afforded  by  the  Act  extends  until  six  months  after  the  war, 
unless  otherwise  directed  by  an  Order  in  Council.  The  effect  is  practically 
to  protect  conditionally  the  interests  of  debtors,  especially  those  likely  to  be 
most  hardly  pressed,  until  normal  circumstances  again  prevail. 

Two  later  schemes — that  of  September  4  making  advances  to  acceptors 
of  unmet  bills,  and  that  of  November  3  in  respect  of  debts  abroad — have  been 
put  into  operation  for  the  purpose  of  easing  the  wheels  of  trade,  by  relieving 
British  traders  in  respect  of  debts  owing  to  them,  which  they  are  unable  to 
collect  under  the  circumstances  prevailing  since  last  August.  The  Foreign 
Trade  Debts  Committee,  composed  of  representatives  of  the  Treasury,  the 
Bank  of  England,  the  joint  stock  banks,  and  the  Association  of  Chambers  of 
Commerce  of  the  United  Kingdom,  may  sanction  advances  to  the  extent  of 
50  per  cent,  of  the  outstanding  debts.  The  borrowers  must  collect  their  debts 
as  early  as  possible,  when  opportunities  arise,  and  allocate  them  to  the  repay- 
ment of  the  advance,  which  may  be  renewable  wholly  or  in  part  until  a  year 
after  the  close  of  the  war,  or  until  the  expiry  of  "  The  Courts  (Emergency  Powers) 
Act,  1914",  whichever  shall  happen  first.  Losses  to  any  great  amount  are 
not  anticipated  ;  but  the  Treasury  has  undertaken  to  make  good  up  to  75 
per  cent,  such  as  do  occur,  the  remaining  proportion  being  borne  by  the  bank 
which  discounts  the  trader's  bill.  These  provisions  promise  great  assistance 
to  British  traders  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  old  trade  but  also 
will  afford  capital  for  embarking  on  any  new  enterprise  for  the  capture  of  our 
enemies'  trade  while  circumstances  are  propitious. 

The  success  which  has  attended  the  measures  so  far  referred  to  largely 
depended,  however,  on  the  working  of  the  third  expedient  to  which  the  Govern- 
ment had  resorted — the  enlargement  of  currency  facilities  by  an  increase  of 
legal  tender.  It  will  be  recalled  that  immediately  after  the  declaration  of 
war  on  August  4,  Parliament  passed  unanimously  a  War  Credit  of  £100,000,000  ; 
and  means  had  to  be  adopted  for  strengthening  the  gold  reserve,  which  for 
some  time  had  been  criticised  on  the  ground  that  it  was  insufficient  to  meet 
any  such  contingency  as  had  arisen.  The  Bank  Holiday  was  accordingly 
extended  to  four  days,  to  give  the  financial  authorities  an  opportunity  to  devise 
expedients  to  cope  with  the  immediate  situation.  Meanwhile  an  emergency 
paper  currency  was  hastily  prepared.  As  the  Bank  of  England  is  not  author- 
ised by  the  Bank  Act  of  1844  to  issue  notes  to  the  value  of  less  than  £5,  specially 
made  Treasury  notes  (of  £1  "and  10  shillings)  were  issued,  and  the  necessity 
of  suspending  the  Bank  Act — as  occurred  in  the  crises  of  1847, 1857,  and  1866 


42  EMERGENCY  MEASURES   IN  WAR-TIME. 

— was  evaded.  These  new  notes  (whose  form  it  has  since  been  found  necessary 
to  improve,  as  the  first  issue  could  be  somewhat  easily  forged)  were  issued  to 
the  Banks  in  amounts  up  to  20  per  cent,  of  their  deposit  and  current  accounts. 
They  have  since  been  issued  by  the  Treasury  and  distributed,  week  by  week, 
through  the  Bank  of  England,  and  are  convertible  into  gold  on  the  same  terms 
as  the  old  £5  notes.  Although,  unlike  the  latter,  they  are  not  compulsorily 
backed  and  secured  by  gold,  the  Government  has  steadily  put  by  the  precious 
metal  at  the  rate  of  about  a  million  sterling  a  week  to  strengthen  the  issue, 
and  a  new  account  has  been  opened  at  the  Bank  of  England  by  the  Govern- 
ment under  the  title  of  the  "  National  Currency  Eedemption  Fund  ",  which 
on  December  16  stood  at  about  £16,500,000,  to  cover  an  issue  up  to  that  date 
of  £36,082,489.  At  the  end  of  November  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
stated  that  the  total  of  currency  notes  then  outstanding  was  £83,892,000  ; 
of  this  25,696,000  were  pound  notes  and  16,888,000  were  to  the  value  of  ten 
shillings.  These  notes  are  legal  tender,  and  deserve  special  mention  inas- 
much as  they  are  likely  to  remain  a  permanent  feature  of  our  currency  system. 
As  a  temporary  expedient  they  have  been  supplemented  by  postal  orders  (with- 
out poundage)  ;  which  are  also  legal  tender  and  convertible  into  gold  at  the 
Bank  of  England.  The  Post  Offices  for  some  time  made  very  extensive  use 
of  this  convenient  opportunity  of  increasing  their  cash  reserves,  but  the  neces- 
sity for  their  use  having  diminished,  the  orders  are  being  gradually  withdrawn. 
As  a  result  of  this  highly  successful  increase  in  paper  currency — which  of  course 
depended  largely  on  the  patriotic  confidence  of  the  public — and  the  gradual 
concentration  of  gold  at  the  Bank  of  England,  the  gold  reserve  accumulated 
in  its  vaults,  or  held  on  its  behalf  in  the  Dominions,  has  risen  from  less  than  30 
millions  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  to  over  70  millions.  Incidentally,  it  is  very 
important  to  note  that  our  paper  currency,  increased  for  war  purposes  though  it 
may  be,  still  rests  on  the  solid  foundation  of  immediate  convertibility  into  gold. 
Germany,  on  the  other  hand,  is  suffering  already,  and  will  do  so  much  more  as 
time  goes  on,  from  an  inflated  inconvertible  paper  issue  which  is  rapidly 
depreciating  in  value  as  against  coin. 

TRADE  AND  INDUSTRY. 

The  emergency  measures  so  far  briefly  enumerated  and  described  were 
devised  and  put  into  operation  to  enable  business  to  proceed,  as  far  as  possible, 
under  the  altered  conditions,  on  the  basis  which  existed  before  war  broke  out. 
Hostilities  demanded,  however,  the  drafting  and  submission  to  Parliament 
of  a  series  (fourteen  in  number)  of  Acts  and  Proclamations  relating  to  Trading 
with  the  Enemy  ;  proclamations  of  lists  of  contraband  goods  ;  Aliens  Eestric- 
tion  and  Defence  of  the  Eealm  Acts  and  Proclamations  ;  the  provisional  adop- 
tion of  the  Declaration  of  London  ;  and  licences  issued  to  London  branches 
of  Austrian,  German,  and  Turkish  Banks. 

In  the  War  Numbers  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  which  have  appeared  since 
August  references  have  been  made  to  a  variety  of  other  schemes  which  have 
been  put  into  operation,  with  State  assistance,  for  the  maintenance  of  our 


EMERGENCY  MEASURES   IN   WAR-TIME.  48 

foreign  trade  and  the  support  and  development  of  industry  both  at  home  and 
in  the  Dominions  and  Protectorates  overseas.  In  this  manner  attention  has 
already  been  devoted  to  such  subjects  as  War  Eisks  and  the  Government 
Insurance  Scheme  ;  Sugar  Purchases  by  the  Government ;  Commercial  Cabling 
in  War-Time  ;  and  Financing  the  Cotton  Crops  in  Egypt. 

FINANCIAL  AID  TO  THE  DOMINIONS. 

By  no  means  the  least  important  of  the  emergency  measures  which  the 
Government  has  wisely  undertaken  is  the  incorporation  in  the  War  Loan  of 
items  covering  sums  to  be  raised  for  the  benefit  of  the  Dominions.  During 
the  coming  year  it  would  have  been  necessary  for  the  Governments  of  the 
Dominions  to  come  to  the  London  market  for  money  to  meet  expiring  loans 
and  for  other  domestic  purposes.  In  his  speech  on  the  subject  Mr.  Asquith 
emphasised  the  inadvisability  of  such  procedure  under  present  conditions, 
and  stated  that  the  Imperial  authorities  had  undertaken  to  disburse  from 
the  general  War  Loan  of  £850,000,000  (which  has  been  enthusiastically  taken 
up)  such  sums  as  had  been  estimated  would  be  necessary  to  meet  the  imme- 
diate needs  of  the  Dominions  for  home  development  schemes,  or  to  pay  for 
any  extraordinary  military  or  naval  expenditure  necessitated  by  the  war. 
These  amounts  came  to  a  total,  as  then  estimated,  of  £42,250,000 — Canada 
requiring  £12,000,000;  Australia,  £18,000,000;  New  Zealand,  £5,250,000, 
and  South  Africa,  £7,000,000.  There  can  be  no  doubt  either  of  the  wisdom 
of  this  financial  provision,  or  of  its  certain  fruitfulness  in  increased  prosperity 
in  the  Dominions  when  the  war  is  over. 

Finally,  as  an  indication  of  our  control  of  the  "  silver  bullets  "  which  will 
to  a  large  measure  determine  the  length  of  the  war,  and  of  our  readiness  to 
come  to  the  assistance  of  our  less  fortunate  friends,  it  should  be  mentioned 
that  the  United  Kingdom  has  already  lent  £10,000,000  to  Belgium  and  £800,000 
to  Serbia  free  of  interest  during  the  war  period  ;  £5,000,000  has  been  allocated 
to  the  support  of  agriculture  in  Egypt ;  and  guarantee  has  been  provided  for 
the  £12,000,000  worth  of  Kussian  Treasury  Bills  already  discounted  by  the 
Bank  of  England,  an  operation  which  is  intended  to  facilitate  purchases  made  in 
this  country  on  behalf  of  the  Kussian  Government. 


44 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued.) 

Nov.  26.  Desultory  fighting  in  Flanders  ;    Allies  repel  all  German  attacks.     Fierce 

struggle  in  Poland ;    Russians  victorious  near  Lodz.     In  South  Africa, 

rebels  successfully  hold  strong  position  against  Union  Forces.     H.M.S. 

Bulwark  blown  up  in  Sheerness  Harbour. 
„    27.  Two  British  merchant  vessels  sunk  by  German  submarines  off  the  French 

coast. 
„    28.  Russian  victory  in  Poland ;  Germans  retreating,  except  to  the  north  of  Lodz, 

where  they  continue  to  hold  their  own.     Rheims  again  bombarded.     Turks 

routed  in  Armenia. 
„    29.  King  George  leaves  for  France.     Russians  claim  a  decisive  success  in  the 

advance  on  Cracow. 

„    30.  Further  despatch  from  Sir  John  French  issued. 

Dec.     1.  Allies  advance  slightly  at  two  points.     British  fleet  again  bombards  the 
„  Belgian  coast.     German  battleship  and  cruiser  sunk  in  the  Baltic.     De 

Wet  taken  prisoner. 

,,       2.  Great  battle  in  Poland  continues.    Austrians  enter  Belgrade. 
„       3.  Russians  advance  to  within  eight  miles  of  Cracow.     Press  Bureau  announces 

that   Australian   and   New   Zealand   contingents    have   disembarked  in 

Egypt. 
„       5.  King  George  returns  to  England.     Allies  make  progress  at  several  points  in 

Flanders. 

„       6.  Germans  enter  Lodz. 
„       7.  Fierce  fighting  in  the  Argonne  continues.     French  aviators  drop  bombs  on 

Freiburg.     Germans  transfer  five  Army  Corps  to  Poland. 
„       8.  British  squadron  sinks  four  German  cruisers   off    the  Falkland  Islands 

(Scharnhorst,  Gneisenau,  Leipzig,  Niirnberg)  and  captures  two  colliers. 

General  Beyers  drowned  in  the  Vaal  River. 
„       9.  Germans  drop  bombs  on  Warsaw.     Turkish  cruiser  mined  in  the  Black  Sea. 

General  Botha  declares  the  rebellion  to  be  practically  at  an  end. 
,,      10.  Kaiser  reported  seriously  ill.     Austrians  defeated  by  the  Serbians.     Indian 

Expeditionary  Force  to  the  Persian  Gulf  successful  against  the  Turks  ; 

two  towns  captured. 
,,      11.  Germans  continue  to  deliver  desperate  attacks  near  Ypres.     French  capture 

railway  station  at  Aspach,  in  Alsace.     French  Government  returns  to 

Paris. 
.,      14.  Count  von  Moltke  retires  from  the  position  of  Chief  of  the  German  General 

Staff.     Austrians  advance  across  the  Carpathians,  threatening  the  Russian 

Army  south  of  Cracow.     Capture  of  Vishegrad  by  the  Montenegrin  Army. 

British   submarine  Bll    sinks    Turkish  battleship  in  the  Dardanelles. 

Serbians    retake    Belgrade.     Khedive    of    Egypt    publicly    declares    his 

hostility  to  Great  Britain  by  attending  Turkish  Parliament. 


OVERSEAS   CONTRIBUTIONS.  45 

Dec.  16.  Allies  make  substantial  progress  in  Flanders.     Bombardment  of  three  towns 

(two  unfortified)  on  the  north-east  coast  of  England  by  German  squadron  ; 

considerable  loss  of  life. 
„     17.  Great  Britain  proclaims  Egypt  a  British  Protectorate  ;  Sir  A.  H.  McMahon 

appointed  High  Commissioner. 
„     18.  Prince  Hussein  Kamel  accepts  the  Khedivaite,  with  the  title  of  Sultan 

of  Egypt. 

„     19.  Allies  drop  bombs  on  Zeppelin  sheds  at  Brussels. 
„     20.  British  airman  attacks  German  position  at  Ostend.     Germans  claim  to  be 

pressing  the  Russians  back  along  the  whole  line  from  the  Vistula  to  the 

Carpathians.      Captain  Fourie,  one   of  the    ringleaders  of   the    South 

African  rebels,  tried  by  Court-martial  and  shot. 
„     21.  Allies  continue  to  advance  in  Flanders,  trenches  re-taken. 
„     22.  Kaiser    reported    completely    recovered,    and    returning    to    the    front. 

Russians  forced  to  retire  in  the  centre  of  their  front. 
„     23.   Violent  fighting  in  the  Western  theatre  of  the  War. 
„     24.   German  aeroplane  drops  bomb  on  Dover  ;  no  damage. 
„     25.  Raid  by  British  cruisers,  destroyers,  submarines,  and  seaplanes  on  German 

warships  at  Cuxhaven.     German  aeroplane  sighted  over  Sheerness ;  no 

bombs  dropped.     Germans  drop  bombs  on  Nancy  and  on  Warsaw. 
„     26.  Progress  recorded  by  the  Allies.        German  pressure  being   checked   in 

Russia.     French  submarine  sunk  in  the  Adriatic. 
,,     27.  Allies  advance  at  several  points. 


OVERSEAS  CONTRIBUTIONS.     (5ra  LIST.) 

Dominion  of  Canada. — £20,000  to  organise,  equip,  and  maintain  a  hospital 
in  France,  to  be  known  as  the  "  Hospice  Canadien  ",  to  be  managed  by  the  French 
Government.  WOMEN  OF  CANADA. — A  second  Naval  Hospital  (to  be  built,  equipped, 
and  maintained  by  the  donors)  to  supplement  the  Canadian  Women's  Hospital  at 
Haslar.  QUEBEC  PROVINCE. — A  regiment  for  home  defence,  known  as  the  Montreal 
Home  Guard  Regiment,  numbering  nearly  1,000  men.  MANITOBA. — A  car  of  flour 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund,  from  farmers  of  the  Oaklake  district.  ONTARIO. — 
Consignments  of  oats,  apples,  potatoes,  peas,  beans,  cheese,  and  flour  from  the  farmers 
of  the  Province.  NOVA  SCOTIA. — Gifts  of  provisions  and  clothing  to  the  Belgian 
Relief  Fund.  DUCHESS  OP  CONNAUGHT. — Gift  of  12,000  Ib.  of  maple  sugar,  partly 
in  the  form  of  maple  syrup,  for  the  Canadian  troops.  RED  INDIANS  OF  ALBERTA 
AND  BRITISH  COLUMBIA. — $4,300  to  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  RED  INDIANS  OF 
ONTARIO  AND  QUEBEC. — $7,000  to  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund. 

Australia. — VICTORIA. — Further  £6,000  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund.  NEW 
SOUTH  WALES. — Sydney,  £20,000  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund.  QUEENSLAND. — 
Brisbane  Patriotic  Committee  offer  consignments  of  frozen  meat,  value  £10,000. 


46     ROYAL   COLONIAL   INSTITUTE   AND   THE  WAR. 

and  £10,000  of  other  commodities  if  desired.  WESTERN  AUSTRALIA. — Kalgoorlie, 
£3,000  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund.  PRIVATE  OFFER. — Mrs.  Hindson  and  family, 
Colac,  1  ton  of  butter  for  wounded  British  soldiers.  The  total  contributions  to  the 
Belgian  Relief  Fund  from  New  Zealand,  New  South  Wales,  and  Queensland  have 
now  reached  £100,000. 

New  Zealand. — Offer  to  send  the  "  Bleriot  "  monoplane  "  Britannia  ",  with  rein- 
forcements. Gift  of  a  number  of  socks  and  belts  to  the  Queen's  Appeal.  CHRIST  - 
CHURCH  AND  AUCKLAND. — Further  donations  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund. 

Africa. — Services  of  the  South  African  Field  Ambulance  offered  to  the  French 
Government  as  a  Red  Cross  unit.  CAPE  PROVINCE. — Bathurst  Farmers'  Union, 
consignment  of  fruit  and  eggs  for  the  British  Red  Cross  Society  and  the  hospitals. 
RHODESIA. — Gift  of  tobacco  and  cigarettes  to  soldiers  and  sailors  serving  in  the 
Expeditionary  Force  and  in  the  Fleet.  BULUWAYO. — Matabeleland  Central  War 
Fund  Committee,  £900  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund,  and  £100  to  the  British  Red 
Cross  Society.  BECHUANALAND  PROTECTORATE. — European  inhabitants,  £255  to 
the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund,  and  £54  to  the  British  Red  Cross  Society.  PRIVATE 
OFFER. — Paarl  Wine  and  Brandy  Co.,  Ltd.,  consignment  of  invalid  port  for  the 
military  hospitals  in  England.  EAST  AFRICAN  PROTECTORATE. — Gift  of  100  tons 
of  coffee  for  troops  at  the  front.  The  Masai  Moran  of  the  Matapatu  clan,  gift  of 
thirty  bullocks  for  the  troops.  NIGERIA. — Sarikin  Muslimin,  £1,000  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales's  Fund.  GOLD  COAST. — Legislative  Council,  vote  of  £60,000  for  the  expenses 
of  the  Togoland  expedition.  NYASALAND. — £450  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund 
(three  instalments). 

West  Indies. — BRITISH  GUIANA. — Gift  of  500,000  Ib.  of  rice  for  the  use  of  the 
British  Indian  Forces,  and  $12,800  to  the  National  Relief  Fund,  also  gifts  of  clothing. 
BARBADOS. — Contributions  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  BAHAMAS. — £2,000 
to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund  (first  instalment).  LEEWARD  ISLANDS. — Legislative 
Council  of  Montserrat,  £1,000  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  PRIVATE  OFFER. — 
S.  Davson  and  Co.,  Ltd.,  gift  of  Demerara  sugar,  Demerara  rum,  and  molascuit. 

Ceylon. — Further  instalment  of  £5,500  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund. 

Hong  Kong. — Sum  of  $141,000  publicly  subscribed  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's 
Fund. 

Fiji  Islands. — Further  instalment  of  £2,500  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund. 


THE  ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  AND  THE  WAR. 

THE  War  Services  Committee  held  a  meeting  on  December  17,  when  some 
further  members  were  added  to  it.  A  full  list  of  the  names  of  those  serving 
on  the  Committee  appears  elsewhere  in  the  Journal.  The  Honorary  Secretary 
presented  a  further  report,  showing  that  since  the  last  meeting  twenty-one  Com- 


ROYAL   COLONIAL   INSTITUTE  AND  THE  WAR.     47 

missions  had  been  secured  for  applicants  in  various  Corps,  and  nine  other  applica- 
tions had  been  satisfactorily  dealt  with.  It  was  decided  to  take  steps  to  assist 
those  who  were  desirous  of  joining  training  corps.  A  proposal  was  conveyed 
by  Capt.  Southwell  Piper  from  a  Committee  which  he  represented,  that  a  Motor 
Ambulance  presented  to  them  should  be  run  in  London,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Royal  Colonial  Institute,  for  conveyance  of  the  wounded  from  the  various  railway 
stations  ;  and  it  was  resolved  to  recommend  the  Council  to  accept  the  offer,  if  it 
were  made  officially.  On  the  motion  of  Mr.  Hope  Johnston,  the  Honorary 
Secretary  was  requested  to  ascertain  from  the  War  Office  and  Admiralty  whether 
there  was  a  need  of  mackintoshes  for  the  men  on  service,  with  a  view  to  the 
possibility  of  raising  a  fund  at  the  Institute  to  supply  them  with  these  or  any  other 
necessaries. 

The  work  of  the  Voluntary  Assistance  Department,  London  Recruiting 
Headquarters,  continues  to  be  carried  on  in  the  offices  placed  at  its  disposal 
by  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  During  the  past  month  there  has  been  no 
decrease  in  the  demands  made  on  this  Department  for  obtaining  men  required 
for  special  trades  in  Lord  Kitchener's  Army,  and  the  efforts  of  its  Volunteer 
Recruiters  have  been  attended  with  considerable  success.  To  mention  one 
instance  : — the  War  Office  required  unexpectedly  the  immediate  services  of 
250  packers  for  the  Army  Service  Corps.  The  entire  complement  of  men 
was  obtained  by  the  Voluntary  Assistance  Department  within  forty-eight 
hours. 

The  work  of  collecting  warm  clothing  for  the  use  of  the  British  wounded 
soldiers  crossing  to  England  from  hospitals  in  France,  which  the  Department 
has  undertaken  unofficially,  is  still  in  progress  ;  and  many  hundreds  of  articles 
are  forwarded  weekly  to  the  proper  quarter  for  this  purpose.  Also,  each  week 
a  bale  of  clothing  is  sent  to  Dover  for  the  use  of  the  men  in  Admiral  Hood's 
flotilla.  The  Voluntary  Assistance  Department  desires  it  to  be  known  to 
the  Members  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  that,  were  it  not  for  the  excellent 
accommodation  afforded  it  by  the  Institute,  in  such  close  proximity  to  the 
London  Recruiting  Headquarters  at  Scotland  Yard,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  the  Department  to  carry  out  its  work  with  the  present  satisfactory 
results. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  over  2,000  Volunteers  from  the  Argentine  have 
come  to  this  country  for  military  service  since  the  War  began,  and  others  are 
expected  to  arrive  from  time  to  time. 

Captain  G.  W.  R.  Jenkins  has  been  appointed,  along  with  several  others 
of  the  contingent  he  brought  from  Guatemala,  to  the  Dublin  Fusiliers  at 
present  stationed  in  Ireland. 

Mr.  H.  T.  Bye,  a  Fellow  of  the  Institute,  writes  from  Tampico,  Mexico,  to 

Ijay  that  a  contingent  of   British  residents  in  that  neighbourhood  has  been 
formed,  and  will,  it  is  hoped,  arrive  in  this  country  about  the  first  week  of 
January. 
As  showing  how    much  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  enters  into  the  life 
:>f  the  Dominions,  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  from  the  Hon.  Robert 


48     ROYAL   COLONIAL    INSTITUTE   AND   THE   WAR. 

Watson,  till  recently  Colonial  Secretary  of  the  Government  of  Newfoundland, 
is  of  interest,  because  every  one  of  the  gentlemen  named  is  a  Fellow  : — 

"  His  Excellency  Sir  Walter  Davidson,  K.C.M.G.,  is  Honorary  Lieut. -Colonel 
of  the  First  Newfoundland  Regiment,  and  also  Chairman  of  the  Newfoundland 
Patriotic  Association.  The  Vice-Chairman  is  Sir  Joseph  Outerbridge.  The  Hon. 
Edgar  R.  Bowring  is  Chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee  of  the  Association.  The 
latter  gentleman  is  at  present  in  England  in  connection  with  the  work  of  the  Dominions 
Royal  Commission,  of  which  he  is  a  Member." 

Contributions  towards  war  funds  in  this  country  continue  to  be  received 
from  overseas.  Mr.  H.  0.  Dickenson,  of  Burghersdorp,  South  Africa,  has  sent 
a  cheque  for  £10,  to  be  given  to  any  charitable  war  purpose  which  the  Council 
might  deem  suitable.  It  was  decided  to  devote  this  contribution  to  tbe  fund 
for  the  distribution  of  the  Institute's  Handbook,  "Our  Just  Cause",  in  the 
Dominions  and  in  neutral  countries,  as  tbe  greater  part  of  tbe  profits  realised 
from  its  sale  are  to  be  given  ultimately  to  tbe  British  Eed  Cross  Society. 
Tbus  a  double  purpose  is  served  by  Mr.  Dickenson's  gift. 

Mr.  D.  I.  Parnell,  one  of  tbe  Fellows  of  the  Institute  at  Charters  Towers, 
Queensland,  bas  been  successful  in  making  a  collection  of  £200  on  behalf  of  tbe 
Australian  Patriotic  Fund.  Most  of  this  sum,  it  may  be  mentioned,  was  contri- 
buted by  settlers  in  tbe  Bush. 

In  spite  of  the  increase  in  expenditure,  directly  and  indirectly  caused  by  the 
War,  it  is  interesting  to  note  tbat  the  number  of  new  Fellows  and  Associates 
joining  tbe  Institute  is  as  satisfactory  as  ever.  Mr.  Henry  Darbyshire,  wbo  is 
a  well-known  Fellow  in  tbe  Argentine,  and  recently  brought  a  large  contingent 
from  that  country,  bas  been  successful  in  obtaining  on  tbe  voyage  from  this 
country  to  Buenos  Aires  a  number  of  new  Fellows  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that 
tbree  of  tbese  bave  agreed  to  be  nominated  as  Life  Fellows. 

The  use  of  the  Institute's  Council  Eoom  has  been  granted  to  the  Committee 
of  the  Australian  Voluntary  Hospital.  It  was  to  this  hospital  tbat  our  Overseas 
Committee  sent  a  large  supply  of  garments  which  were  made  by  the  ladies  of 
the  sewing  party  at  tbe  Whitehall  Rooms. 

As  public  opinion  in  America  regarding  tbe  War  is  a  matter  of  special 
interest  just  now,  it  bas  been  decided  to  subscribe  to  tbe  New  York  Times  for 
the  present ;  and  tbis  journal  will  now  be  available  for  inspection  in  tbe  News- 
paper Room,  in  addition  to  tbe  many  otber  oversea  newspapers  which  are  placed 
there  for  the  convenience  of  Fellows  and  visitors. 

Mr.  Boose,  the  Secretary,  is  now  on  bis  way  back  to  this  country  at  the 
conclusion  of  bis  official  visit  to  Australasia.  News  has  come  to  hand  of  recep- 
tions wbicb  were  held  in  New  Zealand.  The  New  Zealand  Club  of  Cbrist- 
cburch  entertained  Mr.  Boose  to  dinner,  and  a  similar  function  took  place  at 
the  Canterbury  Club. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Garrison,  the  Official  Lecturer  of  the  Institute,  assisted  by  a 
number  of  Fellows  and  Associates,  has  privately  organised  and  delivered  a 
series  of  lectures  on  the  War,  on  behalf  of  the  various  war  relief  funds.  On 


THE  NOVA   SCOTIA   BARONETS.  49 

December  3,  Mr.  Garrison  addressed  a  large  audience  at  the  Albert  Hall,  with 
the  Hon.  Sir  Arthur  Lawley,  one  of  the  Institute's  Vice-Presidents,  in  the  chair. 
As  a  result  nearly  £700  was  secured  to  be  divided  between  the  funds  for  winter 
comforts  for  the  sailors  and  soldiers  on  active  service,  and  for  the  relief  of  the 
Belgian  refugees.  Mr.  Garrison  and  his  helpers  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the 
great  success  of  the  lecture,  for  it  is  no  easy  task  to  fill  so  large  a  hall.  Mr. 
Garrison  has,  we  understand,  now  delivered  sixty  lectures  on  the  War,  and  has 
been  successful  in  obtaining  recruits  as  well  as  in  raising  large  sums  for  the  various 
funds. 

The  following  Fellows  of  the  Institute  have  been  reported  as  killed  in  action  : 
— Captain  E.  N.  Grenfell,  of  the  Eoyal  Bucks  Hussars,  at  Mons  ;  Captain 
Oliver  Steele,  of  the  Eoyal  Berks  Eegiment ;  and  Lieutenant  D.  L.  Harvey,  of 
the  9th  Lancers. 

Besides  these,  we  may  mention  the  name  of  Lieutenant  Frank  Clarke, 
E.N.,  on  board  H.M.S.  Bulwark,  which  sank,  owing  to  an  explosion,  off  Sheeraess 
on  November  26. 

The  lamented  death  of  Mr.  Archibald  Colquhoun,  the  editor  of  the  Institute's 
Journal,  UNITED  EMPIRE,  is  referred  to  elsewhere.  His  funeral  took  place  at 
Golder's  Green  on  Monday,  December  21,  and  was  attended  by  several  Members 
of  Council  and  Fellows.  Pending  the  appointment  of  a  successor  to  Mr.  Col- 
quhoun, the  work  of  editing  the  Journal  will  be  carried  on  by  Sir  Harry  Wilson, 
K.C.M.G.,  with  the  assistance  of  Mrs.  Colquhoun.  Mr.  Lewin  has  assisted 
with  the  present  issue. 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA   BARONETS. 

By  EVANS  LEWIN,  F.R.Hist.S. 

I. — THE  CHARTERS  AND  THE  COLONISATION. 

IN  the  romantic  history  of  colonisation  few  stories  are  less  known  than  that  of  the 
first  British  settlement  within  the  bounds  of  the  present  Dominion  of  Canada.  Ever 
since  it  was  stated  of  its  founder  by  a  witty  contemporary  that  "  he  was  born  a  poet 
and  aimed  to  be  a  king,"  and  of  its  patron  that  "  he  was  born  a  king  and  aimed  to 
be  a  poet,"  the  scheme,  initiated  by  Sir  William  Alexander,  has  suffered  from  the 
unmerited  ridicule  of  historians  who  have  been  wont  to  measure  its  importance  by 
the  failure  which  attended  its  execution.*  But  the  first  settlement  of  Nova  Scotia 
cannot  be  lightly  dismissed  from  the  pages  of  history  in  a  few  sparkling  epigrams, 
for  not  only  does  it  afford  one  of  the  most  interesting  examples  of  colonisation,  but 

*  Sir  Thomas  Urquhart  in  the  Jewel,  1652,  wrote  of  Alexander  that  "it  did  not  satisfie  his 
ambition  to  have  a  laurel  from  the  Muses  and  to  be  esteemed  a  king  amongst  poets,  but  he  must 
be  king  of  some  New-found-land,  and,  like  another  Alexander  indeed,  searching  after  new  worlds, 
have  the  sovereignty  of  Nova  Scotia.  He  was  born  a  poet,  and  aimed  to  be  a  king ;  therefore 
would  ho  have  his  royal  title  from  King  James,  who  was  born  a  king  and  aimed  to  be  a  poet. 
Had  he  stopped  there  it  would  have  been  well ;  but  the  flame  of  his  honour  must  have  some  oyle 
wherewith  to  nourish  it.  Lake  another  King  Arthur  he  must  have  his  knights." 

E 


50  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

it  had  a  lasting  effect  upon  the  history  of  Canada,  and  resulted  in  the  legacy  of  a 
mass  of  legal  conundrums  that  no  tribunal  of  lawyers  has  yet  been  able  to  unravel. 

The  early  history  of  Acadia  is  wrapped  in  obscurity.  For  many  years  a  debatable 
land,  in  which  the  conflicting  claims  of  France  and  England,  of  Jacobean  trading 
companies  and  French  adventurers,  were  put  to  the  stern  arbitrament  of  war,  author- 
ised and  unauthorised,  Acadia  remained  one  of  the  vaguest  and  most  elastic  of 
geographical  terms.  Although  it  is  generally  supposed  to  be  synonymous  with  Nova 
Scotia,  it  embraced  in  reality  a  much  larger  territory,  and  was  extended  or  contracted 
to  suit  the  aims  of  diplomats  who  rearranged  the  map  of  America  whilst  English 
and  French  soldiers  and  adventurers  were  contending  for  the  mastery  of  the  eastern 
littoral.  In  the  early  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  little  was  known  of  the 
countries  which  lay  along  the  American  seaboard,  and  charters  and  privileges  were 
freely  granted,  which  included  immense  tracts  of  territory  having  no  precise  geo- 
graphical boundaries,  and  which  overlapped  and  impinged  upon  the  supposed 
possessions  of  other  nations.  Might  was  right,  and  both  monarchs  and  subjects 
little  cared  for  abstract  principles  so  long  as  they  were  able  to  make  good  their  claims 
by  force  when  other  means  were  wanting.  The  British  Solomon,  basing  his  claims 
to  the  eastern  littoral  of  North  America  upon  priority  of  discovery  and  more  or 
less  effective  occupation,  and  upon  charters  granted  by  his  predecessor,  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, to  the  ill-fated  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  never  relinquished  his  demand  to  be 
considered  the  sovereign  of  Acadia ;  and  when  Port  Royal,  the  French  settlement 
on  the  Bay  of  Fundy,*  was  captured  by  Kirk,  on  his  way  to  Quebec,  an  opportunity 
occurred  to  carry  out  a  scheme  of  effective  occupation  which  had  long  been  maturing 
in  the  fertile  brain  of  Sir  William  Alexander.f 

Eight  years  previously,  in  1621,  this  Scottish  nobleman,  inspired  by  the  success 
of  the  English  colonists  in  Virginia  and  New  England,  had  proposed  to  King  James 
the  establishment  of  a  Scottish  settlement  in  Acadia,  and  had  received  from  the 
English  monarch  a  charter  conveying  to  him  what  were  practically  sovereign  rights 
over  an  immense  area  in  North  America.  It  was  then  usual  for  a  monarch  to  bestow 
upon  his  favourites  great  tracts  of  territory  in  the  New  World,  the  boundaries  of  which 
were  only  limited  by  the  imagination  of  the  donor  :  the  rights  to  which  were  as  vague 
and  inconclusive  as  the  frontiers  fixed  by  the  coveted  documents.  James  was  no 
exception  to  this  rule;  and  the  charter  granted  on  September  10,  1621,  duly  ratified 
by  the  Scottish  Parliament  on  July  31,  1630,  and  on  June  28,  1633,  and  extended 
by  subsequent  charters  granted  by  Charles  I.,  was  a  truly  amazing  document 
expressing  in  legal  formula  the  bombastic  conception  of  empire  which  was  typical  of 

*  Port  Royal  having  been  captured  by  Captain  Samuel  Argall,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  Virginia 
Company  in  1613,  the  English  vindicated  their  shadowy  "  rights  "  over  the  surrounding  country 
by  renaming  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Argall's  Bay,  and  scattering  new  names  over  the  hypothetical 
maps. 

•j-  Quebec  was  captured  by  the  Kirks  in  1629,  three  months  after  the  Treaty  of  Suze  which 
put  an  end  to  the  war  between  England  and  France  had  been  signed.  It  was  not  returned  to 
France  until  the  year  1632,  when,  under  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye,  Charles  I., 
fearful  of  losing  the  half  of  the  dowry  of  his  Queen,  agreed  to  surrender  the  conquests  of  his  subjects 
in  America. 


THE  NOVA   SCOTIA   BARONETS.  51 

the  times  and  of  the  spirit  of  enterprise  and  colonisation  prevailing  in  the  early  years 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  It  granted  to  Alexander  and  his  heirs  "  all  and  singular 
the  lands,  continents,  and  islands  situate  and  lying  in  America,  within  the  Cape  or 
Promontory,  commonly  called  Cap  de  Sable  ...  to  the  river  called  by  the  name 
of  Sancta  Crux  and  to  the  remotest  source  or  fountain  on  the  western  side  of  the 
same  .  .  .  and  thence  .  .  .  into  the  great  river  of  Canada  .  .  .  thence  to  the  islands 
called  Bacalaos  or  Cape  Breton,"  with  the  mines,  minerals,  precious  stones,  &c. 
The  charter  subsequently  granted  by  Charles  I.  cast  a  legal  spell  over  the  greater 
part  of  the  North  American  continent ;  for  Alexander  was  empowered  to  occupy 
"  all  and  sundrie  lands  within  the  Gulf  of  Canada  ...  all  and  sundrie  lands  lying 
within  the  said  river  Canada,  from  the  said  mouth  and  entrance  up  to  the  head  fountain 
and  source  thereof,  wheresoever  it  be,  or  the  lake  from  whence  it  flows  (which  is  thought 
by  some  to  be  towards  the  Gulf  of  California,  called  by  some  the  Vermilion  Sea)  .  .  . 
and  fifty  leagues  of  bounds  on  both  sides  the  aforesaid  river  Canada  .  .  .  and  like- 
wise all  and  sundry  islands  lying  within  the  said  Gulf  of  California,  as  also  all  and 
whole  the  lands  and  bounds  adjacent  to  the  said  gulf,  on  west  and  south,  whether 
they  be  found  a  part  of  the  continent  or  main  land  or  an  island  (as  it  is  thought  they 
are)  which  is  commonly  called  and  distinguished  by  the  name  of  California."  It 
will  be  seen  that  this  amazing  document,  drawn  up  in  complete  ignorance  of  the 
geographical  features  of  North  America — for  the  discoveries  of  La  Salle  and  his 
associates  had  not  yet  solved  the  mystery  of  the  interior  waterways — granted  rights 
of  proprietorship  not  only  over  the  whole  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Prince 
Edward  Island,  but  also  over  Upper  and  Lower  Canada,  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  the  immense  country  on  the  western  coasts  of  the  continent.  Truly  a  royal 
gift,  even  though  its  real  value  could  only  be  tested  by  years  of  patient  toil  and 
unceasing  industry  in  the  midst  of  an  unknown  and  virgin  continent. 

But  the  most  interesting  feature  of  Alexander's  grant  was  the  means  by  which 
its  provisions  were  to  be  carried  into  active  execution.  By  a  legal  fiction  this  great 
territory — to  which  Alexander  in  emulation  of  the  foundation  of  New  France,  New 
England,  and  New  Spain,  had  given  the  name  of  Nova  Scotia — was  attached  to  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland,  as  it  was  his  intention  that  the  new  country  should  be  settled 
by  Scots  in  order  to  prove  that  men  north  of  the  Tweed  were  as  capable  of  carrying 
out  big  schemes  of  colonisation  as  were  the  English  adventurers  who  were  engaged 
in  the  planting  of  Virginia  and  the  New  England  colonies.  One  most  interesting 
privilege  was  attached  to  Alexander's  grant :  this  was  the  right  to  found  in  Scot- 
land an  order  of  baronets  similar  to  that  established  by  James  I.  in  1611,  in  con- 
nection with  the  colonisation  of  Ulster.  In  the  Charter  of  Novodamus,  granted 
by  Charles  I.  on  July  12,  1625,  three  months  after  he  had  succeeded  to  the  throne, 
it  was  recited  that  in  order  "  that  men  of  honourable  birth  may  be  incited  to  the  under- 
taking of  that  expedition,  and  the  settling  of  planters  in  the  said  lands  .  .  .  We 
.  .  .  give  and  grant  free  and  full  power  to  the  said  Sir  William  Alexander  ...  of 
conferring  favours,  privileges,  offices,  and  honours  on  the  deserving.  .  .  .  There- 
fore that  this  Our  present  charter  may  be  more  effectual,  and  that  seisin  thereupon 

E  2 


52  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

may  be  more  conveniently  taken,  it  is  necessary  that  seisin  of  all  and  sundry  of  the 
aforesaid  lands  ...  be  taken  within  our  said  kingdom  of  Scotland,  and  in  the  grounds 
and  lands  of  the  same  in  the  most  eminent  place  thereof,*  which  can  neither  con- 
veniently nor  lawfully  be  done  without  an  express  union  of  the  said  country  and 
lordship  of  Nova  Scotia  to  the  said  kingdom  of  Scotland.  Wherefore  .  .  .  We  .  .  . 
have  annexed,  united,  and  incorporated  .  .  .  with  our  said  kingdom  of  Scotland, 
all  and  sundry  the  aforesaid  country  and  lordship  of  Nova  Scotia."  Five  days  later 
it  was  ordained  that  the  lands  granted  to  those  who  were  willing  to  assist  in 
the  planting  of  Nova  Scotia  should  be  "  three  myles  in  breadth  and  six  in  length." 
The  privilege  of  creating  baronets  granted  to  Alexander  had  met  with  the  full  appro- 
bation both  of  James  I.  and  his  son.  The  former  in  a  letter  to  the  Privy  Council 
of  Scotland,  signed  on  October  18,  1624,  had  written  as  follows  :  "  Right  trustie 
and  well  beloved  Counsellours,  We  greate  you  weill.  The  letter  ye  sent  giving  us 
thankes  for  renueing  the  name  of  that  our  ancient  kingdome  within  America,  intreating 
our  favour  for  the  furthering  of  a  Plantatoun  ther,  was  verie  acceptable  unto  us 
and  reposeing  upoun  the  experience  of  others  of  oure  subjects  in  the  like  kinde  We  ar 
so  hopefull  of  that  enterprise  that  we  purpose  to  make  it  a  worke  of  our  owne.  And 
as  we  wer  pleased  to  erect  the  honour  of  Knicht  Borronetts  for  the  advancement 
of  the  Plantatioun  of  Ireland,  so  We  doe  desire  to  conferr  the  like  honour  within 
our  kingdome  upon  suche  as  wer  worthie  of  that  degree  and  will  agree  for  some  pro- 
portioun  of  grounds  within  New  Scotland,  furnisheing  forth  such  a  number  of  persones 
as  salbe  condiscended  upoun  to  inhabite  there."  The  letter  then  proceeds  to  ask 
the  opinion  of  the  Privy  Council  insomuch  as  "  the  conferring  of  honour  be  meerely 
Regall.  .  .  .  We  conceive  it  to  be  fitt  .  .  .  that  ye  certifie  us  your  opinions  con- 
cerning the  forme  and  conveniences  thereof,  together  withe  your  further  advyce 
what  may  best  advaunce  this  so  worthie  worke.  ...  So  desiring  you  to  haste  back 
your  ansueire  We  bid  you  Fairweill."  The  Privy  Council  replied  on  November  23, 
1624,  that  "  We  ar  given  to  understand  that  the  county  of  New  Scotland  being  dividit 
in  twa  Provinces  and  eache  province  in  severall  Dioceises  of  Bishoprickis,  and  cache 
dioceise  in  thrie  counteyis,  and  eache  countey  into  ten  Baronyis,  everie  baronie  being 
thrie  myle  long  upon  the  coast  and  ten  myle  up  into  the  countrie  .  .  .  and  everie 
Baronet  paying  Sir  William  Alexander  ane  thousand  merkis  Scottis  money  .  .  . 
and  setting  forth  of  sex  men  towardis  your  Majesties  Royall  Colonie  armed,  apparelld, 
and  victualed  for  two  years  "  ;  f  and  suggested  that  it  might  be  well  if  "  some  of  the 
Englishe  who  ar  best  acquainted  with  such  forrayn  enterprises  wald  joyne." 

A  proclamation  constituting  the  order  of  Baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  was  issued 
on  November  30,  1624,  and  ten  days  before  the  death  of  his  father,  Charles  I.  wrote 
to  the  Privy  Council  recommending  the  scheme.  "  We  do  recommend  the  said 
Sir  William  and  the  busines  to  your  best  assistance,  hereby  declairing  that  we  favour 

*  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  usually  took  possession  of  their 
lands  at  the  Market  Cross  in  Edinburgh. 

j-  At  a  later  period  it  was  ordained  that  each  baronet  instead  of  supplying  men  for  the  settle- 
ment of  Nova  Scotia  might  pay  a  lump  sum  of  three  thousand  marks  for  his  title  and  lands — a 
sum  equivalent  in  the  currency  of  to-day  to  £166  13s.  4d. 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA   BARONETS.  53 

bothe  the  busines  and  the  persone  that  followeth  it."  With  this  royal  favour  it 
might  have  been  expected  that  Alexander  would  soon  find  his  coffers  filling  with 
the  money  paid  by  Scottish  gentlemen  desirous  of  obtaining  a  share  of  the  good 
things  offered  in  the  New  World.  But  the  Scots  are  proverbially  a  cautious  race. 
Perhaps  they  remembered  how  Englishmen  had  purchased  large  tracts  of  land  from 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  in  the  preceding  reign,  and  they  were  unwilling  to  part  with 
their  money  without  some  substantial  guarantee  that  benefits  greater  than  an  empty 
title  and  unoccupied  acres  of  land  would  be  forthcoming.*  But  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  Alexander  had  issued  an  attractive  invitation  to  colonists  in  the  form  of  a  pamphlet, 
printed  in  1624,  entitled  "  An  Encouragement  to  Colonies,"  subsequently  reissued, 
in  1630,  as  "  The  Mapp  and  Description  of  New  England  ;  together  with  a  Discourse 
of  Plantation  and  Collonies,"  and  that  his  lieutenant,  Sir  Kobert  Gordon  of  Lochinvar, 
had  supported  the  cause  by  a  book  entitled  "  Encouragments  for  such  as  shall 
have  intention  to  bee  Vnder-takers  in  the  new  plantation  of  Cape  Breton,  now  New 
Galloway,  in  America,  by  mee  Lochinvar,"  "f  money  was  not  forthcoming  as  readily 
as  might  have  been  expected.  The  new  order  was  looked  upon  with  disfavour  by  the 
older  nobility,  who  regarded  Alexander  as  an  upstart,  and  were  unwilling  to  acknow- 
ledge the  claims  of  a  new  titled  class  to  stand  between  themselves  and  the  ancient 
gentry.  Nevertheless  a  certain  amount  of  support  was  forthcoming,  and  Alexander 
either  created  in  his  own  name  or  by  means  of  royal  letters  patent  about  122  baronets 
during  the  reign  of  Charles  I.,  of  whom  111  had  grants  of  land  in  Nova  Scotia  consisting 
of  16,000  acres  each.J  In  all  some  480,000  marks  were  furnished  by  the  baronets 
in  aid  of  the  plantation  of  Nova  Scotia. 

In  the  meantime  whilst  Alexander  was  busily  collecting  funds  for  the  colonisation 
of  Nova  Scotia,  his  son  was  employed  in  the  practical  work  of  settling  the  Scottish 
colonists  along  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  A  party  of  colonists  was  sent  out 
in  1622,  but  the  season  was  too  late  and  the  settlers  were  forced  to  remain  in  Newfound- 
land. In  the  following  year  another  vessel  was  dispatched,  but  nothing  was 
accomplished  in  the  way  of  permanent  settlement ;  and  it  was  not  until  Sir  William 
Alexander  the  younger  had  inspected  the  site  of  the  proposed  settlement  in  1627  and 

*  They  may  have  remembered  how  Dr.  William  Dee,  the  famous  alchemist,  had  become  possessed 
— on  parchment  at  least — of  the  greater  part  of  the  barren  and  inhospitable  land  of  Labrador, 
which  he  purchased  "  for  an  old  song  "  from  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert. 

|  Sir  Robert  Gordon's  book  was  dedicated  to  Sir  William  Alexander  and  the  Noblemen  and 
Knight  Baronets  in  Scotland,  Vnder-takers  in  the  plantations  of  New  Scotland,  and  it  stated  that 
"  Adam  and  Eva  did  first  beginne  this  pleasant  worke  to  plant  the  Earth — Noah  and  his  familie 
began  again  the  second  plantation,"  and  concluded  "  So  seeing  you  maye  perceive  what  the 
Countrie  is,  and  how  situated  :  the  aire  how  temperate,  and  wholesome,  the  soyle  how  fertile, 
&c.,  I  hope  there  remaineth  no  cause  whereby  the  action  should  bee  misliked."  Sir  Robert  Gordon 
received  a  charter  somewhat  similar  to  that  granted  to  Alexander,  on  November  8,  1621,  and  was 
subsequently  created  a  baronet  of  Nova  Scotia.  His  second  son  undertook  the  planting  of  New 
Galloway  and  visited  the  colony.  A  little  later,  in  1628,  Sir  James  Stewart  of  Killeith,  Lord 
Ochiltree,  who  was  also  created  a  baronet  of  Nova  Scotia,  planted  a  colony  on  Cape  Breton  but 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  French,  who  carried  him  to  France  and  destroyed  his  settlement. 

J  The  patents  of  the  baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  were  generally  made  out  in  the  name  of  Alexander. 
That  of  Sir  John  Browne,  the  younger,  of  Neale,  ancestor  of  the  Marquis  of  Sligo,  was  as  follows  : 
"  We,  William,  Viscount  Stirling,  Proprietor  of  the  country  of  New  Scotland  and  Canada,  &c. 
...  do  confer  upon  the  said  John  Browne  .  .  .  the  heriditary  dignity  and  style  of  Baronet  of 
New  Scotland." 


54  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

had  transported  to  Port  Royal  in  the  following  year  his  little  colony  of  "  seventy 
men  and  two  women,  with  some  cannon,  muskets,  powder,  and  bullets,  in  case  of 
some  sudden  invasion,  together  with  all  things  necessary  for  their  present  use,"  that 
anything  definite  was  accomplished.  A  settlement  was  effected  at  Port  Royal,  and 
a  fort  was  built  on  the  west  side  of  the  haven  (Granville),  nearly  opposite  to  Goat 
Island.  Judge  Haliburton,  writing  in  the  early  years  of  the  last  century,  stated  that 
"  the  remains  of  this  fort  may  be  traced  with  great  ease  ;  the  old  parade,  the  embank- 
ment, and  ditch  have  not  been  disturbed,  and  preserve  their  original  form."  But 
the  first  winter  was  disastrous  for  the  settlers,  for  no  less  than  thirty  of  the  colonists 
died  from  the  scurvy  and  exposure,  and  those  who  remained  were  left  in  a  miserable 
condition  under  the  charge  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor.  As  has  been  the  case  with 
almost  every  other  attempt  to  colonise  the  coasts  of  America,  many  of  the  pioneer 
settlers  paid  the  penalty  of  their  daring  with  their  lives ;  and  it  was  not  until  1630  that 
the  infant  colony  seemed  to  be  on  the  high  road  towards  success.  Early  in  that  year 
a  fleet  of  fourteen  vessels  sailed  across  the  Atlantic  furnished  with  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  all  necessaries,  "  divers  of  them  being  handiscraftsmen  of  good  quality 
and  substance,  to  make  a  firm  plantation  in  New  Scotland.  They  had  with  them 
260  kine  and  other  live  cattle."  *  But,  unfortunately,  both  the  colonists  and  their 
protector  were  but  pawns  in  the  mightier  game  of  European  politics  ;  for  Charles  I. 
was  obliged  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Suze — subsequently  embodied 
in  the  Treaty  of  St.  Germain-en-Laye — and  on  July  10,  1631,  the  King  conveyed  the 
unwelcome  intelligence  to  Alexander  that  the  settlement  in  Nova  Scotia  must  forth- 
with be  abandoned.  "  Whereas  there  is  a  final  agreement,"  he  wrote,  "  made  betwixt 
us  and  our  good  brother,  the  French  King,  and  that  amongst  other  particulars  for 
perfecting  thereof,  we  have  condescended  that  Port  Royal  shall  be  put  in  the  state 
it  was  before  the  beginning  of  the  late  war.  ...  It  is  our  will  ...  to  demolish  the 
fort  which  was  builded  by  your  son  there  .  .  .  leaving  the  bounds  altogether  waste 
and  unpeopled."  The  blow  was  irreparable.  After  spending  his  private  fortune 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  Alexander  was  forced  to  recall  the  disconsolate 
colonists,  and  two  years  later  he  was  rewarded  with  the  empty  title  of  Earl  of  Stirling 
and  Viscount  Canada  as  some  consolation  for  the  expense  to  which  he  had  been  put. 
But  Charles,  although  forced  to  return  to  the  French  the  British  posts  in  Acadia,  was 
by  no  means  disposed  to  abandon  his  sovereignty  over  the  territory,  and  Alexander 
was  encouraged  to  hope  that  some  turn  of  the  wheel  of  fortune  would  enable  him 
to  re-establish  his  settlement  at  Port  Royal.  On  July  12,  1631,  he  wrote  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Council  that  "  We  are  so  far  (whatsoever  controversie  be  about  it)  from 
quitting  our  title  to  New  Scotland  and  Canada,  that  we  will  be  verie  careful  to  maintain 
all  our  good  subjects  who  do  plant  themselves  there,"  and  suggesting  that  a  meeting 
of  the  baronets  should  be  called  to  consider  the  matter.  In  another  letter,  written 
on  February  19, 1632,  the  King,  in  directing  the  Lords  of  the  Exchequer  to  pay  £10,000 
to  Sir  William  Alexander,  stated  that  "  it  is  in  no  ways  for  quitting  the  title,  right, 
or  possession  of  New  Scotland  .  .  .  but  only  for  satisfaction  of  the  losses  that  the 

*  Sir  James  Balfour's  Annals,  v.  2,  fol.  117. 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA   BARONETS.  55 

said  Viscount  hath,  by  giving  order  for  removing  of  his  colonie  at  our  express 
command  "  ;  and  in  a  letter  written  on  June  14  in  the  same  year  to  the  Lord  Advocat, 
he  stated  that  in  case  his  meaning  might  not  be  "  sufficientlie  understood  "  a  warrant 
was  to  be  drawn  up  entitling  Alexander  to  "go  on  in  the  said  work  whensoever  he 
shall  think  fitting  ...  as  we  have  never  meant  to  relinquish  our  title  to  any  part 
of  that  country."  As  if  these  assurances  were  not  sufficient,  Charles  wrote  to  the 
Scottish  Privy  Council  on  September  27, 1632,  that  "  hearing  that  there  was  a  rumour 
givin  out  that  we  had  totallie  left  our  purpose  to  plant  in  that  countrie  as  having 
surrendered  our  right  thereof,  least  anie  further  mistaking  should  arise  thereupon 
wee  thought  good  heerby  to  declare  our  intentions  thereon,  which  is,  that  our  said 
Erie  .  .  .  sail  prosecute  the  said  worke  and  be  encouraged  by  all  lawfull  helpes 
thereunto  "  ;  and  on  January  5,  1634-5,  he  wrote  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  to  the 
effect  that  he  desired  to  establish  "  some  good  course  for  the  prosecution  of  the  work 
of  plantation  in  New  Scotland  "  and  asking  his  advice  and  assistance.  But  nothing 
further  was  done.  For  a  few  years  Lord  Stirling,*  as  he  then  was,  continued  to  hope 
that  some  opportunity  would  be  afforded  him  to  retrieve  his  shattered  fortunes,  and 
he  continued  to  create  baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  until  his  death  in  1640,  granting 
them  lands  in  his  American  "  possessions."  But  the  political  troubles  which  resulted 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  put  a  stop  to  the  traffic  in  honours,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  accession  of  Charles  II.  in  1660  that  baronets  were  again  created  in  Scotland, 
but  this  time  without  receiving  any  problematical  grants  of  land  across  the  sea.  The 
attitude  of  Charles  I.  in  publicly  maintaining  his  rights  over  Acadia  demonstrates 
that,  had  the  times  been  propitious,  it  was  his  intention  to  reoccupy  the  disputed 
territory.  In  any  case  a  curious  legal  point  arises  in  connection  with  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Treaty  of  St.  Germain.  Did  the  Nova  Scotia  baronets  lose  their  rights 
as  private  owners  in  Nova  Scotia  when  the  territory  was  reoccupied  by  France  ? 
In  the  then  unsettled  state  of  international  law,  the  point  as  to  whether  landowners 
in  a  ceded  territory  lost  their  lands  was  undecided  ;  but  on  one  point  there  can  be 
no  possible  doubt.  The  Act  of  Union  between  England  and  Scotland  expressly 
stipulated  that "  no  alteration  shall  be  made  in  the  laws  which  concern  private  rights," 
and  the  baronets  were  left  in  full  possession  of  their  shadowy  claims  over  the  unoccupied 
lands  along  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

*  Mr.  Tilby,  the  lively  and  most  recent  historian  of  the  English  People  Overseas,  gives  the 
following  terse  description  of  Alexander  :  "  This  extraordinary  man  was  the  most  able  and 
energetic  Scot  of  his  age — a  statesman  whose  schemes,  had  they  been  as  successful  in  execution  as 
they  were  great  in  conception,  would  have  won  immortal  renown.  Something  of  the  lively 
versatility  of  Elizabethan  England  seemed  to  flow  in  his  veins  :  he  was  at  ones  a  writer,  a 
politician,  and  a  man  of  business." 

(To  be  continued.) 


56 


THE  EXPANSION  OF  BRITAIN'S  IMPERIAL  RELATIONS  WITH  THE 
OVERSEA  DOMINIONS  RESULTING  FROM  THE  WAR.* 

By  HENRY  A.  ELLIS,  M.B.  (Ex-M.L.A.  of  Western  Australia). 

THERE  must  be  some  diffidence  in  speaking  of  the  Overseas  relation  to  the  Mother 
Country  at  the  present  moment  when  the  result  of  this  War,  although  very  hopeful, 
is  still  on  the  knees  of  the  gods.  The  principles  of  nationalism  and  colonial  expansion 
have  practically  caused  every  contest  during  the  last  hundred  years.  There  is  no  excep- 
tion in  this  present  case.  Rights  of  small  nations  are  being  tested  to  their  uttermost. 
The  principle  that  one  community  should  belong  to  another  is  barbaric  :  that  was 
really  the  contest  in  the  great  United  States  War  against  slavery.  With  the  freeing 
of  the  slaves  this  principle  was  permanently  adopted  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  as 
an  ideal. 

The  German  nationalism  has  definitely  challenged  that  great  principle,  and  there- 
fore this  War  must  be  fought  to  a  finish  and  the  principle  of  national  freedom  firmly 
established  as  an  unalterable  ideal  of  civilisation  for  all  time.  That  ideal  is  really  at 
bed-rock  the  right  of  small  nations  to  control  their  own  destinies,  to  control  their 
citizenship,  and  to  be  at  liberty  to  work  out  their  own  salvation.  Freedom  is  as  great 
a  force  to-day  as  when  it  first  dawned  on  history.  It  will  never  die,  however  it  may 
be  attacked. 

In  spite  of  the  occasion  not  being  too  opportune,  I  feel  I  could  hardly  return  to 
Australia  without  placing  the  views  with  which  I  am  permeated  before  this 
Institute,  whose  especial  functions  are  the  consideration  of  the  relation  of  Great 
Britain  to  the  Overseas  Dominions. 

I  am  told  that  I  am  dogmatic  in  my  way  of  expressing  myself  :  if  so,  I  must  crave 
your  indulgence.  I  can  assure  you  it  is  only  in  appearance ;  as  a  cardinal  proposi- 
tion must  be  stated  with  exactitude,  and  exactitude  with  emphasis  gives  the  appear- 
ance of  dogmatism.  I  fully  recognise  that  in  propounding  any  view  for  the  first  time 
it  is  impossible  to  see  it  from  all  sides.  It  is  not  my  object  to  enforce  the  views  as 
absolutely  correct,  but  I  beg  to  submit  that  they  are  worthy  of  close  consideration. 

The  subject  of  Imperial  Federation  is  to  me  really  a  religion ;  for  it  I  have  made 
many  sacrifices — as  who  would  not  could  they  realise  it  ?  To  a  Britisher  Imperialism 
is  racial  idealism.  Patriotism  is  a  much  more  vital  force  at  the  edge  of  the  Empire 
than  apparently  it  is  at  the  centre.  As  Kipling  says  :  "  What  do  they  know  of 
England  who  only  England  know." 

War  brings  everything  to  relief.  It  makes  us  desire  to  bind  the  crimson  thread 
of  kinship  tighter.  It  makes  us  more  sympathetic  and  more  desirous  of  a  closer 
understanding.  In  spite  of  all  this,  at  its  termination  it  must  force  into  consideration 
the  relations  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Overseas  Dominions.  The 

*  Paper  read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Inttitute  on  Tuesday,  November  24,  1914, 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.O  .  in  the  Chair. 


BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL    RELATIONS.  57 

Dominions  will  ask  the  question  :  "  Where  do  we  come  in  ?  "  Manifestly  it  is  not 
equitable  that  the  Overseas  Dominions,  forming  a  quarter  of  the  white  population 
of  the  Empire,  should  have  their  homes  jeopardised  for  a  policy  they  have  no  part 
in  making.  Their  loyalty  up  to  now  has  filled  the  breach,  but  this  state  of  affairs  is 
not  right,  it  is  not  fair,  and  consequently  cannot  continue  indefinitely.  Thank  God, 
we  in  the  Colonies  have  learned  thoroughly  the  principles  of  mateship.  We  act  first 
and  inquire  into  the  question  afterwards.  Even  had  we  not  known  and  approved  of 
the  reasons  of  the  War,  as  we  do,  we  would  have,  as  we  will  now,  put  our  last  man  and 
our  last  shilling  at  the  disposal  of  the  Empire ;  and  that  is  not  overstating  our 
feelings. 

And  might  I,  without  trenching  on  political  questions,  say  we  trust  you  will  adopt 
some  similar  scheme  to  that  which  Lord  Kitchener  devised  for  us,  giving  every  one 
in  the  community  an  opportunity  of  learning  how  to  defend  his  country,  and  give  to 
each  an  opportunity  of  displaying  his  real  patriotism  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will 
find,  as  we  have,  that  its  educational  value  alone  more  than  compensates  for  any  expense 
involved.  Anyone  who  knew  Australia  before  the  operation  of  our  Defence  Acts 
could  hardly  recognise  it  for  the  same  country  :  so  much  has  it  improved  the  mental, 
moral,  and  intellectual  condition  of  our  youths  that  there  is  no  section  of  the  com- 
munity of  any  size  who  would  for  a  moment  consider  its  repeal. 

The  great  problem  of  the  British  Empire  is  the  question  of  differentiation  and 
co-ordination.  Both  are  conditions  in  the  highest  degree  requisite  for  a  successful 
growth.  If  we  fail  to  solve  this  problem,  it  means  another  civilisation  must  take 
our  place.  Nature  does  not  care  how  many  races  she  destroys  to  get  there,  nor  does 
she  care  what  time  is  occupied.  Professor  Cramb,  in  his  book  on  "  Germany  and 
England,"  makes  a  statement  which,  if  I  had  not  composed  this  Paper  before  I  had 
read  it,  would  have  compelled  me  to  do  so.  He  says  : — 

England's  task  now — that  is  to  say,  if  there  were  no  other  Power  than  England — is  the 
evolution  not  of  an  exterior  uniformity,  but  of  an  inner  harmony ;  the  organisation  of  this 
Empire  that  we  already  possess,  the  founding  of  an  imperially  representative  Government. 
New  problems  of  every  kind  arising  from  within  her  own  bounds  are  pressing  for  solution 
in  India,  in  Egypt,  in  Canada,  and  in  the  Southern  Seas.  How  is  the  central  government 
of  this  vast  and  complex  structure  of  empire  ultimately  to  be  organised  ?  Who  are  to  com- 
pose the  Imperial  Council  or  the  Imperial  Parliament  ?  Upon  what  principle  are  its  mem- 
bers to  be  elected,  and  from  whom  and  by  whom  ?  It  seems  as  if  the  political  genius  of  the 
nation  or  the  Empire  were  to  be  strained  to  create  not  only  a  new  school  of  statesmen  but 
almost  a  new  statesmanship.  The  problem  of  armaments,  due  to  the  transformation  which 
the  art  of  War  is  undergoing,  is  not  less  pressing.  If  free  communities,  Canada,  Australia, 
New  Zealand,  South  Africa,  create  their  own  armies  and  build  their  own  fleets,  who  is  to  have 
the  supreme  command  of  those  armies  ?  In  what  docks  are  those  fleets  to  be  built  ?  By 
whom  are  they  to  be  manned  ?  And  what  is  to  be  the  part  of  each  separate  State  or  unit  of 
government  in  their  control  ?  Is  it  conceivable,  if  those  very  principles  which  have  made 
England  an  Empire  are  to  persist — the  larger  freedom,  the  higher  justice — is  it  conceivable 
that  these  organised  countries,  these  States  already  numbering  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  million 
inhabitants,  will  be  content  to  supply  the  means  of  peace  and  war  and  yet  have  no  voice  what- 
ever in  the  decision  of  peace  and  war  ?  It  is  absolutely  inconceivable.  And,  again,  there  is  that 
wider  and  still  more  intricate  problem  of  India.  How  and  by  what  stretch  of  the  imagination 
that  freedom  and  justice,  in  any  conscious  or  self-governing  sense,  to  be  extended  to 


58  BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL   RELATIONS. 

India  ?  And  to  that  problem  you  can  also  add  the  like  problem  in  Egypt.  These  are  nearly 
the  central  strands  of  a  complex  ganglion  of  questions  which,  with  every  year  and  every 
decade,  will  become  more  pressing. 

Seeley  recognised  this  problem  thirty  years  ago,  and,  as  you  can  see  from  the  title 
I  have  adopted,  I  am  really  only  continuing  the  proposition  which  Seeley  then  enun- 
ciated as  seen  to-day  from  the  Overseas  point  of  view.  Many  people  say  it  is 
impossible  to  make  the  English  think,  but  we  have  evidence  that  some  have  thought, 
some  are  thinking,  and  we  understand  that  there  are  many  now  who  wish  they  had 
thought  in  the  past.  The  Overseas  Dominions  have  very  nearly  doubled  in  popula- 
tion since  the  days  when  Seeley  wrote,  and  many  things  have  happened  on  the 
Imperial  question 

The  Boer  War  showed  that  we  held  similar  views  to  the  Americans  in  the  north 
and  south,  and  that  we  would  allow  no  interference  with  the  union  of  the  Empire.  The 
present  position  of  South  Africa  amply  demonstrates  the  wisdom  and  completeness 
of  the  work  as  then  accomplished.  That  Napoleonic  Imperialist,  Cecil  Rhodes,  has 
lived  and  died  for  the  Imperial  ideal,  which  shall  not  die,  which  has  already  profoundly 
modified  our  public  policy,  and  which  has  taught  us  the  principle  that  Britain  is 
imperial  whether  we  like  it  or  not — it  is  her  destiny  and  her  lode-star.  Joseph  Chamber- 
lain has  also  set  his  seal  upon  it,  so  far  as  he  was  able,  by  giving  an  opportunity  to 
the  Overseas  Dominions  of  realising  somewhat  of  their  ideals.  The  Press  Conference > 
by  the  note  of  appeal  for  the  aid  of  the  Overseas  Dominions,  profoundly  impressed 
us  as  to  the  dangers  of  Empire  and  the  stern  reality  of  the  bond  of  union.  The 
various  Imperial  Conferences  have  been  small  footsteps  on  the  sands  of  time  toward 
realising  that  Imperial  destiny. 

This  War  will,  I  believe,  put  the  final  touch,  and  it  will  be  realised  that  a 
more  equal  distribution  of  responsibility  and  power  has  become  necessary,  and  a 
true  Imperial  Federal  Union  will  be  undertaken.  I  trust  that  when  the  War  has  been 
successfully  terminated  there  will  no  longer  be  any  necessity  for  His  Majesty's  great 
watchword — Wake  up,  England  ! 

No  feasible  scheme  has  yet  been  propounded  which  would  give  the  requisite 
individual  freedom  to  the  part  and  the  necessary  unity  to  the  whole.  Therefore,  before 
specifying  the  particular  view  enunciated  here  with  the  object  of  bringing  about  that 
closer  union,  it  may  be  well  to  clear  the  ground  by  stating  definitely  the  objects  which 
must  be  achieved,  and  the  principal  difficulties  in  the  way.  I  had  better  start  by 
quoting  the  passage  in  Freeman's  "  History  of  Federal  Government  "  describing 
Ideal  Federation  : — 

The  name  of  Federal  Government  may,  in  this  wider  sense,  be  applied  to  any  union  of 
component  members  where  the  degree  of  union  between  the  members  surpasses  that  of  mere 
alliance,  however  intimate,  and  where  the  degree  of  independence  possessed  by  each  member 
surpasses  anything  which  can  fairly  come  under  the  head  of  merely  Municipal  Freedom.  Such 
unions  have  been  common  in  many  ages  and  countries,  and  many  of  them  have  been  far 
from  realising  the  full  ideal  of  a  Federal  Government.  That  ideal,  in  its  highest  and  most 
elaborate  development,  is  the  most  finished  and  the  most  artificial  production  of  political 
ing  nuity.  It  is  hardly  possible  that  Federal  Government  can  attain  its  perfect  form  except 
in  a  highly  refined  age,  and  among  a  people  whose  political  education  has  already  stretched 


BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL   RELATIONS.  59 

over  many  generations.  Two  requisites  seem  necessary  to  constitute  a  Federal  Government 
in  this,  its  most  perfect  form.  On  the  one  hand,  each  of  the  members  of  the  Union  must 
be  wholly  independent  in  those  matters  which  concern  each  member  only.  On  the  other 
hand,  all  must  be  subject  to  a  common  power  in  those  matters  which  concern  the  whole  body 
of  members  collectively. 

The  problems  we  desire  to  consider  here  are  the  absolutely  necessary  essentials 
in  which  we  must  be  united,  remembering  that  our  principles  are  co-ordination 
and  differentiation  for  the  better  security  of  our  freedom  in  shaping  our  own  destinies. 
Security  being  the  real  keystone  of  a  Federation,  we  have  to  consider  in  what 
direction  that  security  demands  that  we  shall  unite,  and  how  we  can  achieve  the 
freedom  which  is  so  absolutely  necessary  in  all  other  directions.  Having  laid  down 
the  essential  lines,  the  subsidiary  questions  will  naturally  be  left  to  those  who  have 
the  making  of  the  instrument. 

Putting  aside  every  other  consideration,  we  find  that  when  we  come  down  to  bed- 
rock the  co-ordinate  portion  of  our  Imperialism  is  really  surrounded  by  our  external 
relations  with  other  States.  The  first  necessity  is  therefore  that  our  foreign  policy  shall 
be  dictated  by  the  whole  Empire.  This  is  necessary,  because  in  shaping  that  course 
the  integrity  of  the  community  may  be  endangered  by  anterior  acts,  and  the  home 
and  hearth  of  each  may  have  to  be  defended  ;  therefore,  all  contributing  parts  of 
the  Empire  have  a  right  to  demand  to  have  some  controlling  voice  in  the  shaping  of 
that  policy,  the  result  of  which  may  mean  disaster  or  even  annihilation.  As  in  the 
past,  so  in  the  future,  the  Navy  will  be  our  Imperial  instrument  of  power,  and  it 
will  be  by  the  Navy  that  our  foreign  policy  will  be  supported. 

The  Empire  must  still  be  Empire  of  the  sea,  for  that  is  as  vital  to  our  Dominions 
as  it  is  to  the  Mother  Country  herself  ;  it  is  equally  important  to  all  parts,  therefore 
the  Navy  must  be  one  of  the  essential  co-ordinations.  As  regards  the  Army,  that 
would  be  Imperial  where  employed  on  Imperial  territories  or  during  a  state  of  war 
in  the  Empire  ;  but,  as  an  army  means  territorial  expression,  at  other  times  it  could 
be  left  to  the  individual  States  to  raise  and  administer  their  forces  on  some  agreed- 
upon  plan,  the  general  advisory  staff  being  of  course  Imperial.  The  next  essential 
must  be  a  power  to  raise  finance  independent  of  the  parts,  or  individual  federals ;  as 
without  an  inherent  financial  ability  no  federation  up  to  the  present  time  has  been 
truly  successful.  This  fact  is  generally  admitted,  and  if  further  study  is  desired  both 
Professor  Freeman  and  "  The  Federalist "  (American)  can  be  referred  to,  who  both 
demonstrate  conclusively  that  stable  finance  is  the  one  thing  that  makes  for 
permanence  and  efficiency  in  federal  government. 

Now  to  consider  the  differentiating  points  which  are  necessaries.  First  comes  the 
freedom  of  all  parts  to  carry  on  their  government  as  they  please  in  all  other  essentials 
to  those  stated,  and  they  must  have  complete  territorial  integrity.  They  must  have 
liberty  to  manage  their  own  affairs  and  to  arrange  for  fiscal  policies  in  a  manner  to 
suit  their  own  financial  arrangements.  They  must  have  power  to  arrange  their  own 
individual  citizenships,  and  to  dictate  who  shall  and  who  shall  not  enter  their  territory 
and  upon  what  conditions ;  to  regulate  their  own  labour  questions  to  suit  themselves  ; 
and  to  regulate  their  import  and  export  taxes,  it  being  understood  that  in  a  question 


60  BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL  RELATIONS. 

of  overlapping  of  taxation  Imperial  federal  taxes  must  have  precedence.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  there  is  one  other  grave  problem  which  must  be  discussed,  as  it  has  up 
to  the  present  time  been  an  unsolved  difficulty — that  is,  the  question  of  the  inclusion 
of  India.  India  is  not  a  self-governing  Colony,  but  is  an  Imperial  asset  which  cannot 
be  overlooked,  and  should  we  fail  in  solving  that  problem  serious  difficulties  would 
ensue.  The  crux  of  the  whole  question  really  hangs  on  that  point.  Can  we  devise 
a  federation  which  can  include  India  and  also  Australia,  Canada,  and  South  Africa  ? 
The  difficulty  lies  in  the  fact  that  India  contains  peoples  of  other  civilisations,  and  is 
controlled  by  ideas  and  factors  to  which  we  are  opposed — superstition,  fatalism, 
priestcraft,  polygamy,  caste,  tradition,  cheap  labour,  over-population.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  people  of  the  Colonies  have  little  respect  for  tradition,  have  no  belief  in 
preordination,  are  monogamous  even  in  their  unofficial  relations,  are  intolerant  of 
religious  interference,  idolise  personal  liberty  even  sometimes  to  licence,  have  dear 
labour,  are  deficient  in  population,  and  maintain  a  very  high  average  standard  of  living. 
It  must  be  recognised  that  these  races  cannot  mingle.  Each  must  be  free  to  carry 
on  its  own  ideas.  In  fact,  self-governing  Colonies  have  been  formed  from  the 
most  progressive  stock  in  the  world  under  ideal  conditions  for  development.  The 
Australian  Colonies  have  made  it  clear  that  they  do  not  intend  in  any  way  to  jeopardise 
their  population  with  admixtures ;  not  that  they  look  down  on  India,  but  they 
consider  that  an  Indian  cross  is  not  advantageous.  Crosses  are  rarely  successful  and 
are  nearly  always  abhorrent  to  nature.  It  is  no  slur  on  India  that  she  belongs  to 
another  and  older  civilisation  with  which  they  could  not  be  advantageously  inter- 
mixed. The  scheme  propounded,  to  be  successful,  must  be  able  to  include  these 
two  opposing  factors.  It  must  be  strong  enough  to  ensure  security  of  each 
co-ordinated  part  so  as  to  enable  their  differential  development. 

Having  stated  our  difficulties  and  our  objects,  the  next  matter  is  to  state  the  various 
methods  of  obtaining  co-ordination.  There  are  roughly  three  methods  :  (1)  Com- 
plete union,  (2)  Federation,  and  (3)  Confederation.  To  these  I  desire  to  add  a  fourth, 
which  I  shall  presently  describe,  and  to  which  I  intend  to  give  the  term  "  Composite 
Federation."  It  will  come  in  between  Federation  and  Confederation.  It  will  come 
very  close  to  Professor  Freeman's  Ideal  Federation.  It  will  have  the  freedom  of 
Confederation  and  the  financial  powers  of  a  Federation,  and  is  really  the  union  created 
by  an  alliance  of  separate  Federations  in  a  larger  Federation,  hence  composite.  Com- 
plete union  is  clearly  precluded  by  the  foregoing  proposition,  and  could  under  no 
condition  be  attained.  The  present  union  is  really  a  kind  of  Confederation  with  no 
power  by  the  dominant  section  to  obtain  help  in  her  responsibilities,  and  no  power 
on  the  part  of  the  sub-dominant  section  to  control  or  modify  the  action  of  the  dominant, 
even  should  the  results  be  disastrous.  This  method  acted  well  in  the  past  when  the 
sub-dominants  were  weak  and  the  dominant  could  bear  all  the  Imperial  burdens  as 
well  as  the  Imperial  responsibility.  But  the  position  became  unsatisfactory  when 
the  dominant  part  desired  the  sub-dominant  to  share  the  burden  without 
sharing  the  responsibility.  Confederations  in  the  past  have  always  been  a  failure, 
because  that  form  of  government  attempts  to  separate  responsibility  and 


BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL   RELATIONS.  61 

power.  To  appreciate  the  danger  of  this  method,  one  cannot  do  better  than  call 
to  mind  the  United  States  of  America  before  the  Union,  or  the  recent  naval  crisis 
which  occurred  in  Canada,  and  which  showed  all  the  grave  disadvantages  which 
have  always  been  present,  and  always  must  be  present,  in  the  confederal  form  of 
government. 

This  brings  me  to  the  various  ideals  concerning  the  issue  and  relationship  of  the 
Mother  Country  and  the  Colonies.  There  have  been  two  prevailing  ideas  in  the  past ; 
one  can  be  called  the  ripe-fruit  theory,  suggesting  the  necessity  for  a  separation  when 
the  proper  time  arrives :  this  theory  is  exemplified  by  the  separation  of  the  United 
States.  The  other  theory  was  of  a  family  relation  as  between  parents  and  children, 
which  would  allow  for  continued  union  in  a  subordinate  condition.  This  view  seems 
also  inapplicable,  and  would  from  its  nature  exclude  India,  Egypt,  and  parts  of  South 
Africa,  which  have  had  very  little,  proportionately,  of  the  Mother-blood  in  their  veins. 
The  real  relations  are  not  properly  described  by  either  of  these  views.  The  true 
ideal  of  the  relationship  is  of  an  advantageous  business  partnership  in  which  we  are 
united  and  bound  in  our  external  relations,  but  free  to  carry  on  our  own  homes  in 
whatever  way  we  please.  Naturally,  courtesy  will  dictate  cordial  relations,  but 
there  can  be  no  compulsion  as  to  whom  should  be  received  outside  business  hours. 
The  essence  of  the  Federation  is  conjoined  action,  whereby  community  of  interest 
desires  to  acquire  a  greater  security — that  security  being  for  a  freer  development ; 
and  therefore  security  is  the  keystone  of  the  Imperial  arch  community  of  interests, 
and  British  ideals  would  be  the  pillars,  which  in  their  nature  would  be  clustered  columns 
of  various  interests  and  ideals.  Up  to  the  present  time,  so  far  as  I  know,  no  suggestion 
has  been  made  to  give  effect  to  that  federal  union  which  would  be  feasible  in  view 
of  these  considerations. 

All  difficulties  disappear  when  the  sea  is  considered  the  bond  of  union  and  the 
legitimate  place  for  the  exercise  of  Imperial  conjoined  authority.  The  control  of 
the  sea  in  the  interests  of  all  is  the  kernel  of  the  whole  question.  Our  foreign  rela- 
tions are  largely  bound  by  the  sea.  The  Imperial  body  would  govern  the  sea  and 
carry  the  Imperial  will  with  it.  To  Imperial  Federation  the  source  of  revenue  would 
be  the  sea  and  seaborn  commerce,  and  the  ships  using  the  sea,  independent  of  the 
individual  revenue  of  the  State.  The  Empire  would  have  the  right  of  control  in  all 
shipping  outside  the  territorial  waters  of  each  State,  which  would  be  allowed  to  be 
independent  in  their  local  traffic  alone  where  the  interests  of  two  States  were  not 
involved.  In  this  way  England  would  be  free,  and  the  Overseas  Dominions  would 
be  free  each  to  carry  out  its  own  destiny  in  its  own  way,  independent  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament. 

By  considering  the  sea  the  co-ordinated  portion  of  the  Empire,  the  essentials  of 
the  co-ordination  could  be  carried  out  in  this  manner  :  Foreign  Policy,  Navy,  Finance. 

The  central  place  of  Empire  co-ordination  would  naturally  be  London.  The 
United  Kingdom  would  naturally  have  a  fundamental  voice,  as  at  least  three  to  one, 
while  present  conditions  prevailed.  Taxation  could  be  on  a  maritime  or  trade  basis 
or  shipping  dues.  The  Imperial  Parliaments  would  be  formed  from  representatives 


62  BRITAIN'S    IMPERIAL   RELATIONS. 

of  all  self-governing  portions  of  the  Empire  on  probably  a  population  basis,  say,  five 
to  a  million  for  illustration ;  and  as  foreign  affairs,  naval  supremacy,  Imperial  Colonial 
Government  could  never  be  truly  popular  questions,  the  representatives  should  be 
experts  elected  by  the  representative  parliamentary  groups  of  each  Federation,  pro- 
bably on  a  proportionate,  basis,  so  as  to  allow  for  a  fair  minority  representation,  and 
these  elections  should  be  for  a  certain  number  of  years,  which  should  not  be  co- 
terminous, as  both  foreign  and  naval  policies — their  special  business — should  be  as  con- 
tinuous as  possible,  not  altering  to  temporary  waves.  The  Imperial  Cabinet  should 
be  elected,  if  possible,  and  the  international  affairs  and  naval  policy  conducted  by 
agreement,  not  by  contradiction. 

The  Parliamentary  representatives  themselves  would  probably  be  somewhat 
similar  to  some  of  our  Agents-General  in  the  past,  who,  having  been  distinguished 
politicians,  have  frequently  been  appointed  to  their  high  office  by  their  opponents 
on  account  of  their  suitability  and  experience. 

The  Indian  Empire  would  have  their  representatives  by  special  arrangement  as 
to  number,  and  would  come  directly  under  the  Imperial  Government,  but  would  be 
an  essential  part  of  the  Empire  and  able  to  develop  her  civilisation  in  the  method 
most  suitable  to  her  races.  This  would  be  then  a  real  Imperial  Parliament  under 
the  Crown.  It  would  be  supreme  in  foreign  relations,  war,  peace,  and  have  naval 
control  at  all  times,  as  well  as  control  of  armies  during  time  of  war  and  the  troops 
occupying  Imperial  administrative  territory  in  times  of  peace.  Egypt  and  other 
sections,  not  represented,  would  be  Crown  Colonies  for  the  present,  and  administered 
under  the  Imperial  Parliament.  There  would  be  no  difficulty  in  making  special 
arrangements  about  India, as  we  know  our  Australian  Federation  made  special  arrange- 
ments for  Tasmania  and  Western  Australia.  The  English  Parliament  would  then 
be  the  representative  of  England,  Scotland, Wales,  and  Ireland,  and  would  be  considered 
the  Federal  Parliament  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

Imperial  authority  would  cease  with  the  sea  coast  in  each  Dominion,  except  by 
the  consent  of  local  Government.  The  Imperial  Executive  would,  in  addition,  create 
an  appellate  judiciary,  which  would  be  a  final  Court  of  Appeal  on  Imperial  questions, 
and  not  only  on  Imperial  questions  but  on  all  other  questions  of  the  Empire  which 
it  was  desirous  for  them  to  solve. 

This  great  Empire  would  thus  have  one  front,  one  power,  one  objective  externally. 
Internally  the  various  Federations  comprising  it  would  have  complete  independence, 
without  any  interference  in  their  own  internal  development.  The  main  point  at 
present  is  not  detail,  but  to  grasp  the  central  fact  that  the  sea  is  the  keystone  of  the 
British  Empire.  The  sea  created  and  maintains  the  British  Empire  ;  without  the 
sea  there  would  be  no  British  Empire.  We  are  Imperial  in  spite  of  ourselves  by 
the  force  of  the  sea. 

Let  us  look  on  it,  then,  as  eternally  indivisible,  as  a  liquid  bond  which  laps  all 
our  shores.  It  shall  carry  all  our  aspirations  by  our  fleet  and  authority  in  all  those 
places  which  we  would  definitely  influence,  and  as  long  as  our  Navy  was  supreme 
on  the  sea  the  Empire  would  be  unassailable.  In  our  own  territory  we  should  each 


BRITAIN'S   IMPERIAL   RELATIONS.  63 

be  individually  able  to  carry  out  our  customs  in  the  way  that  seems  most  fitted  to 
ourselves,  but  on  the  sea  we  should  be  collectively  Imperial,  with  one  thought,  one 
policy,  one  future.  So  to  us  it  would  become  the  bond  of  union  of  our  commerce, 
our  intercourse,  and  our  power,  and  would  be  used  as  in  the  past  to  maintain  those 
great  principles  upon  which  our  Empire  is  founded — Liberty,  Right,  Justice,  and 
Freedom  of  Conscience. 

We,  who  are  slowly  becoming  conscious  of  our  Imperial  destiny,  although  we 
may  not  desire  it,  must  be  Imperial  or  perish.  Time  has  placed  the  sceptre  of  destiny 
in  our  hands,  and  future  ages  will  judge  whether  we  have  handled  it  well  or  ill. 
Sufnceth  it  for  us  to  do  our  part.  If  successful — Well.  If  unsuccessful — Well,  also ; 
but  not  so  well.* 

Before  the  reading  of  the  paper : — 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Sir  Charles  P.  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.) :  It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  me 
to  take  the  Chair  for  an  Australian  lecturer.  I  have  received  such  great,  such  constant, 
kindness  in  Australia,  that  I  am  glad  in  any  small  way  to  try  to  repay  it.  It  was  my  great 
privilege  to  be  present  in  Australia  when  the -War  broke  out,  and  I  brought  back  home  a 
very  strong  impression  of  the  heart-whole  spirit  in  Australia  for  the  Empire  and  for  our 
righteous  cause.  Bearing  in  mind  what  I  saw  there  and  what  happens  at  football  matches 
in  England  itself,  it  is  rather  difficult  for  a  home  Englishman,  however  reluctantly,  not  to 
subscribe  to  what  Dr.  Ellis  says  in  his  paper — that  patriotism  is  a  much  more  vital  force 
at  the  edge  of  the  Empire  than  apparently  it  is  at  the  centre.  The  subject  of  the  lecture 
is  a  large  order.  It  is  an  expansive  subject,  and  I  do  not  feel  sure  that  it  is  not  rather  early 
days  to  talk  much  about  it.  There  is  a  proverb  about  not  skinning  the  bear  until  the  bear 
is  killed.  But  we  have  strong  righteous  confidence  in  the  result  of  the  War,  and  no  doubt 
at  the  end  of  the  War  such  a  question  as  Dr..  Ellis  is  going  to  discuss  will  come  very  much 
to  the  front.  It  is  well,  therefore,  that  we  should  be  quietly  and  soberly  thinking  about  it. 

After  the  paper  the  following  discussion  took  place  : — 

COLONEL  THE  HON.  SIR  NEWTON  J.  MOORE,  K.C.M.G.  (Agent-General  for  Western 
Australia) :  It  gives  me  special  pleasure  to  have  the  opportunity  of  speaking  a  few  words 
of  appreciation  of  the  very  illuminating  paper  read  by  Dr.  Ellis,  with  whom  as  a  member 
of  the  Western  Australian  Parliament  I  was  associated  some  years  ago.  Although  we 
may  not  perhaps  agree  with  the  whole  of  Dr.  Ellis's  scheme,  I  think  most  people  present 
will  be  in  accord  at  least  with  the  framework.  It  is  also  a  pleasure  to  me  to  be  present 
at  a  gathering  presided  over  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  whom  I  am  delighted  to  see  looking 
so  well  after  his  recent  and  not  uneventful  tour.  Few  men  have  had  better  opportunities 
of  gathering  knowledge  on  which  to  base  a  sound  view  of  such  a  subject  as  we  are  discussing, 
and  there  are  still  fewer  who  have  taken  such  full  advantage  of  their  opportunities;  and 
when  the  time  comes  for  the  realisation  of  our  sanguine  views  in  regard  to  the  future  of 
Imperial  Federation,  whether  on  the  lines  suggested  by  Dr.  Ellis  or  not,  I  feel  certain  the 
Chairman's  help  will  be  of  inestimable  value  in  moulding  that  union  of  the  British  people 
which  sooner  or  later  must  come  about.  It  is  impossible  on  the  present  occasion  to  go 
over  all  the  points  brought  out  in  the  lecture,  but  I  may  refer  to  the  question  of  Imperial 
defence  and  the  part  Australia  has  played.  It  is,  I  believe,  only  a  question  of  convincing 
the  people,  and  there  is  little  doubt  they  will  follow  the  lead.  When  you  notice  what 
has  taken  place  in  Australia,  when  you  remember  that  this  measure  for  compulsory  train- 
ing was  framed  by  a  Liberal  Government,  brought  into  force  by  a  Labour  Government, 
and  carried  in  both  Houses  of  Parliament  without  a  division,  you  can  realise  the  unanimity 

*  The   author   of   the  paper   would   be    glad   to  receive    any  criticisms    on   it,  c/o   Royal 
Dlonial  Institute,  as  it  is  desired  to  elaborate  further  the  proposition  suggested  in   the  light 
rf  future  criticisms. 


64  BRITAIN'S    IMPERIAL   RELATIONS. 

which  exists  in  Australia  on  this  question,  and  the  fact  that  we  are  able  to  send  over  a 
first  contingent  of  over  20,000  men  fully  equipped — for  we  have  our  own  arms  factories 
and  clothing  factories  and  everything  requisite — when  you  remember  these  things,  I  say  they 
speak  well  for  the  spirit  of  the  Australian  people  and  for  the  way  the  Defence  Act  is  work- 
ing. The  Federal  Government,  moreover,  would  be  prepared  to  send  100,000  men  if 
required,  and  are  taking  measures  so  that  one  million  men  between  the  ages  of  eighteen 
and  sixty  may  learn  how  to  handle  a  rifle.  It  is  a  splendid  example.  It  does 
not  necessarily  follow  that  with  compulsory  training  you  will  not  get  volunteers. 
That  is  a  great  mistake.  I  desire  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  the  action  of  the  self- 
governing  Dominions  and  other  Dependencies  who  have  offered  all  their  resources 
of  men  and  money  to  the  last  man  and  to  the  last  penny,  speaks  more  eloquently 
than  any  words  as  to  the  reality  of  those  bonds  which  bind  the  Empire  together.  We 
know  that  they  are  bonds  of  love  and  not  of  steel,  and  I  think  must  ever  remain  so,  no 
matter  what  form  of  Imperial  Federation  is  finally  adopted.  I  agree  fully  with  Dr. 
Ellis  that  the  self-governing  Dominions  must  remain  self-governing  to  the  last  possible 
degree.  That  is  the  secret  of  success  of  the  Empire.  That  is  the  basis  on  which  our 
Empire  has  prospered  in  the  past  and  cannot  fail  to  prosper  in  the  future.  The  Dominions 
have  once  more  emphasised  their  willingness  and  anxiety  to  share  in  the  burdens  of 
Empire.  It  is  not  unreasonable,  therefore,  to  ask  that  they  may  in  future  be  given 
some  voice  in  the  shaping  of  Imperial  policy  in  which  their  interests  are  so  indissolubly 
wrapped  up.  That  is  all  the  advocates  of  Imperial  Federation  demand,  and  that  is 
practically  the  burden  of  this  interesting  paper. 

STJBGEON-MAJOR   A.   H.    HoRSFAUL,    A.M.S.,   D.S.O.,   M.B. :    There   are   one  or   two 
matters  in  Dr.  Ellis's  interesting  paper  in  which  I  am  more  than  usually  interested,  and  the 
importance  of  which  must,  I  think,  be  realised  by  every  man  and  woman  who  call  them- 
selves Britons,  be  they  born  and  bred  here  or  in  the  far-off  Dominions.     But  when  you 
come  to  Imperial  Federation  the  matter  is  not  quite  so  easy  as  one  would  think.     There 
are  various  matters  in  connection  with  the  address  of  which  I  took  note.     One  was  with 
regard  to  compulsory  service.     Compulsory  service  such   as  we  have  in  Australia  is  a 
matter  which  was  forced  upon  us,  I  may  say,  by  a  fear  of  foreign  aggression.     Australians 
realised  that  we  might  at  any  moment  be  confronted  with  a  foreign  enemy  who  wants 
something  we  have  got.     It  was  our  duty  in  the  circumstances,  then,  to  prepare  ourselves. 
At  the  same  time  I  am  not  one  who  thinks  that  Great  Britain  has  not  done  her  part. 
I  believe  that  up  to  the  present  moment  there  are  close  on  two  million  men  of  all  sorts 
under  arms.     In  the  same  proportion  Australia  would  have  an  army  of  something  like 
250,000  men,  which  is  very  different  from  the  20,000  men  whom  we  have  sent.     I  am  not 
for  one  moment  saying  that  Australians  are  not  doing  their  duty,  but  I  think  Great  Britain 
is  equally  fulfilling  her  part  of  the  contract.     One  of  the  main  points  of  the  address  was 
that  you  must  allow  absolute  individual  freedom  of  each  part  of  the  Empire.     Now  if  you 
require  the  strength  of  union  there  must  be  some  sacrifice.     Dr.  Ellis  has  given  the  illus- 
tration of  a  business  partnership.     Assume  five  men  put  £5,000  each  into  such  a  partner- 
ship.    The  very  fact  of  that  partnership  makes  each  individual  lose  individual  control  over 
his  £5,000.     But  they  gain  in  strength.     Let  us  apply  that  parallel.     If  we  want  the 
strength  of  union   we  must  sacrifice  something.     When   I   left  Australia  nearly  twelve 
months  ago  I  met  my  friend,  Sir  William  Irvine,  whom  I  told  that  I  had  a  sort  of  "  bee  in 
the  bonnet "  with  regard  to  Imperial  unity,  and  he  said,  "  I  quite  agree  provided  we  get 
full  local  autonomy — full  power  to  control  our  own  destinies."     That  would  be  perfectly 
sound  but  for  the  fact  that  by  gaining  unity  you  must  necessarily  sacrifice  some  portion 
of  autonomy.     What  that  portion  is,  how  little  or  how  much,  must  be  a  matter  for  those 
who  have  thought  on  the  matter  to  determine.      But  to  demand  we  shall  have  full  local 
autonomy  and  at  the  same  time  the  fullest  Imperial  unity  is,  I  think,  to  demand  impossi- 
bilities.    We  must  always  remember  that  the  part  is  never  equal  to  the  whole,  even  though 
that  part  be  the  British  Islands.     The  British  Islands  are  by  far  the  greater,  of  course — 


BRITAIN'S    IMPERIAL   RELATIONS.  65 

45,000,000  against  16,000,000  of  Anglo-Saxon  people  in  the  Overseas  Dominions.  It  is 
apparent  that  the  people  of  Great  Britain  must  be  predominant  in  any  form  of  federation 
that  is  likely  to  take  place,  but  you  must  never  run  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  grant  to 
smaller  communities  as  great  power  as  the  whole.  There  are  various  examples  in  history, 
and  one  in  recent  times  in  the  United  States.  As  the  result  of  complete  local  autonomy, 
California  had  threatened  to  drag  the  United  States  into  a  controversy  with  Japan.  The 
trouble  was  due  to  educational  and  land  questions  which  each  State  of  the  Union  declared 
were  purely  local  matters.  Unfortunately,  a  friendly  foreign  Power  thought,  wisely  or 
unwisely,  the  State  in  legislating  on  these  matters  was  hurting  itself,  and  therefore  made 
representations,  not  to  California,  but  to  the  United  States  Government.  The  United 
States  Government  was  then  in  a  quandary  and  practically  told  Japan  they  had  no  power 
to  control  California  in  altering  or  amending  its  Land  Bill.  That  was  a  typical  case  of  the 
tail  wagging  the  dog.  We  do  not  want  anything  of  that  sort  of  thing  with  regard  to 
Imperial  unity.  How  the  difficulty  is  to  be  overcome  we  cannot  go  into  now,  but  this  is  one 
oi  those  problems  the  satisfactory  solution  of  which  means  the  welfare  or  otherwise  of  this 
great  movement.  A  word  on  the  grandeur  of  Imperialism.  Imperialism  as  we  know  it  is  a 
thing  absolutely  unique  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Nations  have  gone  out  into  other 
parts  of  the  world  for  the  purpose  of  greed  and  aggrandisement.  Great  Britain  was  not 
altogether  free  from  that  charge,  but  she  learnt  her  lesson  when  the  great  American  colonies 
refused  to  be  taxed  without  representation  for  the  benefit  of  the  Mother  Country.  The 
result  is  she  has  gone  out  into  the  far  corners  of  the  earth  and  given  freedom  to  every 
citizen.  We,  in  Australia,  do  not  pay  any  interest  on  the  huge  debt  carried  by  Great  Britain. 
We  certainly  own  our  country  because  of  the  expenditure  of  some  of  the  money  which 
created  that  debt.  Surely  under  any  proper  scheme  of  taxation  Australia  would  have  to 
pay  her  proportion  of  that  huge  debt,  running  to  something  like  £700,000,000.  And  what 
about  the  debt  in  this  vVar,  which  will  be  something  like  £1,000,000,000  ?  Is  that  to  be 
put  on  the  shoulders  of  Great  Britain  alone  ?  If  we  want  a  voice  in  affairs  I  submit  that 
we  must  shoulder  our  full  responsibilities. 

SIB  HABRY  WILSON,  K.C.M.G. :  I  wish  to  associate  myself  warmly  with  the  remarks  of 
previous  speakers  in  regard  to  the  paper.  Whei  Dr.  Ellis  mentioned  the  name  of 
Professor  Seeley,  my  thoughts  went  back  to  a  date  some  time  in  the  early  'eighties,  when 
the  late  William  Edward  Forster  founded  the  Imperial  Federation  League.  We  young 
fellows  at  Can  bridge  were  eathujia-;ti;  Imperialists  in  those  days,  and  I  remember  a 
large  meeting  in  the  Guildhall  at  which  Professor  Seeley  took  the  Chair,  and  Mr.  Forster 
propounded  the  scheme  of  an  organisation  to  promote  Imperial  Federation,  and  we 
concluded  by  singing  Lord  Tennyson's  fine  song,  "  Hands  all  round."  That  was  a  long 
time  ago.  I  had  also  the  pleasure  as  a  student  of  listening  to  Professor  Seeley's  lectures, 
which  were  afterwards  issued  in  his  fa  nous  book,  "The  Expansion  of  England."  After- 
wards I  had  the  honour  of  being  o.ie  of  the  earliest  members  of  the  Imperial  Federation 
League.  That  League  did  a  great  deal  of  good  work  in  rousing  and  organising  public 
opinion  at  a  time  when  this  great  question  was  practically  a  dead  letter  in  the  country. 
It  secured  the  attention  of  the  public  under  the  leadership  of  Lord  Rosebery  and  other 
leading  statesmen,  and  succaeded  in  interesting  them  in  such  problems  as  that  we  are 
now  discussing.  How  much  has  happened  since  then  !  What  an  extraordinary  advance 
this  principle  has  made  !  At  that  time  there  was  but  one  Federation  in  existence  in  the 
Empire — that  of  Canada.  We  have  since  seen  Australia  and  New  Zealand  become 
)omiiiions,  and  more  recently  still  the  creation  of  the  Union  of  South  Africa.  This 
srocess  of  bringing  the  Empire,  so  to  speak,  into  convenient  parcels  has  had  an  enormous 
jffect  in  bringing  this  question  of  Federation  to  the  front  and  facilitating  its  settlement, 
low,  when  we  have  Imperial  Confere  ices  in  London,  instead  of  having  to  assemble  some 
fteen  or  sixteen  representatives  of  different  States  with  varying  and  not  always  har- 
lonious  views,  we  have  a  complete  representation  of  the  Empire  in  the  persons  of  the 
rime  Minister  and  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  at  home,  and  four  or  (including 

F 


66  BRITAINS   IMPERIAL   RELATIONS. 

Newfoundland)  five  other  Premiers  from  Overseas.  Then  there  has  been  an  extra- 
ordinary advance  in  the  direction  of  Imperial  defence.  Whether  the  military  development 
of  the  Home  and  Dominion  forces  has  reached  its  complete  height  it  is  not  for  me  to  say 
to-day,  but  I  think  every  one  will  agree  that  the  lessons  of  the  War  are  proving  that  what 
Dr.  Ellis  has  said  about  national  service  is  a  thing  which  we  in  this  country  must  lay 
closely  to  heart.  Then  there  is  the  naval  aspect  of  the  problem,  which  perhaps  is  more 
important  than  any  other,  especially  from  the  point  of  view  held  by  the  reader  of  the 
paper — namely,  that  the  sea  must  be  the  region  in  which  Imperial  Federation  will  especially 
operate.  That,  I  think,  will  be  a  new  idea  to  many  of  us.  I  do  not  take  Dr.  Ellis  to  mean 
that  we  are  to  annex  the  whole  sea  to  the  Empire,  but  that  on  the  basis  of  that  wonderful 
uniting  element  we  might  create  something  in  the  shape  of  organised  government  of  a  more 
durable  kind  than  now  exists.  To  whatever  school  of  thought  we  belong,  whether 
centraJisers  or  autonomists  (to  use  those  convenient  words),  I  think  we  have  all  learned  a 
great  deal  from  Dr.  Ellis's  stimulating  paper,  the  principles  of  which  I  hope  he  will  develop 
in  detail  on  some  future  occasion. 

The  CHAIBMAN  :  I  want  to  warn  you  all  that  any  Federation  or  Union  of  English  people 
must  grow.  Any  cut-and-dried  system  would  be  fatal,  contrary  to  English  history, 
contrary  to  English  instincts,  a  German  plan  which  they  call  kultur.  I  want  to  warn 
you  again  that  the  question  is  not  one  only  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Dominions. 
The  Dominions  are  as  different  from  each  other  as  they  are  from  the  Mother  Country. 
Canada  has  to  settle  with  Australia  and  South  Africa  as  well  as  with  England.  Once 
again  the  ideal  is  a  partnership,  but  that  is  not  incompatible  with  the  family  ideal.  A 
man  takes  in  his  son  ;  he  does  not  mean  his  son  to  be  subordinate  all  his  life.  He  means 
him  to  marry  and  to  have  his  own  home,  and  to  take  him  into  the  family  firm.  The 
family  analogy  seems  to  me  to  be  the  true  analogy  between  England  and  the  Dominions 
over  the  sea.  We  must  have  a  strong  executive.  If  you  read  the  White  Paper  relating 
to  the  War  you  will  see  the  difficulty  of  Ministers  acting  strongly  and  promptly  because- 
of  our  Parliamentary  system,  and  the  more  voices  you  bring  in  the  more  difficult  it  would 
be  to  have  a  strong  executive.  I  do  not  say  you  should  not  bring  them  in,  but  realise 
the  other  side.  In  the  multitude  of  counsellors  there  is  wisdom,  but  there  is  not  always 
strength,  and  there  is  often  delay.  Once  more,  the  Germans  have  always  said  our  Empire 
would  fall  to  pieces  because  of  its  diversities.  Keep  those  diversities.  They  are  the  source 
of  our  strength.  We  do  not  want  just  to  duplicate  one  another,  but  to  bring  in  each  of  us 
what  the  others  have  not  got.  England  has  become  great  because  of  the  different  strains 
that  have  entered  into  it.  What  people  think  a  weakness — the  many  diverse  elements  in 
the  British  Empire — will  in  the  long  years  to  come  be  found  to  be  one  great  source  of  her 
strength.  I  will  ask  you  to  give  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Dr.  Ellis  for  bis  suggestive  address. 

DR.  H.  A.  ELLIS  :  I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  vote  of  thanks.  In  the  course 
of  the  discussion  several  points  have  been  brought  out  on  which  I  did  not  like  to  touch 
for  fear  of  making  my  paper  too  Jong.  Take  the  question  of  the  debt  after  the  War.  We 
in  Australia  just  as  much  as  you  in  England  are  having  our  liberty  guaranteed  by  that 
War.  No  sensible  Australian  will  refuse  to  carry  his  share  of  that  debt,  provided  he  has 
a  proper  voice  in  the  administration  thereof,  and  as  to  how  the  debt  is  to  be  financed.  To 
secure  that  you  must  have  some  form  of  Imperial  Council.  Australia  will  not  subscribe 
any  more  than  she  did  in  the  past  unless  she  has  a  voice  in  the  matter,  and  I  take  it  the 
same  holds  good  of  Canada  and  South  Africa.  The  confederate  position  which  was  excellent 
in  the  past  has  ceased  to  be  of  value  to-day.  Supposing  our  Fleet  had  not  been  mobilised — 
supposing  Germany  had  been  ready  with  her  fleet  and  we  had  not — which  is  not  entirely 
impossible,  do  you  not  think  those  four  Dreadnoughts  of  Canada  would  have  counted  ?  and  yet 
you  had  no  power  to  get  them — to  have  them  at  the  supreme  point  at  the  moment  most 
desired.  You  cannot  get  the  Colonies  to  do  other  than  differentiate  their  navies,  unless 
you  agree  to  let  them  have  a  voice  in  the  spending  of  the  money.  I  fee]  from  my  heart  from 
\vhat  I  have  seen  in  England — I  have  been  absent  thirty  years — that  there  is  passing 
through  her  a  form  of  degeneracy  which  is  very  dangerous,  and  which  will  be  infinitely 


REVIEWS  67 

more  dangerous  after  the  War,  in  the  matter  of  getting  great  efficiency  at  the  point 
desired.  It  is  too  great  a  subject  to  discuss  now,  but  I  may  say  we  in  Australia  knew 
this  War  was  coming  on,  and  you  here  did  not  realise  it.  We  knew  even  the  year  the  War 
was  supposed  to  come  on.  That  being  the  case,  do  you  not  think  the  voice  of  Canada  and 
Australia  and  the  rest  would  have  been  of  value  if  you  wanted  a  strong  Aimy  and  Navy  ? 
We  have  youth  with  us.  We  are  not  afraid  to  fight,  but  rather  like  it,  and  that  liking  to 
fight  is  no  harm  to  a  country  growing  a  little  old.  In  my  opitiion,  you  will  have  a  much 
stronger  and  more  efficient  Imperial  Parliament  in  years  to  come  if,  as  I  have  said  in  my 
paper,  you  be  wise  in  time. 

A  vote  of  thanks  was  given  to  Sir  Charles  Lucas  for  presiding. 


REVIEWS. 
BENJAMIN  DISRAELI. 

THE  third  volume  of  the  Life  of  the  Earl  of  Beaconsfield  *  covers  the  period  1846-55. 
when  Disraeli  was  justifying  the  reputation  he  had  already  won  as  a  brilliant  and 
fearless  parliamentarian  and  consolidating  his  position  as  a  leader  of  the  Conservative 
party.  Mr.  George  Earle  Buckle,  who  has  continued  the  work  so  ably  started  by  the 
late  Mr.  Monypenny,  is  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  task  of  writing  the  official  biography 
of  perhaps  the  most  far-sighted  and  brilliant  of  modern  statesmen.  As  Editor  of 
The  Times  he  was  naturally  more  than  conversant  with  the  political  history  of 
the  nineteenth  century  and  was  thus  able  to  utilise  his  intimate  knowledge  of  men 
and  affairs.  One  who  has  occupied  the  editorial  throne  in  Printing  house  Square 
could  hardly  fail  to  be  qualified  for  so  important  an  undertaking  and  Mr.  Buckle 
has  acquitted  himself  with  dignity — for  no  better  term  can  be  used — in  describing 
this  period  of  Disraeli's  career.  No  one,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  will  represent  Mr. 
Buckle's  volume  as  brilliant.  It  is  solid,  satisfying,  sympathetic,  and  catholic,  and 
conveys  a  clear-cut  impression  of  the  young  Jewish  politician  who,  in  spite  of  so 
many  drawbacks  of  birth,  position,  and  race,  forced  himself  to  the  forefront  and  shook 
some  life  into  the  dry  bones  of  orthodox  loryism.  It  is,  perhaps  a  little  disappointing 
that  Mr.  Buckle  has  not  been  more  critical  in  his  estimate  of  Disraeli :  because  in 
reading  this  volume,  which  covers  but  nine  years  of  the  statesman's  life,  one  feels  that 
the  biography  is  too  much  in  evidence,  whilst  the  critical  analysis  that  might  have 
been  expected  remains  in  the  background.  Ihere  is  a  slight  suspicion  of  the  careful 
work  of  the  Oxford  don — work  that  would  become  more  convincing,  more  human, 
more  nearly  allied  to  what  Disraeli  himself  would  have  written,  had  the  author  been 
less  inclined  to  suppress  his  own  personality.  Yet  on  the  whole,  there  is  little  cause 
for  complaint.  As  has  been  said,  Mr.  Buckle  writes  with  sympathy  and  understanding — 
qualities  which  Disraeli,  of  all  men,  most  desired  from  others,  and  knew  best  how  to 
appreciate. 

The  period  with  which  Mr.  Buckle  deals  has  entered  into  the  realms  of  history. 
Looking  back  from  the  vantage-ground  of  the  twentieth  century  one  sees  an  England 
just  awakened  from  the  slumber  of  the  later  Georgian  period  and  emerging  from 
the  reaction  occasioned  by  the  French  Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic  Wars.  Few, 
if  any,  of  the  older  characters  in  the  political  arena  were  men  of  more 
than  mediocre  attainments.  The  parliamentary  atmosphere  seems  to  be  false  when 
judged  by  the  standards  of  an  earlier  period :  the  actors  are,  apparently,  men  of 

*  The  Life  of  Beniamin  Disraeli,  Earl  of  Beaconsfield.  By  William  Flavelle  Monypenny 
and  George  Earle  Buckle.  Vol.  iii.,  1846-1855.  8vo.  Pp.  x-589.  Portraits.  London  :  John 
Murray,  1914.  12*. 

F  2 


68  REVIEWS. 

limited  views  and  narrow  sympathies.  The  parliamentary  giants  of  a  former  generation 
have  long  passed  away.  Chatham  and  Pitt,  Fox  and  Burke,  are  but  stirring  memories  ; 
and  the  defeated  Peel,  the  blustering  and  tactless  Palmerston,  the  lethargic  Derby, 
and  the  high-minded  Bentinck,  soon  to  be  stricken  down  at  Welbeck,  seem  but  poor 
substitutes  for  men  of  genius ;  whilst  Herries,  Granby,  Baring,  and  Bankes  are  now 
but  shadows  who  made  so  little  impression  that  they  may  almost  be  dismissed  from 
the  pages  of  history.  Into  this  band  of  mediocrities  had  stepped  the  two  parlia- 
mentary giants  of  the  nineteenth  century — the  brilliant,  catholic,  irrepressible  Benjamin 
Disraeli,  a  man  of  genius,  daring,  and  initiative,  too  clever  for  most  of  the  old  bloods 
of  the  party ;  and  the  slower,  more  solid,  less  catholic,  less  imaginative,  but  perhaps 
more  pertinacious,  William  Ewart  Gladstone. 

Perhaps  the  outstanding  feature  in  Disraeli's  career,  as  unfolded  in  this  third  volume 
of  his  life,  is  his  intense,  vivid,  and  living  belief  in  the  reality  of  race.  Mr.  Mony- 
penny's  most  admirable  chapter  (the  only  one  he  was  able  to  prepare  for  this  volume) 
on  Disraeli's  novel  "  Tancred  "  shows  very  clearly  how  his  imagination  was  constantly 
stirred  by  what  he  termed  the  "  Asian  mystery  ",  which  he  sought  to  expound  in  the 
third  of  the  triad  of  novels  dealing  with  "  Young  England ".  In  the  Diary  of  James 
Gallatin,  a  book  dealt  with  elsewhere  in  these  columns,  we  read  "  a  book  called 
'  Vivian  Grey ',  and  immensely  puffed,  appeared  last  year.  There  were  many  surmises 
as  to  who  the  author  was.  Great  names  were  mentioned,  and  there  was  much  specula- 
tion on  the  matter.  It  now  turns  out  to  be  by  a  quite  unknown  youth,  called  Disraeli, 
a  Jew  ".  It  was  Disraeli's  ambition  to  show  what  these  unknown,  unrecognised  Jews 
had  done  and  would  do  for  the  world ;  but  unfortunately  for  his  ease — and  certainly 
unfortunately  for  the  comfort  of  his  friends — he  never  forgot  all  that  he  owed  to  the 
race  from  which  he  sprang.  Born  a  Jew  and  baptized  a  Christian,  he  sought  to 
reconcile  the  two  religions  and  to  show  how  one  was  the  complement  of  the  other. 
In  "  Tancred "  Disraeli  reveals  himself  under  the  glamour  of  the  East,  and  perhaps 
this  novel  more  than  anything  else  gives  the  keynote  to  his  character  and  ambitions. 
There  is  not  space  to  deal  with  this  aspect  of  Disraeli's  career,  but  it  must  be  remarked,  and 
cannot  be  too  strongly  insisted  upon,  that  coming  from  an  Eastern  race  he  always 
looked  to  the  East,  and  with  far-sighted  and  almost  prophetic  vision  saw  that  the  true 
strength  of  England,  the  most  western  of  the  Powers,  might  ultimately  be  derived  from 
her  connection  with  Asia.  He  scoffed  at  the  commercialism  of  Europe,  and  at  the 
European  who  talked  of  progress,  "  because  by  an  ingenious  application  of  some  scientific 
acquirements  he  has  established  a  society  which  has  mistaken  comfort  for  civilisation  ". 
It  was  Disraeli  who  secured  for  England  the  gateway  to  the  East  and  who  acclaimed 
the  British  Sovereign  as  Empress  of  India.  His  vision  was  not  bounded  by  the  coasts 
of  England,  nor  by  the  confines  of  Europe,  nor  even  by  the  sweeping  expanses  of 
the  Dominions.  As  Mr.  Monypenny  shows  in  this  clever  analysis  of  "  Tancred," 
Disraeli's  genius  and  imagination  soared  to  greater  heights.  As  Judaism  and  Christianity 
were  intimately  connected,  so  England  and  the  East  were  indissolubly  bound  together 
— that  is,  if  England  were  to  achieve  permanent  greatness. 

It  is  impossible  to  deal  with  other  portions  of  this  volume  except  to  indicate  briefly 
the  events  with  which  it  is  concerned.  It  opens  at  the  period  when  Disraeli  had  given 
Peel  the  mortal  thrust  which  drove  him  from  office  and  earned  him  the  hatred  of  that 
statesman.  Disraeli  had  realised  that  Protection  was  dead.  The  majority  of  his  party 
had  not  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion,  and  it  was  his  business — and  a  hopeless  task 
it  seemed — to  infuse  new  life  and  vigour  into  them.  Lord  Derby  lagged  behind 
public  opinion,  and  the  bulk  of  his  followers,  although  they  could  not  but  recognise 
Disraeli's  services,  were  unwilling  to  entrust  themselves  to  the  leadership  of  one  whose 
motives  they  mistrusted  and  whose  genius  they  did  not  understand.  Many  of  them 
shared  the  early  disapproval  of  Queen  Victoria,  who  in  one  of  her  letters  expressed 
herself  as  "  a  little  shocked  at  Sir  Charles  Wood  designating  the  future  Government  and 
selecting  Lord  George  Bentinck,  Mr.  Disraeli !  and  Mr.  Herries  as  the  persons  destined 


REVIEWS.  69 

to  hold  high  offices  in  the  next  Government".  They  could  not  forget  that  one  whose 
talents  entitled  him  to  be  leader  of  the  party  of  gentlemen  was  not  in  the  limited 
sense  of  the  word  a  gentleman  at  all,  but  a  man  who  had  had  to  fight  for  hia  own 
position,  and  was,  unpardonable  fault,  of  an  alien  race.  The  death  of  Lord  George 
Bentinck,  who  had  long  been  associated  with  Disraeli,  and  whose  biography  Disraeli 
subsequently  wrote  in  a  brilliant  monograph,  opened  the  way  for  a  new  leader,  and 
by  the  end  of  the  volume  we  see  him  firmly  installed  as  Leader  of  the  Opposition,  and 
afterwards  unfolding  his  first  budget  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  Mr.  Buckle 
must  be  congratulated  on  a  notable  piece  of  work,  and  upon  the  care  with  which  ha 
has  selected  the  illustrative  documents  and  letters. 


THE  DIARY  OF  JAMES  GALLATIN. 

IT  is  peculiarly  appropriate  that  in  the  year  that  marks  the  hundredth  anniversary  of 
the  Treaty  of  Ghent  there  should  have  been  published  the  diary  of  one  who  assisted 
in  the  making  of  that  document.*  James  Gallatin,  whose  diary  has  now  been  issued 
under  the  editorship  of  his  grandson  Count  Gallatin,  was  the  son  and  confidential 
secretary  of  Albert  Gallatin,  one  of  the  five  envoys  who  were  sent  from  the  United 
States  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  Although  he  was  then  but 
a  youth  he  was  gifted  with  keen  observation,  and  the  record  of  the  years  1813-1827, 
contained  in  the  papers  he  left  with  his  grandson,  is  a  document  of  uncommon  interest, 
because  it  reveals  a  lively  picture  of  the  society  of  the  time,  and  of  the  milieu  in  which  his 
father  worked  and  acquired  celebrity.  As  Albert  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  United  States 
Treasury,  was  for  some  years  American  Ambassador  in  Paris,  and  was  subsequently 
charged  with  a  special  diplomatic  mission  to  this  country,  and  came  moreover  from 
one  of  the  old  aristocratic  families  of  Savoy,  he  was  able  to  penetrate  into  circles  and 
mix  with  a  society  that  has  not  always  been  open  to  American  diplomatists.  To  this 
fact  the  diary  left  by  his  son  owes  its  special  value.  There  are  few  of  the  important 
personages  of  that  period,  from  "  the  first  gentleman  in  Europe ",  the  Prince  Regent, 
the  Emperors  Alexander  and  Napoleon,  and  Louis  XVIII.,  to  literary  and  social  celebrities 
such  as  Madame  de  Stael,  Baron  Humboldt,  and  the  Comtesse  de  Boigne,  who  do  not 
figure  in  its  pages  ;  whilst  the  descriptions  of  members  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  not 
always  flattering,  add  a  certain  piquancy  to  the  young  diarist's  impressions.  He 
witnessed,  for  instance,  Napoleon's  triumphal  entry  into  Paris  after  his  escape  from 
Elba.  "  He  is  fat,  looks  very  dull,  tired,  and  bored ",  writes  young  Gallatin,  "  but 
certainly  has  a  most  powerful  face."  At  this  period  Gallatin  was  not  walking  exactly 
in  the  straight  and  narrow  path.  Paris,  then  as  now,  was  not  a  school  for  all  the 
virtues.  He  was  sitting  to  the  celebrated  painter  David  as  a  model  for  Cupid  (an 
illustration  is  given  on  page  66),  and  did  not  think  that  "  father  will  approve  of  my 
picture  Monsieur  David  is  painting,  it  is  '  L' Amour  et  Psyche ' ".  These  and  other 
naive  statements  in  the  diary — such  as  the  incident  at  Brighton,  where  the  author 
dropped  his  pocket-handkerchief — justify  Viscount  Bryce's  remark  in  the  Introduction 
that  James  was  "  not  so  well  regulated "  as  his  father,  mother,  or  sister.  "  On  the 
social  as  well  as  on  the  political  side  the  book  is  a  real  contribution  to  history ",  writes 
Lord  Bryce,  "  and  Europeans  no  less  than  Americans  may  be  glad  that  the  diary  of 
this  youthful  diplomatist  has  not  shared  the  common  fate  of  those  to  which  young  men 
consign  their  personal  experiences."  It  may  be  added  that  there  are  few  entries  that 
not  be  read  with  interest. 

*  A  Great  Peace  Maker  :  the.  Diary  of  James  Gallatin,  Secretary  to  Albert  Gallatin.  Edited 
by  Count  Gallatin.  8vo.  Pp.  xii-316.  Portraits  and  Illust.  London :  William  Heinemann. 
1914.  28  oz.  10*. 


70  REVIEWS. 


THE  GODFATHER  OF  AUSTRALIA. 

OF  all  the  discoverers  of  front  rank  Matthew  Flinlers  is  the  only  one  about  whom 
there  has  been  hitherto  no  ample  and  convenient  record.  Professor  Ernest  Scott, 
the  author  of  this  excellent  and  most  interesting  work,*  has  already  written  two 
books  dealing  with  Australasian  discovery — "  Terre  Napoleon  "  and  "  Life  of  Laperouse  "- 
which  gave  an  admirable  account  of  French  enterprise  in  Australia  and  the  South 
Pacific.  The  present  volume  contains  the  record  of  Flinders'  brief  but  eventful  life — 
a  career  "  crowded  with  adventures :  war,  perilous  voyages,  explorations  of  unknown 
coasts,  encounters  with  savages,  shipwreck,  and  imprisonment,  are  the  elements  which 
go  to  make  up  this  story.  He  was,  withal,  a  downright  Englishman  of  exceptionally 
high  character,  proud  of  his  service  and  unsparing  of  himself  in  the  pursuit  of  his 
duty ".  Flinders,  of  whom  a  brief  account  was  given  in  this  journal  in  May,  1912, 
may  be  regarded  as  the  Godfather  of  Australia ;  for  it  was  he  who  first  used  and 
made  popular  the  present  name  of  the  continent,  although,  as  Professor  Scott  shows 
in  an  interesting  chapter,  the  name  had  been  used  and  applied  by  other  and  earlier 
writers,  but  rather  in  connection  with  the  vague  and  almost  imaginary  Great  Southern 
Land,  the  Terra  Australis  Incognita  of  imaginative  writers  and  of  some  of  the  earlier 
voyagers.  It  is  a  common  error,  states  Professor  Scott,  to  suppose  that  the  Spanish 
navigator,  Pedro  de  Quiroz,  applied  the  name  to  one  of  the  islands  of  the  New 
Hebrides  group  in  1606 ;  for  the  word  then  used  was  Austrialia,  a  punning  compliment 
to  his  sovereign  combining  the  meaning  Austrian  land  as  well  as  southern  land. 
Flinders  himself  first  used  the  word  Australia  in  a  letter  writ'ten  in  1804.  "  I  will 
call  the  whole  island  Australia ",  he  wrote.  From  that  time  he  strove  industriously 
for  the  adoption  of  the  name,  but  met  with  considerable  opposition  from  the  map- 
makers  and  from  Sir  Joseph  Banks  who  did  not  share  Flinders'  view  of  the  desirability 
of  having  a  shorter  name  than  the  high-sounding  Terra  Australis  or  the  more  plebeian 
New  Holland.  "  A  Major  Rennell "  (surely  this  was  the  Major  Renneil,  the  celebrated 
geographer),  who  was  present  when  Flinders  argued  the  matter  with  Banks,  pro- 
nounced in  favour  of  the  name.  "  I  certainly  think  that  Australia  was  the  proper 
name  for  the  continent ",  he  wrote  in  1812.  "It  wants  a  collective  name ". 

Professor  Scott's  account  of  Flinders'  work  is  admirable.  The  author  has  had 
the  advantage  of  consulting  the  rich  store  of  manuscripts  in  the  Mitchell  Library 
at  Sydney  and  of  obtaining  copies  of  the  more  important  papers  preserved  at  Paris 
and  Caen,  and  has  had  the  assistance  of  the  Comte  de  Fleurieu,  a  grand-nephew 
of  the  Comte  de  Fleurieu  who  largely  inspired  the  famous  voyages  to  Australasia 
performed  by  La  Perouse,  D'Entrecasteaux,  and  Baudin.  In  the  first  chapters  he 
sketches  the  early  career  of  Flinders  in  his  Lincolnshire  home  at  Donington  where 
he  first  imbibed  his  love  of  seafaring,  and  gives  some  interesting  particulars,  not 
generally  known,  of  the  Flinders  family.  This  is  followed  by  an  account  of  his  voyage 
with  'Bread-fruit"  Bligh  and  the  part  he  took  at  the  Battle  of  Brest.  Professor  Scott 
then  gives  a  most  interesting  description  of  Flinders'  adventures  in  the  Tom  Thumb, 
of  his  discovery  of  Bass  Strait,  and  of  his  subsequent  and  famous  surveying  voyage 
in  the  Investigator,  during  which  he  charted  the  southern  coasts  of  Australia  and 
opened  that  part  of  the  continent  to  European  enterprise.  His  encounter  with  Baudin 
and  his  subsequent  adventures  in  the  Ile-de-France,  where  he  was  kept  as  a  prisoner 
for  some  years  after  having  somewhat  incautiously  landed  on  that  island,  complete 
a  volume  that  is  to  be  heartily  commended  to  students  of  Australian  history  and  to 
every  lover  of  maritime  adventure.  It  is  an  adequate,  if  somewhat  tardy,  literary 
recognition  of  the  great  part  taken  by  the  young  English  discoverer  in  making  Australia 
better  known  in  Britain. 

*  The  Life  of  William  Flinders.  By  Ernest  Soott.  8vo.  Pp.  xviii-492.  Portraits,  Maps, 
and  Hlust.  Sydney:  Angus  &  Rob3rtson.  London:  Humphrey  Milford.  191 1.  43  oz.  2ls. 


71 


BOOK    NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.). 

Muirhead,     W.     Alex. — Practical     Tropical     Sanitation.     8vo.     Pp.     zv-288.     Illust.     London  • 

John   Murray.     1914.     27   oz.— 10s.    6d. 

The  author  of  this  useful  manual  is  well  qualified  to  write  upon  tha  subject  of  hygiene, 
having  had  considerable  experience  of  sanitary  work  in  tropical  countries,  and  being  Assistant 
Instructor  at  the  School  of  Army  Sanitation  at  Aldershot.  The  volume  is  intended  for  the 
use  of  those  who  require  something  more  advanced  than  an  elementary  text-book,  but  do 
not  wish  to  study  manuals  specially  intended  for  medical  officers.  To  those  who  are  about 
to  take  up  duties  in  a  tropical  country  such  a  book  is  invaluable. 

Bodes,    Jean. — Le  Celeste  Empire  avant  la  Revolution.     Post  8vo.     Pp.   vi-237.     Paris :   Felix 

;Alcan,   108  Boulevard  S.   Germain.     1914.     8  oz.— F.  3.50. 

This  is  the  third  volume  of  the  series  "  Dix  Ans  de  Politique  Chinoise,"  written  by  the 
author.  M.  Bodes  describes  the  social  and  political  conditions  in  China  immediately  before 
the  downiall  of  the  Manchu  dynasty. 

Wrong,  Oeorge   M. — The  Fall   of  Canada :    a  Chapter  in  the  History  of  the  Seven  Tears'   War. 

8vo.     Maps    and     Illust.     Pp.    272.     Oxford :     Clarendon    Press.     London :     Humphrey 

Milford.     1914.     22oz.— 8s.  6d. 

In  this  volume  Professor  Wrong  relates  the  events  that  immediately  followed  the  capture 
of  Quebec  by  General  Wolfe.  Although  only  one  year  of  the  history  of  Canada  is  covered, 
that  year  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  Dominion,  because  in  it 
was  brought  about  the  reduction  of  French  power  in  Canada.  After  the  fall  of  Quebec  the 
position  of  the  British  was  by  no  means  assured.  With  a  small  garrison  and  ill-provided 
with  stores,  General  Murray,  who  was  left  in  command,  had  considerable  difficulty  in  main- 
taining his  position,  and  might  have  been  compelled  to  surrender  the  city  after  the  battle 
of  Sainte  Foy,  but  for  the  timely  arrival  of  a  British  squadron.  Professor  Wrong's  mono- 
graph, as  might  be  expected  from  so  competent  an  authority,  is  a  scholarly  and  careful 
work,  and  shows  clearly  the  pitiful  condition  to  which  Canada  had  been  reduced  owing  to 
the  venial  and  ineffective  administration  of  the  French  under  the  intendant  Bigot  and  his 
satellites. 

KobayasM,    Teruaki.    La    Societe    Japonaise :    etude    sociologique.     8vo.     Pp.   xx-223.     Paris : 

Felix   Alcan,    108   Boulevard   S.    Germain.     1914.     14oz.— Frs.  5. 

Written  by  a  Japanese  professor  at  the  University  of  Tokio,  this  book  has  a  peculiar 
interest  for  the  European  reader.  It  is  a  sociological  study  of  the  Japanese  from  the 
psychological  point  of  view,  describing  their  national  characteristics  as  affected  by  the 
renaissance  of  the  last  fifty  years. 

Van     Eerde,     J.    C. — Koloniale     Volkenkunde :      Eerste     Stuk — Omgang     met     Inlanders.     8vo. 

Pp.  ix-181.     Illust.     Amsterdam  :    J.   H.  de  Bussy.     1914.     18  oz.— 3s.  4d. 
This  publication,  issued  by  the  Koloniaal  Instituut  te  Amsterdam,  is  an  excellent  example 
of  the  careful  ethnological  work  that  is  being  carried  on  under  the  auspices  of  certain  foreign 
colonial    societies.     The    author   is   the    Director   of    the   Anthropological    Department   at   the 
Amsterdam  Colonial  Institute. 

Bennet,  E. — Shots  and  Snapshots  in  British  East  Africa.     8vo.     Maps  and  Illust.     Pp.  xiii  -312. 

London  :    Longmans,   Green   &   Co.     1914.     36   oz. — 12s.   Qd. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  there  will  some  day  be  a  closed  time  for  books  on  sport  in  East 
Africa,  or  at  any  rate  that  authors  of  such  works  will  be  compelled  to  read  them  to  their 
select  friends  and  not  to  inflict  them  on  the  world  at  large.  Dr.  Bonnet's  book  is  neither 
better  nor  worse  than  books  of  this  nature  and  to  those  who  have  never  read  a  book  about 
East  Africa  may  prove  exceedingly  interesting.  The  notes  upon  animals  at  the  end  of  the 
volume  are  useful,  and  the  book  will  doubtless  be  appreciated  by  the  amateur  sportsman — 
that  is  if  all  the  game  is  not  killed  off  before  he  has  a  chance  of  testing  his  capabilities 
as  a  shot. 

Thomas,  Northcote  W. — Specimens  of  Languages  from  Southern  Nigeria.      Royal  8vo.     Pp.    143. 

London :     Harrison   &   Sons.     1914.     4«. 

Mr.  Northcote  Thomas,  Government  Anthropologist  of  Nigeria,  has  here  collected  specimens 
of'  the  principal  languages  spoken  in  Southern  Nigeria  arranged  in  columns  for  purposes  of 
comparison.  There  are  two  sketch  maps  showing  the  linguistic  groupings. 


72  BOOK  NOTICES. 

Thomas,     Northcott     W. — Anthropological     Report     on    the    I  bo-Speaking    Peoples    of     Nigeria. 

Parts   IV.,  V.,  and  VI.     8vo.     Maps    and    Illust.     London :     Harrison    &    Sons.     1914. 

4«.  each  vol. 

The  fourth  volume  of  this  invaluable  work  relates  to  Law  and  Customs  of  the  Ibo  of 
the  Asaba  district ;  volume  five  is  addenda  to  the  Ibo-English  dictionary ;  and  volume  six 
contains  proverbs  and  stories. 

Munio,  James — A  History  of  Great  Britain.     Vol.  I.     Post  8vo.     Maps  &  Illust.     Edinburgh  : 

Oliver  &  Boyd.     1914. 

A  useful  little  history  of  Britain,  by  the  Lecturer  on  Colonial  and  Indian  History  at 
Edinburgh  University.  Mr.  Munro  devotes  special  attention  to  Scotland,  and  whilst  describing 
British  domestic  policy,  also  pays  due  regard  to  the  larger  movements  on  the  Continent  in 
which  Britain  was  interested. 

Talbot,    Frederick    A.— The   Oil  Conquest  of  the,    World.     8vo.      Pp.  x-310.     •  Illust.;.     London: 

William   Heinemann.     1914.     26  oz. — 6«. 

Mr.  Talbot  has  done  well  in  adding  to  the  large  number  of  popularly  written  works,  of 
which  he  is  the  author,  a  compiehensive  and  well-illustrated  account  of  the  oil  industry. 
"  The  average  individual ",  he  states,  "  fails  to  recognise  how  dependent  we  have  become 
upon  this  commodity."  A  book  of  this  nature  helps  us  to  realise  that  the  past  few  years 
have  witnessed  a  revolution  with  regard  to  fuel  and  to  understand  the  immense  importance 
of  an  industry  that  a  generation  ago  was  of  but  very  small  dimensions.  Mr.  Talbot'a 
volume  is  a  popular  and  instructive  work.  It  describes  practically  everything  connected  with 
oil,  from  the  preliminary  investigation  of  the  oil-fields  to  the  piping  and  refining  of  the 
mateiial  and  the  various  uses  to  which  it  is  put.  The  author  does  not  confine  himself  to 
the  mineral  varieties,  but  also  describes  vegetable  and  animal  oils.  A  final  chapter  on  the 
world's  future  oil-supplies  is  of  considerable  interest. 

Wilkin,  Captain  W.  H. — Some  British  Soldiers  in  America.     8vo.     Pp.  x-278.     London :    Hugh 

Rees,  Ltd.  1914.     18  oz.— 5s. 

In  the  preface  of  this  work  Captain  Wilkin  remarks  that  "  the  average  Englishman  knows 
very  little  of  the  war  which  raged  from  1775  till  1783".  It  is  certainly  somewhat  remark- 
able that  Englishmen,  who  are  well  acquainted  with  the  earlier  Seven  Years'  War  and  the 
subsequent  Napoleonic  Wars,  know  very  little  about  the  military  events  in  America  during 
the  War  of  American  Independence,  or,  as  it  has  recently  been  termed,  the  Imperial  Civil 
War.  The  reason  is  partly  to  be  found  in  a  disinclination  to  study  a  war  from  which  Great 
Britain  emerged  as  the  loser  and  partly  because  greater  events  have  occupied  the  attention  of 
succeeding  generations.  Captain  Wilkin  shows  that  when  every  circumstance  is  taken  into 
consideration,  the  British  forces  did  well  in  America — a  fact  that  is  generally  overlooked  by 
political  historians.  The  first  three  chapters  of  the  book  describe  the  three  Commanders-in- 
Chief — Howe,  Carleton,  and  Clinton ;  the  fourth  deals  with  Francis  Rawdon  (afterwards 
Marquis  of  Hastings) ;  and  the  following  chapters  are  devoted  to  Simcoe,  Tarleton,  and 
Ferguson.  The  next  two  chapters  contain  an  account  of  Sir  William  Meadows  and  Lord 
Harris ;  whilst  the  last  includes  letters  from  Lieutenant  William  Hale  describing  the  war 
from  the  subaltern's  point  of  view. 

Political  Reminiscences  of  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  Charles  Tupper.     8vo.     Pp.  'xix-303.     Por- 
traits and  Illust.     London  :    Constable  &  Co.     1914.     28  oz. — Is.  6d. 

Sir  Charles  Tupper's  career  is  too  well  known  to  need  amplification  in  these  columns. 
What  may  be  regarded  as  a  second  series  of  his  reminiscences — the  first  having  been  pub- 
lished in  the  early  part  of  1914 — will  be  welcomed  by  all  who  take  an  intelligent  interest 
in  the  political  history  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  The  piesent  volume  consists  of  articles 
originally  written  by  the  late  Mr.  W.'  A.  Harkin  for  the  Vancouver  Daily  Province, 
reporting  various  interviews  with  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  and  they  show  the  prominent  and 
patriotic  part  he  took  in  the  making  of  the  Dominion.  As  he  is  almost  the  sole  survivor  of  those 
who  worked  for  Federation,  Sir  Charles  Tupper  cannot  fail  to  appeal  to  a  large  circle  of 
friends  and  admirers,  and  Mr.  Harkin's  two  associates  who  are  responsible  for  the  publication 
of  this  book  are  to  be  congratulated  on  having  issued  the  fugitive  articles  it  contains  in  a 
permanent  form.  In  an  appendix  is  included  Sir  Charles  Tupper's  five-hour  speech  on  the 
railway  policy  of  the  Mackenzie  Government,  delivered  on  April  21,  1877 

Some  Early  Records  of  the  Macarthurs  of  Camden.     Edited  by  Sibella  Macarthur  Onslow.     8vo. 

Pp.  vi-4C6.     Portraits   and   Illust.     Sydney  :   Angus  &  Robertson.     London  :  Humphrey 

Milford.     1914.     40  oz.— 15s. 

This  account  of  the  Macarthurs  of  Caicden,  New  South  Wales,  is  mainly  concerned 
with  the  life  of  Captain  John  Macarthur  and  his  connection  _with  the  founding  of  the  wool 


CORRESPONDENCE.  73 

industry  in  Australia.  It  was  edited  by  his  grand-daughter,  the  late  Mrs.  Macarthur  Onslow, 
and  has  been  completed  and  prepared  for  publication  by  her  daughter.  As  it  has  been 
compiled  mainly  from  letters  found  at  Camden  Park  and  from  manuscripts  left  by  the  son* 
of  John  Macarthur,  it  is  a  book  of  uncommon  interest  to  the  student  of  Australian  history 
and  gives  a  most  realistic  account  of  the  early  daya  in  New  South  Wales  during  the  un- 
savoury convict  period.  Captain  Macarthur  and  his  wife  left  for  Port  Jackson  in  the  Second 
Fleet,  and  an  interesting  account  of  their  voyage  is  contained  in  Mrs.  Macarthur's  journal, 
which  was  found  amongst  the  papers  of  her  daughter  at  Sheen,  Surrey,  in  1888.  The  hard- 
ships and  discomforts  of  life  upon  a  convict  transport  during  the  long  voyage  to  Australia 
are  graphically  narrated.  John  Macarthur's  work  in  the  founding  of  Australia's  greatest 
industry  is  so  well-known  and  so  generally  appreciated  that  this  record  will  be  welcomed  by 
all  Australians  and  also  by  many  in  this  country  who  realise  how  much  the  Empire  owes  to 
his  painstaking  and  unceasing  endeavours  to  place  the  infant  colony  upon  a  sound  economic 
basis.  Both  he  and  his  wife  went  out  to  New  South  Wales  filled  with  a  confident  and 
courageous  belief  in  the  brilliant  future  that  awaited  the  country.  In  the  letter  to  her 
mother  announcing  her  departure,  Mrs.  Macarthur  bravely  wrote  in  enthusiastic  terms  of 
the  then  almost  unknown  country.  "  You  will  be  surprised ",  she  wrote,  "  that  even  I  who 
appear  timid  and  irresolute  should  be  a  warm  advocate  for  this  scheme.  I  foresee  how 
terrific  and  gloomy  this  will  appear  to  you.  To  me  at  first  it  bad  the  same  appearance, 
while  I  suffered  myself  to  be  blinded  by  common  and  vulgar  prejudice."  But,  she  continued, 
"  the  sun  that  shines  on  you  will  also  afford  me  the  benefit  of  his  cheery  rays,  and  that, 
too,  in  a  country  where  nature  hath  been  so  lavish  of  her  bounties  that  flowers  luxuriantly 
abound  in  the  same  manner  as  with  culture  fruits  will  do  hereafter ".  The  early  history  of 
Australia,  contrary  to  the  general  impression,  contains  many  elements  of  romance,  and  those 
who  would  know  something  of  this  period  cannot  do  better  than  read  this  fascinating  volume. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

Imperial  Unity. — I  am  sorry  that  I  could  not  attend  this  afternoon  and  take 
part  in  the  discussion  of  Mr.  Ellis's  paper,  which  I  have  read  with  interest.  Why 
is  it  so  generally  assumed  that  this  War,  which  it  is  taken  for  granted  that 
we  shall  win,  must  lead  to  the  adoption  of  some  new  and  centralised  form  of  consti- 
tution for  the  Empire  ?  Similar  expectations  were  manifest  in  1902,  after  the  rally 
in  South  Africa,  and  in  1912,  when  Mr.  Borden  announced  his  naval  proposal,  and 
were  disappointed  each  time.  That  the  War  will  in  any  event  change  the  external 
relations,  is  obvious.  But  why,  if  we  win,  should  it  change  the  political  relations 
between  the  parts,  except  to  the  extent  of  encouraging  us  to  conserve  and  develop 
the  existing  system  which  has  given  so  signal  an  example  of  effective  Imperial  unity 
in  time  of  need  ?  Continually  talking  of  Imperial  unity,  we  fail  to  recognise  it  when 
we  have  got  it.  There  is  never  going  to  be  a  moment  when  one  might  say,  "  Yesterday 
we  were  not  united ;  to-day  the  Grand  Act  has  been  signed ;  henceforth  we  are 
united."  This  cult  of  the  Grand  Act  is  a  snare  and  delusion.  Whatever  may  happen 
hereafter  (even  the  Grand  Act  itself)  posterity  is  likely  to  look  back  upon  August  1914, 
as  the  moment  when  the  British  Empire  reached  the  zenith  of  its  unity.  Let  us 
remember  that  the  existing  system  is  not  stationary,  though  its  principlb  may  be 
final.  It  has  been  developing  steadily  since  1902.  The  Australian  fleet  unit,  the  first 
of  the  Dominion  navies,  which  enables  each  to  exert  upon  foreign  policy  the  full 
weight  of  its  importance  in  the  Empire,  was  not  begun  until  1910.  The  corollary, 
that  any  Dominion  minister  appointed  to  reside  in  London  should  have  free  and 
constant  access  to  the  British  Prime  Minister  and  Foreign  Secretary,  was  only  conceded 
in  January  1912,  and  has  not  yet  been  taken  advantage  of  even  by  Australia.  But 
the  development  is  all  true  to  principle.  What  principle  ?  Voluntary  co-operation 
as  opposed  to  central  compulsion.  In  war  as  in  peace,  each  of  the  Britannic  nation- 
states  is  free  to  do  or  not  to  do.  But  we  have  invoked  naval  and  military  co-ordination, 
with  results  which  the  Australian  navy  has  already  exemplified.  Has  this  system 


74  CORRESPONDENCE. 

of  the  free  commonwealth,  as  distinguished  from  the  German  principle  of  a  centralised 
empire,  organised  primarily  for  war,  broken  down  under  the  supreme  test,  as  so  many 
of  our  prophets  predicted  ?  On  the  contrary,  it  alone  has  saved  South  Africa  to 
the  Empire,  besides  eliciting  unrestricted  military  aid  from  each  part.  Why  change 
it  for  something  diametrically  opposed  to  its  spirit,  substituting  compulsion  for  liberty, 
provinces  for  nation-states  ? 

Yours  faithfully, 

RICHARD  JEBB. 
November  24,  1914. 


Naval  Losses. — At  the  foot  of  page  879  of  your  December  issue  the  following 
appears  : — 

Nov.  26,  Bulwark,  Battle  Cruiser,  Blown  up,  Off  Sheerness. 

In  view  of  the  number  of  people  who  believe  that  the  loss  of  this  vessel  is  a 
Berious  blow  to  our  Naval  material,  as  well  as  to  the  personnel,  it  would  be,  perhaps, 
as  well  to  correct  this  mistake. 

Battle  cruisers  (for  the  information  of  the  uninitiated)  were  first  built  in  19)8  and, 
roughly  speaking,  may  be  described  as  "  Dreadnoughts "  in  which  a  certain  amount 
of  saving  has  been  made  in  the  armour  and  armament,  and  this  has  been  made  up  by 
increasing  the  engine  power  (i.e.  speed)  and  radius  (coal  carrying  capacity).  The 
smallest  battle  cruiser  in  the  British  Navy  is  of  17,250  tons  displacement,  has  a  speed 
of  twenty-five  knots,  and  carries  eight  12-in.  guns  and  sixteen  4  in.  guns. 

The  Buhoark  was  a  pre-Dreadnought  battleship,  completed  in  1902,  of  15,000  tons 
displacement,  18  knots  speed,  and  carried  four  12-in.  and  twelve  6-in.  guns.  In  order  to 
obtain  a  better  idea  as  to  the  relative  value  of  the  losses  of  the  two  Navies,  I  have 
made  a  rough  calculation  as  to  the  average  age  of  the  vessels  (excluding  auxiliaries)  men- 
tioned in  the  list.  For  the  purpose  of  this  calculation,  where  a  vessel  is  classed  as  "  name 
unknown ",  I  have  taken  as  the  date  of  completion  the  year  before  that  which  repre- 
sents the  average  age  of  the  class,  i.e.  for  Destroyers  1907  and  for  Submarines  1910 
(June  in  both  cases).  This  should  err  on  the  side  of  giving  the  enemy  the  advantage, 
for  it  is  obvious  that  it  will  tend  to  make  the  enemy  vessels  appear  older  than  they  probably 
are,  since  it  is  only  in  the  case  of  enemy  ships  that  details  are  lacking. 

The  result  of  this  calculation  is  that  the  average  date  of  completion  of  British 
vessels  lost  is  June  1902,  whereas  that  of  the  German  vessels  lost  is  February  1906. 
If  to  the  list  are  added  the  Scharnhorst,  Oneisenau,  and  Leipzig  (of  the  sinking  of  which 
we  have  just  heard)  the  average  date  is  March  1906.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  it  is 
permissible  to  generalise  to  the  extent  of  saying  that,  on  an  average,  the  enemy  has 
lost  ships  of  greater  value  than  we  have. 

Yours  faithfully, 

G.  SPICER  SIMSON, 

Lt.-Commander,  R.N. 

South  African  Forces. — A  correspondent  from  South  Africa,  writing  on  November  14, 
says :  "  I  notice  in  your  last  issue  you  credit  us  with  having  7,000  men  in  the  field, 
when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Union  has  40,000  men,  chiefly  mounted,  out  on  active 
service."  We  are  obliged  for  this  correction  of  the  error  into  which  the  writer  of  the 
article  in  question  inadvertently  fell.  The  7,000  volunteers  called  for  by  General  Botha 
were  not  the  whole  army  that  was  to  operate  against  German  South-West  Africa,  but 
were  in  addition  to  the  forces  already  in  the  field.  The  rebellion  has  necessitated  the 
raising  of  still  greater  numbers,  and  another  correspondent,  after  alluding  to  the  same 
mistake,  adds  "  Anyway,  the  whole  position  is  now  absolutely  changed,  and  there  must 
be  a  very  large  force  under  arms :  Active  Citizen  Defence  Force,  commandos  of 
burghers,  and  volunteer  corps." 


75 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 

THE  FOLLOWING  'HAVE   BEEN   ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (7) : 

Charles  L.  Fleischmann,  James  P.  Johnson,  L.  K.  Laurie,  Henry  Rutherford,  Francis  W. 
Slattery,  Sir  Frederick  H.  Smit  i,  Bart.,  David  A.  Thomas. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (79) : 

Australia. —  Wharton  M.  E.  Carter  (Sydney),  William  E.  Frazer  (Sydney),  Samuel 
Hordern  (Sydney)  Harry  H.  Stockfield  (Canterbury  Victoria),  "lew  Zealand. — Charles 
J.  D.  Bennett  (Gisborne).  Harold  E.  Bright  (Gisborne)  J.  W  Ison  Bright  (Oisborne), 
Dr.  Thomas  Cahill  (Wellington)  0.  B.  Cheeseman  (Dunedin).  Harry  C.  Clark  (Auckland), 
Ronald  0.  Duncan,  J.P.  (Christchurch),  George  Fenwick  (Dunedin),  Harry  E.  Good 
(Wanganui),  Harry  W.  Guthrie-Smith  (Napier),  George  Harris  (Christchurch),  Eigir  C. 
Hazlett  (Dunedin),  John  H.  Hitt,  B.A.  (A  tckland),  Colin  C.  Hutton  ( Wanganui),  Howard 
Kenway  (Gisborne),  Victor  J.  Larner  (Auckland),  Harry  de  La  tour  (Gisborne),  Hon. 
Robert  McNab  (Palmerston  North),  Rt.  Hon.  William  F.  Massey  (Wellington),  Alexander 

C.  Matheson   (Napier),    E.    C.    Matthews   (Gisborne),    John   C.    Nicholls   (Maheno   Otago), 
Ernest  Nordon  (Christchurch),  Montague  G.  C.  Paso  (Gisborne),  G.  N.  Pharazyn  (Hawkes 
Bay),   Vincent  A.  Pyke  (Gisborne),  John  Heaton  Rhodes,  G.   R.  Ritchie  (Dunedin),  Alfred 
L.  Smith,  Jan.  (Dunedin),  Saul  Solomon  (Dunedin),  W.  Downie  Stuart    (Dunedin),    George 

D.  G.  Stock  (Gisborne),  Joseph   W.   White  (Napier),  Arnold  B.   Williams  (Gisborne),  Edric 
B.    Williams   (Hawkes   Bay),    Heathcote    B.    Williams  (Gisborne).     South    Africa. — M.    J. 
Adam    (Johannesburg).      Malay    States, — Andrew    Caldecott    (Selangor),    Thomas     R'.     Coe 
(Kiala    Lumpor),    Charles   Hannigan    (Ipoh),    Edward    S.    Hose    (Kuala     Lumpor),    Eric 
MacFadjen   (Kuali   Lumpor),   K.    M.    Plumptre    (Ipoh),    Edmund   B.    Skinner.     India  — 
Richard    B.    Grenfell   (Bombay).     Wast  Africa— P.     H.    Beeham;   (Accra),    F.    W.    Bourke 
(Naraguta),  John  L.   Crozier    (Narajuta),  Vincent   D.   de    Lisle,   B.A.   (Freetown),   R.   B. 
Emery   (Lagos),   A.   J.    Langley   (Zaria),   Douglas    W.    Scotland  (Freetown).      Argentine  — 
F.  W.  Routh  Bradney  (Las  Rosas),  N.  D.  Campbell,  j-in,.  (Buenos  Aires),  R.  de  Candolle 
(Buenos   Aires),   J.   G.    Duncan   (Buenos   Aires),    R.   N.    Edgard   (Buenos   Aires),     C.    B. 
Ferry,    A.M.I.G.E.    (Buenos    Aires),    E.    J.    Flanagan    (Buenos    Aires),    A.    W.    Garbutt 
{Buenos  Aires),   S.   J.   Moody   (Buenos  Aires),   Hary   Scott   (Buenos   Ai*es),    He  bet   R. 
Thompson   (Buenos   Aires),   P.   S.   Tudor   (Buenos  Ai~es),   A.   S.    Tudor   (Buenos   Aies), 
Harry  Ushe.-  (Buenos  Aires).     Brazil, — Ven.  Archdeacon  0.   W.  C.  Blegg  (Rio  de  Janeiro). 
Dutch     Borneo. — Edward  F.  Cameron.      France. — J.  Dawson  Buckley  (Marseilles}.      Guate- 
mala.— Eric  T.  Bradley.      Porto   Rico. — James  A.  Merson.      Soain. — T.  A.  Stiles  (Madrid). 
Sudan. — Frederick   J.    Tear    (Khartum).     Zanzibar. — Reginald  Leon. 

Associates  (7) : 

Mrs.  Barker  (Gisborne,  New  Zealand),  George  R.  Jebb,  M.I.C.E.,  Mrs.  J.   P.  Johnson, 
Miss  E.  May,  Mrs.  Street  (Sydney,  N.S.W.),  Mrs.  T.  S.  Downing    Wallace,  Miss  Anne 

E.  Walton,  A.R.C.M. 

Associates — Bristol  Branch  (68) : 

A.  J.  Abraham,  L.  P.  Allen,  S.  D.  Baker,  Percy  Berritt,  E.  H.  Birl,  T.  A.  Bishop, 
Professor  E.  S.  Boulton,  C.  R.  Bracher,  Dr.  C.  W.  J.  Brasher,  Rev.  J.  N.  B.  Champain, 
J.  K.  Champion,  Alfred  P.  Chillcott,  H.  N.  Chittcott,  Elton  Clarke,  William  H.  Cole, 
A.  Ernest  Cock  rton,  E.  Crichton,  Alfred  J.  Dearlove,  I.  Mackie  Dunlop,  A.  E.  H. 
Edwards,  David  Evans,  Dr.  J.  Motion  Evans,  Capt.  T.  L.  Evans,  Rt.  Hon.  Lewis  Fry, 
T.  W.  Grigg,  H.  Haskins,  Rev.  T.  W.  Hodge,  T.  Hunton,  H.  W.  Pride  Jones,  E.  L. 
Judd,  Bertram  Knowles,  Professor  G.  H.  Leonard,  M.A.,  F.  G.  Long,  E.  J.  Lmother, 
E.  G.  Mardon,  F.  Marsh,  W.  F.  Messenger,  L.  F.  Milne,  R.  0.  Mitchell,  B.  W.  T. 
Moran,  W.  Palmer,  F.  S.  Philpott,  H.  W.  Pippen,  A.  N.  Price,  F.  G.  Robinson, 
J.  Lovett  Scott,  Alderman  A.  J.  Smith,  H.  G  Smith,  J.  T.  Mayo  Smith,  Charles  E.  Spacie, 
Hugh  Spencer,  C.I.E.,  Mrs.  M.  M.  Spencer,  W.  J.  Spry,  His  Honour  Judge  Stanger, 
K.C.,  E.  A.  Stonham,  F.  E.  Thomas,  J.  M.  Thomas,  Miss  Pauline  M.  Thomas,  S.  B. 
Thorn,  Charles  H.  Tucker,  W.  Tudor-Pole,  J.  Lockley  Turner,  Charles  Weeks,  Jasper 
White,  Colonel  J.  H.  Woodward,  C.B.,  Miss  I.  S.  Wylie. 


76  NOTICES   TO    FELLOWS. 

GENERAL  PURPOSES  COMMITTEE. 

Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Grey,  G.C.K,  G.C.J^.G.,  G.C.V  .O.  ;  Lt.-Geu.  bir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B., 
K.C.M.G. ;  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden,  K.C.M.G. ;  Ralph  S.  Boi,d,  Esq.  ;  Frederick  Lutton,  Esq. ; 
Ll.-Gen.  Sir  Edward  T.  H.  Hutton,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G. ;  Lt.-Col.  A.  \\eston  Jarvis,  C.M.G.  ; 
Richard  Jebb,  Esq.  ;  Robert  Littlejolm,  Esq.  ;  Ben  H.  Morgan,  Esq. ;  Sir  Harry  \\  ilson, 
K.C.M.G. ;  Evelyn  Wrench,  Esq. 

HOUSE  AND  LIBRARY  COMMITTEE. 

Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Grey,  G.C.b.,  b.C.^.G.,  G.C.V.O. ;  Lt.-GeL..  bir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.^ 
K.C.M.G.  ;  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden,  K.C.M.G.  ;  Ian  D.  Colviii,  Esq.  ;  Sir  Charles  J.  Dudgeon  ; 
Robert  Littlejohn,  Esq.  ;  Sir  Charles  P.  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.  ;  Aubrey  Wyatt  lilbv, 
Esa. 

SOCIAL  COMMITTEE. 

Sir  Godfrey  Lagden,  K.C.M.G.  (Chairman) ;  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G.  (Vice-Chair- 
man).  ;  Ralph  S.  Bond,  Esq.  ;  E.  P.  Cotton,  Esq. ;  Alfred  Holdsworth  Esq.  ;  Coleman 
P.  Hyman,  Esq.  (Hon.  Secretary) ;  Lt.-Col.  A.  Weston  Jarvis,  C.M.G.,  M.V.O.  ;  Captain 
F.  Southwell  Piper ;  Colonel  Duncan  G.  Pitcher ;  Coloael  H.  E.  Rawson,  C.B, 

WAR  SERVICES  COMMITTEE. 

Sk  Godfrey  Lagden,  K.C.Ai.G.  (Ckaim.au) ;  bir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G.  (Vice- 
Chairman)  ;  W.  Campbell  Brown,  Esq.  ;  Arthur  Bull,  Esq.  ;  W.  H.  Garrison,  Esq.  ;  T.  S. 
Hargreaves,  Esq. ;  C.  Hooper,  Esq. ;  Coleman  P.  Hyman,  Esq.  (Hon.  Secretary) ;  D.  Hope- 
Johnston,  Esq.  ;  Gordon  Le  Sueur  des  Fresnes,  Esq.  ;  Sir  Francis  H.  Lovell,  C.M.G.  ; 
A.  Fotheringham  Lysons,  Esq.  ;  Dr.  T.  Miller  Maguire  ;  John  R.  Marsh,  Esq.  ;  E.  C. 
Evelyn  Mills,  Esq.  ;  Captain  F.  Southwell  Piper ;  J.  Elam  Pounds,  Esq.  ;  P.  Baldwin 
Smith,  Esq. ;  Edward  Wakefield,  Esq. 

ARRANGEMENTS   FOR  SESSION   1915. 

The  following  Paper  has  been  arranged,  and  subsequent  fixtures  will  appear  from  time 
to  time  in  the  Notices  to  Fellows. 
1915. 

January  26. — Dinner  at  7.  Meeting  at  8.30  p.m.  Professor  Spenser  Wilk  inecn  will 
deliver  an  address  on  "  The  Empire  and  the  War." 


CHRISTMAS  LEC1URES  FOR  YCUKG  PEOPLE. 

It  has  been  arranged  to  give  three  popular  illustrated  lectures  in  the  Whitehall  Pccms, 
Hotel  1\  etropole,  at  3.30  p.m.,  as  follows: — 

Tuesday,  January  5,  "Wild  Beasts  and  Birds  of  the  British  Empire,"  by  Richard 

Kearton,  F.Z.S.,  F.R.P.S. 
Thursday,  January  7,  "The  World's  Greatest  War,"  by  W.   H.  Garrison,  F.R.G.S. 

(Official  Lecturer  to  the  Poyal  Colonial  Institute). 
Monday,  January  11,  "Sarawak  and  its  People,"  by  H.H.  The  Ranee  of  Sarawak. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine.— Allan  Brodie,  Percy  Clarke,  pin.,  S.  R.  J.ans,  Rev.  Canon  A.  W.  L> 
Karney,  W.  M.  Maiiland,  F.  Crawford  Smith.  Brazil.— T.  A.  Owen.  British  rast 
Africa. — A.  W.  Rowlands.  Colombia. — H.  F.  Oarraway.  Cyprus. — Major  Sir  Ha.iiilton 
J.  Goold-Adams,  O.C.M.O.,  C.B.  Falkland  Islands. — J.  Innes  Wilson.  Guatemala. — 
J.  A.  Dalgliesh,  F.  Meadows,  N.  Meadows,  A.  C.  Thompson,  F .  S.  Thompson.  Mexico. 
— H.  T.  Bye.  Rhodesia.— C1.  H.  Drew,  H.  Marshall  Hole,  H.  P.  Selmea.  Northern 
Rhodesia—  W.  E.  M.  Owen.  Russia.— G.  A.  Harrison.  South  Africa.— J.  Middleton. 
Spain.— If.  S.  We&ereU.  Straits  Settlements. — C.  S.  Brison.  United  States.— Norman. 


Advertisements. 


77- 
XT 


"WAR." 

"  War ! "  is  the  title  of  the  latest  illustrated  booklet  issued  by  Dr.  Bernardo's 
Homes.  It  tells  of  a  war  declared  not  last  August,  but  half  a  century  ago  ;  not  by  His 
Majesty's  Government,  but  by  one  man  ;  not  against  the  overbearing  arrogance  and 
ambition  of  an  unscrupulous  m  litarism,  but  against  an  equally  subtle  and  deadly 
foe,  the  shadowy  and  innum3rable  enemies  of  destitute  childhood  ;  against  vice, 
evil  influence,  hereditary  tendencies,  uncleanness,  desolation.  For  forty-eight  years 
that  war  has  been  waged  by  Dr.  Barnardo  and  h:s  followers. 

The  Homes  are  labouring  in  the  service  of  Orphan  and  Destitute  Children 
The  work  is  above  all  things  national  and  patriotic.  Its  motto  is  "  For  God  and 
Country."  The  Homes  gather  the  helpless  and  neglected  little  ones,  nurtur* 
and  train  them,  and  give  back  in  due  time  young  men  and  young  women  of  whom  the 
Nation  may  be  justly  proud.  The  Homes  have  emigrated  25,485  boys  and  girls  to 
Canada,  and  502  to  Australia,  New  Zealand  and  South  Africa.  Barnardo  boys  have 
answered  well  to  the  call  of  King  and  Country.  702  are  known  to  be  in  the  Army 
and  Navy.  300  are  constantly  in  training  at  their  Naval  School.  Barnardo  boys 
have  been  in  most  of  the  Naval  engagements.  We  feel  sure  that  the  British  public 
would  wish  the  Charter  "  No  Destitute  Child  ever  refused  Admission  "  to  be  main- 
tained. Ten  shillings  maintains  the  whole  of  this  work  in  all  its  efficiency  for  one 
minute.  Give  yourself  the  joy  of  feeling  that  for  at  least  one  minute  you  are  bearing 
upon  yourself  the  total  burden  of  this  National  work.  Gifts  of  all  kinds,  money, 
clothing,  blankets,  etc.,  will  be  welcomed  by  the  Honorary  Director,  Mr.  WILLIAM 
BAKER,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  at  Headquarters,  18  to  26  Stepney  Causeway,  London,  E. 

R.M.S.P.  &  P.S.N.C 

TO 

WEST  INDIES, 

PANAMA  CANAL  &  NEW  YORK 


Also  Fortnightly  from  St.  John,  N.B 
and  Halifax,   N.S.,  to 

WEST   INDIES   &    DEMERARA 

via  Bermuda. 


Via  France,  Spain,    Portugal, 

Madeira,  Canary  Islands  and 

Falkland  Isles. 


Regular  Services  from  New  York  to  Bermuda. 

Circular  Cruises  to 

MOROCCO,  CANARY  IS.,  MADEIRA 

For  further  particulars  apply 

THE  ROYAL  MAIL  STEAM  PACKET  COMPANY 
THE  PACIFIC  STEAM  NAVIGATION  COMPANY 

London  :  18  Moorgate  St.,  E.G..  &  32  Cockspur  St,S.W. 
Liverpool :  3 1   James  Street. 


CERTIFICATE    OF    CANDIDATE    FOR    ELECTION. 


Name   I 
in  full ' 


TiMn  or      \ 
I'rntWsion    | 


Postal   Address 


a  British  Subject,  being  desirous  of  admission  into  the  ROYAL 
COLONIAL  INSTITUTE,  We,  the  mndersigned,  recommend  him  as 
eligible  for  Membership. 


Dated  this 


day  of 


,  191     . 


.F.R.C.T. 


from  personal  knowledge. 


,  F.R.C.T. 


Proposed 


191 


191 


The  Description  and  Residence  of  Candidates  must  be  clearly  stated. 


NOTICES   TO   FELLOWS.  79 

Thwaites.  West  Africa. — R.  R.  Appleby,  D.  BatJigate,  W.  W.  Bishop,  W.  Davis  Bowden, 
O.  S.  Brmone,  R.  H.  Bunting,  A.  C.  Cou'dery,  S.  Spencer  Davis,  A.  8.  Fraser,  P.  F. 
Gallagher,  H.  Gwynn-Williams,  H.  O.  Holmes,  E.  0,  Johnson,  I.S.O.,  Major  H.  W. 
Larymore,  C.M.G.,  J.  C.  McLaren,  Capt.  P.  J.  Mackesy,  W.  F.  O'Toole,  W.  V.  Porter, 
Dr.  W.  A.  Ryan,  M.  C.  Steedman,  E.  G.  Stevens,  H.  C.  Trousdett,  Hans  Vischer. 
West  Indies. — Capt.  W.  B.  Haddon-Smith,  Sir  Frederic  Maxwell,  D  r.  N.  Walmsley. 

DEPARTURES. 

Argentina. — H.  S.  Douglas.  Australia. — W.  H.  Bagot,  Donald  Campbell,  F.  J.  Cato, 
S.  S.  Cohen,  E.  P.  Cotton,  J.  W.  Gillespie,  E.  N.  Grimwade,  Hon.  R.  Harper,  Dr.  W. 
Macansh,  R.  McMillan,  H.  W.  Potts.  British  East  Africa.— L.  J.  E.  Dench,  J.  B. 
Ellard,  W.  B.  Jackson.  Canada. — T.  Davis,  J.  Myers,  K.  Myers.  Ceylon. — W.  A.  de 
Silva,  A.  E.  Mayes.  Falkland  Islands.— A.  E.  FeUon.  Fiji.— W.  J.  Candler.  India.— 
J.  Pollok.  Malay  States. — H.  A.  Hope.  Mexico. — J.  Growder.  New  Zealand. — Rev. 
H.  0.  Fenton,  S.  L.  P.  Free,  A.  Levy,  G.  H.  Merton,  R.  J.  Reynolds.  South  Africa. — 
H.  H.  Bright,  Brown  Lawrence,  J.  M.  Legate,  Dr.  J.  C.  MacNellie,  H.  R.  Powett,  R.  H. 
Struben.  Spanish  Honduras. — Charles  Hunter.  West  Africa. — Dr.  D.  Burrows,  W.  A.  N. 
Davies,  W.  G.  Dawson,  J.  M.  M.  Dunlop,  A.  Gibbons,  L.  W.  LaChard,  W.  Murray, 
J.  Scott  Park,  A.  R.  Pennington,  A.  R.  Wittman.  West  Indies.— Sir  Charles  T.  Cox,  K.C.M.G. 


The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted, 
in  eaob  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the  rule  in 
question  . — 

17.  "The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS   AND  NEW   TELEPHONE   NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams:  "  Recital  Weetrand  London."      Cables:   "  Recital  London."    Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  o/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number:  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 


BADGE  FOR   FELLOWS   AND   ASSOCIATES. 

It  has  been  decided,  in  response  to  the  desire  of  Fellows  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire, 
that  badges  of  Fellowship  and  Associateship  of  the  Institute  shall  be  issued  to  those  who 
may  desire  to  show  their  connection  with  the  work  in  which  the  Institute  is  engaged.  The 
Badge  will  consist  of  a  miniature  jewel  representing  the  crest  of  the  Institute  in  gold  and 
enamel  for  Fellows,  and  silver  and  enamel  for  Associates,  and  can  be  attached  to  the  dress 
or  watch  chain.  The  Badge  will  be  supplied  to  Fellows  and  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  3s  each, 
or  in  the  form  of  a  brooch  for  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  4s.  each,  upon  application  being  made 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 


UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  the  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  Qd. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  will  be  ready  shortly,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  7s.  6d.  each.  In  the  event 
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United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  Qd.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1913  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 
%*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  uritten  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  th&  Editor  at  the  Institute.     The  Editor  does  not  undertakz  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  :— 
W   H.  ALLBN,  ESQ.,  BBDFOBD. 
THB  RBV.  T.  S.  CABLYON.  LL.D.,  BOUBNBMOUTH. 
R  CHBISTISON,  ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 
T.  8.  COTTBRELL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 
CAPT  O  CBOSFIBLD,  WARBINGTON. 
MABTIN  GBIPFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PURLBY. 
A  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER. 
GILBERT  PUBVIS,  ESQ.,  TOBQUAY. 
COUKCILLOB  HEBBEBT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLB-OH-TYNB 
JOHN  SPEAK.  ESQ.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON. 
PBOPBSSOB  R.  WALLACE,  EDINBUBOH. 

Dominion  o!  Canada  :—  PIT/IARY 

B   B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALGABY. 
A.  R.  CBEELMAN,  ESQ..  K.C..  MONTREAL. 
G  R  DUNCAN.  ESQ..  FORT  WILLIAM,  ONTABIO 
HON'D.  M.  EBBBTS.  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VICTOBIA,  B.C. 
R  FirzRANDOLPH.  FBEDKBICTON,  NEW  BBUNSWICK. 
SIB  SANDFORD  FLEMING,  K.C.M.G..  OTTAWA. 
CRAWFORD  GORDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG. 
W  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 
C. 'FREDERICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA. 
EBNEST  B.  C.  HANINGTON.  ESQ.,M.D.,VICTOBIA,  B  C. 
REGINALD  V.  HARRIS,  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 

Ll.-COL.   E.   A.  C.   HOSMER    VlBDBN,  MANITOBA. 

Lr  -CoL.  HKBBBBT  D.  HULMB,  VANCOUVBB,  B.C. 
CAPT  C.  E.  JAMIBSON,  PBTKBBOBO,  ONTABIO. 
LBONABD  W.  JUST.  ESQ.,  MONTBKAL. 
L.  V.  KBBB,  REGINA. 
JOHN  A.  MCDOUOALL,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON. 
CAPT  J.  McKiNEBY,  BASSANO.  ALBERTA.       [TABIO. 
J    PBBSCOTT  MEBBITT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHKBINES,  ON- 
T  J    PABKES.  ESQ..  SHBBBBOOKE,  QUEBEC.  [TARIO. 
Lr  -CoL.  W.  N.  PONTON.  K.C..  BELLBVILLB,  ON- 
LT'-COL  S  W.  RAY,  PORT  AHTHUR,  ONTARIO. 
M  'H   RICHEY,  ESQ..  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC. 
ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

F    M    SOLANDEBS,   ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C  8.  SCOTT,  ESQ..  HAMILTON. 
JOHN  T.  SMALL.  ESQ..  K.C.,  TORONTO. 
C   E  SMYTH.  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT. 
H.  L.  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  COCHRANE,  ONTABIO. 
8.  J.  WILLIAMS,  ESQ..  BERLIN,  ONTARIO. 
COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES,  K.C.,  BHANTFOBD,  ONTABIO. 
flnmmonwealth  of  Australia  : — 

J   W   BABBITT,  ESQ..  M.D..  C.M.G.,  MELBOUBNB. 
F  W   CROAKER,  ESQ.,  BRBWARBINA,  N.S.W. 
W.  L.  DOCKBB,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W. 
HON.  GEORGE  F.  EABP.M.L.C.,  NEWCASTLE,  N.S.W. 
H  C.  MACFIB.  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W. 
EDWARD  A.  PBTHEBICK,  ESQ.,  MELBOUBNB.VIOTOBIA. 
J   N   PABKKS,  ESQ.,  TOWNSVILLE. 
HON   W   F  TAYLOR,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BRISBANB. 
Ho*'  A/J.  THYNNB,  M.L.C.,  BBISBANB. 
J   EDWIN  THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S  A. 
D'ARCY  W.  ADDISON,  ESQ.,  HOBART,  TASMANIA, 
FRANK  BIDDLBS,  ESQ.,  FBEMANTLE,  W.A. 
B  H  DABBYSHIBB,  ESQ.,  PEBTH,  W.A. 
Dominion   o!  New    Zealand:    COL.  HON.   JAMES 

ALLBN,  M.P.,  DUNBDIN. 
ALEXANDBB  H.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  WELLINGTON 
HON.  SIB  CHABLES  C.  BOWBN,  K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C., 

CHBISTOHUBCH. 

HON   OUTER  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
BASIL  SBTH-SMITH.  ESQ.,  CHRISTCHUBCH. 
B  D.  DOUGLAS  MCLEAN,  ESQ.,  NAPIER. 
H  Q  SBTH'-SMITH,  ESQ.,  AUCKLAND. 
H   H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  GISBORNE. 


HABBY      GlBSON.     ESQ., 

CAPBTOWN. 
PEBCY  K   FBANCIS,  ESQ.,  POBT  ELIZABETH. 
JOHN  POOLBY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KIMBEBLBY. 
DAVID  RBBS,  ESQ.,  J.P..  EAST  LONDON. 
MAJOB  FBEDK.  A.  SAUNDEBS.  F.R.C.S..  GBAHAMS- 

MAX  SONNENBBBO,  ESQ..  VfiYBUBG.  [TOWN. 

F   WALSH,  ESQ..  M.A..  J.P.,  CABNABVOH. 

J.  P.  WASSUNO,  ESQ..  MOSSEL  BAY. 

THB  VEN.  ABOHDEACON  A.  T.  WIBOMAJI,  D.D., 

D  C.L..  POBT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL  :  G.  CHUBTON  COLLINS  ESQ.,  DUBBAH. 

DACBB  A.  SHAW.  ESQ..  PiETEBMABirzBUBa. 

E  W.  NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSOOBBLLO. 
OBANGB  FBEB  STATB?    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 
CBICHTON. 

r  A.  R»i«'f    ESQ..  BLOEMFONTEU. 


Union  o!  South  Alrica— continued. 
TBANSVAAL:  W.  E.  FBBBYMAN,  ESQ.,  C.A.,  7  STAH- 
DABD  BANK  CHAMBEBS,  COMMISSIONBB  STBEBT, 
JOHANNESBURG.    [BUILDINGS,  JOHANNESBUBG. 
F    C.    STUBBOCK,    ESQ.,    10   GBNBKAL   MININ« 
S.  C.  A.  COSSEB,  ESQ.,  PBETOBIA. 
Areentine  •    WM.  WABDBN,  ESQ.,  BCTBNOS  AIBBS. 
W    B  HABDING  GBIEN,  ESQ..  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland  :    W.  H.  W.  MUBPHY,  ESQ..  FBANOIB- 

TOWH. 

Bermuda:    HON.  HBNBY  LOOKWABD,  HAMILTOH. 
Borneo  :    G.  C.  IBVIBO,  ESQ..  SANDAKAB. 
Brazil  •   CHABLES  O.  K.ENYON.  Esq.,  SANTOS. 

HBUBY  L.  WHEATLBY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DB  JANBIBO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBXANDEBDAVi9,EsQ.,NAiBOBi. 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LIWOBTT.  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  :  CAPTAIN  W.  STUABT. 
Ceylon  :    R-  H.  FBBGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A..  COLOMBO. 
Chile  :  F.  BBUOE  NOBTON,  ESQ.,  VALPABAISO. 
W   HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J.  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDBIA. 

E.  B.  BBETT,  Esg.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-OABPENTBB,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIBO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCB  CONLAY,  ESQ., 
Fiji  :   C.  A.  LA  TOUCHB  BBOUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.  [!POH. 
France  :   SIB  JOHN  PILTBB,  PABIS. 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :  Louis  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  BEBLIH. 

R  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBUBG. 
Gibraltar  :   W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH.  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMBITAGB,  C.M.G.. 
D.S.O.,  NOBTHEBN  TEBBITOBIES. 

C.  S.  CBAVBN,  ESQ.,  AOCBA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  O.  RKW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :   CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.  PBILIEVITZ,  ESQ.,  LEBUWABDBH. 
Hong  Kong  :    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH.  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E  VIVIAN  GABBIEL,  ESQ..C.V.O..  C.S.I..  SIMLA. 

H  N   HUTCHINSON,  ESQ..I.C.S..  LAHOBE.       [GONG. 

GBOBGE  H.  OBMBBOD,   ESQ.,  M.Inst.C.E.,  CHITTA. 

JAMES  R.  PEABSON.  ESQ.,  C.I.E..  I.C.S..  MBBBUT. 

Mauritius  :   GEOBGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  POBT  LOOTS. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HABDWICKE.  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland  :   HON.  ROBEBT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN  8. 
NeT Hebrides  :  His  HONOUB  JUDGB  T.  E.  ROSBBY. 

VILA. 
Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NABAGUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP.  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ.,  ZUNGEBU. 

B  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  ZABIA. 
Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOOK.  ESQ.,  LTVIHQ. 

STOBB. 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INOWBBKBB. 

A  C  HAYTEB,  ESQ.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama :    CHARLES  F.  PEBBLES,  ESQ. 
Peru  :   R«'-  ARCHIBALD  NIOOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :   W  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F   W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIB. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ..  M.B.,  C.M..  SALISBUBY 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  K.  M.  O'BRIEN.  C.M.G. 
SoLmon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BARNETT.  ESQ,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HON.  E.  0.  JOHNSON.M.L.C..  FREETOWN. 
Sts  Settlements  :-A.  T.  BRYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANO. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :   ALLISTER  M.  MILLER.  ESQ.,  MBABANB. 
Uganda    Protectorate  :    GBORGB    D.    SMITH,  ESQ., 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 
United  States  :   DR.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

ALLEYNB  IRELAND,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK. 

WE  ^J^clMrN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P..  BARBADOS. 
HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K..C..  BAHAMAS. 
HON  J.  J.  NUNAN,  GEOBGBTOWN,  BBITISH  GUIANA. 
H  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ..  BELIZE.  BRITISH  HOH- 
FBANK  CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA. [DURAS. 
HON.  MB.  JUSTICE  F  H.  PABKEB.LBBWABD  ISLANDS. 
A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN.  POBTO  Rico. 
pkoFESsoB  P.  CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.8..  POBT  01 

HoN.AD.'  S.^'FB'BITAS,  M.L.C.,  GBENADA,  WIND- 
WABD  ISLANDS. 


[Photo  by  Ilaxsano.] 
FIELD-MARSHAL    EARL    KITCHENER. 

"The  great  initial  advantages  which  the  Germans  enjoyed  by  reason  of  the  numerical 
superiority  and  extensive  war  preparations  are  certainly  diminishing,  while  the  Allies  are  daily 
increasing  those  resources  of  men  and  material  that  will  enable  them  to  prosecute  the  war  to  a 
triumphant  end."— LORD  KITCHENER,  House  of  Lords,  Jan.  7th,  191'). 


[To  face  p.  81. 


UNITED    EMPIRE 

THE  ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOURNAL 

VOL.  VI  FEBRUAEY  1915  No.  2 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


AT  a  time  when  many  associations  find  that  their  normal  activities 

are  suspended,  and  feel  that  they  cannot  expect  their  members  to 

devote  work  and  thought  to  anything  but  the  prosecu- 

?^i     '^r      tion  of  the  war,  we  ask  the  Fellows  of  the  RoyalColonial 
and  the  War.  T.  -1111-  •          i    ^    *f    f  ^ 

Institute  to  redouble  their  energies  on  behalf  of  the  great 

principle  of  United  Empire  for  which  we  stand.  In  the  inspiring 
speeches  of  Lord  Grey  and  Dr.  Parkin,  which  are  published  in  this 
month's  Journal,  after  Lord  Heath's  paper,  there  is  struck  a  note  to 
which  every  Fellow  ought  to  listen.  "  Through  the  thick  clouds  of 
war  hanging  on  the  horizon  .  .  .  the  eye  that  has  a  vision  can  see 
dreams  being  fulfilled  about  which  we  have  often,  perhaps,  been 
hopeless."  This  Institute  is  the  tangible  expression  of  a  dream,  the 
bond  of  union  between  those  who  lift  up  their  eyes  above  the  mirk 
and  turmoil  of  everyday  politics  and  see  the  wider  vision.  The  real 
man  of  action  is  he  who  knows  how  to  make  his  dreams  come  true, 
and  now  that  there  is  a  spirit  moving  on  the  face  of  the  waters, 
we  must  not  let  slip  the  moment  when  great  creative  work  may  be 
doing.  The  Institute  stands  for  no  special  ready-made  scheme  of 
Imperial  unity — it  stands  for  the  aim,  for  the  desire,  for  the  determina- 
tion to  work  towards  that  end,  and  to  bring  the  pressure  of  a  strong 
Imperialist  public  opinion  in  every  part  of  the  Empire  to  bear  on  all 
matters  connected  with  Imperial  relations.  If  every  Fellow  could 
send  in,  in  the  next  month,  the  name  of  another,  like-minded  with 
himself,  on  the  nomination  form  at  the  end  of  this  Journal,  we  should 
have  a  really  powerful  body  of  organised  thought  and  work  to  influence 
the  tide  which  is  bearing  us  on,  whether  we  will  or  not,  to  our  destiny. 

SHOULD  the  Imperial  Conference  take  place  in   1915  ?    Although 
the  British  Government  is  understood  to  favour  postponement,  it  is 

quite  possible  that  a  general  expression  of  opinion  from 
The  Imperial  •     ,  *     /-.     /  ^-  u 

Confe  e  overseas  in  favour  of  a  Conference  this  year  would  meet 

with  consideration.     Mr.  Fisher  undoubtedly  voiced  a 
growing  opinion  in  Australia  in  advocating  (as  he  did  at  Auckland) 


82  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

that  the  Conference  should  not  be  postponed,  and  although  in  the 
exchange  of  views  between  the  Canadian  and  Imperial  Governments 
the  Dominion  agreed  to  accept  the  decision  of  the  latter  without 
question,  yet  there  is  a  strong  feeling  in  Canada  that  the  conditions 
are  now  peculiarly  favourable  for  the  discussion  of  many  important 
questions.  Sir  Robert  Borden  has  said  in  plain  words  "  It  is  impossible 
to  believe  that  our  existing  status,  so  far  as  the  control  of  foreign  policy 
and  extra-Imperial  relations  is  concerned,  can  remain  as  it  is  to-day  ", 
and  there  are  many  who  believe  that  to  postpone  the  discussion  of 
these  relations  until  after  the  war-settlement  will  deprive  that  settle- 
ment of  a  great  deal  of  the  validity  and  influence  which  it  might 
exercise  in  our  Imperial  development.  Mr.  Richard  Jebb,  one  of  the 
closest  students  of  the  evolution  of  the  Imperial  Conference,  in  a 
striking  letter  to  the  Morning  Post  (January  11)  advocated  holding  the 
Conference  as  a  means  of  admitting  the  Dominions  to  a  proper  share 
in  the  war-settlement,  but  does  not  believe  that  any  "  grand  act  of 
Imperial  federation  "  is  either  imminent  or  desirable.  He  asks  if  the 
Overseas  Dominions  are  ready  to  appoint  resident  ministers  in  London, 
as  the  next  logical  step  forward  towards  closer  co-operation,  but  in 
suggesting  that  this  would  in  any  way  meet  the  aspirations  voiced 
by  Sir  Robert  Borden  one  must  remember  the  distinction,  so  ably 
drawn  by  Mr.  Jebb  himself  in  his  "  History  of  the  Colonial  Conference," 
between  advisory  and  responsible  bodies.  It  is  doubtful  whether  it 
would  be  "  worth  while  ",  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Overseas 
Dominions,  to  maintain  permanent  ministers  in  London,  chosen  from 
their  own  best  statesmen,  whose  functions  are  to  be  merely  advisory. 

THIS  is  neither  the  time  nor  the  place  in  which  to  enter  into  so 
wide  and  controversial  a  discussion,  but  the  mere  mention  of  these 
points  shows  how  important  it  is  that  the  whole  subject 
1   should  be  thoroughly  ventilated  in  the  most  broad- 
minded  spirit.    Mr.  Jebb  believes  that  these  problems 
are  improved  by  keeping,  like  wine,  and  dreads  the  intervention  of 
what  he  has  named  the  Centralist  School.    Yet  the  description  "  Cen- 
tralist "  can  hardly  be  applied  to  Mr.  Fisher  and  Sir  R.  Borden,  both 
of  whom  are  ardently  anxious  to  discuss,  as  soon  as  possible,  and  in 
an  Imperialistic  spirit,  the  relations  of  their  respective  Dominions  to 
the  rest  of  the  Empire.     The  arguments  against  holding  the  Conference 
in  1915  are  chiefly  centred  on  the  preoccupation  of  ministers  with  the 
war ;  but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  parliamentary  duties  of  those  ministers 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  83 

not  actively  connected  with  either  the  army  or  the  navy  are  probably 
lighter  than  usual.  Another  argument  in  favour  of  holding  the  Con- 
ference is  that,  while  it  could  not  arrive  at  any  binding  conclusions, 
since  any  fresh  proposals  as  to  either  Imperial  defence  or  organisa- 
tion would  have  to  be  submitted  to  the  Dominion  Parliaments,  it 
could  clear  the  air  for  future  discussion,  and  by  ventilation  of  ideas 
gauge  opinion  in  the  varied  countries  from  which  its  representatives 
are  drawn.  The  strongest  argument  in  favour  of  a  1915  Conference, 
however,  is  the  one  adduced  by  Mr.  Jebb,  that  when  peace  is  signed 
the  settlement  must  be  made  with  the  sanction  and  authority  of  the 
whole  Empire,  and  that  sanction  and  authority  can  only  be  obtained 
by  conference  beforehand.  The  mere  spectacle  of  such  a  gathering 
of  British  statesmen  would  not  be  without  its  moral  effect  on  the 
world  at  this  crisis. 


THE  speech  of  Lord  Kitchener,  from  which  we  quote  a  pithy 

paragraph  beneath  his  portrait  as  our  frontispiece,  shows  that  we  have 

certainly  reached  a  phase  in  which  the  ebb  tide  has  set 

M°mt?ulsory  in  for  Germany-  How  lons she  can  hold  out  ^^ that 

s  /.  ^          ebbing  tide  is  a  matter  for  speculation  and  not  for 
prophecy.     But  Lord  Kitchener  is  exemplifying  the 
wisdom  of  hoping  for  the  best  and  preparing  for  the  worst.     The  new 
armies,  by  all  accounts,  are  shaping  admirably.    Our  little  force  in 
France   will    shortly   be    far   from  contemptible   in  numbers,  even 
when  compared  with  the  legions  of  the  enemy,  and  it  is  no  longer  a 
lefensive  but  a  "  containing"  force.     One  of  the  striking  events  of  the 
ist  month,  in  the  House  of  Lords  debate,  was  the  definition  by  Lord 
[aldane  as  Lord  Chancellor,  of  the  statutory  obligation  of  every  citizen 
)f  Great  Britain  to  defend  his  country.     Whether  the  same  legal 
)bligation  exists  as  to  foreign  service  is  a  subject  for  controversy,  but 
long  the  benefits  this  war  may  be  expected  to  bring  is  a  realisation 
)f  the  fact  that  the  frontiers  of  the  Empire  may  have  to  be  defended 
>n  the  plains  of  Flanders  or  anywhere  else.     It  is  one  of  the  lessons 
>ur  people  are  buying,  at  great  cost.     Fortunately  we  are  told  that 
there  is  no  need  at  present  to  resort  to  any  form  of  compulsion,  and 
rhile  resting  content  with  that  assurance  many  people  will  join  with 
jord  Curzon  in  an  ardent  hope  that  the  Government  are  getting  ready 
scheme  of  operations  should  the  necessity  arise.     Meanwhile  is  not  this 
good  opportunity  for  the  adoption  of  a  universal  system  of  cadet 

G  2 


84  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

training  in  schools  ?  The  description  of  the  system  as  applied  in 
Australia,  given  in  the  discussion  on  Lord  Heath's  paper  in  this  number 
of  UNITED  EMPIRE,  shows  how  simple  and  beneficial  such  a  system  can 
be.  Cadet  training  is  not  compulsory  in  upper-class  schools  in  Great 
Britain,  but  public  opinion  in  those  schools  is  practically  making  it  so. 
Why  should  not  the  advantages  it  offers  be  extended  to  every  class  of 
boy  throughout  the  Empire  ? 

THERE  are  certain  portions  of  the  globe  where  no  exhortations  seem 
to  be  needed  to  enforce  the  view  that  the  frontier  of  the  British  Empire 
is  in  Flanders.    Lord  Grey,  in  another  part  of  UNITED 
Recruits          EMPIRE  tells  of  Guatemala,  where  out  of  eighty  adult 
Q°m  British  residents  (all  Fellows  of  the  Institute)  forty 

have  come  at  their  own  expense,  a  journey  costing  £65, 
to  offer  their  services  in  the  field.  Another  fine  record  has  been  made 
by  the  British  community  in  the  Argentine,  where  the  R.C.I,  has  a 
flourishing  branch.  Over  2,000  recruits  have  come  home,  the  British 
Patriotic  Committee  assisting  the  passage  of  some  350.  Rhodesia, 
again,  has  sent  out  of  her  comparatively  sparse  population  1,000  men 
for  Imperial  service,  many  of  them  travelling  home  third  class,  in 
their  eagerness  to  offer  themselves. 

THE  main  campaign  in  Eastern  Europe  has  shown  little  change 
during  the  month.  On  the  whole  the  conditions  have  been  against 

the  combatants  on  both  sides  ;  the  Germans  hold  their 
z,  positions,  the  Russians  hold  theirs,  on  the  Polish 

Qam  .  East  Prussian  front.  To  the  south  the  Russian  armies 

have  retired  from  Cracow,  and  any  immediate  danger 
to  the  German  frontier  in  South  Silesia  is  therefore  avoided ;  to  that 
extent  General  von  Hindenburg  has  succeeded  in  his  tactics,  and 
compelled  the  Russians  to  withdraw  their  offensive  for  the  present. 
Whether  the  Germans,  after  their  colossal  losses  in  these  parts,  will  be 
able  to  maintain  their  position  through  the  rigorous  cold  weather 
ahead  is  doubtful ;  it  must  always  be  remembered  in  this  connection 
that  the  pick  of  the  German  army  is  employed  in  the  West,  and  only 
second-line  troops  are  employed  against  Russia.  On  the  other  hand, 
while  the  Russians  have  made  little  advance  against  Germany,  they 
have  crossed  the  Carpathians  in  large  numbers,  and  the  disorganisation 
of  Hungary  proceeds  apace.  The  Austrian  army  seems  no  more 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  85 

successful  under  German  leadership  than  under  its  own  officers,  and  the 
extent  of  its  losses  in  five  months'  war  may  be  gauged  from  the  fact 
that  men  of  fifty  and  even  sixty  years  of  age  are  now  being  called  up 
to  serve  in  the  Landsturm  and  Landwehr.  It  is  probably  these 
desperate  straits  which  have  caused  some  of  the  rumours  that  Austria 
desires  peace.  She  may  desire  it,  but  she  is  certainly  too  proud  to  ask 
for  it  as  yet,  even  if  Germany  allowed  her ;  her  ruin  is  not  yet 
sufficiently  complete  to  compel  her  to  desert  her  masterful  ally. 

THE  course  of  the  war  has  shown  that  it  is  not  good  business  to  be 

friends  with  Germany.     Austria  has  gained  nothing  and  will  probably 

lose  everything  ;  Turkey  is  faced  with  the  same  prospect. 

A  Turkish  Army,  which  had  the  mad  idea  of  invading 

,,  .  ,  ,  .  Russia  through  the  Caucasus  in  mid- winter,  has  been 
Friendship. 

defeated,  and  to  all  appearance  annihilated ;  the 
Turkish  Navy,  even  reinforced  by  the  powerful  but  unlucky  Goeben, 
has  lost  in  combat  with  the  Russian  Black  Sea  Fleet  and  is  now  reported 
to  be  taking  refuge  in  the  Sea  of  Marmora  ;  and  the  Turkish  Army  which 
has  been  despatched  for  the  conquest  of  Egypt  has  not,  apparently, 
got  very  far  as  yet.  It  is  true  that  the  Germans  news-agencies  have 
sent  out  terrifying  accounts  of  its  strength — but  one  is  used  to  these 
reports,  which,  like  the  screams  and  shouts  of  savage  tribes  in  battle, 
are  meant  to  frighten  the  enemy.  The  old  British  Army  of  occupation 
in  Egypt  has  now  become  part  of  the  British  Expeditionary  Force  and 
is  fighting  in  Flanders  ;  but  its  place  has  been  well  filled  by  British 
Territorials  and  the  Australian  and  New  Zealand  troops,  who  will 
doubtless  be  fully  capable  of  dealing  with  that  part  of  the  Turkish  Army 
which  survives  the  crossing  of  the  Desert  of  Sinai. 

MEANTIME,  it  is  practically  certain  that  the  area  of  the  war  will 
be  enlarged  by  the  inclusion  of  Roumania  and  possibly  Bulgaria 
among  the  Allies ;    while  the  rumour  continues  that 

Italy  wil1  yet  throw  °ff  her  neutralitv  and  even  Greece 
may  decide  to  attack  Turkey.     The  German  bullying 

)f  Turkey  to  join  the  aggressors  has  had  the  effect  of  re- opening  the 
whole  Near  Eastern  question,  and  while  the  decision  of  Turkey  has 
been  fatal  for  herself — if  one  may  prophesy  about  the  future  of  a  State 
inhere  prophecy  is  unusually  dangerous — it  will  not  have  done  much 
;ood  to  Germany,  since  the  entry  of  Roumania  into  the  war  will  draw 


86  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

a  solid  ring  of  belligerents  round  Austria.  Roumania's  objective  in 
the  war  will  probably  be  the  Transylvanian  provinces  of  Hungary, 
already  restive  and  ripe  for  revolt  from  Hungarian  rule  ;  the  accession 
of  those  provinces  would  create  a  Greater  Roumania  that  will  balance 
the  inevitable  Greater  Serbia  of  the  future.  Roumanian  intervention 
is  promised  for  the  end  of  February,  or  at  latest  early  March ;  the 
entry  of  the  other  neutral  States  into  the  war  is  a  matter  of  more 
doubt.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Italian  Socialists  are  holding 
demonstrations  in  favour  of  continued  neutrality,  and  that  the  Italian 
Catholics  have  been  instructed  by  the  Pope  to  declare  that  they  will 
obey  the  decision  of  the  Royal  Government.  The  desire  for  inter- 
vention, of  course,  remains  strongest  in  the  Venetian  and  Adriatic 
provinces,  and  some  hasty  act  might  easily  make  it  inevitable. 

THE  importance  evidently  attached  by  Germany  to  public  opinion 
in  the  United  States,  and  the  efforts  openly  made  to  capture  the  Press 
TT  A  an(^  °*ner  agencies  in  that  country,  give  greater  point 
d  th  W  ^an  ^ev  would  otherwise  possess  to  the  Notes  recently 
*  exchanged  between  the  United  States  and  British 
Governments,  such  remonstrances  being  by  no  means  unusual  in  war- 
time. There  is,  of  course,  a  large  German  population  in  the  United 
States,  and  the  sympathies  of  these  people  are  naturally  strongly 
with  their  own  country.  They  influence  commercial  life  in  no 
small  degree,  and  commerce  is  very  strongly  represented  in  the 
American  Legislature.  Therefore  while  the  private  sympathies  of 
the  genuine  American  are  vividly  described  by  a  correspondent 
as  "  boiling  neutrality,"  the  attitude  of  their  Government  is  strictly 
correct,  while  that  of  a  considerable  section  of  commercial  opinion  is 
critical,  to  use  a  mild  term,  of  Great  Britain's  conduct  of  the  war. 
The  case  made  out  by  the  American  Note  was  that  American  trade  is 
suffering  unduly  because  of  the  right  of  search  for  contraband  exercised 
by  the  British  Navy  on  ships  whose  cargoes  are  consigned  to  neutral 
ports,  and  that  the  British  Navy  has  gone  beyond  the  powers  con- 
ferred on  belligerents  by  international  agreement.  It  has  been 
pointed  out  by  American  observers  themselves  that  some,  at  all 
events,  of  the  trouble  is  due  to  the  regulation,  introduced  by  tht 
U.S.  Treasury  Department  after  war  broke  out,  that  manifests 
need  not  be  made  public  until  thirty  days  after  the  sailing  of  a  vessel. 
The  interim  answer  to  the  Note  by  Sir  Edward  Grey  was,  in  effect,  the 
frank  statement  that  we  believe  copper  and  other  contraband  to  be 
reaching  the  enemy  via  these  neutral  countries,  or  under  cover  of 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  87 

consignment  to  them,  and  that  we  have  not  exceeded  our  rights. 
The  second  half  of  the  argument  is,  obviously,  a  question  of  evidence 
and  of  international  law — very  difficult  of  interpretation  by  the  lay- 
man— but  as  to  the  former  the  plain  man  can  form  an  opinion.  The 
figures  as  to  exports  of  certain  raw  materials  for  munitions  of  war 
were  given  by  Sir  E.  Grey  and  are  quoted  elsewhere  in  our  columns. 
It  is  only  fair  to  say  that  the  United  States  does  not  accept 
the  interpretation  placed  on  these  figures  by  H.M.  Government,  and 
it  may  be  argued  that  it  is  for  Great  Britain  to  make  arrangements 
with  the  neutral  countries  against  re-exportation.  But  geography 
settles  a  good  many  questions.  It  is  of  vital  importance  to  us  that 
Germany  should  not  get  copper,  and  it  is  much  easier  to  prevent 
it  crossing  the  ocean,  than  to  ensure  that  it  will  not  slip  through  when 
once  it  reaches  continental  Europe.  Mr.  Bryan,  in  a  remarkable 
answer  to  certain  Germanophile  correspondents,  hits  the  nail  on  the 
head  when  he  says  in  effect  that  it  is  not  the  business  of  a  neutral 
Power  to  try  to  neutralise  the  effects  of  British  sea  supremacy  on  the 
trade  of  Britain's  enemies.  As  to  copper,  the  United  States  has,  as 
a  belligerent,  treated  it  as  unconditional  contraband,  so  that  she 
"  necessarily  finds  some  embarrassment  "  in  taking  a  different  line 
now. 

THE  same  logic  applies  to  the  attempt  made  to  release  the  German 
commercial  fleet  lying  idle  in  American  ports.  A  first  experiment  in 
this  direction  has  been  made  by  the  sale  of  the  Dacia, 
acm'  a  Hamburg- Amerika  line  steamer,  to  an  American  firm, 
with  the  idea  of  running  her  under  the  U.S.A.  flag  with  a  cargo  of 
cotton  from  the  Southern  States  to  Bremen,  or  to  some  neutral  port 
like  Rotterdam.  Her  destination  has  been  tentatively  altered  more 
than  once,  in  the  desire  to  discover  the  attitude  of  the  British  Navy 
towards  her.  The  sale  of  an  enemy  ship  to  a  neutral  country  after 
the  outbreak  of  war  is  only  sanctioned  by  international  law  if  it  can  be 
shown  that  it  is  not  made  to  evade  the  consequences  of  that  war. 
Conceivably  if  the  Dacia,  now  re-named  the  Margaret,  were  sold  for 
coastwise  traffic,  or  for  trade  with  South  America,  she  might  come  under 
the  above  exception  to  the  rule,  but  as  the  consequences  of  crossing 
the  Pacific  under  the  German  flag  would  inevitably  be  capture  by  the 
British  Navy,  it  is  obvious  that  she  does  attempt  to  evade  those 
consequences  by  hoisting  any  other  ensign.  Moreover,  the  possibility 
of  selling  their  idle  ships  opens  to  German  firms  a  distinct  prospect 
of  "  evading  the  consequences  of  war  "  by  turning  a  liability  into  an 


88  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

asset,  and  this  question  arises  if  the  United  States  passes  a  Bill  for  the 
purchase  of  German  ships  even  for  coastwise  trade.  Every  American 
knows  what  he  would  wish  his  own  Government  to  do  under  similar 
circumstances. 

THE  question  of  providing  for  discharged  soldiers  and  sailors,  or 
the  widows  and  children  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the  war,  by  plant- 
ing them  on  the  land  either  in  this  country  or  in  the 
Land  Dominions,  is  already  occupying  considerable  attention 

Settlement      in  mnuential  quarters.      We  understand  that  it  has 

•E.  been  discussed  at  a  special  meeting  of  the  standing 

-bmpire.  -.-,.        •       /•*         •  i-     t      -r      •  T-II 

Emigration  Committee   of   the   Institute,   which   has 

made  certain  recommendations  to  the  Council,  and  that  definite  action 
will  shortly  be  taken.  It  is  known  that  the  Dominions  Royal  Com- 
mission has  not  yet  completed  its  investigations  in  Canada,  and  will 
therefore  be  unable  to  present  its  final  report  until  it  has  paid  a 
second  visit  there ;  but  it  is  hoped  that  it  may  be  persuaded  to  deal 
with  this  pressing  subject  by  way  of  an  interim  recommendation  to 
the  Board  of  Trade,  the  department  which  of  recent  years  has  par- 
ticularly concerned  itself  with  emigration.  The  National  Political 
League  recently  held  a  private  conference  with  reference  to  (a)  suitable 
training  for  men  and  women  in  land  industry ;  (6)  the  conditions 
under  which  they  should  be  placed  on  the  land  ;  and  (c)  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  Government  and  the  best  means  of  securing  their  respon- 
sible co-operation.  Some  progress  has  been  made  with  a  scheme  for 
farm  "  colonies  "  in  the  United  Kingdom,  at  which  those  desirous 
of  adopting  an  agricultural  life  either  at  home  or  oversea  could 
obtain  their  preliminary  training  on  sound  educational  lines  ;  and  a 
corresponding  movement  is  on  foot  for  acquiring  land  in  one  of  the 
Dominions,  on  which  settlers  could  be  placed.  It  is  highly  desirable 
that  anything  which  is  attempted  should  be  the  outcome  of  discussion 
between  all  the  Governments  concerned.  "  Migration  within  the 
Empire  "  should  be  the  watchword  of  the  promoters,  and  those  who 
wish  to  go  to  Canada  or  Australia  should  be  dealt  with  in  the  same  way 
as  those  who  elect  to  stay  in  Lincolnshire  or  Kent.  In  yet  another 
direction  a  beginning  has  been  made  by  the  Queen's  '  Work 
for  Women  "  Fund,  which  is  prepared  to  assist  women  and  girls,  in 
distress  through  the  war,  with  grants  of  money  and  outfit,  to 
take  advantage  of  the  liberal  offer  of  certain  Australian  Governments, 
in  the  shape  of  assisted  passages  and  guaranteed  employment  on  arrival. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  89 

SINCE  the  early  days  of  the  war  many  competent  authorities  have 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  weakest  link  in  German  war  resources 

would  be  the   difficulty  of  replenishing  her  supplies 

Germany's      of  COpper.     Jn   1913  she  consumed  253,000  tons,   of 

oppe.r  which  only  some  20,000  tons  were  the  product  of  the 

Mansfeld  Mine  in  Prussian  Saxony  ;  and  her  ally  is 
still  worse  off,  with  a  total  production  of  only  some  4,300  tons.  Yet 
the  need  is  imperative  :  for  cartridge  cases,  for  rifles,  and  quick-firing 
guns,  for  the  bands  of  shells  and  for  field  telephones,  copper  of  the 
highest  quality  is  absolutely  necessary — no  substitute  will  serve.  The 
electrical  plant  used  in  many  of  the  factories  turning  out  war  equipment 
must  be  replenished  ;  for  various  other  purposes  copper  supplies  must 
be  maintained.  The  measure  of  her  need  is  the  price  she  is  prepared 
to  pay — £160  a  ton  delivered  over  her  borders,  as  compared  with  £60, 
the  value  in  the  United  Kingdom.  The  figures  quoted  by  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  in  his  answer  to  the  American  Note  of  protest  on  the  subject 
of  detention  and  search  of  neutral  vessels,  show  the  extent  to  which 
Germany  regards  copper  as  essential  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  the  surprising  means  she  is  ready  to  adopt  to  obtain  it.  According 
to  the  Government's  calculations,  from  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  to 
the  third  week  in  December,  Italy  imported  from  the  United  States 
36,285,000  lb.,  as  compared  with  15,202,000  Ib.  in  the  corresponding 
period  of  1913.  Another  group  of  neutral  countries  imported 
35,347,000  lb.,  as  against  7,271,000  lb.  a  year  ago.  While  some  of 
the  increase  may  be  legitimate  preparation  for  contingencies  soon  to 
arise  in  several  of  the  importing  territories,  the  coincidence  between 
the  need  of  Germany  and  the  enormous  increase  of  imports  into  these 
countries  leaves  no  real  doubt  as  to  the  true  destination  of  a  large 
proportion  of  this  indispensable  factor  in  modern  warfare. 

WE  have  little  direct  evidence,  but  many  contributory  suggestions, 
to  show  that  the  German  people  and  Government  anticipate  the  possi- 
bility of  a  serious — if  not  disastrous — shortage  in  primary 
,  a^    e  J31?^  foodstuffs  as  the  spring  wears  on.     Corresponding  to  the 
proportion  of  her  total  food  supply  which  Germany 
imports  to  eke  out  her  home  resources,  the  critical  months  will  be  the 
last  three  of  the  agricultural  year,  commencing  in  May.     Strict  injunc- 
tions to  resort  to  "  war-bread  "   and  to  husband  all  present  stocks, 
an  official  census  of  existing  supplies  of  corn,  and  the  State  control 
(just  announced)  of  these  supplies — all  show  a  nervous  apprehension 


90  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

which  is  not  relieved  by  the  high-sounding  assurances  of  the  agrarian 
party,  that  Germany  is  self-sufficing  in  the  matter  of  food,  and  that  the 
economic  strength  of  the  Fatherland  is  due  to  the  policy  of  that  party 
in  the  past.  Both  facts  and  insinuations  are  being  openly  challenged 
by  the  acknowledged  organs  of  the  democratic  masses,  who  allege  that 
the  Prussian  Junkers  are  optimistic  for  their  own  ends ;  and  that  the 
fixing  of  maximum  prices  is  being  used  to  serve  agrarian  interests, 
both  during  the  war  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  three  years,  when 
most  of  the  German  commercial  treaties  will  come  up  for  discussion 
and  revision.  Much  of  the  virulent  hate  expressed,  and  the  repeated 
attempts  to  create  friction  with  neutral  countries,  arise  from  our 
naval  grip  on  the  economic  situation.  Prices  of  foods  are  rapidly 
rising  :  the  Board  of  Trade  Gazette  figures  show  an  increase  of  21  per 
cent,  in  the  average  level,  since  war  broke  out ;  in  some  important 
commodities  enormous  bounds  occur.  And  whatever  may  be 
Germany's  prospects,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  serious  outlook 
of  her  ally,  whose  agricultural  territories  have  suffered  more  from 
Kussian  operations,  and  are  threatened  with  invasion  on  a  grand  scale 
during  the  coming  months. 

FORECASTS  made  in  recent  years — of  what  would  happen,  so  far 
as  the  Home  Country  was  concerned,  in  time  of  war— contemplated 

serious  increases  in  insurance  charges,  and  only  second- 
Freights  and  ar-j  r-ge  -n  frejorhts.  Events  have  supplied  a  reverse 
Dear  Food.  J  .  ,  ,  ,, 

experience  to  that  expected.     Our  command  of  the 

seas,  the  rapid  dealing  with  hostile  commerce  destroyers,  and  the  bold 
nature  of  the  Government  War  Risks  Insurance  Scheme  have  kept 
insurance  rates  at  a  more  satisfactory  level  than  could  have  been 
anticipated.  On  the  other  hand,  the  extensive  and  unforeseen 
requisitions  by  the  Government  for  the  transport  purposes  in  connection 
with  the  Expeditionary  Force  and  the  Dominions  and  Indian  Con- 
tingents, and  the  practical  obliteration  of  the  German  mercantile  fleet, 
have  enormously  reduced  the  available  carrying  capacity  of  ocean 
steamers.  As  a  result,  we  are  witnessing  an  unprecedented  boom  in 
freight  rates,  and  an  outcry  against  the  effects  of  such  excessive  charges 
on  the  prices  of  food  which  is  not  without  justification.  It  is  true 
that  labour  and  dock  expenses  have  risen,  and  there  is  considerable 
congestion  in  traffic.  Nevertheless  there  is  a  growing  feeling  that, 
in  a  time  of  national  trial,  some  means  should  be  adopted  to  prevent 
any  exploitation  of  the  fundamental  needs  of  the  home  population. 
While  there  are  certain  risks  attaching  to  any  undue  widening  of 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  91 

governmental  administration  or  finance  of  commercial  concerns,  the 
war  period  is  affording  proof  of  the  necessity  of  applying  the  national 
welfare  and  safety  as  the  final  test  of  the  urgency  or  wisdom  of  any 
new  venture  in  this  direction,  and  it  is  well  that  a  Government 
Committee,  under  the  Presidency  of  Mr.  Asquith,  is  to  consider  the 
question  of  Food  Prices. 

IT  is  very  unfortunate,  for  both  political  and  economic  reasons, 

that  the  unusually  large  cotton  crops  of  the  United  States,  Egypt,  and 

India  should  have  coincided  with  the  industrial  chaos 

Cotton-  jn  the  manufacturing  and  consuming  countries  involved 

in  the  European  conflict.     The  United  States'  exporters 
durintr 
the  War         are'  °^  course>  suffering  from  the  uncertainty  of  ocean 

traffic  due  to  the  British  watch  for  contraband,  but, 
although  this  has  been  made  a  good  deal  of  by  the  propagandists  in 
their  midst,  the  truth  is  that  the  demand  for  cotton  and  for  all  other 
products  not  actually  used  in  war  is  inevitably  affected  by  the  absorp- 
tion of  so  large  a  number  of  male  workers  into  non-productive  work. 
Moreover,  even  had  the  war  been  averted,  the  United  States,  and 
indeed  the  whole  civilised  world,  were  already  entering  upon  one 
of  those  cycles  of  trade  depression  which  follow  periods  of  unusual 
activity.  The  necessities  of  the  moment  and  of  the  near  future,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  compelled  a  reduction  in  the  cotton  area  of  Egypt,  and 
measures  have  had  to  be  undertaken  for  financing  the  crops  both 
there  and  in  India.  The  fall  in  prices  will  affect  cotton  cultivation 
throughout  the  Empire  :  but  it  is  reassuring  to  find  in  the  latest 
pamphlet  of  the  British  Cotton-Growing  Association,  written  by  Mr. 
J.  A.  Hutton,  on  "  The  Effect  of  the  War  on  Cotton-Growing  in  New 
Fields/'  that  although  all  the  probabilities  point  to  a  reduction  of 
acreage  and  of  supplies  next  year,  there  is  no  reason  to  anticipate 
anything  worse  than  a  "  temporary  set-back  "  to  the  work  of  the 
Association.  Meanwhile  the  advisable  course  for  the  Association 
will  be  to  pay  the  highest  prices  the  market  will  allow,  and  endeavour 
to  obtain  all  possible  concessions  in  steamer  and  railway  freights, 
in  preference  to  any  system  of  bounties  or  any  wholesale  purchase 
of  the  raw  material  by  the  Government.  Fortunately,  cotton  is  a 
crop  which  does  not  deteriorate  in  keeping,  if  it  is  properly  stored. 
Mr.  Hutton  concludes  that  "  the  main  point  is  that  every  concession 
obtained  in  the  matter  of  freights  or  charges  must  go  to  the  natives  " 
so  as  to  encourage  them,  as  far  as  possible,  to  maintain  the  present 
level  of  cultivation. 


92  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

THERE  is  a  prospect  of  considerable  encouragement  being  afforded 
to  the  wider  cultivation  of  tobacco  of  the  American  type  in  the  British 
EmDir  Dominions  and  Protectorates.  Nyassaland,  Rhodesia, 

grown  an(i  more  recently  Canada,  are  increasingly  producing 

Tobacco  tobacco  which  is  rapidly  rinding  favour  in  the  home 

for  the  country.     The  presence  of  large  contingents  from  the 

Troops.  Dominions  among  the  forces  in  the  field,  the  fine  quality 

of  the  products  already  put  on  the  market,  and  the  possibilities  arising 
out  of  the  war,  have  prompted  action  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial 
Institute,  which  has  met  with  ready  and  favourable  response  from 
Lord  Kitchener.  Colonial  tobaccos  have  not  hitherto  been  included 
in  War  Office  specifications  :  but,  as  a  result  of  the  appeal,  the  Secretary 
for  War  has  now  modified  the  War  Office  conditions  so  as  to  enable 
satisfactory  qualities  grown  in  the  Colonies  and  Protectorates  to  be 
utilised  for  the  service  of  the  troops.  The  evidence  given  before  the 
Dominions  Commissioners  attests  the  existence  of  considerable  possi- 
bilities and  favourable  conditions — awaiting  development.  At  the 
present  time,  when  so  much  attention  is  being  given  to  the  comfort  of 
our  men  in  the  fighting  line  across  the  water,  the  opportunity  now  given 
to  cultivators  under  the  flag  is  particularly  gratifying  and  should  lead 
to  substantial  results. 

THE  manufacture  of  articles  of  equipment  for  the  Allied  armies 

is  providing  work  at  high  pressure,  not  only  at  home,  but  also  in  the 

Dominions.     Orders   for  saddlery  and   leather   goods, 

Growth  oi       whicn  had  been  placed  in  Canada,  are  to  be  considerably 

rr«o/i«  increased  by  the  War  Office.     The  woollen  mills  of  the 

xiacie.  __..... 

Dominion,  which  are  busy  turning  out  winter  garments 
for  the  troops,  have  been  relieved  of  any  uncertainties  in  regard  to 
supplies  of  the  raw  material  by  the  Australian  Government's  raising 
of  the  embargo,  laid  for  patriotic  reasons,  on  the  export  of  wool  soon 
after  the  war  began.  The  Imperial  trade  bond  should  be  much 
strengthened  by  the  sentiment  arising  from  the  Empire's  struggle. 
The  Canadian  Trade  Commissioner  at  Melbourne,  in  reviewing  the 
prospects  of  trade  between  those  Dominions,  lately  drew  attention 
to  the  possibilities  of  a  material  increase  in  trade  owing  to  the  fact 
that  "  never  has  the  bond  of  Empire  sentiment  been  so  strong  and 
.  .  .  there  is  undoubtedly  a  strong  disposition  shown  by  Australian 
importers  to  obtain  their  oversea  requirements  as  much  as  possible 
within  the  Empire."  It  is  reported  that  offers  for  wool,  suspected  to 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  93 

be  from  German  sources,  have  been  refused  by  Australian  sellers. 
The  unbridled  expressions  of  hatred  and  contempt  which  Germany 
has  been  fit  to  pour  out  upon  everything  British,  including  her 
methods  of  waging  war,  will  undoubtedly  affect  her  trade  with  the 
Dominions — even  after  normal  conditions  are  restored,  and  the  com- 
bination of  sentimental  ties  and  business  enterprise  (which  may  now 
be  stimulated)  should  result  in  a  great  increase  in  the  volume  of  trade 
between  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 

NEVER  within  living  memory  has  the  grave  importance  of  a  greatly 
enhanced  output  of  wheat,  both  national  and  Imperial,  stood  out  so 
clearly  or  so  strikingly.  The  rapid  rise  in  food  prices, 
evidenced  by  the  Board  of  Trade  returns  for  London 
rosqpec  s  an(j  coimtrv  districts  alike,  has  provoked  much  discus- 
Wheat.  s*on>  anc^  given  prominence  to  many  suggestions  for 
remedying  the  present  state  of  the  wheat  markets. 
Not  much,  we  fear,  has  yet  been  accomplished  at  home,  but  the 
Dominions  are  doing  their  best  to  rise  to  the  occasion.  For  patriotic 
purposes  every  available  acre  in  Canada  is  to  be  sown.  The  Canadian 
Department  of  Agriculture  has  recognised  the  supreme  necessity  of  still 
further  making  Canada  "  the  Granary  of  the  Empire  ",  and  arrangements 
are  being  made  to  ensure  the  largest  grain  yield  in  the  history  of  the 
Dominion.  Conditions  are  favourable,  and  the  Government  are  taking 
steps  to  assist  any  farmers  who  may,  unfortunately,  be  unable  to  provide 
their  own  seed :  at  least  a  million  acres  will  be  added  to  the  wheat  acreage. 
Elevator  storage  facilities  are  being  rapidly  extended  and  the  prospects 
of  a  marked  increase  in  Canada's  contribution  to  the  food  supplies  of 
the  Homeland  are  distinctly  promising.  Large  increases  in  wheat 
acreage  are  also  being  recognised  as  a  vital  necessity  in  Australasia, 
in  India,  and  other  portions  of  the  Empire. 

THERE  are  few  departments  of  industry  in  which  German  progress 
has  been  more  phenomenal  than  in  the  production  of  iron  and  steel, 
in  the  output  of  electrical  machinery,  and  in  the  manu- 
The  War        facture  of  machine  tools.     In  each  of  these  engineering 
2J1    .    e  .        branches  her  exports  have  lately  been  enormously  in 
Trades.         '  excess  of  British  exports,  largely  as  the  result  of  circum- 
stances which  the  war  may  radically  alter.     Subsidies 
by  the  State,  extensive  credit  by  bankers,  far-reaching  operations  by 
syndicates,  have  for  some  years  past  enabled  German  manufacturers 


94  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

to  outpace  British  enterprise.  Undercutting  in  prices,  special  privileges 
in  freights,  bounties  on  exported  goods,  will  be  more  difficult,  however, 
when  the  war  is  over,  and  is  succeeded  inevitably  by  a  period  of 
restricted  German  output  and  weaker  financial  provision  for  her 
industrial  credit.  The  present  crippling  of  our  rival's  trade  accordingly 
offers  considerable  opportunity  to  British  engineering  firms  to  lay 
down  plant  which  will  enable  us  to  more  than  hold  our  own  in  the 
world's  markets.  Nevertheless,  it  may  be  well  to  remember  that  the 
essential  factors  to  success  will  still  remain  to  Germany  even  after 
a  disastrous  war.  Command  of  raw  materials,  an  excellent  system  of 
technological  training  and  research,  and  eminent  business  capacity 
and  adaptability  will  again  be  brought  into  play.  It  is  all  the  more 
essential  therefore  that,  while  times  are  propitious,  our  representative 
firms  should  take  a  leaf  out  of  the  German  book.  Scientific  trade 
organisation,  co-operation  between  manufacturers  and  the  banks, 
a  national  effort  to  further  technical  education  and  endowment  of 
research,  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  recover  the  supremacy  in  all 
branches  of  engineering  which  was  once  our  own,  and  might  be  such 
again. 


THESE  remarks  apply  forcibly  to  more  branches  than  one  of  the 

trade  which  we  hope  to  capture  from  Germany.    We  may  hold  up  her 

mercantile  marine,  cripple  her  industries,  and  establish 

Science  in       relations  with  her  quondam  markets,  but  we  must  not 

T3iT  Qi  vi  OGC 

forget  that  a  great  deal  of  her  success  in  trade  has  been 
due  to  forethought  and  expenditure  on  scientific  research.  Unless  we 
are  prepared  to  attack  our  problems  in  something  of  the  same  spirit, 
we  cannot  hope,  even  with  the  handicap  which  this  war  must  impose 
on  her  for  many  years  to  come,  to  compete  successfully.  This  is  the 
fundamental  reason  for  the  set-back  (temporary  we  may  hope)  to  the 
Government  scheme  for  establishing  the  dye  trade  in  Great  Britain. 
Germany's  supremacy  as  a  producer  of  dyes  is  the  result  of  elaborate 
and  expensive  chemical  research  under  State  encouragement,  quite  out 
of  the  reach  of  the  ordinary  commercial  enterprise.  German  dyes  are 
the  best,  and  the  British  firms  who  were  invited  to  co-operate  in  building 
up  the  industry  are  too  well  aware  of  this  to  have  faith  in  the  enterprise. 
It  is  always  a  mistake  to  underrate  one's  opponent,  and  there  is  a  real 
danger  in  this  too  facile  talk  about  capturing  German  trade,  lest  the 
British  manufacturer  should  think  that  he  has  only  to  open  his  mouth 
for  the  ripe  fruit  to  drop  in. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  95 

THE  rebellion  in  South  Africa  may  be  said  to  have  closed  with  the 
capture  early  in  January  of  the  last  band  of  rebels  in  the  Transvaal, 
The  near  the  Bechuanaland  border,  while  vainly  attempting 

Aftermath  of to  escape  into  German  South- West  Africa.  The 
the  South  casualties  among  officers  and  men  of  the  Union  forces 
African  in  the  operations,  apart  from  those  undertaken  against 

Rebellion.  Germany,  are  officially  given  as  334,  of  which  total  78 
were  killed,  27  died  of  wounds,  and  229  were  wounded.  The  losses 
of  the  rebels  are  difficult  to  ascertain,  as  many  were  undoubtedly 
buried  in  the  field.  It  is  known,  however,  that  the  number  of  those 
killed  exceeded  170,  while  the  wounded  were  considerably  over  300. 
In  addition  to  this  there  were  more  than  5,000  captured,  who  are  at 
present  in  gaol,  not  including  those  arrested  under  martial  law,  and 
about  400  who  surrendered  and  were  released  on  parole.  The  trials 
of  Piet  Grobler  (a  grandson  of  President  Kruger)  and  the  fighting 
predikant  Broekhuisen,  who  acted  as  secretary  to  General  Beyers, 
have  excited  considerable  interest,  and  many  other  proceedings 
are  pending.  The  question  "  What  to  do  with  De  Wet  ?  "  may  be 
safely  left  to  the  discretion  of  General  Botha's  Government,  which 
has  exercised  a  wise  clemency  in  its  treatment  of  some  of  the 
followers  of  Maritz,  on  whom  compulsion  had  been  exercised  by  their 
truculent  commander.  The  cost  of  the  rebellion  has  been  put  at 
the  high  figure  of  1|  millions,  and  the  losses  to  the  loyal  com- 
munity from  looting  have  been  undoubtedly  severe.  It  looks  as  if 
the  Government  would  be  saddled  with  considerable  demands  for 
compensatie,  which  was  a  burning  question  for  many  months  after 
the  war  of  1899-1902.  "  No  one  wants  reprisals,"  says  a  correspondent 
of  The  Times,  "  but,  while  it  is  admirable  to  forgive  and  forget,  we 
must  not  forget  those  who  fell  in  this  sorry  business,  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  Government  will  not  allow  forgiveness  to  degenerate 
into  weakness."  The  indignation  of  the  loyalists,  both  British  and 
Dutch,  at  the  excesses  of  the  rebels,  is  a  factor  in  the  situation  which 
it  would  be  advisable  to  eliminate  as  speedily  as  possible  by  a  generous 
settlement  of  their  claims. 

THE  campaign  against  German  South- West  Africa,  which  was 
checked  at  its  outset  by  the  rebellion,  has  now  definitely  commenced, 
Tjie  though  at  the  time  of  writing  but  few  details  of  the 

Operations  operations  have  been  made  public.  The  Union  Forces 
in  German  on  January  5  took  possession  of  Schuit  Drift  with  insig- 
South-West  nificant  losses,  and  the  enemy  fled  across  the  Orange 
Africa.  River,  destroying  the  pontoon  and  all  other  boats. 


96  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

Seven  days  later,  on  January  12,  Hainan's  Drift,  the  chief  entrance 
into  German  territory  from  the  south,  was  occupied  by  Com- 
mandant Van  Zyl.  He  had  a  skirmish  with  a  patrol  of  Germans, 
entrenched  in  the  kopjes  on  the  other  side,  who  were  driven  out  and 
retired  northwards.  In  a  subsequent  fight  the  Germans  sustained 
some  losses  and  the  survivors  made  off  in  the  direction  of  Zandfontein. 
Meanwhile  a  small  British  mounted  force,  operating  from  Walfisch 
Bay,  on  January  8  made  a  reconnaissance  for  thirty  miles  to  Ururas, 
where  the  German  police  post  was  found  to  be  deserted.  This  was  the 
first  incursion  which  the  northern  portion  of  the  Union  Forces  had 
made  into  the  enemy's  territory.  Later  information  records  an 
unsuccessful  attack  upon  Upington  by  a  commando  under  Maritz 
and  Kemp  (the  escaped  rebel  leaders)  and  the  occupation  of  Swakop- 
mund,  where  the  Germans,  before  leaving,  destroyed  the  water- 
condensing  plant  and  other  appliances.  Their  policy  will  doubtless 
be  to  retire  into  the  interior,  and  draw  the  British  after  them, 
relying  on  the  physical  difficulties  which  an  invading  army  must 
necessarily  encounter  in  this  "  dry  and  thirsty  land."  It  is  satis- 
factory to  learn  that  the  mobilisation  of  the  force  for  service  in 
German  South- West  Africa  and  the  Union,  under  the  Commando 
Proclamation  of  December  31,  is  progressing  beyond  expectation.  The 
Rhodesian  contingent,  which  provided  an  efficient  garrison  for  Bloem- 
fontein  during  the  rebellion,  has  now  gone  south  to  join  the  main  body, 
and  will  doubtless  give  a  good  account  of  itself. 

THE  chief  feature  of  the  war  in  the  air  this  last  month  has  been  the 

ebullitions  of  spite  which  broke  out  after  the  successful  British  raid 

on  Cuxhaven.    First  Scarborough,  Whitby,  and  Hartle- 

The  War        pOOi  were   shelled   by  cruisers;    and   then  Yarmouth, 

pl  e*  Sandringham,  King's  Lynn,  and  Sheringham  were 

visited  by  German  air-craft — whether  Zeppelins  or  not  is  still  doubtful — 
and  in  all  of  these  the  toll  taken  has  been  the  lives  of  defenceless 
civilians,  old  men,  women,  and  little  children.  When  air-craft  sails  over 
fortified  positions,  stores  of  munitions,  Zeppelin  sheds  or  naval  bases, 
and  drops  bombs,  some  of  which  may  hit  other  marks  than  those 
intended,  there  is  still  some  justification  in  military  necessity.  But  the 
deliberate  shelling,  in  the  dead  of  night,  of  peaceful,  unfortified  sea- 
side resorts  is  an  outrage  on  every  canon  of  civilised  warfare.  No 
possible  military  or  strategic  advantage  can  ensue,  and  such  deeds 
are  obviously  the  outcome  of  an  unreasoning  and  venomous  spite  such 
as  no  brave  and  honest  enemy  would  feel  even  for  his  stanchest 
opponent.  The  Great  German  General  Staff,  in  the  book  issued  to 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  97 

officers  and  recently  translated  by  Professor  Morgan,  makes  it  per- 
fectly plain  that  the  limitations  to  brute  force  laid  down  by  "  custom, 
conventions,  human  friendliness,  and  a  calculating  egotism  "  are  in  no 
way  to  bind  the  German  army.  The  "  Law  of  War  ",  according  to  this 
book,  cannot  be  fixed  by  international  agreement,  much  less  by 
"  flabby  sentimentality  ",  but  is  simply  the  doctrine  of  expediency, 
the  only  limitation  to  the  severity  necessary  to  "  destroy  the  whole 
of  the  spiritual  and  material  resources  "  of  the  hostile  State  is  the 
"  fear  of  reprisals  ".  Even  so,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  air-raids  on 
undefended  sea-side  towns  can  be  supposed  to  damage  our  "  spiritual 
and  material  resources."  The  elaborate  justification  of  their  action 
which  the  Germans  have  issued  illustrate  forcibly  the  French  proverb 
"  Qui  s'excuse  s'accuse  ".  The  only  rational  explanation  is  that  these 
things  are  done  to  cheer  the  great  heart  of  the  German  nation,  but  we 
are  still  left  wondering  at  the  morale  of  a  nation  which  can  find  cheer 
or  credit  in  such  exploits.  . 

IN  the  cataclysm  of  the  European  war,  the  formal  opening  of  the 
Panama  Canal,  which  was  to  have  been  the  world  event  of  1915,  will 

be  shorn  of  much  glory.  Nevertheless,  great  efforts 
e  anama  are  ^emg  expended  on  the  Exposition  at  San  Francisco 

which  is  to  celebrate  the  occasion.  The  canal  was 
actually  opened  to  traffic  in  August  last,  and  between  August  and 
November  214  vessels  passed  through  from  the  Atlantic  and  103  from 
the  Pacific.  Of  these,  excluding  naval  vessels  and  yachts,  97  were 
American,  96  British,  5  Danish,  2  Swedish,  and  one  each  Dutch  and 
Peruvian,  the  total  amount  of  cargo  carried  being  621,080  tons  eastward 
and  457,991  tons  westward.  Last  year  the  zone  was  visited  by  severe 
earthquake  shocks,  but  no  appreciable  damage  was  done  to  the  works. 
Two  serious  landslides,  however,  occurred  in  October  and  November  in 
the  Culebra  cut,  and  caused  dislocation  of  traffic  for  several  days. 
While  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  canal  will  justify  the 
hopes  of  the  American  people,  particularly  from  a  strategic  standpoint, 
the  trend  of  events  justifies  the  view  taken  in  these  columns  that  it 
will  be  some  time  before  it  can  compete  with  established  routes  in  the 
more  important  channels  of  trade. 

ON  January  24  occurred  a  successful  engagement  in  the  North 

Sea,  in  which  a  British  patrolling  squadron  under  Sir  David  Beatty 

met  a  German  raiding  expedition  consisting  of  four 

Sea  Victorv    Battle  cruisers,   several  light  cruisers  and  a  number 

of  destroyers,  and  chased  them  out  of  British  waters, 


98  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

sinking  the  Blucher  and  seriously  damaging  two  others.  The  battle- 
ship New  Zealand  had  the  honour  of  being  associated  with  the  Lion, 
The  Tiger,  The  Princess  Royal,  and  The  Indomitable  in  this  act  of 
retribution.  The  "  silent  watch  and  ward "  of  the  navy  imposes 
great  strain  on  the  men  who  keep  it  day  and  night,  in  the  winter 
bleakness  of  the  North  Sea,  and  such  an  incident  as  this  is  not  only 
useful  in  bringing  home  reality  to  the  German  people,  but  in  encouraging 
our  own  sailors  in  their  task. 

WE  give  in  this  number  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  some  account  of  the 
fighting  in  East  and  West  Africa,  from  which  it  is  clear  that  we  have 
„  to  thank  our  luck,  rather  than  our  foresight,  that  the 

former  did  not  suffer  even  more  severely  at  German 
hands.  In  a  Paper  recently  read  before  the  Society  of  Arts,  Major 
E.  H.  M.  Leggett  recently  traced  in  outline  the  development  of  the 
Protectorates  of  British  East  Africa  and  Uganda,  in  relation  to  the 
growth  of  British  influence  in  Egypt.  The  main  purpose  of  his  Paper 
was  the  plea  that  they  should  be  regarded  in  future  not  as  two  but 
as  one  group  of  Imperial  responsibilities,  and  he  showed  how  rapid 
had  been  their  progress  towards  economic  prosperity  and  what  great 
possibilities  still  await  them.  Incidentally  he  recalled  the  visit  of 
Herr  Dernburg,  and  the  activity  which  followed  in  German  East 
Africa,  the  railway  line  from  Dar-es-Salam  to  Lake  Tanganyika  being 
ordered  to  be  finished  by  1914 — significant  date — while  the  harbour 
and  floating  dock  of  that  port  were  also  pushed  on.  Germany  lavished 
money  on  this  most  promising  colony,  and  it  is  a  curious  fact,  recorded 
by  Major  Leggett,  that  a  great  part  of  the  prosperity  of  her  next-door 
neighbour  must  be  attributed  to  the  heavy  subsidies  to  German  shipping, 
which  was  thus  enabled  to  carry  the  produce  of  British  East  Africa 
and  Uganda  to  Europe  at  a  price  which  enabled  them  to  compete  in 
the  markets  of  the  world.  Needless  to  say,  Germany  had  every 
expectation  of  getting  a  quid  pro  quo  in  a  substantial  form  by  keeping 
the  trade  of  East  Africa  in  German  ships.  These  youngest  of  British 
Colonies  (for  they  only  came  under  the  Foreign  Office  in  1895  and  were 
transferred  to  the  Colonial  Office  later)  are  hoping  much  from  the 
£3,000,000  loan  already  sanctioned  by  Parliament  for  the  develop- 
ment of  communications  and  other  public  works.  In  these  regions 
and  in  Nyassaland  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  war  will  only  be  a 
temporary  interruption  in  this  programme. 


[Piinio  /<;/  Stimrl  } 
ARCHIBALD  R.   COLQUHOUN,   1848-T914. 


[To  f /ice  p.  99. 


ARCHIBALD    COLQUHOUN :     A    MEMOIR. 

IN  trying  to  give  the  readers  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  a  pen  portrait  of  the  man 
whose  name  was  familiar  to  all,  and  whose  personality  to  many,  I  am  met 
by  a  difficulty;  I  cannot  write  of  him  merely  as  the  distinguished  traveller, 
explorer,  and  publicist,  the  Gold  Medallist  of  the  Boyal  Geographical  Society, 
the  author  of  many  widely  read  books,  and  the  founder  and  (for  five  years) 
editor  of  this  Journal.  Such  a  record  gives  but  the  outer  shell  of  his  life,  and, 
although  I  may  be  mistaken,  I  feel  as  though  he  would  have  wished  his  friends 
who  read  UNITED  EMPIRE  to  know  more.  The  most  reticent  of  men,  and  by 
no  means  a  good  speaker,  he  could  not  unveil  in  speech  the  deep  convictions, 
the  vital  emotions  which  were  the  mainsprings  of  his  life,  and  it  was  only 
possible  for  the  one  who  shared  that  life  in  every  phase,  and  followed  his 
thoughts  and  his  work  from  day  to  day  and  from  year  to  year,  to  realise  the 
singleness  of  mind  and  the  purity  of  motive  which  were  his  most  striking 
characteristics.  Talking  over  his  character  with  some  of  the  men  who  knew 
him  best,  I  find  that  they  were  deeply  impressed  by  these  qualities.  I  think 
he  would  have  gone  much  further,  as  worldly  success  is  measured,  had  he  felt 
any  personal  ambition,  or  cared  for  the  loaves  and  fishes  which  go  with  fame ; 
but  be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that,  in  an  age  of  axe-grinding,  he  remained 
single-minded  and  disinterested.  Another  striking  characteristic  was  a  very 
real  humility.  Not  only  did  he  never  talk  of  his  achievements,  or  prize  them 
overmuch,  but  he  had  no  intellectual  pride,  and  would  ask  for  information 
even  on  questions  on  which  he  was  presumed  to  be  an  authority.  Needless  to 
say,  he  weighed  what  was  told  him,  but  he  was  never  ashamed  to  learn  or 
to  measure  his  own  views  by  those  of  others.  Most  of  us  are  assailed  at  tunes 
with  the  desire  to  appear  to  know  more  than  we  really  do — especially  when  we 
feel  pretty  sure  we  shall  not  be  found  out.  I  never  once  detected  my  husband 
in  this  particular  failing — in  fact,  I  was  sometimes  impatient  when  he  professed 
not  to  know  things  which  I  knew  he  had  studied.  But  he  possessed  the  rare 
faculty  of  intellectual  honesty,  and  without  accurate  knowledge  he  would  not 
be  satisfied  to  give  an  opinion.  His  memory  was  extremely  good  and  usually 
accurate,  except  as  regarded  his  own  affairs  or  the  mundane  matters  of  daily 
life. 

There  is  a  singular  coincidence  in  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death.  The 
year  1848  was  the  year  of  revolutions,  when  the  thrones  of  Europe  seemed  to 
be  tottering  before  the  rise  of  new  social  orders,  while  1914  will  certainly  go 
down  to  history  as  the  greatest  storm  period  of  any  time.  A  born  fighter, 
Archibald  Colquhoun  both  opened  and  closed  his  eyes  on  a  stormy  world,  and 
among  the  bitterest  regrets  of  my  life  will  always  be  the  thought  that  he  did  not 
live  to  see  peace  dawn  on  the  country  he  loved  so  well. 

Although  the  outer  shell  of  a  man  is  often  as  little  an  indication  of  his 
character  as  is  the  record  of  his  accomplished  work,  yet  I  am  tempted  to  give  a 
description  of  him,  not  only  because  his  appearance  was  worth  describing,  but 

H  2 


100         ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :   A  MEMOIR. 

because  it  fitted  his  real  self  so  well.  Old  friends  have  told  me  that  at  forty, 
with  jet-black  hair  and  moustache,  spare  yet  finely  built  frame  and  small  hands 
and  feet,  he  was  about  as  perfect  a  specimen  of  humanity  as  it  was  possible  to 
see.  As  most  of  us  knew  him,  however,  the  striking  features  were  the  nobly 
modelled  forehead,  with  fine,  silver-grey  hair,  the  black  brows  over  expressive 
hazel  eyes,  and  the  handsome,  heavy  grey  moustache  that  gave  a  soldierly  air 
quite  in  keeping  with  his  upright  carriage  and  fine  shoulders.  No  student  of 
character  could  fail  to  notice  the  chiselled  lines  of  the  nose  and  the  nostrils, 
which  betrayed  a  sensitive,  highly  strung  nature,  and  were  not  in  keeping  with 
the  strong  jaw.  Tell  him  a  tale  of  something  fine — a  brave  deed,  a  noble  speech, 
or  something  to  the  credit  of  one  of  his  friends — and  watch  the  light  spring  into 
the  eyes,  the  nostrils  quiver,  the  whole  being  of  the  man  flash  into  quick 
sympathy.  Anger  or  impatience  flashed  out  in  a  similar  way,  and  gained  for 
him,  in  early  days,  the  most  appropriate  nick-name  of  "  Blazes  ",  but  as  a  friend 
writes  to  me  from  Canada  "  this  superficial  quickness  of  temper  veiled  a  very 
deep  gentleness  and  selflessness  of  character  ". 

Another  side — known  to  very  few — was  his  intense  love  of  beauty.  Before 
a  beautiful  scene,  or  listening  to  music  (particularly  Beethoven),  he  had  the 
rapt  expression  of  the  true  artist,  and  liked  to  sit  still  and  let  his  impressions 
sink  in  slowly.  When  we  went  into  the  National  Gallery  he  would  stand  in 
front  of  a  picture  for  ten  minutes  or  more,  making  up  his  mind  about  it,  and  this, 
as  every  artist  knows,  is  the  only  way  to  see  real  pictures.  Among  his  favourite 
pictures  were  the  Dutch  masters,  especially  some  of  the  delicately  felt  open-air 
studies  of  the  Hobbema  school,  with  rain -washed  skies  and  pearly  distances, 
and  among  our  happiest  holidays  was  one  spent  in  Holland  among  these  pictures 
and  the  scenery  that  inspired  their  quiet  charm.  Absolutely  untaught  either 
in  painting  or  music,  he  had  an  unerring  instinct  for  what  is  fine  in  both,  and 
hated  both  the  conventional  and  the  tawdry. 

A  handsome,  wayward  boy,  he  ran  away  at  sixteen  from  an  office  stool  in 
Glasgow  to  Germany,  (where  he  had  been  at  school)  and  tramped  for  months, 
chiefly  in  the  Black  Forest,  living  with  the  peasants  in  their  huts.  He  was  not 
proud  of  this  romantic  exploit,  as  some  men  would  have  been  in  after-life,  but 
told  me  about  it  quite  shyly,  many  years  after  we  were  married.  It  is  charac- 
teristic of  him  that  I  never  knew  till  a  few  days  ago  that,  by  deserting  the 
Glasgow  office,  he  forfeited  the  fortune  of  its  head,  who  had  intended  to  make  him 
his  heir.  Money  was  such  a  secondary  consideration  with  him  that  he  never 
thought  this  detail  worth  mentioning  !  Being  promised  that  he  should  go  to 
India  he  returned  home,  and  the  next  important  phase  in  his  life  was  a  happy 
period  at  Eoorkee,  the  Indian  Engineering  College.  Some  old  Eoorkee  friends 
may  read  this  memoir,  and  I  should  like  them  to  know  he  did  not  forget  those 
days.  His  first  official  experience  was  as  assistant  engineer  in  the  Public  Works 
Department  at  Tenasserim,  Burma,  where  he  went  in  1871,  and  where  he  formed 
a  great  attachment  for  the  Burmese  people.  Opportunity  of  accompanying  an 
expedition  to  Northern  Siam  in  1879  gave  him  his  first  real  chance  of  getting  out 
of  an  official  rut,  and  he  made  good  use  of  it.  A  few  years  later  he  made  another 


ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR.  101 

visit  to  Siam  and  the  Shan  States,  which  resulted  in  the  book  "  Amongst  the 
Shans  ",  which  is  illustrated  with  quaint  little  drawings  by  himself. 

At  this  time  he  conceived  the  idea  to  which  so  much  of  his  life  and  the 
greater  part  of  his  financial  resources  were  to  be  sacrificed — the  connection  of 
Upper  Burma  with  China  by  rail.  The  French  have  now  carried  their  lines  from 
Tonquin  to  the  region  which  was  to  be  the  objective  of  the  Burmese  line,  and 
in  those  days  Archibald  Colquhoun  hoped  to  beat  the  French  in  this  race  for 
the  trade  of  the  rich  province  of  Yunnan.  In  1880  he  carried  out,  in  company 
with  his  friend  Wahab,  the  survey  of  the  route,  travelling  through  China  in 
disguise,  with  prices  on  their  heads,  and  reaching  Upper  Burma  after 
indescribable  hardships  from  which  Mr.  Wahab  never  recovered.  This  daring 
piece  of  exploration  was  accomplished  during  the  year's  leave  to  which  he  was 
entitled,  and  with  no  other  resources  than  his  own  small  savings.  The  necessary 
instruments  and  maps  were,  however,  lent  by  the  Eoyal  Geographical  Society  at 
the  instance  of  Colonel  Yule,  an  old  friend  of  my  husband's  father.  The  after- 
math of  this  journey  was  the  well-known  book  "  Across  Chryse  ",  and  a  campaign 
in  favour  of  the  route  (for  which  he  obtained  the  support  of  all  the  Chambers  of 
Commerce),  but  the  Government  of  India  never  adopted  the  scheme. 

Fame  came  at  once  to  the  young  explorer,  to  whom  the  Eoyal  Geographical 
Society  awarded  the  Founder's  Gold  Medal — the  blue  ribbon  of  the  explorer's 
world.  In  his  absence  Sir  Arthur  Phayre  received  the  medal,  and  I  still 
have  the  letter  in  which  he  forwarded  it  to  Dr.  Colquhoun  in  Edinburgh.  The 
Times  now  offered  Archibald  Colquhoun  excellent  terms  to  act  as  their  corre- 
spondent in  the  Far  East,  where  the  Franco-Chinese  war  gave  him  his  baptism 
of  fire,  and  in  order  to  take  up  this  work  he  was  seconded  for  two  years  from 
Government  service,  and  found  time  for  his  second  visit  to  Siam.  He  also 
became  the  constant  advocate,  in  the  columns  of  The  Times,  of  the  annexa- 
tion of  Upper  Burma,  and  was  able,  in  his  visits  to  Lower  Burma  and 
Siam,  to  secure  the  adherence  to  the  scheme  of  important  native  chiefs.  He 
was  able  to  press  this  view  on  Lord  Eandolph  Churchill  during  the  brief  period 
in  which  that  statesman  was  at  the  India  Office.  Many  years  ago  I  was  told 
that  Lord  Eandolph,  speaking  at  a  private  dinner,  said  "  It  was  not  I  who 
annexed  Upper  Burma,  it  was  a  gentleman  named  Archibald  Colquhoun." 

In  1885  he  was  posted  as  Deputy  Commissioner  in  Upper  Burma,  and 
returned  to  official  life  largely  because  of  the  adventure  involved  in  taking  over 
a  new  country.  Needless  to  say  this  rapid  promotion  was.  due  to  the  name  he 
had  made  as  The  Times  correspondent,  but  trouble  subsequently  arose  over  his 
communications  to  the  Press,  which,  welcomed  when  they  were  favourable  to 
officialdom,  were  denounced  as  "  irregular  "  when  they  became  critical.  He 
took  an  active  part  in  the  suppression  of  dacoity,  which  was  the  first 
difficulty  met  in  administering  the  new  province,  and  risked  his  life  many 
times  as  intelligence  officer  with  the  troops. 

A  singular  incident,  in  which  the  transposition  of  two  letters  by  a  post  office 
clerk  led  to  trouble  with  his  superior  officers,  brought  about  his  final  departure 
from  Burma,  and  after  several  years  of  "  leave  "  he  took  his  pension  and  quitted 


102          ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR. 

official  life  for  good.  In  1882  he  was  asked  by  Stanley  to  go  as  second-in- 
command  to  the  Congo — but  the  Indian  Government  refused.  They  acceded, 
however,  to  a  request  for  the  loan  of  his  services  by  Cecil  Khodes,  and  he  accom- 
panied the  Pioneer  force  in  1887  and  became  first  Administrator  of  Mashona- 
land. He  revisited  this  beautiful  country  in  1904,  and  for  it,  as  for  many 
of  the  people  who  have  made  its  history,  we  both  had  a  very  genuine  affec- 
tion. My  husband  wrote  a  little  book  on  the  early  days  of  Khodesia,  called 
"  Mashonaland  and  the  War ".  But  it  is  a  more  hurried  production  than 
most  of  his  work,  and  is  not  well  known.  He  drew  out  the  mining  laws 
and  other  regulations  for  the  civil  administration  of  the  new  territory,  and 
hi  the  early  days  of  the  occupation  he  executed  the  treaty  of  Manica-land, 
and  had  an  encounter  with  a  Portuguese  filibuster  who  was  trying  to 
establish  a  claim  there.  This  encounter  and  subsequent  developments  nearly 
led  to  international  complications,  and  incidentally  my  husband  did  not 
see  eye  to  eye  in  some  of  these  matters  with  Mr.  Rhodes.  -  It  is  no  detrac- 
tion from  the  character  of  that  very  great  man  to  say  he  was  not  exactly 
scrupulous,  and  I  do  not  think  Archibald  Colquhoun  was  a  suitable  agent 
for  one  who  held,  cynically,  that  every  man  has  his  price.  But  it  is  not  true,  as  is 
sometimes  asserted,  that  there  was  any  rupture  between  them.  My  husband 
stayed  at  Groote  Schuur  on  his  way  home  in  1891,  when  he  was  invalided  home, 
and  it  was  understood  that  he  was  to  return  to  the  service  of  the  Chartered 
Company  if  he  wished.  He  was,  however,  essentially  a  free-lance,  and  the  joy  of 
being  his  own  master,  and  able  to  say  and  do  what  he  wished,  were  too  great  for 
him  to  be  lightly  tempted  back  to  any  kind  of  official  service  again.  Perhaps 
I  may  quote  here  part  of  the  letter  received  from  the  Directors  of  the  Chartered 
Company  on  the  news  of  my  husband's  death.  "  The  Board  has  a  lively  recol- 
lection of  the  conspicuous  part  played  by  the  late  Mr.  Colquhoun  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Chartered  Company's  existence,  both  in  connection  with  the 
occupation  of  Mashonaland,  and  subsequently,  as  its  First  Administrator. 
Among  the  wider  Imperial  matters  to  which  he  devoted  the  last  years  of  his  life, 
Mr.  Colquhoun  gave  many  proofs  that  he  preserved  a  keen  interest  in  the  welfare 
and  progress  of  Rhodesia." 

Retiring  from  the  Chartered  Company's  service  in  1891,  Archibald  Colquhoun 
came  to  London,  where  I  first  met  him  as  an  unwilling  victim  to  a  young  sister 
who  insisted  on  his  appearance  in  society.  He  never  cared  for  "  functions", 
and  in  the  heyday  of  his  success,  when  many  great  ladies  wanted  to  "  lionise  " 
him,  he  horrified  his  friends  by  forgetting  his  social  engagements,  or  calmly 
ignoring  them  if  anything  more  interesting  to  him  turned  up.  It  was  the  more 
flattering  to  a  little  girl  fresh  from  the  schoolroom  to  be  the  object  of  his  attention, 
but  I  regret  to  say  that  the  little  girl  in  question,  after  her  first  pride  of  conquest 
had  worn  off,  became  exceedingly  bored,  for  his  idea  of  light  conversation, 
suitable  to  a  river  party,  was  a  discussion  of  the  unification  of  the  German 
States  ! 

It  took  me  some  years,  after  our  marriage  in  1900,  to  find  the  eternal  boy 
that  lives  in  every  man,  but  when  I  found  him  at  last  I  knew  that  he  had  only 


ARCHIBALD   COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR.          103 

wanted  a  real  playmate  all  these  years,  and  the  fact  of  having  got  one  sweetened 
and  softened  his  whole  temperament  and  warmed  it  with  the  glow  of  fun  and 
merriment,  of  which  one  only  learns  the  secret  in  large  families.  It  is  well  known 
to  our  friends,  and  therefore  no  betrayal  of  things  too  intimate  to  be  written 
of,  that  we  became  the  most  perfect  comrades,  and  enjoyed  together  to  the  full 
all  the  beautiful  and  wonderful  sights  and  experiences  which  life  offers  to  those 
who  have  eyes  to  see  and  ears  to  hear.  The  only  home  life  he  had  ever  known 
he  had  in  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life,  and  although  he  got  restless  at  times,  and 
had  to  "go  off  "  somewhere,  he  was  extraordinarily  happy  with  his  books,  a 
few  friends  to  chat  to,  and  his  beloved  dog — a  mongrel  picked  up  in  the  London 
streets,  whose  affectionate  disposition  and  intelligence  were  the  only  things 
about  which  his  master  was  ever  known  to  boast. 

Travel  and  book-writing  filled  up  the  years  between  1891-1900.  The  books 
in  their  order  give  an  index  to  the  journeys.  "  The  Key  of  the  Pacific  "  records 
his  study  of  the  Panama  and  Nicaragua  Canal  questions,  and  is  a  very  well- 
known  book  in  the  United  States.  "  China  in  Transformation  ",  which  was 
written  after  a  second  exploration  in  China,  is  still  a  classic  both  in  Great 
Britain  and  America.  While  collecting  the  material  for  it  my  husband 
was  engaged  partly  on  a  mission  in  connection  with  Chinese  railways 
and  lived  for  many  months  in  Peking.  "  The  Overland  to  China  "  is  the 
result  of  his  first  journey  across  Siberia,  and  he  was  the  first  English 
publicist  of  any  note  to  draw  attention  to  the  political  changes  in  Asia 
consequent  on  Kussia's  eastward  expansion  and  the  construction  of  the  Trans- 
Siberian  railway.  This  book  was  being  put  together  when  we  met  again 
after  nine  years  and  got  engaged  in  as  many  days.  It  was  the  first  book 
I  helped  with,  and  henceforward  I  became  my  husband's  secretary  and 
amanuensis  (for  he  never  could  bear  the  actual  labour  of  writing),  and,  later 
on,  his  collaborator.  "  Eussia  against  India  ",  and  a  little  yellow  brochure, 
"  The  Situation  in  China  ",  followed  our  marriage,  and  then  we  went  first  to 
Morocco  and  afterwards  to  the  Pacific  for  a  long  tour,  returning  by  the  Siberian 
railway,  and  wrote  "  The  Mastery  of  the  Pacific  "  at  the  end  of  1901. 

This  book  marks  a  definite  era  in  my  husband's  life.  Hitherto  he 
had  been  chiefly  interested  in  foreign  policy,  but  the  problems  of  the  Pacific 
brought  him  up  against  the  question  of  inter-Imperial  relations,  and  these 
interested  him  more  and  more.  A  journey  to  the  West  Indies  ended,  quite 
unexpectedly,  in  a  visit  to  the  United  States,  and  led  to  a  book  called  "  Greater 
America  ".  We  had  been  particularly  interested  in  the  evolution  of  the  United 
States  as  a  colonising  power,  which  we  had  studied  in  the  Philippines,  and  the 
motif  of  this  book  was  to  show  that  the  isolation  on  which,  at  that  time,  prominent 
Americans  prided  themselves,  was  already  a  thing  of  the  past. 

In  1904  we  went  all  round  Africa,  calling  at  all  the  ports  on  both  sides, 
and  visited  every  State  in  the  Union,  with  a  delightful  holiday  in  Ehodesia, 
where  we  spent  some  of  our  happiest  weeks  in  a  visit  to  the  Matoppos,  the 
Victoria  Falls,  and  the  Great  Zimbabwe.  When  I  think  of  the  sky  and  the 
sun-washed  spaces  of  Africa,  they  seem  to  me  to  fit  in  as  a  background  to  my 


104          ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR. 

husband  better  than  any  other  environment  I  have  known.  They  are  clean 
and  big,  and  give  one  the  feeling  of  impersonality — of  the  smallness  of  one's 
little  life  and  the  greatness  of  the  things  that  really  matter — all  this  is  in  the 
African  atmosphere,  to  me,  as  it  was  in  my  husband's  character.  Perhaps 
Australia  would  strike  me  in  the  same  way,  but  I  did  not  go  there  with  him, 
while  our  brief  visit  to  Canada  (where  he  had,  of  course,  been  before)  was  in 
mid-winter,  when  it  rained.  The  book  which  came  out  of  this  African  voyage 
is  called  "  The  Africanderland  ". 

After  this  journey  we  settled  in  London,  and  never  made  a  long  "  trek  " 
together  again,  though  we  visited  various  parts  of  the  Continent  and  wrote 
in  collaboration  a  book  on  Austria-Hungary,  called  "  The  Realm  of  the 
Hapsburgs."  We  had  become  more  and  more  interested  in  all  Colonial  ques- 
tions, and  my  husband  wrote  a  good  deal  on  these  both  in  the  leading  reviews 
and  in  the  columns  of  the  Morning  Post.  He  also  published,  in  1907,  a  little 
book  (now  out  of  print)  called  "  1912  ",  which  foretold  in  a  very  remarkable 
way  many  of  the  features  of  the  present  war.  A  chapter  from  this  book, 
on  the  Polish  question,  was  reproduced  in  the  October  number  of  UNITED 
EMPIRE.  Anyone  who  possesses  a  copy  of  this  book  should  take  care  of  it, 
for  it  is  in  some  demand,  and  several  collectors  who  wish  for  a  complete 
edition  of  his  works  are  now  looking  for  copies.  Home  politics  had  always 
been  rather  distasteful  to  him,  and  he  was  never  a  very  hot  party  man,  but 
the  question  of  defence  roused  him  to  the  keenest  interest,  and  he  was  a  whole- 
hearted supporter  of  the  principle  of  universal  military  training. 

In  1908  he  published  a  volume  of  memoirs  called  "  Dan  to  Beersheba  ", 
which  brought  his  life  and  adventures  up  to  1900.  I  am  telling  no  secrets  to 
those  who  knew  him  when  I  say  that  I  literally  dragged  this  book  out  of  him, 
bit  by  bit,  and  made  a  "  story  "  of  the  disconnected  fragments  with  the  aid 
of  old  friends.  The  idea  of  Archibald  Colquhoun  voluntarily  telling  the  story 
of  his  life  was  an  obvious  absurdity  to  those  who  knew  him,  for  he  lived  so 
vividly  in  the  present  that  he  never  stopped  to  think  or  to  worry  about  the  past. 

One  of  the  foremost  journalists  of  the  day,  Mr.  J.  L.  Garvin,  described 
this  book  as  more  interesting  and  exciting  than  any  "  adventure  book  "  he  had 
read,  and  it  was  generally  said  to  be  "  alive  "  from  cover  to  cover.  I  mention 
these  tributes  because  I  have  always  felt  they  were  deserved,  and  that  the 
vivid  personality  of  Archibald  Colquhoun  was  really  caught  and  fixed  in  the 
pages  of  this  book.  A  great  deal  of  the  literary  work  dealing,  as  his  did,  with 
political  conditions,  is  necessarily  ephemeral,  and  he  cared  too  little  for  form 
or  style  to  live  as  a  descriptive  writer,  but  he  possessed,  in  the  words  of  a  letter 
from  Sir  Hugh  Clifford  which  has  just  reached  me,  "  the  power  to  enchain  the 
attention  of  his  reader  and  the  knack  of  making  even  the  drier  aspects  of 
political  questions  keenly  interesting".  This  power  was  used  to  arouse  and 
educate  his  fellow  countrymen,  and  to  illuminate  the  problems  of  empire. 
Many  men  have  done  as  much  in  this  direction,  but  none  with  a  keener  sense 
of  responsibility  or  a  more  ardent  desire  to  serve  the  interests  of  his  country 
with  every  line  he  wrote. 


ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR.  105 

In  the  autumn  of  1908  we  were  talking  with  our  friend  William  Grant 
of  the  opportunities  afforded  and  lost  at  the  end  of  the  South  African  War 
for  bringing  the  Dominions  and  Great  Britain  into  closer  touch  ;  and  the  two 
men,  both  keen  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  began  to  plan  how 
the  magnificent  ideas  with  which  it  had  been  started  could  be  more  widely 
spread.  The  "  reform  movement  "  which  took  shape  in  1909  had,  I  believe, 
its  origin  in  this  talk,  but  of  course  it  would  not  have  been  possible  but  for 
the  sympathy  with  which  many  members  of  Council  met  the  Fellows  in  their 
desire  for  changes.  From  the  outset  my  husband  saw  in  the  Journal  a  valu- 
able agent  for  the  educative  work  which  is  the  principal  mission  of  the  Institute. 
He  saw  that  whereas  the  Journals  of  other  Societies  go  only  to  people  interested 
in  some  special  subject,  and  are  confined  to  that  subject,  our  Journal  goes  to 
every  class  and  every  country  ;  the  one  link  binding  our  Fellows  being  the 
motto  :  "  United  Empire  ".  And  whereas  the  readers  of  other  similar  Journals 
are  usually  in  a  position  to  get  other  literature,  this  Journal  goes  to  distant 
parts  where  no  other  British  periodicals  are  regularly  received.  It  is  read, 
as  I  know  from  letters  I  have  read  in  the  last  few  weeks,  "  from  cover  to  cover  " 
in  Northern  Nigeria,  Vancouver,  Chicago,  Guatemala,  Tasmania,  the  Falk- 
land Islands,  Fiji,  and  Buenos  Ayres — to  mention  a  few  of  the  more  distant 
regions.  I  think  that  if  some  of  the  distinguished  men  who  read  papers  before 
the  Institute,  or  some  of  the  writers  of  articles,  could  realise  the  width  and 
catholicity  of  the  audience  they  are  addressing  they  would  be  almost  staggered 
at  the  thought,  and  I  maintain  that  this  Journal  is  absolutely  unique,  and  that 
no  other  publication  has  anything  like  the  same  possibilities  or  the  same  scope. 

All  this  was  part  of  the  vision  of  Archibald  Colquhoun,  and  to  make  his 
dream  come  true  was  the  one  thought  of  his  last  five  years.  The  main  problem 
was  to  evolve,  out  of  very  little  material,  and  for  such  a  wide  and  varied  audience, 
a  journal  which  would  be  readable  and  would  at  the  same  time  have  an  educative 
value.  In  this  project  he  received  valuable  help  from  several  people,  but 
I  should  like  to  mention  Richard  Jebb  particularly,  because  of  the  real  friendship 
which  sprang  up  between  them,  and  gave  my  husband  so  much  pleasure. 

The  departure  from  the  old  form  of  Journal,  as  a  record  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Institute,  to  the  new  form,  as  a  high-class  review,  with  signed  articles, 
maps  and  illustrations,  meant  a  great  increase  in  expenditure  on  this  branch 
of  activity,  and  could  only  be  accomplished  little  by  little.  The  Council  could 
not  have  sanctioned  this  development  without  a  large  increase  in  the  Fellow- 
ship. Other  agencies  have  been  hard  at  work  to  promote  that  increase,  but 
my  husband  always  felt  that,  for  the  Oversea  Fellow,  the  Journal  itself  must 
be  the  best  recruiter,  as  it  is  the  most  tangible  return,  for  it  affords  the  only 
means  of  keeping  in  touch  with  others  who  care  for  the  future  of  the  Empire 
and  with  the  problems  which  arise  out  of  inter-Imperial  relations.  His  activities 
on  behalf  of  the  cause  he  had  at  heart  did  not  stop  at  the  editing  of  the  Journal. 
I  am  still  sorting  a  mass  of  correspondence  with  Fellows  all  over  the  world, 
to  whom  he  had  written  either  to  ask  for  suggestions  or  to  get  their 
co-operation  in  extending  the  influence  of  the  Institute. 


106          ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR. 

Then  came  the  War.  Many  men  who  were  past  the  fighting  age  began 
to  eat  their  hearts  out  in  an  ineffectual  effort  to  find  outlets  for  their  energy. 
Not  so  Archibald  Colquhoun.  He  looked  round  quietly  for  a  bit  and  then 
began  to  act.  He  began  at  once  a  correspondence  with  some  of  his  more 
influential  American  friends,  sending  them  papers  and  cuttings.  The  Journal 
took — in  the  opinion  of  many  Fellows  whose  letters  I  have  read — a  leap  forward, 
and  became  a  "  live  review  ".  In  the  middle  of  his  first  "  War  number  "  the 
editor  had  the  idea  of  a  small  handbook  of  Facts  about  the  War,  and  under  his 
inspiration  and  guidance,  our  friend  William  Grant,  with  my  help,  put  together 
the  little  book  "  Our  Just  Cause  ".  Many  similar  publications  of  much  value 
have  emanated  from  various  sources,  but  our  aim  was  to  make  our  pamphlet 
an  arsenal  of  facts,  with  a  few  selected  opinions  from  representative  sources. 
By  avoiding  all  attempt  at  dissertation  or  literary  expression  we  compressed 
our  case  into  tabloid  form.  My  husband  wanted  this  book  widely  circulated  in 
workmen's  clubs,  in  America,  and  in  the  Dominions,  and  he  arranged  all  this 
with  the  financial  aid  of  two  or  three  of  his  friends.  The  distribution  he  arranged 
through  the  Public  Libraries,  University  and  College  Libraries  in  the  United 
States,  Australasia  and  Canada,  the  Canadian  Clubs,  the  Salvation  Army, 
Y.M.C.A.,  and  various  patriotic  bodies.  He  arranged  also  for  a  revised  edition 
which  I  prepared,  and  he  told  me,  the  day  before  he  was  taken  ill,  that  he  was 
enquiring  about  the  possibility  of  distributing  translations  in  neutral  countries. 
This  he  would  certainly  have  accomplished  had  he  lived.  He  was  encouraged 
in  these  exertions  by  a  chorus  of  praise  for  the  little  book,  including  letters 
from  Lord  Koberts,  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  Mr.  Balfour  and  many  other  distinguished 
persons.  It  has  been  impossible  in  this  memoir  to  make  any  reference  to  the 
many  well-known  and  interesting  people  with  whom  my  husband  had  relations, 
social  or  otherwise,  but  glancing  through  "Dan  to  Beersheba"  and  thinking  over 
our  travels  subsequent  to  1900  it  seems  to  me  that  he  must  have  known,  or 
met,  or  corresponded  with,  almost  every  well-known  political  writer  and  many 
of  the  statesmen  of  the  last  thirty  years,  including  many  in  the  United  States, 
the  Overseas  Dominions,  and  the  continent  of  Europe. 

On  Tuesday,  November  18,  he  was  taken  ill,  probably  as  the  result  of  a  chill, 
and  after  a  fortnight  of  much  pain  and  discomfort,  in  which  we  still  hoped  he 
was  making  progress,  his  heart  began  to  fail,  and  he  died  on  December  18. 

Three  years  before,  a  London  heart  specialist  told  us  his  heart  was  "  pre- 
maturely worn  out  ",  and  that  a  very  easy  life  and  complete  rest  were  necessary. 
To  give  up  the  Journal  at  that  stage  would  have  been  to  take  his  hand  from 
the  plough,  and  the  only  thing  to  do  was  to  save  as  much  strength  as  possible 
for  that  work.  Henceforward  he  practically  gave  up  his  newspaper  and 
review  contributions  which  had  formed  hitherto  an  important  and  (I  may 
add)  lucrative  part  of  his  work.  He  also  gave  up  lecturing,  for  which,  in  my 
opinion,  he  had  no  real  taste,  though  other  people  did  not  agree  with  me.  In 
any  case  he  had  done  a  great  deal  of  it,  and  his  last  lecture  was  given,  in  1912, 
to  the  officers  at  the  Camberley  Staff  College  on  the  subject  of  the  strategic 
value  of  the  Panama  Canal.  Perhaps  I  may  mention  here  that  my  husband 


ARCHIBALD  COLQUHOUN  :    A  MEMOIR.  107 

worked  long  and  ardently  to  arouse  this  country  on  that  subject,  particularly 
as  it  affects  our  beautiful  and  neglected  West  Indian  possessions.  The  journey 
to  Panama  and  South  America  in  1913,  which  gave  him  so  much  pleasure, 
I  had  originally  planned  as  a  complete  rest  from  work  ;  but  he  turned  it  into 
a  campaign  for  the  Institute,  and  his  interest  in  the  growth  of  the  Argentine 
branch  was  so  great  that  I  could  not  grudge  the  energy  he  had  expended  on 
it.  It  was  in  the  teeth  of  this  deadly  disease  that  he  fought  his  last  fight,  and 
had  won,  I  think,  some  small  success — a  few  hundred  yards  of  trenches — 
when  the  last  shot  came.  Lord  Curzon  writes  to  me :  "  Your  husband 
was  a  very  brave  and  successful  pioneer  who  accomplished  many  things  in  the 
service  of  the  Empire,  but  perhaps  he  never  did  better  work  than  when  he  helped 
to  revive  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute  and  made  its  Journal  a  power  ". 

I  do  not  want  to  praise  him  overmuch,  or  to  claim  too  high  a  place  for  him 
among  "  Empire  builders".  His  position  as  a  writer  and  traveller  of  distinction 
is,  of  course,  secured  without  any  words  of  mine,  but  he  cared  nothing  at 
all  for  personal  recognition  ;  he  cared  passionately  and  whole-heartedly  for  the 
success  of  the  causes  to  which  he  was  pledged. 

Here,  in  the  Colonial  Institute,  we  have  something  more  than  a  mass  of 
bricks  and  mortar,  a  fine  collection  of  books,  and  a  big  roll  of  Fellows.  This 
place  has  a  soul.  Archibald  Colquhoun  was  one  of  those  who  saw  that  soul 
— the  spirit  of  a  genuine,  selfless  patriotism ;  he  was  one  of  those  who  had 
in  all  public  matters  that  high  ideal,  that  wide  vision  which  is  the  salt  of  a 
nation  in  its  public  men.  Many  of  us,  cherishing  the  highest  ideals,  are  still 
lacking  some  means  of  putting  them  in  practice.  He  looked  round  for  the 
means,  and  finding  it,  was  patiently  hammering  out  a  suitable  instrument. 
How  far  his  work  fell  short  of  his  dream  only  his  fellow  worker  and  dreamer 
can  know,  but,  at  all  events,  he  "  hitched  his  waggon  to  a  star". 

Among  the  letters  that  have  come  to  me  in  the  last  weeks  are  many  from 
men  who  have  been  associated  with  him  at  different  periods  of  his  life.  His 
freshness  of  spirit  led  him,  in  the  last  ten  years,  to  make  friends  of  men  much 
younger  than  himself,  and  they  have  written — from  the  ends  of  the  earth  in 
some  cases,  where  the  cable  brought  the  news — to  tell  me  this  :  "  We  loved 
him.  He  brought  out  all  that  is  best  in  us.  The  memory  of  him  shall  be  an 
inspiration  to  us  to  do  something  for  our  country  if  we  can".  And  to  those 
who,  not  knowing  its  editor,  may  still  read  the  motto  of  the  Institute  and 
wonder  how  a  man  can  help  his  country,  beyond  fighting  for  her,  how  he  can 
help  to  bring  about  a  United  Empire,  I  want  to  say  that,  for  me,  the  lesson  of 
Archibald  Colquhoun's  life  is  that  one  cannot  do  anything,  great  or  small,  for 
the  Empire  without  knowledge  and  without  love.  So  many  people  do  not 
care — do  not  even  read  what  they  can — about  the  great  inter- Imperial  problems. 
Yet  one  cannot  understand  without  reading  and  thinking,  and  it  is  of  little 
use  to  love  one's  country  if  one  will  not  take  the  trouble  to  think  about  her. 
irchibald  Colquhoun  had  wide  experience  and  reading,  but  he  was  always 
marching  for  more,  always  questioning  other  men,  weighing  their  views  and 
3- valuing  his  own.  Above  all,  deep  in  his  heart,  too  deep  for  flag-wagging  or 


108  MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE. 

for  noisy  demonstration,  he  kept  the  pure  flame  of  a  chivalrous  patriotism.  It 
was  the  true  love  of  his  life,  too  sacred  to  be  paraded.  When  his  country  fell 
below  his  conception  of  her  it  cut  him  to  the  quick ;  when  she  rose  to  her 
responsibilities  he  gloried.  I  am  not  exaggerating  in  my  desire  to  praise  him. 
I  do  not  think  I  should  dare  to  say  anything  untrue  about  one  to  whom  truth 
and  honesty  were  as  essential  as  light  and  air.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  jest  between 
us  that  he  really  cared  for  nothing  save  his  country  and  his  work — a  jest  of 
mine,  needless  to  say,  for  in  reply  he  would  disclaim  such  altruism,  or  decline 
to  enter  into  any  comparison,  having,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  healthy  dislike 
for  self-dissection. 

In  these  days  of  storm  and  stress,  many  of  us  who  sit  in  the  Valley  of  the 
Shadow  must  find  our  only  comfort  in  the  wider  aspect  of  things,  and  among  the 
long,  sad  roll  of  those  who  have  given  their  lives  on  the  battlefields  of  France 
and  Belgium  there  is  none  who  has  served  his  country  more  faithfully  or  more 
truly  than  Archibald  Colquhoun. 

ETHEL  COLQUHOUN. 


MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE. 

THE  Mohammedans  of  the  Empire  may  congratulate  themselves  upon  the 
course  of  recent  affairs  in  Egypt.  There  has  been  added  to  their  fraternity  a 
people  which,  by  reason  of  its  wealth  and  the  antiquity  of  its  history,  has  stood 
for  long  past  in  the  forefront  of  the  Mohammedan  world.  During  two  centuries — 
lying  about  the  time  of  our  Norman  Conquest — Cairo  was,  indeed,  the  head- 
quarters of  a  Caliphate.  This  was,  it  is  true,  a  dissenting  Caliphate,  that  of  the 
Fatimites,*  which  rose  in  opposition  to  the  Abbaside  Caliphs  of  Bagdad.  But  it 
commanded  the  adherence  of  no  small  section  of  the  Mohammedan  community. 
The  Fatimites  were  overthrown  ;  but  thereafter,  for  two  and  a  half  centuries, 
Cairo  was  the  refuge  of  the  titular  Caliphs  of  the  Abbaside  dynasty,  when  their 
line  was  driven  from  Bagdad  by  hordes  of  Mongol  invaders.  Indeed,  it  was  from 
the  last  of  these  refugees — four  hundred  years  ago — that  Selim  I.,  the  Turkish 
Sultan  of  Constantinople,  received  the  Caliphate.  It  has  since  been  held  by 
the  Turk,  although,  according  to  the  doctrines  of  the  earlier  Mohammedan 
jurists,  it  should  not  have  left  the  tribe  of  Arabs  to  which  the  Prophet  belonged, 
or,  indeed,  should  have  been  confined  to  his  lineal  descendants.  But  now  the 
Turk  has  jeopardised  his  fortunes  ;  and  it  is  quite  within  the  bounds  of  near 
possibility  that  he,  in  his  turn,  may  forfeit  his  position  as  the  Successor  of  the 
Prophet.  He  has  already  found  that  his  appeal  for  a  Holy  War  has  passed 
almost  unnoticed. 

By  the  establishment  of  a  British  Protectorate,  Egypt  has  lost  a  ruler — the 
ex-Khedive  Abbas — who  may  have  promised  well  in  youth  but  had  become 

*  The  Fatimites  claimed  descent  from  Fatima,  the  daughter  of  Mohammed  :    the  Abbasides 
from  Abbas,  the  eldest  of  his  uncles. 


[Photo  by  Dittriclt'] 


H.H.    PRINCE    HUSSEIN    KAMEL    PASHA, 
SULTAN  OF  EGYPT. 


[To  face  p.  108. 


[London  Electrotype  Agency,  Ltd.~\ 
H.H.   THE    NIZAM    OF    HYDERABAD.  G.C.S.I. 


H.H.  THE  SULTAN    OF  JOHORE. 


>< 


[Photo  by  Vernon.1 
H.H.  THE    AGA    KHAN,   G.C.S.I.,  G.C.I.E. 


[Photo  by  Lumsden.l 
H.H.  THE    KHAN    OF    KHELAT,  G.C.I.E. 


MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  109 

selfish,  avaricious,  and  utterly  indifferent  to  his  people's  welfare.  It  has  gained 
a  ruler  in  Sultan  Hussain  who  has  always  appreciated  the  benefits  of  the 
British  occupation,  in  whom  education  and  a  liking  for  Western  culture  have 
not  served  to  extinguish  warm  feelings  of  sympathy  with  the  fellaheen,  who  may 
be  trusted  to  do  his  best  to  promote  the  scientific  and  industrial  pursuits  that 
have  too  long  been  treated  as  incompatible  with  Mohammedan  ideals.  But 
this  change  of  rulers,  fruitful  as  it  may  be,  is  from  the  historical  point  of  view 
not  the  greatest  of  the  reforms  that  will  follow  the  inclusion  of  Egypt  within  the 
Empire.  It  will  now  be  possible  to  abolish  the  "  Capitulations  ",  under  which 
foreigners  resident  in  Egypt  have  been  able  to  insist  that  cases  in  which  they  are 
concerned  should  be  tried,  not  by  the  courts  of  the  land,  but  by  their  consular 
representatives.  Stipulations  of  this  kind  for  the  protection  of  foreigners  are 
not,  of  course,  peculiar  to  Egypt.  They  have  been  in  force  in  Turkey,  China,  and 
a  number  of  other  countries  in  which  Europeans  acquired  trading  or  land-holding 
interests,  and  were  strong  enough  to  insist  upon  maintaining  tribunals  of  their 
own.  In  Egypt  they  have  been  associated  with  confusion  and  injustice. 
Consuls  are  naturally  inclined  to  sympathise  with  their  own  people,  and  have 
been  known  to  give  very  perverse  decisions  in  their  favour.  Before  the  days 
of  the  British  occupation  Egypt  was  a  concession-hunter's  paradise.  One  of 
these  adventurers  secured  a  concession  for  the  construction  of  a  bathing  establish- 
ment on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  A  storm  washed  his  buildings  into 
the  sea,  and  he  actually  recovered  heavy  damages  from  the  Egyptian  Government 
on  the  plea  that  it  should  have  warned  him  that  storms  might  occur.  It  is 
related  of  another  that,  in  the  course  of  an  interview  with  the  Khedive  Ismail 
Pasha,  he  sneezed  violently.  "  For  God's  sake,"  cried  the  Pasha  to  his  aide- 
de-camp,  "  shut  that  window,  for  if  this  gentleman  catches  cold  it  may  cost  us 
a  thousand  pounds ! "  Since  the  British  occupation  there  may  have  been  no 
apprehension  of  such  gross  scandals ;  but  the  administration  of  justice  between 
foreigners  and  the  Egyptian  Government  has  been  very  unsatisfactory — the 
more  so  as  for  the  administration  of  justice  between  Egyptians  an  efficient 
judiciary  has  been  organised.  The  end  of  the  Capitulations  is  now  in  sight. 

Egypt  stands  like  a  bridge  between  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  ;  it  will  always 
attract  more  of  the  world's  attention  that  any  other  Mohammedan  country, 
and  it  is  best  placed  of  all  to  profit  by  the  knowledge  and  ideals  which  during 
the  last  eight  centuries  have  enabled  the  West  to  outstrip  the  East  in  the  accom- 
plishments that  modern  civilisation  considers  essential.  Turkey  apart,  the 
other  Mohammedan  principalities  are  remote  from  the  influences  of  Western 
Europe.  Persia  and  the  Central  Asian  Khanates  look  towards  Eussia. 
Afghanistan  jealously  secludes  itself  from  progressive  influences  ;  it  is  still 
a  country  without  a  railway.  In  India  there  are  the  Mohammedan  States 
of  Hyderabad,  Khelat,  Bhopal,  Bhawalpur,  Rampur,  and  Tonk.  Of  these, 
[yderabad  includes  a  larger  population  than  that  of  Egypt ;  but  only  one- 
3nth  of  the  inhabitants  are  Mohammedans.  Its  ruler — the  Nizam — represents 
mthority  derived  from  the  Moghal  Empire  of  Delhi,  and  ranks  as  the  premier 
idian  Chief.  The  population  of  none  of  the  other  States  reaches  a  million. 


110  MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE. 

In  the  Malay  Peninsula  the  Sultans  of  Johore,  Perak,  Selangor,  and  Pahang 
are,  under  British  guidance,  responsible  for  governing  about  a  million  people, 
of  whom  nearly  half  are  in  Perak.  The  Sultan  of  Johore  is  well  known  as  a 
sportsman  ;  but  the  spread  of  Western  influences  in  these  remote  localities 
must  be  slow.  Turning  to  Africa,  there  is  the  protected  Sultan  of  Zanzibar, 
whose  territories,  of  some  importance  for  their  production  of  spices,  are  in- 
habited by  less  than  200,000  people.  In  Nigeria  the  Fula  Sultanates  of  Kano 
and  Sokotu  are  far  more  populous — reaching,  indeed,  the  Indian  standard 
in  density  of  inhabitants  and  in  agricultural  development.  But  they  are  land- 
locked in  the  interior  of  Africa.  Lastly,  in  the  Soudan — far  south  of  Khartum — 
lies  the  Sultanate  of  Darfur,  with  a  population  that  is  estimated  at  three-quarters 
of  a  million.  The  population  of  Egypt  exceeds  eleven  millions  and  its  revenue 
amounts  to  £18,000,000.  The  population  of  Hyderabad  is  larger  by  two 
millions,  but  its  revenue  is  only  £3,000,000.  These  figures  show  how  im- 
portant will  be  the  rank  of  Egypt  amongst  the  Mohammedan  States  of  the 
Empire,  and  how  considerable  may  be  its  part  in  the  future  history  of  Moham- 
medanism if  its  people  will  profit  by  their  advantages.  Egypt  is  by  far  the 
richest  Mohammedan  country  in  the  world  ;  with  a  population  only  one  twenty- 
eighth  of  that  of  India,  its  revenue  amounts  to  a  fifth  of  the  Indian,  and  its 
trade  to  a  sixth. 

An  Oriental  people  should,  one  would  think,  respond  more  readily  to  the 
progressive  ideas  of  a  ruler  of  its  own  than  to  those  of  a  British  official,  and 
in  social  matters  the  influence  of  a  Native  Court  has  been  perceptible.  Forty 
years  ago,  when  Indian  Mohammedans  were  generally  so  trammelled  by  the 
prejudices  of  their  Hindu  neighbours  as  to  be  unwilling  to  eat  with  Europeans, 
the  nobles  of  the  Hyderabad  Court  were  in  this  matter  as  liberal-minded  as 
the  Turks.  But  at  the  present  day  Mohammedan  gentlemen  who  are  moving 
with  the  times  are  vastly  more  numerous  in  British  India  than  in  the  Indian 
Mohammedan  States.  The  great  mass  of  the  Indian  Mohammedans  (85  per 
cent.)  reside  in  the  provinces  which  are  directly  administered  by  the  British 
Government.  British  provinces  are  far  more  liberally  equipped  with  schools 
and  colleges  than  the  Native  States  :  in  British  India  is  situated  the  Anglo- 
Mohammedan  College  of  Aligarh — the  best  Mohammedan  educational  in- 
stitution in  the  world,  founded  forty  years  ago  by  Sir  Syed  Ahmed  Khan, 
the  Mohammedan  who  did  far  more  than  anyone  else  in  his  generation  to 
raise  the  condition  of  his  co-religionists.  He  gained  his  knowledge  and  ex- 
perience as  a  magistrate  in  the  British  service.  The  elaborate  judicial  organisa- 
tion of  the  British  Indian  provinces  has,  moreover,  opened  careers  as  magis- 
trates, judges,  and  lawyers,  which  have  been  more  congenial  to  the  educated 
Mohammedan  than  any  other.  In  British  India  there  is  now  a  considerable 
body  of  Mohammedans  who  have  adopted  Western  ideas  in  regard  to  manner 
of  living.  Their  most  prominent  representative  is  H.H.  the  Aga  Khan  who 
is  well  known  in  London  society.  In  British  India  there  are,  moreover,  noble- 
men whose  influence,  judged  by  the  numbers  over  which  it  extends,  surpasses 
that  of  any  Indian  Mohammedan  ruler.  Chief  amongst  them  is  Sir  Khwaja 


MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  ill 

Salimullah,  the  Nawab  of  Dacca,*  who  can  sway  the  judgment  of  millions  in 
Eastern  Bengal. 

Still,  broadly  considered,  the  general  condition  of  the  Indian  Mohammedans 
is  exceedingly  backward.  The  great  mass  of  them  live  in  very  poor  circum- 
stances as  small  cultivators,  petty  craftsmen  and  tradesmen,  and  as  servants. 
Mohammedanism  was  introduced  into  India  by  invasion  from  Central  Asia ; 
but  it  has  spread  enormously  by  conversion.  The  simplicity  and  logical  com- 
pleteness of  its  creed  offers  a  tempting  relief  from  the  mysterious  complexities 
of  Hindu  religious  philosophy ;  and  its  admission  of  all  believers  to  the  right 
of  equal  brotherhood  naturally  attracts  those  who  are  depressed  by  the  rigid 
exclusiveness  of  the  Hindu  caste  system.  So  Mohammedanism  spread  in 
India,  as  it  is  spreading  in  Africa  at  the  present  day.  But  its  converts  have 
been  chiefly  drawn  from  the  poorer  classes  of  the  population,  and  it  remains 
in  great  measure  a  religion  of  the  poor.  It  is  but  a  microscopic  proportion  of 
the  Indian  Mohammedans  that  possess  any  Western  learning  at  all.  A  few  of 
the  best  educated  enter  the  medical  profession,  but  the  majority  limit  their 
aspirations  to  the  service  of  Government  or  the  legal  profession — as  they  did, 
indeed,  in  the  times  of  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  "  Call  " 
lists  of  the  Inns  of  Court  that  Mohammedans  are  attracted  in  such  numbers 
to  the  English  Bar  that  they  will  soon  form  an  appreciable  proportion  of  its 
members.  They  are  called  in  London  in  order  to  practise  in  India ;  and  it 
illustrates  the  conservatism  of  our  institutions  that  Indians  should  be  obliged 
to  travel  from  Bombay  to  London,  and  live  for  three  years  in  exile,  in  order  to 
gain  a  title  to  practise,  as  barristers,  in  Indian  courts.  But  educated  officials 
and  lawyers  represent  but  drops  in  the  ocean  of  the  Mohammedan  population 
of  India.  Trade  and  manufacture,  which  absorb  so  many  young  Englishmen, 
do  not  attract  the  Oriental  youth. 

Mohammedans  are  in  some  degree  held  back  by  their  peculiar  institutions. 
They  are  bound,  as  closely  as  the  Jews,  to  a  law  which  regulates  in  detail  the 
affairs  of  life,  and  is  protected  by  divine  authority  against  amendment.  It 
may  have  served  the  times  of  the  Prophet  and  the  circumstances  of  Arabs. 
But  it  contains  provisions  which  can  hardly  be  reconciled  with  the  needs  of 
a  settled  and  progressive  people.  The  rule,  for  instance,  that  at  death  all  the 
deceased's  property  is  to  be  divided,  in  however  minute  portions,  between 
his  sons  and  daughters,  may  have  been  suitable  enough  when  property  consisted 
of  flocks  and  herds,  but  seriously  obstructs  the  accumulation  of  capital.  The 
rule  which  forbids  the  taking  of  interest  bars  Mohammedans  from  investing  in 
trade  or  engaging  in  the  banking  business. 

The  Moghal  Empire  had  fallen  before  British  adventure  took  root  in  India, 
and  our  stoutest  adversaries  were  the  Hindu  (Mahratta)  generals  who  had 
established  kingdoms  upon  its  rums.  Still,  it  was  from  Mohammedan  hands 
that  we  annexed  Bengal,  Mysore,  Oudh,  and  Rohilkhand,  and  generally  it  may 
be  said  that  under  British  rule  the  Mohammedans  have  prospered  less  than  the 
Hindus.  Indeed  the  Hindus,  by  their  greater  willingness  to  learn  English,  have 

*  Since  these  words  were  written  news  of  the  Nawab'a  death  has  reached  England. 


112  MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE. 

succeeded  in  ousting  the  Mohammedans  from  most  of  the  State  employment 
which  in  former  days  they  enjoyed  through  the  prestige  of  conquest.  The 
loyalty  of  the  latter  to  the  Empire  may,  then,  appear  somewhat  surprising. 
We  do  not  refer  to  the  splendid  enthusiasm  which  they  and  the  Hindus  alike 
have  manifested  on  the  outbreak  of  the  War,  but  to  their  general  attitude 
towards  the  British  Government  during  the  past  half-century.  They  have  held 
aloof  from  the  political  agitation  which  has  attracted  so  many  of  the  Hindu 
leaders ;  they  have  prided  themselves  upon  their  acceptance  of  the  authority 
of  the  Government,  and,  until  their  trustfulness  was  shaken  by  the  reversal  of  the 
partition  of  Bengal,  they  took  no  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Indian  National 
Congress.  Eeasons  for  this  attitude  of  confidence  in  authority  may  be  found  in 
the  trend  of  their  religious  ideals. 

It  is  difficult  for  an  Englishman  to  enter  into  the  philosophic  mind  of  a  Hindu. 
But  he  can  understand  the  ideals  of  a  Mohammedan  if  he  will  take  passages  of 
the  Hebrew  Scriptures — of  the  Psalms  in  particular — literally,  and  not  in  the 
figurative  sense  which  is  now  commonly  attached  to  them.  God  is  not  only  the 
Supreme  Arbiter  of  morality  :  His  power  is  a  full  and  sufficient  explanation 
for  all  the  workings  of  Nature — a  reply  to  every  question  which  human  reason 
may  put  to  the  origin  and  course  of  the  material  world.  Not  only  do  the 
heavens  declare  His  glory  and  the  firmament  His  handiwork  :  the  voice  of  the 
Lord  "  maketh  the  hinds  to  bring  forth  young  ",  and  "  the  lions  roaring  after 
their  prey  do  seek  their  meat  from  God  ".  To  such  convictions  the  enquiries  of 
science  appear  superfluous,  if  not,  indeed,  impertinent :  of  what  use  is  the  study 
of  electricity,  when  "God  maketh  the  thunder " ?  Or  of  sanitation,  when  it  is 
God  that  protects  us  from  "  the  pestilence  that  walketh  in  darkness  "  and  from 
"  the  sickness  that  destroyeth  in  the  noon- day  "  ?  The  Amir  of  Afghanistan, 
it  is  said,  on  receiving  from  the  Viceroy  a  bundle  of  papers  regarding  the  history 
of  the  plague  and  the  precautions  that  might  be  taken  to  prevent  its  spread, 
replied  that,  after  reading  them  and  noting  the  disagreements  *  of  doctors  as 
to  the  cause  of  the  disease,  he  thought  it  best  "  to  continue  to  place  his  trust 
in  Almighty  God". 

This  reliance  upon  Divine  guidance  does  not  extend  to  the  acceptance  of 
all  existing  institutions.  Infidel  kingdoms — antagonistic  to  God — are  to  be 
subdued  :  "  Through  thee  will  we  overthrow  our  enemies  and  in  thy  name 
will  we  tread  upon  them  that  rise  up  against  us  ".  But  authority  which  is 
long  established  and  exercised  for  good  may  be  accepted  as  warranted  by 
Divine  permission,  especially  the  authority  of  those  who  are  also,  as  Christians 
are,  "  People  of  the  Book  ". 

And  this  attitude  of  acquiescence  in  a  Christian  Empire  is  immensely 
strengthened  if  justice  be  the  keynote  of  the  Imperial  policy.  The  prevalence  of 
injustice  is  an  objection  which  reason  is  constantly  presenting  to  those  who  trust 
in  the  Divine  guidance  of  the  world.  How  can  the  existence  of  injustice  be 
reconciled  with  the  omnipotence  of  an  Infinite  Justice  ?  To  the  Mohammedan 
mind,  justice  is  a  supreme  ideal :  it  is  the  highest  function  of  the  State  "  to 

*  This  was  before  the  discovery  of  the  rat  flea. 


MOHAMMEDANS  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  us 

avenge  the  poor,  and  maintain  the  cause  of  the  helpless  ",  "to  help  them  that 
suffer  wrong  and  to  feed  the  hungry  ".  To  the  philosophic  mind  of  the  Hindu, 
injustice,  like  justice,  is  a  peculiar  phenomenon  of  life.  But  he  has  been  unable 
to  resist  the  attractions  of  the  Mohammedan  ideal,  and  not  a  petition  is  received 
by  a  British  magistrate  in  India  but  appeals  to  justice,  apart  from  law,  as  the 
rightful  expectation  of  the  oppressed.  That  the  Empire  rests  upon  justice  is  a 
truism  :  it  is  also  a  psychological  fact.  To  this  appreciation  of  even-handedness 
we  may  ascribe  that  most "  sporting  "  incident  of  the  War — that  those  turbulent 
marauders  the  Waziris,  of  the  Afghan  frontier,  should  have  informed  the  Indian 
Government  that  they  proposed  to  abstain  from  raiding  British  territory  so  long 
as  we  were  occupied  in  fighting  the  Germans. 

The  Mohammedan  who  accepts  a  just  government  as  a  Divine  institution 
regards  the  head  of  the  government  as  God's  vicegerent.  He  finds  it  easy  to 
pay  this  reverence  to  a  King,  but  is  puzzled  when  he  is  invited  to  render  it  to  a 
Parliament.  Does  wisdom  lie  concealed  amidst  the  bandying  of  words  and  does 
it  emerge  when  a  debated  question  is  compromised  ?  India's  loyalty,  as  became 
plain  at  the  time  of  the  Delhi  Durbar,  is  a  feeling  of  .devotion  to  the  person 
of  the  King-Emperor.  It  is  expressed  in  the  opinion,  held  by  some  Indians 
of  influential  position,  that  the  Viceroy  should  always  be  a  member  of  the 
Eoyal  Family.  We  must  regret  that  the  form  of  our  Government  should  deny 
to  this  feeling  much  scope  for  expressing  itself.  Popular  ideals  cannot  wisely 
be  disregarded  :  indeed  statesmanship  consists  very  largely  in  turning  them  to 
useful  account.  Could  we  bring  ourselves  to  amend  our  Constitution  for  the 
good  of  the  Empire,  there  is  a  measure  which  would  appeal  to  and  confirm  the 
loyal  feelings  of  the  Indians.  Over  the  Viceroy,  the  Indian  Council  at  Whitehall 
exercises  more  than  a  little  authority.  Why  should  not  the  King-Emperor 
be  President  of  this  Council,  and  its  despatches  be  issued  in  his  name?  At 
present  it  is  the  Council  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  He  could  of  course  continue 
to  influence  its  deliberations  with,  it  may  well  be,  more  extensive  authority 
than  is  committed  to  other  members.  But  the  Council  would  stand  before 
Indians  as  the  representative  of  Royal  authority,  and  would  give  logical  satis- 
faction to  their  feelings  of  devotion  to  the  Crown.  Such  a  change,  it  may  be 
objected,  would  diminish  the  prestige  of  Parliament,  and  might  weaken  its 
authority  for  India's  good.  But  in  the  interest  of  the  self-governing  Dominions 
Parliament  has  been  content  to  relinquish  most  of  the  power  which  it  once 
exercised  over  them.  Might  it  not  make  a  lesser  concession  in  order  to  cement 
India's  attachment  to  the  Empire '?  Beyond  a  doubt,  India  owes  much  to 
Parliament.  It  is  to  Parliamentary  influences  that  her  people  are  indebted  for 
the  representative  institutions  which  are  affording  them  a  voice  in  the  govern- 
ment of  their  country  :  these  would  have  been  conceded  much  less  willingly 
by  the  governing  staff  of  permanent  officials.  But,  as  these  institutions  take 
root,  the  interference  of  Parliament  in  Indian  affairs  will  become  less  and 
less  needed.  It  may  be  long  before  India  is  granted  the  complete  independence 
of  the  self-governing  Dominions.  Its  affairs  will  periodically  require  discussion 
in  Parliament.  But  intervention  in  details  has  already  become  generally 


114         THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA. 

unnecessary,  and  not  infrequently  harmful ;  and,  apart  from  all  other  con- 
siderations, a  great  deal  could  be  said  for  a  measure  which  would  check  the 
incessant  questioning  of  the  Government  on  Indian  subjects.  India  has  very 
little  reason  to  be  grateful  to  the  private  members  who  satisfy  their  own  good 
intentions  by  searching  for  her  grievances.  Lest  their  ardours  should  decline, 
they  do  not  wait  for  proofs  of  the  scandals  which  they  parade — quixotic 
champions  who,  failing  giants,  will  tilt  at  windmills,  and,  in  the  name  of  chivalrous 
feeling,  disregard  any  consequences  but  the  one  before  their  eyes. 

A  photograph  has  recently  been  reproduced  in  the  newspapers  showing 
Sir  George  Eeid,  seated  in  his  motor-car,  in  the  very  shadow  of  the  Pyramids, 
watching  the  Colonial  troops  file  past.  What  a  strange  blending  of  to-day 
with  antiquity  !  For  we  may  plausibly  regard  the  Egyptian  as  the  oldest, 
and  the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  as  the  newest,  of  the  peoples  of  the 
world.  To  the  British  of  the  Antipodes,  Mohammedanism  has  hitherto  been 
but  a  vague  idea — strengthened,  it  may  be,  by  some  impressions  gathered 
in  passing  through  the  Suez  Canal,  but  still  quite  unconnected  with  the  actual 
experiences  of  life.  Now  their  representatives  are  banded  with  Mohammedans 
to  fight  other  Mohammedans  in  order  to  preserve  the  Empire's  integrity,  and 
they  may  realise  what  a  peculiar  institution  the  British  Empire  is.  For  it 
illustrates  not,  as  other  empires,  uniformity  but  diversity ;  and  its  object 
is,  not  to  make  men  think  alike,  but  to  afford  them  opportunities  for  thinking 
differently — in  peace — and  preserving  their  self-respect. 

BAMPFYLDE  FULLER. 


THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA. 

I.  EAST  AFRICA. 

THE  outbreak  of  war  hi  Europe  found  German  East  Africa  far  more  ready  for 
the  emergency  than  its  neighbour  British  East  Africa.  It  disposed  of  a  native 
force  more  than  twice  as  numerous  as  the  King's  African  Rifles  of  the  Protectorate 
and  Uganda,  with  a  marked  superiority  in  maxims  and  field  artillery.  The 
number  of  Germans  available  for  service  with  the  colours  must  have  been 
considerable,  for  it  is  estimated  that  between  two  and  three  thousand  European 
troops  were  engaged  in  the  defence  of  Tanga.  Fortunately  for  British  East 
Africa  the  Germans  failed  to  press  home  this  advantage  by  a  determined  attack 
on  the  Protectorate.  Great  Britain  had  drawn  first  blood  by  the  bombardment 
of  Dar-es-Salaam,  and  the  German  authorities  may  have  been  led  by  this  event 
to  expect  a  vigorous  offensive  on  our  part.  Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  country 
the  military  advantage  would  always  rest  with  the  defending  force,  and,  on  the 
analogy  of  the  Cameroon,  it  is  possible  that  the  Germans  in  East  Africa  also 
believed  that  the  rapid  victory  of  their  arms  in  Europe  would  relieve  them  of  the 
necessity  of  undertaking  the  difficult  and  perilous  task  of  an  invasion  in  force  of 
British  East  Africa.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason,  the  fact  remains 


THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA.          115 

that  the  Germans  failed  to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities  offered  them  of  a 
successful  attack  during  the  earlier  weeks  of  the  war. 

British  unreadiness  for  the  outbreak  of  war  with  Germany  was  clearly 
proved  by  the  fact  that  the  bulk  of  the  King's  African  Rifles  were  in  the 
north,  dealing  with  native  tribes  on  the  borders  of  Italian  Somaliland.  They 
were  hastily  recalled ;  every  able-bodied  colonist  volunteered  for  service,  in- 
cluding the  Boers  of  the  Uasin  Gishu  district,  who  formed  a  separate  commando, 
and  in  due  course  the  29th  Punjabis  arrived,  as  an  advance  guard  of  the  Expedi- 
tionary Force  from  India  which  was  to  readjust  the  military  inequality  between 
British  and  German  East  Africa.  For  some  time,  however,  the  Protectorate 
offered  the  enemy  a  very  vulnerable  point  in  the  Uganda  Railway,  which 
connects  Mombasa  with  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  584  miles  away,  running  in  the 
same  direction  as  the  frontier,  slightly  off  the  parallel,  and  being  within  fifty 
miles  of  German  territory  for  the  first  quarter  of  its  length  from  the  coast.  A 
successful  attack  on  this  line  would  have  temporarily  cut  off  the  Protectorate 
from  reinforcements  by  sea.  No  movement,  however,  in  force  was  attempted. 
Taveta,  a  small  police  post  near  Kilimanjaro,  was  occupied  unopposed,  and  from 
there  a  small  party  was  dispatched  to  blow  up  the  railway  near  Maungu.  But 
the  journey  across  the  Seringetti  desert  proved  too  much  for  the  raiders,  who 
surrendered  with  all  their  dynamite  and  impedimenta  to  the  first  patrol  they 
sighted. 

With  the  British  acting  strictly  on  the  defensive  until  their  Indian  reinforce- 
ments arrived,  the  Germans  felt  compelled  to  show  activity.  A  more  determined 
effort  to  invade  the  Protectorate  was  made  near  the  Tsavo  River,  on  September  6 ; 
but  by  this  time  the  development  of  our  intelligence  system  was  a  safeguard 
against  surprises.  The  German  force  was  met  by  a  column  composed  of  Indian 
troops,  the  King's  African  Rifles,  and  local  volunteers,  and  was  repulsed  with 
considerable  losses. 

The  next  raid  took  place  at  the  western  end  of  the  frontier.  On  September  9, 
a  German  expedition,  400  strong,  occupied  Karungu,  a  Customs  station  on 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  unopposed,  and  on  the  following  day  set  out  for 
Kisii,  some  thirty-five  miles  away  in  the  interior.  This  place  was  occupied 
on  the  llth.  The  same  morning  a  force  of  the  King's  African  Rifles,  240  strong, 
with  30  police  were  landed  at  Kendu  Bay.  They  had  covered  the  twenty-eight 
miles  to  Kisii  by  10  A.M.  the  next  day  and  engaged  the  enemy  until  the  evening, 
when  for  lack  of  ammunition  they  were  forced  to  retire  on  Kendu.  The  Germans 
must  have  been  ignorant  of  our  withdrawal ;  for  they  evacuated  Kisii  in  great 
haste,  abandoning  four  maxims  and  ammunition,  together  with  their  dead 
and  wounded,  who  were  found  two  days  later  when  Kisii  was  occupied  by  us 
without  opposition.  Retiring  on  Karungu  the  Germans  successfully  opposed 
the  landing  of  a  force  sent  there  to  cut  off  their  retreat ;  but  immediately  after- 
wards they  abandoned  this  station  also  and  withdrew  to  their  own  territory. 

During  the  last  ten  days  of  September  attempts  to  invade  the  Protectorate 
were  made  at  several  points  along  the  frontier  between  Lake  Natron  and  the 
sea.  They  were  repulsed  in  each  instance.  On  one  occasion  a  squadron, 

I  2 


THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA.         117 

thirty  strong,  of  the  East  African  Mounted  Rifles  successfully  engaged  a  German 
force  of  thirty-five  Europeans  and  150  natives  with  two  maxims.  The  thick 
bush  enabled  our  men  to  surprise  the  invaders,  and  though  the  Germans  sub- 
sequently rallied  and  beat  back  the  squadron,  they  lost  no  time  hi  recrossing 
the  border. 

The  movement  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  which  ought  to  have  taken  place 
early  hi  August  was  not  begun  until  the  last  week  in  September.  An  attempt 
was  then  made  to  carry  out  a  concerted  attack  on  Mombasa.  It  was  arranged 
that  the  German  cruiser  Konigsberg  should  bombard  the  port,  effect  a  landing, 
and  occupy  the  island,  while  land  forces  converged  on  the  bridge  connecting 
the  island  with  the  mainland.  The  Konigsberg  failed  to  carry  out  its  part  of  the 
programme,  probably  in  consequence  of  the  presence  of  British  men-of-war 
in  these  waters,  and  it  has  since  been  blocked,  and,  according  to  one  report, 
destroyed,  in  the  mouth  of  the  Rufigi  River.  The  land  expedition  was  first  held 
at  Margerini,  but  subsequently  advanced  as  far  as  Gazi  on  the  coast,  where  it 
was  finally  repulsed  in  the  first  week  of  October  and  driven  back  across  the 
frontier. 

The  failure  of  the  movement  on  Mombasa  was  followed  by  some  weeks 
of  comparative  quiet,  until  the  moment  arrived  for  a  British  offensive.  An 
Expeditionary  Force  consisting  of  two  Brigades,  made  up  of  the  2nd  Battalion 
of  the  Loyal  North  Lancashire  Regiment,  five  native  infantry  regiments  and 
two  regiments  of  Imperial  Service  troops,  had  left  Bombay  in  the  middle  of 
October  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  A.  E.  Aitken.  It  was  ar- 
ranged that  the  bulk  of  this  force  should  land  at  Tanga  and  seize  the  railway, 
which  runs  from  that  port  inland  to  Moschi  at  the  foot  of  Kilimanjaro.  The 
port  is  undefended,  while  the  town  lies  a  little  less  than  two  miles  away,  effectu- 
ally screened  from  the  sea  by  thick  bush.  It  was  considered  necessary  on 
the  arrival  of  the  force  on  November  2,  to  summon  the  town  to  surrender, 
threatening  bombardment  in  the  event  of  a  refusal.  The  German  Governor 
refused  to  comply  with  the  request  and  spent  the  period  of  grace  allowed  him 
in  strengthening  the  defences  of  the  town  and  in  bringing  up  reinforcements 
by  rail.  By  the  morning  of  November  4  all  the  troops  had  been  landed,  and 
the  advance  on  the  town  began  at  noon.  Some  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  inter- 
vening country  may  be  formed  from  the  circumstance  that  it  took  our  troops 
two  and  a  half  hours  to  cover  the  mile  and  three-quarters  before  they  came 
into  touch  with  the  enemy.  The  fullest  account  of  the  fighting  that  has  so 
far  appeared  was  published  in  the  Pioneer  Mail.  Artillery  support  being  almost 
impracticable  owing  to  the  density  of  the  bush,  it  is  there  stated,  it  was  decided 
to  attack  without  waiting  for  the  guns  to  be  landed.  The  report  continues  : — 

"  The  101st  Grenadiers,  making  a  fine  effort  to  fill  a  gap  in  the  firing  line  due  to  the 
difficulty  of  advancing  in  line  through  the  dense  bush,  came  under  exceedingly  heavy 
cross-fire  of  rifles  and  machine-guns.  They  were  unable  to  advance,  but  tenaciously 
held  their  own.  The  Loyal  North  Lancashire  Regiment  and  xhe  Kashmir  Rifles  on 
the  right  had  meanwhile  slowly  gained  ground  and  entered  Tanga,  to  the  outskirts  of 
which  they  held  on,  despite  a  heavy  fire  from  the  houses,  which  had  been  loopholed 


118          THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA. 

and  strongly  prepared  for  defence.  Unfortunately,  the  somewhat  extended  disposal 
of  the  troops,  due  to  the  thick  bush,  rendered  it  impossible  to  support  these  regiments 
at  the  moment  when  efficient  support  might  have  enabled  them  to  carry  the  town 
Darkness  coming  brought  the  action  to  a  conclusion,  after  which  our  troops  withdrew 
unmolested  to  an  entrenched  position  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  the  rear.  In  view  of  the 
extreme  difficulty  of  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  Tanga  it  was  judged  inadvisable 
to  attempt  a  second  attack  without  adequate  reinforcements.  Orders  for  embarkation 
were  accordingly  issued,  and  this  was  carried  out  without  any  interference  on  the  part 
of  the  enemy." 

The  fight  at  Tanga  must  be  written  down  as  a  "  regrettable  incident," 
and  we  may  console  ourselves  with  the  reflection  that  fortunately  there  have 
been  few,  if  any,  others  so  far  in  this  wide-flung  campaign.  In  connection 
with  the  account  of  the  engagement  given  in  the  Pioneer  Mail,  we  may  quote 
the  words  addressed  by  the  Governor  of  British  East  Africa  to  the  Loyal  North 
Lancashires  on  their  arrival  at  Nairobi  to  recuperate  after  their  trying  ex- 
periences at  Tanga.  Sir  Henry  Belfield  said  : 

"  I  deplore  the  circumstance  which  has  necessitated  your  temporary  detention  in 
the  Protectorate  ;  but  at  the  same  time  I  would  exhort  you  not  to  look  upon  it  as 
cause  for  being  in  any  way  discouraged.  I  am  informed  that  you  conducted  your- 
selves on  a  recent  occasion  with  consummate  bravery  and  exemplary  discipline,  under 
most  trying  conditions,  and  that  you  set  an  example  of  steadiness  and  pluck  to  some 
other  units  of  the  force  who  would  appear  to  have  been  much  in  need  of  it." 

November  2  had  been  fixed  for  a  general  advance  into  German  East  Africa. 
While  the  Expeditionary  Force  was  landing  at  Tanga,  the  frontier  was  to  be 
crossed  at  two  places,  north-west  and  south-east  of  Kilimanjaro.  These  opera- 
tions were  in  no  sense  combined  movements,  as  they  were  to  take  place  at  points 
a  hundred  or  more  miles  apart.  The  major  expedition  was  the  attack  on 
Longido,  where  a  German  camp,  strongly  held,  was  established  half-way  up  the 
mountain.  It  has  been  briefly  described  by  one  of  the  combatants  as  follows  : — 
"  We  marched  all  night,  attacked  at  dawn,  fought  all  day,  and  then,  having 
failed  to  turn  the  Germans  out,  had  to  come  back  here,  as  we  had  no  water." 
In  this  laconic  statement  is  concealed  a  record  of  hard  fighting  and  of  con- 
siderable gallantry.  The  enemy  were  in  a  strong  position ;  but  the  29th 
Punjabis  took  three  of  their  lines  successively  and  every  counter-attack  was 
repulsed.  Meanwhile  two  flanking  parties  had  been  sent  round  the  mountain  to 
cut  off  the  enemy's  retreat  in  the  event  of  his  withdrawal.  Both  squadrons 
found  the  enemy  in  strength  on  this  side  of  the  mountain  as  well,  and  after  an 
engagement  against  superior  numbers  were  forced  to  retire.  Our  loss  in  officers 
amounted  to  ten  killed,  nine  wounded,  and  one  missing,  all  belonging  to  the  East 
African  Mounted  Infantry  ;  while  the  enemy  was  reported  to  have  lost  thirty- 
eight  Europeans,  and  eighty-four  natives  killed  and  wounded.  Although  the 
expedition  failed  to  achieve  its  object  that  day,  the  Germans  saw  fit  to  evacuate 
Longido  two  days  later,  and  this  station  is  now  in  our  possession. 


THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA.          119 

Since  the  beginning  of  November  no  operations  of  any  importance  have 
been  undertaken  on  either  side.  Our  experiences  at  Tanga  called  for  a  revision 
of  the  plan  of  campaign,  as  it  is  clear  that  the  Germans  with  the  natural  advan- 
tages of  the  country  are  in  a  position  to  offer  a  stubborn  resistance. 


II.  WEST  AFRICA. 

The  task  of  taking  possession  of  the  Cameroon  differs  in  two  respects  from 
the  problem  offered  to  British  arms  in  East  Africa.  In  the  first  place  the  sea- 
board and  river  mouths  lend  themselves  more  to  naval  co-operation  in  the 
preliminary  stages  of  the  campaign  ;  secondly,  the  colony  has  been  less  favoured 
than  German  East  Africa  in  the  military  attention  received. 

In  the  place  of  German  raids  into  British  territory  our  forces  assumed  the 
offensive  from  Nigeria,  and  during  the  last  week  of  August  crossed  the  frontier  at 
several  points.  One  column  advanced  from  Yola  on  the  Benue  River  and 
occupied  successively  Tepe,  Saratse,  and  Garua  ;  but  on  August  30  strong 
reinforcements  enabled  the  Germans  to  deliver  a  counter  attack  on  a  Garua 
fort,  and  our  troops,  after  suffering  considerable  losses,,  were  compelled  to  retire 
across  the  frontier.  Another  column  operating  from  Ikom  on  the  Cross  River 
occupied  Nsanakang  on  August  25.  On  September  6  it  was  successfully  attacked 
by  the  enemy  and  Nsanakang  was  neutralised  in  order  that  the  wounded  on  both 
sides  might  receive  attention.  Yet  a  third  force  crossed  from  Calabar  on 
August  29  and  seized  Archibong  on  the  road  to  Rio  del  Rey  and  Buea. 

But  the  main  task  of  reducing  the  Cameroon  has  been  entrusted  to  a  joint 
Anglo-French  expeditionary  force  under  Brigadier-General  C.  M.  Dobell, 
D.S.O.,  A.D.C.  The  British  contingent  left  Liverpool  on  August  31,  picked  up 
native  units  at  various  towns  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  and  met  the  French 
contingent  at  Lagos.  The  joint  force  reached  the  Cameroon  River  on 
September  22.  For  some  time  H.M.  gunboat  Dwarf  had  been  engaged  in  these 
waters  sweeping  for  mines,  and  clearing  and  buoying  a  passage  for  the  ships. 
It  was  in  an  attempt  to  blow  up  H.M.S.  Dwarf  on  September  20  that  a  German 
missionary  was  taken  red-handed  with  an  infernal  machine  in  his  possession. 
When  asked  how  he  reconciled  such  an  act  with  his  calling,  he  replied  that 
he  was  a  soldier  first  and  a  missionary  afterwards. 

On  September  24  the  light  cruiser  Challenger  and  H.M.S.  Dwarf  bombarded 
Duala,  which,  together  with  its  approaches,  had  been  carefully  fortified  and 
entrenched.  The  bombardment  was  continued  the  two  following  days,  and  on 
September  27  the  Germans  surrendered  unconditionally.  Duala  was  occupied 
by  British  and  French  detachments,  and  it  was  here  that  the  nine  boats  of  the 
Woermann  line  were  found  in  hiding  and  captured. 

From  the  references  already  made  to  the  frontier  fighting  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Germans  were  quite  ready  to  fight  when  the  advantages  were  on  their 
side,  but  there  was  no  intention  of  facilitating  the  work  of  our  troops  by  holding 
any  town  or  position  to  the  last  man  or  cartridge.  At  one  stage,  indeed,  they 


120        THE  WAR  IN  EAST  AND  WEST  AFRICA. 

preferred  to  sacrifice  both  provisions  and  ammunition  somewhat  lightly,  pro- 
vided they  could  make  good  their  escape;  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they 
were  acting  under  the  impression  that  the  fighting  in  Europe  was  taking  such  a 
favourable  turn  for  Germany  that  her  loyal  sons  in  the  Cameroon  were  not 
called  upon  to  risk  too  much  when  the  issue  of  the  war  was  practically 
settled. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Allies  wisely  set  about  the  task  of  subjugating  the 
Cameroon  gradually  and  systematically.  The  first  step  was  to  occupy  the 
chief  coast  towns ;  and  while  Duala  was  being  bombarded  a  French  force  from 
Libreville  in  the  French  Congo  attacked  Ukoko  in  Corisco  Bay.  After  Duala 
the  Allies  took  Bonaberi,  the  starting-point  of  a  second  railway  line.  Advances 
into  the  interior  were  then  made  along  this  line  to  Susa,  and  along  the  Duala 
Eailway  to  Japoma  Bridge,  and  on  October  26  to  Edea  on  the  Sanaga  Eiver. 
Another  force  proceeded  up  the  Wuri  Biver  and  occupied  Jabassi.  The  capture 
of  the  latter  town  entailed  two  separate  attacks.  Even  then  the  British  garrison 
left  there  was  continually  exposed  to  sniping. 

Although  Duala  is  the  chief  town  of  the  Cameroon,  Buea,  3000  feet  above 
sea-level  on  the  Cameroon  Mountain,  is  the  seat  of  the  Colonial  Government. 
To  occupy  this  town  military  operations  on  a  larger  scale  than  a  mere  frontal 
advance  were  considered  necessary.  On  November  13  its  seaport,  Victoria, 
was  bombarded  and  subsequently  occupied.  Meanwhile  the  Allied  forces  from 
different  points  converged  on  Buea,  which  was  occupied  on  November  15.  A 
further  success  at  this  time  was  the  occupation  of  Mujuka,  a  station  on  the 
railway  fifty  miles  from  Bonaberi. 

The  net  results  of  these  operations  to  date  is  that  the  chief  towns  in  the 
coast  districts  and  railway  communication  for  some  distance  from  the  sea  are 
in  the  Allies'  hands,  while  the  enemy  have  been  driven  into  the  interior,  where 
they  will  be  forced  to  adopt  guerilla  tactics.  Steady  pressure  is  also  being 
exercised  from  the  Nigerian  frontier.  In  the  extreme  north  of  the  Cameroon 
the  district  around  Mora  is  in  our  hands,  and  the  Germans  have  been  forced 
southwards.  Operating  from  Ikom,  Nigerian  troops  have  occupied  Danare, 
twenty-five  miles  to  the  east ;  and  the  work  of  clearing  the  enemy  from  the 
country  between  the  Cross  River  and  the  Bonaberi  Railway  ought  to  have  been 
concluded  by  now.  In  the  face  of  determined  guerilla  tactics  the  task  of 
occupying  the  whole  province  will  prove  an  arduous  one  ;  but  the  experience 
of  Togoland  and  Tsingtao  justifies  the  hope  that,  in  spite  of  the  Emperor's 
injunctions  to  defend  Germany's  overseas  possessions  to  the  last  man,  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  situation  in  Europe  will  lead  to  an  early  collapse  of  the  resis- 
tance now  being  offered  in  the  Cameroon. 

H.  T.  MONTAGUE  BELL. 


121 


AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

IT  was  not  surprising  that  the  incident  which  ended  the  romantic  and  destructive 
career  of  the  Emden,  should  have  attracted  world-wide  attention.  As  a  naval  exploit, 
no  doubt  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  more  powerful  armament  of  the  Sydney  would 
prevail  in  normal  circumstances,  but  as  a  historic  event  in  Imperial  development, 
the  incident  cannot  be  overrated.  An  Australian  ship,  paid  for  by  Australia  and 
manned  largely  by  Australians,  has  received  its  baptism  of  fire,  and  emerged 
from  the  ordeal  by  performing  a  truly  Imperial  service. 

Australians  will  be  pardoned  if  they  point  to  the  events  which  have  occurred 
since  the  outbreak  of  war  as  providing  them  with  abundant  justification  for  their 
determined  adherence  to  the  principal  of  a  local  Australian  Navy,  which  has  been 
included  in  the  political  creed  of  both  the  great  parties  in  the  Commonwealth  for 
the  past  five  years.  Australia  is  rightly  proud  of  the  fact  that,  alone  of  His  Majesty's 
Dominions,  the  Commonwealth  has  been  able  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the  Admiralty 
an  efficient,  self-contained,  adequately  trained  and  organised  naval  force,  which  has 
fulfilled  all  the  anticipations  that  it  would  prove  itself  able  to  render  valuable  service 
on  behalf  of  the  Empire  in  time  of  warfare. 

The  Royal  Australian  Navy  has  been  under  the  control  of  the  Admiralty  since 
the  outbreak  of  war.  Australian  statesmen  always  discounted  the  fears  with  regard 
to  divided  control  which,  indeed,  were  the  result  of  a  complete  misunderstanding  as 
to  the  basis  on  which  the  Australian  Navy  was  founded.  The  Commonwealth 
Government  offered  to  transfer  the  Fleet  to  the  Admiralty  before  war  was  declared, 
and,  as  Admiral  Sir  William  Cresswell  recently  pointed  out,  the  subject  of  control 
has  never  been  in  question  throughout,  so  far  at  all  events  as  Australia  is  concerned. 
As  Senator  Millen,  the  late  Minister  of  Defence,  stated  in  his  memorandum  issued 
in  April  1914,  criticising  Mr.  Churchill's  statement  on  the  Navy  Estimates  : — 

It  was  the  Imperial  aspect  of  the  Australian  Naval  Scheme  which  commended  itself 
to  a  considerable  section  of  the  Australian  people  who  had  previously  favoured  the 
contribution  policy.  Mr.  Churchill  in  effect  destroys  the  idea  of  a  joint  Imperial  fleet, 
of  which  the  Royal  Australian  Navy  was  to  be  a  part,  working  for  common  ends  and 
discharging  a  common  Imperial  responsibility,  and  renders  the  Royal  Australian  Navy 
an  isolated  force,  the  very  circumstance  which  Mr.  Churchill  himself  condemns.  It  is 
inconceivable  that  Australia,  should  the  occasion  arise,  will  take  a  narrower  Imperial 
view  regarding  her  naval  resources  than  she  did  with  her  military  organisation.  Indeed 
the  agreements,  made  in  1909  and  1911,  provide  expressly  for  the  use  of  Australian 
vessels  for  general  Imperial  purposes  in  time  of  war  or  other  emergency,  and  the 
arrangements  for  co-operation  with,  and  if  necessary  control  by,  the  Admiralty  in 
these  circumstances  have  recently  been  completed.  But  the  central  idea  was  unques- 
tionably that  of  an  Australian  section  of  the  Imperial  Fleet — a  section  built  by 
Australia,  manned  by  Australians,  interchangeable  with  and  capable  of  being  har- 
moniously merged  in  the  Royal  Navy,  yet  which  in  normal  times  would,  and  until  its 
Government  otherwise  decided,  be  based  upon  Australian  ports,  and  consequently  more 
immediately  responsible  for  British  interests  in  Australian  waters. 

Criticising    Mr.    Churchill's    suggestion    that  the    proposed   Imperial   Squadron, 


122  AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

which  would  include  the  capital  ships  of  the  Dominion's  naval  forces,  would  be  able 
to  deal  with  any  emergency  that  might  arise  in  any  part  of  the  Empire,  Mr.  Millen 
remarked  : 

The  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  contemplates  the  dispatch  to  the  Pacific  of  capital 
ships  when  the  necessity  arises.  It  is  open  lo  question  whether  it  is  desirable,  in 
the  interests  of  the  Empire,  to  rely  on  the  ability  of  the  Admiralty  to  send  to  a  sphere  of 
danger,  at  least  four  or  five  weeks  distant  from  Europe,  a  powerful  fleet  in  time  to  meet 
any  emergency  that  may  arise. 

In  the  light  of  what  has  occurred  since  the  outbreak  of  war,  it  may  confidently  be 
asserted  on  the  one  hand  that  the  fears  which  were  entertained  that  the  "  local " 
character  of  the  Australian  Navy  might  interfere  with  the  homogeneity  and  unity 
of  control  of  the  Imperial  Navy  have  been  proved  to  be  groundless,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  the  valuable  part  which  it  was  claimed  by  the  supporters  of  the  Australian 
Naval  policy  would  be  played  by  His  Majesty's  Australian  ships  when  the  occasion 
arose  has  been  justified  by  the  operations  of  the  force  under  the  command  of  Vice- 
Admiral  Sir  George  Patey  during  the  past  four  months. 

War  was  declared  with  little  warning,  and,  as  was  always  anticipated  by  students  of 
the  problem  in  Australia,  not  only  was  it  impossible  without  considerable  delay  to 
dispatch  from  Europe  to  the  Pacific  a  strong  naval  force,  able  to  deal  with  the  situa- 
tion as  it  existed  at  the  outbreak  of  war,  but  the  strategic  position  in  Home  waters 
made  such  a  step  clearly  undesirable.  If,  as  Mr.  Churchill  desired,  the  capital  ship 
of  the  Australian  Fleet  Unit  had  been  sent  to  Europe,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
British  commerce  and  the  three  British  Dominions  whose  shores  are  washed  by  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  as  well  as  other  British  territories  in  the  Southern  Seas,  would  have 
been  subject  to  very  serious  menace  indeed.  The  presence  in  the  Southern  Pacific 
Ocean  of  the  battle  cruiser  Australia,  and  that  fact  alone,  has  been  responsible  for 
the  comparative  immunity  of  British  merchant  vessels  and  of  the  whole  of  British 
possessions  in  those  waters.  The  great  expanse  of  ocean  lying  westward  of  the 
continent  of  America  has  not  been  the  scene  of  daring  attacks  made  on  British  shipping, 
such  as  have  been  associated  with  the  Emden  and  Karlsruhe  in  the  Indian  and  Atlantic 
Oceans  respectively.  Although  the  German  cruisers,  Scharrihorst  and  Gneisenau, 
were  more  powerful  than  any  other  British  war  vessel  in  the  Pacific,  with  the  single 
exception  of  the  Australia,  the  knowledge  that  Sir  George  Patey's  flagship  was  in 
the  Pacific  forced  these  vessels  (whose  capacity  was  shown  in  the  engagement  off  the 
Chilian  coast)  to  keep  at  a  discreet  distance. 

Mr.  Massey,  the  Prime  Minister  of  New  Zealand,  recently  acknowledged  the  pro- 
tection which  the  vessels  of  the  Australian  Navy  had  afforded  to  the  sister  Dominion 
of  the  Commonwealth.  If,  he  said,  the  inner  history  of  recent  months  were  known, 
the  people  of  New  Zealand  would  thank  God  that  there  had  been  an  Australian  Navy 
in  the  present  crisis.  He  referred  to  the  fact  that  German  cruisers  had  been  within 
two  or  three  days'  distance  of  New  Zealand,  and  said  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
Royal  Australian  Navy,  New  Zealand's  fortified  towns  might  have  been  smashed 
and  destroyed.  What  Mr.  Massey  said  with  regard  to  New  Zealand  applies  equally 
to  Australia.  On  the  negative  side,  therefore,  the  services  rendered  by  the  First 


AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

Australian  Fleet  Unit  have  been  invaluable.  If  the  Naval  Agreement,  arrived  at  in 
1909  and  confirmed  in  1911,  had  been  carried  out,  at  all  events  the  loss  of  the  Monmouth 
and  Good  Hope  would,  without  doubt,  have  been  avoided. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Government  is  proceeding  with  its  construction  programme 
on  the  lines  of  Admiral  Henderson's  report,  and  the  equipment  of  naval  bases  and  the 
various  other  concomitants  of  a  complete  and  efficient  naval  organisation  is  being 
expedited. 

If  the  Australian  vessels  have  been  indispensable  in  protecting  trade  routes  and 
safeguarding  the  dominions  of  the  Crown  from  menace,  they  have  been  equally  active 
in  removing  every  vestige  of  the  German-Colonial  Empire  in  the  Pacific.  With 
characteristic  thoroughness  and  foresight,  the  German  Colonial  Office  had  organised 
a  network  of  wireless  stations  at  various  points :  at  Apia,  in  German  Samoa ;  Herberts- 
hohe,  in  New  Britain  ;  Nauru  ;  Yap,  in  the  Carolines  ;  and  Jaluit,  in  the  Marshall 
Islands.  All  these  have  been  either  seized  or  destroyed.  The  first  German  possession 
to  be  occupied  was  Apia,  whither  the  New  Zealand  Expeditionary  Force,  which  is 
now  acting  as  garrison,  was  conveyed  by  the  Australia  and  the  Melbourne.  The 
surrender  of  the  territories  comprised  under  the  designation  "  German  New  Guinea," 
(in  which  is  included  the  German  portion  of  New  Guinea),  New  Britain  (containing 
Rabaul,  the  seat  of  Government),  New  Ireland,  and  the  various  other  German  island 
groups  in  the  Pacific,  all  of  which  have  been  governed  from  Rabaul,  was  not  accom- 
plished without  a  certain  amount  of  fighting  and  a  few  casualties. 

In  this  the  mixed  naval  and  military  Expeditionary  Force,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  William  Holmes,  D.S.O.,  which  was  landed  in  New  Britain,  participated 
with  credit.  The  difficulties  of  operating  through  the  dense  bush  and  along  mined 
roads  were  very  great.  The  deaths  of  Lieutenant-Commander  Elwell  and  Dr.  Pockley 
were  much  regretted  :  both  maintained  the  honourable  traditions  now  being  followed 
by  many  thousands  of  their  comrades  in  Europe.  The  loss,  owing  to  an  accident, 
of  the  Australian  submarine  AEl,  with  thirty-five  officers  and  men,  was  a  further 
set-oS  to  the  satisfaction  occasioned  by  the  operations  which  have  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  such  a  valuable  portion  of  the  German  Colonial  Empire. 

Colonel  Holmes,  who  gained  his  D.S.O.  in  South  Africa,  where  he  was  an  exceedingly 
popular  officer,  was  appointed  Administrator  of  the  new  Territory,  and  he  has  been 
engaged  in  garrisoning  the  various  islands  and  in  organising  the  administration.  The 
Japanese  Government,  having  intimated  its  desire  to  hand  over  to  the  Commonwealth 
the  islands  seized  by  it,  a  special  Australian  Force,  selected  for  service  in  the  tropics, 
is  now  about  to  proceed  to  the  islands  with  a  view  of  garrisoning  them,  and  Commander 
S.  A.  Pethebridge,  Secretary  of  the  Defence  Department,  is  to  command  the  force 
with  the  rank  of  Colonel,  and  to  make  arrangements  on  behalf  of  the  Commonwealth 
with  regard  to  trade,  postal,  and  other  matters.  Whilst  New  Zealand  is  to  garrison 
Apia,  the  remainder  of  the  German  Possessions  are  to  be  administered  by  the  Common- 
wealth during  the  currency  of  the  war.  The  undertaking  given  by  Japan  that  her 
seizure  of  the  Caroline  and  Marshall  Islands  was  not  to  be  taken  as  indicating  any 
desire  for  permanent  occupation  was  accepted  in  Australia  as  an  earnest  of  her  bona 
fides  in  the  matter,  and  the  subsequent  transfer  to  the  Commonwealth  will  do  a  good 


124  AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

deal  to  remove  the  misunderstanding  with  regard  to  Japanese  aims  in  the  Pacific 
which  has  existed  in  Australia. 

The  war  is  not  yet  over,  and  at  this  stage  it  may  be  premature  to  anticipate  the 
post-bellum  settlement.  One  of  the  results  of  the  war  to  which,  however,  it  is  possible 
to  look  forward  with  confidence  is  the  disappearance  of  German  dominion  in  the 
Pacific.  With  that  disappearance  is  likely  to  come  the  recognition  of  the  soundness  of 
the  ideal  towards  which  Australian  statemanship  has  been  tending  in  recent  years — 
the  guardianship  by  the  British  Dominions  in  the  Southern  Seas  of  British  Possessions 
and  interests  in  those  waters.  The  conception  of  a  family  of  nations,  comprising  the 
British  Empire,  will  receive  a  wider  and  nobler  signification  if  on  the  self-governing 
Dominions  is  conferred  the  obligation  of  governing  on  behalf  of  the  Empire  extra 
territorial  Imperial  possessions.  Perhaps  the  greatest  danger,  from  an  Imperial  point 
of  view,  with  which  Australia  has  always  been  confronted — from  its  isolation  and  great 
distance  from  Europe — is  that  it  may  become  too  parochial  in  its  outlook  on  problems 
of  Empire  and  that,  whilst  its  co-operation  with  the  Mother  Country  may  be  perfectly 
cordial,  the  realisation  of  duties  towards  the  Empire  as  a  whole  may  be  imperfect 
and  confused.  Already  the  responsibilities  of  government  of  territory  outside  its 
own  boundaries  have  been  undertaken  by  the  Commonwealth  in  Papua,  and  the 
gigantic  problem  which  awaits  solution  in  the  Northern  Territory  has  opened  the  eyes 
of  public  men  in  Australia  to  the  fact  that  they  have  to  face  the  same  difficulties  and 
dangers  with  the  same  large  heart  and  broad-minded  statesmanship  which  men  of 
British  race  have  employed  in  building  up  the  British  Empire  from  its  earliest  begin- 
ings.  The  responsibility  of  administering  these  island  possessions,  which  Australia 
has  captured  from  the  Empire's  enemy  on  behalf  of  the  Empire,  with  their  native  races 
and  variegated  problems,  should  do  much  to  enlarge  the  vision  of  Australian  states- 
manship and  uplift  the  whole  tone  and  purpose  of  the  government  of  the  Common- 
wealth. But  if  Australia  is  asked  to  share  with  the  Mother  Country  and  her  sister 
Dominion  the  role  of  Warden  of  the  Southern  Seas  not  merely  for  her  own  purposes 
(though  she  should  benefit  materially  thereby),  but  on  behalf  of  the  whole  Empire, 
then  indeed  a  new  meaning  will  have  been  imported  into  the  term  "  self-governing 
Dominion  "  and  a  new  and  momentous  stage  will  have  been  reached  in  Imperial 
development.  The  matter  is  one  which  might  well  be  discussed  in  all  its  phases  by 
the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 

Lord  Kitchener's  appeal  to  Australians  to  "  roll  up  "  was  received  with  an 
immediate  and  enthusiastic  response.  At  the  time  of  writing,  the  various  forces 
destined  for  service  outside  Australia  approximate  to  50,000  men,  and  enlistment  is  pro- 
ceeding continuously.  The  great  fleet  of  transports  which  carried  the  first  contingent, 
with  the  convoy  of  British,  Australian,  Japanese,  and  French  warships — some  fifty 
vessels  in  all — presented  an  imposing  and  never-to-be-forgotten  spectacle — surely 
a  unique  journey  in  the  history  of  all  warfare.  The  predatory  excursions  of  various 
German  warships  in  the  Pacific  and  Indian  Oceans  delayed  the  departure  of  the  Force 
for  some  weeks  after  it  was  ready  to  leave  the  Commonwealth,  but  it  was  generally 
recognised  that  the  authorities  were  wise  in  declining  to  take  any  risks  in  connection 
with  the  voyage.  As  instances  of  the  keenness  prevailing,  station  owners  have  sold 


AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR.  125 

their  stations  and  enlisted  as  troopers,  and  many  a  man  has  ridden  hundreds  of  miles 
to  the  nearest  railway  point  in  order  that  he  may  have  the  opportunity  of  serving 
the  King. 

The  second  contingent  is  now  ready,  and  arrangements  are  being  made  to  supply 
a  continuous  stream  of  reinforcements. 

Although  the  war  came  at  a  difficult  transition  period,  between  the  initiation  of  the 
Australian  scheme  of  compulsory  military  service  and  its  complete  organisation, 
the  mobilisation  of  the  Citizen  soldiers,  who  have  been  drafted  from  the  senior  cadets 
into  the  militia,  was  effected  speedily  and  smoothly,  and  provided  an  admirable  test 
of  the  efficiency  of  the  organisation  which  has  been  set  up  by  the  Commonwealth. 
Every  member  of  the  Citizen  Forces,  who  has  not  volunteered  for  service  outside 
Australia,  is  taking  his  share  in  the  defence  of  the  Commonwealth  and,  incidentally, 
therefore,  serving  the  Empire  by  doing  duty  in  rotation :  in  guarding  forts,  wireless 
stations,  cable  stations,  bridges,  and  other  strategic  points,  as  well  as  performing  other 
necessary  military  duties. 

The  war  has  revealed  two  serious  defects  in  the  military  organisation  of  the  country. 
Although  it  has  been  proved  possible  to  effect  the  local  mobilisation  with  remarkable 
ease,  delay  necessarily  took  place  in  the  organisation  of  an  ad  hoc  force  for  service 
abroad.  One  of  the  schemes  now  under  consideration  is  the  formation  of  a  permanent 
body  of  men  willing  to  serve  outside  Australia  in  case  of  necessity.  This  will  enable 
the  authorities  to  effect  speedy  mobilisation  in  case  of  emergency. 

The  other  difficulty  is  in  connection  with  the  conveyance  of  troops  by  rail  from 
one  part  of  the  Commonwealth  to  another.  By  an  extraordinary  lack  of  foresight 
the  railways  of  Australia  have  been  built  with  different  gauges.  It  has  always  been 
recognised  that  the  break  of  gauge  presented  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  speedy  con- 
veyance of  troops.  The  delay  occasioned  by  the  transference  of  a  large  body  of  men 
from,  say,  South  Australia  to  Queensland,  or  even  from  Melbourne  to  Sydney,  would  be 
very  great  indeed.  Whilst  the  advantages  of  a  uniform  gauge  from  the  defence  stand- 
point have  been  generally  recognised,  the  Commonwealth  Government  has  been  unable 
to  move  in  the  matter,  as  the  railways  are  owned  by  the  States.  The  war  has,  how- 
ever, placed  in  the  Federal  Government's  hands  a  weapon  of  which  it  is  now  to  take 
advantage.  The  plan  hitherto  favoured  has  been  the  conversion  of  the  lines  in 
Queensland  (where  the  gauge  is  3  ft.  6  ins.),  Victoria,  and  South  Australia  (where  the 
gauge  is  5  ft.  3  ins.)  to  the  New  South  Wales  gauge  of  4  ft.  8  ins.  The  estimated 
cost  of  the  conversion  of  the  main  trunk  lines  is  £12,142,000.  One  disadvantage 
of  this  scheme  from  the  defence  point  of  view  is  that  the  line  is  liable  to  attack  from 
various  points  at  or  near  the  coast,  notably  at  the  capital  cities.  An  alternative 
scheme  is  now  under  consideration  by  which  a  new  line  would  be  constructed  from 
Brisbane  vid  Goulburn  and  Broken  Hill  in  New  South  Wales  to  South  Australia. 
Mr.  Fisher,  the  Prime  Minister,  has  announced  his  determination  to  proceed  with 
the  matter  at  all  costs,  and  there  is  now  every  probability  of  a  step  forward  being 
taken.  The  subject  is  mentioned  as  illustrating  the  resolve  of  the  Commonwealth 
Government  to  place  the  defences  of  the  country  on  a  thoroughly  sound  and  efficient 
basis,  whatever  the  sacrifice. 


126  AUSTRALIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

Whilst  her  Navy  has  been  active  and  her  military  forces  are  now  to  prove  their 
mettle,  the  action  taken  by  Australia  in  another  direction  may  be  destined  to  be 
the  most  valuable  step  she  has  taken  in  connection  with  the  war.  By  prohibiting 
the  exportation  of  food  stuffs,  wool,  coal,  sheep-skins,  and  other  products,  except 
under  permit,  the  Government  has  inflicted  a  certain  loss  on  Australia ;  but  this  will 
be  cheerfully  borne  as  part  of  the  contribution  which  the  Commonwealth  is  able  to 
make  to  the  common  cause.  The  drought,  which,  by  an  unfortunate  synchronisation, 
has  occurred  this  year,  will,  it  is  estimated,  diminish  the  wheat  crop  for  the  Common- 
wealth from  100,000,000  bushels  to  30,000,000,  thus  leaving  no  surplus  for  export 
purposes.  Much  can,  however,  be  done  in  connection  with  next  year's  crop  by 
extending  the  area  of  cultivation,  thus  making  available  a  considerably  increased 
amount  of  wheat  which  may  then  be  of  the  greatest  possible  importance  as  a  factor 
in  the  war.  The  practical  assistance  now  being  given  by  the  State  Governments 
in  the  clearance  of  land,  advances  to  farmers,  and  so  forth,  should  ensure  a  very  con- 
siderably increased  acreage  under  cultivation,  and  with  a  good  season  the  number 
of  bushels  available  for  export  may  possibly  be  increased  by  as  much  as  30  per  cent, 
to  50  per  cent.  The  scheme  initiated  by  the  New  South  Wales  Government  is  specially 
worthy  of  favourable  comment.  It  is  at  least  one  of  the  possibilities  of  the  situation 
that  in  the  last  stages  of  the  war  the  most  effective  weapons  will  be,  not  a  Zeppelin 
airship,  nor  the  latest  type  of  howitzer  or  submarine,  but  ears  of  corn,  bags  of  flour, 
and  tins  of  meat.  A  large  supply  of  these  weapons  may  be  forged  on  the  cattle  stations 
and  wheat-lands  of  Australia. 

Not  less  important  is  the  embargo  still  in  force  on  the  exportation  of  Australian 
wool.  The  pastoralist  who  anticipated  meeting  a  portion  of  his  losses  by  the  increased 
demand  from  the  United  States  is  willing  to  accept  the  assurance  that  the  restrictions 
now  imposed  are  necessary  in  order  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  obtaining  material 
wherewith  to  clothe  his  troops. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  make  it  clear  that  in  both  positive  and  negative  directions 
the  natural  resources  of  the  Commonwealth,  including  food  stuffs  and  the  raw  materials 
of  industry,  are  being  used  in  the  interests  of  the  Empire,  and  in  aiding  the  forces 
of  the  Crown. 

In  other  directions — in  dealing  with  enemy  subjects,  in  enforcing  the  prohibition 
against  trading  with  the  enemy,  in  dealing  with  the  economic  situation,  and  in  various 
steps  taken  at  the  instance  of  and  in  co-operation  with  the  Imperial  authorities — 
the  actions  of  the  Governments,  both  Commonwealth  and  State,  have  on  the  whole 
been  extremely  creditable.  The  support  afforded  to  the  Empire  has  justified  Senator 
Millen's  anticipation,  on  the  eve  of  the  outbreak  of  war,  that  Australia  would  prove 
no  fair-weather  partner  in  the  struggle  then  imminent.  The  handling  of  the  situation 
throughout  has  revealed  a  reserve  of  statesmanship  on  the  part  of  politicians  and 
efficiency  on  the  part  of  officials  which  should  prove  great  assets  both  to  Australia 
and  to  the  Empire  in  the  future. 

J.  M.  MYERS. 


127 
THE   TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES.* 

By  the  Right  Hon.  THE  EARL  OF  MEATH,  K.P. 

ITS  INFLUENCE  ON  BRITISH  THOUGHT  AND  IMPERIAL  DESTINY. 
FROM  all  the  five  continents  of  the  globe  the  faithful  subjects  of  the  King  Emperor 
George  the  Fifth  are  rushing  in  millions  to  defend  the  British  Empire  from  the  long- 
considered  and  carefully  prepared  attack  of  German  militarism,  which  hoped  to  crush 
by  one  sudden  and  unexpected  blow  the  power  which  stood  in  the  way  of  German 
world-dominion  in  moral  as  well  as  in  material  realms. 

Never  before  in  her  history  has  the  United  Kingdom  put  such  large  armies  into 
the  field,  never  before  has  the  British  Empire  rallied  with  such  united  enthusiasm 
to  the  call  of  the  parent  State. 

It  is  calculated  that  some  three  millions  of  men  have  already  answered  this  call, 
and  that  before  long  still  larger  numbers  will  be  under  arms.  The  training  of  these 
men  to  arms  in  such  immense  numbers  over  one-fifth  of  the  globe  cannot  fail  to  in- 
fluence irresistibly  British  thought,  British  character,  and  British  Imperial  destiny. 
How  important  it  is,  then,  not  only  to  the  subjects  of  the  Empire  but  to  the  whole 
world,  that  this  training  shall  be  carried  out  on  right  lines,  in  agreement  with  the 
best  tenets  of  civilised  ethics,  and  in  consonance  with  the  Supreme  Will !  The  British 
and  German  conceptions  of  governance  are  founded  on  diametrically  opposed  ideas. 

Bishop  Welldon  has  said  :  "  The  British  Empire  has  been  founded  upon  the  basis 
of  justice,  equality,  freedom,  and  progress  in  matters  both  secular  and  sacred."  The 
German  Empire  has  accepted  as  keepers  of  its  national  conscience  men  like  Treitschke 
and  Bernhardi,  the  latter  of  whom  has  laid  down  the  dictum  that  "  might  is  at  once 
the  supreme  right,  and  the  dispute  as  to  what  is  right  is  decided  by  the  arbitrament 
of  war."  (Introduction  to  "  Germany  and  the  Next  War,"  by  F.  Von  Bernhardi.) 

The  British  and  German  Empires  are,  therefore,  contending  for  principles  which 
lie  at  the  very  foundations  of  human  thought.  "  Might,"  says  the  German,  is 
"  Eight."  "  No  !  "  says  the  Briton,  "  Eight  is  independent  of  might.  Physical  force 
may  for  a  time  prevail,  but  the  eternal  principles  of  justice  will  in  the  end  establish 
their  supremacy." 

If  the  British  ideals  are  to  win,  therefore,  it  must  be  through  the  energising  of 
material  by  moral  forces — the  men  who  wield  the  sword  must  be  trained  to  look  for 
victory  through  spiritual  as  well  as  material  agencies.  Hence,  the  importance  of 
the  kind  of  training  being  given  to  the  New  Armies  which  are  to  fight  the  future  battles 

of  the  Empire  : — 

"  If  drunk  with  sight  of  power,  we  loose 

Wild  tongues  that  have  not  Thee  in  awe, 
Such  boastings  as  the  Gentiles  use, 
Or  lesser  breeds  without  the  Law, 
Lord  God  of  Hosts,  be  with  us  yet, 
Lest  we  forget,  lest  we  forget ! " 

*  Paper  read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  on   Tuesday,   December  15,  1914 
The  Right  Hon.  Earl  Grey,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.O.,  O.C.V.O.  (President  of  the  Institute),  in  the  chair. 


128         THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES. 

The  ultimate  success  of  the  British  cause  will,  therefore,  depend  in  large  measure 
on  the  moral  as  well  as  on  the  military  character  of  the  training  given  to  the  youths 
who  are  pouring  in  from  all  parts  of  the  world  to  support  the  Union  Jack.  The  men 
must  be  trained  to  realise  the  spiritual  side  of  this  world  contest.  Happily,  there 
is  every  evidence  that  such  teaching  is  being  given  to  our  troops — a  training  which  is 
at  the  same  time  moral,  mental,  and  physical. 

The  cry  of  Germany,  as  uttered  by  Vice-Admiral  Kirchhofi  in  the  Hamburger 
Fremden  Blalt  for  September  4,  1914,  "  England  must  be  crushed,"  has  been  answered 
by  the  British  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  eloquent  words  which  express  the 
British  as  opposed  to  the  German  ideals  of  patriotic  duty. 

"  There  is  another  blessing,"  said  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  "  infinitely  greater  and  more 
enduring,  which  is  emerging  already  out  of  the  great  contest — a  new  patriotism, 
richer,  nobler,  more  exalted  than  the  old.  I  see  a  new  recognition  among  all 
classes,  high  and  low,  shedding  themselves  of  selfishness — a  new  recognition  that 
the  honour  of  a  country  does  not  depend  merely  upon  the  maintenance  of  its  glory 
in  the  stricken  field,  but  in  protecting  its  homes  from  distress  as  well.  It  is  a  new 
patriotism  which  is  bringing  a  new  outlook  over  all  classes.  The  great  flood  of 
luxury  and  of  sloth  which  has  submerged  the  land  is  receding,  and  a  new  Britain 
is  appearing.  We  can  see  for  the  first  time  the  fundamental  things  that  matter  in 
life,  and  that  had  been  obscured  from  our  vision  by  the  tropical  growth  of 
prosperity. 

"  We  have  been  living  in  a  sheltered  valley  for  generations.  We  have  been  too 
comfortable,  too  indulgent,  many  perhaps  too  selfish,  and  the  stern  hand  of  fate 
has  scourged  us  to  an  elevation  where  we  can  see  the  great  everlasting  things  that 
matter  for  a  nation,  the  great  peaks  of  honour  we  had  forgotten — duty,  patriotism, 
and  clad  in  glittering  white  the  great  pinnacle  of  sacrifice  pointing  like  a  rugged  finger 
to  heaven.  We  shall  descend  into  the  valleys  again,  but  as  long  as  the  men  and 
women  of  this  generation  last  they  will  carry  in  their  hearts  the  image  of  those 
great  mountain  peaks  whose  foundations  are  not  shaken,  though  Europe  rock  and 
sway  in  the  convulsions  of  a  great  war." 

Our  far-seeing  King  warned  us  years  ago  that  we  should  awake  out  of  sleep.  "Wake 
up,  England  !  "  were  the  first  public  words  he  uttered  on  returning  from  a  visit  to  the 
Oversea  States  of  the  Empire. 

Our  lately  deceased,  well-beloved,  and  distinguished  Field- Marshal  Earl  Roberts 
spent  the  last  years  of  his  valuable  life  in  a  vigorous  and,  alas  !  only  partially  success- 
ful campaign,  endeavouring  to  arouse  his  fellow  countrymen  to  a  sense  of  the  peril 
they  were  in  through  their  unpreparedness  for  a  life  and  death  struggle  with  the  greatest 
military  and  naval  power  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Conscious  of  the  near  approach 
of  the  national  danger,  he  told  us  over  and  over  again  that  "  our  ordeal  was  at  hand  " ; 
but  we  declined  to  listen  to  his  words  of  wise  warning,  and  refused  to  believe  that 
Germany  had  any  intention  of  attacking  us,  and  now  the  ordeal  is  upon  us,  and  we 
are  suffering  the  untold  loss  of  valuable  lives  and  treasure.  The  very  existence  of 
our  Empire  is  hanging  in  the  balance,  because  we  declined  to  be  moved  from  the 


THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES.  129 

hypnotic  condition  into  which  we  had  allowed  ourselves  to  be  drugged  by  the  deaden- 
ing influences  of  wealth,  luxury,  selfishness,  indifference,  love  of  ease,  and  fear  of  pain 
or  of  discomfort.  Happily,  this  national  cancer  has  not  taken  deep  root  in  the  body 
politic  ;  large  classes  of  the  British  nation  remain  untainted  by  its  virus.  Still  there 
are  far  too  many  thus  affected  ;  witness  the  vast  crowds  of  young  men  who  attend 
professional  football  matches,  and  who,  though  physically  healthy  and  in  the  prime 
of  life,  obstinately  decline  to  assist  their  brothers,  who  for  lack  of  their  aid  are  dying 
in  the  trenches,  defending  the  lives  and  the  homes  of  these  very  slackers  and  the 
honour  of  their  womenkind.  Such  thoughtless  and  scandalous  conduct  on  the  part 
of  a  comparatively  small  portion  of  the  public,  through  the  publicity  given  to  its 
shortcomings,  has  unjustly  brought  discredit  on  the  British  name  and  has  encouraged 
the  enemy. 

It  is  true  that  the  150,000  to  300,000  men  who  are  accustomed  to  attend  these 
professional  football  gatherings  are  not  all  of  military  age,  and  that  some  of  them 
have  possibly  offered  their  services  to  the  State  and  have  been  refused  for  diverse 
reasons,  yet  if  half  be  thus  eliminated  there  still  remains  a  number  sufficient  to  bring 
decisive  victory  to  our  arms,  and  possibly  put  an  end  to  the  war,  if  they  would  only 
enlist.  Among  certain  classes  there  is  a  far  too  slack  conception  of  the  meaning 
of  the  words  "  Duty  and  Discipline." 

Some  three  years  since,  an  effort  was  made  by  a  few  men  and  women  who  recognised 
the  existence  of  a  certain  slackness  amongst  sections  of  the  British  people  and  who 
foresaw  the  advent  of  the  present  national  ordeal,  an  effort  to  prepare  by  early  train- 
ing a  generation  which  should  recognise  the  value  of  these  words  ;  and  whose  moral 
fibre  should  be  hardened  in  youth  to  such  a  fine  temper  that  there  need  be  no  fear  of 
their  being  unable  to  resist  victoriously  in  peace  as  well  as  in  wa  all  hostile  attempts 
at  their  destruction. 

This  organisation,  which  now  numbers  over  4,000  men  and  women,  and  whose 
office  is  at  117  Victoria  Street,  S.W.,  adopted  the  title  of  the  "  Duty  and  Discipline 
Movement."  It  set  itself  the  task  of  combating  softness,  slackness,  indifference,  and 
indiscipline,  and  of  stimulating  discipline  and  a  sense  of  duty  and  alertness  throughout 
the  national  life,  especially  during  the  formative  period  of  school  and  home  training. 
Unfortunately  this  society  was  not  started  soon  enough,  or  the  present  war  might 
never  have  occurred.  For  let  it  never  be  forgotten  that  the  character  of  a  nation 
under  God's  providence  is,  at  any  given  time,  not  dependent  on  statesmen,  or 
professors,  or  writers,  but  on  the  training  which  the  units  of  the  nation  received  at 
the  hands  of  their  parents  and  teachers  from  twenty  to  thirty  years  back  when  they 
were  children  under  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age.  "  Eyewitness,"  whose  interesting 
letters  in  The  Times  have  been  read  with  such  avidity  by  the  nation,  has  lately 
endorsed  the  above  views  in  the  following  words :  "  Owing  to  the  discipline  to  which 
every  German  is  subjected  from  childhood,  that  of  their  new  formations  is 
probably  greater  than  any  that  could  be  instilled  into  Englishmen  of  a  similar  class 
in  similar  circumstances." 

The  experience  obtained  in  war  is  also  impressing  the  above  ideals  on  the  minds 

K 


130          THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES. 

of  our  soldiers,  for  recently  the  following  lines  from  a  non-commissioned  officer  written 
to  his  wife  appeared  in  the  Press  : — 

"  Whatever  you  do,  make  the  children  do  things  for  themselves  :  clear  up  rooms, 
make  their  own  beds,  wash  up,  and,  in  fact,  let  them  be  accustomed  to  all  the  business 
of  keeping  themselves  alive  for  themselves.  It  is  tragic,  sometimes,  to  see  our  fellows' 
helplessness.  .  .  .  Make  the  children  handy  and  self-reliant  at  all  costs,  and  make 
them  ready  to  help  others." 

Germany  made  war  amongst  other  reasons,  because  she  thought  her  opportunity 
had  arrived,  and  because  she  exaggerated  the  symptoms  of  decadence,  which  she  as 
well  as  the  founders  of  the  Duty  and  Discipline  Movement  observed  amongst  certain 
classes  in  the  British  Isles.  The  German  Government  blames  England  for  not  having 
told  her  more  plainly  before  war  was  declared  that  under  certain  circumstances  she 
would  consider  herself  bound  to  fight  for  France  and  Russia,  thus  acknowledging  that 
in  German  opinion  the  British  people  were  so  decadent  that  for  fear  of  consequences 
under  no  circumstances  would  they  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  their  honour  or  for  any 
cause  which  did  not  directly  touch  their  own  selfish  and  material  interests.  It  is  this 
misunderstanding  of  the  true  feelings  of  the  British  people  which  has  led  to  most  of  the 
wars  we  have  waged  in  modern  times.  Happily,  the  German  statesmen  and  diplo- 
matists were  grossly  in  error  in  their  calculations  respecting  the  progress  of  national 
decadence  in  Britain.  This  low  conception  of  the  motives  which  are  supposed  to 
actuate  the  British  people  is  very  prevalent  on  the  Continent.  Never  again  must  the 
foreigner  be  allowed  to  fall  into  this  error  so  fatal  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 

On  one  occasion  when  the  British  Ambassador  at  Berlin  was  warning  Bismarck 
of  the  serious  view  which  our  Government  took  of  a  certain  action  contemplated  by 
the  Germans,  Bismarck,  after  an  exaggerated  pause  in  the  conversation,  when  he 
appeared  to  be  thinking  deeply,  remarked,  "  I  cannot  see  the  connection  between  this 
matter  and  cotton."  Of  course,  this  remark  was  deliberately  intended  to  be  dis- 
courteous, but  it  showed  clearly  the  erroneous  and  low  opinion  entertained  by  that 
statesman,  and  not  by  him  alone,  of  the  character  of  the  British  people.  They  must 
in  the  future  see  that  they  give  the  foreigner  no  cause  to  form  erroneous  views  of  their 
real  character  and  ideals.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  British  race  are,  perhaps,  more 
amenable  to  the  calls  of  high,  unselfish  ideals  than  are  the  men  and  women  of  other 
blood ;  but  they  are  so  afraid  of  appearing  better  than  they  really  are  that  they  often 
deliberately  turn  their  worst  side  to  the  foreigner  and  to  the  critic. 

They  are  so  enamoured  also  of  liberty  and  of  personal  freedom,  and  from  their 
insular  position  have  been  for  so  many  centuries  immune  at  home  from  the  conse- 
quences of  neglecting  to  support  right  by  might,  that  they  have  got  into  the  habit 
of  believing  that  the  eternal  principles  of  justice  must  of  necessity  in  the  end  prevail 
independently  of  all  material  support.  This  is  true  up  to  a  certain  point,  but  Pro- 
vidence helps  those  who  help  themselves. 

It  appears  to  the  writer  that  the  present  world  war  is  fraught  with  much  ultimate 
blessing  to  the  British  race,  and  that  the  ordeal  through  which  it  is  passing  will  purge 
the  national  character  of  much  of  the  dross  which  is  now  mixed  with  the  pure  gold. 


THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES.  181 

Never  before  has  it  been  possible  to  subject  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  people 
to  the  wholesome  influence  of  a  strict  discipline,  voluntarily  and  cheerfully  endured 
at  the  call  of  patriotic  duty  ;  never  before  have  millions  of  men  at  the  most  impression- 
able period  of  their  lives  been  brought  under  moral,  religious,  and  civilising  influences 
in  circumstances  calculated  to  make  the  most  frivolous  and  careless  individual  consider 
the  more  serious  aspects  of  human  life  ;  and  never  before  have  millions  of  Englishmen 
fought  on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  The  British  armies  of  olden  days  were  com- 
paratively small  in  numbers,  and  were  not  composed  of  representatives  of  all  classes 
as  they  are  to-day,  consequently  when  the  war  was  over  and  they  returned  home 
their  influence  was  not  great. 

To-day  it  is  the  nation  which  is  fighting  on  the  Continent,  and  the  old  insularity 
must  of  necessity  be  broken  down  as  the  result  of  the  war.  Not  only  are  the  soldiers 
at  the  Front  learning  to  appreciate  and  to  communicate  with  their  allies  the  French 
and  the  Belgians,  but  the  enforced  invasion  of  Great  Britain  by  Belgian  refugees  must 
inevitably  exercise  an  influence  on  the  British  people  who  are  receiving  them  aa 
honoured  guests. 

Has  not  the  war  sent  the  British  people  to  school  ?  Has  it  not  taught  them, 
and  is  it  not  teaching  them,  much  in  regard  to  their  Empire  of  which  they  formerly 
were  ignorant  ?  Has  it  not  brought  home  to  them  the  immense  importance  of  sea 
supremacy  1  Has  it  not  proved  to  them  the  absolute  necessity  of  being  prepared 
for  war  by  land  as  well  as  by  sea  ?  Has  it  not  revealed  to  them  the  incalculable  reserves 
of  strength  in  man  power,  as  well  as  in  material  resources,  the  possession  of  so  vast 
an  Empire  places  at  the  disposal  of  the  subjects  of  King  George  the  Fifth  ?  Has  it 
not  shown  them  how  important  it  is  to  retain  the  affections  of  these  400  millions 
of  British  subjects  ? 

The  British  world  has  been  thrilled,  and  will  continue  to  be  thrilled,  by  reading 
of  the  gallant  deeds  performed  by  Englishmen,  Scotsmen,  Welshmen,  Irishmen, 
Canadians,  Australians,  New  Zealanders,  Newfoundlanders,  South  Africans,  Indians, 
and  other  races,  all  fighting  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  defence  of  justice,  freedom,  and 
progress.  Feelings  of  respect  for  each  other  must  inevitably  be  aroused  which  will 
go  far  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  love  which  unite  all  portions  of  the  British  Empire. 
Canadians  will  have  been  trained  side  by  side  with  Englishmen,  Scotsmen,  Irishmen, 
Welshmen,  and  Indians  on  Salisbury  Plain ;  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  will  have 
manoeuvred  with  British  Territorials  and  Indian  soldiers  over  the  sands  of  Egypt. 

When  war  is  over,  if  we  lose  not  sight  of  spiritual  influences,  these  men,  trained 
under  the  same  system,  imbued  by  a  like  patriotism,  owing  allegiance  to  the  same 
sovereign,  fighting  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  Europe,  Africa,  China,  and  the  Pacific 
Islands,  will  return  home  impressed  by  the  unanimity  of  Imperial  feeling  existing 
amongst  their  fellow  subjects  of  all  races  and  colours,  by  their  loyalty  to  the  common 
sovereign,  and  by  the  magnificent  qualities  of  brain  and  heart  which  they  have  all 
displayed  in  defending  the  common  cause,  and  in  addition  they  will  have  acquired 
a  far  greater  knowledge  of  each  other  than  they  ever  enjoyed  before  the  war. 

The  training — moral,  mental,  and  physical — these  armies  have  received  will,  when 

K  2 


132          THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES. 

peace  is  restored,  be  reflected  in  the  thoughts  and  actions  of  the  civil  populations  of 
the  different  States  of  which  the  Empire  is  composed,  and  into  which  these  trained 
and  disciplined  armies  will  have  been  absorbed,  and  many  and  radical  changes  in 
popular  and  democratic  thought  may  be  confidently  anticipated — changes  which 
will  probably  break  up  existing  political  parties,  and  vastly  strengthen  the  mighty 
Empire  which  Germany  had  confidently  hoped  to  crush  and  to  replace  by  a  world- 
wide military  despotism. 

South  Africa  was  united  to  the  Empire  by  the  efforts  President  Kruger  made  to 
destroy  the  latter.  The  British  Empire  will  probably  owe  the  full  accomplishment 
of  its  imperial  destiny  to  the  envious,  malevolent,  and  deeply  laid  plot  of  the  German 
Emperor  and  military  party  to  crush  once  for  all  the  principles  of  liberty,  freedom, 
and  justice  so  hateful  to  German  militarism.  There  is  every  cause  to  believe  that 
the  British  Empire  will  emerge  from  this  war  far  stronger  than  it  ever  was  before,  and 
that  the  world  will  be  the  happier  for  the  mad  but  futile  efforts  of  the  Kaiser  to  sub- 
stitute a  universal,  mediaeval,  autocratic  tyranny,  based  on  force,  for  the  life-giving 
principles  which  have  made  the  British  Empire  the  envy  of  the  world. 

Before  the  paper  : — 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Earl  Grey,  G.C.B.,  President  of  the  Institute) :  Now  that  to  our 
profound  sorrow  Lord  Roberts  has  left  us,  I  do  not  know  any  living  man  who  has 
devoted  himself  with  greater  zeal  and  self-sacrifice  to  the  task  of  'preaching  throughout 
the  Empire  the  gospel  of  duty  and  discipline  than  has  Lord  Meath.  Thanks  principally 
to  his  efforts,  the  birthday  of  Queen  Victoria,  known  as  Empire  Day,  is  celebrated  by 
every  British  community  throughout  the  world  as  a  day  on  which  should  be  set  forth 
the  sacred  obligations  of  Empire,  not  with  a  view  to  arousing  any  unseemly  arrogance 
or  pride  in  the  extent  of  that  Empire,  but  with  a  view  to  awaking  in  the  heart  of 
every  Briton  the  consciousness  of  his  privilege  in  being  a  citizen  of  an  Empire  which 
stands  for  duty,  freedom,  sympathy,  and  sacrifice.  It  has  been  Lord  Heath's  consistent 
effort  to  preach  that  gospel  for  many  years,  and  to  inspire  the  feeling  that  that  Briton 
is  the  worthiest  whose  life  is  the  fullest  expression  of  those  high  ideals  of  public 
service,  sympathy,  and  sacrifice  for  which  the  Empire  stands,  and  for  which  we  are  all 
prepared,  if  necessary,  to  die.  I  consequently  regard  it  as  a  distinguished  privilege  to 
be  allowed  to  ask  Lord  Meath  to  read  the  paper  which  he  has  prepared. 

After  the  reading  of  the  paper  the  following  discussion  took  place : — 

LiEUT.-CoLONEL  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS  said  the  great  crisis  which  every  student  of 
International  affairs  must  have  foreseen  had  come  at  last.  Personally,  he  was  rather 
surprised  that  some  accident  had  not  brought  on  that  crisis  sooner.  How  had  that 
crisis  found  us  ?  As  usual,  unprepared.  In  his  opinion  neither  of  the  great  political 
parties  in  the  State  for  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  in  the  matter  of  the  defence  of 
the  Empire  had  done  its  duty.  It  was,  however,  with  the  greatest  feeling  of  pride 
that  one  acknowledged  the  magnificent  way  in  which  His  Majesty's  Government,  and 
indeed  all  the  people  of  this  country  and  of  the  Empire,  had  risen  to  the  occasion  ;  and 
he  felt  that  we  owed  even  more  respect  to  the  War  Office  and  to  Lord  Kitchener,  who, 
with  such  inadequate  machinery  at  their  command,  were  organising  an  army  of 
2,000,000  with  such  marked  success.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  speaker  was  in 
Northern  Rhodesia.  Everybody  was  rushing  to  offer  his  services — everybody  was  keen 
to  do  something.  Many  came  to  him  and  begged  him  to  get  up  a  force,  and  so  he 
offered  his  services  and  those  of  others  for  a  mobile  force  to  go  straight  into  German 
East  Africa.  It  was  not  considered  politic,  for  reasons  which  he  even  now  only 
partially  understood,  that  a  force  should  go  in  from  there.  Then  they  raised  a  paper 


THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES.  133 

force  which  contained  the  names  of  practically  every  settler.  It  was  still  a  paper  force. 
He  was  not  blaming  anybody ;  but  the  .fact  remained  that  a  number  of  our  most 
vigorous  fellow  countrymen  were,  as  it  were,  exiled  out  there — every  one  longing  to  do 
his  duty  and  no  one  able  to  do  more  than  read  the  cables  of  the  gallant  deeds  of  the 
Army.  It  became  too  much  for  him,  he  confessed,  and  he  came  home.  On  board 
ship  he  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  many  young  Englishmen  who  had  thrown  up 
good  positions,  but  who  had  not  been  able  to  get  together  the  means  of  travelling  in 
comfort,  and  who  were  consequently  travelling  third  class  in  order  to  offer  their  ser- 
vices. That,  he  understood,  was  the  case  in  nearly  every  ship  that  came  homo  from 
any  of  our  Dominions.  What  wore  we  going  to  do  for  these  young  men  at  the  end  of 
the  war  ?  Were  they  going  to  be  told  there  was  no  room  for  them,  or  were  they 
going  to  have  a  preference  from  the  great  Corporations  and  Governments  in  the  matter 
of  employment  ?  Surely  they  were  not  going  to  be  put  on  the  same  footing  as  those 
who,  being  of  military  age  and  sound  physique,  were  sitting  still  or  going  about  the 
streets  to-day  ?  Concluding,  the  speaker  related  a  conversation  which  he  held  with  a 
German  officer  in  Africa  during  the  course  of  the  Boer  War  in  which  the  latter  admitted 
that  the  main  factor  in  German  sentiment  towards  Britain  was  their  envy  of  the  Colonial 
Empire.  In  that  conversation,  Colonel  Gibbons  considered,  was  to  be  found  the  key  to 
a  good  deal  of  what  was  now  going  on. 

MAJOR  A.  H.  HORSFALL,  D.S.O.,  A.A.M.C.,  said  he  was  particularly  interested  in 
one  point  of  the  paper,  and  that  was  with  reference  to  the  matter  of  the  education 
of  the  people  of  this  Empire  through  the  medium  of  the  training  of  the  soldiers  in 
arms.  In  Australia,  a  system  of  compulsory  military  training  has  been  in  operation  for 
about  six  years,  and  to  observers  a  marked  improvement  had  been  noticed  hi  the 
youth  of  the  nation,  physically,  mentally,  and  morally. 

The  military  training  started  at  the  age  of  twelve,  when  a  boy  entered  the  junior 
cadets ;  at  fourteen  he  became  a  senior  cadet.  He  received  a  uniform,  and  underwent 
a  course  of  military  education  and  discipline  till  he  reached  the  age  of  eighteen. 
During  this  period  he  attended,  for  the  purposes  of  drill  and  instruction,  during  a 
certain  number  of  days  every  year,  some  of  which  were  divided  into  half-days  and 
quarter-days.  A  drill-hall  is  provided  in  each  district  or  area,  presented  in  some  cases 
by  patriotic  citizens,  and  forms  a  centre,  as  well,  of  social  relaxation.  A  spirit  of 
"  esprit  de  corps "  is  encouraged,  thus  saving  the  youths  the  necessity  of  wandering 
about  the  streets  in  search  of  amusement. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen  the  boy  enters  the  citizen-army,  where  for  seven  years  longer 
he  has  to  devote  the  equivalent  of  twenty-five  days  annually  to  fit  himself  to  defend 
his  country.  Various  penalties  are  imposed  on  employers  of  labour  who  refuse  to  permit 
their  employees  to  train.  On  the  whole,  the  system  has  worked  admirably,  and,  apart 
altogether  from  the  benefit  achieved  of  having  the  whole  adult  male  population  trained 
to  arms,  the  moral  advantages  of  such  a  course  of  training  can  hardly  be  over-estimated, 
The  influences  on  the  character  of  the  nation  have  already  been  such  as  to  amply 
fulfil  the  anticipations  of  the  noble  Earl,  the  author  of  the  paper,  in  regard  to  the 
effect  of  the  training  of  the  new  armies.  The  low  conception  of  British  motives,  held 
by  the  Germans,  is  perhaps  unavoidable,  and  is  possibly  due  to  the  severe  discipline 
to  which  the  average  Briton  subjects  his  feelings  and  sentiments ;  but  the  misunder- 
standing might  be  due  to  the  inability  of  the  German  mind  to  appreciate  the  ideal  of 
the  British  in  regard  to  their  Colonial  Empire — namely,  that  Empire  expansion  and  dominion 
can  only  be  successful  provided  the  welfare  of  the  people  over  the  seas  is  made  the 
primary  consideration.  If  that  result  be  achieved,  prosperity  follows  as  a  matter  of 
course  to  the  Mother  Country.  In  times  of  stress,  such  as  the  present,  the  Dominions 
and  Dependencies,  instead  of  being  a  source  of  anxiety  and  danger,  as  were  the 
experiences  of  past  empires,  are  rushing  to  uphold  the  power  of  British  rule. 

The  Germans,  on  the  other  hand,  do  not  comprehend  the  wisdom  of  this  ideal  of 
colonial  administration.  Professor  Bonn,  of  Munich  University.  Germany,  in  an  address 


134          THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES. 

on  German  South-West  Africa,  told  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  a  few  months  ago, 
the  German  Government  had  shown  by  their  acts  that  commercial  exploitation  for  the 
benefit  of  Germany  was  their  ideal  of  Colonial  government. 

DR.  G.  R.  PARKIN,  C.M.G. :  I  came  here  without  the  slightest  intention  of  speaking 
and  entirely  for  the  purpose  of  listening  to  the  distinguished  nobleman  who  has  read 
the  paper  to  us.  I  do  not  know  anybody  in  the  whole  round  of  this  Empire  for  whom 
I  have  a  more  sincere  admiration  than  for  a  man  using  his  high  position  and  throwing 
himself  as  he  has  done  for  years  past  into  the  great  work  of  awakening  the  spirit  of 
the  nation  and  raising  it  up  from  the  lower  level  to  which  it  was  inclining  to  drop, 
probably  through  the  influence  of  prolonged  prosperity  and  increasing  wealth.  The  great  prob- 
lems of  duty  and  discipline  Lord  Meath  has  made  his  own  special  study,  and  the  strenuous 
efforts  he  has  made  to  insist  on  their  significance  put  to  shame  many  of  us  even 
when  we  try  to  do  our  best.  I  think  almost  every  one  feels  to-day  that  this  is  not  a 
time  for  words,  but  for  acts,  and  so  I  would  prefer  not  to  speak.  But  in  this  hall 
and  before  this  audience  one  cannot  shut  one's  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  terrible  events 
which  are  going  on  just  now,  the  constant  strokes  that  are  falling  upon  palace  and 
cottage,  upon  colonies  and  motherland,  in  every  direction,  are  bringing  to  a  focus  all 
the  talk,  thoughts,  and  efforts  that  this  Institute  has  made  for  the  last  forty  or  fifty 
years.  There  is  in  this  struggle  the  question  of  the  permanence,  continuity,  and  unity 
of  our  British  Empire;  and,  looking  over  the  field  to-day,  turning  our  thoughts  away 
for  one  moment  from  the  desperate  struggle  which  is  going  on  over  so  many  hundred 
miles  of  frontier,  we  can  see  clearly  that  out  of  that  issue  is  coming  the  possibility 
of  all  the  things  that  we  have  dreamed  of  and  worked  for  in  all  these  years  that 
have  passed.  Through  the  thick  clouds  of  war  hanging  on  the  horizon,  through  these 
terrible  lists  of  casualties  which  we  see  from  day  to  day,  the  eye  that  has  a  vision  can 
see  dreams  being  fulfilled  about  which  we  have  perhaps  often  been  hopeless.  It  is 
now,  I  think,  twenty  or  twenty-one  years  since  one  evening,  walking  in  the  park  at 
Dalmeny,  Lord  Rosebery  turned  to  me  and  said,  "  I  sometimes  think  that  nothing  but 
a  great  war  will  ever  federate  this  Empire."  That  remark  is  now  being  put  to  the 
test — a  terrible  test — a  test  from  which  every  sensitive  mind  shrinks,  and  yet  I  believe, 
considering  the  triumph  our  ideas  have  won,  that  test  is  not  too  great  for  the  issues 
involved  in  it.  Mazzini  said  "  Great  ideas  make  great  nations."  I  do  not  know  of  any- 
thing else  that  does  make  great  nations.  When  the  vision  is  lost  the  city  perishes,  and 
as  long  as  we  hold  firmly  to  the  vision  of  great  ideas  we  need  never  fear,  however 
much  the  nations  may  rage  and  the  world  be  disturbed.  What  are  the  ideals  we  have 
lived  for  ?  What  is  it  that  to  us  makes  life  worth  living  ?  What  is  it  we  are  willing 
to  die  for  ?  Well,  we  have  stood  for  some  great  things.  We  have  stood  for  personal 
liberty ;  we  have  stood  for  the  freedom  of  the  individual,  and,  through  the  freedom  of 
the  individual,  freedom  of  thought,  freedom  of  religion  and  of  conscience  for  the  people 
at  large.  This  political  freedom  in  this  country  allows  a  man,  whether  ringed  by 
friend  or  foe,  as  Tennyson  says,  to  say  the  word  he  will  on  the  subject  with  which 
he  is  confronted.  That  is  the  result  of  a  thousand  years  of  our  English  history. 

The  day  came  when,  as  some  say  by  accident  or  chance,  or  as  we  prefer  to  think 
by  the  industry,  enterprise,  and  courage  of  our  ancestors,  large  portions  of  the  world 
came  within  the  range  of  our  influence.  We  have  tried  to  apply  these  great  principles 
to  the  continents  in  which  the  younger  nations  of  the  future  are  growing  up.  I  confess 
freely  it  has  sometimes  been  in  my  mind  an  open  question  whether  those  great 
communities  would  ever  be  welded  into  complete  sympathy  and  unity  of  action  with  the 
great  Motherland.  Now  the  test  has  come,  and  the  triumph  of  the  ideal  we  have 
entertained  is  wonderful.  Take  first  of  all  the  spontaneous  enthusiasm  and  the 
unreserved  way  in  which  every  one  of  the  great  Dominions  and  Colonies  has  placed  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Empire  its  men,  its  money,  and  its  products.  Take  a  second  and 
iometimes  I  think  a  more  wonderful  triumph.  It  is  this :  We  have  never  been  able  to 
extend  the  gift  of  free  self-government  to  those  teeming  millions  that  crowd  certain 


THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES.  185 

of  our  Dependencies.  Our  policy  in  not  doing  so  has  often  been  criticised.  The  reasons 
why  we  do  not  give  it  have  often  been  misunderstood  and  misconstrued.  We  have 
only  proffered  them  such  a  degree  of  self-government  as  was  justified  by  proved 
competence  for  self-government.  I  believe  that  this  is  still  the  dominating  theory  in 
the  British  mind — that  as  fast  as  they  prove  themselves  fit  we  shall  give  it  them. 
But  we  have  given  other  things.  We  have  given  them  honesty  of  government ;  we 
have  given  them  justice ;  we  have  given  countries  like  India  and  Egypt  freedom  from 
the  anarchy  in  which  we  found  them.  We  have  given  them,  too,  peace  and  protection, 
such  as  they  never  knew  before,  from  famine  and  other  dangers.  And  what  is  the 
result  ?  It  is  a  [real  triumph  to  find  that  in  the  hour  of  trial  these  people,  too,  have 
rallied  to  the  support  of  the  Empire ;  and  for  what  we  have  given  them  and  for 
what  they  hope  to  get  they  are  ready  to  support  the  flag  under  which  they  live 
rather  than  any  other  the  world  has  to  offer.  There  is  a  third  triumph  we  have  won 
— a  triumph,  I  think,  which  counts  perhaps  for  as  much  as  anything  else  we  could 
have  desired  just  now.  Partly  through  the  stupidity  of  statesmen,  partly  through  the 
obstinacy,  we  will  say,  of  a  king,  chiefly  perhaps  through  the  ignorance  of  public  men 
with  regard  to  the  way  Colonies  should  be  governed,  some  130  years  ago  we  drove  off 
the  first  and  greatest  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  settlements.  That  offshoot  has  grown  into 
one  of  the  greatest  nations  of  the  world.  They  have  inherited  from  us  those  great 
ideas  of  freedom  and  justice  for  which  we  stand.  And  what  is  happening  to-day  ?  We 
have  won  in  this  struggle  the  sympathy  of  that  great  American  people — people  largely 
of  our  own  blood — 100,000,000  of  people  separated  from  us  by  certain  differences,  but 
when  it  comes  to  the  final  trial  of  the  great  democratic  principles  on  which  this 
Empire  has  been  built  they  have  rallied  to  us  in  moral  support  almost  unanimously. 
I  wish  I  could  read  to  you  from  a  letter  I  have  just  had  from  an  eminent  man  in 
New  York — some  passages  speaking  of  the  state  of  "  boiling  neutrality  "  which  pervades 
his  American  fellow-citizens.  But  let  me  give  you  one  illustration  which  he  mentions. 
The  other  day  some  1,500  leading  men  of  the  Bar  Association  met  in  Washington, 
and  when  our  Canadian  Chief  Justice  said  in  an  address  that  Canada  was  prepared 
to  spend  her  last  man  and  last  dollar  in  defence  of  the  great  system  of  English  civil 
liberty,  that  great  audience  burst  into  a  round  of  applause.  These  are  some  of  the 
triumphs  we  have  won.  The  war  is  going  on  to  a  close.  We  have  lived  for  great 
ideals  in  the  past.  The  chief  value  of  war  lies  in  its  soul-searching  capacity — not 
merely  the  souls  of  individuals,  but  of  nations.  We  have  been  called  upon  for  great 
sacrifices.  Next  we  have  to  search  our  national  conscience.  As  George  Herbert  says : 
"  Dress  and  undress  thy  soul,  Watch  the  decay  and  growth  of  it."  This  is  a  time 
for  looking  into  our  ideals,  cleansing  them  from  everything  mean  and  low,  and  lifting 
the  soul  of  the  nation  to  realise  the  possibilities  before  it.  There  is  much  to  do. 
Suppose  we  could  throw  into  the  great  social  problems  of  this  country  the  same  unity 
of  purpose,  the  same  amount  of  conscience  and  self-sacrifice,  that  we  are  throwing 
into  this  great  war,  many  of  those  perplexing  problems  would  vanish  like  mist  before 
the  morning  sun.  The  other  day  I  drove  through  the  great  garden  suburb  of  this 
city  with  your  Chairman,  who  is  Chairman  also  of  that  enterprise,  and  he  said,  "I 
would  rather  be  judged  by  what  has  been  doing  here  than  by  anything  else  I  have 
ever  done  in  my  life."  If  we  could  throw  a  thousand  such  men  inspired  by  such  an 
ideal  into  the  slums  of  our  great  cities,  with  that  spirit  of  self-sacrifice,  that  spirit 
which  is  now  stirring  the  nation,  England  would  justify  her  existence  better  than 
ever  before,  and  gain  a  greater  moral  weight  even  than  she  enjoys  to-day  !  I  believe 
this  war  is  going  to  unite  the  Empire.  If  it  does  not  then  we  have  not  bred  a 
race  of  statesmen  capable  of  dealing  with  supreme  questions.  The  opportunity  is  here 
as  never  before.  So  in  meeting  here  to-night  in  this  Institute,  instead  of  feeling 
depression,  we  ought  to  have  a  feeling  of  exultation.  Any  man  who  remembers  the 
state  of  mind  of  this  country,  the  profound  anxiety,  foreboding,  and  almost  hopelessness 
in  which  we  stood  lagt  July,  when  it  looked  as  if  we  were  about  to  engage  in  fratricidal 


136          THE  TRAINING  OF  THE  NEW  ARMIES. 

strife,  and  then  consider  the  unity  of  feeling  and  the  grandeur  of  purpose  inspiring 
the  people  to-day,  will  feel  that  this  war  has  saved  us  from  what  is  worst  in  our- 
selves. And  if  we  learn  the  lesson  the  noble  speaker  has  given  to  us  to-night  and  turn 
to  the  great  business  of  Duty  and  Discipline  in  the  training  of  the  nation,  then  once 
more  we  shall  prove  in  the  best  of  all  ways  that  the  war  has  not  been  in  vain. 

The  CHAIRMAN  :  I  think  you  will  agree  that  it  is  desirable  that  the  proceedings 
should  be  brought  to  a  close  with  the  inspiring  speech  to  which  we  have  just  listened. 
It  is  a  privilege  to  stand  on  a  platform  between  Lord  Meath  and  Dr.  Parkin,  for 
neither  of  them  ever  fails  to  bring  to  the  treatment  of  any  subject  on  which  they 
speak  a  dignity  and  a  noble  disinterestedness  which  make  us  all  the  better  for  having 
listened  to  them.  There  is  no  man  with  whom  I  am  acquainted  who  has  rendered 
more  consistently  valuable  and  disinterested  service  to  the  Empire  than  Lord  Meath. 
The  work  he  has  done  is  already  bringing  forth  fruit.  It  is  partly  owing  to  his 
influence  that  there  has  been  such  a  magnificent  rally  from  all  parts  of  the  world  to 
the  cause  for  which  we  are  fighting.  Let  me  give  you  an  illustration.  I  met  the  other 
day  in  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  one  of  our  oversea  Fellows,  Captain  Jenkins,  who 
had  just  come  from  Guatemala,  a  small  independent  republic  of  about  2,000,000  people. 
Although  the  number  of  adult  male  British  subjects  resident  in  Guatemala  is  82, 
Captain  Jenkins  has  enlisted  110  Fellows  to  the  Institute ;  80  out  of  the  82  British 
residents  in  Guatemala  and  the  balance  from  transient  visitors.  Of  those  82  British 
residents  in  Guatemala,  40  have  come  at  their  own  expense  upon  a  voyage  costing  £65 
per  head,  in  order  to  offer  their  services  to  the  Crown.  The  question  of  pay  and  the 
question  of  the  character  of  the  service  to  which  they  might  be  put  were  two  questions 
absolutely  immaterial  to  them,  so  long  as  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  joining  the  Army, 
and  of  knowing  they  had  a  hand  in  this  glorious  fight  for  Right  against  Might.  This 
inspiring  example  of  burning  patriotism  which  comes  to  us  from  Guatemala  is  an 
eloquent  illustration  of  the  Imperial  value  of  our  Institute.  I  am  tempted  to  confirm 
Lord  Meath' s  experience  by  an  experience  of  my  own  as  to  the  universality  of  the 
German  feeling  of  jealousy  of  England.  Only  two  months  before  the  declaration  of 
war  I  was  crossing  the  Atlantic  in  a  German  ship.  I  was  treated  by  the  distinguished 
Germans  on  board  with  the  friendliest  courtesy,  and  received  an  amount  of  attention 
that  was  almost  embarrassing.  One  day  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  German  fellow 
passenger  who  impressed  me  as  a  man  who  preferred  to  proclaim  rather  than  to  conceal 
his  true  opinions.  I  asked  him  to  tell  me  frankly  what  he  believed  to  be  the  true 
feeling  of  Germany  towards  England.  He  said,  "  I  see  you  have  been  consorting  and 
dining  with  Their  Excellencies — what  did  they  tell  you  ?  "  I  said  they  had  told  me 
that  they  hoped  I  should  not  allow  myself  to  be  misled  by  the  reptile  press  which 
imputed  to  Germany  any  hostile  feelings  towards  England."  "  Did  you  believe  them  ?  " 
he  asked.  I  said,  "  I  should  like  to  believe  them,  but  I  wish  to  know  from  you,  who 
are  a  lover  of  truth,  what  I  ought  to  believe."  He  said :  "  Well,  if  you  want  to 
know  the  truth,  I  may  tell  you  that  deep  at  the  bottom  of  their  hearts  is  the  same 
desire  that  is  at  the  bottom  of  every  German  heart — to  take  from  you  the  Empire  you 
are  not  strong  enough  to  hold.  Can  you  wonder  ?  For  two  hundred  years  we  have 
been  hungry,  and  have  only  comparatively  recently  enjoyed  the  sensation  of  a  full 
stomach.  We  are  now  hungry  again,  and  it  is  you  who  are  preventing  our  natural 
appetites  from  being  satisfied.  Whenever  there  is  a  bit  of  the  earth's  surface  to  be 
divided  France  gets  a  bit,  Italy  gets  a  bit,  you  get  a  bit ;  while  we,  with  the  finest 
army  in  the  wo!  Id,  and  the  second  finest  fleet,  get  nothing !  Can  you  wonder  we  have 
a  feeling  of  envy  and  antagonism  towards  you  ?  "  He  then  continued  :  "As  you  have 
asked  me  to  tell  you  the  truth  and  you  will  not  take  offence,  let  me  tell  you  that  in 
the  opinion  of  the  German  people  you  are  occupying  a  position  to  which  you  are  not 
entitled.  We  believe  that  you  English  have  been  corrupted  by  the  softening  influences 
of  too  much  prosperity ;  that  you  are  rotten  through  and  through ;  that  you  are  sunk 
in  sordid  sensuality  and  sloth,  and  that  your  only  idea  of  liberty  is  the  liberty  not  to 


THE  NOVA   SCOTIA   BARONETS.  137 

serve  the  State.  We  Germans,  on  the  contrary,  have  been  taught  to  be  loyal  to  and 
to  make  sacrifices  for  our  country "  :  and  then,  thumping  his  breast,  he  added,  with 
great  emphasis  :  "  Nous  sommes  des  guerriers  I  Nous  sommes  des  guerriers  I  and  we  mean 
to  take  from  you,  at  the  very  first  opportunity,  the  Empire  which  is  ours  by  right." 

The  further  conversation  I  had  with  him  leads  me  to  believe  that  it  is  not  the 
German  Emperor  who  is  immediately  responsible  for  the  war,  so  much  as  the  people 
behind  him.  I  think  one  result  of  the  war  will  have  been  to  change  the  German  idea 
of  British  character.  It  rests  with  us  to  complete  that  conversion ;  and,  when  the  war 
is  concluded,  to  do  what  we  can  to  raise  up  a  new  world,  based  on  principles  and 
ideals  which  will  bring  an  ever-increasing  measure  of  prosperity  and  nobility  to  the 
self-governing  peoples  of  the  earth.  I  rejoiced  to  hear  Lord  Heath's  paper.  A  tone 
of  exultation  appeared  to  go  right  through  it.  It  reminded  me  of  what  an  Australian 
friend  said  to  me  recently :  This  war  is  the  grandest  thing  that  ever  happened." 
"Why?"  I  asked.  "Because,"  he  said,  "the  war  has  lifted  the  British  people  right 
round  the  Globe  out  of  that  rut  in  which  they  were  allowing  themselves  to  be  sunk, 
and  we  are  now  going  to  make  a  real  jump  forward."  He  was  right.  The  effect  of 
the  war  has  been  to  make  people  forget  their  own  miserable  little  selves  and  to  cause 
them  to  remember  that  they  are  all  a  bit  of  their  country.  It  is  a  privilege  to  be 
alive  at  such  a  time  when  every  one  is  keyed  up  to  a  degree  of  patriotism  20  per  cent, 
and  more  above  the  normal.  In  conclusion,  I  would  ask  you  to  give  a  hearty  vote  of 
thanks  to  Lord  Heath  for  his  inspiring  address. 


THE    NOVA   SCOTIA    BARONETS. 

II. — THE  PRIVILEGES  AND  THE  SOWING. 

HAVING  seen  how  the  Scots  settlement  at  Port  Royal  came  to  nothing,  owing  to 
circumstances  over  which  its  promoter  had  no  control,  it  is  interesting  to  examine 
into  the  privileges  and  status  of  the  Order  through  whose  agency  the  fame  of  Scotland 
as  a  colonising  country  was  to  be  established.  It  was  at  first  hoped,  doubtless,  that 
many  of  the  baronets  of  Nova  Scotia  would  take  a  personal  interest  in  their  possessions, 
but  few  of  them  ventured  across  the  stormy  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  although,  had  the 
times  been  propitious,  it  is  possible  that  others  would  have  followed  the  example 
of  Lord  Ochiltree  and  Sir  William  Alexander  the  younger  and  have  visited  their 
estates  in  person.  As  it  was  a  number  of  Scottish  gentlemen  did  take  part  in  the 
abortive  settlement  of  the  country,  but  their  efforts  were  nullified  by  the  action  of 
Charles  I.  when  he  issued  orders  for  the  destruction  of  Port  Royal. 

Several  peculiar  privileges  were  attached  to  the  Order.  The  institution  of  the 
baronets  was  not  like  a  peerage  or  title  of  nobility  emanating  directly  from  the  Crown, 
because  the  whole  country  of  Nova  Scotia  having  been  granted  to  Sir  William  Alexander, 
the  latter  became  the  principal  to  grant  the  territory  from  which  the  title  flowed,  and 
the  king  became  the  accessory  to  confirm  and  grant  by  such  title  as  had  been  the  will  of 
Alexander  and  the  person  who  was  to  be  created  a  baronet.  The  whole  subject  of  the 
creation  of  the  Nova  Scotia  baronets  is  too  complicated  to  be  dealt  with  in  this  article, 
but  it  is  sufficiently  apparent  that  they  derived  their  titles  through  Sir  William  Alexander 
and  not  directly  from  the  king.  As  has  already  been  seen  there  was  strong  opposition 


138  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

to  the  constitution  of  the  new  Order,  for  it  met  with  the  disapproval  of  the  Scottish 
lairds,  who  considered  that  they  stood  next  in  rank  after  the  peerage.  In  order  to 
obtain  their  support  various  special  privileges  were  attached  to  it.  In  1629  the  king 
granted  the  baronets  a  special  distinction,  and  ordered  that  they  should  henceforth 
"  wear,  and  carry  about  their  necks,  an  orange  tawny  silk  ribbon,  whereon  shall  hang 
pendant  to  an  Escutcheon  Argent,  a  Saltier  Azure,  thereon,  an  Escutcheon  of  the  Arms 
of  Scotland,  with  an  imperial  crown  above  the  Escutcheon  and  encircled  with  this  motto, 
'  Fax  mentis  honestae  gloria,'  "  and  it  was  also  ordained  that  their  eldest  sons  and 
apparent  heirs  male  when  they  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  should  have  the  right  to 
claim  knighthood  at  the  hands  of  the  king.  Both  these  privileges  fell  into  disuse,  but 
attempts  have  been  made  at  various  times  by  members  of  the  Order  to  assert  their  right 
both  to  the  wearing  of  a  ribbon  and  to  obtaining  a  knighthood  for  their  eldest  sons. 
On  November  30,  1775,  being  St.  Andrew's  Day,  several  Scots  baronets  made  their 
appearance  at  Court,  in  the  ensignia  of  the  Order  of  Nova  Scotia.  In  the  Gentlemen's 
Magazine  of  that  year  the  following  notice  appears  :  "  Several  Scotch  Baronets 
appeared  at  Court  in  the  ensigns  of  an  Order  which  has  lain  dormant  near  150  years. 
It  was  originally  called  a  Nova  Scotia  Order,  and  has  been  lately  revived."  The  Earl 
Marshall  inquired  into  the  proceeding,  but  no  definite  decision  was  arrived  at.  Again  in 
1823,  the  Rt.  Rev.  G.  P.  Tomline,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  had  been  served  heir  male 
of  Sir  Thomas  Pretyman,  Bart.,  of  Nova  Scotia,  in  the  Court  of  the  Sheriff  of  Hadington,* 
created  a  mild  sensation  by  appearing  with  a  yellow  tawny  ribbon  round  his  neck.  In 
the  Courier  of  May  24,  1824,  a  Nova  Scotia  baronet  expresses  his  astonishment 
as  follows :  "  As  an  old  Nova  Scotia  baronet,  I  had  the  honour  of  paying  my 
dutiful  respects  to  my  Sovereign  at  the  Drawing  Room  on  Thursday  last,  on  which 
occasion  I  wore  the  badge  belonging  to  my  Order.  A  tawny -coloured  ribband,  with  a 
similar  badge  appendant  around  the  neck  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Winchester  very 
naturally  excited  my  attention  and  surprise  :  and  I  should  have  thought  it  a  visual 
deception  if  I  had  not  observed  in  the  list  of  presentations  the  name  of  Lady  Pretyman- 
Tomline."  With  regard  to  the  knighting  of  the  eldest  sons  of  baronets  the  custom  has 
entirely  fallen  into  disuse,  but  so  late  as  1896  the  eldest  son  of  Sir  Claude  Champion  de 
Crespigny  claimed  this  privilege. 

Whilst  it  is  not  possible  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  individual  members  of  the  Order  it 
must  be  stated  that  collectively  it  was  held  in  little  esteem.  Although  many  of  the  first 
baronets  were  gentlemen  in  position  and  fortune  in  Scotland  and  represented  some 

*  It  had  been  laid  down  by  Lord  Jeffery  that  the  word  "  assignees  contained  in  the  original 
patents  of  baronetcy  implied  that  upon  the  failure  of  heirs  male,  the  heir  male  of  the  heir  female, 
stood  in  the  same  relation  as  if  he  had  been  the  heir  male.  It  was  then  comparatively  easy  to 
be  served  heir  male  to  a  Nova  Scotia  baronet.  In  the  Edinburgh  Evening  Courant  for  May  26,  1838, 
it  was  stated  that  a  jury  in  pursuance  of  a  Brief  issued  from  Her  Majesty's  Chancery  directed  to 
the  Magistrates  of  Canongate  had  returned  a  verdict  in  favour  of  Sir  John  Leman  of  Northaw, 
Baronet,  as  nearest  lawful  heir  male  to  the  Leman  Baronetcy  (an  English  baronetcy).  This  Leman 
was  an  old  man  of  eighty,  found  in  some  almshouses,  having  been  a  brick-maker.  The  Globe 
newspaper  in  commenting  upon  this  practice  on  June  24,  1846,  stated  that  "  This  legal  nuisance, 
the  source  of  numerous  evils,  is  the  improper  system  of  what  is  denominated  '  services  '  in  Scotland, 
by  means  of  which  any  person — no  matter  of  what  nation  or  whoever  he  may  be — can  obtain 
himself  declared  by  a  jury  of  twelve  individuals  heir  to  anyone  whom  he  may  claim  to  choose  as 
his  ancestor." 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS.  139 

of  the  oldest  families  in  the  kingdom,  others  were  men  of  pretentions  but  having 
in  reality  little  claim  to  take  their  place  beside  the  older  nobility.  But  during  the  first 
three  or  four  years  of  its  foundation  many  notable  Scottish  names  are  to  be  found  in 
the  list  of  those  who  accepted  lands  from  Alexander.  The  first  to  avail  himself  of 
the  new  honour  was  Sir  Robert  Gordon,  of  Gordonstoun,  second  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Sutherland,  a  baronetcy  which  became  dormant  in  1908,  but  although  he  obtained  a 
charter  of  lands  he  does  not  appear  to  have  taken  seisin  of  them.  The  first  baronet  to 
take  "  possession  "  of  his  territories  was  Sir  Alexander  Strachan,  of  Thornton,  who 
took  seisin  of  his  lands  in  July  1625.  Other  well-know  Scottish  names  represented  in 
the  list  of  those  who  came  forward  to  assist  in  the  colonisation  of  Nova  Scotia  are 
Douglas,  Colquhoun,  Murray,  Ramsay,  Forbes,  Moncrieff,  Wemys,  Campbell,  Ogilvy, 
Cunningham,  Hamilton,  Maxwell,  Stewart,  Balfour,  Sinclair,  and  Blackaddar.  The 
last-mentioned  name  by  a  curious  coincidence  has  been  long  and  honourably  connected 
with  the  history  of  Nova  Scotia,  three  generations  of  a  family  of  this  name  having  edited 
the  Acadian  Recorder  since  its  foundation  upwards  of  one  hundred  years  ago.  But 
the  Order  was  not  entirely  confined  to  Scots  or  even  to  men,  for  amongst  the  earlier 
baronets  were  Sir  Henry  Bingham,  now  represented  by  the  Earl  of  Lucan,  Sir  John 
Fortescue,  Sir  Claude  de  Estienne,  Seigneur  de  la  Tour,  and  his  son  Sir  Charles  de 
Estienne,*  Sir  John  Curzon,  of  Kedleston,  ancestor  of  the  present  Lord  Curzon  of  Ked- 
leston,  and  at  least  one  woman,  Mary  Bolles,  wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Bolles  of  Osberton,  Co. 
Notts.  It  would  be  difficult  to  trace  the  boundaries  of  the  baronies  thus  created,  though 
they  were  generally  designated  in  the  grants,  and  included  lands  in  Prince  Edward 
Island,  Anticosti,  Cape  Breton,  Nova  Scotia,  and  New  Brunswick,  and  were  usually 
expressly  defined  in  the  patents.  But  the  civil  war  ensuing,  many  of  the  baronets  were 
ruined  by  their  adherence  to  the  royal  cause,  and  their  representatives  set  little  value 
upon  their  titles  and  frequently  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  make  any  use  of  them,  so 
that  many  of  the  titles  were  either  forgotten  or  remained  in  disuse.  The  Order  thus  came 
to  be  looked  upon  as  the  Cinderella  amongst  hereditary  titles,  and  although  some  are 
honourably  represented  at  the  present  day,  others  are  completely  forgotten  or  have 
become  merged  in  other  and  higher  titles. 

But  attempts  have  been  made  from  time  to  time  to  revive  some  interest  in  the 
fortunes  of  the  Order,  although,  not  infrequently,  as  will  be  seen  later,  grave  abuses 
have  arisen  which  have  tended  to  throw  discredit  upon  it.  Meetings  of  baronets  of 
Nova  Scotia  and  baronets  of  Scotland  were  held  in  the  years  of  1721  and  1734,  and 
another  meeting  was  held  at  Edinburghin  1774,  which  was  attended  by  twenty  baronets, 
when  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to  reassume  the  privileges  of  their  Order.  Again, 
in  the  year  1783,  the  following  advertisement  appeared  in  the  Edinburgh  C  our  ant : 
"  As  measures  are  taking  in  London  which  may  materially  affect  their  interests  in 
the  estates  granted  to  their  ancestors  in  Nova  Scotia  a  meeting  of  baronets,  and  of 
those  who  in  right  of  their  grants  of  land  is  desired,  at  Fortune's  tavern,  at  Edinburgh, 

*  Otherwise  known  as  Claude  de  la  Tour.  Both  De  la  Tour  and  his  father  took  a  prominent 
part  in  the  early  history  of  Nova  Scotia.  They  came  to  Acadia  in  1610,  and  when  port  Royal  was 
occupied  by  Alexander  they  obtained  a  grant  of  land  from  th«  new  proprietor  at  a  place  near  Cape 
Sable,  now  known  as  Port  Latour. 


140  BETSY:   A  WEST  INDIAN  DIALOGUE. 

on  Tuesday,  July  1  next,  at  two  o'clock,"  and  the  following  appeared  in  the  Edinburgh 
Advertiser  :  "  The  Baronets  of  Nova  Scotia,  or  those  who  have  right  as  representatives 
to  lands  in  that  Province,  are  requested  to  meet  at  Fortune's  tavern,  October  1,  at 
12  o'clock,  when  a  memorial  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury,  will  be  submitted  to  their 
consideration."  From  these  advertisements  it  would  appear  that  there  were  certain 
baronets  who  still  regarded  themselves  entitled  to  the  sixteen  thousand  acres  which 
had  been  granted  to  their  ancestors.  But  apparently  nothing  was  done,  and  the  next 
meeting  to  consider  their  territorial  rights  did  not  take  place  until  1831,  when  some  of 
the  baronets  assembled  in  Edinburgh,  but  again  nothing  definite  was  accomplished. 
As  Banks,  in  his  "  Baronia  Anglica  Concentrata,"  states,  "  it  redounds  little  to  the 
honour  of  those  baronets,  who,  while  they  are  proud  of  their  titles — a  mere  shadow 
of  greatness — they  should  think  the  substance,  in  the  acquirement  of  their  lands,  not 
worth  looking  after  ;  though,  God  knows,  too  many  of  them  rather  need  estate,  than 
title,  to  render  them  respectable."  But  even  so  late  as  the  year  1848  there  were  left 
some  enthusiastic  believers  in  the  validity  of  their  grants,  for  in  that  year  a  deputation 
waited  upon  Lord  Grey,  then  Colonial  Secretary,  to  submit  on  behalf  of  their  Order 
that  in  lieu  of  all  territorial  claims  a  consolidated  grant  of  2,500,000  acres  of  vacant 
land  in  New  Brunswick,  upon  the  line  of  the  proposed  railway  between  Halifax  and 
Quebec  should  be  made  to  the  representatives  of  the  baronets.  But  unfortunately 
by  this  time  a  considerable  odium  had  attached  to  the  Order  owing  to  the  opera- 
tions of  two  or  three  gentlemen  who  were  too  keenly  interested  in  obtaining  some 
substantial  recognition  of  their  claims  and  not  too  careful  as  to  the  means  they 
employed  to  obtain  the  support  of  the  public. 

EVANS  LEWIN. 


BETSY  :    A  WEST  INDIAN  DIALOGUE. 

ON  the  shady  side  of  the  narrow  street,  just  by  the  side  of  the  little  Portuguese 
shop  where  salt  fish,  salt  pork,  and  such-like  delightful  but  odoriferous  delicacies 
are  sold,  a  black  woman  sat  with  her  tray  of  cakes  and  buns  from  which  she 
occasionally  brushed  a  swarm  of  flies.  Betsy  sat  there  every  day,  save  Sundays, 
making  a  slender  living  by  her  cakes,  wholly  content  with  life.  She  could  talk  to 
the  passers-by  all  day,  discussing  the  private  affairs  of  all  her  friends  or  acquain- 
tances, especially  where  they  were  connected  with  the  doings  of  the  Magistrate's 
Court ;  she  did  not  have  to  go  and  work  in  the  fields,  which  she  hated ;  and  she 
could  earn  just  enough  to  feed  and  clothe  little  Carrington,  and  even  occasionally 
buy  a  smart  new  cotton  dress  for  herself. 

Carrington,  a  small  woolly-headed  urchin,  clothed  in  a  very  short  shirt, 
munched  a  cake  while  his  mother  talked  aloud  to  herself. 

"  Parson  tell  a'  we  in  church  all  'bout  dem  German  people.  Dey  mus'  be 
berry  wotless,  in  trut',  to  burn  de  po'  people's  houses — me  hope  dey  wont  come 
here,  but  de  Defence  Force  will  make  dem  run  if  dey  do  " — Betsy  considered  the 
local  forces,  of  about  twenty  strong,  quite  a  match  for  the  German  army  and 


BETSY :    A  WEST  INDIAN  DIALOGUE.  141 

navy  put  together.  Just  then  a  very  fat  comfortable-looking  woman  passed 
along,  dragging  as  she  walked  a  pair  of  large  slippers  with  a  loud  scraping  noise. 

"  Wher'  you  a  go,  Mrs.  Maloney?"    asked  Betsy. 

Mrs.  Maloney  (most  of  the  blacks  in  our  island  have  Irish  names  and  even  a 
suspicion  of  an  Irish  accent)  was  in  no  hurry  and  ready  for  a  chat. 

"  Me  a  go  to  de  pos'  office  to  see  if  me  son  in  Panama  sen'  any  money  fo' 
me.  He  go  'way  dis  six  month  an'  nebber  write  me  or  he  po'  wife,  an'  de  po' 
creature  baby  well  sick.  Parson  baptise  he  de  odder  day,  but  he  don't  get  no 
better  an'  we  say  de  name  no  'gree  wid  he,  so  we  change  de  name ;  but  dat  don't 
seem  to  do  no  good,  so  we  has  to  change  it  again.  Doctor  say  we  mus'  gi'  he 
milk,  but  he  mus'  be  one  fool  to  tink  milk  is  food,  since  you  drink  it  like  water. 
If  me  had  de  money  me  would  tek'  de  chile  to  de  Obeah-man  an'  he  would  gib 
a  Jumby  dance  to  drib'  'way  de  ebil  'spirit  out  of  he." 

"  You  right,  mam,"  said  Betsy.  Her  baby  had  been  fed  on  boluses  of  stiffly 
boiled  arrowroot,  pushed  down  its  throat  with  her  finger,  on  which  diet  he  had 
thrived,  being  a  naturally  healthy  and  hardy  infant.  "  When  Carrington  was  a 
baby,  me  was  sick,  an'  me  aunt  say  she  will  tak'  he  to  baptise,  but  she  was 
Koman  Cat'lic  and  so  she  tak'  he  to  de  Fader,  instead  ob  de  Parson.  Me  was  well 
hex,  fo'  me  no  hold  wid  Eoman  Cat'lics,  so  me  borrow  one  piece  of  soap  and  wash 
out  de  baptism  an'  tek'  he  meself  to  de  Parson.  De  priest  say  he  still  Cat'lic, 
so  de  boy  go  de  chapel  one  Sunday  and  to  de  church  de  nex',  and  to  hot'  de 
sc'ool  treats.  When  he  go  to  chapel  dey  call  he  Patrick  and  when  he  go  to 
church  he  is  Carrington.  An'  he  t'rive  well  too." 

Mrs.  Maloney  was  a  cook,  and  her  mistress  had  sent  her  to  buy  vegetables 
in  the  market  ;  but  she  was  never  in  a  hurry,  for  punctuality  did  not  appeal  to 
her,  nor  had  she  any  idea  of  time.  She  bought  a  cake,  paying  for  it  out  of  the 
money  her  mistress  had  given  her,  knowing  that  she  could  always  account 
for  the  penny  by  saying  that  the  price  of  potatoes  had  gone  up  owing  to  the 
drought.  "  Dis  war  is  a  bad  ting,"  she  remarked.  "  Dey  say  it  is  dat  what 
mak'  de  wedder  so  dry,  fo'  war  always  bring  dry  wedder  or  hurricane  or  eart'- 
quake.  In  de  las'  war  we  get  de  gale  wha'  blow  down  all  de  houses.  Dat  was 
a  bad  time  !  One  of  me  sons  get  killed  by  a  piece  ob  galvanised  iron  from 
one  roof.  He  was  walking  along  de  street  an'  de  galvanise  come  tearing  along 
an'  cut  he  head  right  off." 

"  Me  hear  'bout  dat,"  said  Betsy.  "  Me  was  a  little  gal  den,  an'  me  was  in  me 
mudder's  house  wid  me  brudders  an'  sisters  hidin'  under  de  bed.  All  at  once 
de  roof  blow  off  an'  de  house  fall  down,  an'  de  bed  wid  me  ole  gran'mudder  on  it 
went  flyin'  up  in  de  air.  It  mus'  a  drop  in  de  sea,  fo'  we  nebber  see  her  or  de 
bed  again,  an'  it  was  a  good  bed  too.  Me  gran'mudder  had  two  shilling  in 
her  pocket,  but  praise  God,  me  f  adder  did'n  ha'  to  pay  any  ting  to  bury  her, 
an'  de  Government  sen'  ship  wid  food  an  money  an  tent  for  a'  we,  so  dat  was 
all  right.  De  onliest  ting,  since  den  none  ob  de  people  can  fin'  dey  age,  fo'  de 
gale  blow  'way  all  de  books  wid'  de  ages  in  dem." 

Just  then  a  man  came  up  riding  a  small  donkey,  so  small  indeed  that  the 
man's  feet — one  enormously  swollen — could  touch  the  ground  on  either  side. 


142  SUMMARY  OF  SECRETARY'S  REPORT. 

Betsy  hailed  him  :  "  Why  you  no  buy  some  ob  me  nice  cake,  Mister  O'Brien  ? 
Better  fo'  spen'  two  coppers  pon  dat  dan  in  de  rum  shop." 

Mr.  O'Brien  returned  an  uncomplimentary  answer,  criticising  her  personal 
appearance,  and  throwing  doubt  on  her  moral  character.  Betsy  was  quite 
satisfied  about  her  charms,  and  her  reputation  did  not  matter  much  to  her ; 
so  she  good-naturedly  chaffed  him. 

"  Me  hear  you  gwine  to  sing  at  de  tea-meetin'  to-night,  Mister  O'Brien. 
If  me  get  a  sixpence  me  will  come  to  hear  you,  fo'  de  money  is  to  sen'  to  de 
Prince  of  Wales  to  buy  tings  fo'  de  poor  people.  Carrington,  boy,  you  can 
climb  in  at  de  winder  and  me  will  tief  some  bun  an'  bebridge  fo'  you,  please 
God.  But  why  yourno  jine  de  Defence  Force,  Mister  O'Brien  ?  "  she  asked, 
as  the  sound  of  the  tramp  of  an  approaching  squad  of  infantry  came  near. 
Mr.  O'Brien,  whose  age,  infirmities,  and  police  record  were  well  known,  shook 
his  head,  spat  on  the  ground  and,  kicking  his  donkey's  stomach,  rode  off  in 
the  wake  of  the  crowd  of  idlers  following  the  Defence  Force.  A  man  with  a 
concertina  started  playing,  and  the  crowd  took  up  the  strain — 

It's  a  long  way  to  Tipperary, 
It's  a  long  way  to  go. 

G.  WROUGHTON. 


SUMMARY  OF  THE  SECRETARY'S  REPORT  ON  HIS  MISSION  TO 
AUSTRALIA  AND  NEW   ZEALAND. 

LEAVING  England  on  July  20,  Mr  Boose  arrived  at  Cape  Town  on  August  10,  news  of 
the  declaration  of  war  between  Great  Britain  and  Germany  having  been  received  by 
the  ship  by  wireless  on  August  5. 

During  a  day's  stay  in  Cape  Town  he  was  able  to  confer  with  the  Honorary 
Corresponding  Secretary,  Mr.  Harry  Gibson,  as  to  the  work  of  the  local  branch. 
Adelaide  was  reached  on  August  30,  where  arrangements  had  been  made  for  meet- 
ings and  other  functions  by  Mr.  J.  Edwin  Thomas  (Hon.  Corresponding  Sec.), 
and  despite  the  excitement  consequent  on  the  preparations  for  dispatch  of  the 
Australian  contingent  a  successful  public  meeting  was  held,  with  the  Governor,  Sir 
Henry  Galway,  in  the  chair.  As  a  result  the  Council  is  asked  to  sanction  the  formation 
of  a  local  committee  in  Adelaide.  Mr.  Boose  met  the  ladies  of  the  Victoria  League  in 
that  city  and  arranged  the  lines  of  future  co-operation  with  them  ;  he  also  had  inter- 
views with  leading  men  including  the  Governor,  Premier,  Treasurer,  Sir  Samuel  Way, 
the  veteran  Chief  Justice,  and  a  number  of  Fellows. 

In  Melbourne,  Mr.  Boose  was  welcomed  by  the  joint  Hon.  Corresponding 
Secretaries,  Dr.  T.  E.  Barrett,  C.M.G.,  and  Mr.  E.  A.  Petherick.  The  latter  is, 
however,  resigning  his  position,  and  Mr.  A.  C.  Trapp  has  consented,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Council,  to  undertake  the  work.  Mr.  Alfred  Deakin  and  some  of  the  Fellows 
entertained  Mr.  Boose  at  dinner  and  discussed  future  arrangements  to  promote  the 
growth  of  the  work  of  the  Institute.  A  public  meeting  in  the  Town  Hall  was  presided 
over  by  the  Lord  Mayor  ,*and  was  followed  by  a  conversazione.  At  the  meeting  Mr. 


SUMMARY  OF  SECRETARY'S  REPORT.         143 

Deakin  moved  and  Dr.  Barrett  seconded  a  motion,  which  was  passed,  to  the  effect 
that  five  shillings  of  the  annual  subscription  should  be  retained  for  the  work  of  a  local 
committee.  Mr.  Boose  undertook  to  bring  this  proposal  before  the  Council.  The 
ladies  of  the  Victoria  League  were  also  interviewed,  and  Major  Henry  Brew  of  Ballarat 
who  happened  to  be  in  Melbourne  consented,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Council 
to  act  as  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  in  Ballarat.  The  Governor- General  and 
Lady  Helen  Munro-Ferguson  entertained  Mr.  Boose  at  lunch  and  expressed  much 
sympathy  with  the  work  and  aims  of  the  Institute. 

In  Sydney,  which  was  next  visited,  considerable  activity  already  exists  among 
the  Fellows,  owing  largely  to  the  excellent  work  of  the  two  Hon.  Corresponding 
Secretaries,  Mr.  Wilred  L.  Docker  and  Mr.  H.  C.  Macfie.  The  former,  after  many 
years  of  good  service,  is  resigning  on  account  of  age.  Mr.  Boose  was  entertained  at  a 
luncheon  attended  by  eighty-five  Fellows,  and  presided  over  by  Sir  Gerald  Strickland, 
the  Governor,  who  made  a  strong  speech  on  behalf  of  the  Institute  and  was  supported 
by  Sir  William  Macmillan.  The  British  Empire  League  invited  Mr.  Boose  to  a  con- 
versazione and  asked  him  to  give  an  address,  as  did  also  the  Millions  Club,  an  organisa- 
tion somewhat  similar  to  the  Canadian  Clubs.  Returning  to  Sydney  later  on  Mr. 
Boose  was  entertained  at  luncheon  by  the  Governor  in  the  Executive  Council  Chamber, 
and  met  the  members  of  the  Government  and  Opposition,  as  well  as  leading  business  men. 
At  a  meeting  of  Fellows  the  same  evening  at  which  Sir  Samuel  Griffith,  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Commonwealth  presided,  it  was  decided  to  form  a  Sydney  branch,  and  to  organise 
luncheons,  and  meetings  at  which  papers  will  be  read.  It  is  hoped  that  this  will  help 
to  co-ordinate  and  give  the  lead  to  the  many  patriotic  associations  in  Sydney. 

During  a  brief  visit  to  Newcastle  Mr.  Boose  met  the  principal  residents  and  obtained 
fresh  Fellows,  through  the  kindness  of  the  Hon.  G.  F.  Earp,  Hon.  Corresponding 
Secretary  ;  who  (having  ceased  to  reside  in  Newcastle)  consented  to  act  in  future 
with  Mr.  Macfie  in  Sydney,  his  place  in  Newcastle  being  taken  by  Mr.  C.  Earp. 

At  Brisbane  the  Hon.  W.  F.  Taylor  is  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary,  and  is 
most  anxious  to  extend  the  work.  Mr.  Boose  was  entertained  by  him  at  luncheon  in 
Parliament  House,  about  forty  guests  being  present,  including  the  Premier,  and 
leading  men  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Boose  had  an  interview  with  the  local  secretary 
of  the  Overseas  Club  and  discussed  with  the  Fellows  the  formation  of  a  local  committee . 

Auckland  was  reached  via  Sydney,  and  although  the  absence  in  England  of  the 
Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  (Judge  Seth  Smith)  had  prevented  the  organisa- 
tion beforehand  of  any  meeting,  a  successful  one  was  arranged  at  short  notice,  through 
the  kindness  of  the  Press,  one  or  two  Fellows,  and  Mr.  B.  Kent,  President  of  the 
Chamber  of  Commerce.  Mr.  W.  T.  Napier,  K.C.,  and  Dr.  Worley  of  the  University 
very  kindly  offered  their  services  as  joint  Corresponding  Secretaries.  Mr.  Boose 
visited  Wanganui  and  Palmerston  North,  both  places  in  which  the  Institute 
has  so  far  been  unrepresented,  and  obtained  the  promise  of  prominent  local 
gentlemen  to  act  as  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretaries.  At  Napier  a  warm 
reception  was  given  and  many  new  Fellows  joined,  and  it  seems  a  likely  place 
for  a  strong  local  branch. 


144  SUMMARY  OF  SECRETARY'S  REPORT. 

Mr.  Boose's  arrival  at  Gisborne  coincided  with  the  145th  anniversary  of  the 
landing  of  Captain  Cook,  and  also  with  a  severe  earthquake  shock,  which  did  con- 
siderable damage.  The  celebrations  of  the  anniversary,  which  began  with  a  public 
breakfast  at  7  o'clock,  were  also  made  the  occasion  of  a  welcome  to  the  representative 
of  the  R.  C.  I.  The  public  ceremony  of  decorating  Captain  Cook's  statue  was  followed 
by  a  luncheon  and  a  reception,  and  Mr.  Boose  secured  a  satisfactory  accession  of 
Fellows  and  the  consent  of  Captain  J.  R.  Kirk  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  present 
Hon.  Sec.,  Mr.  H.  H.  Wall  (who  is  in  England),  or  to  succeed  him  should  his 
absence  from  Gisborne  prevent  his  continuing  the  work. 

At  Wellington  a  public  meeting  was  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  form  a  committee 
as  soon  as  a  new  Hon.  Corresponding  Sec.  is  appointed,  as  Mr.  Alec  Turnbull  who 
has  hitherto  kindly  acted  in  that  capacity  finds  his  time  too  much  occupied. 
Mr.  Leonard  0.  H.  Tripp,  a  prominent  resident,  has  offered  to  accept  the  post.  A 
dinner  was  given  to  Mr.  Boose  at  the  Wellington  Club,  the  Minister  for  Defence 
(Col.  the  Hon.  James  Allen),  the  Solicitor- General  and  other  well-known  men  being 
present.  Mr.  Boose  was  also  invited  to  the  Inspection  by  the  Governor  of  the  New 
Zealand  contingent,  prior  to  their  departure  for  the  war.  At  Christchurch  the  Institute 
has  a  branch,  and  an  energetic  Corresponding  Secretary  in  Mr  Basil  Seth  Smith,  and 
Mr.  Boose  was  entertained  to  dinner  by  the  Fellows,  Sir  George  Clifford  presiding. 
The  New  Zealand  Club  invited  him  to  lunch  and  the  Victoria  League  to  an  afternoon 
reception,  all  three  occasions  being  useful  in  meeting  the  principal  people  of  the  town 
and  explaining  the  work  of  the  Institute. 

At  Timaru  a  new  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  was  secured,  and  at  Dunedin 
A  drawing-room  meeting  was  arranged  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Percy  Sargood,  at  which 
representatives  of  the  R.C.I.,  the  Victoria  League  and  the  Overseas  Club  were  enabled 
to  meet  and  to  discuss  the  possibilities  of  co-operation.  The  Hon.  Corresponding 
Secretary  is  Col.  James  Allen,  and  as  his  parliamentary  duties  are  exceedingly  heavy, 
Mr.  W.  Downie  Stewart  consented  to  act  with  him.  A  public  meeting  was  held  in 
the  Dresden  Concert  Chamber,  presided  over  by  Mr.  John  Roberts,  C.M.G.,  and  the 
Fellows  of  the  Institute  gave  Mr.  Boose  a  dinner  at  the  Club,  presided  over  by  Dr. 
Colquhoun. 

To  reach  Launceston  Mr.  Boose  had  to  return  to  Melbourne  from  Auckland,  the 
steamships  from  the  Bluff  having  been  taken  over  for  transports.  Mr.  Boose  succeeded 
in  his  brief  visit  to  Launceston  in  making  a  substantial  increase  in  the  Fellowship,  and 
obtained  the  services  of  a  good  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  in  Mr.  Dobson. 

In  Hobart  a  branch  already  exists,  with  Mr.  D'Arcy  Addison  as  Hon.  Cor- 
responding Secretary,  and  Mr.  Boose  was  entertained  at  luncheon  by  the  Fellows, 
to  meet  the  representatives  of  the  Victoria  League  and  Overseas  Club.  A  receptioi 
was  also  given  by  the  Victoria  League,  at  which  Lady  Lewis  presided.  The  discussior 
on  these  occasions  mainly  concerned  the  best  means  to  promote  co-operation  betweei 
the  various  patriotic  associations,  and  a  resolution  was  passed,  similar  to  that  passed 
in  Melbourne,  as  to  the  retention  of  5s.  by  the  branch  committee  for  local  organisation. 
The  Hobart  branch  also  desired  to  express  to  the  Council  their  hope  that  the  Imperial 


ROYAL    COLONIAL   INSTITUTE   AND  THE  WAR.     145 

Conference,  due  in  1915,  will  not  be  postponed.  In  Albany  (W.  Australia)  there 
were  some  Fellows  but  no  official  representative,  and  Mr.  He  bert  Robinson,  a  leading 
merchant  and  Mayor  of  the  city,  has  kindly  consented  to  act  in  that  capacity. 

Perth  was  the  last  place  visited,  and  it  is  hoped  that  a  strong  committee  will 
be  formed  with  Mr.  B.  H.  Darbyshire  as  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary,  as  the  result 
of  the  increased  interest  roused  by  Mr.  Boose's  visit.  He  was  met  at  Freemantle 
by  Captain  Biddies,  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  and  Dr.  Saunders,  and  visited 
the  new  naval  base  by  invitation  of  the  Premier  (the  Hon.  J.  Scadden).  At  Perth  he 
was  entertained  to  luncheon  at  the  Weld  Club,  and  also  by  the  Governor,  Sir 
Harry  Barren. 

On  Tuesday,  December  1,  Mr.  Boose  left  Freemantle  by  the  Orient  ss.  Orsowt 
and  was  able,  during  a  brief  stop  at  Colombo,  to  interview  the  Hon.  Corresponding 
Secretary,  Mr.  R.  H.  Ferguson,  and  other  Fellows,  and  to  secure  a  promise  from  Mr. 
Alfred  Lewis  of  the  Ceylon  Civil  Service  to  act  with  Mr.  Ferguson  in  promoting  the 
work  of  the  Institute  in  that  Colony. 

In  a  journey  lasting  166  days,  Mr.  Boose  occupied  106  in  travelling,  so  that  the 
actual  time  at  his  disposal  for  work  was  too  limited  ;  for  the  cities  visited  number 
twenty-one,  and  comprise  many  to  which  a  week  at  least  could  have  been  usefully 
devoted.  Despite  this  fact,  the  severe  drought  and  the  general  unsettlement  of  con- 
ditions due  to  the  war,  Mr.  Boose  felt  that  his  tour  had  been  successful,  and  should 
result  in  increased  activity  in  promoting  the  objects  of  the  Institute. 


THE  ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  AND  THE  WAR. 

THE  activities  of  the  War  Services  Committee,  formed  in  August  last,  have  been 
well  maintained.  Fellows  of  the  Institute  and  founds  ficm  Gveiseas,  anxirus  to 
€erve  the  Empire  in  some  capacity,  continue  to  arrive  and  the  I  onorary  Secretary, 
Mr.  Coleman  P.  Hyman,  daily  receives  ofiers  of  service  from  members  in  various 
parts  of  the  world.  Introductions  by  the  Committee  have  aided  a  large  proportion 
of  the  volunteers  to  obtain  commissions  in  several  branches  of  the  Army,  while  a 
number,  willing  to  enlist,  have  been  given  useful  advice,  and  others,  more  suitable 
for  work  in  a  civil  capacity,  have  also  been  assisted.  The  Council  have  nominated 
Sir  Harry  Wilson  K.C.M.G.,  as  their  representative  on  the  Advisory  Committee  in 
connection  with  the  Motor  AmbnJnrce  mentiored  in  the  last  number  of  the  Journal. 

In  October  last,  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden  wrote  to  Buenos  Aires  thanking  the  Fellows  there 
for  their  remarkable  response  to  the  country's  call,  and  the  following  acknowledgment 
has  been  received  from  our  P onorary  Corresponding  Secretary  in  that  city: — 

"  I  have  to  thank  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden  for  his  interesting  letter  of  October  23  which 
I  took  the  liberty  of  publishing  in  yesterday's  Standard  and  Herald  for  the  benefit  of 
Fellows  in  Argentina,  who  are  very  grateful  for  all  the  Institute  is  doing  for  volunteers 
from  Argentina." 

In   Francistown,    Bcchuan  aland   Protectorate,  South   Africa,   Fellows  of  the  Institute 
and  others  have  raised  the  sum  of  £95  to  assist  in  sending  nine  volunteers  for  military 
feivire.      Jn    addition    to   that,    they    have   subscribed    some  £200   to   the   various   Red 
Cross  Funda 

Shanghai  has  sent  to  this  country  over  one  hundred  volunteers :  and  a  party  of 
wire  forty  recruits  from  Russia,  who  travelled  via  Archangel,  reached  England  early  in 
December. 

Ihose  who  come  to  this  country  to  enlist  should  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  there 
ia  no  great  demand  for  mounted  men.  1  he  conflict,  so  far  as  Europe  is  concerned, 
requires  almost  exclusively  disciplined  infantry. 


ROYAL   COLONIAL   INSTITUTE  AND[  THE    WAR. 

The  Institute  continues  to  lend  its  Council  Room  to  certain  approved  "bodies  dealing 
with  Oersea  affairs.  One  of  these,  the  London  Sub-Committee  of  the  Child  Emigration 
Society,  has  sent  a  special  letter  of  thanks  to  the  Council,  through  the  Honorary 
Secretary  of  that  Committee,  Mr.  Arthur  A.  Pearson,  C.M.'J. 

A  Parcel  Fund  for  the  army  of  General  Botha  in  South  Africa  has  been  raised, 
and  the  Institute  supplied  some  South  African  flags  on  the  occasion  of  a  concert  which 
was  held  in  London  in  aid  of  the  Fund. 

A  number  of  letters  have  been  received  expressing  appreciation  of  the  Institute  Hand- 
Book.  "  Our  Just  Cause  ".  One  Fellow  writes  to  say  that  he  is  willing  to  guarantee  the 
Bale  of  one  hundred  copies  hi  and  around  Mafeking,  South  Africa.  Supplies  of  the 
booklet  have  also  been  asked  for  from  Bangalore,  South  India. 

1  he  "  War "  pamphlets  of  the  Victoria  League  have  been  sent  by  the  Institute  to 
all  our  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretaries.  The  resulting  demand  for  further  copies 
has  been  considerable,  and  our  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  at  Rio  de  Janeiro 
has  undertaken  to  send  duplicates,  at  his  own  expense,  to  all  the  Fellows  in  Brazil. 

A  letter  has  been  received  from  Akasson,  Ivory  Coast,  in  which  it  is  pointed  out 
that  the  war  numbers  of  the  Journal  have  proved  valuable  as  a  means  of  recruiting 
new  Fellows  in  that  |  art  of  West  Africa.  A  Mexico  writer  states  :  "  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  tell  ycu  how  much  I  have  enjoyed  the  October  number  of  UNITED  EMPIRE,  and 
that  I  am  looking  forward  to  the  receipt  of  further  numbers ". 

The  work  the  Institute  has  been  doing  since  the  outbreak  of  war  is  apparently 
meeting  with  the  approval  of  Fellows  overseas,  as  the  following  extracts  from  three, 
out  of  many,  letters  show : — 

FROM  BRITISH  NORTH  BOTNEO. — "lam  full  of  admiration  for  the  magnificent  work 
being  done  by  the  Institute  and  must  congratulate  the  Council." 

FROM  GRAHAMSTOWN,  SOUTH  AFRICA. — "  May  the  Institute  continue  to  flourish  in 
its  work." 

FROM  CALGARY,  CANADA. — "  Best  wishes  for  the  excellent  work  in  which  you  are 
engaged." 

The  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  has  dealt  with  a  steadily  increasing  number 
of  inquiries  during  the  past  month  and,  in  a  number  of  cases  special  reports  of  parti- 
cular oversea  markets  have  been  prepared.  At  the  time  of  writing,  the  question  of  the 
recent  wave  of  commercial  opinion  in  Canada  in  favour  of  developing  manufacturing 
industries  there  is  engaging  the  attention  of  the  Committee,  who  will  shortly  be  pre- 
pared to  assist  persons  interested  in  the  question  to  obtain  detailed  information  as  to 
power,  raw  materials,  transport  and  markets. 

A  considerable  amount  of  information  has  been  collected  and  supplied  to  British 
manufacturers  in  respect  of  the  sources  within  the  Empire  of  raw  materials  required  by 
them.  This  question  is  felt  to  be  one  of  the  bases  of  a  sound  inter-empire  economio 
relationship,  and  the  Committee  has  been  at  pains  to  press  upon  manufacturers  the 
vital  importance  of  British  control  of  the  raw  materials  of  the  British  Empire. 
Scientific  information  on  this  point  is  obtainable  at  the  Imperial  Institute,  but  the 
"  business  "  application  of  this  called  seriously  for  attention,  and  the  Committee's  activities 
have  been  directed  to  meet  the  call. 

Among  the  Vice- Presidents  appointed  by  the  Council  last  month,  all  will  be  glad 
to  notice  the  name  of  Sir  Godfn-y  Lagden  who  has  done  such  excellent  work  for  the 
Institute  for  many  years  past,  and  of  Mr.  T.  S.  Leonard,  the  founder  of  our  Bristol 
branch  and  the  generous  donor  of  its  building.  Sir  Godfrey  is  much  occupied  at  present 
with  the  organisation  of  county  defence  in  Surrey  and  we  notice  that  Mr.  Lennard  is 
also  devoting  energy  to  the  work  of  recruiting,  having  taken  the  chair  at  a  recent 
meeting  of  the  Bristol  and  South  Gloucestershire  Parliamentary  Recruiting  Committee 
at  Henbury — a  place  which  has  sent  160  out  of  its  2000  inhabitants  to  serve  their 
country. 

Mr.  Herbert  Garrison  continues  to  give  his  successful  lecture  on  the  "  World's 
Greatest  War  ',  and  on  the  invitation  of  Sir  Edward  Hutton,  a  member  of  Council, 
who  is  commanding  the  21st  Division,  he  lectured  twice  to  large  bodies  of  men  at 
Aylesbury  and  Leighton  Buzzard,  and  also  to  the  Royal  Engineers  and  Royal  Artillery. 
Earl  Brassey  arranged  another  lecture  at  Hastings,  and  the  Mayor  of  Bournemouth 
presided  at  a  large  meeting  in  that  town. 


147 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

Dec.  28.  Turkish  check   in  the  Caucasus.     Austrians  retreat  in   Western    Galicia. 
Surrender  of  last  two  rebel  commandos  in  South  Africa. 

„     29.  Allies  advance  slightly  in  Belgium,  capturing  village  of  St.  Georges.     Germans 
|  capture  trenches  near  Ypres.    Russian  success  in  Carpathians. 

„  30.  Stubborn  fighting  on  the  Heights  of  the  Meuse.  German  aeroplane  raid 
on  Dunkirk  ;  some  casualties. 

„     31.  Heavy  bombardments  by  German  artillery  at  several  points  on  the  Allied 

)  line.    Further  Russian  successes  in  Western  Galicia. 

Jan.     1.  French  advance  in   Alsace.     News  of  capture  of  Bougainville     (Solomon 

Islands)  by  Australian   Forces.    Walfisch  Bay   re-taken   by  the    South 

African  troops.      Battleship    Formidable    sunk  [by  German    submarine. 

ifj       2.  German  advance  in  the  Argonne.    French  airmen  drop  bombs  on  Metz  and 

Arnaville.     Turkish  forces  advance  into  Transcaucasia. 

n  4.  German  attacks  weakening  in  the  Eastern  theatre  of  war  ;  six  German  Army 
Corps  withdrawn.  Renewed  attack  on  Zeebrugge  by  British  warships. 

,/       5.  Union  Forces  in  South  Africa  capture  Scuit  Drift,  on  Orange  River. 

„        6.  Russians  inflict  crushing  defeat  on  Turkish  Army  in  the  Caucasus. 

„  7.  Montenegrins  successfully  repulse  fierce  attacks  by  the  Austrians  on  the 
heights  above  Cattaro. 

„        8.  Allies  gain  ground  at  several  points  along  the  Aisne  and  in  Alsace. 

„      11.  French  capture  three  lines  of  trenches  near  Soissons. 

.,,  12.  Germans  drop  bombs  on  St.  Malo-les-Bains  ;  one  German  and  one  French 
airman  captured.  In  South  Africa,  Union  Forces  occupy  Raman's  Drift, 
the  principal  crossing  of  the  Orange  River  into  German  territory. 

•%,  13.  Obstinate  fighting  in  the  district  near  Perthes  ;  Germans  gain  the  advantage- 
Violent  artillery  duels  between  Reims  and  the  Argonne. 

.,,     14.  Germans  drive  the  Allies  back  across  the  Aisne  near  Soissons.    In  South 
Africa,  Union  Forces  occupy  Swakopmund  (German  S.-W.  Africa).    Turkish 
invasion  of  Persia  reported ;   Tabriz  (capital  of  Persian  province  of  Azer- 
baijan) occupied  by  Turkish  force. 
„     15.  British  success  near  La  Bassee. 

.„  16.  Turks  again  defeated  in  the  Caucasus  by  the  Russians.  Russian  fleet 
sinks  80  Turkish  transports  carrying  troops  to  Anatolia. 

„  17.  Russians  follow  up  their  success  against  the  Turks,  and  in  the  far  south 
capture  a  pass  in  the  Carpathians  leading  to  Transylvania. 

„  18.  French  success  near  Pont-a-Mousson.  News  published  from  India  of  an 
attack  by  rebel  force  on  the  outposts  of  Muscat ;  British  troops  aided 
those  of  the  Sultan  of  Muscat  ;  rebels  driven  back  with  loss  of  600  men. 

„      19.  German  airship  raid  on  British  East-coast  towns  and  near  Sandringham. 

.,,  24.  British  patrol  squadron  meets  and  chases  German  raiding  squadron,  and 
sinks  battleship  Bliicher. 

L  2 


148 

OVERSEAS  CONTRIBUTIONS.    (6TH  LIST.) 

Dominion  of  Canada.— PRIVATE  OFFER.— Mr.  J.  C.  Eaton  (Toronto),  gift  of 
15  armoured  motor-cars  to  accompany  the  2nd  Canadian  Contingent  for  foreign 
service.  Grain  growers  have  decided  to  give  the  yield  of  one  acre  of  each  man's 
crop  this  year  to  the  needs  of  the  Empire. 

Australia. — WESTERN  AUSTRALIA. — £400  from  Kalgoorlie,  and  £425  from  the 
city  of  Clavemont,  as  Christmas  gifts  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund,  making  a  totaj  of 
£3,825  remitted  from  Western  Australia.  TASMANIA. — £500  to  the  Belgian  Relief 
Fund. 

Africa. — NATAL. — Force  numbering  4,900  men,  with  4  Batteries  of  Field  Artillery, 
for  service  against  German  South- West  Africa.  UGANDA. — The  Prime  Minister,  Sir 
Apollo  Kagwa,  offers  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  5,000  men,  for  service 
with  the  Union  Forces.  Five  Chiefs  with  500  men  ask  to  be  allowed  to  join  the 
British  Army.  BECHUANALAND  PROTECTORATE. — Chief  Khama  and  the  Bamangwato 
people,  gift  of  £817  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  WEST  AFRICA. — The  Mohammedan 
Imams  of  Freetown,  loyal  protestations.  SIERRA  LEONE. — The  Chiefs  and  Traders 
of  the  Colony,  £286  to  the  British  Relief  Fund  for  sick  and  wounded. 

Egypt. — EGYPTIAN  RED  CRESCENT  SOCIETY. — A  fully-equipped  hospital-train  for 
the  use  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers. 

West  Indies. — JAMAICA. — Universal  Negro  Improvement  Association,  loyal 
protestations.  TRINIDAD. — British  Red  Cross  Society,  £750  to  the  British  Relief 
Fund  for  sick  and  wounded. 

Malay  States. — H.H.  the  Sultan  of  Selangor,  loyal  protestations. 

Fiji  Islands. — A  contingent  for  foreign  service. 

Niue  (Cook  Islands). — Offer  of  200  men  for  the  defence  of  the  Empire,  and  gift 
of  £164  to  the  National  Relief  Fund. 

Principal  gifts  and  offers  from  India,  some  of  which  have  been  previously  recorded 
in  UNITED  EMPIRE. — NIZAM  OF  HYDERABAD. — War  contribution  of  60  lakhs  of  rupees 
(£400,000)  to  defray  entire  expenses  of  1st  Hyderabad  Imperial  Service  Lancers  and 
20th  Deccan  Horse,  while  on  foreign  service.  MAHARAJA  SCINDIA  OP  GWALIOR. — 
Fleet  of  motor-ambulances,  for  the  use  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  War  contribution  to 
the  Indian  Government,  and  thousands  of  horses  as  remounts.  A  convalescent 
home,  fully  staffed  and  equipped,  to  be  established  in  the  East  African  Protectorate  ; 
£10,000  to  the  National  Relief  Fund  ;  £15,000  for  the  expenses  of  motor  transport ;. 
£6,000  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund ;  £6,000  to  provide  motor-cars  and  telescopes  for 
officers ;  £1,000  to  Queen  Mary's  Needlework  Guild.  GAEKWAR  OF  BARODA. 
— All  his  troops  and  resources.  RAJA  OF  PUDUKOTA. — "  All  I  possess."  MAHARAJA 
OF  MYSORE. — Fifty  lakhs  of  rupees  for  war  expenses.  MAHARAJA  OF  REWA. — 
Troops,  treasury,  and  even  private  jewellery.  MAHARAJA  HOLKAR. — All  horses 
belonging  to  his  State  forces  which  the  Government  may  find  it  convenient  to  accept^ 
JAM  OF  JAMNAGAR. — All  his  horses,  free  of  charge.  MEHTAR  OF  CHITRAL. — Loya 
messages,  and  offer  of  support.  NEPAL  GOVERNMENT. — The  whole  of  their  militai 
resources.  DALAI  LAMA. — 1,000  Tibetan  troops,  for  foreign  service.  ZEMINDAI 
OF  MADRAS. — 500  horses.  MAHARAJA  AND  MAHARANI  MAJI  SAHIBA  OF  BHARATPUR.- 
All  the  resources  of  their  State.  HOSPITAL  SHIPS  "  LOYALTY  "  AND  "  MADRAS,' 
fully  equipped.  AGA  KHAN. — All  his  resources,  and  personal  service  in  the  field. 
MAHARAJA  OF  JAIPUR. — One  lakh  of  rupees  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  MAHARAJA 
KOTAH. — 7,500  rupees.  PRINCE  RANJITSINHJI,  JAM  OF  NAWANAGAR,  personal  service 
in  the  field.  THE  WAZIRIS. — Offer  to  hold  themselves  responsible  for  the  main- 
tenance of  peace  and  order,  thereby  releasing  the  Government  troops. 


149 

REVIEWS. 
CANADA  AND  ITS  PROVINCES. 

ATTENTION  has  already  been  directed  to  the  remarkable  series  of  volumes  entitled 
41  Canada  and  its  Provinces  "*,  the  English  edition  of  which  is  now  being  published  by 
Messrs.  T.  &  A.  Constable.  No  apology  is  needed  for  reverting  to  this  subject 
because  there  has  never  before  been  issued  so  excellent  a  series  of  books  dealing  with 
any  British  Dominion.  The  nature  of  the  undertaking  perhaps  may  be  best  judged 
from  the  notice  contained  in  the  November  number  of  this  journal.  A  more  careful 
perusal  of  the  contents  of  some  of  the  volumes  has  convinced  the  reviewer  that  not 
only  are  they  of  special  authority,  but  that  the  general  plan,  in  view  of  the  great 
difficulty  of  co-ordinating  a  co-operative  work  of  this  nature,  is  admirably  conceived 
and  excellently  carried  out. 

In  the  present  notice  attention  will  be  concentrated  upon  volumes  7  to  14,  and  although 
it  is  obviously  impossible  to  deal  with  them  adequately,  the  scope  of  their  contents 
may  be  briefly  indicated.  The  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  volumes  deal  with  the  Political 
Evolution  of  the  Dominion,  and  of  the  various  able  articles  contained  in  this  division 
by  far  the  most  important  are  those  by  Messrs.  N.  B.  Wormwith  and  James  White, 
dealing  with  the  Fisheries  Arbitrations,  and  Boundary  Disputes  and  Treaties,  respec- 
tively. The  latter  in  particular,  by  the  Chief  Geographer  of  the  Department  of  the 
Interior  and  a  noted  authority  upon  the  Canadian  boundary  negotiations,  contains  all 
that  is  essential  to  a  careful  study  of  this  subject.  Mr.  White  sums  up  the  various 
cases  with  great  ability  and,  moreover,  with  scrupulous  fairness.  His  judgment  upon 
the  part  played  by  Lord  Alverstone  in  the  Alaska  Boundary  Award,  which  created  so 
much  dissatisfaction  in  Canada,  may  be  quoted  as  an  indication  of  Mr.  White's  careful 
work : — "  Taking  the  question  as  a  whole ",  he  writes,  "  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
that  it  should  be  settled ;  with  the  exception  mentioned,  it  would  not  have  been 
settled  without  practically  all  the  concessions  that  were  made,  and  Lord  Alverstone  ia 
therefore  entitled  to  much  more  lenient  judgment  than  he  has  generally  received.  So 
much  cannot  be  said  for  the  United  States  members  of  the  tribunal ". 

Turning  to  the  two  volumes  dealing  with  the  Industrial  Expansion  of  Canada,  it 
ia  found  that  these  open  with  a  lucid  survey  of  the  Physical  Basis  of  Canada  by 
Mr.  R.  W.  Brock,  one  of  the  best  geological  authorities  in  Canada.  An  article  of  thia 
nature  is  of  special  value  as  an  introduction  to  the  economic  development  which  is  so 
closely  dependent  upon  Canada's  physical  characteristics.  The  railway  development  is 
dealt  with  by  Mr.  Simon  McLean,  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Railway  Commissioners, 
who  describes  the  remarkable  railway  policy  of  the  Dominion ;  whilst  Mr.  M.  J.  Patton 
writes  about  the  wonderful  canal  system  and  the  shipping  interests  of  Canada.  Volumes 
thirteen  and  fourteen  relate  to  the  Atlantic  Provinces.  Of  special  interest  in  this 
section  is  an  excellent  article  by  the  Rev.  W.  O.  Raymond,  one  of  the  leading  authorities 
on  the  history  of  the  Maritime  Provinces,  upon  the  Acadian  Settlements.  With  respect 
to  Sir  William  Alexander's  Colony,  the  author  adopts  the  view  that  "the  attempt  was 
not  as  puerile  as  it  may  at  first  sight  appear  " — a  view  that  has  recently  been  expressed 
in  these  columns  by  another  writer.  Of  the  volumes  under  notice,  perhaps  the  most 
interesting  to  the  general  reader  are  the  two  which  are  devoted  to  Missions,  Arts,  and 
Letters.  The  articles  dealing  with  Canadian  literature,  painting,  sculpture,  architecture, 
and  music  give  a  good  idea  of  the  "spiritual"  progress  of  the  Dominion. 

*  Canada  and  its  Provinces  :  a  History  of  the  Canadian  People  and  their  Institutions.  General 
Editors:  Adam  Shortt  and  Arthur  G.  Doughty.  22  vols.  and  Index.  Roy.  8vo.  Portraits, 
illust.,  and  maps.  Edinburgh  Edition.  T.  &  A.  Constable,  for  the  Publishers'  Association 
of  Canada,  Toronto.  1914. 


150  REVIEWS. 

MALTA  AND  GIBRALTAR. 

"  THE  story  of  the  Maltese  is  the  story  of  the  human  race  from  its  crudest  beginnings 
to  its  highest  development.  The  marvellous  antiquities  in  Malta  include  the  finest 
megalithic  monuments  in  existence,  and  tell  of  a  prehistoric  people  who  had  attained 
a  mentality  and  social  order  surpassing  that  of  contemporary  races  elsewhere."  Even 
a  cursory  glance  at  the  well  illustrated  and  excellently  printed  volume  upon  Malta 
and  Gibraltar.*  edited  by  Mr.  Allister  Macmillan,  will  convince  the  reader  of  the 
remarkable  interest  of  Malta  for  the  archaeologist,  the  historian,  and  the  tourist, 
A  closer  inspection  will  soon  demonstrate  the  absolute  truth  of  the  claim  made  in 
the  preface ;  for  the  historical  introduction  by  Dr.  Augusto  Bartolo,  an  admirable 
piece  of  work  written  by  a  gentleman  steeped  in  the  lore  of  his  native  land,  and 
the  Archaeological  chapter  by  Professor  Zammit,  the  Curator  of  the  Valletta  Museum, 
are  of  the  deepest  interest  and  show  how  rich  is  the  storied  past  of  Malta.  There 
are  several  features  of  special  interest  in  this  volume.  The  article  upon  the  Maltese 
Nobility,  an  interesting  subject  which  has  not  been  altogether  adequately  dealt  with, 
and  those  upon  the  Maltese  Corps  of  the  British  Army  (the  first  Colonial  troops  that 
were  employed  in  the  battles  of  the  present  Empire),  by  Colonel  A.  G.  Chesney,  and 
upon  the  Position  of  Malta  in  the  British  Empire,  by  Dr.  Bartolo,  are  cases  in  point. 
The  portion  of  the  volume  describing  Gibraltar  is  naturally  of  less  interest,  although 
an  excellent  historical  article  by  Major  W.  D.  J.  Pollard,  the  Librarian  of  the  Garrison 
Library,  is  of  special  interest.  The  publishers  of  this  volume  are  to  be  congratulated 
on  the  production  of  an  admirable  reference  work  which  should  be  consulted  by<  all 
who  are  interested  in  these  two  important  links  in  the  chain  of  Empire. 


THREE  BIOGRAPHIES; 

THE  biography  of  Lord  Roberts  by  Sir  George  Forrest  is  a  readable  and  not  too 
detailed  narrative  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  our  soldiers,  f  Lord  Roberts  was 
universally  esteemed  for  his  integrity  and  soldier-like  qualities.  In  this  straightforward 
and  simple  narrative  of  his  career  Sir  George  Forrest  shows  why  it  was  that  he  secured 
so  large  a  measure  of  respect.  He  was  above  all  things  the  embodiment  of  integrity, 
and  he  placed  before  all  other  considerations  the  welfare  of  his  native  country.  Probably 
the  task  of  writing  a  biography  of  this  nature  could  not  have  been  entrusted  to  better 
hands  than  those  of  Sir  George  Forrest,  whose  long  association  with  India  and  work  as 
Director  of  Records,  coupled  with  an  intimate  knowledge  of  Indian  history,  render 
him  peculiarly  fitted  to  estimate  the  value  of  Lord  Roberts'  services  to  this  country. 
The  materials  for  the  life  of  Lord  Roberts  are  fortunately  abundant,  and  the  only 
difficulty  that  can  have  confronted  Sir  George  Forrest  is  the  making  of  a  suitable 
selection  so  as  to  show  the  main  facts  and  the  chief  services  of  a  life  so  singularly 
fruitful  This  Sir  George  Forrest  has  ably  accomplished,  for  the  biography  is  well- 
balanced  when  judged  from  the  standpoint  of  the  relative  importance  of  his  achieve- 
ments. The  main  object  of  the  work  being  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  his  own 
judgment  of  this  great  soldier  by  a  clear  presentation  of  his  services  in  three  main 
events  in  the  annals  of  England  —  the  Indian  Mutiny,  the  Second  Afghan  War,  and 
the  Boer  War  —  many  interesting  particulars  have  necessarily  been  sacrificed ;  but  room 
has  nevertheless  been  found  for  a  short  account  of  "  the  last  glorious  campaign,"  when 
Lord  Roberts  bravely  and  unhesitatingly,  at  a  period  when  others  have  been  content 
to  rest  after  their  labours,  shouldered  a  new  burden.  His  vigorous  campaign  on  behalf 
of  National  Service  was  the  ultimate  test  of  his  sincerity  and  sense  of  duty. 

*  Malta  and  Gibraltar  illustrated :  historical  and  descriptive,  commercial  and  industrial 
facts,  figures,  and  resources.  Compiled  and  edited  by  Allister  Macmillan.  4to.  Portraits 
and  illust.  Pp.  515.  London :  W.  H.  &  L.  Collingridge.  1915.  80  oz.— 63*. 

t  Forrest,  Sir  George.  The  Life  of  Lord  Roberts.  8vo.  Portraits  and  illust.  Pp.  viiL-380. 
London  :  Cassell  &  Co.  1914.  36  oz.— 16*. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  151 

Jin  the  biography  of  Lord  Strathcona  *  by  Mr.  William  T.  R.  Preston,  a  Canadian  'who 
for  some  years  served  in  the  press  gallery  at  Ottawa  and  was  subsequently  Commis- 
sioner of  Emigration,  we  read  the  record  of  a  very  different  man.  Mr.  Preston  writes 
of  Lord  Strathcona  with  a  frankness  that  is  almost  brutal,  yet  the  biography  fascinates 
and  attracts  because  it  reveals  so  much  of  the  under-side  of  Canadian  politics.  Lord 
Strathcona's  career  and  services  are  well  known;  but  Mr.  Preston  manages  to  create 
the  impression  that  whatever  he  did  was  for  the  good  of  himself,  "  and,  what  is  worst  of 
all,"  quotes  Mr.  Preston  in  what  for  want  of  better  may  be  termed  an  introduction,  "  could 
you  surmount  all  those  concentric  outworks,  you  have  an  inner  citadel,  deeper,  higher, 
and  more  efficient  than  all — a  Scotchman's  love  for  himself  ".  The  story  as  related  by 
Mr.  Preston  certainly  places  Lord  Strathcona  in  a  very  unfavourable  light ;  but  the 
reader  is  at  liberty  to  judge  for  himself  whether  he  were  really  as  bad  as  his  latest 
portrait. 

1  he  third  biography  is  that  of  General  Sir  Harry  Prendergast,  the  Happy  Warrior. f 
Colonel  Henry  Vibart  in  writing  the  record  of  this  fine  old  soldier  has  performed  a 
labour  of  love.  It  is  a  tribute  to  an  old  and  valued  friend.  General  Prendergast  had 
a  varied  and  useful  career.  He  served  in  the  Persian  War  and  with  the  Malwa  Field 
Force  in  1857,  and  received  the  Victoria  Cross  in  the  same  year  that  Lord  Roberta 
secured  that  coveted  distinction.  He  was  employed  in  the  Abyssinian  War  and 
commanded  the  expedition  that  resulted  in  the  annexation  of  Upper  Burma,  and  after- 
wards rendered  distinguished  service  in  political  employment  in  India.  Sir  Harry 
Prendergast's  life  as  recorded  by  Colonel  Vibart  is  undoubtedly  of  great  interest,  and  the 
biography  serves  to  remind  a  somewhat  ungrateful  and  certainly  forgetful  countrv  of 
what  it  really  owes  to  the  services  of  this  distinguished  soldier. 


BOOK   NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

Rose,    J.    Holland.  —  The    Development    of    the    European    Nations,    1870-1900.     8vo.      Maps. 

Pp.  xvii-619.      London  :   Constable  &  Co.     1914.     7s.  6d. 
Rose,  J.   Holland. — The  Origins  of  the   War  :  Lectures  delivered  in  the  Michaelmas  Term,  1914. 

12mo.     Pp.  201.     Cambridge  ;  University  Press.     London  :  C.  F.  Clay.     1914.     12  oz.— 

2*.   Qd. 

The  above  two  books  contain  all  that  it  is  necessary  to  know  of  the  causes  that  have  led 
to  the  present  war.  The  first  is  the  fourth  edition  of  a  book  published  in  1905,  and  is  the 
best  account  in  English  of  the  development  of  modern  Europe  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
Franco-German  War  in  1870.  The  causes  of  that  war  are  clearly  shown,  and  the  events  of 
wh  ch  it  was  the  forerunner — the  founding  of  the  Third  Republic  and  of  the  German  Empiie 
— are  adequately  described.  Dr.  Holland  Rose  writes  wi  h  a  masteily  touch.  Though  nuch 
of  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  last  forty  years  still  remains  to  be  written,  sufficient  is 
known  to  render  Dr.  Rose's  work  a  most  inteiesting  study.  The  author  writes  with  a  clear 
grasp  of  modern  European  history  and,  moreover,  with  an  appreciation  of  the  great  move- 
ments that  render  the  period  under  review  one  of  the  most  important  epochs  of  modern 
times.  His  chapters  dealing  with  the  Central  Asian  question,  Britain  in  Egypt,  the  Paitition 
of  Africa,  the  Congo  Free  State,  and  Russia  in  the  Far  East  convey  a  vivid  impiession  of 
the  forces  that  have  been  leading  to  the  present  catastiojhe.  Dr.  Rose's  lectuies  en  I 
Origins  of  the  War  contain  in  a  concise  form  a  great  deal  of  infoimation  that  is  of  the 
utmost  value  to  the  student  of  history.  Concise,  clear,  lucid,  and  altogether  admirable,  they 
reveal  the  reasons  that  have  prompted  Germany  to  try  the  arbitrament  of  war.  Dr.  Pos« 
does  not  regard  the  present  war  as  having  been  "inevitable",  but  a  careful  perusal  of  1 
lectuies  can  lead  to  no  other  conclusion  than  that  nothing  short  of  a  miiacle  could  have 
prevented  a  fatal  clash  of  interests  between  Great  Britain  and  Geimany.  The  fiist  tbajter 
on  Anglo-German  Rivalry,  revealing  as  it  does  the  tendency  of  German  policy  in  South 

*  Hreston,  W.  T.  R.  The  Life  and  Times  of  Lord  Strathcona,  8vo.  Portrait.  Pp. 
ix-324.  London :  Eveleigh  Nash.  1914.  24  oz. — Is.  6d. 

t  Vibart,  Colonel  Henry  M.  The  Life  of  General  Sir  Harry  M.  N.  D.  Prendergatt.  8vo. 
Portraits  and  illust.  Pp.  ix-445.  London  :  Eveleigh  Nash.  1914.  32  oz. — 16». 


152  BOOK  NOTICES. 

Africa,  demonstrates  how  persistently  Germans  have  striven  to  enlarge  the  scope  of  their 
Colonial  enterprises,  whilst  that  dealing  with  the  Morocco  Crisis  shows  that  an  equally  fatal 
policy  was  being  pursued  with  regard  to  France.  The  lecture  upon  the  Bagdad  Railway 
contains  a  good  deal  of  information  that  has  not  hitherto  been  available  for  English  readers 
and  reveals  the  true  inwardness  of  German  policy  in  the  Near  East.  An  admirable 
character -sketch  of  the  Kaiser,  based  upon  information  supplied  by  those  who  have  been 
in  close  touch  with  the  Supreme  War  Lord,  is  worth  careful  study,  and  is,  moreover,  bright- 
ened by  a  number  of  epigrams,  such  as  "  a  ruler  whom  the  gods  wished  to  destroy  they 
endow  with  eloquence ",  and  "  his  Christianity  has  somehow  stopped  short  at  the  Book 
of  Kings",  that  strike  right  home. 

Dimnet,  Ernast.  —  France  Herself  Again-  8vo.  Pp.  xii-511.  London :  Chatto  &  Windus. 
1914.  16*. 

i  In  the  above  book  the  Abbe  Dimnet  deals  brilliantly  from  the  psychological  standpoint 
with  the  regeneration  of  modern  France.  The  comparatively  recent  change  of  tempera- 
ment in  the  French  has  been  remarked  by  a  number  of  writers.  Its  significance  was 
perhaps  first  properly  appreciated  at  the  time  of  the  Morocco  Crisis,  when  the  French  Re- 
public was  confronted  with  the  power  of  Germany  for  the  first  time  since  the  eventful 
crisis  of  1875.  The  Abbe  Dimnet,  whoso  admirable  use  of  our  language  cannot  fail  t«. 
command  respect,  sees  in  the  new  France  a  renaissance  of  all  that  is  best  in  the  French 
nation.  The  keynote  of  his  study  is  struck  in  the  following  significant  passage : — "  Now 
if  it  seems  certain  that  the  gradual  return  of  France  to  her  traditional  habits  of  mind, 
along  with  the  political  necessities  she  has  to  face,  must  sooner  or  later  bring  her  back 
to  a  regime  in  \\hich  the  multitude  will  no  longer  be  ruler,  it  seems  no  less  certain  that 
the  rise  of  the  lower  classes  cannot  and  will  not  be  impeded.  The  word  democracy 
means  two  very  different  things  :  it  moans  first  of  all,  the  absurdity  which  places  sovereignty 
in  numbers  and  entrusts  the  responsibility  of  the  common  welfare  to  those  who  are  the 
least  able  to  bear  it,  but  it  also  means  the  extension  of  better  material  conditions  and 
of  a  higher  intellectual  and  moral  culture  to  those  who  so  far  have  not  had  the  benefit 
of  them".  What  the  new  democracy  means  in  France,  which  his  hitherto  been  the  prey 
of  warring  factions,  each  contending  for  the  Gallic  flesh-pots,  is  clearly  shown  by  the  Abb6 
Dimnet,  who  is  to  be  congratula  ed  on  one  of  the  clearest  and  most  satisfactory  book* 
upon  the  development  of  French  nationalism. 

Moses,  Bernard. — The  Spanish  Dependencies  in  South  America :  an  Introduction  to  the  History 
of  their  Civilisation.  2  vols.  8vo.  Pp.  xxvi-394— 444.  London :  Smith  Elder  &  Co. 
1914.  54  oz.— 21«. 

The  development  of  South  America  which  during  the  past  decade  has  advanced  so  greatly 
both  in  culture  and  material  civilization;  the  opening  of  new  markets  and  the  develop- 
ment of  old  ones ;  the  rapid  growth  in  population,  particularly  in  the  larger  cities ;  and 
the  exploitation  of  the  immense  agricultural  resources  of  the  continent ;  have  attracted 
special  attention  to  the  great  Republics  of  the  South.  The  result,  from  a  literary  point 
of  view,  has  been  the  output  of  a  large  number  of  books  dealing  with  each  republic  in 
detail.  Dr.  Bernard  Moses,  Professor  in  the  University  of  California  and  an  authority 
upon  the  history  of  Spanish  America,  contributes  an  able  study  of  the  bases  of  Latin- 
American  civilisation  in  the  two  volumes  under  notice.  Although  his  book  cannot  be  re- 
garded as  a  co-ordinated  study,  which  is  perhaps  impossible  owing  to  the  nature  of  Spanish- 
American  history,  it  contains  a  number  of  careful  studies  of  the  pre-Republican  period 
that  convey  a  clear  impression  of  South  America  during  the  Spanish  regime.  His  book 
aims  to  present  an  account  of  the  organisation  and  development  of  the  political  societies 
in  the  different  States  depend  nt  upon  Spain  between  the  years  1550  and  1730,  and  it 
is  of  great  value  to  the  student  of  comparative  colonisation  as  well  as  of  much  interest 
to  the  historical  student.  The  relations  between  Spain  and  her  dependent  colonies  in 
America  were  so  entirely  different  from  those  between  Britain  and  her  overseas  possessions 
that  the  English  reader  cannot  fail  to  derive  benefit  from  the  study  of  a  system  so  radically 
opposed  to  British  ideals. 

Southern    India.     Painted  by    Lady    Lawley.     Described    by    F.    E.    Penny.     8vo.     Pp.  xi-257. 

Coloured  Illust.     London  :    A.  &  C.   Black.     1914.     40  oz. — 205. 

3  The  books  containing  coloured  illustrations  issued  by  Messrs.  A.  &  C.  Black  are  so  well 
known  that  it  seem*  al;n  >st  unnecessary  to  call  attention  to  the  latest  volume  in  this  series. 
They  are  essentially  books  to  be  treasured  in  a  private  library  and  to  be  valued  from  the 
artistic  standpoint.  Lady  Lawley's  illustrations  in  this  book  on  Southern  India  are  good 
studios  of  native  life,  and  convey  a  vivid  impression  of  the  variety  of  costume  and  wealth 
of  colour  that  mike  India  so  interesting  to  the  artist.  The  letterpress  by  Mr.  F.  E.  Penny 
is,  in  itself,  sufficiently  interesting,  but  the  value  of  the  book  lies  in  the  excellent  portrayal 
of  native  life  and  costume. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  153 

Singh,    Saint    Nihal. — India's  Fighters :    Their  Mettle,  History,  and  Services  to   Britain.     12mo. 

Pp.   xii-252.     I'lust.     London :    Sampson   Low,  Marston   &  Co.     1914.     16  oz. 3a.   6d. 

A  book  particularly  welcome  at  the  present  juncture.  Mr.  Saint  Nihal  Singh  describee 
India's  fighting  clans  and  the  part  they  have  played  in  the  armies  of  India  and  of  the 
native  princes.  The  illustrations  convoy  a  good  idea  of  the  different  types  of  India's  fighting 
men. 

The  Autobiography  of  Maharashi  Devendranath  Tagore.     8vo.     Pp.  xlii-295.     Portrait.     London  • 
Macmillan  &  Co.     1914.     22  oz.— 7*.   Qd. 

Those  who  have  delighted  in  the  wonderful  pooms  of  Rabindranath  Tagore  cannot  fail 
to  be  interested  in  the  Autobiography  of  his  father.  His  life,  it  is  stated,  is  a  "  document 
of  absorbing  interest ;  one  more  amongst  the  small  number  of  authentic  histories  of  the  soul. 
This  book  must  rank  with  the  few  classic  autobiographies  bequeathed  to  us  by  certain  of 
the  mystics  and  saints.  .  .  .  Apart  from  its  other  high  merits,  it  is  a  valuable  weapon  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  seek  to  justify  the  psychological  view  of  mysticism ".  It  is  not  a 
book  to  be  lightly  taken  up  or  hastily  thrown  down,  and  those  whose  materialism  does  not 
permit  them  to  appreciate  the  things  of  the  spirit  had  better  leave  it  alone.  But  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  much  of  the  high  praise  bestowed  upon  the  writer  in  the  introduction  ia 
fully  justified,  and  the  book  must  be  heartily  commended  as  a  unique  and  beautiful  personal 
document. 

William  Foster. — The  English  Factories  in  India,  1640-1650 .-  A  Calendar  of  Document* 
in  the  India  Office.  8vo".  Pp.  xxxii-362.  Illust.  Oxford :  Clarendon  Press.  1914. 
26  oz.— 12*.  6d. 

The  new  volume  of  the  English  Factories  in  India,  covering  the  years  1646—50,  contains 
an  instance  of  the  dangers  incurred  when  priceless  historical  documents  are  sent  across  th» 
sea.  Of  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  documents  for  1646-7,  states  Mr.  Foster  in  tho 
preface,  the  real  place  of  origin  is  the  Bombay  Record  Office.  In  order  that  the  calendering 
might  be  done  from  the  documents  themselves,  the  Bombay  government  sent  home  the  first 
volume  of  their  Surat  Factory  Inward  Letter  Book.  Unfortunately,  on  the  return  voyage, 
the  vessel  carrying  this  volume  was  wrecked.  However,  a  copy  had  been  made  and  thus 
the  loss  was  not  irreparable.  Many  interesting  particulars  of  the  English  in  India  during 
this  period  are  to  be  gleaned  from  Mr.  Foster's  carefully  edited  book.  We  learn  that  the  officials 
were  not  above  doing  a  little  private  trading  of  their  own  whenever  they  had  the  opportunity. 
Thus  the  President  at  Surat,  Francis  Breton,  got  into  trouble  for  trading  in  silk.  Nevertheless,  » 
handsome  monument  was  erected  to  him  at  his  death.  Another  of  the  Company's  servants,  Joshua 
Blackwell,  turned  Mohammedan  and  his  "  damned  apostasy  "  caused  some  sensation.  But  it  did 
not  enable  Blackwell  to  make  his  fortune,  and  he  soon  had  cause  to  renounce  his  "  fowle " 
heresy  and  re-adopt  the  Christian  virtues. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore.  Through  the  Wilderness.  8vo.  Maps  and  Illust.  London :  John  Murray. 
1914.  18d. 

The  results  of  ex-President  Roosevelt's  journey  in  South  America  have  already  been 
made  familiar  by  means  of  his  own  lecture  before  the  Royal  Geographical  Society  and  tha 
newspaper  controversy  regarding  his  discoveries  in  the  Brazilian  wilderness.  The  full  account 
of  the  journey  now  issued  in  "  Through  the  Brazilian  Wilderness  "  supplements  and  extends 
particulars  already  known.  Briefly  stated,  Mr.  Roosevelt  and  his  associates  put  upon  the  map 
a  river  some  fifteen  hundred  kilometres  in  length,  "  of  which  the  upper  course  was  not 
merely  unknown  to,  but  unguessed  at  by,  anybody ;  while  the  lower  course,  although  known 
for  years  to  a  few  '  rubber  '  men,  was  utterly  unknown  to  cartographers ".  This  in  itself  wa» 
no  mean  achievement  in  a  world  that  has  become  so  narrowed  by  the  efforts  of  explorers 
and  the  triumphs  of  steam  and  electricity  as  to  afford  little  scope  for  fresh  geographical 
discoveries.  Zoologically  the  trip  was  a  thorough  success.  Many  new  birds,  reptiles,  and 
fishes  were  discovered  in  a  region  that  had  never  previously  been  worked  by  any  scientific 
«xplorers.  Mr.  Roosevelt  may  therefore  claim  a  place  amongst  men  who  have  added  to  tho 
sum  of  our  geographical  and  zoological  knowledge.  The  record  of  his  journey  is  a  fascinating 
and  enthralling  volume.  Not  only  are  we  transported  to  an  unknown  region,  but  wo  are 
made  to  realise  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  a  trip  through  the  Amazonian  territories  where 
life  is  BO  abundant  and  the  forces  of  nature  so  primitive  that  man  is  engaged  in  a  continuous 
battle  to  maintain  his  existence.  Mr.  Roosevelt,  as  a  keen  naturalist,  was  in  his  clement 
amidst  these  primeval  surroundings,  and  the  reader  who  follows  the  course  of  the  expedition 
oanuot  fail  to  be  almost  as  much  interested  in  the  qualities  of  a  man  capable  of  casting  off 
the  restraints  of  civilisation  to  plunee  into  the  unknown,  as  in  the  valuable  results  of  th» 
Expedicao-Scientifica  Roosevelt-Rondon.  The  book  is  well  illustrated. 


154 

CORRESPONDENCE. 

Impressions  of  a  New  Fellow. — I  would  like  to  tell  you  how  very  greatly  I 
appreciate  the  advantages  offered  by  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 

I  am  an  author  and  journalist  by  profession,  and  have  been  a  student  of  Empire 
for  a  great  many  years.  Although  I  have  travelled  over  the  whole  of  Canada,  and 
although  I  thought  that  I  was  particularly  well-informed  about  the  grandeur  and 
meaning  of  the  British  Empire,  I  must  say  that  I  was  amazed  when  I  entered  your 
Institute.  The  enormous  collection  of  Colonial  literature,  and  especially  your  newspaper 
reading-room,  made  upon  me  an  absolutely  overwhelming  impression.  From  maps  and 
statistics  one  can  grasp  the  extent  and  the  resources  of  the  British  Empire.  But  one 
cannot  realise  its  meaning  as  a  civile  ing  force.  1  he  sight  of  hundreds  and  hundred* 
of  large  and  well  got  up  dailies  and  weeklies  from  every  part  of  the  British  Empire, 
displayed  in  your  Institute  enables  one  best  to  focus  at  a  glance  the  Empire's  true 
significance  as  an  instrument  of  civili;  ation.  1  here  are  newspapers  from  the  ends  of 
the  world,  from  every  Canadian,  Australian,  and  African  district,  from  far-away  China 
and  Manchuria  and  from  obscure  islands  and  cities,  testifying  to  the  vigour  and  the 
vitality  of  the  English  race  all  over  the  world. 

As  an  author  and  a  journalist,  I  value  the  advantage  of  being  a  Fellow  of  your 
Institute  so  greatly  that  I  think  that  every  author  and  journalist  in  the  United 
Kingdom  will  do  well  to  become  a  Member.  He  will  not  only,  perhaps  for  the  first 
time  in  his  life,  realise  the  significance  of  the  British  Empire,  but  he  will  be  provided 
with  invaluable  information.  Your  library  is  to  the  student  of  Empire  far  more  valuable 
than  that  of  the  British  Museum.  It  is  far  richer  and  far  more  accessible.  Besides, 
it  is  well  provided  with  general  literature  and  reference  books  of  every  kind.  The 
catalogue  is  excelent.  Authors  and  journalists  will  find  at  your  Institute  all  the 
information  they  may  desire,  as  it  is  at  the  same  time  a  library  and  a  club,  and  they 
can  study  the  subject  they  are  interested  in  sitting  in  a  comfortable  arm-chair,  smoking 
a  cigar,  or  sipping  their  tea. 

I  hope  that  you,  Sir,  will  find  an  opportunity  to  insert  my  letter  in  your  monthly 
publication.  I  would  like  my  views  to  reach  many  of  my  brother  journalists  who, 
I  am  sure,  will  find  it  to  their  great  advantage  to  become  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute.  J.  ELLIS  BARKER. 

/ 

Lord  Meath  and  Fmpire  Day. — In  ord^r  to  supplement  the  information  published 
on  pages  667  and  668  of  your  August  number,  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  "  Manual 
of  School  Law  for  Nova  Scotia  for  1911  '  ,  which  on  pages  166  to  168  contains  the 
Empire  Day  Regulations  of  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia,  together  with  an  historical 
note.  The  writer  was  the  President  of  the  Dominion  Education  Association  which 
met  in  Halifax  in  1898,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  Hon.  G.  W.  Ross  presented  the 
case  of  the  Empire  Day  to  the  Association  and  secured  its  passage  by  a  unanimous 
vote.  The  recommendation  of  the  Association  was  presented  to  each  of  the  Education 
departments  of  the  Dominion.  Nova  Scotia  was  the  first  to  take  action — on  August  18, 
1898.  The  Regulations  were  published  in  the  Nova  Scotia  Journal  of  Education  before 
either  Quebec  or  Ontario  had  adopted  the  recommendation. 

To  this  historical  note  I  may  add  that  it  was  Lord  Meath  who  made  the  institution 
a  real  Empire  Day.  His  Empire  Day  however,  was  only  the  second  of  the  two 
days  devoted  to  it  in  Canada,  where  Empire  Day  falls  on  May  23 — this  school-day  being 
devoted  to  the  study  of  the  Empire  as  generally  defined  in  the  Nova  Scotian  Regula- 
tions, which  were  the  first  passed  and  published.  May  24,  Lord  Meath's  "  Empire 
Day ".  known  as  "  Victoria  Day ",  rounds  out  the  work  in  an  Imperial  holiday. 

Mr.  J.  Castell  Hopkins,  in  his  brochure  "  1  he  Origin  and  History  of  Empire  Day ", 
appears  to  be  acquainted  with  little  more  than  the  Ontario  phase  of  the  movement. 

A.  H.  MACKAY, 

Superintendent  of  Education,  Nova  Scotia 
(Life  Fellow  of  the  Institute). 


155 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING   HAVE  BEEN   ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (3) : 

Alfred  Buxton,  J.  C.  Thierens,  Ernest  Wimnu. 

[Non-Resident  Fellows  (82) : 

AUSTRALIA. — Joseph  R.  0.  Adams  (Adelaide),  H.  C.  B>idgc  (Sydnfy).  Edmund  CoveU 
(Sydney).  William  P.  Dobson  (Launcestan),  H.E.  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Wittiam  0.  Ellison- 
Macartney,  K.C.M.Q.  (Hobart),  P.  Oakley  Fysh,  Jnn.  (Launceston),  J.  T.  Qlowrey  (Perth), 
iames  T.  Grose  (Sydney)  Colonel  George  E.  Harrap,  V.D.  (Launceston),  Wittiam  G.  Hearne 
(Geelong),  Hon.  W.  A.  Holman,  M.L.A.  (Sydney),  Tebbens  Hordern  (Sydney),  Thomas  J. 
Hurley  (Sydney),  Albert  G.  McDonald  (Sydney),  Hugh  D.  Mclntosh  (Sydney),  Colonel 
W.  Martin,  V.D.  (Launceston),  Clive  L.  Mitter  (Sydney),  Frederick  C.  M  ttin  (Sydney), 
Roderick  Murchison  (Melbourne),  Robert  L.  Parker  (Launceston),  Colonel  S.  A.  Peihe- 
bridge,  C.M.G.  (Melbourne),  H.  K.  8.  R'isden  (Launceston),  James  Sadler  (Adelaide), 
Hon.  Robert  S.  Scott  (Launceston),  Percy  C.  Smith  (Launceston),  Capt.  B.  C.  A. 
Steuart  (Victoria),  Dudley  Trenchard  (Melbourn)  Hardwicke  Weedon  (Launceston),  George 
F,  Whybrow  (Papua),  Hon.  B.  R.  Wise,  K.C.  (Sydney). 

CANADA.— Dillon  Coste  (Calgary),  Major  A.  E.  G.  McKenzie. 

NEW  ZEALAND— John  G.  Bell  (Napier),  James  I.  Cato  (Napier),  John  Chambers 
[Hawkes  Bay),  Robert  Harding  (Hastings),  Lt.-Colonel  W.  H.  Hazard  (Auckland),  G.  Innes 
[Auckland),  Benjamin  Kent,  J.P.  (Auckland),  John  P.  Lethbridge  (Hastings),  Arnaitd 
McKettar  (Christchurch),  James  S.  McLeod  (Hastings),  Hon.  John  D.  Ormond,  M.L.O. 
(Napier),  Rogers  Rowland  (Auckland),  Francis  W.  Triggs  (Napier),  Hubert  E.  Vaile 
(Auckland),  Charles  D.  Wilson  (Hawkes  Bay),  Percival  L.  Witherby  (Napier),  David  3. 
Wylie,  F.R.C.S.  (New  Plymouth). 

SOUTH  AFRICA.— -James  W.  S.  Clunas,  A.M.I.Mech.E.  (Cape  Town),  John  Munro 
(Pretoria).  BECHUANALAND.— Allan  Cuzen,  Henry  W.  Haldenstein,  Herbert  T.  Parr, 
Edward  1.  Phillipps.  BORNEO.— W.  F.  L.  Adolphy,  Herbert  J.  R.  Beckett.  CEYLON.— 
Arthur  S.  Collett  (Colombo),  Henry  J.  Crosskey  (C  lombo).  FIJI.— Henry  J.  Reid.  INDIA.— 
Arthur  M.  Berkeley  (Chittagong).  RHODESIA— Harold  L.  Savory  (Hartley).  WEST  AFRICA. 
— Leslie  E.  Andrews  (Axim),  Stephen  C.  C.  Bate  (Naraguta),  Roger  Richards  (Tarquah), 
Thomas  E.  Wilson  (Patani).  AKGENTINE. — Charles  C.  Alexander  (Buenos  Aires),  George 
Jf.  Comber  (Buenos  Aires),  Robert  H.  P.  Drought,  Cuthbert  K.  Hackett  (Cholila),  Douglas 
Hope  Johnston  (Buenos  Aires),  Eric  A.  Johnston  (Rosario),  Charles  Murchland  (General 
Lavalle),  John  B.  Rutledge  (Alejandro),  T.  E.  Tidbutt  (Tucuman),  H.  S.  Walker  (Buenos 
Aires),  Arthur  R.  Yeomans  (Nueve  de  Julio).  BRAZIL. — Charles  D.  Simmons  (Rio  de 
Janeiro).  IVORY  COAST.— Charles  F.  Grassland  (Tiassale).  MEXICO.— T.  D.  Brown 
{Tampico).  NICARAGUA.— Frederick  L.  Thomas  (La  Libertad).  VENEZUELA.— Robert  E.  B. 
Vinicombe  (Aroa)t 

Associates  (4) : 

Mrs.  Finch,  Mrs.  Jack  (Dunedin,  Neto  Zealand),  Miss  Margaret  J.  Nairne  (Ipoh), 
Miss  Lily  B.  Williamson. 

'APPOINTMENT   OF   VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

'Rt.  'Hon.    Viscount    Gladstone,    G.C.B.,    G.C.M.G.,    Sir   Godfrey    Lagden,    K.C.M.G. 
T.  J.  Lennard,  Esq.,  J.P.,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Samuel  J.  Way,  Bart.  (South  Australia),  Rt.  Hon* 
William  F.  Massey  (Prime  Minister  of  the  Dominion  of  New  Zealand). 

APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 
'Arthur  C.  Trapp,  Esq.,  vice  E.  A.  Petherick,  Esq.,  Melbourne,  Victoria;  Major 
Henry  Brew,  Ballarat,  Victoria ;  Herbert  Robinson,  Esq.,  Albany,  Western  Australia ; 
C.  Earp,  Esq.,  v/ce  Hon.  G.  F.  Earp,  Newcastle,  New  South  Wales  ;  E.  Morris  Miller, 
Esq.,  Hobart,  Tasmania ;  W.  P.  Dobson,  Esq.,  Launceston,  Tasmania ;  Colin  C.  Hutton, 
Esq.,  Wanganui,  New  Zeaknd ;  Captain  J.  R.  Kirk,  Gisborne,  New  Zealand;  Patrick 
McLean,  Esq.,  Napier,  New  Zealand  ;  J.  W.  Napier,  Esq.,  and  Professor  F.  P.  Worley, 
Auckland,  New  Zealand ;  C.  H.  Tripp,  Esq.,  Timaru,  New  Zealand ;  Leonard  Tripp, 
Esq.,  vice  Alex.  Turnbull,  Esq.,  Wellington,  New  Zealand  ;  David  S.  Wylie,  Esq.,  F.R.C.8., 
New  Plymouth,  New  Zealand  ;  Kingsley  Fairbridge,  Esq.,  Pinjarra,  Western  Australia  j 
Alfred  Lewis,  Esq.,  Colombo,  Ceylon;  Captain  F.  S.  Bardo,  Zanzibar;  Colonel  Robert 
Logan,  Apia,  Samoa ;  E.  N.  Eastwood,  Esq.,  vice  Dr.  R.  F.  Jones,  Papua,  j 


156  NOTICE   TO   FELLOWS. 

OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  are  recorded  with  regret : 

W.  Ewing,  Capt.  Denzil  O.  C.  Newton,  M.V.O.  (died  of  wounda  in  France),  Harry 
Mosenthal  (Port  Elizabeth),  G.  N.  Hooper,  W.  H.  Rowley  (Quebec),  J.  F.  S.  Gooday, 
H.  W.  Dunn-Yarker,  Finlay  Campbell,  Archibald  Cowie,  Archibald  M.  Campbell  (Durban) 
Edwin  Donkin  (New  South  Wales),  W.  H.  Hardy  (Kimberley),  J.  L.  Taylor  (Trans- 
vaal), W.  H.  Colder  (Melbourne).  Edward  Shenton  (Perth.  Western  Australia),  J. 
Russell  Gray  (Vancouver),  J.  J.  Keswick,  John  S.  Duncan.  Owen  L.  O'Connor  (Mauritius), 
Lt.-Col.  J.  J.  Tucker  (New  Brunswick),  Senator  Hon.  R.  Jaffray  (Toronto),  J.  Dennis- 
toun  Wood  (Tasmania),  D.  L.  Harvey  (killed  in  action),  M.  V.  Wilbraham  (Gisborne, 
New  Zealand). 

PRIZE  ESSAY  COMPETITIONS. 

With  a  view  to  encouraging  the  ^tudy  of  Imperial  affairs,  the  Institute  offered  prize* 
for  competition  in  the  schools  and  universities  of  the  Empire.  The  subject  proposed 
for  the  second  annual  competition  was : — "  In  what  sense  can  an  Empire  prove  itself  to 
be  great  ?"  The  examiner,  as  in  the  case  of  the  previ  >us  \ear,  was  Professor  H.  E. 
Egerton  of  Oxford  ;  and  the  successful  candidates  were  as  follows  : — (a)  To  pupils  of  any 
college  or  school  in  the  British  Empire : — First  prize  of  £20,  presented  to  Miss  B.  J.  H.' 
Rowe,  Bournemouth  High  School  for  Girls.  Second  Prize,  of  £10.  presented  to  Mr.  H. 
Beighton,  King's  College  School,  Wimbledon,  London.  Next  in  order  was  Miss  Kathleen 
Gibberd,  County  School,  Enfield,  Middlesex,  to  whom  a  certificate  was  granted,  (b)  To 
undergraduates  of  any  university  in  the  British  Empire : — First  Prize,  of  £20,  presented 
to  Mr.  N.  A.  Turner-Smith,  of  Edinburgh  University.  Mr.  Turner-Smith's  essay  will  be 
printed  in  a  subsequent  issue  of  the  Journal.  Entries  have  not  yet  ceased  for  the  Insti- 
tute's Gold  Medal  Competition,  which  is  open  to  all  British  subjects  of  either  sex.  Th« 
prize  includes  a  grant  of  One  Hundred  Guineas,  together  with  Honorary  Fellowship  of 
the  Institute  for  .ife.  Full  particulars  will  be  supplied  on  application  to  the  Secretary. 
Entries  will  be  received  up  to  April  next. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS. 

ARRIVALS. 

'Argentine. — D.  G.  Anderson,  Capt.  K.  D.  Doyle,  C.  A.  Union,  Douglas  Nairn,  L.  9. 
Tribe.  Australia.— Edwin  T.  Evans,  A.  E.  L.  McGregor.  Canada. — E.  K.  Bacon,  H. 
Garnar  King,  Capt.  W.  Roe.  Cyprus. — H.  A.  Bros.  Guatemala. — T.  A.  M.  Smith. 
India. — F.  H.  Hamnett.  Malay  States. — Dr.  A.  K.  Cosgrave.  Mauritius. — F.  G.  A. 
Davidson,  B.  A.  Francis.  Mexico. — E.  W.  Edwards,  N.  D.  Scott.  Northern  Rhodesia. — 
J.  S.  Siandish,  R.  Goring  Thomas,  L.  S.  WateraU.  Rhodesia. — Dr.  A.  0.  P.  Reynold*. 
Roumania. — F.  Russell.  Siam. — R.  Reid.  South  Africa. — Sir  John  Buchanan.  H.  Rost 
Skinner,  R.  H.  Spence.  Straits  Settlements. — Chief  Jutice  J.  A.  S.  Bucknitt.  Swazi- 
land.—.R.  T.  Coryndon,  C.M.G.  Turkey.— Sir  Adam  J.  Block,  K.C.M.G.  West  Africa.— 
W.  J.  Barrett,  D.  R.  A.  Bettington,  Capt.  C.  W.  Chaloner,  S.  A.  Dalton,  F.  W.  Leal, 
L.  Lloyd-Roberts,  N.  K.  McCandlish,  G.  H.  Mee,  C.  N.  Monsett,  D.  J.  Oman,  H.  A. 
Prank  rd,  Capt.  G.  E.  A.  Pooh,  R.  J.  B.  Ross,  F.  Penn  Smith,  W.  Tomlinson,  R.  H. 
Wells,  W.  White. 

DEPARTURES. 
Australia.— W.     Broadbent,     H.     E.     Easton,     H.E.     Sir    Hamilton     J.     Goold-Adame, 

G.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  P.  H.  Harbutt,  A.   G.  Laidlaw,  R.  J.  C.  MaddreU.     Belgian    Congo 

N.  A.  Gavin.  Chili. — F.  H.  Townsend.  Ceylon. — G.  H.  Golledge,  Alfred  Lewis,  A.  C. 
Matthew,  F.  W.  Pett.  Malay  States.— Sir  Edward  Brockman,  K.C.M.G.  Mauritius.— 
S.  E.  Poughnet.  New  Zealand. — R.  Sherratt.  Persian  Gulf. — B.  F.  Macrorie.  South 
Africa. — J.  D.  Griffin,  John  Hardy,  Major  W.  Jardine,  E.  C.  Marklew,  W.  T.  Matravert. 

Straits   Settlements.— C.  B.  G.  Bartels,    T.    F.    Dixon.     United    States L.    Mitford   Wolff. 

West  Africa.— .R.  H.  Bunting.  H.  G.  Burr,  P.  W.  Clemens,  P.  L.  Collisson,  R.  E.  Dennett, 
A.  C.  Gaved,  W.  H.  Freer  Hitt,  J.  Joannides,  W.  H.  Kingston,  Capt.  F.  M.  Leigh  Lye, 
A.  S.  Mavrogordato,  A.  C.  Miles,  V.  L.  Newberry,  8.  Renshaw,  G.  J.  F.  Tomlinson, 
West  Indies.— C.  Wilgress  Anderson,  I.S.O.,  T.  A.  V.  Best. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  eaob  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


XVI 


AfJret  tiwments. 


«/WVVVVV\VVVWVVVVVVVVVVVAA^VVVVAAVWV^ 


OHLENDORFPS 

DISSOLVED  GUANO 


Great    Organic   Fertilizer  for 


I  TOBACCO,  COFFEE,  COCOA,  RUBBER,  &c. 


Also  SPECIAL  MANURES  for 


TBADB 


ANGLO  -  CONTINENTAL  GUANO  WORKS 


(Late  OHLENDOR7TO), 


DOCK   HOUSE,    BILLITER    STREET,  LONDON,  E.G. 

^VVV\AA/%AA^VVWVVVVVVV^A/VVVVAAA^ 


By  special  appointment  of  the 
Imperial  Japanese  Government 

Commissioners  to  the 
Japan- British  Exhibition,  1910. 


R.  H.  WEBSTER 


Colonial    Requirements    a    Speciality. 


Suits  from  84/- 


Near  G.P.O. 
and  Tube  Station. 


Telephone : 
3297  Central. 


Established 
1879. 


If  urgent,  please  telephone,  and  order  can  be  completed  in  a  (no  hour*. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  : — 

W.  H.  ALLEN,  ESQ.,  BEDFORD. 

THB  RBV   T.  8.  CABLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 

B   CHBISTISON,  ESQ.,  LODTH,  LINOS. 

T.   8.    CoTTBBBLL,    ESQ.,  J.P.,    BATH. 

CAPT.  O.  CROSPIBLD,  WARBINGTON. 
MARTIN  GRIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B    HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PUBLBY. 

A.    R.    PoNTIFEX,    ESQ.,    WINCHESTER, 
GlLBKRT    PrRVIS,    ESQ..   TORQUAY. 

COUNCILLOR  HBRBBBT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLB-ON-TYNB. 
JOHN  SPKAK.  ESQ.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON. 
PROPESHOB  R.  WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  : — 
R.  B    BENNETT.  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P..  CALOARY. 

A.  R.  CRBBLMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL. 

G    R.  DUNCAN.  ESQ.,  FORT  WILLIAM,  ONTARIO. 
HON.  D.  M.  EBBBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VICTORIA,  B.C. 

B.  FirzRANDOLpH.  FBEDEBICTON,  NEW  BBUNSWIOE. 
SIB  SANDPOBD  FLEMING,  K.C.M.G..  OTTAWA. 
CRAWPOBD  OoM>«">y,  KSQ.,  WINNIPEG. 

W.  LAWSON  GHA.*T,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 

C.  PBEDBBICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA. 
ERNEST  B.  C.  HANINGTON,  ESQ.. M.D., VICTORIA,  B.C. 
BBOINALD  V.  HARRIS.  ESQ..  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
Lr.-CoL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMBB   VIBDEN,  MANITOBA. 
Lr.-CoL.  HERBERT  D.  HCLMR,  VANCOUVER,  B.C. 
CAPT   C.  E.  JAMIBSON,  PETFRBORO,  ONTARIO. 
LEONARD  W.  JUST,  ESQ.,  MONTREAL. 

L   V    KBRR.  REOINA. 

JOHN  A.  McDouoALL,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J    McKiNERY,  BASSANO,  ALBERTA.       [TARIO. 

J.  PRBSCOTT  MERBITT.  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 

T.  J.  PABKBS.  ESQ.,  SHBBBKOOKB,  QUEBEC.   [TARIO. 

Lr.-CoL.    W.   N.    PONTON,   K.C.,   BELLEVILLB,  ON- 

Lr.-CoL.  8   W.  RAY,  PORT  ARTHUR,  ONTARIO. 

M    H.  RIOREY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

P.  M.  SCLANDERS.  ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  8.  SCOTT,  ESQ.,  HAMILTON. 

JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TORONTO 

C.  E.  SMYTH.  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT. 

H.  L.  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  COCHRANE,  ONTARIO. 

8.  .1.  WILLIAMS.  ESQ.,  BERLIN,  ONTARIO. 

COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKBS,  K.C.,  BRANTFORD,  ONTARIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  : — 
J  W  BAKKETT.  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOURNE. 
MAJOR  HKNRY  BREW,  BALLARAT.  P.  W.  CROAKER, 
ESQ.,  BRKWARRINA,  N.S.W.  w  L.  DOCKER,  ESQ., 
SYDNEY.  N.S.W.  C.  EARP.ESQ.,  NEWCASTLE,  N.S.W. 
KINOSLEY  FAIRBRIDOE.ESQ.,  PINJARRA.W.A.  H.  C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ., SYDNEY.  N.S.W.  I  N  PABKBS,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLB.  HERBERT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOR.  M.L.C..  M.D.,  BRISBANE. 
Ho*  A.  J.  THYNNB,  M.L.C.,  BRISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  E*Q.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ARTHUR  C.  TRAPP, 
ES.J,.,  MELBonRwB.Vi<-r<iRiA  D'ARCY  W.  ADDISON, 
Esg..  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER,  ESQ..  HOBART. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  PRANK  BIDDLBS, 
E*<J..,  FRKMANTLB,  W  A.  B.  H.  DARBYSHIRE,  ESQ., 
PERTH,  W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  PORT  MORESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  <'oi.  HON.  JAMBS 
AI.LK.V  M.P.,  DUNKDIN.  LEONARD  TRIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHAKLRS  C.  BOWBN, 
K.C.M.O..  M.L.C..  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHRISTCHURCH.  HON.  OLIVEB  SAMUEL,  M.L.C..AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
B.I)  ItoroLAS-McLnAN  ESQ..  AND  PATRICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIER.  W.  J.  NAPIER,  Esg.  AND  PROFESSOR 
F.  P.  WORLEY,  AITKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,. I. P. 
AND  CAPT.  J.  R.  KIRK,  GISBORNR  COLIN  C.  HUT- 
TON,  ESQ.,  WANOANUI.  C.  H.  TRIPP,  ESQ.,  TIMABU. 

Union  o!  South  Africa  : — 

CAPI  "P  GOOD  HOPE:  BARRY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PBKCY  K.  FBANCIS,  ESQ.,  POBT  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLBY.  ESQ..  J.P  ,  KIMBEBLBY. 
DAVIP  REBS,  ESQ.,  .I.P.,  KAST  LONDON.  MAJOR 
FREPR.  A.  SAUNDBRS,  F.R.C.S..  GRAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX    SoNNENBEBO,    ESQ.,   VBYBURG.         P     WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CARNARVON      J.    p.    WASSUNO, 

ESQ..  MOSSEL  BAY.     THE  VBN.  ARCHDEACON  A.  T. 

WIROMAN,  D.  D.,  D.C.L.,  PORT  FLIZABBTH. 
NATAL  :     G.    CHURTON    COLLINS      Psg   .,  DURBAN. 

!)»<  KK  A.  SHAW, ESQ.,  PIBTEBMARITZBURG.   E.  W. 

NOYCE.  ESQ.,  BOSUOBBLLO. 
OBANOK   KBEB  STATB  •    MAJOR  K.   P.  C.  APTHORP, 

CRICHTON.     C.  A.  BECK.,  ESQ.,  HLOKMFONTEIB. 


Union  of  South  Africa — continued. 
TRANSVAAL:   W.  E.  FERRYMAN.  Esq.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 
DARD   BANK    CHAMBERS,   COMMISSIONER  STREET, 
JOHANNESBURG.       F.    C.    STURBOOK,     ESQ.,    10 
GBNBRAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,     JOHANNESBURG. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSBR,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WARDBN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRBS. 
W.  B.  HARDING  GRKBN,  ESQ..  BAHIA  BLANCA. 
Bechaanaland  :  W.H.W.MURPHY,ESQ.,FRANCISTOW», 
Bermuda  :    HON.   HENRY  LUCKWABD,   HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :    O.  C.  IRVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :   CHARLES  O.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SANTOB. 

HKNRY  L.  WHBATLBY.  ESQ.,  Rio  DB  JANEIRO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBI AN DEB.DA vis, Esq  .NAIROBI* 

MAJOR  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :    R.  H.  FEROUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 
Chile  :    F.  BBUCB  NORTON,  ESQ.,  VALPARAISO. 
W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :   J.  R.  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDRIA. 
E.  B.  BRETT,  Esy.,  SUEZ. 

H.    BOYD-I   ARPENTKB,    ESQ.,   M.A.,   CAIRO. 

Falkland   Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCH  COIOAT,  ESQ.,. 

Fiji  :   C.  A.  LA  TOUCH  B  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.  [Iron. 

France  :    SIR  JOHN  PILTKB,  PARIS. 

Gambia  : 

Germany  :  Louis  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  BERLIN. 

K.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :    W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :   E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMRITAGI,  C.M.Q.. 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.INST.,  C.E.  ACCRA, 

MAJOR  C.  E.  D.  O.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :   CAPT.  G.  W    R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.   PRILIEVITZ,  ESQ.,  LEBUWABDIN. 
Hong  Kong  :    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK.  K.C.,  M.L.O. 
India  :   E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 

H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ..I.C.S.,  LAHORB.       [OONO 

GBOROB  H.  ORMBROD,   ESQ.,  M.Inst.C.E. ,  CHITTA- 

JAMES  R.  PEARSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E..  I.C.S.,  MIBRUT. 
Malta  : 

Mauritius  :   GEORGB  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  PORT  Louis. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HAHDWICKB,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland  :    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'*. 
New  Hebrides:  His  HONOUB  JUDO»T.E.ROSBBY,VILA. 
Nigeria  :    A.  K.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NARAQUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ.,  ZUNOBBU. 

R.  G.  S.  MILLBR,  ESQ.,  ZARIA.  [STOH» 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOOK,  ESQ..  LIYIMQ- 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  [NGWBBBBB. 

A.  C.  HAYTEB,  ESQ.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama :    CHARLES  P.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :    REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :   W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BDLAWATO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIB. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBUBT. 
Samoa  :  COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  H.  M.  O'BRMN,  C.M.G* 
Solomon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BARNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HON.  E.  O.  JOHNSON.M.L.C.,  FRBBTOWB. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BBYAKT,  ESQ.,  PBNANO. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :    ALLISTBB  M.  MILLER,  Esq.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda    Protectorate :    GEOBOB    D.    SMITH,  ESQ.. 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 
United  States  :    DB.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO 

ALLEYNE  IRELAND,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  EsQ.,M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 
HARCOUHT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K..C.,  BAHAMAS. 
HON.  J.  J.  NUNAN.  GEORGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 
H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ..  BELIZE,  BBITISH  Ho>- 
FBANK  CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA. [DORAS. 
HON.  MR.  JUSTICE  F.  H.  PABKER.LEEWABD  ISLANDS. 
A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JOAN,  PORTO  Rico. 
PROFESSOR   P.    CARMODY,   F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  PORT  O» 

SPAIN,  TRINIDAD 

HON.  D.  S.  DB  FBBITAS.  M.L.C.,  GBBNADA,  WIND- 
WARD  ISLANDS.  i 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BAHDO. 


fir*  - 


[Photohy  Cli.  Chusseau-FlavieM 
THE     BELGIAN     ROYAL     FAMILY. 


[To  face  page  153. 


UNITED    EMPIBE 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUBNAL 

VOL.  VI  MAECH  1915  No.  3 


The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

THE  Council  of  the  Institute  held  a  special  meeting  on  February  9 
to  discuss  an  important  memorandum  drawn  up  by  its  Chairman, 
Sir  Bevan  Edwards,  as  a  record  of  growth  and  progress 
during  the  past  five  years,  and  a  forecast  of  further 
Institute  development  in  the  future.  The  President,  Earl  Grey, 
was  in  the  Chair,  and  several  Vice-Presidents  attended, 
including  the  Earl  of  Selborne,  Sir  George  Eeid,  Admiral  the  Hon. 
Sir  Edmund  Fremantle  and  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard.  The  Memorandum 
was  illustrated  by  a  remarkable  diagram  (which  will  be  appended 
to  the  next  annual  report)  showing  the  advance  in  numbers  over 
periods  of  ten  years,  from  796  in  1878  to  10,150  in  1914,  and  the 
striking  increase  since  1909,  when  the  recommendations  of  the  joint 
"  Reform  "  Committee  were  adopted,  an  almost  stationary  member- 
ship of  about  4,500  having  risen  in  six  years  to  the  total  of  10,150 
recorded  above.  Naturally  and  justly,  many  tributes  were  paid 
to  the  work  of  the  Chairman  during  these  eventful  years ;  but  Sir 
Bevan  Edwards,  while  modestly  sharing  the  credit  for  what  had  been 
accomplished  with  the  Council  which  had  supported  his  efforts,  strongly 
urged  the  necessity  that  the  Institute  should  not  rest  upon  its  oars, 
especially  at  a  time  like  the  present,  when  the  tide  of  Imperial 
patriotism  is  running  so  strongly.  The  recommendations  made  in 
his  memorandum  are  being  discussed  at  successive  meetings  of  the 
Council,  and  one  of  them  has  already  been  adopted.  The  Recruiting 
Committee,  which  has  been  quietly  at  work  for  the  last  two  years,  has 
been  reconstituted  as  an  Organisation  Committee,  which  will  under- 
take the  work  connected  with  the  formation  of  local  committees 
and  branches  of  the  Institute  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  Overseas. 
This  Committee  has  already  met  twice  and  we  understand  that  good 
progress  has  been  made  in  formulating  proposals  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Council. 


160  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

AFTER  a  period  of  some  two  and  a  half  months,  in  which  no  official 

despatch  from  the  British  Commander-in-Chief  had  been  published, 

the   communication   dated  February   12   was    eagerly 

News  from    read<       gir  jolm  3^^  <jrew  attention  to  the  fact 

that  modern  methods  of  warfare  increase,  instead  of 
moderating,  the  difficulties  of  a  winter  campaign.  The  exceptionally 
wet  weather  of  this  winter  must  have  aggravated  these  conditions, 
and  it  is  almost  impossible  for  those  at  home  to  realise  what  it  means, 
both  from  the  strategical  and  personal  point  of  view,  to  be  fighting 
literally  knee-deep  in  slush  and  mud.  Whatever  private  generosity 
and  public  care  could  do  to  mitigate  the  lot  of  the  British  soldier 
has  been  done,  but  our  French  and  Belgian  allies,  who  have  not  fared 
so  well,  owing  to  the  circumstances  in  their  own  countries,  must  have 
suffered  terribly.  The  first  of  the  Colonial  contingents  to  reach  the 
firing  line — Princess  Patricia's  Own  Regiment — had  the  distinction 
of  a  special  mention  in  this  despatch  ;  and  Sir  John  French  added  : 
"  I  regard  it  as  most  unfortunate  that  circumstances  have  prevented 
any  account  of  most  splendid  instances  of  courage  and  endurance, 
in  the  face  of  almost  unparalleled  hardship  and  fatigue  in  war,  coming 
regularly  to  the  knowledge  of  the  public  ".  This  is  taken  in  some 
quarters  to  indicate  a  desire  for  the  re-instatement  of  the  qualified 
war  correspondent,  and  it  is  understood  that  we  shall  probably  see 
some  change  in  this  respect.  Another  noteworthy  feature  in  this 
despatch  is  a  tribute  to  the  "  steadfastness  and  gallantry  "  of  the 
Indian  troops,  who  were  very  heavily  engaged  on  their  whole  front 
during  the  third  week  of  December. 

THE  war  on  land  in  the  Western  theatre  has  for  some  months 

presented  some  of  the  characteristics  of  a  stalemate ;  but  it  is  common 

knowledge  that  this  is  chiefly  due  to  weather  conditions, 

and  that,  with  the  coming  of  spring,  fresh  activities  will 

begin.  Meanwhile  the  German  Navy  has  evidently  felt  the 

need  to  justify  its  very  expensive  existence,  and  has  done  so  by  declaring 

a  "  blockade  "  of  British  ports  to  be  carried  out  by  means  of  submarine 

attacks  on  every  vessel,  neutral  or  otherwise,  within  a  wide  zone.   This 

extreme  step,  as  has  been  frankly  avowed,  is  due  to  Germany's  great 

necessity — a  proof  of  the  strangulation  to  which  our  Navy  is  subjecting 

her.    The  German  declaration,  therefore,  is  a  distinct  recognition  of 

the  progress  of  the  Allies.     The  bombardment  of  the  Dardanelles  is  a 

fresh  phase  of  naval  activity,  and  is  aimed  both  at  reducing  Turkey 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  161 

to  impotence  and  at  freeing  Russian  trade  to  and  from  her  Black 
Sea  ports.  Memories  of  an  age-long  struggle  are  revived  by  this 
attack  ;  and  it  is  more  than  a  hundred  years  since,  in  February  1807, 
a  British  fleet,  under  Vice-Admiral  Duckworth,  forced  the  passage 
of  the  Dardanelles.  It  went  up  once  more,  in  February  1878,  under 
protest  from  Turkey,  but  without  firing  a  shot.  The  bombardment 
of  February  1915  is  the  prelude  to  most  important  events,  and  the 
Turk  will  pay  heavily  for  the  friendship  of  Germany. 

AMONG  the  singularities  of  the  up-to-date  methods  of  war  as 
introduced  by  Germany,  there  are  several  reversions  to  type.     "  Fright- 
fulness  "  is,  after  all,  the  most  primitive  form  of  warfare. 
Reversj  Most  singular  of  all  are  those  warnings  of  a  terrible 

fate  in  store  which  Germany  now  addresses  to  the 
British  Empire.  Even  so  do  savage  tribes  hurl  taunts  and  threats  at 
their  enemies,  or  even  send  emissaries  to  present  the  alternative — 
surrender  or  a  horrible  end.  There  is,  however,  some  method  in  this 
madness.  It  is  true  we  are  too  well  aware  of  the  numbers  and  possi- 
bilities of  Germany's  submarines  to  believe  her  capable  of  blockading 
our  shores,  but  she  counts  on  a  success  here  and  there,  and  on  the 
undoubted  fact  that  even  the  off-chance  of  such  casualties  may 
hamper  our  trade  and  increase  freight  rates.  With  the  stupidity 
now  recognised  as  the  outstanding  feature  of  her  diplomacy  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  her  internal  organisation)  she  has,  however,  undone 
by  her  action  a  great  deal  of  her  previous  work  towards  gaining  the 
moral  support  of  the  United  States.  The  safety  of  neutral  ships 
when  carrying  non-contraband  has  been  a  canon  of  naval  warfare, 
and  the  onus  has  laid  on  the  attacking  side  to  ascertain  the  nationality 
of  the  ship — of  which  a  flag  alone  is  not  sufficient  proof.  Germany's 
conduct  in  sinking  at  sight  all  ships,  neutral  or  otherwise,  in  an  immense 
zone  is  merely  a  new  form  of  piracy,  and  the  United  States  refuses  to 
recognise  in  it  any  legitimate  form  of  warfare.  Since  American  citizens 
are  losing  their  lives  a  serious  situation  seems  to  be  developing. 

THERE  are  other  regions  in  which,  however,  we  can  less  afford 
to  leave  the  Germans  to  cook  their  own  goose.  In  Southern  Europe, 

and  the  Near  East— in  Spain,  Italy,  Greece,  Bulgaria, 
German  ^^  Roumania  there  has  long  been  a  careful  and 

persistent  German  propaganda  with  little  antidote  from 
the  side  of  the  Allies,  except  perhaps  for  Russian  influence  in  Roumania. 
The  mutual  jealousies  of  all  the  Balkan  States  are  the  dominating 

M  2 


162  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

features  of  the  political  situation  in  the  Near  East.  Racial  affinities 
must  not  be  reckoned  on  too  much,  nor  can  we  count  entirely  on 
that  hostility  to  the  Turk  which  might  be  expected  to  inspire  all 
the  countries  which  have,  at  one  time,  been  under  Turkish  rule. 
Without  being  unduly  cynical  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the 
majority  of  these  neutral  countries  are  largely  actuated  at  present 
by  the  desire  to  come  down  on  the  right  side  of  the  fence.  Their 
real  difficulty  is  to  make  up  their  minds  as  to  which  is  the  right 
side.  As  an  alternative,  they  may  hope  to  preserve  neutrality  without 
taking  up  arms,  thus  repeating  Roumanians  successful  policy  in  the 
last  Balkan  war,  and  coming  to  the  general  European  settlement 
backed  by  forces  still  fresh  and  unstrained  amid  the  prevalent 
exhaustion.  In  such  neutral  countries  the  dissemination  of  war 
news  is,  therefore,  a  powerful  agent,  and  it  may  be  safely  said  that 
Bulgaria  and  Italy  (to  mention  two  of  the  most  discussed  neutral 
states)  hear  very  little  but  the  German  view  of  the  progress  of  the 
war,  which  is  presented  to  the  people  in  many  insidious  ways.  Berlin 
even  prints  a  paper  in  English,  The  Continental  Times,  which  is  dis- 
seminated broadcast  over  Europe.  This  news,  it  must  be  remembered, 
is  also  intended  for  home  consumption,  for  the  way  must  be  paved 
for  £he  new  War  Loan. 

UNTIL  recent  years  Italians,  as  a  nation,  took  little  interest  in 
the  foreign  and  colonial  policy  of  their  country.     Their  interests 

were  sectional  and  parochial.     The  campaign  in  Tripoli 
a  mn  shook   them    out    of    some    of   their    self -absorption, 

but  it  cannot  be  said  that  a  really  strong  or  well- 
informed  body  of  public  opinion  exists.  In  the  regions  bordering 
on  Austria,  where  Italians  look  across  the  frontier  to  their  own  people 
living  under  an  alien  flag,  Italia  irredenta  is,  of  course,  the  ruling 
passion.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Germany  would  be  prepared 
to  guarantee  considerable  concessions  in  these  regions  as  a  price  of 
Italy's  help,  but  Austria  could  not  consent  without  risking  an  internal 
revolution.  Apart  from  the  Trentino,  however,  there  are  the  shores 
of  the  Adriatic,  where  a  Latin  tradition  and  culture  has  been  kept 
alive  through  many  vicissitudes,  but  where  Italian  ambitions  run 
counter  to  those  of  Serbia,  Montenegro,  and  the  turbulent  Albanians. 
The  position  of  Italy  is,  therefore,  a  very  difficult  one  ;  the  more  so 
as  she  urgently  needs  to  develop  her  internal  resources  and  to  improve 
the  condition  of  her  people.  Italian  popular  sympathies  can  hardly 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  168 

be  on  any  side  which  includes  Austria,  and  yet  her  best  statesmen 
made  and  still  approve  her  adherence  to  the  Triple  Alliance.  The 
truth  is  that  Italian  policy  is  not  so  much  swayed  by  public  opinion 
as  is  that  of  countries  more  advanced  in  the  art  of  popular  government. 
So  far  as  public  opinion  has  weight,  however,  it  is  undoubtedly  affected 
by  seeing  the  war  chiefly  through  German  eyes.  If  Italy  abandons 
her  neutrality  it  will  be  for  weighty  reasons.  The  best  reason  we 
can  advance  is  that,  by  so  doing,  she  would  shorten  the  period  in 
which  Europe  is  delivered  up  to  strife ;  but  we  have  yet  to  convince 
her  of  this,  and  Bulgaria  apparently  is  of  an  entirely  different  opinion, 
while  Roumania  hesitates.  The  German  press  bureaux  deserve  all 
the  iron  crosses  left  over  after  each  Prussian  soldier  has  been  decorated. 

THOSE  American  statesmen  who,  like  Mr.  Roosevelt,  have  continually 

impressed  on  their  countrymen  the  need  for  naval  expansion  can  point 

a  moral  now.     The  United  States  is  not,  as  a  matter 

'he  United    of  fac^  jn  a  position  to  dictate  on  maritime  questions 

8(11        to  other  great  Powers.     It  is  more  than  likely  that  this 
Maritime  ...  ,  1-1  r  111- 

Supremacy.    w"    "G  changed  in  the  near   future,  and  that  she  will 

have  a  navy  more  commensurate  with  her  interests. 
Already  it  is  expected  that  the  Bills  for  Army  and  Navy  expenditure 
this  year  will  exceed  all  previous  estimates  save,  perhaps,  those  during 
the  war  with  Spain.  Naval  expansion  will  probably  follow,  if  it 
does  not  precede,  the  growth  of  the  mercantile  marine.  The  defeat 
of  the  Ship  Purchase  Bill  was  not  merely  due  to  the  international 
questions  which  would  have  been  raised,  had  the  powers  it  proposed 
to  confer  been  exercised  by  taking  over  the  German  ships  now  interned 
and  using  them  for  Atlantic  traffic.  The  Bill  ran  counter  to  American 
interests  of  a  more  domestic  character.  The  Republican  party  objects 
in  principle  to  the  purchase  and  operation  of  ships  by  the  Government, 
and  there  is  also  opposition  from  those  who  have  for  years  hoped 
to  build  up  an  American  shipbuilding  industry  with  the  aid  of  govern- 
ment subsidies. 

THE  debate  on  the  question  of  the  exemption  of  American  coast- 
wise shipping  from  tolls  on  the  Panama  Canal  brought  into  strong 

relief  the  comparative  smallness  of  American  mercantile 
p  '  shipping.  Still,  while  wages,  materials,  and  the  cost 

Canal  °^  construction  generally  remain  so  high,  it  is  difficult 

for  American  shipping  to  compete  with  foreign  bottoms 
launched  under  more  favourable  conditions.  Moreover,  the  advantages 


1G4  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

of  possessing  a  mercantile  marine  are  not  very  obvious  without  the 
corollary  of  naval  strength.  Still,  Germany's  example  in  obtaining, 
by  means  of  subsidised  shipping,  a  foothold  for  German  commerce 
in  the  most  distant  markets  has  by  no  means,  as  yet,  been  discredited. 
It  is  too  soon  to  be  sure  that  the  habit  of  buying  German  goods  when 
they  are  cheap  and  suitable  can  be  easily  eradicated,  and  although 
Americans  have  so  vast  a  home  market  that  their  conditions  are 
different,  even  they  are  certainly  on  the  edge  of  considerable  maritime 
development.  The  Panama  Canal  gives  them  a  continuous  coast 
line  round  their  own  continent — for  Mexico  must  eventually  be 
absorbed  by  them  politically,  as  it  has  been  economically,  and  the 
Central  American  States  are  negligible.  The  effect  of  this  alteration 
in  their  geographical  conditions  will  soon  make  itself  felt,  and  will 
probably  more  than  justify  the  enormous  expenditure  which  made 
the  Canal  possible. 

IT  is  said  that  the  Belgian  gamin  (a  particularly  humorous  and 

audacious  variety  of  the  genus  Boy)  has  a  game  which  he  plays  in 

the   streets  of  Brussels    to  the   mystification  of   the 

German  army  of  occupation.    Marshalling  in  order  his 
Invasion  ,         .  J     ,    ,         .  ,  ?  « m     T>    • 

of  Eg-viDt         ra&Se(i   regiment,  he   gives   the  command       lo   raris 

— march  !  "  Whereat  the  column  solemnly  marches 
—backwards.  The  invasion  of  Egypt,  so  far,  seems  to  be  planned 
rather  on  these  lines,  but  yet  it  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the 
Turkish  troops  with  German  officers,  and  apparently  German  auxiliaries, 
have  actually  been  in  touch  with  Egyptian  forces  on  the  canal.  It  was 
considered  improbable  that  they  could  get  a  sufficient  body  of  troops 
with  necessary  transport  across  the  desert,  but  this  has  been  done, 
and,  despite  the  fact  that  the  effort  ended  in  disaster,  it  is  possible 
that  they  may  form  depots  for  water  and  ammunition  as  a  basis 
for  future  attacks.  Again,  they  are,  perhaps,  not  as  foolish  as  they 
look.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  Great  General  Staff  believes  seriously 
in  the  invasion  of  Egypt,  now  that  it  is  realised  that  the  British 
Empire  can  afford  to  garrison  that  country  as  well  as  to  perform 
arduous  military  duties  elsewhere.  But  any  damage  that  could  be  done 
to  the  Suez  Canal,  even  temporarily,  might  disarrange  the  passage 
of  food  ships  or  transports  on  which  the  Allies  are  counting.  This 
is  worth  while,  particularly  if  the  principal  toll  taken  is  merely  the 
lives  of  Germany's  Turkish  Allies.  Again  the  "  moral  effect  "  on 
Germany  would  be  excellent,  and  apparently  the  Great  General  Staff 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  165 

is  getting  more  and  more  anxious  to  produce  a  "  moral  effect  "  at 
all  costs  and  all  hazards.  Something,  we  suppose,  must  be  done  to 
counteract  the  unmoral  effect  of  getting  one's  bread  doled  out  only 
on  the  presentation  of  a  properly  dated  ticket.  The  importance  of 
Egypt  at  this  crisis  can  only  be  fully  appreciated  by  historians  and 
military  strategists,  but,  as  the  guardian  of  the  direct  route  to  India 
and  Australasia,  Egypt  must  always  be  a  vital  point  in  the  Imperial 
system,  and  it  is  very  appropriate  that  she  should  be  partially  garrisoned 
by  Australasian  troops. 

ONE  of  the  surprises  of  the  war  has  been  the  success  of  British 

aircraft.     There  was  a  general  impression  that,  as  a  nation,  we  were 

behind  both  the  French  and    the  Germans    in    this 

rtiA^  department,  which  had  not,  apparently,  enjoyed  so 
large  a  share  of  Government  support  as  it  deserved. 
Probably  very  few  outside  a  small  body  of  experts  realised  the 
possibilities  of  aircraft  in  modern  warfare ;  but  whereas  the  Germans 
placed  great  reliance  on  huge  dirigibles,  capable  of  carrying  and  dis- 
charging shells  enough  to  wreck  a  city,  experience  seems  to  show  that 
this  type  of  airship  is  comparatively  useless.  The  dropping  of  bombs 
on  a  few  undefended  towns  in  Norfolk,  and  half  a  dozen  other  equally 
inglorious  and  futile  episodes,  hardly  seem  justification  for  the  energy 
and  expenditure  necessary  for  the  building  of  the  much  vaunted 
fleet  of  Zeppelins.  The  fact  that  these  big  air  vessels  were,  with 
few  exceptions,  only  launched  in  good  weather  during  peace  times, 
rather  obscured  their  dependence  on  meteorological  conditions.  The 
recent  fate  of  three  of  them,  wrecked  on  the  Danish  coast  and  in  the 
Adriatic,  shows  that  they  are  chiefly  fair-weather  craft,  and  one  is  said 
to  have  become  unmanageable  owing  to  the  weight  of  snow  deposited 
on  her  upper  surface.  These  accidents  bring  the  total  Zeppelin  losses 
since  war  began  to  four,  with  a  possible  fifth.  In  practice  it  appears 
that  the  large  airship  must  fly  too  low,  and  therefore  presents  too  easy 
a  target  for  air-guns  to  be  an  effective  war  weapon.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  mono-  and  bi-plane  types  have  been  invaluable  for  recon- 
naissance purposes,  and  probably  this  scouting  duty  will  remain 
their  most  useful  function.  Here  and  there  a  lucky  shot  by  a  daring 
airman  may  damage  some  enemy  property  which  is  of  value,  and  is 
otherwise  inaccessible ;  and  where  massed  attack  is  possible,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  raids  on  enemy  coastlines  (first  by  thirty-six  British 
aeroplanes,  and  then  by  forty,  supported  by  eight  French.)  the  damage 


166  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND  COMMENTS. 

should  be  considerable.  The  Admiralty  report,  however,  makes  it 
clear  that  this  was  undertaken  for  a  special  purpose — to  detect  and 
destroy  submarine  bases,  and  it  is  impossible  as  yet  to  estimate  results. 
In  any  case  British  aviators  have  every  reason  to  be  proud  of  these 
two  concerted  actions,  the  first  of  their  land  in  history,  and  carried 
out  with  the  loss  of  only  three  pilots.  An  even  more  striking  sight, 
not  alluded  to  (for  obvious  reasons)  in  the  Press  at  the  time,  was 
the  departure  of  a  much  larger  number  of  military  air-craft  to  France. 
As  they  rose,  one  by  one,  into  the  air  and  followed  each  other  in  a 
long  chain  on  the  flight  to  France  (where  all  arrived  safely)  the  imagina- 
tion was  stirred  by  the  thought  that  man  has  at  last  accomplished 
the  conquest  of  the  air.  The  strict  embargo  placed  on  any  spectacular 
flying  by  the  members  of  the  military  and  naval  flying  corps  prevented 
the  public  from  realising  their  existence,  but  since  the  war  broke 
out  they  have  far  surpassed  the  expectations  of  their  friends,  and 
have  administered  some  sharp  surprises  to  the  enemy. 

IN  the   February    number    of    UNITED    EMPIRE    attention    was 
drawn  to  the  beneficial  results  which  have  followed  the  adoption  of 
compulsory   cadet-training    in   the    Dominions.     Lord 
p   ,  ,  p  Methuen  in  a  recent  letter  to  The  Times  points  the  moral 

of  that  experience  for  the  Mother  Country  and  argues 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  organisation  of  a  National  Cadet  Corps. 
Difficulties  must  be  anticipated — especially,  perhaps,  at  a  time  when 
voluntary  enlistment  has  apparently  fulfilled  the  hopes  of  its  sup- 
porters. But,  granted  the  principle  that  every  lad  should  pass  through 
a  course  of  training  from  the  age  of  twelve,  fitting  him  to  take  his  place 
in  the  Territorial  Forces,  Lord  Methuen  is  convinced  that  a  scheme  pro- 
viding "  the  proper  solution  for  the  national  defence  of  this  country  " 
could  be  drafted  and  made  workable.  If  the  necessary  legislation 
were  passed,  opportunities  for  providing  the  country  with  adequate 
home  defence  which  were  missed  at  the  end  of  the  South  African  War 
might  now  be  seized  and  realised.  Competent  instructors  for  town  and 
country  alike  will  be  to  hand  "  since,  ...  at  the  end  of  the  war,  there 
will  be  a  very  large  number  of  non-commissioned  officers  leaving  the 
Army,  and  rightly  looking  to  the  country  to  find  them  employment ". 
To  possible  objections  that  such  a  system  would  encourage  militarism— 
the  very  thing  which  we  are  fighting  to  destroy  in  Prussia — the  best 
answer,  in  Lord  Methuen's  opinion,  is  one  given  him  by  a  shrewd  old 
Dutchman  in  South  Africa :  '  We  want  something  between  the 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  167 

militarism  in  Germany  and  the  apathy  of  England  ".  The  enthusiasm 
for  enlistment,  which  during  the  past  six  months  has  replaced  the  apathy 
so  long  deplored,  should  achieve  results  that  will  outlive  the  present 
struggle ;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  some  such  project  as  is  suggested 
by  the  success  of  the  cadet  system  in  the  Dominions  would  be  welcomed 
by  the  great  bulk  of  public  opinion  at  home. 

IN  addition  to  the  possibilities  of  the  cadet  system  other  important 

factors  will  be  brought  into  operation  with  the  close  of  hostilities.     The 

Universities,  Colleges,  public  schools  of  all  grades— 

A  New  including    secondary    and    elementary    schools — have 

D,.  ln      contributed  their  thousands   of  recruits  to  the  new 
Education.  .  .   . 

armies.     Ine  period  of  training,  the  supreme  test  of 

war,  the  new  ideas  gained  abroad  and  the  associations  formed  with 
contingents  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  sharing  alike  in  dangers  and 
triumphs,  must  have  an  enormous  effect  not  only  on  their  own  char- 
acters but  also  on  the  kind  of  influence  they  will  be  able  to  exert  in  the 
solution  of  the  problem  of  national  defence.  An  epoch  passed  away 
with  the  declaration  of  war  ;  and  in  the  new  world  which  is  being  born 
amidst  the  storm  and  crash  of  arms  many  old-time  prejudices  will 
be  forgotten.  A  new  scale  of  educational  values  must  result.  Realities 
must  be  faced  ;  and  in  the  lean  years  which  will  follow  the  war,  educa- 
tion on  more  strictly  utilitarian  lines  seems  inevitable.  Suggestions 
of  the  new  outlook  appeared  in  the  speeches  and  proceedings  of  the 
educational  conferences  at  the  beginning  of  this  year.  The  idea  is  fast 
gaining  ground,  among  responsible  educational  authorities  in  London 
and  the  provinces,  that  in  the  training  of  future  citizens  the  needs  of 
home  defence  should  be  an  essential  consideration  which  can  no  longer 
be  ignored. 

IN  Parliament  and  in  the  Press  strong  protests  are  being  raised 

against  the  considerable  rise  in  the  prices  of  most  of  the  necessaries 

of  life.    Not  unnaturally  the  most  obvious  factors  are 

being  singled  out  for  vehement  criticism.    In  particular, 
supplies.  .    .  ,      .        i-ij 

shipowners   are   being   accused   of   making   handsome 

profits  out  of  enhanced  freight  rates  ;  while,  in  other  quarters,  the  rise 
is  attributed  mainly  to  the  machinations  of  speculators  and  with- 
holders  of  produce  from  the  markets.  Mr.  Asquith,  speaking  in  the 
House  of  Commons  with  added  authority  as  Chairman  of  the  Cabinet 
Committee  on  Food  Prices,  expressed  the  opinion  that,  so  far  as  meat 


168  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

supplies  are  concerned,  the  rise  is  in  large  measure  the  result  of  the 
heavy  Government  purchases  for  the  fighting  forces  in  the  Army  and 
Navy,  and  for  the  provisioning  of  troops  in  training.  Naturally  he 
declined  to  give  any  information  as  to  the  increased  consumption, 
particularly  of  frozen  meat,  occasioned  by  the  feeding  of  the  troops 
as  no  army  in  the  world  has  ever  before  been  fed,  lest  details  might 
afford  enlightenment  to  the  enemy  in  regard  to  our  military  strength  and 
dispositions.  Other  speakers  in  the  debate  emphasised  the  increase 
which  has  been  caused  by  heavier  working  costs,  by  delays  in  traffic 
and  at  the  docks,  and  by  the  way  in  which  vessels  requisitioned  by  the 
Admiralty  for  transport  of  men  and  stores  have  been  held  up  and 
allowed  to  lie  idle,  in  some  cases  for  weeks  together,  when  they 
might  have  been  more  usefully  employed  in  relieving  congestion 
and  assisting  to  provide  ordinary  commercial  transport  facilities. 
Figures  quoted  in  the  discussion  show  that  British  meat  has  risen 
6  per  cent  on  the  year  and  12  per  cent  on  the  average  prices  of  the 
last  three  years  ;  foreign  meat  has  gone  up  12  per  cent  on  the  year  and 
19  per  cent  on  the  average  prices  prevailing  during  the  same  period. 
These  increases  compare  very  favourably  with  those  which  have 
occurred  in  the  prices  of  wheat,  flour,  sugar,  and  coal. 

As  an  offset  to  these  enhanced  prices  it  is,  however,  necessary  to 
remark  that  the  level  of  money  wages  has,  generally  speaking,  been  well 

sustained.      Indeed,  in  many  leading  industries — es- 

Prices,  pecially  those  connected  directly  or  indirectly  with 

roooW  I8fs>      ^e  manufacture  of  warlike  stores  and  equipment — the 

workers'  earnings  are  considerably  above  the  normal 
rates  and  much  more  than  compensate  for  reduced  purchasing  power. 
The  question  of  freights,  too,  is  not  quite  so  simple  as  it  looks.  It  is 
undoubtedly  the  fact  that  freights  from  the  Argentine  have  been 
affected  by  the  heavy  demands  of  France,  not  only  to  supply  her  troops 
in  the  field,  but  to  prevent  the  depletion  of  her  home  resources  of  cattle 
and  sheep.  Our  Ally,  since  the  war  began,  has  removed  the  heavy 
import  duties  on  frozen  meat,  and  completely  changed  her  previous 
policy  of  protection  in  favour  of  the  farmers.  As  a  result,  increasing 
quantities  of  chilled  and  frozen  meat  are  likely  to  find  their  way  to  her 
shores,  not  only  from  America  but  also  from  our  own  Dominions.  As 
an  indication  of  what  the  Dominions  may  be  expected  to  do  in  the 
matter  of  increased  supplies,  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Imperial 
Government  has  lately  requested  all  the  States  in  the  Commonwealth 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  169 

to  secure  all  surplus  stocks  available  for  export.  The  Legislative 
Assembly  and  Council  of  New  South  Wales  unanimously,  and  in  the 
course  of  a  single  sitting,  have  recently  passed  a  Bill  in  accordance  with 
the  desire  of  the  Home  authorities. 

KEMP  and  Bezuidenhout,  with  43  officers  and  486  men  (including 
the  notorious  "  prophet  "  Van  Rensburg)  surrendered  to  Colonel  Van 

de   Venter  at  Upington  on   February   3,  and  it  was 

e.  believed  that,  in  accordance  with  the  agreement  arrived 

Rebels.  a^'   Maritz,  with  a  further  contingent,  would  speedily 

follow  their  example.  Since  then  an  unconfirmed  rumour 
states  that  Maritz  has  been  executed  by  the  Germans  for  treachery 
during  the  attack  on  Kakamas.  The  position  of  the  rebel  leaders  had 
obviously  become  untenable ;  for  they  had  not  brought  into  the 
German  camp  more  than  a  fraction  of  the  10,000  burghers  they  had 
promised,  and  their  men  were  discontented  and  disillusioned.  The 
Germans,  in  fact,  had  no  further  use  for  them,  and  cynically  left  them 
to  their  fate,  which  could  be  nothing  but  death  or  unconditional  sur- 
render. The  evidence  given  by  the  Basuto  chief  of  Witzieshoek  at  the 
preliminary  examination  of  the  rebel  Wessels  at  Bloemfontein  went  to 
prove  that  he  had  committed  the  "  unpardonable  sin  "  of  tampering  with 
natives.  The  trial  of  De  Wet,  so  far  as  it  has  proceeded,  is  chiefly 
interesting  for  the  allegations  of  a  leading  witness  that  the  General  made 
no  secret  of  his  intention  "  to  join  Maritz  in  German  South- West 
Africa,  obtain  rifles  and  guns  there,  advance  to  Pretoria,  and  pull  down 
the  British  flag  ".  Others  described  his  extraordinary  behaviour  at 
Winburg,  Vrede,  and  elsewhere,  of  which  accounts  had  already  appeared. 
The  testimony  about  De  Wet's  remarks  as  to  General  Hertzog  and 
Mr.  Fichardt  being  useful  allies  to  the  rebels  in  the  political  sphere, 
is  like  "what  the  soldier  said"  in  Sam  Weller's  deposition— "  not 
evidence  "  against  those  gentlemen— but  it  must  have  made  them  a 
little  uncomfortable. 

THE  construction  of  the  railway  from  Prieska  to  Upington  in  the 

Cape  Province — a  distance  of  142  miles— which  was  authorised  by  the 

Union  Parliament  in  September  last,  and  completed 

The  Prieska-  before  the  end  of  November,  constitutes  a  record  for 

railway-building  in  South  Africa.     The  line,  which  was 

built   departmentally  by  the   Railway   Administration 

under  the  supervision  of  Mr.  Prettijohn,  the  resident  engineer,  was 


170  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND   COMMENTS. 

estimated  to  cost  £2,250  a  mile,  but  it  is  expected  that  a  less  amount 
will  prove  to  have  been  actually  expended.  It  is  laid  with  second-hand 
60-lb.  rails,  and  wooden  sleepers  ;  the  maximum  gradient,  compensated 
for  curvature,  being  1  in  66.  There  is  only  one  fully  equipped  station 
on  the  railway — at  Draghoender — but  there  are  also  twelve  sidings. 
The  survey  was  commenced  on  August  24 — nine  days  after  instructions 
had  been  received  from  the  Government  to  construct  the  line — and 
the  earth-works  were  started  a  week  later.  Plate-laying  began  on 
September  9,  and  the  terminus  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Orange 
River  at  Upington  was  reached  on  November  18.  This  gives  an 
average  of  two  miles  per  day  from  the  date  of  commencement ;  but 
(says  the  South  African  Railways  and  Harbours  Magazine,  to  which 
we  are  indebted  for  these  particulars)  "  if  the  time  during  which 
the  work  was  at  a  complete  standstill — owing  to  military  operations 
and  water  difficulties — be  deducted,  the  average  rate  of  progress  was 
two  and  a  quarter  miles  per  day ".  The  maximum  completed  in 
any  one  day  was  three  and  a  quarter  miles.  The  construction,  as 
soon  as  it  was  properly  set  going,  was  carried  on  day  and  night.  The 
value  of  this  railway  to  the  military  authorities,  in  a  district  where 
roads  are  few  and  sandy,  for  facilitating  the  movement  of  troops 
towards  the  border  of  German  South-West  Africa,  and  for  the  bringing 
up  of  supports  and  supplies,  will  be  incalculable.  But  it  will  also  be, 
later  on,  a  useful  national  asset  for  the  development  of  the  agricultural 
and  mineral  resources  of  the  Union. 

THE  right  conduct  of  the  finance  of  the  War  is  only  less  important 
than  the  operations  of  our  armies  in  the  field  and  our  navies  on  the 

high  seas  ;  but  the  full  financial  consequences  are  only 
ee  mg  ^^  wken  armjes  an(j  navies  have  done  their  work, 

when  the  economic  fever  of  war  production  is  over  and 
the  economic  convalescence  of  a  peace  that  is  not  yet  prosperity  is 
upon  us.  The  nation  pays  for  war,  like  some  young  married  couples 
pay  for  their  furniture,  on  the  hire-purchase  system — so  much  down 
and  the  rest  by  regular  instalments.  The  parallel  may  be  pushed 
further ;  for  some  States,  like  some  married  couples,  get  tired  of  paying 
the  instalments,  and  default.  It  breaks  down,  however,  in  this 
respect — the  impecunious  couple  can  at  least  decide  in  advance  how 
much  to  spend  on  their  household  goods  and  limit  themselves  to  that 
amount.  The  nation  which  goes  to  war  cannot,  despite  the  admirable 
advice  in  the  Bible,  altogether  count  the  cost  beforehand.  Few  people 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  171 

in  the  British  Empire  realised  last  August  that  the  cost  of  the  war  would 
be  so  high  as  a  million  and  more  a  day  ;  probably  nobody  appreciated 
the  reserve  resources  of  capital  on  which  the  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer would  be  able  to  draw.  A  loan  of  350  millions  sterling  and  a 
doubled  Income  Tax  are  no  small  things  even  for  a  wealthy  country ; 
but  the  high  Income  Tax  represents  no  more  than  the  payment  on 
account,  and  the  war  loan  will  be  exhausted  by  midsummer.  The 
Imperial  Government  will  then  again  dip  into  the  taxpayer's  pockets, 
and  apply  for  the  investor's  capital — in  both  cases  with  success. 
There  will  probably  be  little  difference  in  the  amount  of  indirect  taxa- 
tion, which  does  not  appeal  to  Mr.  Lloyd  George  in  the  way  that  it 
did  to  the  old  school  of  orthodox  Chancellors,  of  whom  Mr.  Gladstone 
was  the  leading  representative  ;  the  old  theory,  that  direct  and 
indirect  taxation  should  each  contribute  roughly  one-half  to  the 
Exchequer,  is  now  frankly  abandoned  at  11  Downing  Street. 

It  is  not  a  matter  for  surprise,  therefore,  that  instead  of  raising 

more   money  by  indirect  taxation,   Mr.  Lloyd  George  is  seriously 

considering  a  tax  on  wages  in  his  next  budget,  which 

Income  means,  in  effect,  the  levying  of  the  Income  Tax  on  all 

Tax  Reform.  .  P™  P»A    ,    . 

persons    earning,    say,    over   £70  a    year — £70    being 

usually  considered  the  minimum  wage  at  which  a  decent  standard 
of  living  can  be  maintained.  Such  a  tax  would  certainly  bring 
in  a  very  considerable  sum  of  money ;  but  if  imposed,  one  need 
have  no  doubt  that  it  would  prove  permanent,  like  the  Income 
Tax  itself,  originally  a  temporary  impost,  but  now  become  the  sheet- 
anchor  of  national  finance.  At  the  same  time,  if  the  Income  Tax 
is  to  be  levelled  downwards  to  catch  the  minnow  as  well  as  the  triton, 
the  case  for  revision  of  the  whole  system  of  income-tax  collection 
will  become  irresistible.  At  the  present  time  the  exemptions,  abate- 
ments, special  deductions,  and  additional  levies  are  in  almost  incredible 
confusion,  which  would  be  worse  confounded  by  a  change  that  did 
not  correlate  root-and-branch  reform.  It  is  beside  the  mark  to  say 
that  war-time  is  not  the  time  to  discuss  these  matters  in  Parliament. 
The  House  of  Commons  has  voluntarily  abdicated  most  of  its  functions, 
but  although  it  has  lost  much  of  its  old  control  over  finance,  it  has  men 
of  proved  financial  ability  within  its  ranks,  and  since  it  has  no 
legislation  to  attend  to,  and  is  wisely  not  embarrassing  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  conduct  of  the  campaign,  it  has  the  time,  and  the  occasion 
presses,  for  a  serious  consideration  of  the  financial  position.  There 


172  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

is  certainly  something  magnificent  in  the  spectacle  of  the  House 
of  Commons  voting  millions  without  question,  but  the  path  of 
practical  wisdom  seems  to  lie  in  the  careful  examination  of  ways  and 
means. 

THE  War  Loan  which  it  will  be  necessary  to  float  some  time  during 
the  summer,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  matter  in  which  Westminster 
will  have  little,  and  Threadneedle  Street  everything,  to 
Posterity  sav<  ^Q  abundance  of  loose  money  available,  which 
successive  instalments  of  the  first  War  Loan  hardly 
diminishes,  and  which  has  proved  somewhat  embar- 
rassing to  Lombard  Street,  is  all  in  favour  of  Downing  Street ;  the 
truth  is  that  the  submergence  of  the  company  promoter  and  other 
financial  freebooters  of  the  City  during  these  days  of  national  necessity 
has  rendered  speculation  impossible  and  thrift  a  necessity.  The  small 
investor  can  no  longer  be  robbed,  the  bucket-shop  is  a  ruined  industry, 
and  the  gentle  art  of  fluttering  is  as  dead  as  whist.  The  Government, 
therefore,  should  be  able,  without  difficulty,  to  raise  a  second  three 
hundred  millions  at  only  a  fractional  advance  over  the  4  per  cent  of 
the  last  issue.  But  after  the  war  there  will  be  an  imperative  necessity 
for  a  new  Goschen,  who  will  consolidate  the  various  national  issues  on 
fair  terms.  A  stocktaking  of  the  whole  National  Debt  (impossible 
until  we  know  what  the  National  Debt  will  be,  say,  in  1917)  will  be 
as  imperative  as  a  revision  of  the  Income  Tax  is  now,  and  future 
Chancellors  of  the  Exchequer  will  have  seriously  to  face  the  fact  that 
Consols  at  2|  per  cent,  are  not  a  workable  proposition,  that  the  premier 
stock  at  the  nominal  price  of  over  65  means  sellers  but  not  buyers,  that 
the  rate  of  interest  in  all  securities  has  advanced,  and  that  the  bill  which 
the  British  Empire  will  pay  for  victory  and  "  the  century  of  peace  " 
which  optimistic  souls  hope  that  victory  will  purchase  is  bound  to  be 
heavy.  Politically  it  is  no  doubt  good  business  to  speak  of  reduced 
expenditure  on  armaments  after  the  war,  but  financially  it  is  chimerical. 
The  pension  bill  for  soldiers  and  sailors  "  broke  in  our  wars  "  will  be 
as  great  as  that  for  Dreadnoughts,  and  even  the  minor  prophets  are 
not  entirely  agreed  that  the  millennium  of  concord  follows  immediately 
on  Armageddon.  For  many  years  ahead,  therefore,  any  British  Govern- 
ment will  have  to  practise  economy  in  every  department  except 
political  oratory,  which  costs  as  little  as  it  achieves,  and  it  is  certain 
that,  the  war  once  over,  the  nation  will  listen  eagerly  to  those  proverbial 
colleagues  of  Peace — Retrenchment  and  Reform. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  173 

IN  the  meantime,  the  agreement  between  the  Finance  Ministers 

of  the  three  greater   belligerent  Powers — Britain,  France,  Russia — 

emphasises  the  solidarity  of  the  Allies  and  is  thus  an 

The  Allies'     additional  pledge,  if  such  were  needed,  against  a  weak 
Financial  ,     ....    °«.  ,,     £         .  ,        .,*?      .    _.  . 

Agreement     Peace »   but  lts  etiect  on  the  financial  position  in  Britain 

will  be  small,  and  while  it  will  mean  closer  co-operation 
in  finance  as  well  as  in  arms  between  the  Allies  and  is  thus  all  to  the 
good,  it  will  not  obviate  the  necessity  of  increased  taxation  and 
additional  loans  by  any  of  the  three  Powers  concerned.  Its  chief 
result  will  be  to  enable  Russia  to  mobilise  and  utilise  her  considerable 
financial  and  agricultural  resources  on  better  terms  than  before, 
facilitating  her  exports  and  re-establishing  as  nearly  as  possible  the 
parity  of  exchange,  which  has,  during  the  last  six  months,  told  heavily 
against  Russia,  particularly  since  the  entry  of  Turkey  into  the  war 
closed  the  Black  Sea  ports  to  Russian  exports  of  corn,  on  which  the 
prosperity  of  the  southern  provinces  of  that  Empire  very  largely 
depends.  An  important  feature  of  the  agreement  is  that  the  financing 
of  the  smaller  States  engaged  in  the  war — Belgium,  Serbia,  Monte- 
negro, and  those  others  "  which  may  find  themselves  in  the  near 
future  in  a  position  to  take  up  arms  for  the  common  cause  "  —is  to  be 
done  by  Britain,  France,  and  Russia  in  equal  shares,  and  to  that  end 
there  will  be  issued  "  at  a  suitable  opportunity  "  a  loan  for  that  purpose 
in  the  name  of  the  three  great  Powers.  This  will  be  a  relatively  small 
affair  in  these  days  of  colossal  war  loans ;  but  there  is  no  indication 
in  the  careful  statement  issued  by  the  British  Treasury  that  the  three 
great  Powers  have  decided  to  issue  a  huge  joint  war  loan  in  the 
near  future  to  cover  all  their  expenditure  on  the  war.  The  smaller 
States  will  be  financed  by  ^the  three  great  Powers,  but  the  three 
great  Powers  will  finance  themselves.  The  advances  which  Britain 
has  made,  or  will  make,  to  the  British  Dominions,  will  not,  of 
course,  be  included  in  this  agreement,  that  being  a  domestic  affair 
of  the  British  Empire  with  which  France  and  Russia  have  no  more 
concern  than  we  have  with  the  relations  between  the  Russian 
Imperial  and  local  Governments.  In  the  meantime  Russia  has 
raised  ten  millions  sterling  on  the  London  money  market  by 
Treasury  Bills  payable  in  twelve  months  from  the  date  of  issue ; 
the  bulk  of  the  money  so  raised  will  be  spent  on  supplies  purchased 
in  the  United  Kingdom,  and  will  thus  obviate  the  necessity  for 
exporting  gold — a  matter  of  some  consequence,  seeing  that  London 
still  remains  the  only  free  gold  market  in  Europe. 


174  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

THE  Report  on  the  Rhodes  Scholarship  Trust  for  1913-1914  states 

that  the  number  of  scholars  in  residence  during  that  period  was  177, 

of  whom  76  were  from  overseas  dominions  and  colonies, 

S^olars  88  fr°m  the  United  States>  and  13  from  Germany. 
and  the  War  ^  °iuestion  nas  been  asked  as  to  the  possibility  of 
continuing  the  German  scholarships,  and  it  is  under- 
stood that,  while  not  anticipating  that  it  will  be  either  desirable  or 
possible  to  make  any  arrangements  in  this  direction  for  some  time  to 
come,  the  Trustees  do  not  believe  that  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Rhodes' 
bequest  would  be  conveyed  by  any  permanent  change  in  their  policy. 
There  is,  in  Great  Britain,  no  hysterical  hatred  of  Germans  simply  as 
Germans,  such  as  their  rulers  have  seen  fit  to  stir  up  against  us,  and 
in  years  to  come  it  is  to  be  hoped  wounds  may  heal  sufficiently 
to  make  even  more  possible  that  strengthening  of  the  bonds  of 
intellectual  comradeship,  that  growth  of  a  real  fellowship  of  man, 
which  it  was  part  of  the  splendid  vision  of  Cecil  Rhodes  to  promote. 
Meanwhile  the  Rhodes  scholars  are  playing  their  part.  Up  to 
February  3,  98  are  known  to  have  volunteered  for  service,  and  of  these 
many  have  obtained  commissions.  Of  the  98,  30  are  Australasians, 
23  Canadians,  33  South  Africans,  5  from  Bermuda,  3  from  Jamaica, 
and  4  from  Newfoundland.  One  American,  who  was  naturalised  in 
1912,  is  in  the  City  of  London  Yeomanry,  another  is  the  driver  of 
one  of  the  Oxford  motor  ambulances  at  the  front,  one  is  with  the 
Red  Cross  in  Serbia,  and  one  with  the  Y.M.C.A.  in  France.  Of  the 
American  scholars  20  went  to  Belgium  in  the  Christmas  vacation 
to  assist  with  relief  work,  and  13  still  remain,  doing  invaluable  work. 
We  must  not  forget  a  word  of  regret  for  the  two  or  three  unfortunate 
ones  who,  being  in  Germany  for  study  purposes  when  war  broke 
out,  are  prisoners  of  war.  A  postcard  from  one  of  these  has  reached 
us ;  writing  from  a  fortress,  and  in  German,  it  was  obviously  necessary 
to  avoid  comment  on  the  war.  The  writer,  however,  conveyed  a 
good  deal  in  the  following  lines :  "  We  hear  always  that  the  Germans 
are  everywhere  victorious.  Truly  the  Germans  are  wonderful ! ' 
In  all  cases  leave  of  absence  has  been  granted  and  the  scholarships 
will  be  resumed  on  the  return  of  the  student. 

IN  an  age  when  commerce,  to  be  successful,  must  be  conducted 

upon  scientific  lines,  information  of  the  fullest  and  most  accurate 

description  is  a  necessary  feature  of  the 'business  man's 

Tr  d  ^rmaTx  e(luipment-      ^   tne    library    of    the    Institute    there 

'exists   the   most   comprehensive   collection   extant   of 

publications,  official  and  unofficial,  permanent  or  periodical,  dealing 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  175 

with  inter-Empire  trade  in  every  phase.  Based  upon  a  valuable 
bibliography,  prepared  by  Mr.  Evans  Lewin,  the  Librarian  of  the 
Institute,  at  the  outset  of  the  war,  the  Empire  Trade  and  Industry 
Committee  has  initiated  a  system  recording  of  all  the  printed  matter 
in  the  library  germane  to  the  two  subjects — trade  and  industry. 
This  record  is  kept  in  conjunction  with  the  files  of  special  reports  on 
the  trade  of  various  parts  of  the  Empire,  prepared  from  time  to  time 
for  the  Committee  by  the  honorary  corresponding  secretaries  of  the 
Institute  and  others,  and  thus  serves  as  an  index  to  all  the  sources 
of  information  in  the  possession  of  the  Institute  on  the  topics  with 
which  it  deals.  The  classification  adopted  by  Mr.  Lewin  in  his  biblio- 
graphy will  give  some  idea  of  the  scope  of  the  index  :  it  includes  the 
official  publications  of  all  the  governments  of  the  Empire  with  reports 
thereon,  Municipal  and  Chamber  of  Commerce  Reports,  British  and 
Foreign  Consular  Reports,  commercial  and  financial  periodicals, 
text-books  dealing  with  the  indicated  subjects  and  a  list  of 
directories  and  telegraphic  codes.  Two  standpoints  have  been 
especially  considered  in  the  arrangement  of  the  index — that  of 
the  practising  man  of  business  and  that  of  the  student  of 
economics.  At  the  present  time,  the  intention  is  to  deal  only  with 
such  publications  and  reports  as  are  accessible  at  the  Institute ;  but, 
in  the  near  future,  the  Committee  proposes  to  expand  the  index  to 
cover  all  sources  of  Empire  trade  information  of  which  particulars 
are  available.  It  should  be  emphasised  that  foreign  trade  relation- 
ships will  only  be  considered  in  so  far  as  they  bear  directly  upon 
questions  of  inter-Empire  trade. 

SEVERAL  references  have  recently  been  made  in  these  columns  to 
the  admirable  propaganda  work  being  carried  on  by  the  directors  of  the 
Imperial  Institute.     British  markets  for  Imperial  pro- 
Towards         ducts,  and  a  greater  use  by  British  manufacturers  of 
the  natural  resources  of  our  Dominions  and  Depen- 
dencies are  the  keynotes  of  the  policy  which  is  being 
so  energetically  advocated,  and  is  the  motive  prompting 
the  notable  exhibition  now  being  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  Insti- 
tute.    The  closing  of  German  and  Austrian  markets  should  enable  Home 
factories  to  utilise  the  raw  materials  which  so  largely  before  the  war 
went  to  supply  our  enemies  ;  while  the  production  of  more  machinery 
for  use  in  territories  under  the  flag  should  enable  us  to  recover  most  of 
our  past  supremacy  in  many  departments  of  industry. 


176 


THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY. 

THOSE  who  believe  in  the  Providential  guidance  of  human  affairs — and  probably 
their  number  is  much  larger  now  than  it  was  a  year  ago — must  regard  the  coming 
of  the  war  last  August,  in  place  of  its  postponement  to  a  later  date,  as  one  of 
the  "  crowning  mercies  "  in  the  history  of  fortunate  England.  They  must 
so  look  upon  it  from  several  points  of  view.  From  that  of  domestic  contro- 
versy, since  it  saved  us  from  civil  strife  in  Ireland.  From  that  of  moral 
awakening,  since  it  broke  the  lethargy  which  wrapped  the  soul  of  Britain  and 
kindled  once  more  high  purpose  in  her  heart.  But  not  least  must  they  offer 
thanks  to  heaven  in  that  this  supreme  test  came  upon  us  before  the  processes 
which  were  at  work  had  reduced  still  further  our  naval  superiority  over  the 
fleet  of  Germany.  For  the  war  has  come  in  such  fashion  as  to  leave  that 
vast  advantage  of  sea  command  to  all  appearance  incontestably  with  the 
Allies. 

We  speak  with  bated  breath  in  presence  of  the  mists  of  an  unknown  future. 
We  speak  with  thankful  humility,  and  not  with  pride.  But,  at  least  during  the 
first  six  months  of  the  world  struggle,  Austria  and  Germany  have  not  dared 
to  challenge  the  British  Navy  in  open  conflict.  Against  all  hostile  war  craft 
save  those  which  elude  its  guns  by  seeking  safety  beneath  the  surface  of  the 
waters,  that  Navy  has  closed  the  gates  of  the  North  Sea.  For,  from  what  was 
once  termed  the  German  Ocean,  there  are  but  two  exits  into  the  wider  oceans 
of  the  world.  They  are  the  Straits  of  Dover  and  the  stretch  of  water  between 
the  coasts  of  Norway  and  of  Scotland.  Thus,  as  it  were,  has  our  Navy  fixed  a 
bit  into  the  mouth  of  Germany.  All  German  exports  and  imports,  carried 
under  the  German  flag,  have  been  made  to  cease.  All  German  exports  and 
imports,  carried  under  the  neutral  flag,  might  have  been  made  to  cease.  Naval 
power  offered  the  means.  The  dead  hand  of  politicians  who  in  their  day 
robbed  naval  power  of  half  its  efficacy,  coupled  with  the  hesitation  of  con- 
temporary statesmanship  at  home  and  abroad,  has  hitherto  spoilt  the 
opportunity  and  declined  its  use. 

The  action  of  this  naval  war  may  be  conveniently  divided  into  three  parts, 
which  are  the  North  Sea,  the  Mediterranean,  and  all  the  outer  waters  of  the 
globe.  In  the  first,  the  British  Navy  has  not  only  held  the  doors.  It  has  also 
held  that  sea  itself.  Putting  aside  for  the  moment  the  question  of  submarines, 
the  Navy  of  its  foe  has  been  practically  restricted,  save  for  a  few  fugitive  ex- 
cursions, to  the  neighbourhood  of  its  ports.  Such  raids  are  of  the  nature  of 
sallies  from  a  besieged  city — sallies  not  intended  to  break  the  besieger's  lines, 
but  merely  to  give  him  an  alerte,  and  to  be  recalled  at  the  moment  when  he 
brings  his  forces  into  play.  Of  the  three  principal  issues  of  Teutonic  squadrons, 
the  first  was  wholly  abortive ;  the  second  alone  effected  damage — but  damage 
non-military  in  its  character  and  almost  wholly  confined  to  non-combatants — 
while  the  third  ended  in  the  loss  of  the  Bliicher  and  the  crippling  of  the  Seydlitz 
and  the  Derfflinger. 

How  has  this  great  benefit  been  attained  for  England  ?    Not,  of  course,  by 


[Photo  by  BasKcnw.] 

THE     RIGHT     HON.    WINSTON     S.     CHURCHILL, 
First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty. 


[Photo  by  Rusaell,  London.] 
ADMIRAL     LORD     FISHER     OF     KILVERSTONE. 


[Photo  by  Russell,  Southsea,'] 
ADMIRAL     SIR     JOHN    JELLICOE. 


[Photo  by  Russell,  Southsea.} 
VICE  ADMIRAL    SIR     D.    BEATTY. 


[To  face  itaae  176. 


[Photo  by  Stephen  Cribb,  South  sea.] 
PAST    AND    PRESENT:     H.M.S.    "  VICTORY,"  1 805,  AND    H.M.S.  "  DREADNOUGHT,"  1 906. 


[Photo  by  Sumonds  &  Co.,  Portsmouth.] 
H.M.S.  "IRON    DUKE"— ADMIRAL  JELLICOE'S   FLAGSHIP. 

To  face  page  177. 


THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY.  177 

the  childish  policy  of  dispersing  our  main  fleet  in  fragments  along  the  east  coast ; 
but  by  the  opposite  policy  of  withholding  the  main  fleet,  with  its  divisions,  as  we 
may  very  safely  surmise,  always  in  sufficient  touch  with  one  another  to  admit  of 
concerted  action  in  case  of  emergency,  and  at  the  same  time  of  patrolling  the 
waters  of  the  English — not  the  "  German  "  Ocean — with  swift  craft,  battle- 
cruisers,  light  cruisers,  and  destroyers,  adapted  to  the  service  which  they  have 
to  render.  This  has  been  the  idea.  This  has  been  generally  the  practice,  and 
it  is  only  where  and  because  that  practice,  with  its  appropriate  dispositions,  has 
been  departed  from,  that  we  have  had  such  a  disaster  as  the  loss  of  the  three 
Cressys.  The  successful  consequence  of  this  course  has  been  to  preclude  our 
adversaries  from  venturing  far  into  the  North  Sea  with  any  surface  vessels  which 
were  not  of  high  speed,  and  with  those  only  at  deadly  risk.  For  if  they  sent  any 
of  the  slower  units  of  their  fleet,  not  being  battle-ships  of  premier  force,  their 
fate,  if  they  met  our  battle-cruisers,  would  have  been  sealed.  Hardly,  and  with 
difficulty,  did  the  Seydlitz,  the  Molihe,  and  the  Derfflinger  escape  when  they 
encountered  the  avenging  flag  of  Britain.  Had  they  been  of  slower  speed,  their 
certain  haven  would  have  been  in  the  depths. 

But  if  the  Hunnish  battle-fleet,  or  part  of  it,  came  out,  what  then  ?  Then 
its  time  before  the  moment  of  trial  would  be  short.  The  British  battle-ships 
would  be  swiftly  advised  of  the  apparition,  and  would  come  on  the  scene  in 
proportionate  and  greater  strength.  The  enemy  would  have  either  to  fight  or 
fly.  If  he  fled,  our  battle-cruisers,  peculiarly  fitted  for  pursuit,  would  render 
that  flight  difficult.  If  he  fought,  he  would  have  to  contend  with  superior 
force. 

Yet  here  we  have  to  admit  the  presence  of  factors  of  which  the  potency 
cannot  fully  be  gauged.  We  may  feel  assured  that  in  gun  power  we  shall  be 
superior  to  the  foe.  But  gun  power  is  no  longer  the  single  decider  of  victory. 
Our  admirals  will  have  to  reckon  with  the  torpedo  and  the  mine.  To  exude 
mines  in  their  retreat,  as  a  spider  exudes  web,  seems  now  an  habitual  method 
with  German  war-ships.  There  was  a  time  when  the  destroyer  appeared  to 
many  to  be  a  murderous  and  devilish  instrument  of  warfare.  But,  considered 
in  these  aspects,  what  is  the  destroyer  by  the  side  of  the  submarine,  and  what  is 
the  submarine  in  comparison  with  the  mine  ?  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  Sir 
John  Jellicoe  and  his  subordinate  flag  officers  doubtless  know  everything  worth 
knowing  concerning  these  new  devices.  They  will  so  steer  their  course  as  to 
avoid,  so  far  as  is  humanly  possible,  the  floating  mine ;  they  will  seek  to 
maintain,  it  may  be  guessed,  a  screen  of  destroyers  to  protect  them  against 
submarines  ;  and  they  will  also,  it  may  be  conceived,  prefer  to  fight  at  long 
range,  to  diminish  the  risk  from  torpedoes. 

But  all  this  naval  art,  however  skilfully  applied,  can  guarantee  no  certain 
avoidance  of  heavy  loss.  Crippled  ships  may  be  struck  by  submarine  missiles 
despite  all  protecting  care ;  the  floating  mine  may  not  always  be  evaded. 
Moreover,  an  actionjnight  take  place  during  night  or  fog,  when  all  the  con- 
ditions would  be  altered.  Yet  against  all  these  manifest  perils,  which  to  ignore 
would  be  folly,  we  can  set  one  great  reassuring  fact — namely,  that  the  German 

N  2 


178  THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY. 

fleet  would  be  exposed  to  them  also.  In  challenging  fate  in  the  open  a  Hunnish 
battle-squadron  loses  its  immunity.  It  is  immune  from  our  own  submarines 
and  destroyers  while  it  skulks  behind  its  mine  field  or  in  its  guarded  ports. 
It  becomes  a  target  when  it  emerges  from  them.  And  our  submarines  are 
more  numerous  than,  and  at  least  as  efficient  as,  those  of  the  enemy.  As  for 
the  mine,  it  is  a  double-edged  tool,  dangerous  often  to  its  employer  as  well  as 
to  those  against  whom  it  is  designed  to  act.  This  is  a  circumstance  with  which 
the  German  Admiralty  can  scarcely  fail  to  be  acquainted,  seeing  that — in  two 
instances  at  least— they  have  thus  blown  up  their  own  ships.  Assuming,  then, 
an  equality  on  either  side  of  that  element  known  as  "  luck,"  despite  all  their 
devices,  the  probability  of  defeat  in  a  great  naval  battle  attaches  heavily  to 
our  foes.  That  this  is  their  own  considered  judgment  is  a  certain  inference 
from  their  cession  to  ourselves  of  command  of  the  North  Sea,  with  all  the 
corroding  disabilities  to  themselves  which  that  cession  involves.  For  by  this 
abandonment,  and  until  and  unless  they  vanquish  our  fleet,  they  have  debarred 
their  Navy  from  playing  its  part  in  the  war.  It  can,  while  these  disabilities 
continue,  neither  enter  the  Atlantic  nor  proceed  to  the  Mediterranean.  It 
can  convoy  no  troops.  It  can  aid  in  no  effective  military  operations.  The 
fleeting  bombardment  of  the  Hartlepools  and  Scarborough  has  been,  so  far, 
its  highest  exploit. 

But  what  of  the  great  inland  sea  ?  What  of  that  conduit  of  communication 
between  East  and  West,  round  which  the  civilisation  of  antiquity  gathered, 
and  which  to-day  binds  together  by  the  cord  of  its  waters  so  many  diverse 
peoples  ?  In  the  significance  of  the  functions  which  it  discharges  in  the  present 
conflict  the  Mediterranean  is  second  only  to  the  North  Sea  and  the  English 
Channel.  To  us,  it  is  an  artery  of  empire.  To  the  French,  it  is  the  bridge 
across  which  they  bring  troops  from  their  African  colony.  Its  waters  lap 
the  naval  ports  of  Austria.  Through  them  we  have  borne  in  British  ships 
the  martial  sons  of  India  who  have  come  to  fight  for  the  British  Eaj  on  Western 
battlefields.  In  Egypt  and  on  the  borders  of  the  Suez  Canal  are  at  this  moment 
assembled  New  Zealanders  and  Australians,  children  of  those  daughter-states 
of  Britain  which,  in  the  imagination  of  the  Huns,  were  to  seize  the  hour  of 
peril  as  the  occasion  to  sever  all  ties  betwixt  themselves  and  the  land  of  their 
forefathers.  All  these  operations,  however  military  in  their  nature,  however 
much  their  object  has  had  reference  to  warfare  on  the  land,  were  in  their  founda- 
tion naval.  It  was  the  power  which  held  the  sea  that  alone  made  them  possible. 
It  was  the  far-off  fleet  of  Britain  in  the  North  Sea  which  arrested  attack  and 
by  that  arrest  made  the  Mediterranean  a  lake  belonging  to  the  Allies. 

Yet  when  we  say  this,  let  us  do  j ustice  to  the  fleet  of  France.  The  co-operation 
of  her  navy  has  been  the  complement  of  the  work  of  our  own.  Without  that 
vital  aid,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  our  naval  resources  could  have  sufficed  for  the 
immense  effort  demanded  from  them.  To  contain  the  fleet  of  Austria,  we 
should  have  had  to  send  so  powerful  a  detachment  from  Admiral  Jellicoe's 
squadron  that  our  main  grip  on  the  throat  of  our  principal  opponent  would 
have  been  dangerously  relaxed.  The  arduous  convoying  duties  which  fell 


THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY.  179 

upon  the  Navy  during  the  closing  months  of  last  year,  and  the  difficulty  ex- 
perienced in  fulfilling  them,  were  freely  admitted  in  the  House  of  Commons  by 
the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  on  February  15th.  If  to  those  labours  had 
been  added  the  whole  burden  of  being  prepared  for  Austrian  naval  developments, 
as  well  as  that  of  watching  the  Dardanelles  and  of  providing  against  Yon  Spec's 
squadron  and  other  German  naval  units  at  large  in  the  ocean,  the  task  might 
well  have  been  too  great  for  our  achievement,  unassisted  by  the  French.  With 
that  assistance,  and  with  the  great  negative  help  of  Italy's  neutrality,  our 
naval  forces  have  so  far  been  proved  equal  to  the  immense  work  which  has 
fallen  to  their  lot.  But  this  work,  in  the  Mediterranean  as  in  the  North  Sea, 
manifestly  is  still  very  far  from  completion.  The  bombardment  of  the  Turkish 
forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Straits  famous  in  human  story  marks  another  part 
of  the  giant  responsibility  laid  upon  the  allied  fleets.  To  match  ships  against 
guns  mounted  in  fortified  positions  on  the  land — to  dare  the  dangers  of  the 
mines  by  which  the  entrance  to  the  Sea  of  Marmora  is  protected — these  are 
the  risks  which  must  be  faced  and  which  must  be  overcome  if  the  ancient  city 
of  Constantine,  linking  Asia  with  Europe  across  the  waters  of  the  Bosphorus, 
is  to  be  torn  at  last  from  the  Tartar  tribe  that  during  four  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  years  has  held  it  in  its  grasp. 

If  that  great  feat  is  to  be  now  achieved,  it  will  be  naval  force  which  will  have 
created  the  possibility.  When  the  Cross  supersedes  the  Crescent  on  the  Mosque 
of  St.  Sophia,  the  guns  which  salute  that  emblem  of  Christian  civilisation  will 
mark  the  might  of  Sea  Power.  And  the  vast  influence  which  that  redemption 
will  exert  on  the  swaying  fortunes  of  the  war  will  again  bear  witness  to  the  same 
abiding  strength.  Since  Constantinople  was  last  stormed  by  the  hosts  of  the 
West,  since  the  fleets  and  the  ambition  of  Venice  bore  the  crusading  armies  to  its 
walls,  and  by  the  victory  then  won  substituted  for  the  rule  of  the  Greeks  the 
brief  and  ill-starred  empire  of  the  Latins,  more  than  seven  centuries  have  elapsed. 
Wide  indeed  is  the  difference  between  the  ships  and  the  armaments  of  that  far- 
off  day  and  those  of  this.  But  while  the  methods  of  warfare  have  changed  with 
the  generations  in  which  science  has  advanced,  the  demand  which  war  makes 
on  the  heart  and  the  brain  of  man — the  need  for  valour  and  for  conduct — are 
still  the  same. 

Should  Stamboul  fall  before  the  onslaught  of  the  allied  fleets,  they  will  at 
once  become  masters  of  the  Black  Sea.  The  shattering  effects  of  the  blow 
may  not  improbably  suffice  to  bring  the  edifice  of  German  domination  in  Turkey 
crashing  upon  the  heads  of  its  agents.  Never  did  a  more  artificial  sway  exist. 
It  is  founded  neither  upon  love  nor  upon  interest ;  nor  even,  strictly  speaking, 
upon  force.  It  is  based  upon  a  theft,  a  sale,  and  a  conspiracy.  The  theft  of  the 
central  authority  by  the  Young  Turks  ;  the  sale  by  them  of  that  authority  to 
Germany  ;  and  the  conspiracy  by  which  these  results  have  been  attained.  The 
capture  of  Constantinople  and  the  naval  dominance  of  the  Allies  would  mean  the 
severance  of  Turkey  in  Europe  from  Turkey  in  Asia,  and  the  intervention  in 
the  war  certainly  of  Eoumania,  and  probably  of  Italy.  Seldom,  even  in  the 
history  of  the  sea,  have  greater  consequences  proceeded  from  victory  achieved 


180  THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY. 

upon  its  waves,  than  would  inevitably  proceed  from  a  naval  triumph  in  the 
Bosphorus. 

When  we  turn  our  survey  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  outer  seas,  and 
enquire  the  nature  of  the  work  which  the  Navy  there  has  performed,  we  perceive 
the  discharge  of  a  different  function.  Not  to  contain  hostile  fleets,  but  to  protect 
commerce,  to  guard  the  ocean  highways  from  assault,  has  been,  there,  the  main 
characteristic  of  the  navy's  task.  And  however  difficult  and  however  onerous  that 
duty  may  have  been,  it  has  been  less  difficult  and  less  onerous  than  reasonable 
anticipation  might  have  conceived.  We  touch  here  on  the  naval  bearing  of 
political  issues  at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  The  plain  truth  is  that  Germany 
was  utterly  misled  by  party  voices  and  party  strife  in  England.  She  formed 
the  definite  opinion  that  Britain  would  stand  by,  as  a  neutral,  while  she  destroyed 
France  and  defeated  Eussia.  Our  day  of  ruin,  of  humiliation,  and  of  defeat 
would  have  come  later. 

But  thus  convinced  of  our  inaction,  the  German  Admiralty  failed  to  take 
the  steps  which,  but  for  that  conviction,  would  assuredly  have  been  theirs. 
They  did  not  make  the  preparations  to  infest  the  trade  routes  with  their  armed 
merchantmen  and  their  light  cruisers  on  the  scale  and  with  the  thoroughness 
which  they  would  otherwise  certainly  have  displayed.  In  a  case  such  as 
Germany's,  destitute  of  coaling  stations  and,  in  the  event  of  British  participation, 
compelled  to  act  in  the  presence  of  superior  naval  force,  elaborate  previous 
arrangements  with  colliers  and  agents  would  be  necessary  to  provide  their  ocean 
raiders  with  fuel.  Some  such  previous  arrangements  it  would  seem  that  they 
did  make,  for  it  has  been  reported  that  correspondence  was  discovered  at  the 
Cape  showing  that,  in  June  last,  the  captain  of  a  German  man-of-war  received 
instructions  how  to  proceed  in  order  to  meet  the  vessel  intended  to  coal  him. 
But  it  must  be  surmised  that  the  belief,  constantly  strengthening,  in  British 
neutrality  prevented  the  full  development  of  such  plans.  At  any  rate,  the 
number  of  German  sea  raiders  which  were  at  large  in  the  oceans  when  war 
broke  out  and  Britain,  contrary  to  Hunnish  expectation,  became  a  belligerent, 
was  comparatively  limited,  while  the  difficulties  in  regard  to  supply  with  which 
they  had  to  contend  were  immense. 

We  approach  now  a  theme  with  which  it  is  impossible  to  deal  fully,  because 
it  involves  political  considerations.  But  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  gallant  Admiral 
Cradock  and  of  the  fifteen  or  sixteen  hundred  devoted  officers  and  men  who 
went  down  with  him,  with  their  colours  flying,  cannot  be  totally  excluded  from 
discussion.  Yet  before  we  advert  to  the  disasters  (grievous  in  themselves, 
though  slight  by  comparison  with  the  forces  exposed  to  danger)  incurred 
by  the  Eoyal  Navy  in  the  course  of  seven  months  of  war,  it  is  right  that  anyone 
approaching  this  subject  should  express  his  humble  tribute  of  unstinted  admira- 
tion to  the  noble  spirit  and  the  glorious  efficiency  which  the  great  sea  service 
has  evinced.  Mr.  Newbolt  has  spoken  (in  his  unforgettable  poem  on  the  towing 
to  her  last  berth  of  the  old  Temeraire)  concerning  the  "  great  days  done  ".  But 
have  there  ever  been  greater  days  than  these  ?  In  the  greatest  periods,  in  the 
days  of  the  Armada,  in  the  days  of  Blake,  on  that  "  wild  November  afternoon  " 


THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY.       181 

in  1759  when  "  Hawke  came  swooping  from  the  West  "  (again  to  quote  Mr. 
Newbolt)  or  even  in  the  years  that  witnessed  Trafalgar,  and  the  battles  of 
Copenhagen  and  the  Nile,  has  the  British  Navy  ever  manifested  higher  qualities 
of  valour  and  discipline  and  devotion  to  duty  than  those  of  which  their  country- 
men have  felt  its  possession  since  this  strife  began  ?  The  end  is  still  far.  The 
great  final  crash  which  fate  may,  or  may  not,  have  in  store,  has  not  yet  been 
heard.  But,  whatever  the  issue,  this  at  least  we  know — that  to-day  the  British 
Navy,  the  Navy  of  the  Empire,  is  worthy  of  its  past. 

The  limits  of  space  forbid  that  every  incident  in  which  the  fleet  has  lost 
a  ship  should  be  dwelt  upon  here,  nor  would  such  a  review  have  any  special 
value.  But  we  may  with  advantage  take  the  two  principal  disasters  which 
have  occurred,  and  seek  the  reasons  for  them.  These  two  misfortunes  are  the 
sinking  of  the  Monmouih  and  Good  Hope,  and  that  of  the  three  Cressys.  Why 
was  it,  then,  that  Admiral  Cradock  had  imposed  upon  him  a  duty  which  he  and 
his  officers  and  every  naval  expert  must  have  known  to  be  hopeless  ?  Because 
the  cruisers  which  were  "  scrapped  "  in  1905-1906  were  not  replaced.  In  that 
period  some  sixty  cruisers  were  struck  off  the  Navy  List.  The  reason 
given  was  the  need  of  substituting  for  them  more  modern  craft.  The  actual 
motive  was  the  desire  to  reduce  expenditure.  But  the  promised  substitutes 
were  not  put  in  hand.  For  years  the  construction  of  cruisers,  properly  so  called, 
almost  entirely  ceased.  Not  until  after  the  naval  scare  of  1909  was  work  begun 
again  in  earnest,  and  effort  shown  to  make  good  the  leeway.  But  the  ground 
which  had  been  lost  was  too  great  to  be  regained  speedily,  and  when  last  year — 
the  year  of  fate — brought  the  moment  of  trial,  our  strength  in  cruisers,  relatively 
to  Germany,  was  far  less  not  only  than  it  had  been  in  1904  but  even  in  1906. 
This  fact  is  beyond  the  reach  of  controversy,  being  based  on  the  two  Admiralty 
Eeturns,  showing  the  comparative  strength  of  fleets,  which  were  issued 
respectively  in  the  spring  of  the  last  year  named  and  in  that  of  1914.  In  March 
1906,  we  possessed  114  cruisers  against  82  possessed  by  Germany.  In 
February  last,  six  months  before  the  war,  the  respective  figures  were  106 
British  and  52  German.*  In  other  words,  we  had  exchanged  a  relation 
of  more  than  3£  to  1  for  a  ratio  of  just  over  2  to  1. 

Now,  as  recent  experience  has  abundantly  shown,  the  need  of  the  British 
Empire  for  cruisers  in  time  of  war  is  very  great.  In  the  result,  the  Admiralty 
evidently  did  not  feel  able  to  spare  cruising  vessels  of  newer  and  more  powerful 
type  to  reinforce  Admiral  Cradock's  command,  and  therefore  they  left  him  to 
take  his  forlorn  chance  with  no  additional  force  other  than  the  old  Canopus 
which  fortunately  failed  to  be  present  at  the  action  and  thus  escaped  otherwise 
inevitable  destruction.  When  the  disaster  came,  when  so  many  valiant 
servants  of  Britain  were  hurled  to  death,  then  at  last  the  British  naval 
authorities  at  home  were  driven  to  dare  the  risks  which  before  that  they  had 
shunned.  This  is  no  vague  surmise,  but  the  clear  inference  from  the  words  of 
Mr.  Winston  Churchill,  speaking  officially  in  the  House  of  Commons.  In  the 
face  of  a  menace  which  could  not  be  ignored,  the  whole  combination  by  which 

*  Battle  cruisers  are  not  included  in  this  comparison. 


182  THE  WAR  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY. 

the  inward  seas  were  held  and  the  battle-fleet  of  Germany  restricted,  was 
strained  in  order  to  provide  the  certainty  that  the  German  Admiral's  squadron 
might  be  met  and  might  be  defeated.  The  effort  succeeded.  Admiral 
Sturdee's  skilful  dispositions  brought  triumph.  The  victory  off  the  Falkland 
Isles  was  won.  Once  more  the  luck  of  England  had  pulled  her  through. 

The  second  most  fatal  episode  in  our  recent  naval  history  was  the  torpedoing 
by  a  submarine  of  the  Hogue,  the  Aboukir,  and  the  Cressy.  There  were  two 
chief  causes  for  that  lamentable  loss,  and  they  were  both  of  the  same  nature  as 
the  cause  of  Cradock's  defeat.  Economy  sank  the  Cressys.  The  economy 
which,  during  vital  years  while  Germany  was  fiercely  preparing  her  fleet,  stinted 
money  not  on  cruisers  only  but  also  on  destroyers.  The  present  writer  was  one 
of  a  very  small  band  who  ceaselessly  strove  throughout  that  time  to  awaken  the 
British  public  to  the  dangers  which  were  being  incurred.  By  speech,  by  pub- 
lished writing,  by  correspondence,  by  the  presentment  of  questions  in  the 
House  of  Commons  through  patriotic  members  of  Parliament,  we  sought  to 
make  manifest  the  wrong  that  was  being  done.  Had  we  been  listened  to,  had  we 
succeeded,  several  thousand  British  sailors,  officers  and  men,  who  are  now  dead, 
would  have  been  still  alive.  For  the  immediate  occasion  of  most  of  the  losses 
has  been  lack  of  a  sufficient  number  of  destroyers  for  the  work  required — lack 
of  destroyers  coupled  with  the  unavoidable  employment  of  older  and  slower 
types  of  cruiser.* 

We  have  seen  that,  in  the  whole  survey,  despite  our  losses,  the  naval  power 
of  Britain  has  sufficed.  It  has  sufficed  because  Italy  has  been  neutral,  and 
because  France  and  Eussia  have  been  our  Allies.  The  Eussian  fleet,  though 
an  inconspicuous,  is  yet  a  powerful  factor  in  the  war.  It  is  truly  "  a  fleet  in 
being".  Germany  can  never  forget  the  restraining  fact  of  its  existence;  for 
were  her  own  naval  forces  to  be  destroyed,  or  very  seriously  diminished  as 
the  result  of  an  encounter  with  our  Navy,  the  command  of  the  Baltic  Sea  would 
pass  to  the  Czar,  and  with  that  command  the  ability  to  exercise  pressure  on 
the  Baltic  ports.  The  Kiel  Canal  might  be  seized  by  Eussian  troops,  and  the 
allied  fleets,  coalescing,  might  torment  the  coasts  of  Germany  and  threaten, 
by  landings,  her  military  position. 

Thus  then  the  navies  of  Britain,  of  France,  and  of  Eussia,  like  that  of  Japan 
in  the  Far  East,  have  done  their  part.  They  have  secured  for  the  Allies,  up 
to  now,  command  of  the  seas.  But  the  principal  means  of  offence  which  such 
command  confers  we  have  not  chosen  to  apply.  The  Declaration  of  Paris 
has  been,  and  at  this  moment  still  is,  the  shield  of  Germany  and  Austria.  Our 
Ministers  talk  of  stopping,  at  last,  all  imports  of  food  into  Germany  ;  but,  up 
to  the  time  when  this  article  is  penned,  they  have  not  done  it.  The  Declara- 
ration  of  Paris  was  never  authorised  by  Parliament.  It  was  never  ratified  by 
the  Sovereign.  Spain  and  the  United  States  were  not  parties  to  it.  With 
three  of  the  signatories — Germany,  Austria,  and  Turkey — we  are  now  at  war  ; 

*  The  lifetime  of  destroyers  is  usually  taken  as  less  than  twelve  years,  since  within  that  period 
they  tend  to  become  both  obsolete  and  worn  out.  In  1906,  England  possessed  139  destroyers, 
under  twelve  years  of  age,  against  43  German.  In  February  1914,  the  number  of  completed 
British  destroyers,  under  that  age,  was  135,  and  of  German,  113. 


TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.    183 

while  the  first  and  chief  of  these  Powers  has  by  her  infamies  abrogated  every 
international  agreement  which  has  ever  existed  between  us.  Two  of  the  other 
Powers  which,  with  us,  subscribed  the  Declaration,  were  Eussia  and  France, 
both  of  which  have  the  mightiest  interest  in  supporting  the  final  rescission  of 
the  instrument  whose  binding  effect  means  the  vast  prolonging  of  the  war. 
The  whole  country,  and  the  whole  Empire,  demand  that  the  Declaration 
of  Paris  shall  be  now  denounced,  and  that  the  old  right  to  capture  all  enemy 
goods  under  the  neutral  flag  shall  be  resumed.  By  that  step  we  shall  shorten 
the  war.  By  that  step  the  Allies  will  bring  certain  victory  to  their  straining 
peoples,  of  whom — if  it  be  not  taken — hundreds  of  thousands,  and  per- 
haps millions,  will  be  doomed  to  fall  in  the  long-drawn-out  processes  of  war 
on  land. 

Call  on  Sea  Power  to  do  its  work  ! 

H.  F.  WYATT. 


THE   TEUTON-SLAV   CONTEST   IN   EASTERN   EUROPE. 

WHEN  the  war  began  seven  months  ago,  Germany  put  before  herself  an 
immediate  goal  and  an  ultimate  object  on  both  eastern  and  western  fronts. 
On  the  western  front  the  immediate  goal  was  Paris,  the  ultimate  object  was 
the  crushing  of  France  and  the  seizure  of  the  French  colonies.  On  the  eastern 
front  the  immediate  goal  was  Warsaw,  the  seizure  of  which  would  deprive 
Russia  of  effective  striking  power  for  some  considerable  time ;  the  ultimate 
object  was  to  extend  the  Teuton  power  at  the  expense  of  the  Slav,  to  roll  back 
Slavdom  across  that  long  uncertain  frontier,  between  broad  Vistula  and  swift 
Oder,  which  through  all  the  ages  has  been  the  meeting-ground  and  scene  of 
struggle  between  the  two. 

Neither  of  these  immediate  goals  has  been  reached  by  Germany ;  how 
then  can  she  attain  her  ultimate  object  ?  Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  she 
has,  for  the  time  at  least,  pushed  forward  her  frontiers  on  both  sides,  and  so 
far  the  successes — I  say  nothing  of  the  honours — of  war  on  land  are  hers. 
One  may  fail  in  one's  original  intention  and  yet  achieve  something ;  and  the 
recent  curious  changes  of  tone  in  the  German  Press — which  have  been  somewhat 
too  sensationally  handled  by  the  English  newspapers,  with  the  patriotic  if 
misleading  design  of  making  the  enemy  appear  more  downhearted  than  he  is 
— are  probably  due  to  changing  focus.  If  they  have  lost  Paris,  they  have 
secured  Belgium ;  if  they  have  lost  Warsaw,  the  dreaded  Eussian  invasion  of 
Germany  has  never  reached  farther  than  a  distant  corner  of  East  Prussia,  which 
to  an  untravelled  German  of  Berlin  or  Hesse  is  about  as  remote  as  John  o' 
Groats  to  a  Cockney  or  Paradise  to  an  Agnostic. 

The  truth  is  [says  the  Berliner  Tageblatt,  in  a  passage  worth  quoting  as  indicative 
of  the  more  sober  German  opinion]  that  the  western  seat  of  war  is  to  be  considered 
more  in  the  light  of  a  gigantic  manoauvring  field  than  as  the  scene  of  epochal  battles. 
The  real  theatre  of  war  lies  in  the  east,  and  it  is  in  the  east  that  the  fate  of  the  western 


181    TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

campaign  will  be  finally  decided.  Germany  has  no  more  fear  of  the  result  there 
than  elsewhere.  In  the  west,  the  sun  of  England  and  France  is  already  set  or 
setting  ;  in  the  east  breaks  the  glorious  dawn  of  Germania's  triumph." 

In  less  ecstatic  words,  Germany  thinks  her  chances  better  in  the  east  than  in 
the  west,  although  she  has  more  and  better  troops  in  the  west. 

There  has  been  some  apparent  foundation  for  this  point  of  view.  The 
losses  in  the  east  have  been  mainly  Austrian,  the  successes  entirely  German. 
The  Eussians  hold  the  greater  part  of  Galicia  firmly,  although  they  have 
retired,  perhaps  only  temporarily,  from  Bukowina ;  their  troops  have  crossed 
the  Carpathians  in  several  places,  and  are  now  overrunning  the  fertile  plains 
of  Hungary.  Against  this  the  Austrians  hold  Przemysl  and  Cracow  with 
German  aid,  but  their  renewed  offensive  against  Serbia  has  been  abandoned 
in  view  of  the  Russian  invasion. 

Germany  makes  a  better  showing  than  her  unhappy  ally.  The  energy  of 
von  Hindenburg  has  driven  the  Russians  back  from  their  design  of  invading 
Germany  by  way  of  Cracow,  and  from  their  advanced  position  in  East  Prussia. 
In  the  latter  province,  indeed,  the  success  of  Germany,  though  local,  was  a 
serious,  but  by  no  means  conclusive  victory  for  German  arms,  achieved  by 
the  concentration  in  that  region  of  the  new  troops — the  last  card,  according 
to  some  military  critics,  in  the  Kaiser's  hand. 

But  other  considerations  enter  here  of  a  different  character,  which  Berlin  has 
forgotten  in  her  access  of  rejoicing  over  a  probably  temporary  and  certainly 
partial  Russian  retreat.  The  war  in  the  east  is  fundamentally  one  for  enlarging 
the  Teuton  territory  at  the  expense  of  the  Slav — for  extending  Austrian  or 
German  dominance  over  the  Slav  States  of  the  Balkans,  in  the  same  way 
that  Austrian  bureaucracy  and  Hungarian  aristocracy  have  extended  their 
dominance  over  the  Slav  within  their  borders.  "  Austria  ",  said  Bismarck 
fifty  years  ago,  "  is  like  a  house  made  of  bad  bricks  which  are  held  together 
by  good  mortar ;  the  bad  bricks  are  the  barbarous  Slavs,  the  good  mortar 
is  the  German  element."  That  may  be  taken  as  a  typical  German  statement 
of  the  politics  of  the  Near  East ;  it  has  been  Germany's  aim  for  many  years, 
by  pushing  her  trade,  by  concluding  financial  agreements,  and  by  obtaining 
all  possible  economic  concessions,  to  expand  over  the  Balkans,  so  that  the 
various  Balkan  States  should  be,  so  to  say,  "  bad  bricks  "  held  together  by 
the  "  good  mortar  "  of  German  control  from  Berlin  or  Vienna. 

For  that  reason  German  policy,  which  had  been  extremely  successful  in 
Turkey  and  Asia  Minor — and  which  quickly  recovered  its  dominant  influence 
at  Constantinople  after  the  dynasty  on  which  it  had  built  its  policy  crumbled 
in  the  Turkish  revolution — was  seriously  incommoded  by  the  formation  of 
the  Balkan  League  in  1912.  That  league  proved  that  what  the  diplomats 
had  thought  impossible  could  be  achieved — the  Balkan  peoples  could  on 
occasion  sink  their  ancient  differences  in  the  common  cause.  It  is  true  that 
the  league  only  lasted  a  few  months,  and  the  discords  of  centuries  quickly 
cracked  the  thin  veneer  of  alliance  ;  but  Germany  had  her  warning  that  the 
task  of  establishing  her  dominance  was  not  too  easy. 


TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.  185 


~^f~        =H^_v  .•'        ^^*!^jp*-^Jt/y*;~^' 


SKETCH     MAP    OF     THE     BALKAN     STATES 

SLAVS 


186    TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

The  internal  condition  of  Austria  of  late  years,  too,  presented  another 
warning.  The  "  bad  Slav  bricks  "  of  Bismarck's  metaphor  were  increasing 
more  rapidly  than  "  the  good  German  mortar "  of  that  Empire.  The 
foundations  of  the  Hapsburg  edifice  shifted,  and  the  walls  occasionally 
cracked,  as  the  new  nationalist  spirit  of  the  Slavs  made  its  way  to  the 
surface ;  *  and  to  Austria's  alarm,  an  independent  house  of  bad  Slav  bricks 
and  no  good  German  mortar  arose  across  the  way  in  Serbia,  which  bade  fair 
to  damage  the  German  bureaucratic  dominance  in  Austria  and  the  Magyar 
aristocratic  dominance  in  Hungary  by  sheer  weight  of  political  gravity. 

Both  the  Germanic  Powers,  however,  recollecting  the  ancient  diplomatic 
maxim  to  "  make  friends  with  one's  neighbour's  neighbour,"  held  tenaciously 
to  intrigue  among  the  rival  Balkan  States.  Serbia  was  the  common  enemy  ; 
Bulgaria  a  possible  friend ;  Eoumania,  which  presented  the  paradox  of  an 
essentially  Latin  State  under  a  German  sovereign  in  the  heart  of  a  Slav  com- 
munity, was  no  particular  intimate  of  Austria's,  since  Austria-Hungary  held 
territory  and  population  in  Transylvania  which  Eoumania  considered  rightly 
hers,  but  Eoumania  had  at  least  a  Hohenzollern  king.  National  sentiment, 
however,  may  yet  prove  too  strong  in  Eoumania  for  dynastic  considerations,  and 
the  early  entry  of  that  kingdom  into  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Allies  is  antici- 
pated ;  but  the  chance — it  was  never  more — that  Bulgaria  might  sink  her 
ancient  differences  with  Eoumania  and  Serbia  seems  now  to  have  vanished. 

German  diplomacy,  which  has  failed  utterly  in  the  western  world,  has 
had  some  measure  of  success  in  the  Near  East,  where  other  methods  prevail, 
with  less  of  tact  and  more  of  the  bully.  The  one  conspicuous  achievement 
of  German  diplomacy  has  been  the  forcing  of  Turkey  into  alliance  with  Berlin, 
a  feat  without  much  military  significance  but  one  which  has  cost  Eussian 
traders  and  the  British  bread-eater  dear  by  holding  up  the  Eussian  harvest 
in  Odessa.  A  minor  success  has  been  scored  in  the  loan  made  by  Berlin  to 
Bulgaria.  The  fact  that  the  political  significance  of  this  event  has  been  denied 
with  some  precision  makes  its  political  significance  all  the  more  evident ;  the 
cynical  view  that  things  are  not  denied  in  international  politics  unless  they 
exist  has  much  justification.  Bulgaria  is  an  old  enemy  of  Serbia,  and  in  the 
kaleidoscopic  scenes  of  Balkan  politics  Bulgaria  has  often  made  profit  out 
of  the  jealousies  between  Vienna  and  Belgrade.  The  chance  that  Bulgaria 
might  join  with  Eoumania  and  Serbia  in  common  cause  against  Austria- 
Hungary,  always  a  slender  one,  may  now  be  assumed  to  have  passed  away. 
Berlin  does  not  lend  money  to  Sofia — particularly  at  a  time  when  the  directors 
of  the  Eeichsbank  need  to  dress  their  window  effectively  with  a  gold  reserve  to 

*  It  is  curious  in  these  days  to  recall  that  sixty  years  ago,  before  the  present  form  of  union 
between  Austria  and  Hungary  existed,  Austria  encouraged  the  nationalist  spirit  of  the  Slavs  in 
Hungary  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  Magyar  agitation  against  Hapsburg  and  Vienna  rule,  and  the 
Ban  of  Croatia  of  the  time  played  a  considerable  part  in  defending  the  Empire,  whose  fall  appeared 
to  be  imminent.  The  reward  of  the  loyal  Slav  was  a  coup  d'etat  wlu'ch  deprived  his  people  and 
others  of  their  old  constitutional  rights  :  Austria,  in  fact,  as  one  of  her  statesmen  boasted  to  Russia 
on  another  occasion,  "  astonished  the  world  by  her  ingratitude".  But  Austria  was  playing  with 
fire ;  the  Slav  nationalist  feeling  which  she  encouraged  for  her  own  temporary  purpose  survived 
the  passing  of  that  purpose,  and  has  embarrassed  Vienna  ever  since. 


TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE.    187 

counteract  a  too  great  abundance  of  paper,  and  when  imports  have  to  be  paid 
for  in  gold — without  a  quid  pro  quo.     In  the  present  case  one  may  assume,  until 
the  contrary  has  been  shown,  that  the  Balkan  League  will  not  be  re-established 
and  that  Sofia  will  maintain  a  neutrality  that  is  not  necessarily  benevolent 
towards  Serbia  and  Eoumania. 

Among  these  smaller  States  of  the  Near  East,  however,  the  balance  of 
power  still  remains — and  seems  likely  to  remain — on  the  side  of  the  Allies.  The 
one  certain  adherent  of  Germany  is  Turkey  ;  Bulgaria  appears  likely  to  continue 
neutral,  at  least  until  more  definite  events  have  occurred  which  draw  her  to 
claim  her  share  of  the  spoils — if  she  can  get  them — on  one  side  or  the  other. 
The  fighting  strength  of  Eoumania  and  Serbia  together  far  exceeds  that  of 
Turkey,  who  may  yet  have  also  to  reckon  with  Greece,  a  country  that  has  not 
yet  "  squared  its  account ",  as  Treitschke  would  say,  with  an  old  oppressor. 

The  German  dream  of  dominance  over  these  States  has  now  finally  vanished 
after  a  continuous  effort  of  forty  odd  years.  It  is  true  that  Bismarck  protested 
that  the  position  in  the  Balkans  was  not  worth  the  bones  of  a  single  Pomeranian 
grenadier,  and  that  he  set  his  countrymen  on  the  path  of  commercial  rather 
than  of  political  expansion  there  instead.  But  since  Bismarck's  day  new  ideas 
have  prevailed  ;  the  "  Slav  peril,"  which  has  moved  Austria  to  action,  has 
also  infected  Germany  with  its  fear,  and  the  present  war  in  its  eastern  aspect, 
as  remarked  above,  is  an  attempt  to  force  back  the  boundary  of  Slav  rule. 
If  Austria  could  have  crushed  Serbia,  Germany  have  secured  Warsaw  and  the 
remainder  of  Eussian  Poland,  and  retained  her  dynastic  hold  on  Eoumania  and 
her  diplomatic-financial  hold  on  Bulgaria,  the  attempt  would  have  been 
achieved,  and  the  Teuton,  not  the  Slav,  would  have  been  supreme  in  the  Near 
East. 

So  far  none  of  this  policy  has  succeeded  save  its  weakest  section — the 
hold  on  Bulgaria  ;  for,  when  one  considers  the  German  campaign  in  Eussia, 
one  is  brought  up  at  once  against  a  deeper  consideration  than  an  occasional 
dearly  bought  success  in  a  line  of  siege-battle  that  stretches  some  hundreds  of 
miles. 

It  is  more  and  more  doubtful  whether  Germany  can  produce  the  human 
material  as  quickly  as  her  generals  are  exhausting  it.  They  can  do  nothing 
else,  it  is  true,  than  fight  continuous  battles  ;  the  alternative  is  retreat  or 
admission  of  defeat.  But  the  cost  of  these  continual  struggles  is  becoming 
so  heavy  that  the  end  is  only  a  matter  of  time  through  natural  exhaustion. 
It  is  not  often  that  one  has  to  calculate  the  absolutely  fundamental  factor — 
production  versus  destruction  of  human  life — in  war,  for  even  in  the  Napoleonic 
wars  and  their  eighteenth-century  predecessors  losses  were  relatively  small 
compared  with  the  reproductive  power  of  the  people  concerned ;  one  has  to 
go  back  to  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  which  exhausted  Germany  for  a  century, 
for  a  parallel.  Then,  as  now  in  Germany,  the  number  of  men  killed  in  battle 
rose  to  a  point  dangerously  near  the  number  of  children  born  ;  and  when  that 
point  is  reached,  it  is  not  merely  national  defeat  that  has  to  be  contemplated, 
but  disaster  and  destruction. 


188    TEUTON-SLAV  CONTEST  IN  EASTERN  EUROPE. 

Let  us,  for  instance,  compare  the  German  losses  with  the  British.  In 
six  months'  war,  the  British  casualties  total  some  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
on  land  and  sea,  of  whom  some  thirty-five  thousand  have  been  killed  in  action 
and  the  remainder  are  wounded  or  prisoners  of  war.  Let  us  put  the  total  loss 
by  death  at  the  outside  estimate  of  forty  thousand  in  six  months,  and  against 
this  remember  that  1,123,063  children  are  born  in  the  United  Kingdom  every 
year,  and  that  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths  in  normal  times  is  592,703 
per  annum.  The  normal  increase  of  population,  allowing  for  the  fact  that  the 
ordinary  death-rate  has  risen  slightly  and  that  emigration  has  almost  entirely 
ceased,  has  not  been  interfered  with  to  any  serious  extent.  (There  is  no  reason 
to  believe  that  the  birth-rate  for  1915  will  show  a  decline,  while  there  are  some 
indications  to  suggest  that  it  may  increase.)  Clearly  we  are  far  from  exhausting 
the  national  capital  in  its  most  precious  and  vital  aspect — human  life. 

In  Germany,  on  the  other  hand,  the  casualties  on  land  and  sea  number, 
according  to  apparently  trustworthy  estimates,  over  three  millions.  Of  these, 
it  is  believed  that  two  millions  are  wounded  and  prisoners — that  is,  men  who 
will  eventually  be  restored  to  their  country — and  a  million  have  been  killed 
in  action.  Now  the  number  of  children  born  annually  in  Germany  is  nearly 
two  million.*  There  is  practically  no  loss  by  emigration — 31,000  in  1906  ;  no 
more  than  25,000  in  1910 — but  the  normal  civilian  death-rate  in  Germany  is 
higher  than  in  England,  and  although  it  is  falling  there,  it  is  not  falling  so 
rapidly  as  in  England,  or  even  so  rapidly  as  the  German  birth-rate. 

The  normal  increase  of  population  every  year  in  Germany,  by  excess  of  births 
over  deaths,  is  880,000  ;  and  against  that  we  have  to  set  a  loss  of  a  million 
men  killed  in  battle  in  six  months,  the  necessity  of  incurring  equal  losses  in 
the  next  six  months  if  the  advanced  frontiers  east  and  west  are  to  be  held, 
and  the  certainty  that  the  German  birth-rate  in  1915  will  drop  heavily,  owing 
to  the  unprecedented  domestic  dislocation  caused  by  the  withdrawal  of  six 
million  men,  married  or  of  marrying  age,  from  normal  conditions  of  life. 

The  thing  cannot  go  on  indefinitely.  Either  the  generals  must  retreat  or 
the  people  commit  national  suicide,  and  face  a  situation  such  as  Germany  was 
in  at  the  close  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  when  the  whole  country  was  exhausted 
and  bankrupt  for  a  century,  and  the  excess  of  women  over  men  led  to  serious 
evils,  not  the  least  of  which  was  the  low  regard  in  which  German  women  were 
held  by  their  men-folk — a  habit  from  which  the  nation  has  not  yet  emancipated 
itself. 

But  these  figures  are  in  the  end  the  decisive  test  of  the  Teuton-Slav  con- 
troversy, and  the  end  of  the  German  dream  of  dominance  in  the  Near  East. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  case  before  the  war,  Germany  has  not  the  men 
to  expand  with  now,  and  the  appalling  total  of  her  casualties,  apart  from  all 
other  considerations,  must  inevitably  reflect  itself  in  her  future  policy. 

*  The  number  is  falling  year  by  year,  and  the  fall  is  known  to  be  in  German  births,  not  in  that 
considerable  number  of  children  of  Polish  parentage  who  are  included  in  these  figures,  but  "who 
can  hardly  be  included  in'a'survey  of  real  German  strength.  The  Slavs  in  Germany  are  increasing 
more  rapidly  than  the  Germans.  This  factor,  however,  I  have  ignored  in^the  above  calculation, 
although  it  makes  the  case  all  the  stronger. 


BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL.  189 

The  settlement  of  the  Eastern  Question  after  the  war  will  be  achieved if 

at  long  last  that  ancient  heritage  of  trouble  is  indeed  settled— without  German 
assistance  ;  nor  will  Germany  have  any  share  in  the  future  of  the  Slav  peoples 

of  the  Balkans.     It  is  certain — indeed  Germany  is  boasting  of  the  fact that 

she  is  putting  forth  her  full  effort ;  Austria  is  assisting  her,  not  only  in  the 
field  but  in  diplomacy,  for  an  Austrian  prince  has  been  nominated  King  of 
Poland,  in  a  vain  attempt  to  win  the  affections  of  the  Poles.  But  both  together 
have  failed  to  attain  their  aim. 

It  would  be  tempting  to  pry  into  the  future  of  the  Balkans.  But  political 
prophecy,  always  vain,  becomes  foolhardy  in  this  region,  so  long  the  centre 
of  origin  of  European  storms.  The  idea  that  the  elimination  of  Turkey,  "  bag 
and  baggage  "  in  Gladstone's  phrase,  will  secure  a  settlement  of  the  Balkan 
problem,  is  no  longer  tenable.  There  are  jealousies — political,  racial,  and 
religious — between  the  Christian  States  almost  as  great  as  between  Christian 
and  Mohammedan ;  and  there  isjio  present  sign  that  those  jealousies  will  give 
way  to  friendship  after  the  war,  while  there  is  the  possibility  that  the  removal 
of  the  one  common  enemy,  Turkey,  will  merely  encourage  further  divisions. 
Until  the  Near  East  learns  toleration  it  will  not  secure  stability  or  permanent 
peace ;  but  in  the  reconstruction  that  will  be  necessary,  but  of  which  we  can 
hardly  yet  see  the  beginning,  it  is  clear  that  the  Austrian  type  of  State,  with 
its  bureaucratic  and  centralising  aim  of  ruling  divergent  national  interests,  is 
doomed.  What  will  take  its  place  no  man  can  say,  but  the  presence  of  Eussia  at 
Constantinople — a  possibility  which  no  longer  arouses  in  Britain  the  violent 
opposition  of  forty  years  ago — would  alter  every  factor  in  what  is  perhaps  the 
most  difficult  political  problem  facing  Europe.  That  would  mean  the  final 
triumph  of  the  Slav  over  the  German  in  Eastern  Europe,  and  the  final  collapse 
of  the  German  Emperor's  vision  of  German  control  over  Asia  Minor. 

A.  WYATT  TILBY. 


BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL. 

IF  last  year,  at  the  same  period,  I  had  been  asked  to  write  a  monograph  of 
my  country,  with  what  joy  I  should  have  written  it !  The  future  of  Belgium 
was  then  smiling !  Our  small  country  had  conquered,  by  its  initiative  and 
hard  work,  one  of  the  first  ranks  among  the  great  manufacturing  powers.  We 
were  treated  as  equals,  on  the  economic  field,  by  the  most  powerful  nations,  and 
those  of  my  countrymen  who,  their  work  so  bravely  done,  had  leisure  to  con- 
sider the  results  obtained  were  proud  of  Belgium's  degree  of  prosperity.  And 
how  justified  was  this  pride  !  Our  country,  whose  financial  resources  were 
nil  the  day  after  the  triumph  of  the  1830  Revolution  which  founded  the  in- 
dependence of  Belgium,  has  produced  the  money  which  enabled  it  to  develop 
its  industry  literally  by  the  "sweat  of  its  brow." 

It  is  the  merit  of  our  captains  of  industry,  the  remarkable  aptitude  of  our 


190          BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL. 

workmen,  the  thrift  of  all,  which  in  the  end  have  made  the  industry  of  Belgium. 
Here  I  wish  to  pay  homage  to  an  Englishman,  John  Cockerill,  the  creator 
of  the  enormous  establishment  of  Seraing,  which  still  worthily  bears  his  name. 
John  Cockerill,  at  the  psychological  moment  of  the  industrial  history  of  Belgium, 
founded  the  first  great  engineering  works,  which  have  never  ceased  to  be  a 
model  for  initiative,  activity,  and  production.  It  was  in  the  Seraing  establish- 
ment that  the  first  locomotive  and  the  first  Continental  steamboat  were  con- 
structed. Our  country  was  not  unworthy  of  the  merits  of  Cockerill ;  it  built, 
in  1835,  the  first  Continental  railway,  from  Brussels  to  Malines.  Later,  Belgium 
continued  to  maintain  its  foremost  position  in  the  industrial  progress  of  the 
Continent. 

I  could  not  give  a  better  proof  of  the  excellence  of  the  actual  plant  of  our 
i  ndustry  than  in  recalling  that  the  invader  has  carried  away  from  the  Cockerill 
Works,  from  the  Ougree-Marihaye  steelworks,  and  from  the  Fabrique  Nationale 
d'Armes  de  Guerre,  Herstal,  fortunes  in  the  shape  of  modern  machines — all 
of  which  were  sent  at  once  to  Germany. 

I  must  not  fail  to  repeat  here  that,  after  1870,  when  poor  agricultural  and 
pastoral  Germany  became  an  industrial  country,  it  was  the  Belgians  who 
taught  their  German  confreres  the  large  iron  and  steel  industry.  They  also 
contributed  to  the  opening-up  of  collieries.  The  Belgium  manufacturers 
who  rendered  these  services  to  Germany  were  soon  excluded  from  nearly  all 
the  prosperous  business  concerns,  already  founded  in  association  with  their 
German  confreres ;  and  as  to  Germany,  she  has  since  crushed  progressively 
all  Belgian  industry — by  premiums  on  her  exports,  reductions  of  her  trans- 
port tariffs,  and,  finally,  by  means  of  a  system  of  "  dumping,"  a  competition 
favoured  by  all  possible  means,  whilst  Germany  closed  her  frontiers  to  Belgian 
imports.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  before  the  present  savage  war,  Germany  had 
for  a  quarter  of  a  century  endeavoured  to  crush  Belgium  economically. 

Nevertheless,  the  hard-working  Belgians — they  were  forced  to  it — did 
not  realise  that  history  would  again  repeat  itself.  Our  provinces,  belonging 
to  the  "  tragic  band  "  that  fell  to  Lothaire's  lot  at  the  time  of  the  partition 
of  Charlemagne's  empire,  submitted  to  their  destiny.  Since  then  they 
have  become  a  "  buffer  state ",  a  position  which  was  inaugurated  by  the 
union  of  Belgium  and  Holland  in  1815,  and  confirmed  after  the  Revo- 
lution of  1830  by  the  treaty  guaranteeing  the  perpetual  neutrality  of  our 
country — a  scrap  of  paper,  trodden  underfoot  by  the  Kaiser.  Belgium  has 
suffered  much  and  has  never  ceased  to  be  threatened ;  but  could  one  ever  have 
dreamt  that  the  territory,  situated  by  historic  fatality  between  Germany  and 
Gaul,  would  have  been  subject  to  such  a  terrible  ordeal  as  the  present  ? 

I  will  not  draw  any  picture  of  the  horrors.  All  Englishmen  who  help  us  in 
so  brotherly  a  way  are  well  informed  as  to  the  ravages  wrought  on  Belgium, 
the  extent  of  the  heroic  spirit  of  our  soldiers,  the  martyrdom  of  thousands  of 
civilians  tortured  and  massacred  at  the  order  of  officers — the  accomplices  of 
Attila  the  Second.  Devastated  Belgium  is  once  more  drenched  in  the  blood  of 
her  children.  At  the  opening  of  the  war,  we  seemed  to  be  living  in  a  nightmare. 


BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL.          191 

The  patriotic  population  of  Brussels  did  not  awaken  to  the  reality  until  they 
saw  the  wounded  from  the  heroic  defence  of  Liege,  amid  the  feverish  animation 
of  the  boulevards.  Then,  it  was  true  !  In  full  twentieth  century,  amid  the 
numerous  blessings  of  progress  assured — as  they  thought — to  honest  and  hard- 
working countries,  barbarism  re-established  its  rights,  abolished,  one  had  hoped, 
for  centuries.  Doubtless,  the  Belgians  have  felt  more  bitterly  than  any  other 
people  the  injustice  of  an  aggression  like  that  perpetrated  by  Germany.  Sud- 
denly, the  hive  of  industry  had  been  outraged  and  plundered.  Its  splendid 
activity  had  been  annihilated.  Of  course,  Belgium  defended  and  still  defends 
herself,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  my  countrymen  have  not  been  unworthy 
of  Caesar's  words  about  their  bravery.  Only  a  short  time  ago,  the  immense 
majority  of  the  Belgians  thought  that  no  other  wars  would  ever  occur  than  peace- 
ful ones  in  the  economic  field,  with  which  they  were  already  familiar.  They 
trusted  that  the  neutrality  treaty  would  be  respected  by  ah1  the  signatories. 
Alas  !  the  Cassandras  were  right.  But  how  easy  it  is  to  understand  that  the 
Belgians,  necessarily  preoccupied  with  material  questions,  and  also,  by  taste, 
concerned  with  the  peaceful  arts,  never  thought  of  the  eventuality  of  a  war ! 
Look  at  the  wonderful  things  they  have  accomplished  since  the  events  which 
assured  them  national  independence !  What  progress  realised  in  only  eighty 
years  ! 

We  will  speak  first  of  the  economic  problems  arising  out  of  the  smallness  of 
Belgian  territory.  People  have  often  said  :  "  What  a  pity  that  this  valiant 
people  does  not  possess  a  larger  country  to  develop  and  expand  !  "  This 
opinion  is  common  in  Belgium.  In  more  thoughtful  circles,  I  have  sometimes 
heard  an  opposite  opinion  expressed,  and  an  interesting  one  too,  as  we  shall  see  : 
"  It  is  because  of  its  restricted  proportions  and  richness  of  soil  that  Belgium 
has  reached  this  degree  of  prosperity  ".  There  is  not  a  single  plot  wasted  in 
our  country,  and  see  how  well  Nature  has  arranged  things.  The  collieries  are  in 
the  provinces  of  Liege  and  Hainault.  The  coalfield,  discovered  in  Limburg  and 
Campine,  provided  a  new  element  in  favour  of  the  argument  which  we  are 
quoting.  Around  our  collieries  industries  are  naturally  grouped  which  consume 
the  fuel :  blast  furnaces,  steel  and  iron  works,  zinc  and  glass  works.  In  the 
heart  of  the  country,  at  almost  an  equal  distance  from  the  half-circle  formed  by 
the  interior  limit  of  a  vast  industrial  country,  lies  the  capital,  Brussels,  where 
the  management  of  the  country's  affairs  is  transacted.  In  one  or  two 
hours,  by  fast  tram,  almost  any  part  of  the  country  is  reached.  Then,  beyond 
Brussels,  is  situated  Antwerp  and  her  immense  port,  linked  in  a  wonderful  way 
to  our  network  of  railways — the  densest  in  the  world. 

I  cannot  think  of  all  this  without  keen  sorrow.  Yes,  Belgium  was  in  reality 
an  incomparable  industrial  "  agglomeration  ",  like  a  unique  workshop  divided 
into  numerous  departments,  where  work  was  continuous.  But  this  splendidly 
productive  Belgium  was  naturally,  through  the  very  exiguity  of  its  territory, 
an  exporting  country,  and  there  was  bound  to  be  a  serious  deficiency  in  the 
national  food  production.  In  brief,  as  we  see,  our  valiant  country  was  neces- 
sarily dependent  on  foreign  nations  for  the  disposal  of  its  manufactures  and  for 

o 


192          BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL. 

its  provisioning  with  corn.  The  great  development  of  agriculture  in  oversea- 
countries,  as  well  as  the  improvement  and  speeding-up  of  the  means  of  trans- 
portation in  normal  times,  gave  us  no  cause  to  regret  our  deficiency  in  agriculture. 
But,  in  this  age  of  out-and-out  protection,  one  can  conceive  the  industrial 
strength  which  was  necessary  to  Belgium  in  order  to  compete  successfully  with 
the  manufacturers  of  other  countries.  Belgium  already  had  to  accomplish 
wonders  to  defend  herself  at  home  against  the  German  competition.  France, 
who  had  several  times  raised  her  protectionist  tariff,  forced  us  to  put  up  numerous 
works  in  her  border  departments.  But  a  compensation  was  provided  us  in  the 
economic  activity  of  powerful  France  :  all  our  Franco-Belgian  concerns  were 
highly  prosperous.  At  this  point,  I  wish  to  render  homage  to  the  Free  Trad* 
policy  of  Great  Britain,  which  favoured  Belgian  exports. 

People  have  spoken  of  territorial  compensations  which  should  be  accorded 
by  the  great  allied  Powers  to  Belgium.  I  think  that  it  would  be  as  useful  to 
our  country — which  is  eminently  a  producing  one — to  obtain  a  considerable 
improvement  of  its  export  conditions.  No  doubt,  in  fact,  "  our  friends  " 
will  recognise  that  we  have  the  right  to  live. 

In  December  1831,  the  population  of  Belgium  was  3,785,814.  At  the  end 
of  December  1912,  there  were  7,871,387  souls  in  our  territory,  which  has  only 
1,338  kilometres  of  frontier,  including  the  coast.  The  number  of  inhabitants 
had  consequently  increased  enormously.  In  two  years,  from  1910  to  1912, 
the  population  had  increased  by  73,801  souls.  All  these  people  must  be  fed. 
It  is  a  painful  thought  that  seven  millions  of  Belgians  are  at  this  moment 
dependent  for  food  on  the  United  States !  As  a  matter  of  fact,  whence  else 
could  help  come  through  the  ring  of  steel  and  fire  drawn  round  our  unfortunate 
country,  once  more  an  expiatory  victim  ? 

As  has  been  said,  the  economic  life  of  Belgium  is  crushed.  Perhaps  this  is 
hardly  realised  by  most  people  in  Great  Britain  where  industry,  commerce,  and 
the  usual  habits  have  not  been  disturbed.  Many  of  our  works  have  been  burnt 
by  the  Germans,  who  have  actually  turned  aside  from  their  direct  road  in 
order  to  destroy  certain  factories.  A  list  of  factories  condemned  to  destruction 
must  have  been  drawn  up  in  Berlin.  The  German  industry  watched,  or 
rather  "  spied  ",  our  means  of  production  through  the  help  of  German  engineers 
and  clerks  whom  we  had  the  "  softness  "  to  employ.  Some  have  been  seen 
again  in  the  very  places  where  formerly  they  worked,  dressed  in  the  uniform 
of  the  invader,  an  incendiary  torch  in  their  hand.  Many  other  establishments 
were  plundered  of  their  machines.  Finally,  the  few  railway  lines,  hastily  repaired 
by  the  enemy,  now  carry  no  goods  at  all.  Only  one  passenger-train  daily  runs 
in  either  direction  on  the  five  or  six  lines  re-established  by  the  Germans,  and 
it  often  happens  that  this  single  train  is  suppressed  to  facilitate  the  passage 
of  the  convoys  of  soldiers  and  wounded.  At  present,  a  day  is  needed  to  go  by 
railway  from  Brussels  to  Antwerp,  via  Louvain ;  whereas  this  journey  was 
formerly  accomplished  in  forty  minutes. 

In  truth,  there  is  economic  stagnation  in  starving  and  ruined  Belgium ! 
No  orders,  no  tools,  no  means  of  transport.  Our  workers  have  to  depend  for  their 


BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL.          193 

daily  bread  on  the  generosity  of  strangers.  I  have  just  spoken  of  what  remains 
of  our  railways,  of  which  we  were  always  so  proud.  A  whole  scheme  of  moderni- 
sation of  our  lines  was  being  carried  out.  The  line  from  Brussels  to  Antwerp 
had  been  entirely  rebuilt.  The  other  main  lines  were  going  to  be  completely 
transformed  in  response  to  the  needs  of  traffic.  Hundreds  of  millions  of  francs 
were  being  spent  in  public  works  to  fulfil  these  needed  changes.  What  remains 
of  all  these  new  works  ?  At  the  end  of  1912,  the  net-work  of  railways  in  use 
had  a  length  of  4,638  kilometres.  At  present — as  formerly  in  the  worst  periods 
of  the  Dark  Ages — the  Belgians,  avoiding  the  main  roads,  travel  on  foot  by  night. 
German  passports,  renewable  every  alternate  day  and  for  a  limited  distance,  are 

really  a  cruel  fraud.    What  has  beome  of  our  service  of  "  light  railways  " an 

institution  much  praised  and  admired  by  certain  British  economists  ?  These 
light  railways,  which  covered  4,744  kilometres,  had  assured  the  prosperity  of 
the  countryside  by  developing  to  an  extraordinary  degree  both  market-gardening 
and  cattle-breeding.  The  poverty  in  the  country  districts  must  be  terrible. 
All  the  horses  have  been  taken  :  the  famous  stallions  of  the  heavy  draught-horse 
breed,  famous  all  over  the  world,  have  been  carefully  hunted  out  by  the  Germans 
and  have  disappeared  like  the  cattle.  What  a  means  of  feeding  the  enemy,  and 
what  a  booty  !  In  1912,  the  number  of  horses  and  horned  cattle  of  the  country 
was  nearly  1,500,000.  And  as  to  the  fields  themselves,  illustrated  papers  show 
every  day  what  is  their  state :  trenches  after  trenches  .  .  .  the  Belgians 
hemmed  in  on  every  side — are  they  not  bound  to  starve  ? 

This  economic  review  of  Belgium  necessarily  possesses  two  aspects :  the 
recalling  of  its  past  prosperity — the  past  of  only  six  months  ago — as  well  as 
its  present  ruins.  Our  collieries  produced  twenty-three  million  tons  annually, 
and  occupied  more  than  100,000  workmen.  Ten  new  colliery  sites  have  recently 
been  let  in  the  new  coalfield,  discovered  ten  years  ago  in  Campine.  The  first 
of  these  very  productive  collieries  was  about  to  be  operated.  What  a  boon 
this  coalfield,  which  links  the  deposits  of  the  Kuhr  to  the  British  fields,  would 
prove  for  the  Germans  !  Our  successful  iron  industry,  notwithstanding  the 
formidable  competition  of  our  Eastern  neighbours,  now  turned  "apaches", 
succeeded  in  producing  in  1912, 1,975,890  tons  of  steel  of  the  value  of  281,408,000 
francs.  Over  30,000  workmen  were  employed  in  the  steelworks.  The  most 
famous  zincworks,  "  La  Vieille  Montagne,"  which  possesses  industrial  establish- 
ments everywhere  abroad,  astounded  the  world  with  its  results.  More  and 
more  formidable  also  was  the  number  of  Solvay  soda-works — this  giant  Belgian 
industry  which  was  continually  expanding.  The  Belgian  glass  industry  was 
unequalled.  The  plate-glass  industry  competed  successfully  with  the  most 
famous  foreign  concerns.  Our  chemical  industry  had  also  developed  largely; 
but  unfortunately,  many  Germans  were  engaged  in  it.  The  Germans 
had  also  worked  themselves  into  other  zincworks  than  those  of  "La  Vieille 
Montagne".  Let  us  hope  that  they  will  all  be  driven  out ! 

Such  was  the  important  industrial  activity  of  Belgium.  I  shall  be  happy 
if  I  have  succeeded  in  giving  here  an  idea  of  what  a  humming  hive  of  industry 
was  Belgium. 

O  2 


194          BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL. 

The  Germans  who,  following  the  Kaiser's  order,  have  "  sacked  "  Belgium, 
declared  that  they  want,  besides  our  country,  its  colonies.  The  English,  who 
know  the  value  of  the  Congo,  understand  the  great  good  fortune  which  the 
seizure  of  our  African  colony  would  be  for  Germany.  Yes,  there  is  a  change 
in  Germany  since  the  time  when  Bismarck  regarded  with  satisfaction  the 
development  of  France's  colonial  power.  France,  occupied  far  away,  was  a 
France  less  obsessed  with  the  idea  of  "  revanche  ".  It  was  due  to  this  political 
state  of  mind  that  Leopold  II.  was  allowed  to  attempt  the  colonisation  of 
the  Congo.  Anyway,  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  conceded  to  France  a  right  of 
pre-emption  in  case  our  Sovereign  should  give  up  his  task.  This  right 
was  confirmed  later  when  the  first  and  modest  "  company "  became 
the  "  Independent  Congo  Free  State " ;  finally,  when  Belgium  officially 
took  over  the  Colony  in  1908,  it  is  known  that  this  action  did  not 
give  umbrage  to  anyone  else.  It  was  in  the  calmness  which  is  suitable  to 
study  that  Leopold  II.  and  Stanley,  the  famous  British  explorer,  amid  the 
glory  of  the  success  of  the  expedition  sent  to  discover  Livingstone,  examined 
for  the  first  time  on  the  map  that  mysterious  Central  Africa.  The  adventurous 
exploration  of  Stanley  across  this  part  of  the  Continent,  which  had  never  before 
been  traversed  by  the  white  man,  was  soon  to  be  organised,  and  we  know  the 
successful  result  of  Stanley's  expedition.  Homage  should  always  be  given 
to  this  early  fellow  worker  of  Leopold  II.  Alluding  to  certain  criticisms 
formulated  at  one  time  against  some  methods  of  colonisation  in  the  Congo, 
M.  Libbrecht,  former  secretary  of  the  Interior  Department  of  the  Independent 
State,  wrote  :  "I  state,  and  I  shall  have  occasion  to  repeat  and  to  prove,  that 
Stanley,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  and  in  virtue  of  his  orders, 
was  a  peaceful  conqueror  of  an  empire."  The  following  quotation  of  another 
passage  from  the  memoirs  of  M.  Libbrecht  recalls  the  difficulties  encountered  at 
the  beginning  of  colonisation  work,  and  also  the  benefits  it  secured  to  the  natives: 
"  The  missionary  Grenfell  stated  that  without  the  appearance  of  the  whites 
in  1883  in  the  Upper  Congo,  the  population  would  have  rapidly  disappeared 
from  the  banks  of  the  river,  from  Leopoldville  to  the  Falls,  on  account  of  the 
state  of  anarchy  which  had  arisen  there,  through  the  destructive  practices 
of  the  slave- dealers,  and,  above  all,  of  the  human  sacrifices  and  the  wars 
between  the  various  tribes." 

But  the  peacemakers  were  soon  to  be  followed  by  the  organisers.  The  most 
important  organisation  work  of  the  pioneer  period  is  the  construction  of  the 
railway  crossing  the  Congo  Cataracts  which  barred  the  road  to  the  entrance  of 
civilisation  into  Central  Africa.  The  colonisation  of  the  Katanga  was  also 
greatly  furthered  by  the  building  of  the  new  railway  crossing  the  frontier  of 
Ehodesia. 

Already  the  "  Union  Miniere  "  has  overcome  the  difficulties  of  the  installa- 
tion and  initiation  of  its  copper-smelting  works.  The  Belgian  group,  controlled 
by  the  "  Societe  Generale  "  of  Belgium,  and  the  English  group,  by  Mr.  Williams, 
have  been  successful  in  an  industrial  effort,  perhaps  the  greatest  that  has  been 
effected  to  the  present  time  in  the  whole  world.  What  a  number  of  problems 


BELGIUM  UNDER  THE  GERMAN  HEEL.          195 

had  to  be  solved  by  the  Union  Miniere  of  the  Katanga  !  Elsewhere,  numerous 
diamond  concessions  have  been  granted,  and  there  is  great  hope  of  success. 

Nevertheless,  the  business  conception  of  affairs  by  our  countrymen  is  parti- 
cularly favourable  to  the  exploitation  of  copper,  and  every  day  the  railways 
building  are  advancing  to  this  new  Eldorado  of  the  Katanga.  The  second 
section  of  the  first  Katanga  Kailway — from  Elizabethville  to  Bukama — was  to 
have  been  finished  at  the  end  of  1914.  We  may  here  remark  that  the  line  of  the 
Upper  Congo  to  the  Great  Lakes  is  building  rapidly.  I  cannot  now  follow  all 
the  enormous  railways  now  in  construction,  but  I  may  say  here  that  the  main 
railroad  of  the  Colony — from  Banana  to  the  frontier  of  Katanga — will  be  no  less 
than  4,227  kilometres  :  only  120  kilometres  less  than  the  entire  length  of  the 
Belgian  State  Eailways. 

Now,  what  is  the  total  yield  of  this  Congo  Colony,  which  has  so  great  a 
future  ?  Since  the  application  of  the  reforms  in  the  organisation  of  work, 
adopted  after  the  Colony  was  taken  over  by  the  Belgian  State,  the  Colony  shows 
a  small  deficit,  but  this  results  from  a  situation  which  is  transitory  in 
two  respects  :  (1)  The  mentality  of  the  negroes,  who  could  not  formerly  under- 
stand the  necessity  of  work,  save  when  forced  ;  (2)  the  easy  exploitation  of 
ivory  and  of  rubber  which  formerly  grew  wild,  but  which  must  now  be  replaced 
by  a  more  steady  cultivation.  Many  efforts  are  being  made  in  this  direction 
— for  example,  the  industrialisation  of  the  Katanga. 

I  have  just  recalled  in  a  few  lines  the  formidable  colonial  task  undertaken 
by  the  Belgians  under  the  King  who  peacefully  secured  to  his  country  the 
possession  of  this  famous  portion  of  Central  Africa.  While  the  horizon  of  the 
metropolis  was  enlarging  so  greatly,  many  Belgians,  convinced  of  the  necessity 
of  increasing  the  outlets  of  industry  and  commerce  abroad,  were  extending  rail- 
ways, tramways,  and  industries  in  different  countries  of  Europe,  of  America,  and 
China.  The  application  of  electricity  to  industry  still  more  increased  our  activity 
abroad  and  our  countrymen,  enriched  by  work,  invested  their  capital  in  these 
enterprises.  No  difficulty,  no  sacrifice,  discouraged  the  Belgians  in  their 
industrial  efforts.  Their  enterprises  in  Eussia  absorbed  nearly  a  milliard  of 
francs,  which  appeared  for  some  years  largely  to  be  lost.  The  era  of  prosperity 
which  began  in  Eussia  two  or  three  years  ago  transformed  the  industrial  situation 
of  the  Empire,  and  the  Belgians  at  length  knew  success.  The  world  of  business 
knows  the  importance  of  the  Belgian  interest  in  France  and  in  Italy. 

This  daring  and  energetic  activity  brought  to  Belgium  the  honour  and  also 
the  peril  of  the  introduction  of  the  great  German  banking  interests  which 
established  branches  at  Brussels,  Antwerp,  and  Liege,  either  open  or  secret 
—one  of  the  many  manreuvres  for  cornering  us,  to  which  we  had  to  submit. 
The  German  boa-constrictor  first  enveloped,  before  trying  to  swallow,  the 
country.  By  the  power  of  money  the  Germans  engaged  in  a  plan  of  economic 
absorption,  laid  down  in  Berlin,  and  took  over  many  important  maritime  firms 
of  Antwerp,  German  influence  becoming  preponderant  in  the  Antwerp  market. 
The  Belgian  shipping  firms  were  thrust  aside  in  our  great  national  port,  where 
happily  the  British  shipping  interest  continued  to  oppose  that  of  the  Germans. 


196  WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW. 

What  rancour  we  feel  when  we  think  that,  while  little  Belgium  laboured  so 
honestly,  so  valiantly,  dreading  no  fair  competition,  welcoming  all  foreigners, 
powerful  Germany  was  preparing  to  strangle  her  and  to  rob  her  in  this  cowardly 
way  ! 

I  might  say  many  more  things  about  my  dear  country.  I  have  spoken 
chiefly  in  this  study  about  material  interests.  They  were  enormous  in  Belgium 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Huns.  But  there  is  also  a  remarkable  scientific, 
literary,  and  artistic  Belgium,  proving  that  our  country — so  often  cruelly  tried 
through  the  centuries — has  never  ceased  to  develop  its  civilisation.  Belgium, 
the  cradle  of  science  and  of  art,  like  industrial  Belgium,  is  mutilated.  She 
awaits  once  again  her  renaissance.  All  Belgians,  save  those  reduced  to  impo- 
tence by  the  disasters  of  their  country,  await  the  triumph  of  Justice.  They 
entertain  the  most  fervent  gratitude  and  admiration  for  their  King,  who 
symbolises  the  virtues  and  qualities  of  an  imperishable  race. 

A  saviour  was  given  to  Belgium  in  her  distress,  a  consolation  and  a  supreme 
hope.  May  King  Albert  succeed  in  his  Mission  ! 

ACHILLE  CHAINAYE 

(CHAMPAL). 

(Editor  of  La  Chronique,  Brussels,  and  Correspondent 
of  L' Independence  Beige,  London.) 


WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW. 

A  FEW  years  ago,  when  the  Empire  was  resting  after  its  last  war,  an  eminent 
literary  critic  published  a  series  of  papers  in  which  he  dealt,  amongst  other 
matters,  with  poetry  in  general,  and  in  particular  with  patriotic  verse. 

I  dare  to  say  [he  wrote]  that  one  half  of  the  sense  of  Empire  which  dominates 
political  thought  in  Great  Britain,  has  been  the  creation  of  her  poets.  The  public 
gratefully  recognises  that  the  spirit  of  these  songs  [i.e.  Mr.  Kipling's  "  Flag  of  Eng- 
land "  and  Mr.  Henley's  "  England,  my  England  "]  has  passed  on  to  thousands  who 
have  never  read  a  line  of  Mr.  Henley's  or  Mr.  Kipling's  composition. 

In  another  passage,  however,  we  are  told  a  different  story,  as  thus  :    . 

Let  us  kick  up  what  dust  we  will  over  Imperial  Ideals,  we  must  admit  at  least 
that  these  ideals  are  not  yet  accepted  of  song — they  have  not  inspired  poetry  in  any 
way  adequate  to  the  nobility  claimed  for  them. 

The  task  of  reconciling  these  two  opinions  may  be  left  to  the  ingenuity 
of  the  learned  professor  who  has  recorded  both  as  his  own  :  that  feat  is  far  beyonc 
the  power  of  the  humblest  of  his  admirers  who  has  read,  and  re-read,  thei 
with  that  sense  of  baffled  awe  which  may  be  supposed  to  have  afflicted  the 
mind  of  an  enquirer  to  whom  his  chosen  oracle  had  delivered  a  response  more  thai 
usually  paradoxical.    But  whatever  be  the  just  verdict  upon  the  merit  of  the 
verse  which  was  inspired  by — or  itself  inspired — the  sense  of  Empire  a  few  year 
ago,  it  is  easy  to  agree  with  one  implied  suggestion,  namely — that  verse  of  appar- 
ently poor  inspiration  may  produce  an  enormous  effect  upon  public  sentiment. 


WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW.  197 

Speaking  generally,  it  has  not  been  the  work  of  the  greatest  poets  to  inspire 
the  multitude  by  appropriate  songs  during  the  stress  of  a  great  war  :  this  has 
oftener  been  done  by  minor  bards,  even  by  men  who,  apart  from  this  particular 
feat,  would  not  be  considered  poets  at  all.  Whether  this  is  true  of  the  nations 
of  antiquity  it  is  difficult  to  say  ;  all  the  lays  of  old  Eome  have  vanished  utterly  ; 
of  the  Greek  war  songs  we  have  only  fragments ;  the  sagas  of  the  Teutonic 
peoples  were  for  general  use,  not  meant  to  meet  the  need  only  of  a  special 
occasion,  and  besides,  with  these  peoples,  as  with  Prussia,  "  war  was  the  national 
industry  "  and  a  normal  condition. 

In  England,  at  any  rate,  a  very  short  survey  of  patriotic  literature  will  suffice 
to  show  that  our  great  philosophic  poets,  though  they  have  directed,  perhaps 
even  created,  national  feeling,  have  done  their  work  by  other  means  than  that  of 
writing  stirring  topical  verse. 

The  song  writers  who  made  the  most  immediate  appeal  to  their  countrymen 
during  the  critical  times  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  were  not  Byron  or  Shelley, 
Coleridge  or  Blake,  but  Campbell  and  Dibdin,  of  whom  the  former  is,  apart 
from  his  four  odes,  a  third-rate  poet,  whilst  the  very  name  of  the  latter  is  generally 
omitted  by  chronicles  of  literary  history.  Yet  such  was  the  service  done  to 
the  State  by  his  verse,  especially  in  the  matter  of  recruiting  for  the  navy,  that 
Pitt's  government  granted  him  a  pension  which  Grenville,  with  characteristic 
meanness,  took  away  three  years  later. 

Judged  merely  as  literature  no  doubt  his  work  is  doggerel  but  to  call  it 
worthless  is  absurd  :  it  was  lusty,  wholesome  stuff  and  served  the  nation's  need 
in  a  manner  which  would  perhaps  have  been  impossible  for  poetry  of  higher 
quality.  To-day  we  have  no  shortage  of  poets  both  able  and  popular ;  but 
even  now,  could  another  Dibdin  appear,  he  would  have  a  hearty  welcome  ;  for 
Dibdin  did  what  few  have  done  successfully — he  sang  to,  and  with,  actual  or 
potential  soldiers  and  sailors,  especially  sailors. 

It  is  to  civilians,  and  a  minority  of  them,  that  more  reflective  bards  appeal. 
We  have  heard  lately  of  certain  regiments  singing  Moore's  melodies,  for  the 
most  part  not  war  songs  ;  and  our  men  have  given  "  Tipperary  "  an  immortality 
which  has  probably  surprised  its  author ;  the  moral  of  which  considerations 
is  twofold  :  first,  that  fighting  men  do  not  want  songs  about  war  ;  and  secondly, 
that  a  lilting  tune  makes  a  stronger  appeal  than  do  fine  sentiments  in  words. 
It  is  to  this  that  many  songs  owe  their  popularity  with  soldiers  and  civilians 
alike,  and  the  aid  of  their  tunes  probably  accounts  for  the  vogue  of  such  songs 
as  "  Lilli  Burlero,"  in  itself  a  bewilderment  of  silly  babble  which  yet,  according 
to  Burnet  "  made  an  impression  upon  the  army  [of  James  II],  that  cannot  be 
imagined  by  those  that  saw  it  not,"  and  had  an  effect  more  powerful  than  the 
Philippics  of  Demosthenes,  or  Cicero. 

But  it  is  not  only  songs  of  transient  popularity  which  are  the  productions 
of  writers  having  little  claim  to  the  bays.  "  Maryland  "  is  not  forgotten, 
and  the  "Marseillaise"  is  known  to  millions  outside  the  country  which  it  was 
written  to  inspire,  as  well  as  to  all  within  it ;  yet  the  most  patriotic  Frenchman 
or  American  would  hardly  give  the  title  of  poet  to  Eouget  de  Lisle  or  to  James 


198  WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW. 

Randall.  How  many  Britons  know  the  name  of  the  author  of  "  God  Save  the 
King  "  ? — for  although  Henry  Carey  published  certain  volumes  of  verse,  posterity 
has  hitherto  denied  him  high  place  as  a  verbal  artist,  and  if  he  ever  takes  that 
rank  it  is  more  likely  to  be  as  the  author  of  his  immortal  "  Sally  in  our  Alley  " 
than  as  the  writer  of  the  National  Anthem.  Greater  poets  than  Carey,  indeed, 
have  tried  to  re-write  it :  Shelley  published  a  travesty  which  is  little  more  than 
a  revolutionary  manifesto.  Mr.  Watson's  version  is  not  wholly  successful, 
being  too  much  in  the  nature  of  a  social  programme  to  be  accepted  of  the  people 
as  a  hymn  :  whilst  of  Mr.  Flecker's  swan  song  it  is  too  early  to  say  anything  ; 
he  was  a  true  poet  and  a  lover  of  England,  but  with  our  "  ave  atque  vale  "  to  him 
so  lately  and  sorrowfully  said,  we  cannot  yet  appraise  his  work. 

It  is  sometimes  made  a  reproach  to  us  as  a  people  that  whereas  other  nations, 
notably  Germans,  sing,  even  on  the  battle-field,  songs  of  high  literary  merit, 
our  soldiers  are  content  with,  even  prefer,  tawdry  music-hall  doggerel.  One 
reason  has  been  indicated  already,  but  there  are  others.  In  the  drilled  and 
dragooned  empire  of  "  Verboten,"  patriotism,  and  the  songs  expressing  it, 
are  as  much  made  to  order  as  are  arson  and  outrage.  The  sort  of  patriotic 
sentiment  desired  by  authority  is  drilled  into  soldiers  and  civilians  alike. 
They  are  not  free,  and  have  not  soul  enough  left  them  to  desire  to  be  free,  to 
seek  relaxation  from  contemplating  the  fetish  of  a  world-conquering  fatherland  ; 
and  again,  Prussianism  has  no  humour,  and  would  therefore  be  shocked  at 
the  seeming  incongruity  of  singing  a  music-hall  ditty  in  the  presence  of  death. 

But  songs  which  soldiers  sing  and  songs  about  war  are  evidently  in  different 
classes,  or  may  be  so,  to  nations  who  have  ceased  to  regard  war  as  a  normal 
or  desirable  condition.  There  was,  indeed,  a  period  in  our  country's  history 
when  wars  were  so  constant  as  to  seem  normal,  and  then  flourished  the  ballad 
and  the  saga,  to  which  no  doubt  we  owe  a  debt ;  for,  if  not  a  military  nation, 
it  is  true  that  we  are  a  thoroughly  martial  race,  a  point  which  our  enemies 
forgot — perhaps  they  realise  it  now,  having  heard  of  the  enlistment  of  men 
by  the  thousand,  and  from  every  part  of  the  world,  at  the  first  call  of  danger. 

The  ballad,  however,  if  not  dead,  is  at  least  dormant,  though  it  is  not  long 
since  Scott  was  writing  his  spirited  lays  which  had  vast  influence  in  their 
day  ;  and  later  Tennyson  gave  us  his  "  Revenge,"  as  stirring  and  typically 
English  a  poem  as  need  be,  and  his  "  Defence  of  Lucknow,"  with  its  refrain  : 

And  ever  upon  the  topmost  roof  our  banner  of  England  blew. 

Also  in  quite  recent  years  we  have  had  Mr.  Kipling's  "  East  and  West ",  no  mere 
tribal  song  but  a  very  Ballad  of  Empire.  Of  warlike  songs,  too  (using  "  song  " 
in  the  narrower  sense),  from  the  hands  of  great  artists,  we  have  one  or  two, 
notably  Burns's  lines  on  the  Dumfries  volunteers.  Who  can  forget  iti 
conclusion  ? 

The  kettle  of  the  kirk  and  State, 

Perhaps  a  clout  may  fail  in't, 
But  deil  a  foreign  tinker  loon 

Shall  ever  ca'  a  nail  in't. 


WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW.  199 

The  wretch  that  would  a  tyrant  own, 

The  wretch,  his  true  born  brother, 
Who'd  set  the  mob  aboon  the  throne, 

May  they  be  damned  together. 
Who  will  not  sing  "  God  save  the  King  " 

Shall  hang  as  high's  the  steeple  : 
But  while  we  sing  "  God  save  the  King  " 

We'll  not  forget  the  people. 

And  is  not  Lovelace  also  of  the  immortals,  if  upon  a  lower  plane  ? — at  least 
we  should  acknowledge  the  joyous  and  unconquerable  spirit  of  his  "  To  Althea 
from  Prison  "  and  "  To  Lucasta  on  going  to  the  Wars,"  There  is  true  poetry, 
not  melody  only,  in  many  of  the  Cavalier  and  Jacobite  songs  so  strangely 
omitted  from  collections  of  patriotic  verse ;  yet  the  adherents  of  Charles 
were  as  true  patriots  according  to  their  lights  as  the  best  Puritan — they  had, 
indeed,  an  easier  theme  for  song,  but  they  made  fine  use  of  it,  and  even  inspired 
Browning  to  be  tuneful  in  his  imitations  of  their  work. 

There  is  nothing  strange  in  the  fact  that  the  most  valued  poets  have  given  us 
few  topical  war  songs  ;  they  have  other  and  higher  functions,  and  their  work 
must  needs  be  done  more  slowly.  The  commonplace  that  their  verse  is  of  greater 
and  more  permanent  value  than  that  of  the  writer  of  "  songs  of  occasion  "  need 
not  make  us  forget  what  we  owe  to  those  of  lesser  name,  and  in  this  matter  of  a 
martial  spirit — a  desirable  possession  for  a  nation  whatever  flabby  humanitarians 
may  say— we  probably  owe  more  to  nameless  ballad-mongers,  to  Lovelace, 
Campbell,  Macaulay,  and  a  host  of  less  well-known  singers,  than  to  all  our  greater 
philosophic  poets. 

These  latter,  indeed,  have  often  preserved  a  curiously  detached  attitude  and 
have  kept  altogether  aloof  from  great  events,  nor  when  dealing  with  these  have 
they  been  very  happy  in  their  treatment.  Leave  out  Shakespeare  with  his 
immortal  passage  on  St.  Crispin's  Day,  and  Wordsworth's  political  odes  and 
sonnets,  and  there  is  little  indeed  left  us  of  patriotic  poetry  from  the  hands  of 
the  greatest.  In  modern  days,  in  which  letters  have  been  to  a  great  extent 
separated  from  action,  some  such  result  was  inevitable  :  in  earlier  ages  there  was 
no  such  division.  Sidney,  Spenser,  Ealegh,  found  war  and  letters  to  go  well 
enough  together ;  our  fighting  King  Kichard  was  a  noted  Troubadour,  and  far 
back  in  history  Aeschylus  claimed  honour  as  "  a  man  of  Marathon  "  rather  than 
as  a  poet. 

It  would,  perhaps,  be  impossible  for  any  man  of  the  modern  world  in  writing 
the  epitaph  of  one  of  the  great  poets  of  all  time  to  omit  any  mention  of  his 
literary  glory  and  merely  to  record  his  repute  as  a  soldier  :  yet  that  is  what  the 
writer  of  Aeschylus'  epitaph  has  done.  He  says  that  he  was  an  Athenian,  son 
of  Euphorion,  and  died  in  Sicily.  Then  comes  only  this  : 

If  thou  wouldst  know  his  proven  might 

The  foe  shall  tell  his  deeds! 
Go  seek  the  grove  of  Marathon 

And  ask  the  deep  haired  Medes. 


200  WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW. 

The  first  duty  of  a  citizen,  indeed,  was  so  obvious  to  a  Greek  as  to  be  assumed 
without  argument.  The  safety,  honour,  and  welfare  of  his  country  was  the  first 
consideration ;  and  to  most  Greeks  of  the  great  age  war  was  a  personal  ex- 
perience, for  which  reason  perhaps,  the  greatest  of  their  poets  undertook  the 
task  of  celebrating  the  glory  of  fallen  patriots.  Aeschylus  himself  was  writing 
of  comrades  in  arms  when  he  said  : 

Unmoved  they  met  the  spearmen's  shock. 

Dark  fate  beheld  them  stand 
At  steadfast  ward  o'er  byre  and  flock 

To  save  the  Motherland. 

Death  trod  them  down  beneath  her  feet 

But  though  their  bodies  lie 
With  Ossa's  dust  for  winding  sheet 

Their  glory  cannot  die. 

As  fine,  but  less  well  known  than  this,  are  the  anonymous  lines  upon  the 
death  of  Glauciades  : 

Honour  and  War  have  ever  sought 

To  make  the  brave  their  own 
Ere  Time  could  set  their  might  at  nought 

Or  youth  be  overthrown. 

He  fought  to  keep  his  country  free 

And  this  his  worth  attests — 
He  dwells  with  dark  Persephone 

Her  of  the  many  guests. 

In  English  we  have  no  lack  of  noble  odes  upon  those  who  have  fallen  for 
their  country,  from  Nelson  who  "  died  and  was  one  with  England  and  the  sea  " 
to  that  private  of  the  Buffs,  commemorated  by  Sir  F.  H.  Doyle  : 

A  man  of  mean  estate 
Who  died  as  firm  as  Sparta's  king 
Because  his  soul  was  great. 

But  while  we  feel  the  duty  and  the  honour  of  such  a  death,  we  do  not  lay  stress 
upon  the  artistic  beauty  of  it  as  did  the  Hellene.  From  Tyrtaeus  onwards  we 
find  the  same  sentiment  that  there  is  nothing  more  beautiful  than  a  young 
warrior  slain  upon  the  field  of  honour : 

His  is  the  best  and  fairest  fate  of  all 

Who  gives  to  death  a  glad  and  lovely  youth. 

But  liberty  means  to  us  far  more  than  ever  it  meant  to  Greek  or  Roman. 
Free  men  in  a  free  world  is,  as  Professor  Cramb  insisted,  an  idea  peculiarly 
British  ;  the  ideal  of  Greek  and  Roman  was  that  of  a  State  that  should  be  great 
and  just,  but  it  was  alien  from  their  conception  of  good  that  the  State  should 
"  secure  to  each  soul  the  power  to  move  in  the  highest  path  of  its  being  ".  Even 


WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW.  201 

to  Plato  the  citizen  was  less  an  individual  soul  than  a  piece  to  be  placed  upon 
the  State's  chessboard.  Hence  the  poets  of  the  nations  have  widely  differing 
ideals  :  our  freedom  is  to  broaden  from  precedent  to  precedent ;  our  Empire 
is  not  merely  to  bring  an  enlarged  power  and  to  be  an  overgrown  England— it 
is  something  less  tangible  and  more  spiritual ;  therefore  no  Greek,  still  less 
any  Roman,  could  have  said,  with  Wordsworth 

The  power  of  armies  is  a  visible  thing 
Formal  and  circumscribed  in  time  and  space ; 
But  who  the  limits  of  that  power  can  tract 
Which  a  brave  people  into  light  can  bring 
Or  hide  at  will  «... 

from  year  to  year 

Springs  this  indigenous  produce  far  and  near; 
No  craft  this  subtle  element  can  bind, 
Rising  like  water  from  the  soil  to  find 
In  every  nook  a  lip  that  it  may  cheer. 

But  here  we  have  gone  back  again  from  mere  song  writers  to  the  most 
philosophic  of  our  poets  :  and  necessarily  so,  for  in  a  time  like  this  of  grave 
national  peril  it  is  inevitable  to  think  of  him,  the  one  great  bard  who  spoke 
for  England  when  she  stood  single-handed  before  Napoleon. 

To-day  we  are  fortunate  in  having  many  who  can  speak  worthily  in  the 
name  of  the  Empire ;  and  there  is  no  cause  to  complain  if  now  and  then  the 
note  of  hatred  or  contempt  seems  a  trifle  overmarked.  At  any  rate,  poets  in 
the  past,  whose  work  is  not  likely  to  be  forgotten,  have  sounded  these  notes 
on  occasion — and  sometimes  justifiably  ;  and  is  there  no  excuse  for  a  noble 
fury  now  ?  Whatever  fault  may  be  found  with  Drayton,  for  example,  for 
calling  the  enemy  "  false  ",  no  Briton  who  has  read  his  Agincourt  ode  is  likely 
to  forget  the  lines  : 

They  now  to  fight  are  gone, 
Armour  on  armour  shone, 
Drum  now  to  drum  did  groan, 

To  hear  was  wonder, 
That  with  the  cries  they  make 
The  very  earth  did  shake, 
Trumpet  to  trumpet  spake 

Thunder  to  thunder. 

One  may  excuse  too,  and  justify,  a  tone  which  in  prose  might  seem  sheer 
bombast ;  for  even  Greece,  with  her  dread  of  arrogant-hearted  insolence,  fully 
recognised  that  verse  may  say  aloud  what  prose  must  express  in  a  whisper 
if  at  all. 

The  range  of  patriotic  song  is  great,  both  in  time  and  quality  ;  and  it  is  in 
several  senses  a  long  way  from  the  hymn  of  Deborah  and  Barak  to  that  of  Herr 
Ernst  Lissauer.  In  times  like  these  it  is  not  to  the  singers  of  uncanny  super- 
human imagination  that  we  turn,  but  to  those  of  more  robust  and  human 


202  WAR  SONGS  OLD  AND  NEW. 

quality.  The  need  of  the  time  is  met  by  a  Newbolt,  a  Kipling,  or  a  Campbell, 
rather  than  by  a  Blake  or  a  Yeats.  These  more  aetherial  bards  have  stirred 
us  too,  and  will  again  ;  indeed  it  was  to  one  of  them,  Mr.  Herbert  Trench,  that 
the  nation  owed  a  warning  it  seemed  not  to  heed,  and  had  "  The  Voice  from  the 
Column  "  found  more  hearers,  perhaps  the  Day  should  not  have  found  us  un- 
ready. Yet  ready  in  one  high  sense  we  were,  and  are,  because — 

Drake  he's  in  his  hammock  till  the  great  Armadas  come, 

(Capten  art  tlia  sleepin'  there  below  ?) 
Slung  atween  the  roundshot,  listenin'  for  the  drum 

And  dreamin'  arl  the  time  o'  Plymouth  Hoe. 

Call  him  on  the  deep  sea,  call  him  up  the  Sound, 

Call  him  when  ye  sail  to  meet  the  foe, 
Where  the  old  trade's  plyin'  and  the  old  Flag  flyin', 

They  shall  find  him  ware  and  wakin'  as  they  found  him  long  ago.* 

That  is  the  faith  our  war  songs  have  nurtured,  and  with  it  a  larger  faith  which 
is  even  now  showing  itself  in  the  works  wrought,  out  of  their  loyalty  and  devotion 
to  the  Old  Grey  Mother,  by  her  children  over  many  seas.  It  was  no  tawdry 
Jingoism  that  put  these  words  into  the  mouth  of  Britain  : 

Also  we  will  make  promise  :    so  long  as  the  blood  endures 

I  shall  know  that  your  good  is  mine,  ye  shall  feel  that  my  strength  is  yours, 

In  the  day  of  Armageddon,  in  the  last  great  fight  of  all, 

That  our  House  stand  together  and  the  pillars  do  not  fall,  f 

The  call  of  the  blood  has  been  heard  and  answered  by  some  of  our  kin  who 
are  not  politically  our  fellows,  and  the  call  of  the  Empire  by  citizens  who  are 
not  our  kin  in  blood ;  and  it  is  pleasant  to  find  Whittier's  name  included  in 
anthologies  of  patriotic  British  verse,  for  in  dayi  when  Britain  and  America 
were  farther  apart  he  could  write  : 

0  Englishmen,  in  hope  and  creed, 

In  blood  and  tongue  our  brothers, 
We  too  are  heirs  of  Kunnymede 
And  Shakespere's  fame  and  Cromwell's  deed 

Are  not  alone  our  mother's. 

To-day  America  knows  the  Empire  to  be  fighting  for  the  right  and  for 
the  freedom  of  a  world. 

When  the  stress  is  past  and  the  task  done  there  will  be  a  new  outburst 
of  song  of  higher  quality  perhaps  than  anything  than  can  be  produced  during 
the  heat  of  actual  strife.  Meanwhile,  all  honour  to  the  poets  of  Empire  for 
the  service  they  have  done  and  are  still  doing.  The  spirit  of  the  people  is 
what  it  was  in  the  sixteenth  century — the  spirit  of  Drake  ready — 

If  the  Dons  sight  Devon 
To  quit  the  port  of  Heaven 
And  drum  them  up  the  Channel  as  he  drummed  them  long  ago.* 

*  Drake's  Drum. — H.  Newbolt.  f  A  Song  of  the  English. — R.  Kipling. 


AS  OTHERS  SEE  US.  208 

Despite  the  bleating  of  ignorant  pessimists  whose  spiritual  home  is  certainly 
not  here,  there  is  no  degeneracy  in  the  stock  either  in  the  old  country  or  in 
Britain  overseas.  White-blooded  little  Englanders  are  few  though  clamorous 
and  Germany  has  been  strangely  obtuse  in  believing  them  ;  and  when  this  war 
shall  have  ended  the  existence  of  the  one  and  the  menace  of  the  other,  we  shall 
owe  much  of  the  result  to  the  poets  of  the  Empire. 

ARTHUR  POTT. 


AS  OTHERS  SEE  US. 

IN  the  arid  waste  of  literary  "  padding  "  to  which  the  dearth  of  "  news  from 
the  front  "  has  lately  condemned  the  newspaper  reader,  there  is  one  column 
which  often  enlivens  us.  It  is  called  "  Through  German  Eyes  "  ;  but  even  this 
is  growing  monotonous  with  frequent  repetition  of  childish  absurdities.  A 
correspondent  has  recently  sent  me,  however,  a  batch  of  papers  on  the  war, 
read  before  the  Chicago  Press  Club,  which  have  a  refreshing  variety  of  view,  the 
more  so  from  their  unconscious  revelation  of  national  character.  No  other 
city  in  the  world  could,  in  all  probability,  produce  such  a  symposium.  Chicago 
is  ethnologically  a  miniature  universe,  and  the  Press  Club  is  a  cosmopolitan 
association  which  runs  its  own  organ,  characteristically  called  The  Scoop.  So 
far  as  I  am  able  to  judge  from  the  specimens  in  my  possession,  The  Scoop  is 
written  in  the  native  language  of  the  American  journalist,  which  is  an  acquired 
art  and  also  an  acquired  taste.  "  The  style  of  the  paper,"  I  read,  "  is  more 
imperative  than  the  laws  of  the  language.  It  lies  closely  hugged  to  the  meal- 
ticket,  whereas  the  laws  of  the  language  do  not  " — a  somewhat  melancholy 
reflection  for  grammarians !  But  outside  the  editorial  columns  one  plunges 
into  a  different  world,  and  it  is  no  small  achievement  to  present,  in  successive 
issues,  a  view  of  the  war  seen  through  the  eyes  of  a  German,  a  Servian,  a  Bohe- 
mian, a  Russian,  a  Belgian,  a  French  professor,  a  Japanese  professor,  an  American 
socialist,  and  an  Englishman.  As  many  of  these  addresses  were  obviously 
spoken — not  read — and  are  reported  verbatim,  they  have  the  additional  value 
as  human  documents,  which  does  not  always  attach  to  the  more  deliberate 
written  word. 

The  case  for  Great  Britain  was  in  the  hands  of  Dr.  George  Cooke  Adams, 
the  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  and  it  presents 
a  striking  contrast  to  all  the  other  papers.  Here  is  no  rhetoric,  no  attempt  to 
discuss  the  psychology  of  the  war,  but  a  simple  (and,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Editor  of  The  Scoop,  "  convincing  ")  presentment  of  the  official  documents 
which  led  up  to  Great  Britain's  declarations  of  war.  Dr.  Cooke  Adams  received 
early  copies  of  the  diplomatic  correspondence  and  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the 
first,  to  make  good  use  of  them.  It  is  with  satisfaction  that  one  realises  that  no 
need  exists  for  Britain  to  start  such  a  campaign  as  Germany  has  carried  on  in 
America.  We  can  state  facts  and  leave  men  to  draw  their  own  conclusions — we 


204  AS  OTHERS  SEE  US. 

have  neither  to  justify  nor  to  excuse  our  conduct.  But  the  importance  of 
setting  out  the  facts,  with  unimpeachable  evidence,  cannot  be  too  strongly 
emphasised,  and  those  men  of  British  race  who  have  made  this  their  war-work 
have  rendered  no  mean  service  to  their  country. 

The  German  case  was  stated  the  following  week  by  Dr.  Michael  Singer,  the 
Editor  of  the  Illinois  Staatszeitung,  and  was  a  skilful  presentment  of  the  view 
that  the  war  has  its  origin  in  the  commercial  greed  of  England  (no  German 
writer  ever  speaks  of  the  British  Empire,  always  of  "  England  "). 

At  least  for  the  last  four  hundred  years,  England  has  done  nothing  but  destroy 
every  nation  that  tried  to  trade — tried  to  make  a  living  by  honest  work  and  honest 
dealing. 

This,  I  believe,  is  the  sincere  opinion  of  many  less-instructed  Germans,  but 
my  belief  in  the  sincerity  of  Dr.  Michael  Singer  is  shaken  by  his  historical 
summary : — 

You  remember  that  England  succeeded  in  annihilating  the  Spanish  Armada 
and  devastating  the  possessions  of  Spain.  Spain  did  not  violate  any  treaty  or  do  any 
harm  to  England,  the  only  harm  it  did  was  that  she  dared  attempt  to  maintain  trade 
without  asking  the  permission  of  the  good  and  pious  England. 

Now,  considering  that  the  ancestors  of  Dr.  Singer's  American  audience 
were  actually  "  English"  at  the  time  that  the  Armada  was  "  annihilated,"  and 
that,  presumably,  they  can  hardly  have  forgotten  their  schooldays  sufficiently 
not  to  remember  that  the  unoffending  and  harmless  Spaniard  sent  out  that 
fleet  to  conquer  those  ancestors,  and,  moreover,  that  it  might  have  done  so  only 
that  "  the  Lord  blew  and  they  were  scattered  "  ;  considering  this,  and  ail  that 
we  have  heard  about  German  education,  Dr.  Singer  seems  to  me  to  have  been 
perfectly  magnificent  in  his  audacity.  I  only  wish  I  could  follow  him  in  detail 
through  his  history  of  the  rise  of  the  British  Empire. 

Apropos  of  the  driving  of  the  French  out  of  Louisiana  he  obviously  felt  the 
ground  a  little  delicate,  and  got  mixed  up  in  his  pronouns,  for  it  is  the  invariable 
custom  of  the  hyphenated  German- American  to  speak  of  the  American  nation 
as  "  We."  When  he  wants  to  use  the  same  pronoun  for  the  German  nation  he 
is  hi  a  terminological  difficulty,  and  when  he  wants  to  convey  to  an  American 
audience  that  the  driving  of  the  French  out  of  Louisiana  was  one  of  the  many 
brutal  outrages  on  an  unoffending  country  committed  by  the  English,  which 
"  we "  ought  to  condemn,  he  is  (as  The  Scoop  might  say)  on  the  wrong 
side  of  Queer  Street. 

Of  more  real  interest  was  Dr.  Singer's  attempt  to  convince  his  audience 
that  the  Emperor  has  no  real  power  to  make  war.  "  Every  President  of  the 
United  States  has  more  power  in  his  hands  than  the  German  Emperor  or  any 
ruler  hi  Europe."  Carefully  calculated,  this,  for  it  is  a  favourite  cliche  in  certain 
American  circles  to  talk  of  the  war  as  the  result  of  monarchical  ambitions. 
"  Since  Germany  came  into  existence  life  never  was  more  peaceful."  Founded 
in  blood — 1866  and  1870 — the  German  Empire  has  sought  peace  and  ensued  it 


AS  OTHERS  SEE  US.  205 

in  the  factories  of  Krupp  and  the  shipyards  of  Kiel.    As  a  parting  shot  Dr. 
Singer  asks  his  audience  : — 

Don't  you  think  Mr.  Morley  and  Mr.  Burns,  those  two  excellent  members  of  the 
British  Cabinet,  had  England's  national  honor  just  as  much  at  heart  as  Sir  Edward 
Grey  ?  ...  Sir  Edward  Grey,  pressed  by  the  Socialist  Keir  Hardie,  had  to  admit  that 
the  German  Ambassador  at  St.  James's,  aided  by  the  German  Government,  worked 
to  the  last  moment  for  the  maintenance  of  peace. 

Herr  Singer's  audience  were  probably  impressed  by  the  mixture  of  truth  and 
falsehood  in  the  last  sentence,  for  Sir  Edward  Grey  did  acknowledge  th«  work 
of  the  German  ambassador  at  St.  James's,  while  pointing  out  that  it  was  not 
backed  sufficiently  either  in  Berlin  or  Vienna. 

In  a  subsequent  number  of  The  Scoop,  Judge  Michael  F.  Girten  also 
gives  the  German  case  a  "  boost,"  and  his  contribution  may  be  judged  from  his 
categorical  statement  that  Servia  "  refused  to  comply  with  the  demands  (of 
Austria),  justifying  its  refusal  on  the  ground  that  its  honour  would  not  permit 
it  to  tolerate  Austro-Hungarian  assistance  in  suppressing  peace- destroying 
agitation  and  in  convicting  murderers."  The  facts  are,  of  course,  beyond  dispute. 
Servia  agreed  to  all  Austria's  demands  save  two,  and  offered  to  submit  those 
to  an  impartial  tribunal.  Her  reason  was  that  these  demands  conflicted  with 
her  rights  as  a  sovereign  state.  Judge  Girten  is,  however,  not  as  guileless  as 
he  appears.  "  Should  German  arms  lose  out,"  he  avers,  "  because  of  this 
alliance  of  Europe  with  Asia,  then  watch  for  the  day  when  Asia  will  sweep 
Occidental  civilisation  off  the  face  of  the  earth."  That,  we  may  confidently 
suppose,  is  a  safe  card  to  play  with  a  number  of  American  audiences. 

A  few  days  later,  however,  Asia  "  got  a  bit  of  her  own  back,"  when  a  Japa- 
nese professor  of  natural  history,  the  translator  of  Spencer,  Darwin,  and  Huxley, 
took  up  the  tale  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  uncultured  East.  He  avowed 
himself  "  a  swimmer,  a  diver,  in  the  ocean  of  universe.  I  myself  lack  racial 
affinity  or  patriotism  because  I  think  patriotism  is  a  small  parochial  pride 
and  a  nuisance  in  my  way  of  going  through  the  jungle  of  things  I  like  to  know." 
But  racial  pride  spoke  through  the  mask  of  his  affected  cynicism,  and  this 
paper,  as  a  revelation — half  conscious  only — of  the  thoughts  of  a  super-civilised 
Oriental  is  singularly  interesting.  "  The  four  greatest  teachers  were  born 
in  Asia.  Aryan  civilisation  started  in  Asia,"  he  reminds  his  Western  audience. 
And  speaking  of  the  interchange  of  ideas  between  East  and  West,  he  told  a 
story  of  a  one-time  Japanese  Minister  to  the  United  States  who,  on  his  return 
to  Japan,  became  a  candidate  for  Parliament  and  was  accused  of  bribing  his 
constituents.  He  replied,  "  You  should  be  glad  to  have  the  people  taught 
how  to  bribe  and  be  bribed.  This  should  be  developed  much  more.  Very 
much  delighted  to  see  the  people  advance  so  much." 

Coming  to  the  war,  the  Japanese  professor  says  : — 

This  war  is  for  the  sake  of  glorification  upon  the  part  of  the  Prussians  and  the 
Hohenzollern  King,  with  his  tinge  of  the  blood  of  the  Hiong-nu  Tartar  chief.  The 
Hohenzollern  family  manufactured  the  candies  upon  which  the  simple-minded, 
emotional,  hero-worshipping,  good-natured  Germans  have  fed. 


206  AS  OTHERS  SEE  US. 

There  is  a  clever  psychological  touch  in  this  contemptuous  description  of  the 
exponents  of  Kultur,  and  the  true  Oriental  speaks  when  Professor  Yo  Cho 
says  : — 

Japan  is  a  medium  for  China  to  get  practical  lessons  to  climb  up  the  steps  of  this 
wonderful  civilisation,  in  the  age  of  golden  Christian  siege-guns,  which  have  heen 
accounted  as  one  of  the  greatest  factors  of  the  amazing  civilisation  in  Christendom. 

I  seem  to  see  him — the  small,  yellow-faced  Oriental  with  inscrutable  black 
eyes,  dropping  his  barbed  arrows  gently  and  politely  among  the  men  who 
deny  to  him  and  his  the  rights  granted,  without  question,  to  the  dregs  of  the 
population  of  any  Western  country,  and  quite  unconscious  that,  by  his 
detached  attitude  in  viewing  Western  civilisation,  he  was  proving  the  rightness 
of  their  conduct  in  so  excluding  people  who  could  never  be  assimilated. 

Europe  is  performing  in  the  largest  possible  manner  what  Mexico  has  been  doing 
feebly.  They  said  the  Mexicans  are  fighting  because  they  are  not  civilised  or  educated. 

What,  then,  of  the  Europeans  ?  The  savagely  civilised  peoples !  .  .  .  Europe  .  .  . 

is  struggling  in  the  golden  Christian  hades  of  semi-barbarian  civilisation.  If  the  Chinese 
should  wake  up — as  they  will — they  may  involve  themselves  in  a  similar  kind  of 
struggle,  but  at  present  they  are  most  civilised  because  they  do  not  have  the  weapons 
and  do  know  how  to  live  the  real  human  life.  Their  opponents  remark,  "  What  ''o 
they  get  ?  They  cannot  get  anything,  they  are  fixed."  To  get  something  out  of  the 
use  of  war  weapons  is  a  fundamental  condition  in  the  Christian  inferno. 

As  for  Japan's  share  in  the  war  :  "  Japan  went  into  the  war  because  of  her 
alliance  with  England — it  is  very  simple.  But  does  a  plant  grow  out  of  nothing  ?  " 

After  the  vitriol  of  German  invective  and  Japanese  sarcasm,  the  Servian 
and  Russian  contributions  are  but  mildly  interesting,  though  the  Servian 
roused  considerable  sympathy  in  his  professional  audience  by  showing  an 
edition  of  a  Herzegovinian  newspaper,  with  excisions  by  the  Austrian  Press 
Censor,  which  would  fill  certain  officials  in  Whitehall  with  a  regretful  sense 
of  their  own  inferiority.  The  editor  of  this  paper  must  be  the  most  pertinacious 
pressman  in  existence,  for  he  has  spent  most  of  his  thirty-six  years'  editorship 
in  jail,  his  average  period  of  liberty  not  exceeding  three  months  out  of  any 
twelve  !  The  Servian  speaker,  be  it  noted,  avowed  republican  sentiments, 
and  declared  that  so  long  as  kings  and  emperors  can  make  war  there  will  be 
no  peace. 

This  view  of  war  (evidently  popular  in  America)  was  rudely  contested 
by  the  American  Socialist  speaker,  who  characterised  it  as  idiotic,  and  asked 
triumphantly,  "  Who  votes  the  War  Loans  ?  "  But  the  answer  he  provided 
is  not  what  one  expects,  unless  one  has  experience  of  socialist  arguments, 
for  he  wished  to  maintain  the  thesis  that  war  is  supported  by  the  votes  of  the 
41  business,  commercial,  and  banking  representatives."  The  only  other  illumi- 
nating statement  in  his  speech  is  this  :  "  Hyndman  says,  if  the  war  lasts  six 
months,  England  will  go  broke."  A  prophet  is  never  without  honour,  &c.  So 
Hyndman  still  makes  speeches  which  are  reported — in  Chicago. 


AS  OTHERS  SEE  US.  207 

The  most  notable  thing  in  the  Kussian  statement  was  the  speaker's  obvious 
understanding  of  the  Near  Eastern  situation,  which  must  have  been  obscure 
to  most  of  the  audience.  He  foretold  the  formation  of  a  group  of  independent 
Balkan  States  in  alliance  with  Russia,  and  added  that,  if  Turkey  intervened 
in  the  war,  Russia  would  then  demand  as  part  of  the  peace  terms  the  possession 
of  Constantinople,  thus  taking  over  the  old  capital  of  the  Greek  Church— 
the  Holy  City  of  Russian  Christianity— restoring  the  cross  above  the  crescent 
and  realising  the  fondest  dreams  of  Russian  statesmen,  living  and  dead. 

The  Belgian  speaker  made — as  might  be  expected — an  appeal  to  the  emotions, 
and  he  probably  "  brought  down  the  house  "  (as  he  deserved)  when  he  said  : 
"  No  amount  of  printer's  ink  or  German  loquacity  will  convince  you  that  the 
Kaiser  was  right  and  that  Belgium  was  wrong."  That  puts  the  case  for  Belgium 
in  a  nutshell.  It  is  the  sort  of  peroration  that  knocks  argument  into  a  cocked  hat. 

I  have  kept  to  the  last — or  nearly  the  last — the  singular  oration  of  the 
French  speaker.  Probably  no  Frenchman,  in  his  own  country,  at  this  moment 
would  speak  quite  so  frankly.  On  the  neutral  soil  of  America  all  these  people 
seem  to  slough  off  a  good  deal  of  reserve,  just  as  a  man  sometimes  feels 
more  inclined  to  express  his  real  thoughts  outside  the  bosom  of  his  family. 
Professor  Benedict  Papot  disclaimed  the  idea  of  a  great  "  revanche  "  move- 
ment in  France,  declaring  that  a  comparatively  small  number  of  people  cherish 
any  bitter  remembrances  of  1870.  But  the  French  nation  fears  Germany 
"  not  because  they  have  taken  Alsace-Lorraine,  but  because  they  breed  more 
rapidly  than  we  do."  Moreover,  the  French  object  to  German  ideas,  to  their 
militarism,  to  their  point  of  view.  Germany  has  every  right  to  these,  of  course, 
but  she  will  not  concede  to  others  what  France  is  perfectly  willing  to  acknow- 
ledge— the  right  of  everyone  to  their  own  point  of  view.  She  does  not  understand 
liberty  of  mind  any  more  than  liberty  of  body.  France  does  not  fear  Russia  ; 
she  feels  confident  that  Russia  will  come  under  her  cultural  influences,  and 
will  not  attempt  to  impose  any  cut-and-dried  ideas  of  her  own  should  a 
conflict  between  them  take  place.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  Professor  is  speaking 
of  rival  civilisations,  not  necessarily  of  rival  political  systems,  and  his  analysis 
is  the  more  interesting  because  of  Germany's  claim  to  cultural  superiority. 
In  the  region  of  intellectual  warfare,  the  Frenchman  gives  no  place  to  England. 
The  English  are  merely  the  exponents  of  force,  and  as  such,  are  on  the  side 
of  France  and  Russia  and  opposed  to  Germany.  So  much  the  better !  The 
Frenchman,  with  his  logical  and  yet  cynical  mind,  recognises  "  that  there  is 
only  one  law  in  the  world  and  that  is  force  " — referring,  of  course,  to  the  political 
framework  in  which  (according  to  the  modern  French  creed)  the  intellectual 
world  must  pass  its  detached  existence.  It  is  necessary  that  force  should  be 
on  the  side  of  one's  own  Government  in  order  that  it  may  secure  freedom  to 
its  citizens  to  follow  their  own  bent — intellectual,  social,  or  artistic  : — 

I  do  not  know  [says  Professor  Papot]  that  in  the  bosom  of  the  French  nation  there 
is  any  inveterate  and  ingrained  love  of  England.  I  do  not  think  the  Englishman 
is  so  awfully  fond  of  the  Frenchman,  per  se.  I  have  a  sort  of  notion  the  Englishman 
is  particularly  fond  of  himself !  [Laughter.] 


208  AS  OTHERS  SEE  US. 

But  the  real  interest  of  this  address  lay  in  the  description  of  modern  France, 
with  its  millions  of  comfortable  self-absorbed  folk,  who  care  little  or  nothing 
for  their  form  of  government,  and  desire  only  to  be  left  alone  and  in  peace  to 
their  business,  their  family  life,  and  their  pursuit  of  happiness. 

The  French  people  are  having  the  fight  of  their  lives :  now  not  with  Germany,  not 
with  any  of  the  warring  nations,  but  the  great  fight  in  France  is  the  fight  between 
individualism  and  the  old  conception  of  the  family  as  being  the  standard  of  the  whole . 
This  fight  is  going  towards  individualism  .  .  .  which  has  been  carried  so  far  that 
clubs  and  societies  are  almost  an  impossibility.  Each  one  has  his  own  point  of  view, 
his  own  ideal,  his  own  thoughts,  shared  perhaps  by  a  small  coterie  .  .  .  they  realise 
that  the  other  man  has  a  perfect  right  to  his  point  of  view  and  they  do  not  try  to  make 
converts.  They  do  not  try  to  herd  together,  to  impress  the  other  man  with  the  fallacy 
of  his  views.  It  is  a  very  strange  condition.  Nothing  could  bring  them  together  ; 
nothing  could  break  down  the  barriers  that  exist  in  the  different  little  cliques,  literary, 
artistic,  scientific,  and  everything  else  ;  nothing  could  bring  them  together  but  a  great 
catastrophe.  Art,  science,  literature — all  have  been  going  away  from  the  people 
more  and  more,  becoming  too  technical.  Each  has  a  language  of  its  own,  a  little  caste 
of  its  own,  a  little  ring  of  its  own.  Nothing  will  weld  the  nation  together  but  a  great 
catastrophe,  a  great  cataclysm. 

The  intellectual  life  of  France  has  always  been  its  most  characteristic  posses- 
sion, and  in  this  paragraph  I  seem  to  find  a  key  to  much  that  is  puzzling  in 
the  national  development  of  our  great  Ally.  Have  we  not  ourselves  seen, 
in  the  limited  class  of  our  own  people  who  aspire  to  an  intellectual  existence, 
who  do  not  live  by  bread  alone,  that  self-same  growth  of  individualism,  sapping, 
as  many  of  us  feel,  the  foundations  of  citizenship  ?  Men  and  women  alike  have 
been  bitten  with  the  new  freedom,  the  intellectual  disdain  of  creeds  and  codes. 
Tolerance  has  become  a  synonym  for  indifference,  and  to  be  broad-minded 
frequently  means  to  believe  in  nothing.  Mutual  responsibilities  have  increased 
hi  one  sense,  from  a  material  point  of  view,  with  the  growth  of  humani- 
tarianism,  but  our  attitude  towards  our  spiritual  responsibilities  is  too  often 
summed  up  by  the  question  :  "  Am  I  my  brother's  keeper  ?  "  Into  the  middle 
of  this  super-culture  crash  the  realities,  the  horrible  crudities  of  war.  We — 
and  France — have  got  our  cataclysm.  When  the  storm-cloud  rolls  by  and  the 
sun  shines  again  on  a  devastated  world,  perhaps  we  may  find  again  as  nations, 
and  as  individuals,  a  stronger  faith,  a  truer  sense  of  brotherhood,  and  (as  a  con- 
sequence) we  may  see  a  renaissance  in  the  great  arts  whose  finest  inspiration 
comes  from  the  simplest  forms  of  love  and  hope  and  suffering,  and  is  lost  ii 
the  mists  of  a  cynical  scepticism. 

ETHEL  COLQUHOUN. 


209 


THE  VALUE  OF  THE  GERMAN  COLONIES. 

AFTER  the  war  the  German  Colonies  will  presumably  change  hands.  A  future 
Peace  Congress  will  settle  their  fate.  Meantime,  it  seems  worth  while  to 
consider  briefly  their  value  and  their  future  possibilities. 

If  we  look  at  the  map  the  German  Colonies  appear  to  be  small,  and  they  are 
certainly  small  in  size  if  compared  with  the  gigantic  colonies  of  Great  Britain. 
However,  size  is  a  relative  term.  If  we  compare  the  area  of  the  German  Colonies, 
which  look  so  small  on  the  map,  with  that  of  the  United  Kingdom  or  of  Germany, 
we  find  that  they  are  by  no  means  as  unimportant  as  is  generally  believed. 
The  German  Colony  of  East  Africa  is  more  than  three  times  as  large  as  the 
whole  of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  second  largest  German  colony,  South- 
West  Africa,  is  nearly  three  times  as  large  as  the  United  Kingdom.  Cameroon 
is  almost  exactly  two-and-a-half  times  as  large  as  the  United  Kingdom.  German 
New  Guinea  is  somewhat  larger  than  England,  Wales,  and  Scotland  combined. 
Togo  is  somewhat  larger  than  Ireland.  The  total  area  of  the  German  Colonies 
is  considerably  more  than  eight  times  as  large  as  that  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
more  than  ten  times  as  large  as  the  Transvaal,  two-and-a-half  times  as  large 
as  all  the  States  of  the  South  African  Union,  50  per  cent,  larger  than  Mexico, 
and  slightly  larger  than  the  whole  of  Argentina.  These  comparisons  show  that 
the  German  Colonies,  far  from  being  small  in  extent,  are  relatively  large  and 
important  possessions.  The  widely  held  belief  that  the  German  Colonies  are 
small  is  erroneous. 

The  German  Colonies  are  frequently  described  as  poor  or  as  worthless. 
They  are  certainly  not  a  paying  proposition.  Hitherto  the  German  Colonies 
have  cost  the  Motherland  far  more  than  they  have  brought  in.  From  the 
point  of  view  of  the  shopkeeper  or  of  the  average  investor  they  are  certainly 
worthless.  Of  course  it  is  a  mistake  to  apply  the  ordinary  standards  of  value 
to  land,  and  especially  to  land  possessed  not  by  short-lived  men  but  by  a  nation 
which  hopes  to  live  for  ever.  The  ordinary  investor  expects  to  have,  earlier 
or  later,  a  return  for  his  outlay.  He  cannot  afford  to  buy  property  which 
entails  a  considerable  loss  and  which  may  not  yield  any  return  for  generations. 
The  State  must  apply  different  standards  in  investing  in  land.  The  population 
of  the  world  has  been  increasing  at  unprecedented  speed  during  the  last  hundred 
years,  and  it  will  presumably  continue  for  a  long  time  to  increase  at  a  similar 
rate.  Steam  and  steel  have  opened  up  continents  and  islands  which  formerly 
seemed  almost  uninhabitable  by  white  men.  Year  by  year  the  population 
of  the  world  increases,  and  the  available  land  becomes  relatively  less,  and 
therefore  increases  in  value.  Lands  which  formerly  were  considered  to  be 
worthless  have  become  precious.  In  the  time  of  Julius  Csesar,  Germany  and 
Great  Britain  were  supposed  to  possess  such  a  rigorous  and  unpleasant  climate 
that  they  were  considered  as  countries  suitable  only  for  savages,  but  not  for 
cultured  Romans.  Not  very  long  ago  Canada  and  all  South  Africa  were 
believed  to  be  worthless,  or  almost  worthless,  to  Europeans.  When  France 

P  2 


210        THE  VALUE  OF  THE  GERMAN  COLONIES. 

ceded  Canada  to  England,  Voltaire  sneeringly  referred  to  the  Great  Dominion 
in  the  words  "  quelques  arpents  de  neige."  The  "  few  acres  of  snow  "  contain 
at  present  about  8,000,000  white  men.  In  a  few  decades  their  popula- 
tion may  exceed  that  of  France.  In  a  century  Canada  may  be  one  of  the 
world's  Great  Powers,  and,  compared  with  that  Dominion,  France  may  be 
an  unimportant  country. 

All  the  German  Colonies,  South -West  Africa  alone  excepted,  are  situated 
in  the  Tropics.  At  present  the  value  of  tropical  land  is  extremely  small  if 
compared  with  land  situated  in  the  moderate  zone.  However,  its  value  is 
rapidly  increasing.  Year  by  year  the  densely  populated  countries  situated 
in  the  moderate  zone  have  to  increase  their  supplies  from  the  boundless  Tropics. 
The  utilisation  of  the  Tropics  has  scarcely  begun.  At  present  the  Western 
nations  draw  from  the  Tropics  only  certain  produce  for  special  purposes,  such 
as  rubber,  vegetable  oils,  timber,  spices,  &c.  Before  very  long  Europe  may  have 
to  depend  on  the  Tropics  very  largely  for  its  food  and  clothing,  and  perhaps 
for  its  minerals  and  timber  as  well.  The  deadly  climate  of  the  Tropics  becomes 
from  year  to  year  less  deadly,  exactly  as  the  terribly  severe  climate  of  Germany 
and  Britain,  about  which  Julius  Caesar  wrote,  is  no  longer  terrible.  Year  by 
year  the  Tropics  are  becoming  more  accessible  by  the  advance  and  the  cheapening 
of  transport.  A  few  centuries  ago,  when  transport  was  very  primitive  and 
expensive,  only  light  and  relatively  precious  wares  could  stand  the  high  cost  of 
carriage.  The  Dutch  and  English  traders  of  former  centuries  were  chiefly 
occupied  in  fetching  thence  spices,  precious  stones,  gold,  silver,  silk,  &c.  To 
the  old  Batavian  or  Bristol  merchants  it  would  have  seemed  inconceivable 
that  a  day  might  come  when  England  and  Holland  would  largely  depend  upon 
South  America  and  India  for  grain  and  meat ;  that  the  trade  in  spices,  and 
especially  in  pepper,  which  was  formerly  a  most  valuable  and  much-envied 
monopoly,  would  be  comparatively  worthless  and  unimportant. 

The  German  Tropical  Colonies  may  appear  worthless,  or  almost  worthless, 
to  the  present  generation ;  but  a  time  may  come,  and  probably  will  come,  when 
they  will  be  exceedingly  precious. 

It  is  quite  true  that  Germany  has  run  her  colonies  at  a  loss,  but  this  is 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  she  has  not  tried  to  run  them  for  gain.  In  her  colonial 
policy  Germany  has  not  looked  to  immediate  profit.  She  has  managed  her 
colonies  for  the  benefit  of  future  generations,  regardless  of  immediate  returns, 
and  she  has  done  so  with  excellent  intentions,  but  with  very  little  skill.  The 
Germans  are  generally  considered  to  be  good  business  men.  They  have  spent 
in  their  colonies  about  £100,000,000.  That  enormous  capital  has  been  sunk  in 
them  in  the  expectation  that  it  would  fructify  in  a  more  or  less  remote  future. 
The  colonies  were  laid  out  regardless  of  expense.  The  German  Government 
endeavoured  not  only  to  create  model  colonies,  but  to  found  a  New  Germany 
across  the  sea.  Where  an  English  Government  would  have  been  satisfied  with 
a  straggling  village  and  a  shanty,  the  Germans  built  up  a  substantial  town  and 
a  Governor's  palace  surrounded  by  a  park.  In  its  colonial  policy  the  German 
Government  pursued  a  twofold  aim.  It  endeavoured,  in  developing  the 


THE  VALUE  OF  THE  GERMAN  COLONIES.        211 

country,  to  act  wisely,  magnificently,  and  lavishly.  At  the  same  time  it  strove 
to  prevent  speculators  from  exploiting  the  colonies  to  their  own  advantage  and 
to  the  harm  of  future  generations.  Exactly  as  the  German  officials  strove  to 
create  in  every  colonial  town  a  little  Berlin  with  wide  and  straight  avenues  and 
substantial  permanent  buildings,  they  strove  to  prevent  the  exploitation  of 
the  people  and  the  waste  of  the  colonial  resources  by  the  most  minute  regula- 
tions. Traders,  planters,  prospectors,  and  industrialists  were  restrained  in  their 
activity  at  every  turn  by  Government  regulations  which  were  rather  adapted  to 
the  limited  natural  resources  of  Germany,  and  to  the  docility  of  the  German 
population,  than  to  the  vast  expanses  and  the  bracing  atmosphere  of  the  colonies. 
Moreover,  the  Eeichstag  was  dissatisfied  that  the  colonies  were  run  at  a  loss,  and 
clamoured  that  the  colonies,  not  the  motherland,  should  find  the  money  neces- 
sary for  their  development.  Endeavouring  to  make  the  colonies  self-supporting, 
unduly  high  taxes  were  imposed  in  order  to  provide  roomy  towns,  magnificent 
Government  offices,  broad  high-roads,  railways,  schools,  and  a  numerous  body 
of  officials.  The  consequence  was  that  those  who  intended  to  settle  in  the  German 
Colonies  found  their  activities  circumscribed  at  every  step  by  well-intentioned 
but  unsuitable  Government  regulations,  and  at  the  same  time  they  were 
grossly  overtaxed.  Men  who  went  out  to  exploit  the  agricultural  or  mineral 
wealth  of  the  German  Colonies  had  to  wait  months  and  often  years  for  permission 
to  work.  Intensive  exploitation  was  made  impossible  by  the  Government 
policy  of  preserving  the  natural  resources  of  the  country  unimpaired,  and 
frequently  the  tax-collectors  demanded  high  taxes  from  men  who  had  invested 
their  whole  capital,  who  derived  no  income  from  their  investment,  and  who 
were  waiting  for  returns.  Moreover,  the  development  of  the  German  Colonies 
was  hampered  by  a  high-handed  policy  towards  the  natives.  Serious  revolts 
broke  out,  and  prevented  peaceful  work.  Lastly,  the  settlers  were  disappointed 
with  the  social  conditions  prevailing. 

In  the  New  Berlins  in  Africa  and  elsewhere  they  found,  to  their  great  satis- 
faction, the  German  tobacco  and  the  German  beer  to  which  they  were  accustomed ; 
but  they  also  found  the  paternalism,  the  bureaucratic  absolutism,  and  the  social 
shackles  from  which  they  had  hoped  to  escape  in  leaving  Germany.  Germans 
who  went  to  their  colonies  wished  to  lead  there  a  free  life  as  free  men,  but  they 
soon  discovered  that  in  the  colonies  also  men  were  considered  not  only  according 
to  their  real  worth  but  by  their  birth,  official  position,  and  title.  The  wife  of  a 
Government  official,  even  if  the  husband  filled  only  a  very  minor  position, 
asserted  her  superiority  over  the  wife  of  an  able  merchant  who  did  not  rejoice 
in  the  possession  of  a  uniform.  Men  who  left  Germany  in  order  to  free  them- 
selves from  eternal  restraint  found  that  if  they  wished  to  lead  a  free  life  they  had 
to  go  to  English  Colonies.  All  these  circumstances  combined  acted  as  a  very 
serious  restraint  to  the  development  of  Germany's  oversea  possessions.  How- 
ever, notwithstanding  all  these  hampering  influences,  the  German  Colonies 
developed  rapidly  because  they  possess  vast  possibilities. 

I  have  spoken  with  many  planters  who  have  come  back  from  Cameroon, 
German  East  Africa,  and  German  South- West  Africa,  and  have  received  from 


212        THE  VALUE  OF  THE  GERMAN  COLONIES. 

them  most  enthusiastic  accounts.  The  German  Colonies  possess  not  only  an 
excellent  soil,  but  vast  mineral  and  timber  resources,  which  as  yet  have  remained 
practically  unutilised. 

The  exploitation  of  tropical  and  sub-tropical  colonies  depends  largely 
on  the  native  workers.  There  are  plenty  of  natives  in  the  German  Colonies. 
Their  native  population  comes  in  all  to  about  14,000,000.  About  9,000,000  live 
in  East  Africa,  more  than  3,000,000  in  Cameroon,  more  than  1,000,000  in  Togo, 
and  nearly  a  million  in  New  Guinea.  On  the  other  hand,  the  population  of 
South- West  Africa,  the  most  valuable  German  colony,  is  extremely  small.  In 
this  territory,  which  is  nearly  three  times  as  large  as  the  United  Kingdom,  there 
are  less  than  100,000  natives,  and  the  country  is  almost  a  desert.  By  a  high- 
handed and  brutal  policy  the  Germans  brought  about  a  revolt  of  the  natives  a 
few  years  ago.  Its  suppression  was  effected  by  exterminating  the  rebel  tribes 
in  a  campaign  which  lasted  several  years  and  which  cost  Germany  £20,000,000. 
By  the  folly  of  the  Government  and  by  the  incompetence  of  the  officials  who 
had  been  sent  to  that  colony,  the  totally  insufficient  number  of  native  workers 
was  thus  very  greatly  reduced. 

The  German  population  in  the  German  Colonies  is  small.  In  German  East 
Africa  there  were  in  1912  4,866  white  people,  of  whom  3,579  were  Germans. 
In  Cameroon  there  were  in  that  year  1,537  white  people,  of  whom  1,359  were 
Germans.  In  Togo  there  were  345  whites,  of  whom  316  were  Germans.  In 
South- West  Africa  there  were  14,816  whites,  of  whom  12,135  were  Germans. 
In  New  Guinea  there  were  822  whites,  of  whom  665  were  Germans.  In  the 
colonies  enumerated  there  were  together  only  17,000  Germans.  Of  these 
nearly  2,500  were  white  soldiers,  and  nearly  700  were  white  police.  There  were 
besides  a  large  body  of  German  officials,  German  schoolmasters,  missionaries, 
&c.  The  Tropical  Colonies  are  principally  inhabited  by  planters,  traders,  and 
their  workers.  In  German  South- West  Africa,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  a 
considerable  body  of  farmers. 

Although  the  white  population  of  the  German  Colonies  is  quite  insignificant, 
they  contain  a  remarkably  large  number  of  post  and  telegraph  offices,  schools, 
&c.  In  1911  East  Africa  had  76  post  and  telegraph  offices,  Cameroon  had  52, 
Togo  32,  South-West  Africa  143,  New  Guinea  12.  East  Africa  had  1,391 
schools,  Cameroon  4,  Togo  368,  South- West  Africa  20,  New  Guinea  574.  In 
Togo  the  number  of  schools  was  actually  greater  than  the  number  of  white 
settlers.  It  is  obvious  that  the  small  number  of  Germans  dwelling  in  the  German 
Colonies  will  facilitate  their  development  by  another  Power.  There  will  not  be 
a  large  body  of  German  irreconcilables,  who,  in  course  of  time,  may  become  a 
danger  to  the  new  owners. 

Although  the  German  Colonies  have  been  badly  mismanaged,  they  have 
gone  ahead  very  fast  because  of  their  magnificent  latent  resources.  Between 
the  years  1903  and  1913  the  taxes  provided  by  East  Africa  have  increased 
from  £180,000  to  £690,000,  those  provided  by  Cameroon  from  £100,000  to 
£450,000,  those  of  South- West  Africa  from  £110,000  to  £790,000,  &c.  The 
exports  and  the  railway  takings  show  a  similar  progress.  Between  1906  and 
1911  the  exports  of  East  Africa  have  increased  from  £550,000  to  £1,120,.000, 


THE  VALUE  OF  THE  GERMAN  COLONIES.        213 

those  of  Cameroon  from  £500,000  to  £1,060,000,  those  of  Togo  from  £210,000 
to  £465,000,  those  of  South- West  Africa  from  £19,000  to  £1,430,000.  Of  course 
the  exports  of  South-West  Africa  suffered  very  greatly  in  1906  from  the  rebellion. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  South- West  Africa,  which  contains  only  a  few  thousand 
natives,  has  the  largest  exports.  They  consist  chiefly  of  diamonds.  In  1911 
the  diamonds  exported  were  valued  at  £1,150,000.  However,  the  production 
of  diamonds  was  undoubtedly  very  much  larger.  The  tax  on  diamonds  is 
so  high — it  came  to  £330,000  in  1913,  the  only  year  for  which  figures  can  be 
given — that  a  very  large  portion,  perhaps  the  larger  portion  of  the  output,  is 
smuggled  out  of  that  colony. 

The  export  statistics  give,  of  course,  only  a  feeble  indication  of  the  possi- 
bilities of  the  German  Colonies.  They  show  that  the  exports  of  East  Africa 
consist  chiefly  of  rubber,  sisal  hemp,  copra,  hides  and  skins,  coffee,  ivory,  and 
raw  cotton.  The  exports  of  Cameroon  consist  chiefly  of  rubber,  palm  kernels 
and  palm  oil,  cocoa,  ivory,  and  timber.  Those  of  Togo  consist  chiefly  of  palm 
kernels  and  palm  oil,  rubber,  raw  cotton,  and  cocoa.  Those  of  German  South- 
West  Africa  consist  chiefly  of  diamonds,  copper,  lead,  and  hides  and  skins. 
Those  of  New  Guinea  consist  chiefly  of  copra. 

During  the  last  few  years  the  development  of  the  German  Colonies  has 
progressed  very  remarkably.  Between  1907  and  1912  the  number  of  cattle 
in  South- West  Africa  has  increased  from  53,000  to  172,000,  that  of  sheep  from 
103,000  to  485,000,  while  goats  have  increased  from  103,000  to  469,000,  horses 
from  3,000  to  13,000,  asses  and  mules  from  8,000  to  12,000,  and  pigs  from 
1,000  to  7,000.  During  the  last  few  years  a  number  of  ostrich-farms  have 
been  started.  In  the  other  colonies  very  large  numbers  of  palms,  banana-trees, 
cocoa-trees,  coffee-trees,  gum-trees,  &c.,  have  been  planted,  and  as  most  of 
these  have  been  planted  only  during  the  last  few  years  they  are  only  beginning 
to  yield.  During  the  next  few  years  the  production  of  the  German  Colonies 
should  increase  very  greatly. 

The  value  of  colonies  depends  not  only  on  their  productivity,  on  their 
soil  and  their  climate,  but  also  on  their  position.  A  glance  at  the  map  of 
Africa  shows  that  the  German  Colonies  occupy,  commercially  and  strategically, 
very  important  positions.  Hitherto,  Germany  has  been-  able  to  hamper  the 
development  of  the  British  African  Colonies  by  a  policy  of  obstruction.  When 
German  East  Africa  is  no  longer  German,  Cecil  Ehodes's  dream  of  a  railway 
from  Cape  Town  to  Cairo  can  become  a  reality,  and  the  Congo  State  will  acquire 
a  valuable  outlet  towards  the  Indian  Ocean.  Hitherto,  Germany's  possession 
of  South- West  Africa  has  prevented  the  British  Colonies  obtaining  a  much- 
needed  outlet  on  the  African  West  Coast.  In  course  of  time  Walfisch  Bay 
may  become  a  very  important  harbour,  perhaps  a  second  Durban. 

As  soon  as  the  German  Colonies  are  freed  from  the  blight  of  German  bureau- 
cracy, which  has  stifled  them  with  red  tape,  they  will  be  self-supporting.  The 
number  of  settlers  will  rapidly  be  increased  when  the  countless  vexatious 
regulations  have  been  abolished.  Production  and  trade  will  advance  by  leaps  and 
bounds,  and  before  long  the  German  Colonies  may  prove  exceedingly  valuable 
to  their  new  owners.  J-  ELLIS  BARKER. 


214 
THE    EMPIRE    AND    THE    WAR.* 

By   PROFESSOR  SPENSER  WILKINSON. 

IT  was  with  considerable  hesitation  that  I  accepted  the  invitation  of  the  Council 
to  speak  to  you  to-night  about  the  War.  It  is  not  a  very  easy  thing  to  discuss  a  war 
while  the  contest  is  going  on.  In  the  first  place,  the  information  that  we  have  is  far 
too  scanty  to  allow  of  anything  like  a  critical  discussion.  By  "  critical,"  of  course, 
I  do  not  mean  fault-finding.  During  a  war  the  duty  of  every  one  of  us  is  to  support 
the  Government  without  regard  to  Party,  and  with  no  other  regard  than  that  of  the 
possibility  of  victory  ;  and  those  who,  in  any  capacity,  find  fault  with  the  Government 
during  a  war  are  not  fulfilling  their  duty  as  citizens.  But  by  a  critical  discussion 
we  mean  one  in  which  we  have  been  able  to  see  facts  and  apply  to  them  those  canons 
which  we  apply  in  judging  the  wars  of  the  past.  That  is  very  difficult  when  war 
is  going  on,  partly  because  we  do  not  know  sufficiently  the  actual  facts,  and  partly 
because,  if  criticism  consists  in  applying  general  principles  to  the  events  of  a  war, 
there  is  always  this  difficulty,  that,  after  a  war,  we  revise  our  eternal  principles.  It 
is  well,  therefore,  to  wait  till  a  war  is  over  before  you  try  to  apply  them.  If  you  write 
a  paper  during  a  war  and  wait  a  fortnight  before  reading  it,  events  may  happen  to  put 
it  entirely  out  of  date,  therefore  I  asked  to  be  allowed  not  to  read  a  paper  at  the  present 
moment. 

I  propose  to  divide  the  Address  into  an  introduction  and  four  chapters.  I  am  going, 
in  the  introduction,  to  talk  about  those  eternal  principles  which  change  so  much,  and 
then  I  shall  discuss  briefly  the  origin  of  the  War,  the  forces  engaged,  the  nature  of  the 
operations  that  have  taken  place,  and  the  nature  of  the  effort  which  still  has  to  be 
made  by  this  country. 

As  regards  the  general  nature  of  this  War,  I  shall  be  very  brief,  because  I  gave  my 
views  in  an  address  in  this  room  nearly  five  years  ago.  I  do  not  think  I  have  much 
to  withdraw,  but  I  will  tell  you  what  I  think  requires  modification.  This  War  differs 
from  any  other  in  which  we  have  been  engaged  during  many  years  past  in  that  it  is  a 
national  war — that  is,  a  struggle  for  existence  between  nations.  We  have  seen 
nothing  like  it  for  many  years.  The  first  national  war  of  modern  times  was  that 
between  France  in  the  Kevolution  and  her  neighbours.  France  alone  was  at  war  with 
all  her  neighbours,  their  intention  being  to  destroy  the  new  France  which  had  con- 
stituted itself  during  the  Kevolution.  The  result  was  that  the  whole  French  nation 
rushed  to  arms  and  eventually  was  victorious.  The  next  national  war  was  when 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  at  the  head  of  the  French  nation,  attempted  to  dominate 
the  whole  of  Europe,  the  result  of  which  was  that  the  nations  which  France,  under  his 
lead,  attacked,  and  for  a  while  subdued,  rose  in  their  masses  to  recover  their  freedom. 
It  is  upon  these  wars  that  the  theorists  of  war  have  based  their  doctrine  of  the  nature 
of  national  war.  It  consists  in  this :  that  it  is  between  nations  a  struggle  for  existence, 
and  that,  therefore,  in  such  a  war,  each  side  aims  at  the  overthrow  of  the  other  side. 

*  An  Address  delivered  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  on  Tuesday,  January  23,  Lieut.  • 
General  Sir  JBevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.Q.,  in  the  chair. 


THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR.  215 

That  has  been  defined  in  a  military  sense  as  consisting  of  three  stages  :  you  must 
first  crush  the  enemy's  armies  in  the  field  ;  occupy  his  capital  if  his  capital  is  the 
seat  of  political  influence,  and  you  must  then  defeat  his  principal  allies,  if  he  has 
any ;  whereupon  you  may  dictate  your  terms  of  peace.  It  is  evident  that  where 
each  side  aims  at  the  overthrow  of  the  other — and  if  one  side  aims  at  it,  there  is  very 
little  for  the  other  to  do  but  to  adopt  the  same  aim — each  nation  engaged  will  exert 
itself  to  the  utmost  of  its  powers :  in  other  words,  endeavour  to  turn  into  resources 
for  war  all  the  resources  it  possesses — its  men,  its  wealth,  its  ships,  and  its  intelligence. 
That,  I  believe,  is  roughly  the  nature  of  the  War  in  which  we  are  now  engaged.  Again, 
this  is  a  British  war,  and  there  are  certain  peculiar  characteristics  of  a  British  War. 
The  first  of  these,  and  the  obvious  one,  is  that  Great  Britain,  being  an  island  State, 
and  having  an  Empire  which,  in  relation  to  the  European  Continent,  at  any  rate,  is 
insular,  depends  upon  victory  at  sea  for  her  defence,  for  the  defence  of  these  islands, 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  unity  and  the  communications  between  the  different  parts 
of  that  Empire,  and  for  the  defence  of  all  those  parts.  The  second  characteristic  of  a 
British  war  in  case  of  conflict  with  a  continental  state,  is  that  Great  Britain,  being 
only  a  small  island,  part  of  Europe,  and  near  to  the  Continent,  has  never  yet  been  able, 
by  the  employment  of  her  own  army  alone,  to  crush  the  enemy's  armies,  to  occupy 
his  capital,  and  to  dictate  peace.  When  I  was  talking  of  a  British  war,  five  years  ago, 
I  took  the  case,  which  I  gave  reasons  for  thinking  to  be  probable,  of  a  war  with  the 
German  Empire,  and  I  suggested  that  in  such  a  war  the  German  Empire  would  certainly 
have  the  assistance  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire,  though  I  thought  it  doubtful 
whether  the  assistance  of  Italy  would  be  obtained.  But  at  that  time  it  seemed  to  me 
probable  that  the  policy  of  Germany  would  aim  at  the  isolation  of  this  country,  and 
that  it  would  be  exceedingly  difficult  for  British  policy  so  to  steer  itself  as  to  secure 
allies  in  a  war  with  Germany,  because  the  basis  of  a  solid  alliance  is  that  each  of  the 
parties  believes  that  its  own  self-defence  absolutely  requires  its  co-operation  with  the 
others.  I  thought  it  difficult  for  British  statesmen,  in  view  of  a  possible  quarrel 
with  Germany,  to  convince  the  statesmen  of  other  European  states  that  their  self- 
defence,  their  existence,  absolutely  required  them  to  co-operate  with  this  country. 
Now,  what  has  happened  ?  German  policy  has  performed  the  miraculous  feat  of 
securing  that  alliance — securing  that,  in  the  war  in  which  we  are  engaged,  we  have 
the  alliance,  on  the  ideal  terms  which  I  have  just  defined,  of  two  of  the  great  Powers 
of  Europe.  Germany  has  so  managed  her  diplomacy  that  England,  France,  and 
Russia  are  each  of  them  convinced  that  the  self-defence  of  each  is  vital  to  all  three. 
These  are  the  ideal  conditions  of  an  alliance,  and  the  German  Government  has  relieved 
us  from  the  greatest  of  all  those  anxieties  with  which  a  few  years  ago  persons  who 
thought  of  war  with  Germany  probable  were  most  oppressed.  So  much  for  the 
general  nature  of  the  national  struggle. 

I  ventured  also,  five  years  ago,  briefly  to  touch  upon  what  seemed  to  me  the  principal 
elements  of  success  in  a  great  war — if  you  like,  in  any  war,  whether  by  sea  or  land. 
I  think  the  first  and  greatest  element  is  the  determination  of  the  nation  to  win.  It 
is  not  a  guarantee  of  victory.  There  is  no  guarantee  of  victory,  because  victory 


216  THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR. 

in  the  long  run  is  to  the  strongest ;  but  it  is  a  guarantee  that  the  nation  that  has  that 
determination  will  exert  itself  to  the  utmost  of  its  power,  and  that  guarantee  we  have. 
Then,  in  a  military  sense,  there  are  two  elements  to  which  I  called  your  attention. 
There  is,  in  the  first  place,  what  is  called  tactical  superiority  :  by  which  is  meant  that, 
owing  to  some  military  element  in  the  raising,  training,  armament,  or  leading,  a  given 
force  of  one  side  is  proved  to  fight  better  than  a  corresponding  force  of  the  other. 
When  that  arises,  the  side  which  proves  that  it  fights  better  is  said  to  have  the  tactical 
superiority.  That  was  the  case,  for  instance,  with  Napoleon's  troops  in  the  war 
of  1806  against  the  Prussians.  The  French  troops  always  had  the  better  of  it,  quite 
irrespective  of  numbers.  It  was  the  case  with  the  ships  of  Nelson's  fleet  as  against 
the  French  and  Spanish.  The  second  condition  is  better  general  direction — what, 
in  technical  terms,  is  called  superior  strategy — and  one  of  its  advantages  is  that  the 
side  which  has  better  direction  will  very  probably,  when  it  comes  to  battle,  turn  up 
in  each  battle  with  superior  numbers,  although  possibly  the  total  superiority  of  force 
may  not  be  with  that  side.  These  two  things  are  perhaps  more  important  than 
numbers.  As  far  as  the  War  has  yet  gone,  I  suspect  that  military  observers  have  the 
feeling  that  the  British  troops,  perhaps,  have  a  tactical  supeiiority  over  the  German 
troops.  I  do  not  say  that  dogmatically,  but  I  think  that  is  the  impression  many  of 
us  have  received.  As  regards  the  Navy,  I  hope  it  is  the  case  ;  but  you  must  remember 
that,  in  those  engagements  which  have  as  yet  taken  place,  there  has  been  a  decided 
superiority  of  numbers,  of  strength,  on  one  side  or  the  other,  and,  therefore,  perhaps 
it  is  premature  to  draw  an  inference.  In  the  battle  off  the  coast  of  Chile  the  German 
squadron  was  very  superior  to  the  British  squadron,  and  practically  destroyed  it. 
In  the  battle  off  the  Falkland  Islands  the  British  Fleet  was  very  superior,  and  the 
German  squadron  was  destroyed.  Therefore  I  think,  we  must  reserve  our  judgment 
as  regards  the  Navy  about  tactical  superiority. 

Now  you  won't  want  me  to  say  very  much  about  the  origin  of  the  War.  It  has 
been  discussed  by  all  our  writers  and  by  all  our  statesmen,  and  I  dare  say  we  shall  not  be 
far  wrong — at  any  rate,  I  know  we  shall  be  expressing  our  own  feelings — if  we  say  that 
the  origin  of  the  War  is  due,  as  I  asserted  in  1910  that  it  would  be  due,  to  Germany's 
designs  to  assert  herself,  to  dictate  her  will  to  Europe,  and  to  substitute  for  the  Common- 
wealth of  Europe  a  German  Empire  of  Europe.  For  that  purpose  it  is  necessary 
that  Germany  should  crush  the  Allies,  and  dictate  her  own  terms ;  and  what  she  may 
do  if  she  has  the  opportunity  of  crushing  another  nation  we  have  already  sufficiently 
seen.  That  is  why  the  Prime  Minister  has  told  us,  and  told  the  world,  that  the  goal 
which  this  country  and  the  Allies  have  set  before  themselves  is  to  crush  the  military 
power  of  Germany.  Nobody  believes  in  the  Austrian  story  of  Austria's  intentions 
about  Servia.  We  all  perfectly  well  know  the  intention  was  to  treat  Servia  very 
much  as  Germany  has  treated  Belgium.  Germany  has  put  all  these  questions  on 
to  the  basis  of  mere  force.  I  do  not  say  brute  force,  because  German  force  is  con- 
trolled by  a  great  deal  of  intelligence,  but  it  is  mere  force,  and  that  is  the  reason  why 
the  conflict  will  have  to  be  decided  by  force,  and  that  we,  who  believe  that  we  are 
standing  up  for  the  right,  will  have  to  make  good  that  right  by  witnessing  to  it  with 


THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR.  217 

all  the  sacrifices  that  will  be  necessary.     We  must  be  prepared  for  the  martyrdom, 
which  means  being  witnesses  to  the  right. 

In  a  conflict  of  strength  it  may  be  necessary  that  we  should  briefly  consider 
the  forces  which  the  War  has  called  into  play,  and,  to  begin  with,  the  forces 
available  when  the  War  began.  The  policy  of  Germany  has  been  deliberate 
and  long  prepared.  For  many  years  past  Germany  has  been  giving  the  effort 
of  her  wonderful  organisation,  of  her  scientific  thought,  of  her  system  of 
putting  the  man  of  knowledge  at  the  head  of  each  great  Department  of  State — 
she  has  given  all  that  to  preparation  for  the  kind  of  war  which  she  provoked  last 
July.  In  the  year  1903  a  paper  was  submitted  by  the  Intelligence  Department  of 
the  War  Office  to  the  Norfolk  Commission,  of  which  I  was  a  member,  giving  us  the 
then  estimate  by  the  Department  of  the  forces  of  France,  Germany,  and  Russia.  It 
was  then  estimated  that  Germany  had  four  million  men  who  had  been  trained  in 
one  way  or  another  as  soldiers,  and  that  her  male  population  of  military  age — 
that  is,  between  eighteen  and  forty-five — amounted  to  five  millions  more.  That  is 
some  ten  years  ago.  In  quite  recent  years  Germany  has  passed  military  law  after 
military  law  in  order  to  increase  the  number  of  men  trained  for  war,  and,  therefore, 
to  increase  the  number  of  men  available  at  the  beginning  of  a  war.  I  imagine  that 
the  result  must  have  been  that  last  July,  Germany  had  five  million  men  who  had 
received  some  training,  and  that  she  had,  therefore,  of  untrained  men  of  military 
age  not  five  million,  but  four  million,  men.  These  untrained  men  represent  all 
the  males.  Every  year  rather  more  than  half  who  reach  the  age  of  twenty  are 
passed  into  the  army  for  two  years'  training.  Most  of  the  others  are  excused ; 
therefore,  the  four  millions  represent  the  half,  or  nearly  half,  who  have  always  been 
excused.  Very  many  of  these  were  rejected  because  they  were  not  physically  fit. 
Of  that  four  million,  if  we  make  the  deductions  necessary  for  unfitness  and  other 
causes,  I  imagine  that  at  the  outside  another  two  million  could  possibly  be  trained, 
and  some  day  be  put  into  the  field.  That  is  my  view  of  the  total  German  force,  and 
you  must  remember  how  well  they  are  organised — they  keep  a  large  peace  estab- 
lishment with  a  large  staff  of  officers,  and  are  able  to  make  arrangements  easily  to 
train  and  arm  these  others.  At  the  same  time,  in  1903,  the  French  Army  would 
consist  of  about  the  same  number  of  trained  men,  about  four  million  ;  but  as  the 
population  of  France  was  much  smaller,  the  untrained  men  of  military  age  would 
not  be  so  numerous.  I  doubt  whether  France  had  the  opportunity,  in  the  ten  years 
which  have  elapsed,  greatly  to  increase  the  number  of  trained  men  ;  and  I  suppose, 
if  she  had  available  four  million  trained  men,  she  will  hardly  have  as  many  untrained 
men,  who  may  be  trained,  as  Germany  would  have.  Then  the  ally  of  Germany,  Austria- 
Hungary,  falls  far  short  in  numbers  both  of  France  and  Germany,  and  what  she  can 
do  in  the  way  of  further  numbers  and  training  is  probably  less,  because  she  is  not  so 
well  organised.  I  do  not  suppose,  at  the  beginning  of  the  War,  she  could  put  two 
million  men  into  the  field.  I  have  not  accurately  followed  the  Austrian  figures  in 
recent  years.  Those  two  Allies  are  contiguous  ;  they  have  the  advantage  of  the 
central  position — a  great  ideal  of  Napoleon's  was  to  have  the  central  position,  because 


218  THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR. 

from  it  he  could  hit  out  in  one  direction  or  another — and  Germany  has,  with  enormous 
pains,  so  built  up  her  railway  system  as  to  make  it  possible  to  throw  troops  rapidly 
from  one  frontier  to  the  other,  or  to  move  them  from  end  to  end  of  either  frontier. 
These  are  the  great  advantages  with  which  Germany  started — these  and  one  other, 
that  of  surprise.  Because  the  War  certainly  took  France,  Russia,  and  this  country 
very  much  by  surprise.  You  remember,  shortly  before  the  War,  statements  in  the 
French  Chamber  complaining  that  the  Army,  in  various  important  respects,  was 
insufficiently  supplied,  and  the  admission  by  the  Minister  of  War  that  this  was  the 
case.  Russia,  as  you  know,  had  long  been  re-organising  her  army  after  the  great  war 
in  the  Far  East,  and  certainly  Russia  did  not  consider  herself  ready.  And  then  this 
country — well,  I  will  come  back  to  that  in  a  minute  or  two.  Then  you  know  that 
Germany,  for  many  years  past,  has  spent  a  great  deal  of  money  and  diplomatic  and 
other  effort  to  try  and  secure  in  any  war  the  assistance  of  Turkey,  and  she  has  been 
successful  in  that,  so  that  you  have  these  two  Great  Powers  and  Turkey  allied  to- 
gether. England  was,  perhaps,  as  much  taken  by  surprise  as  she  could  have  been — 
I  almost  think  too  much  taken  by  surprise,  because  you  remember  that,  in  1911,  at 
the  time  when  a  German  warship  was  sent  to  Agadir,  one  of  our  ministers  made  a 
speech  at  the  Mansion  House  which  had  very  considerable  effect  upon  the  course 
of  European  affairs.  It  perhaps  preserved  the  peace,  but  it  was  very  well-known  that 
Germany  was  furious — that  the  German  people  were  furious  with  the  Emperor  because 
he  did  not  then  make  war,  and  from  that  time  Army  Act  after  Army  Act  was  passed, 
and  an  enormous  heavy  tax  laid  upon  German  capital  for,  as  was  evident,  no  other 
purpose  than  a  war  which  was  contemplated  at  an  early  date. 

Now  we  were  not  so  entirely  unready  as  you  may  imagine.  We  had  made  in  peace 
greater  preparations  than  some  of  us  realise.  On  August  4,  when  war  was  declared 
by  this  country,  the  Navy  had  an  establishment  in  personnel  of  200,000  men,  the  Army 
had  156,000  men  with  140,000  men  in  the  first  class  reserve,  and  63,000  in  the  special 
reserve,  so  that  in  one  shape  and  another  we  had  359,000  regular  soldiers.  At  that  time 
there  were  in  the  Territorial  Force  265,000  men.  Thus  there  were  under  arms, 
who  had  some  sort  of  preparation  for  fighting,  824,000  men  belonging  to  the  United 
Kingdom  alone.  Then  we  had  to  set  to  work,  and  I  think  the  effort  made  was  a 
proof  that  this  country  was  united  and  determined.  Three  different  estimates  were 
laid  before  Parliament — two  for  500,000  men  and  a  third  for  1,000,000  men. 
Early  in  November  we  were  told  that  the  first  1 ,000,000  were  practically  raised  and 
recruits  were  coming  on  at  30,000  a  week,  which  would  give  us  by  now  another  300,000. 
The  Territorials  were  first  raised  to  their  establishment  of  315,000  and  then  dupli- 
cated. That  is  to  say,  you  will  find  that  this  country  at  this  moment,  the  United 
Kingdom  alone,  has  nearly  2,500,000  men  under  arms  or  in  training,  and,  in  my  belief, 
when  more  men  are  wanted  they  will  be  forthcoming.  I  ventured  to  say  five  years  ago, 
although  in  some  respects  I  was,  perhaps,  a  little  dissatisfied  with  the  want  of  energy 
and  intelligence  thrown  into  this  sort  of  thing,  that  I  had  then  no  doubt  about  the  good- 
will of  my  countrymen.  I  remember  saying,  once  the  people  of  this  country  understood 
that  they  had  a  national  war  to  fight  and  that  it  concerned  them,  once  the  man  in  the 


THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR.  219 

street  understood  that,  the  difficulty  would  be  not  to  get  the  men  to  go  but  to  keep 
their  wives  from  going  too,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  I  was  not  right.  So  much  for  the 
United  Kingdom. 

We  have  often  been  told  from  Germany  that  the  British  Empire  was  a  sort  of  colossus 
which  would  easily  tumble  to  pieces  ;  it  had  no  cohesion.  What  have  we  seen  ?  India 
fights  on  our  side,  so  that  we  have  now  70,000  Indian  troops  in  France ;  the  Great 
Dominions  were  eager  to  send  their  troops,  so  that  we  have  a  large  Canadian  contingent 
training  in  this  country  and  30,000  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  in  Egypt,  side  by 
side  with  our  own  Territorials  and  with  Indian  troops,  to  meet  that  Turkish  invasion 
of  Egypt  which  is  being  prepared  under  German  auspices  and  which,  no  doubt,  will  be 
delivered,  but  which  we  think  will  not  succeed.  Of  course  it  is  very  gratifying  to  find 
the  Colonies  thus  with  us — the  Great  Dominions  and  our  Indian  Empire.  I  think  we 
may,  in  all  humility,  feel  that,  after  all,  it  has  been  good  for  us  and  for  them  that 
this  country  has  tried  to  do  its  duty  to  them,  that  its  effort  in  that  direction 
has  been  appreciated.  Now  we  stand  together.  I  have  never  been  one  of  those 
who  thought  the  Empire  could  defend  Great  Britain.  I  have  always  held  that 
Great  Britain  would  have  to  defend  the  Empire,  and  I  think  the  figures  I 
have  given  will  show  that  upon  this  country  the  burden  mainly  falls,  especially 
when  you  consider  that,  with  all  the  goodwill  of  the  Dominion,1?,  the  bulk  of  the 
Navy  is  furnished  by  these  islands.  Well,  we  cannot  put  down  an  army  the  size  of  the 
German  Army,  but  we  may  hope  that,  with  the  effort  we  have  made,  and  are  making, 
in  conjunction  with  France  and  Russia,  we  shall,  perhaps,  be  able  to  carry  out  the 
programme  given  us  by  the  Prime  Minister,  and  we  cannot  be  too  thankful  that  it  was 
possible,  early  in  the  War,  to  have  the  agreement  made  between  the  Allies  :  that  they 
will  not  make  peace  separately. 

Upon  the  operations  I  will  touch  very  briefly,  partly  because  there  is  no  time  to  go 
into  details,  and  partly  because  the  operations,  at  any  rate  on  land,  have  been  from 
week  to  week  so  admirably  described  and  discussed  by  my  friend  Mr.  Hillaire  Belloc. 
I  would  only  remind  you  that  at  sea  the  British  Navy,  with  very  proper  impertinence, 
started  out  with  the  assumption  that  the  sea  was  a  British  possession.  That  as- 
sumption will  be  maintained  until  it  is  challenged  and  unless  it  is  upset.  The  result  is 
that  the  supplies  of  this  country  are  not  appreciably  diminished,  that  we  have  been 
able  to  move  our  troops  from  Canada,  India,  and  Australia,  and  that  we  hope  very  soon 
to  see  the  last  of  the  German  war  upon  trade.  For  the  rest,  the  British  Navy  is 
necessarily  waiting  for  a  challenge.  It  is  not  the  business — never  has  been  thought 
the  business — of  ships  of  war  to  go  and  fight  with  land  forts.  When  that  has  been 
done  it  has  generally  been  thought  to  have  been  an  error.  It  is  possible  for  the  Germans 
— probably  their  best  policy — to  try  to  damage  our  fleet  by  submarines  and  the  like 
in  order  to  reduce  the  margin  of  superior  strength  we  possess,  and  we  at  home  must 
patiently  wait,  hoping  our  fleet  will  also  have  patience,  and  if,  when  the  Germans 
come  out  to  have  a  great  sea-fight,  as  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  when  they  think  the 
time  convenient,  we  must  hope  our  fleet  will  show  that  it  is  not  only  numerically  but 
tactically  superior.  After  all,  from  the  British  point  of  view,  that  is  the  decisive  factor. 


220  THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR. 

Let  us  never  forget,  and  let  us  be  thankful,  that  the  officers  and  men  of  our  Navy  have 
that  magnificient  devotion  to  their  duty — that  pluck,  that  stamina,  that  quickness 
which,  whenever  any  of  us  have  the  opportunity  of  seeing  them  in  their  proper  element, 
fill  us  with  such  admiration. 

As  to  the  War  on  land.     It  was  quite  clear  very  early  that  the  German  plan  was, 
and  would  be,  to  attempt  to  crush  the  French  Army,  with  greatly  superior  forces  while 
parrying  the  blows  of  the  Russian  Army,  and,  as  you  remember,  after  a  short  episode 
consisting  of  a  French  advance  into  Alsace-Lorraine,  that  Great   German  advance 
was  made  through  Belgium  at  a  time  when  the  French  Army  was  far  from  prepared 
and  far  from  completely  assembled,  and  when  the  small  British  Expeditionary  Force 
was  taking  its  place  on  the  left  wing  of  the  French  line.     The  retreat  which  followed 
was  probably  inevitable.    It  was  certainly  gallantly  conducted.     But  the  German 
intention  to  crush  the  French  Army  at  the  outset  was  not  realised.     When  the  stand 
was  made  to  the  South  of  the  Marne  and  the  German  Army  turned  back,  it  is  quite 
possible,  though  not  certain,  that  their  best  chance  of  crushing  the  French  Army  was 
gone.     At  that  time  they  found,  that  instead  of  parrying  the  Russian  Army,  they  had 
made  a  miscalculation,  and  their  province  of  East  Prussia  was  overrun  by  Russia,  and 
therefore  they  had  to  turn  back  and  expel  the  Russians,  who  made  that  advance  as  a 
preliminary  for  the  sake  of  the  general  cause  before  their  whole  Armies  were  ready. 
Then  you  have  seen  how  they  swept  backwards  and  forwards — these  two  long  lines  in 
Poland  and  Galicia,  and  after  all  these  months  the  Russians  hold  their  ground  and  the 
Germans  hurl  themselves  against  it  apparently  to  very  little  purpose,  so  that  you  have 
for  the  moment  what  is  sometimes  described  as  a  deadlock  on  both  frontiers.     That 
looks  very  much  as  though  the  German  Armies  were  now  on  the  whole  reduced  to  the 
defensive.     That  does  not  mean  they  will  make  no  attack.     All  soldiers  hold  that  the 
best  defence  is  some  sort  of  attack,  and  I  am  sure  the  Germans  will  make  violent  attacks 
on  one  side  and  another  in  the  hope  of  breaking  through  one  army  or  the  other.     But  I 
think  the  time  is  quickly  approaching  when  that  will  be  very  difficult.     It  seems 
probable  that  in  the  west  it  may  already  be  too  difficult.     The  best  opportunity  for 
Germany,  I  suppose,  would  be  before  our  own  new  Armies  are  quite  ready  and  in  the 
field.     It  is  not,  we  hope,  a  very  long  time  before  that  will  happen,  while  Russia 
appears  to  be  growing  stronger  from  week  to  week.     It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  that 
though  we  are  far  removed  from  being  without  anxiety  as  to  the  future,  we  may  feel, 
that,  so  far  as  this  War  has  gone,  terrible  as  it  is,  it  has  come  in  circumstances  far  more 
favourable  than  we  were  entitled  to  expect,  and  thaj;,  as  regards  its  course  hitherto,  we 
have  much  for  which  we  can  be  thankful  and  little  to  regret.     But  we  have  still  to  look 
forward.     This  country  will  and  must  continue  to  strain  every  nerve  in  its  preparations. 
We  shall  not  be  dwelling  upon  the  difficulties.     Most  of  us  know  what  they  are.     We 
shall  not  be  finding  fault.     We  know  that  the  men  at  the  head,  the  members  of  the 
Government  and  their  servants,  are  doing  their  best.     We  perhaps  do  not  always 
follow  every  detail  in  their  methods.     Very  often  we  don't  know  how  much  they  are 
doing.     We  shall  support  them  and  assist  them  to  the  best  of  our  power. 

But  there  is  one  warning  I  for  my  part  should  like  to  utter.     It  may  be  perhaps  a 


THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR.  221 

matter  of  personal  opinion,  but  I  want  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  subject  before  I  close 
There  was,  for  some  years  before  the  War,  a  great  discussion  of  the  probable  advantages 
this  country  would  derive  from  adopting  some  modification  of  the  Continental  system 
of  Universal  Service  or  Universal  Training,  and  I  have  taken  some  part,  from  time  to 
time,  in  advocating  some  form  of  such  measure,  though,  on  the  whole,  I  have  always 
been  a  great  believer  in  the  Volunteer  system.  The  difference  between  these  systems 
is  less  than  is  thought,  because  the  object  of  the  so-called  Universal  system  is  to  supply 
regularly  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  be  trained,  to  furnish  large  reserves  in  time  of 
war,  and  if  that  object  can  be  attained  without  compulsion  the  result  will  be  the  same, 
provided  you  can  make  the  conditions  of  time  sufficiently  good.  There  has  been,  as  you 
know,  a  great  deal  of  controversy  about  it,  and  what  I  want  to  call  attention  to  now  is 
that  all  these  controversies  are  absolutely  irrelevant  to  the  present  moment.  There 
are  only  four  ways  in  which  armies  have  been  raised  in  Europe.  The  first  is  the  plan  of 
our  own  Regular  Army.  You  engage  a  man  for  pay  for  a  number  of  years,  after  which 
he  may  go  into  the  Reserves.  That,  perhaps,  gives  you  the  best  soldiers  because  you 
have  seven  years  in  which  to  train  them.  We  cannot  now  turn  out  during  the  War  a 
regular  soldier,  meaning  by  that  a  man  who  has  had  seven  years'  training — there  is  no 
time.  The  next  plan  is  the  Militia.  That  system,  in  its  modern  form  in  Switzerland 
and  in  this  country,  means  six  months'  training.  That  is  the  probable  limit  of  what  we 
can  do  during  the  War.  Then  there  is  the  Continental  system  which  gives  two 
years'  training.  We  cannot  do  that  now.  Then  there  is  the  Volunteer  system. 
Our  own  Volunteer  system  gave  a  man  such  a  short  training  that  nobody  thought 
that  Volunteers  would  be  fit  to  be  put  into  the  field  against  Continental  troops 
without  a  great  deal  more  training  than  they  could  receive  in  peace.  That  does  not 
come  in  now.  The  controversy  about  these  systems  is  now  irrelevent.  But  the  Prussian 
system,  the  so-called  compulsory  or  universal  service  system,  had  its  merit.  You  took  a 
whole  class  of  50  per  cent,  every  year  of  the  men  over  twenty.  You  trained  them  for 
two  years  and  went  on  doing  so  year  after  year,  so  that  after  twenty  years  you  had 
twenty  annual  classes  of  them.  If  we  had  begun  this  ten  years  or  twenty  years  ago, 
that  would  have  been  the  result,  but  if  you  were  to  adopt  it  to-day  it  would  not  produce 
that  result  at  all,  because  you  would  only  have  your  six  months.  In  other  words, 
compulsion  now  would  merely  be  an  admission  that  we  could  not  get  the  men  we  wanted 
voluntarily,  and  that  therefore  we  must  take  some  form  of  press-gang.  I  am  one  of 
those  who  would  be  reluctant  to  see  that  until  it  is  proved  necessary.  It  involves  great 
hardship  and  injustice  unless  conducted  with  very  uncommon  statesmanlike  wisdom. 
You  have  to  consider  not  the  cases  of  the  young  unmarried  men,  because  those  cases  are 
all  very  much  alike,  but  the  case  of  the  man  who  has  women  dependent  upon  him,  and 
upon  his  earnings.  The  case  of  the  man  who  earns  £1  a  week  and  has  a  mother  or  wife 
to  keep  is  more  or  less  provided  for  by  the  allowance  which  is  given  by  the  State — at  any 
rate,  to  the  wife.  But  what  about  the  case  of  the  young  man  who  makes  £300,  £400,  £500, 
or  £600  a  year  and  has  female  dependents — mother,  wife,  or  sisters,  who  have  no  other 
resources  ?  If  you  adopt  the  press-gang  you  ruthlessly  drive  all  these  people  practically 
into  the  workhouse.  You  cannot  enable  them  to  live  on  the  allowances  given  to  the 


222  THE  EMPIRE  AND  THE  WAR. 

soldier's  wife.  I  have  said  this  is  order  to  put  before  you  certain  considerations  which 
you  may  think  over  and  consider  how  far  it  might  be  that,  if  you  rush  into  measures  of 
that  sort,  you  might  cause  a  great  deal  of  misery  which  in  the  long  run  may  make  people 
feel  that  their  country  had  not  been  quite  just.  Let  us  avoid  being  advocates.  Let  us 
do  all  that  is  possible,  but  let  each  man  interpret  for  himself  his  own  duty  and  trust  that 
his  fellow  citizens  will  rightly  interpret  that  duty  for  themselves. 

Before  the  Paper  : — 

THE  CHAIRMAN  :  Before  asking  Mr.  Spenser  Wilkinson  to  address  you,  I  may  take 
the  opportunity  of  saying  that  the  War,  so  far,  has  not  affected  our  membership  to 
any  serious  extent.  There  have  been  a  few  more  retirements  than  usual  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  have  continued  to  get  a  fair  number  of  new  candidates.  Mr.  Boosd, 
our  Secretary,  has  just  returned  from  a  six  months'  tour  through  Australia  and  New 
Zealand.  He  met  with  great  success  and  found  a  great  enthusiasm — a  great  Imperial 
enthusiasm — amongst  the  people  wherever  he  went  and,  by  means  of  establishing 
branches  in  the  principal  towns  and  cities,  he  has,  we  hope,  laid  the  foundation  for  a 
great  increase  of  our  membership  in  the  not  distant  future.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that 
one  or  two  of  our  Fellows  whom  we  expected  are  unable  to  be  present  to-night 
through  the  exigencies  of  the  War :  amongst  others,  Sir  Edward  Hutton,  who  commands 
one  of  the  new  Divisions  of  the  Army,  and  who  takes  a  great  interest  in  the  subject  of  the 
address.  Mr.  Spenser  Wilkinson  does  not  come  before  us  as  a  stranger.  Some  five  years  ago 
he  gave  a  most  interesting  lecture  on  the  question  of  Imperial  Defence,  a  paper  which  might 
be  well  read  again  to-day  in  the  light  of  recent  events. 

After  the  reading  of  the  paper  the  following  discussion  took  place  : — 

The  RT.  HON.  SIR  GEORGE  H.  REID,  G.C.M.G.,  High  Commissioner  for  Australia: 
I  wish  most  heartily  to  congratulate  Professor  Wilkinson  on  what  I  think  is  the  most 
admirable  address  I  have  listened  to  on  the  subject.  I  wish  to  begin  by  repeating 
every  word  he  has  addressed  to  you,  but  I  may  make  a  postscript.  What  is  to-day  ? 
It  is  the  127th  anniversary  of  the  foundation  of  the  British  settlement  in  Australia. 
There  are  many  things  very  slow  in  England  still,  but  there  has  been  a  marvellously 
rapid  development  of  Imperial  statesmanship.  A  hundred  years  ago  the  only  idea  of 
annexing  a  continent  was  in  connection  with  the  trade  in  the  export  of  undesirables. 
Forty  years  after,  Imperial  statesmanship  arrived  at  a  point  which  transcended  any- 
thing in  political  experience  since  the  world  began.  It  gave  to  our  great  young 
Dominions,  inhabited  by  a  few  people,  a  free  Constitution  and  free  territory.  Now  we 
are  sending  to  you  some  of  the  most  desirable  specimens  of  the  race.  I  lived  in 
Australia  more  than  fifty  years,  and  I  tell  you  frankly  that  when  I  saw  these  young 
Australians — 22,000  of  them — I  was  absolutely  surprised.  I  never  saw  such  a  splendid 
array  of  young  manhood  during  all  the  fifty  years  I  lived  in  Australia  as  that  I  saw 
beneath  the  shadow  of  the  Pyramids  in  Egypt.  Some  80  per  cent,  of  them  had  never 
seen  this  Motherland,  and  there  they  were,  half-way  from  the  Antipodes,  on  the  road 
to  fight  side  by  side  with  the  sons  of  Old  England  and  Old  Ireland  and  Old  Scotland. 
The  lecturer  has  referred  to  the  absence  of  party  feeling.  It  is  not  so  surprising,  con- 
sidering the  long  and  honourable  traditions  of  British  politics.  But  when  you  think 
of  these  young  communities  with  ardent  ambitions,  and  the  strong  language  they  use 
in  politics,  it  is  wonderful  to  find  that  through  all  these  restless  democracies  the 
impulse  to  personal  ambition  and  party  advantage  was  absolutely  discarded  the  moment 
the  danger  signal  went  up,  and  the  moment  the  children  of  our  own  race  were  called 
upon  to  defend  the  Flag.  The  lecturer  bas  spoken  about  German  diplomacy.  The 
German  spies  are  splendid,  but  German  statesmen  are  about  the  silliest  crowd  I  ever 
heard  of — nearly  always  wrong  but  never  more  wrong  than  when  they  judged  what 
tbe  Empire  was  going  to  do  when  the  Call  of  Honour  came.  I  think  in  one  respect 


THE   EMPIRE   AND   THE  WAR.  223 

we  must  rather  excuse  German  statesmanship,  because  I  do  not  think  England  herself 
quite  knew  what  she  was  going  to  do  four  days  before  she  did  it.  But  if,  instead  of 
listening  to  whispers  of  dissension  in  the  Cabinet,  the  Germans  had  studied  the  historic 
genius  of  our  race,  they  would  know  that  they  could  not  violate  little  Belgium  without 
this  country  coming  to  the  rescue.  We  have  done  a  dozen  times — one  or  two  hundred 
years  ago — what  Germany  is  doing  now.  I  do  not  allude  to  the  atrocities,  but  to  the 
everlasting  principle  which  runs  through  human  nature,  whether  in  nations  or  indi- 
viduals— the  effort  to  be  number  one.  The  Portuguese  were  in  our  road,  and  we  shifted 
them.  The  Spaniards  got  in  our  road,  and  we  shifted  them.  The  :I)utch  interfered 
with  us,  or  we  thought  they  did,  and  we  shifted  them.  We  shifted  the  French,  and  if 
the  Germans  had  been  alive  then  we  should  have  shifted  them,  too.  The  worst  thing  about 
Germany  is  that  she  has  gone  into  this  line  of  business  two  hundred  years  too  late.  Now, 
as  regards  the  strongest  force  winning  in  the  end.  We  have  to  remember  that  the 
word  "  strongest "  includes  moral  force.  Remember,  the  British  power  on  land  and  sea 
was  at  a  glorious  zenith  a  few  years  before  the  American  Rebellion.  In  India,  Clive 
had  conquered  on  the  field  of  Plassey  ;  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  Wolfe  had  won 
Canada.  Yet  a  few  American  farmers — without  arms,  ammunition,  or  ajjsenals — came  and 
stood  across  the  path  of  this  mighty  Power  and  won.  But,  as  I  reminded  them  when 
I  was  in  America,  they  have  to  get  rid  of  the  notion  that  the  Almighty  created  a 
special  kind  of  man  to  defeat  England  in  those  days.  It  was  English  blood,  fighting  in 
a  good  cause,  against  English  blood,  fighting  in  a  bad  one.  When  the  Americans  tried 
to  enter  Canada,  they  went  back  very  soon,  and  forty  years  after  the  American  Re- 
bellion this  Imperial  Power,  which  had  been  challenged  successfully  by  the  American 
farmers,  stood  across  the  path  of  the  greatest  military  genius  the  world  had  ever  seen 
and  vanquished  him.  The  fact  is,  our  race  never  shines  unless  fighting  in  a  good 
cause.  As  to  tactical  superiority,  as  the  lecturer  says,  we  have  not  yet  seen  the  test 
of  that  on  a  large  scale.  I  rather  differ  from  him  in  one  respect,  because  I  never  knew 
a  more  brilliant  exhibition  of  tactical  skill  in  the  handling  of  a  great  fleet  than  that 
which  has  been  shown  by  the  German  Admiral  in  staying  behind  an  impregnable 
screen — I  will  not  say  unfairly,  because  the  German  Admiral  is  no  fool — when  he 
comes  out  he  may  be  one.  But  think  of  the  awful  strain  on  those  men  in  our  battle- 
ships in  the  North  Sea  exposed  to  all  these  submarine  crawlers  !  Again,  I  do  not  blame 
the  Germans  ;  they  have  them  and  we  have  got  them,  too.  But  think  of  the  awful 
strain  on  the  men  who  cannot  get  an  open  square  fight  in  the  light  of  day  !  Of 
course,  we  do  a  bit  of  crawling,  too,  and  we  get  under  the  screen  sometimes.  I  some- 
times think  there  is  a  slight  difference  between  the  trust  in  Providence  of  the  Germans 
and  the  trust  in  Providence  of  the  Englishmen.  I  used  often  to  say  "  that  you  have 
been  living  on  Providence  for  the  last  500  years",— why  cannot  you  give  Providence 
a  rest  ?  "  This  German  does  every  mortal  thing  that  genius  and  intelligence  can  do  to 
earn  victory,  and  then  he  leaves  the  rest  to  Providence.  I  do  not  think  the  real 
reason  has  ever  been  given  why  the  German  Army  shied  off  when  they  were  within 
easy  distance  of  Paris.  I  think  I  can  go  pretty  near  it  on  high  authority.  General 
Joffre  is  not  only  a  man  of  reserve  in  his  personal  characteristics,  but,  in  his  military 
capacity  as  Commander-in-Chief,  he  is  pre-eminently  a  man  of  reserve,  and  when  the 
Germans  were  within  striking  distance,  they  found  there  were  250,000  French  soldiers 
in  Paris,  and  that  it  would  take  1,000,000  men  to  take  it.  Would  anything  else  have 
caused  the  Germans  to  shy  away  ?  As  to  Universal  Training,  how  sensible  Professor 
Wilkinson  was  on  that  subject !  I  will  only  say  that,  during  the  last  five  years,  I 
have  over  and  over  again  expressed  my  astonishment  at  this.  You  have  got  millions 
of  your  English  boys  in  schools  under  a  compulsory  system  which  provides  some  kind 
of  more  or  less  confused  mental  education.  Why  could  they  not  have  a  little  bit  of 
the  compulsion  in  a  form  they  would  dearly  love  ?  Why  should  not  you  give  them  in  the 
playground  for  half  an  hour  a  day  some  of  the  rudiments  of  drill  ? 

SURGEON-GENERAL  W.  D.  WILLIAMS  testified    to    the  remarkable    display  of    loyalty 

Q 


224  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

which  was  manifested  in  Australia  the  moment  war  was  announced.  The  people 
closed  up  in  one  solid  battalion,  and  this  as  the  result  not  of  the  exercise  of  any 
military  despotism,  but  of  a  feeling  of  loyalty  to  the  Empire  to  which  they  belong. 
He  had  the  honour  to  command  the  Medical  Service  for  the  whole  of  the  Common- 
wealth at  present  serving  in  Egypt,  to  which  place  he  should  return  next  Saturday. 
He  might  say  he  had  emptied  Australia — or  Australia  had  emptied  itself — of  the  pick 
of  the  profession.  They  had  taken  the  equivalents  of  the  consultants  of  Harley  Street 
and  Wimpole  Street,  from  Brisbane  right  down  to  Perth,  denuded  the  Universities 
of  Professors,  and  spoilt  the  students  of  their  clinical  lectures,  leaving  Australia  and 
its  suffering  population  to  get  well  as  best  they  could,  and  he  believed  according  to 
the  latest  reports  they  were  recovering  rapidly.  He  rather  feared  that  the  bulk 
of  the  doctors — three  or  four  hundred  in  all — when  they  got  back  would  find  their 
occupation  gone,  and  that  they  would  have  to  join  the  great  army  of  the  unemployed. 
Concluding,  he  expressed  his  high  appreciation  of  the  admirable  paper  and  of  the 
humorous  speech  of  the  High  Commissioner. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Chairman,  a  hearty   vote  of   thanks  was  given  to  Professor 
Spenser  Wilkinson  for  his  Address. 


THE   NOVA    SCOTIA   BARONETS. 

III. — THE   HARVEST. 

PERHAPS  the  most  extraordinary  case  connected  with  the  Nova  Scotia  baronetcy 
was  the  claim  of  one  Alexander  Humphrys  to  the  earldom  of  Stirling  with  all  its 
attendant  rights  and  privileges.  There  are  many  points  of  great  interest  in  con- 
nection with  this  case  which  attracted  great  attention  both  in  England  and  America, 
both  on  account  of  the  peculiar  legal  interest  attaching  to  the  claims  put  forward 
by  Humphrys,  or  Alexander,  as  he  became  when  he  changed  his  name,  and  the  nature 
of  the  territory  which  he  desired  to  appropriate.  The  latter  included  the  greater 
part  of  Canada  and  the  State  of  Maine,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  lands  which  had 
been  granted  to  Sir  William  Alexander  by  Charles  I.  Previous  to  Humphry s's  action, 
the  earldom  of  Stirling  had  been  claimed  by  other  individuals.  In  1761  a  person 
born  in  America,  describing  himself  as  William  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling,  petitioned 
for  the  restoration  of  his  title  in  the  House  of  Lords,  but  his  claim  was  rejected  on 
May  10,  1762.  This  Alexander  on  the  strength  of  his  supposed  rights  offered  lands 
for  sale  situated  on  the  Penobscot  River  and  in  other  portions  of  the  State  of  Maine, 
and  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  issued  a  proclamation  stating  that  he  had  no  right 
to  dispose  of  lands  in  that  country.  William  Alexander,  who  subsequently  became 
a  General  in  the  American  forces,  claimed  to  be  descended  from  an  uncle  of  the  first 
Earl  of  Stirling.  On  the  death  of  the  founder  of  the  Order  the  affairs  of  his  family 
had  been  left  in  great  confusion,  and  when  the  last  male  heir  died  in  1739,  the  title 
became  extinct  or  at  least,  if  the  contention  of  the  claimants  were  correct,  dormant. 
But  Humphrys  claimed  to  be  a  direct  descendant  of  Sir  William  Alexander,  and  for 
many  years  had  been  engaged  in  collecting  evidence  of  his  descent.  There  seems 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  himself  fully  believed  in  the  authenticity  of  his  claims, 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS.  225 

and  by  various  legal  processes  he  got  himself  served  as  heir  and  even  took  part  in 
the  election  of  peers  to  represent  Scotland  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It  was  only  when 
he  began  to  advance  his  territorial  claims  and  to  exercise  the  privilege  of  creating 
baronets  that  the  Government  was  forced  to  move  in  the  matter.*  So  long  as  he 
claimed  to  be  Earl  of  Stirling  without  attempting  to  exercise  any  of  the  privileges 
which  had  been  granted  to  his  supposed  ancestor,  the  Government  could  afford  to 
let  the  matter  rest ;  but  in  July  1831,  he  issued  the  following  prospectus  :  "  Nova 
Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  and  Canada. — Hereditary  Lieutenancy  Office  of  the  Lord 
Proprietor  for  sale  of  Grants  of  land,  &c.,  53,  Parliament  Street.  The  Hereditary 
Lieutenant  would  have  no  objection  to  encourage  and  give  every  countenance  to 
individuals  who  might  be  disposed  to  form  a  company,  and  would  himself  take  one- 
tenth  of  the  shares  of  which  such  company  might  think  it  desirable  that  it  should 
consist,"  and  having  raised  by  loans  a  sum  of  £13,000  in  about  eighteen  months, 
it  was  finally  decided  that  the  question  of  his  claims  should  be  put  to  a  test.  It 
would  appear,  however,  that  the  Government  were  still  reluctant  to  move,  because 
the  claims  advanced  were  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature,  and  the  legal  points  involved 
were  so  important,  that  a  false  move  might  have  caused  serious  embarrassment  in 
the  event  of  any  Court  upholding  the  contentions  of  the  claimant.  Moreover,  by  a 
8eries  of  clever  moves  in  the  long  legal  fight  that  had  been  proceeding  he  had  gained 
certain  points  which  decidedly  supported  his  claims.  He  had  been  served  heir  by 
four  different  juries  on  four  different  occasions,  and  on  July  8,  1831,  by  precept  from 
William  IV.,  issued  through  the  Chancery  in  Scotland,  he  had  been  infeoffed  in  the 
whole  country  of  Nova  Scotia  and  the  other  territories  included  in  the  original  grants. 
To  persons  ignorant  of  the  processes  of  Scottish  law,  such  a  document  could  not 
fail  to  convey  the  impression  that  the  claims  of  the  would-be  Earl  of  Stirling  were 
fully  admitted,  especially  when  they  saw  him  voting  at  the  elections  of  Scottish 
peers  in  1825,  1830,  and  1831,  and  found  that  he  had  been  allowed  to  sue  in  the  Courts 
under  the  name  of  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling,  and  learned  that  the  title  had  been 
recognised  by  the  King  in  Council  in  1831.  By  slow  and  successive  steps  Humphrys 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  public.  In  1832  he  filed  a  Bill  in  Chancery  against 
the  lessees  of  the  Nova  Scotia  Mining  Company — an  action  which  according  to  his 
American  supporter,  John  Lord  Hayes, f  caused  the  greatest  anxiety  in  the  Cabinet. 
It  is  impossible  to  follow  the  ramifications  of  this  interesting  case  farther  than  to  state 
that  Humphrys  was  brought  to  trial  on  a  charge  of  forgery  on  April  29, 1839,  and  the 
five  following  days,  before  Lords  Meadowbank,  Mackenzie,  Moncreiff,  and  Medwyn, 
and  that  although  he  himself  was  not  found  guilty  of  forging  any  of  the  documents 
upon  which  his  claims  were  based,  one  of  the  most  important  was  shown  to  be  a  forgery. 

*  One  of  these  new  baronets  was  Sir  Thomas  Banks,  the  genealogist,  who  stated  that  "  having 
accepted  the  Patent  of  Baronet  of  Nova  Scotia  from  the  Earl  of  Stirling  (i.e.  Alexander  Humphrys), 
sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  Nova  Scotia  ...  I  consider  the  same  to  be  perfectly  as  legal  and 
as  efficacious  as  if  it  had  been  conferred  upon  me  by  the  Crown  itself." 

t  John  Lord  Hayes  (1812-1887),  a  lawyer  who  was  employed  as  counsel  for  the  Canadian 
Government  in  the  advocacy  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  with  the  United  States.  He  was  Chief 
Clerk  in  the  United  States  Patent  Office. 

Q  2 


226  THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS. 

This  was  a  map  of  Nova  Scotia  bearing  the  date  1703,  but  published  at  a  later  date, 
as  was  shown  by  certain  experts  who  were  called  as  witnesses.*  On  the  back  of  this 
map  were  written  many  signatures  under  remarks  respecting  the  claims  of  the  first 
Earl  of  Stirling  to  Acadia,  amongst  them  being  the  following  supposed  to  have  been 
contributed  by  the  French  King  Louis  XV. — "  This  note  is  worthy  of  some  attention, 
but  let  the  copy  of  the  original  charter  be  sent  to  me  "  ;  but  although  both  French 
and  English  experts  testified  to  the  genuineness  of  the  handwriting  the  evidence 
of  the  cartographical  experts  was  accepted,  and  as  some  of  the  writers  of  remarks 
upon  the  map  had  died  before  the  map  was  actually  published  doubt  was  naturally 
thrown  upon  the  authenticity  of  the  rest.f  There  are  undoubtedly  many  suspicious 
circumstances  surrounding  the  case,  both  in  connection  with  the  action  of  the  pro- 
secution and  the  documents  produced  by  the  defendant,  but  the  result  of  the  trial  waa 
disastrous  to  Humphry s.  For  some  years  he  endeavoured  to  work  up  an  interest 
in  his  case.  He  travelled  in  America  where  he  attracted  some  attention,  and  in 
1853  he  was  in  Nova  Scotia,  with  his  documents,  endeavouring  to  secure  fresh  evidence 
from  the  archives  of  that  province.  In  1840  another  claimant  to  American  and  Canadian 
proprietorship  appeared  in  the  person  of  a  Mr.  Watts,  who  claimed  to  be  the  grand- 
son of  the  American  General  Alexander  and  was  presented  with  the  freedom  of  Stirling  ; 
but  since  that  date  no  further  claimant  has  endeavoured  to  secure  the  Stirling  in- 
heritance, and  it  is  probable  that  the  freeholders  of  Nova  Scotia  and  the  rest  of 
Canada,  of  Maine,  Wisconsin,  Illinois,  and  even  California  may  rest  assured  in  the 
validity  of  their  titles. 

In  concluding,  one  other  curious  case  in  connection  with  the  Nova  Scotia  baronets 
should  be  mentioned.  In  the  year  1839,  one  Richard  Broun,  claiming  to  be  a  baronet 
of  Nova  Scotia,  took  up  the  cudgels  on  behalf  of  his  Order.  In  that  year  he  wrote  a 
pamphlet  addressed  to  the  "  Baronettesses  of  the  Realm,"  in  which  after  stating 
that  their  daughters  are  "  Knightesses "  by  rank  he  exhorted  them  to  act  as 
"  Conservators  of  the  National  Equipose."  f  But  Broun's  purposes  were  more 
practical  than  would  appear  from  his  inviting  pamphlet.  In  1842  he  summoned 
a  meeting  of  "  Baronets  of  Scotland  and  others  having  interest  in  lands  in  British 
America,"  which  was  held  in  London  on  February  2 ;  Broun  acting  as  Secretary 
Before  this  meeting  he  laid  a  plan  for  a  Colonisation  Society,  which  was  to  be  termed 
the  "  British- American  Association  for  Emigration  and  Colonisation."  The  Associa- 
tion was  to  be  composed  of  two  classes  of  shareholders,  proprietors  and  capitalists — 
the  former  to  bring  in  land,  the  latter  money.  Each  baronet  joining  the  association 
was  to  be  allowed  for  his  lands  in  Nova  Scotia  the  sum  of  £1  per  acre  allotted  as  follows  : 
two-thirds  in  paid-up  shares  and  the  remainder  in  cash.  Thus  the  fortunate  possessor 
of  a  Nova  Scotia  baronetcy  would  be  entitled  in  the  luckiest  event — as  the  Lottery 

*  A  copy  of  this  map  is  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 

t  The  writings  at  the  back  of  the  map  were  supposed  to  have  been  written  by  Flechier,  Bishop 
of  Nismes,  Fenelon,  Archbishop  of  Cambray,  and  many  others,  and  only  the  most  expert  forger 
and  a  person  with  the  most  complete  knowledge  of  both  Canadian  and  French  history  could  have 
successfully  produced  them. 

$  Athenaeum,  May  30,  1840. 


THE  NOVA  SCOTIA  BARONETS.  227 

agents  say — to  a  sum  of  £5,333  6s.  8d.,  surely  a  not  inconsiderable  recompense  for 
the  original  expenditure  of  his  ancestor.  But  unfortunately  for  Broun,  although 
he  secured,  or  professed  to  have  done  so,  the  names  of  well-known  men  to  grace  hia 
prospectus,  the  general  public  did  not  willingly  subscribe  to  purchase  the  lands  of 
the  baronets.  Amongst  the  supporters — aware  or  unaware  of  their  participation 
in  the  plans — were  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  fifteen  peers,  and  forty  baronets  of  Scotland 
and  other  gentlemen,  including  the  Marquis  of  Huntly,  the  Marquis  of  Bute,  the 
Earl  of  Gosford,  and  the  Lord  Provosts  of  Edinburgh  and  Glasgow,  whilst  the  standing 
council  was  said  to  have  been  joined  by  the  Hon.  Charles  Eichard  Ogden,  Attorney- 
General  of  East  Canada,  and  the  Hon.  J.  H.  Peters,  Solicitor-General  of  Prince  Edward 
Island.  On  paper  all  looked  fair  and  smiling,  and  on  November  1,  1842,  affairs  had 
so  far  advanced  that  the  Association  was  able  to  dispatch  a  vessel  named  The  Barbadoes 
(for  which,  by  the  way,  they  had  not  paid),  which  sailed  with  fifty  emigrants  bound 
for  Prince  Edward  Island,  where  the  expectant  settlers  were  to  have  been  dumped 
down  on  the  coast  in  mid-winter  on  the  lands  which  had  been  allotted  to  them  out 
of  the  baronetical  reserves.  Fortunately  for  the  colonists,  the  vessel  was  driven  back 
to  Cork  and  they  were  subsequently  brought  to  London,  where  their  pitiful  condition 
was  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Lord  Mayor.  In  the  course  of  proceedings  before 
the  Chief  Magistrate  it  was  stated  that  none  of  the  million  of  capital  had  been  paid 
up,  that  the  emigrants  had  paid  for  their  passage  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Association, 
and  that  the  Duke  of  Argyll,  who  had  acted  as  President,  had  resigned.  Of  the 
distinguished  originators  of  the  scheme  not  one  had  paid  a  bawbee,  and  it  was  left 
to  the  public  to  subscribe  a  sum  of  £225  for  the  relief  of  the  disillusioned  settlers. 
Attention  was  drawn  to  the  matter  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  April  24, 1843,  when 
severe  criticism  of  the  Duke  of  Argyll  was  indulged  in ;  and  Sir  Richard  Broun 
attempted  to  solace  his  injured  feelings  by  bringing  an  action  against  the  Globe  news- 
paper. In  the  article,  it  had  been  stated  that  some  of  "  The  Nova  Scotia  baronets, 
who  lent  their  titles  to  the  prospectus  for  a  con-si-de-ra-tion  have  figured  in  various 
forms  and  in  different  Courts  of  law."  Thus  after  the  lapse  of  over  two  hundred 
years  another  colonising  expedition,  arising  out  of  the  charter  granted  to  Sir  William 
Alexander,  came  to  an  abrupt  termination,  and  there  is  now  no  probability  of  any 
claims  to  the  territories  in  Nova  Scotia  ever  being  successfully  prosecuted.  Even 
the  motto  of  the  Order  having  failed  to  fire  the  enthusiasm  of  the  descendants  of 
Alexander's  first  baronets.  EVANS  LEWIN. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. — (1)  Laing,  David  :  Royal  letters,  charters,  and  tracts  relating  to  the  Colonisation 
of  New  Scotland  and  the  initiation  oj  the  Order  oj  Knight  Baronets  of  Nova  Scotia,  1621-1638 
(Bannatyne  Club).  1867.  (2)  *  Rogers,  Rev.  C.  :  The  Earl  oj  Stirling's  Register  of  Royal  Letters 
relative  to  the  affairs  oj  Scotland  and  Nova  Scotia,  1616-1635.  2  vols.  1885.  (3)  *  Banks,  Sir  T.  C.  : 
Baronia  Anglica  Concentrata.  2  vols.  1844.  (4)  Foster's  Baronetage  (Article  "  Chaos  ").  1882. 
(5)  Duncan,  F.  :  The  Royal  Province  of  New  Scotland  and  her  Baronets.  1867.  (6)  Shaftcr, 
Rev.  E.  F.  :  Sir  William  Alexander  and  American  Colonisation  (Prince  Society).  1873.  (7)  The 
English  Baronetage.  4  vols.  1741.  (8)  *  Patterson,  Rev.  G.  :  Scottish  attempt  to  colonise  Acadia 
(Royal  Society  of  Canada,  1892).  (9)  *  Mackenzie,  Sir  E.  M.  :  The  Baronets  oj  Nova  Scotia  ;  their 
country  and  cognisance  (Royal  Society  of  Canada,  1901).  (10)  Pixley,  F.  W.  :  History  oj  the 
Baronetage.  1900.  (11)  Duer,  W.  A.  :  Life  of  WiUiam  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling,  Major-Qeneral 
in  the  Army  of  the  United  States  (New  Jersey  Hist.  Soc.,  1847).  (12)  Lockhart,  Ephraim  :  Narrative 


228  DIARY  OF  THE  WAR. 

oj  the  oppressive  proceedings  to  overpower  the  Earl  oj  Stirling  and  subvert  his  lawful  rights.  1836. 
(13)  *  Ditto  :  French  edition.  1836.  (14)  *  Burn,  J.  I.  :  Case  oj  Alexander  Earl  of  Stirling  and 
Dovan.  1833.  (15)  Banks,  Sir  T.  C.  :  Analytical  statement  of  the  Case  oj  Alexander  Earl  of  Stirling. 
1832.  (16)  Stirling  Peerage  :  Trial  of  Alexander  Humphrys  or  Alexander  for  Forgery,  by  S. 
Macgregor  and  W.  Turnbull.  1839.  (17)  Remarks  on  the  Trial  of  the  Earl  of  Stirling  for  Forgery, 
by  an  English  lawyer.  1839.  (18)  Hayes,  John  L.  :  Vindication  of  the  Rights  and  Titles,  Political 
and  Territorial,  of  Alexander,  Earl  of  Stirling  and  Dovan.  1853.  (19)  Townsend,  W.  C.  :  Modern 
State  Trials.  2  vols.  1850.  (20)  Warren,  Samuel :  Miscellanies,  vol.  2.  (21)  British  American 
Association  and  Nova  Scotia  Baronets  ;  Report  of  the  Action  for  Damages  for  alleged  libel,  Broun 
(Soi-disant)  Sir  Richard  against  the  "  Globe  "  newspaper  ;  with  introductory  remarks  relative  to  the 
above  scheme  and  the  "  illustrious  Order  "  connected  with  it.  1846.  (Books  marked  *  are  in  the 
Library  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  :  the  others  are  desired.) 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR—  (continued). 

Jan.  25.  Fierce  infantry  engagements  in  Alsace  and  in  the  Argonne.    Keported 

concentration    of   large    Austro-German    force    in    Hungary.     Russians 

destroy  German  Zeppelin  off  Libau,  and  capture  crew ;    also  torpedo 

German  cruiser  in  the  Baltic. 

„     26.  Sharp  fighting  west  of  Craonne  and  near  La  Bassee  ;  heavy  German  casual- 
ties.    In   South  Africa,   Union  forces   attacked   at   Upington ;    rebels 

repulsed  with  loss  of  96  men  and  a  maxim.    Turkish  forces  invading 

Egypt  engaged  at  El  Kantara. 

„     28.  Arrangements  made  for  British  loan  of  £5,000,000  to  Roumania. 
„     29.  Russians  force  Austro-German  armies  to  retreat  south-east  of  Dukla  Pass. 
„     30.  Allies  gain  ground  near  Nieuport.    German  submarine  sinks  three  British 

steamers  in  the  Irish  Sea. 
„     31.  Heavy   fighting   in   the   Argonne.      Russian   advance   on   Tabriz.     News 

received  of  revolt  in  Nyassaland. 
Feb.    1.  Russian  Fleet  sinks  several  Turkish  trading  vessels  ;   bombards  Trebizond ; 

and  damages  the  Breslau  and  the   Medjidieh.    Turks  defeated  in  the 

Caucasus  and  in  Persia. 

„       3.  French  troops  successful  at  two  points  on  the  Allied  line.    German  sub- 
marine attempts  to  torpedo  British  Hospital  Ship  in  the  Channel.      Turks 

routed  on  the  banks  of  the  Suez  Canal.     German  officer  tries  to   blow 

up  railway  bridge  on  the  Canadian  frontier. 
„       4.  Germany  declares  a  blockade  of  the  British  Isles  on  and  after  Feb.  18. 

In  South  Africa,  Kemp  surrenders  with  several  hundred  followers. 
„       6.  Russians  cross  the  Bzura,  driving  Germans  before  them ;    also  bombard 

and  enter  Tarnow. 

„       7.  Allies  capture  important  position  near  La  Bassee. 
„        9.  Desperate  fighting  in  the  Carpathians.    Reported  loss  of  Oriole  torpedoed 

in  Channel.    All  hands  lost. 
„      11.  Fierce  struggle  in  the  Argonne ;  heavy  losses  on  both  sides ;    Allies  hold 

their  positions.    British  steamer  Laertes  fired  at  by  German  submarine 

off  Dutch  coast. 


ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  AND  THE  WAR.    229 

Feb.  12.  Fleet  of  British  aircraft  raids  Belgian  coast  towns  occupied  by  Germans ; 

damage  done  to  Ostend  and  Blankenberge  railway  stations ;   also  bombs 

dropped  on  gun  positions  at  Middlekerke  and  on  power-station  at  Zeebrugge. 

Text  of  American  Notes  to  Germany  and  England  published. 
„     13.  Russians  retreat  in  East  Prussia  ;  four  new  German  Army  Corps  brought  up. 
„     15.  Serbia  invaded  by  Albanian  forces.     Turkish  force  surprised  at  Tor ;   over 

100  prisoners  taken.     In  South  Africa,  trial  of  Gen.  De  Wet  begins  (but 

is  later  postponed  (sine  die). 
„     16.  Heavy  bombardments  on  the  Aisne  and  in  Belgium.     Another  successful 

air-raid  by  the  Allies  on  Ostend  and  other  German  posts  on  Belgian  coast ; 

Russians  continue  to  retreat  in  East  Prussia.    Dispatches  from  Sir  John 

French  published. 
„     17.  Germans   advance   both   in   East   Prussia,    and   in  Poland  north  of  the 

Vistula. 
„     18.  Defeat  of   Russian  10th  Army  in  Masurian  Lakes  district,  East  Prussia. 

Allied    Fleets    begin    bombardment    of    Dardanelles.      Two    Zeppelins 

wrecked  on  coast  of  Denmark. 
„     19.  Russians  evacuate  the  whole  of  the  Bukowina  ;    Austrians  occupy  Czerno- 

witz.     U.S.  steamer  Evelyn  sunk  by  German  mine.    All  hands  saved. 

Norwegian  oil-steamer  Belridge  torpedoed. 
„     20.  British  steamer  Cambank  torpedoed  off  coast  of  Anglesea ;  four  men  perish. 

Downshire  sunk  by  submarine  off  Isle  of  Man ;  crew  saved. 

„     23.  Rheims  Cathedral  heavily  shelled.    Attempt  to  torpedo  Channel  passenger- 
boat  off  Folkestone.    Norwegian  steamer  torpedoed  near  Margate,  and 

Branksome    Chine    (British   collier),    off   Beachy   Head.      Two   German 

submarines   reported  overdue  at   Cuxhaven.      General  Botha  and  S.A 

forces  occupying  two  posts. 
„    24.  Germans  torpedo  U.S.  steamer  Harpalion,  off  Beachy  Head,  and  British 

steamer  Oakby,  in  Channel.     Carib   (U.S.A.)   strikes  mine  off  German 

coast.     Riot  among  Indian  troops  in  Singapore. 
„    25.  Loss  of  Clan  Macnaughton  (armed  merchantman)  announced,  also  of  three 

pilots  missing  after  air-raid. 
„    26.  Dardanelles  forts  destroyed  by  Allied  fleet.     Zeppelin  lost  at  Pola. 


THE    ROYAL    COLONIAL    INSTITUTE    AND    THE    WAR 

A  WELL  attended  meeting  of  the  War  Services  Committee  was  held  at  the  Institute 
on  February  11,  at  which  Sir  John  Page  Middleton  was  elected  to  serve  upon  it. 
Sir  Harry  Wilson  described  the  arrangements  made,  with  the  sanction  of  the  Council, 
for  the  granting  of  the  patronage  of  the  Institute  to  the  Ambulance  Car,  and  suggested 
that  contributions  to  its  working  expenses  might  be  invited  from  Fellows  and  others 
interested.  The  Ambulance  is  in  constant  use  under  the  supervision  of  Mr.  Smetham 
Lee,  the  Secretary  of  the  Advisory  Committee,  and  is  much  appreciated  by  the  Hospital 
authorities.  Mr.  Coleman  P.  Hyman  (Hon.  Sec.)  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the 


230  REVIEWS. 

Commissions  &c.  obtained  since  the  last  meeting  of  the  Committee,  and  it  was  decided 
that  at  the  conclusion  of  the  work  a  full  record  of  what  had  been  accomplished 
should  be  prepared.  A  discussion  took  place  on  the  subject  of  providing  coffee-stalls 
for  the  military  at  some  of  the  stations  in  London.  Mr.  Marsh  described  his  journey 
to  the  front  in  Belgium  on  behalf  of  the  scheme  promoted  by  the  Friends  of  Belgium 
Society,  for  starting  an  orphanage  for  children  bereaved  of  their  parents  in  the  war, 
and  the  interviews  which  had  been  granted  to  him  by  H.M.  The  King  of  the  Belgians, 
and  H.R.H.  the  Duchesse  de  Vendome. 

Special  mention  must  be  made  under  this  heading  of  the  efforts  of  those  overseas 
members  who  are  living  under  foreign  flags.  Last  month  we  recorded  the  successful 
recruiting  done  in  South  America,  where  it  is  estimated  that  3,000  men,  or  10  per 
cent,  of  the  total  British  population,  have  left  Buenos  Aires  to  join  His  Majesty's 
forces.  This  month  a  tribute  must  be  paid  to  our  honorary  corresponding  secretaries 
or  members  in  the  United  States,  who  have  materially  assisted  in  helping  to  keep 
American  opinion  rightly  informed.  In  Chicago,  the  greatest  German  centre  in 
America,  our  honorary  corresponding  secretary,  Dr.  G.  Cooke  Adams,  has  carried  the 
war  into  the  enemies'  camp  by  giving  addresses  in  the  principal  German  restaurant 
and  lunch  clubs,  as  well  as  before  the  Press  Club.  He  says  he  found  the  handbook 
"  Our  Just  Cause  "  most  useful,  and  has  distributed  it  widely,  and  he  adds  :  "  Permit 
me  also  to  congratulate  you  on  the  excellent  war  numbers." 

In  Canada  our  Associates  among  the  Daughters  of  the  Empire  have  done  heroic 
service  for  their  Motherland,  and  Mrs.  R.  M.  Graham,  Treasurer  of  the  Social  Council 
of  Women  for  London  (Canada)  writes  that  among  other  activities  she  and  Mrs. 
Boomer  have  distributed  "  Our  Just  Cause."  Mrs.  Wreford  of  Montreal  has  arranged 
for  a  wide  distribution  through  the  Canadian  women's  clubs.  A  Rhodesian  correspondent 
writes  that  all  the  members  of  the  Northern  Rhodesia  Red  Cross  and  Relief  Fund  are 
Fellows  of  the  Institute.  Thirty  Fellows  from  Nyassaland  are  serving  in  the  Defence 
Force. 

Mr.  J.  M.  Prillevitz,  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Institute  in  Holland, 
has  been  interesting  himself  on  behalf  of  the  British  prisoners  interned  in  Holland 
and  also  the  Belgian  refugees  in  that  country.  Queen  Mary's  Needlework  Guild  has 
sent  him  a  large  grant  of  clothing  for  the  latter.  Mr.  E.  T.  Scammell,  F.R.C.I.,  has  been 
lecturing  with  great  success  to  some  of  the  Canadian  and  other  soldiers  in  camp,  the 
subject  being  "  The  Union  Jack  and  Current  Events,"  illustrated  with  lantern  slides. 

The  following  members  of  the  Staff  of  the  Institute  have  joined  the  colours : — 
Mr.  C.  Parry  Jackson  (Library  Assistant)  has  entered  the  Inns  of  Court  Officers'  Training 
Corps,  and  Mr.  C.  R.  Woods  (Clerk)  is  a  private  in  the  R.A.M.C.  We  propose  next  month 
to  publish  a  list  of  Fellows  serving  with  the  colours  and  shall  be  glad  to  receive 
names  not  already  sent  in. 

His  many  friends  at  home  and  overseas  will  have  heard  with  great  regret  of  the 
serious  illness  of  our  energetic  secretary,  Mr.  Boose,  which  began  shortly  after  his  return 
from  Australasia.  Acting  under  medical  advice  he  will  take  three  months'  leave  from 
his  duties,  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  treatment  prescribed  will  restore  him  to  his  accus- 
tomed health.  By  an  unfortunate  coincidence,  Mr.  Robertson,  assistant-secretary,  has 
also  been  obliged  to  undergo  an  operation  for  appendicitis,  but  we  are  glad  to  learn 
that  he  is  making  rapid  progress  towards  recovery.  Meanwhile,  temporary  arrangements 
are  being  made  to  carry  on  the  secretarial  work. 


REVIEWS. 

THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

THE  24th  of  December  1914  marked  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  hundred  years'  peace 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  On  that  date,  one  hundred  years  earlier,  was 
signed  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  by  which  the  unfortunate  and  unnecessary  war  between  the 
two  countries  was  ended.  The  war  of  1812,  as  it  is  usually  termed,  is  comparatively 
unknown  in  Europe.  In  America  it  has  usually  been  disregarded  because  American 
arms  were  not  altogether  successful,  and  because  there  is  always  a  tendency  to  forget 


REVIEWS.  281 

unpleasant  events.  The  capture  of  Washington  by  a  small  British  force,  although  of 
no  military  importance,  rankled  in  the  American  mind,  and  is  conveniently,  and 
perhaps  properly,  forgotten.  But  in  Canada  the  war  is  remembered  because  the 
result  was  not  only  honourable  to  the  Canadians,  on  account  of  the  ability  with 
which  at  a  critical  moment  they  met  a  great  crisis,  but  also  because  it  demonstrated 
the  essential  unity  of  the  two  sections  of  the  Canadian  population,  and  showed  that  the 
beginnings  of  a  national  consciousness  and  a  pride  in  their  own  individuality  had 
already  become  firmly  established  among  them. 

The  war  of  1812  is  of  special  interest  at  the  present  time,  for  it  arose  through 
causes  that  are  now  once  again  testing  the  good  relations  between  the  United  Kingdom 
and  the  American  republic.  The  Emperor  Napoleon,  by  the  Berlin  Decree  issued 
in  1806,  had  declared  that  all  neutral  vessels  that  had  touched  at  any  British  port 
were  liable  to  seizure.  To  this  Britain  retaliated  by  Orders  in  Council  declaring 
that  no  ship  that  had  not  called  at  a  British  port  would  be  permitted  to  enter  a 
French  harbour.  This  naturally  affected  the  trade  between  the  United  States — a  neutral 
power — and  France ;  and  caused  great  irritation  throughout  America.  But  if  the 
real  cause  of  the  war  were  the  alleged  one,  viz.  the  desire  of  the  United  States 
to  maintain  its  rights  as  a  neutral  nation,  then  France  as  well  as  Britain  should 
have  been  attacked.  It  was  in  reality  due  to  other  causes,  not  the  least  being  the 
desire  of  the  Americans  to  control  the  whole  of  the  North  American  continent. 

The  celebration  of  the  hundred  years'  peace  has  naturally  been  impossible  under 
present  circumstances.  But  in  one  respect  it  has  been  commemorated  by  the  issue 
of  a  considerable  number  of  publications  dealing  with  this  period.  Amongst  them 
may  be  mentioned  Dr.  J.  M.  Harper's  work,  "  In  Commemoration  of  the  Century 
of  Peace :  the  Annals  of  the  War."  *  The  plan  of  the  book  is  similar  to  that  of 
his  former  work  entitled  "  The  Battle  of  the  Plains."  A  number  of  historical  ballads, 
none  of  which  is  of  any  special  merit,  forms  the  basis  for  historical  chapters  dealing 
with  the  events  of  the  war.  A  useful  feature  of  the  volume  is  an  appendix  of 
biographical  notices  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  drama.  Another  of  these  peace  cele- 
bration books  is  a  new  edition  of  Captain  Dobbins's  "  History  of  the  Battle  of  Lake 
Erie,"  t  which  was  first  published  in  1876,  after  the  Lawrence,  one  of  Perry's 
ships,  had  been  raised  from  her  resting-place  at  the  bottom  of  Misery  Bay,  near  Erie. 
Captain  Dobbins's  father,  Daniel  Dobbins,  was  employed  under  the  American  commander 
Perry  in  the  construction  of  most  of  his  vessels,  and  among  his  memoranda  were 
found  many  interesting  particulars  in  connection  with  the  fight  on  Lake  Erie.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  remains  of  the  flagship  Niagara  were  raised  from  the 
waters  of  the  Erie  Harbour  in  March  1913.  Two  other  pamphlets  dealing  with  the 
Battle  of  Lake  Erie  are  "  Lake  Erie  and  the  Story  of  Commodore  Perry,"  J  by  E.  P. 
Morton,  and  "  Perry  at  Erie,"  ||  by  G.  B.  Yaple.  Dr.  Morton's  little  book  is  the 
second  of  a  series  of  four  entitled  the  "Great  Lakes  Series,"  and  contains  a  narrative 
of  a  fictitious  journey  from  New  York  to  Chicago  by  way  of  the  Erie  Canal  and 
the  lakes,  whilst  Mr.  Yaple's  pamphlet  is  mainly  founded  upon  the  Dobbins's  papers 
already  mentioned.  Two  other  pamphlets  require  mention.  These  are  Mr.  Robert 
Sellar's  well-written  narrative  of  the  American  campaign  of  1813  to  capture  Montreal, 
and  the  late  Mr.  Barlow  Cumberland's  account  of  the  Battle  of  York  (Toronto)  on 
April  27,  1813.  The  first  **  contains  an  excellent  account  of  the  American  operations 

*  In  Commemoration  of  the  Century  of  Peace  :  the  Annals  of  the  War.  By  J.  M.  Harper.  12mo. 
Dlust.  Pp.  268.  London  and  Toronto  :  Musson  Book  Co.  1913.  12  oz. 

t  History  of  the  Battle  of  Lake  Erie  and  Reminiscences  of  the  flagships  "  Lauvence  "  and  "  Niagara. 
By.  W.  W.  Dobbins.     12mo.     Illust.     Pp.  156.     Erie  :   Ashby  Printing  Co.     1913.     10  oz.— 2s. 

I  Lake  Erie  and  the  Story  of  Commodore  Perry.     By  Edward  Pay  son  Morton.     12mo.    Pp.  104. 
Chicago  :   Ainsworth  and  Co.     1913.     6  oz. — 28  cents. 

II  Perry  at  Erie.     By  George  Reid  Yaple.     8vo.     Illust.     Pp.  39.     Erie  :  Journal  Publishing  Co. 
1913.     8  oz. 

**  The  U.S.  Campaign  to  Capture  Montreal.  By  Robert  Sellar.  8vo.  Pp.  46.  Huntingdon, 
Quebec  :  Gleaner  Office.  1914. 


232  REVIEWS. 

during  this  disastrous  advance,  and  of  the  battle  of  Chateauguay  and  the  action 
at  Crysler's  Farm,  which  Mr.  Sellar  terms  the  decisive  battle  of  the  war.  So  far  as 
it  led  to  the  abandonment  of  the  march  to  Montreal  this  was  certainly  the  case. 
The  latter  pamphlet,*  dealing  with  the  attack  on  Toronto,  is  a  fair  and  accurate 
account  of  the  capture  and  burning  of  this  city — an  event  that  was  amply  atoned 
for  by  the  capture  of  Washington  by  General  Ross. 


MODERN  EGYPT,  f 

THE  importance  of  Egypt  in  our  Imperial  system  is  a  matter  about  which  those  who 
knew  most  have,  in  the  past,  been  obliged  to  be  silent  because  of  the  peculiar  condi- 
tions of  our  presence  in  that  country.  Readers  of  Lord  Cromer's  fascinating  book, 
"  Modern  Egypt,"  will  recollect  that  he  brought  the  history  of  British-Egyptian 
relations  down  to  the  death  of  Tewfik  Pasha  in  1892,  at  which  point  the  late  Khedive 
Abbas  II,  then  a  youth  of  barely  eighteen,  became  the  foremost  figure  in  Egypt's 
national  affairs.  While  he  remained  in  that  position  these  chapters  on  his  character, 
policy,  and  relations  with  the  British  could  not  be  given  to  the  world ;  and  Lord 
Cromer  remarks  that  he  might  have  retained  his  position  until  his  death  had  he 
chosen  merely  to  intrigue  in  the  dark.  His  open  adherence  to  the  Turkish  cause, 
though  quite  in  character  with  his  known  Anglophobia,  made  his  deposition  inevitable, 
and  he  passes  from  the  Egyptian  stage  with  the  riches  which  it  was  one  of  his  chief 
aims  to  amass,  and  without,  apparently,  being  able  to  awaken  an  echo  to  his  sentiments 
even  from  the  most  fanatical  of  his  quondam  subjects.  His  good  manners  and  his 
sense  of  humour  are  the  best  traits  in  Lord  Cromer's  estimate  of  him. 

Probably  many  readers  will  find  the  preface  the  most  interesting  part  of  this  book, 
for  it  is  an  essay  on  the  social  and  political  conditions  of  modern  Egypt,  written 
by  the  man  who  is  most  identified  with  that  country,  in  the  perspective  given  by  some 
years'  retirement  from  the  cares  of  office.  Lord  Cromer  rejoices  at  the  possibilities 
opened  out  for  Egypt  as  a  recognised  protectorate  of  Great  Britain — a  change  of 
political  status  which,  while  leaving  a  Mohammedan  prince  on  the  throne,  will  make  possible 
the  abolition  of  the  capitulations  and  other  inevitable  evils  of  the  previous  regime.  A 
general  consensus  of  opinion  condemns  these  Courts,  in  which  foreigners  can  claim  the 
right  to  be  tried  by  their  own  laws,  as  detrimental  both  to  the  country  and  the  foreigner 
in  it.  Other  features  of  the  previous  anomalous  situation  must  be  altered,  but  Lord 
Cromer  puts  in  a  strong  plea  for  "  making  haste  slowly." 

In  1907  Sir  Eldon  Gorst  was  sent  out  by  the  British  Government  with  instructions  to 
try  to  introduce  a  more  liberal  atmosphere  into  the  Egyptian  administration.  It 
was  a  question  of  method  rather  than  machinery,  but  it  certainly  involved  considerable 
"  speeding  up "  in  the  passage  of  Egyptian  officials  and  statesmen  towards  real  power 
and  responsibility.  Lord  Cromer  does  not  describe  in  detail  what  followed,  but  even 
the  casual  newspaper  reader  began  to  feel  apprehensive  as  to  nationalist  agitation 
and  the  growth  of  discontent  in  certain  classes  in  Egypt.  As  a  result  Sir  Eldon 
Gorst,  when  he  so  prematurely  died,  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Kitchener,  whose  methods 
were  avowedly  the  very  opposite  to  those  of  his  predecessor.  "  The  government 
became  of  a  more  pronounced  personal  character  than  at  any  previous  period  since 
the  British  occupation."  As  to  Lord  Kitchener's  success  no  two  opinions  can  really 
be  held.  The  freedom  of  Egypt  from  sedition  at  such  a  time  as  this,  and  the 
unsolicited  support  which  has  come  from  the  most  unexpected  quarters,  speak  for 
themselves.  Lord  Cromer  considers  that  a  certain  measure  of  this  may  be  attributed 
to  the  presence  of  British  soldiers,  but  far  more  to  the  fact  that  the  fellaheen  are 
really  contented.  The  ground-rock  of  British  policy  he  believes  to  be  in  keeping 

*  The  Battle  of  York.  By  Barlow  Cumberland.  8vo.  Pp.  32.  Toronto  :  William  Brigga. 
1913. 

t  Abbas  II.    The  Earl  of  Cromer.    Macmillan  &  Co.     2/6  net. 


REVIEWS.  233 

taxation  low,  and  he  deprecates  any  attempt  to  force  the  benefits  'of  our  own 
civilisation  too  rapidly  on  the  Egyptian— schools,  roads,  and  bridges  he  must  have, 
but  in  moderation,  and  not  at  the  expense  of  heavy  taxation.  We  have  done 
much  already  to  give  the  Egyptian  a  chance  of  a  decent,  prosperous,  and  peaceful 
existence,  and  we  may  do  more  ;  but  Lord  Croiner  bids  us  beware  lest  we  court  the 
fate  which,  in  Kip-ing's  poem,  met  him  "  who  tried  to  hustle  the  East."  As  a  pendant 
to  "  Modern  Egypt "  this  book  is  indispensable,  but  even  as  an  isolated  chapter  of 
contemporary  history  it  is  deeply  interesting,  and  is  written  with  Lord  Cromer's  usual 
vigour  and  crispness  of  style. 

E.G. 

TWENTIETH    CENTURY    CANADA. 

THE  "  boundless  resources  of  the  Dominions "  is  a  phrase  difficult  to  grasp  in  its 
full  political  meaning  and  significance,  and  still  harder  to  translate  into  concrete 
realities  for  purposes  of  promoting  inter-Empire  trade.  Such  volumes  as  the  one  just 
issued  under  the  title  of  "  Twentieth  Century  Impressions  of  Canada "  *  are  for  that 
reason  the  more  valuable — indeed,  essential  to  a  sure  and  effective  handling  of  matters 
of  supreme  Imperial  importance  at  the  present  juncture.  The  motive  of  the  com- 
pilation is  to  survey  as  they  exist  to-day  the  people,  commerce,  industries,  and  resources 
of  the  Dominion ;  and  the  authoritative  experts —  many  of  whom  hold  posts  of  official 
responsibility — write  with  the  certainty  born  of  intimate  knowledge  of  their  subjects. 
In  scope  and  intention  each  article  is  such  as  to  be  of  very  real  service  to  all  those 
who  desire  to  come  more  closely  into  touch  with  the  actual  conditions  of  life  and 
business  throughout  the  Dominion. 

The  critical  and  far-reaching  developments  in  Imperial  organisation  and  trade 
relations  which  must  follow  the  present  conflict  in  Europe  demand  for  their  settlement 
a  public  opinion  sufficiently  informed  of  the  up-to-date  conditions  and  prospects  of 
each  of  the  component  parts  of  the  Empire.  Fortunately  the  literature  bearing  on 
the  expansion  of  the  Empire  from  all  points  of  view  has  grown  considerably  during 
the  past  few  years,  and  the  volume  under  notice  is  a  most  admirable  and  useful 
addition  to  the  informational  series  already  available.  An  excellent  and  lucid  review 
of  Canada's  past  history  by  Mr.  Evans  Lewin,  the  librarian  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  and  a  complementary  chapter  on  its  constitutional  aspect,  form  a  most 
interesting  and  necessary  introduction  to  the  consideration  of  the  present-day  features 
of  Canada's  life  and  resources  which  occupies  the  bulk  of  the  handsome  volume  of 
nearly  one  thousand  pages. 

"The  Evolution  of  Canadian  Trade",  by  J.  C.  Hopkins — "Capital  and  Labour",  by 
W.  W.  Edgar  of  the  Department  of  Labour  at  Ottawa — "Canadian  Public  Finance," 
by  Prof.  Hemmson  of  Montreal  University,  and  similar  notable  articles  on  Agriculture, 
Mineral  Resources,  Water  Power,  Harbours  and  Shipping,  Immigration,  Sport,  Forestry 
and  Timber — to  specify  particular  topics  of  supreme  interest  just  now — are  an  indication 
of  the  many-sided  nature  of  the  work. 

An  invaluable  feature  which  in  itself  should  be  sufficient  to  strongly  recommend  the 
book  to  all  interested  in  the  future  progress  of  inter-Empire  trade  is  a  series  of  sketches 
of  the  development,  policy,  and  outlook  of  most  of  the  companies  and  business  firms 
which  have  done  so  much  for  Canadian  enterprise  as  "  captains  of  industry "  ;  and  a 
number  of  maps,  illustrations,  and  photographs  help  to  visualise  the  great  progress 
made.  From  every  point  of  view  the  publication  is  of  great  and  real  value — dealing 
as  it  does  so  largely  and  so  concretely  with  the  actual  process  of  Empire- building  on 
the  lines  with  which  we  are  historically  associated,  and  for  which  at  the  present 
moment  so  much  is  being  sacrificed.  J.  W.  QI 

*  Ttoentieth  Century  Impressions  of  Canada :  its  History,  People,  Commerce,  Industries,  and 
Resources.  Compiled  by  Hoary  J.  Boam.  4to.  Maps  aad  Illustrations.  Pp.  952.  London : 
Soil's  Ltd.,  Montreal :  Shaughnasay  Buildings.  1914.  £10  10«. 


234 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (4) : 

Captain  T.  H.  Brook-Ascough,  J.  Arthur  Jutsum,  F.  W.  Tazewell,  Christopher  H. 
Turn/or. 

Non-Resident  FeUows  (62) : 

AUSTRALIA. — Colonel  Joseph  Ahearne,  M.D.  (Queensland),  Stanley  F.  Anderson 
(Sydney),  Louis  W.  G.  Biichner  (Perth),  John  L.  Gibson,  M.D.  (Brisbane),  James  C. 
Himsley,  M.B.  (Brisbane,),  Marcus  Oldham,  J.P.  (Sydney),  William  N.  Robertson,  M.B. 
(Brisbane),  Harry  R.  Seabrook  (Broadmeadows,  Victoria),  James  N.  Tait  (Melbourne). 

CANADA. — John  B.   Kay  (Toronto),   Capt.   Oscar  Troostwyk  (Port  Arthur). 

NEW  ZEALAND. — Greacen  J.  Black  (Gisborne),  Edwin  V.  Palmer  (Gisborne), 
Alexander  C.  Stfde  (Gisborne). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — Eoland  E.  Gordon  (Richmond,  Natal),  Major  Angus  B.  Hay 
(Durban),  William  C.  Scully  (Cape  Town). 

BORNEO.— George  G.  Black,  Fred  H.  Myden.  BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA.— Walter 
Ross  Piers  (Nairobi).  FALKLAND  ISLANDS.— Wilfrid  D.  Lacey.  INDIA.— Leonard 
W.  H.  Young  (Bombay).  MALAY  STATES. — Francis  A.  Kimmel  (Kuala  Lumpur), 
Dudley  St.  L.  Parsons  (Kuala  Lumpur),  Alexander  R.  Thompson,  Alexander  W.  Wilson. 
NEWFOUNDLAND.— C.  Mackenzie  Harvey  (St.  Johns).  NORTHERN  RHODESIA.— 
Cecil  A.  B.  Barton  (Fort  Jameson),  Raymond  Kent  (Fort  Jameson),  Francis  G.  Price 
(Fort  Jameson),  Rev.  A.  Sidney  B.  Ranger,  M.A.  (Fort  Jameson).  OCEAN  ISLAND. — 
George  Brownlie,  Joseph  Clarke,  M.I.M.E.,  M.I.E.E.,  Arthur  F.  Grimble,  Frank  H. 
Tarrant.  RHODESIA.— John  L.  Oliver  (Hartley).  STRAITS  SETTLEMENTS.— Lieut. 
Hugh  B.  Bentley,  R.N.R.,  William  H.  N.  Bright,  M.B.  (Penang),  E.  D.  Bryce  (Johore), 
James  R.  Moore  (Singapore).  UGANDA: — James  M.  Fry,  Ewart  Gregson.  WEST 
AFRICA.— Dr.  Hugh  C.  de  Sowza  (Abosso),  James  P.  Robertson  (Accra).  WEST  INDIES.— 
V.  M.  Weil  (Antigua).  ARGENTINE. — Thomas  A.  Choate  (Buenos  Aires),  Henry 
G.  Hughes  (Buenos  Aires),  William  Hutchison  (Bahia  Camarones),  Gilbert  Laing  Meason 
(Buenos  Aires),  Harold  G.  Livingstone  (Las  Bandurrias),  William  Reece  (Buenos  Aires), 
James  H.  Webster  (Venado  Tuerto).  BRAZIL. — Hugh  Brodie  (Sao  Paulo),  Thomas  A. 
Coleborn  (Sao  Paulo),  Noel  B.  Wells  (Rio  de  Janeiro).  CHILE. — William  J.  Leahip 
(Rancagua),  John  K.  Morrison  (Punta  Arenas).  DUTCH  BORNEO. — Thomas  C. 
Ivinson  (Samarinda).  MEXICO. — Hugh  G.  Walker  (Tampico).  SUMATRA. — James 
K.  S.  Malcolm.  UNITED  STATES.— Samuel  Dalton  (Chicago),  Capt.  W.  Niesigh 
(San  Francisco). 

Associates  (7) : 

James  W.  Bateson,  Mrs.  P.  A.  Eagleton,  Mrs.  D.  MacAlister  Fitzsimmons  (Canada), 
Miss  Matilda  Koester,  F.  E.  Morris,  Miss  N.  Cox  Taylor  (Sydney,  N.S.W.),  Mrs. 
Henry  van  Renen  (Kenilworth,  South  Africa). 

Associates — Bristol  Branch  (50) : 

Arthur  Bainbridge,  W.  H.  Pearce  Batten,  Charles  B.  Bannister,  —  Beloe,  Alfred  E. 
Bobben,  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Mayor  of  Bristol,  James  H.  Budgett,  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  G.  A. 
Burton,  H.  G.  Bush,  Martin  Clark,  Wm.  J.  B.  Coombe,  G.  E.  Copp,  W.  H.  Crook, 
F.  B.  Cummings,  C.  T.  Davis,  W.  S.  Dickie,  E.  H.  Drew,  Dr.  Eliza  L.  W.  Dunbar, 
/.  T.  Fell,  Victor  Fox,  W.  C.  Fripp,  Henry  W.  Giles,  John  A.  W.  Grant,  H.  R. 
Griffiths,  Herbert  G.  Hill,  Daniel  Irvine,  A.  Jefteries,  W.  D.  Kellar,  Henry  Lambert, 
Alfred  Lewis,  Fredk.  K.  Lewis,  E.  R.  N.  Matthews,  H.  W.  Milligan,  George  H.  Morris, 
Frank  Moss,  John  Northway,  William  B.  Oliver,  G.  L.  Padmore,  William  Phillips, 
E.  Philp,  A.  W.  Potter,  Walter  L.  Richards,  Charles  H.  Savage,  Mrs.  E.  Savours, 
John  Tanner,  H.  G.  Vassell,  Wm.  R.  Wadlow,  H.  G.  H.  Wellington,  Henry  J.  Wilkins, 
Walter  F.  Wilson. 

OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  are  recorded  with  regret : 

M.  H.  Thomas,  Henry  J.  Marrs  (Argentine),  His  Honour  Sir  Francois  Langelier, 
K.C.M.G.  (Quebec),  Adam  W.  Guthrie  (Port  Elizabeth),  Donald  S.  Sutherland  (Sarawak) 


NOTICES   TO   FELLOWS.  235 

John  Halliday,  H.'S.  Cargill  (British  Columbia),  Francis  S.  S.  Wright  (Zomba),  Charles 
Christian  (Cairo),  James  G.  Maefarlane,  Capt.  A.  N.  Galbraith  (Ceylon  Planters'  Rifle 
Corps),  Sir  Robert  L.  Lucas-Tooth,  Bart. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number  :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  7*.  6d,  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  6d.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  6d.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

%*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Algeria. — E.  Hope  Crush.  Argentine. — W.  A.  Birchal,  Daniel  Morris,  D.  O'Connor, 
E.  L.  Lunt,  A.  T.  Spens,  B.  S.  Henderson.  Australia. — Dr.  George  Fox,  Major  W. 
Blade  Vincent.  Canada. — F.  W.  Sumner,  R.  R.  Bruce,  Major  R.  W.  Leonard,  Dr.  F.  W. 
Coates.  Ceylon. — M.  F.  Bell.  Malay  States. — 8.  Ramplen  Jones.  Mexico. — F.  J 
Bayley,  A.  B.  Primrose,  Dr.  C.  HardwicTce.  Newfoundland. — Hon.  R.  K.  Bishop. 
Northern  Rhodesia. —  F.  H.  Layman,  F.  Chambers.  Rhodesia.  —  C.  W.  Hammerton. 
South  Africa.— H.  Liddle,  C.  Worroll.  Straits  Settlements.— R.  D.  Acton.  West  Africa. 
—N.  W.  O'Dwyer,  Capt.  A.  E.  Johnson,  D.S.O.,  J.  H.  D.  Bratt,  A.  J.  Philbrick, 
R.  W.  H.  Wilkinson,  N.  G.  Frere,  J.  L.  Crozier,  A.  Q.  Moreton,  William  Hudson, 
M.  D.  Reece,  J.  P.  Robertson,'  J.  C.  Maxwett,  C.M.O.,  Dr.  W.  F.  Maefarlane,  C.  A. 
Birtwistle,  Dr.  E.  H.  Tweedy,  T.  D.  Pead,  L.  S.  Qruchy,  E.  R.  Vassatt  Adams.  West 
Indies.— Lieut.-Colonel  W.  B.  Davidson- Houston,  C.M.O. 

DEPARTURES. 

Argentine. — R.  L.  Rumboll.  Australia. — G.  Morris  Simpson,  Dr.  A.  W.  and  Mrs. 
CampbeU,  Dr.  G.  Annand,  Rev.  A.  A.  Aspinall,  W.  V.  Porter,  C.  J.  Kirkland,  Colonel 
C.  Evans,  C.M.G.  Brazil.— J.  B.  P.  Guild.  Canada.— J.  Monypeny,  H.  B.  Macdonald.. 
Ceylon.— W.  J.  Price,  H.  A.  Loos.  China.— H.  E.  Fulford,  C.M.G.  Fiji.— T.  ft 
St.  Johnston,  E.  Hutson.  India.— Dr.  R.  U.  Moffat,  C.M.G.  Korea.—,/.  Malcolm 
Maclaren.  Malay  States.— J.  Bowes,  Eric  A.  G.  Stuart,  F.  D.  Evans.  New  Zealand.— 
A.  Duffus  Lubecki,  H.  M.  and  Mrs.  Smeeton.  Siberia.— G.  J.  Altman.  South  Africa.— 
J.  G.  Shorten,  R.  S.  Lester.  Straits  Settlement.— G.  P.  Bradney.  Uganda.— #. 
Worsley.  Venezuela.— W.  Alvin  Brooks.  West  Africa.— Hon.  Mr.  Justice  S.  C.  King 
Farlow,  H.  Robins,  J.  H.  Koens,  J.  R.  Spitzer,  T.  Sharpies,  Dr.  W.  A.  Ryan,  A.  H. 
Hodges,  H.  B.  Haddon-Smith,  R.  C.  Sutherland,  A.  V.  Watson,  M.  C.  Steedman. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  : — 
W.  H.  ALLBN,  Esq.,  BEDFORD. 
THB  RBV.  T.  S.  CABLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 
R.  CHBISTISON,  Esq.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 
T.  8.  COTTBBBLL,  Esq.,  J.P.,  BATH. 
CAPT.  G.  CBOSFIELD,  WABBINGTON. 
MABTIN  GRIFFITHS,  Esq.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B.  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  C.M.G.,  PUBLBY. 

A.  B.  PONTIFBX,  Esq.,  WINCHESTER. 
GILBBRT  PUBVIS,  Esq.,  TORQUAY. 
COUNCILLOB  HERBERT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLB-ON-TYNB. 
JOHN  SPBAK,  Esq.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON. 
PROFESSOR  R.  WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 

Dominion  of  Canada  : — 

B.  B.  BBNNBTT,  Esq.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALOABY. 

A.  B.  CBBBLMAN,  Esq.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL. 

Q.  B.  DUNCAN,  Esq.,  FOBT  WILLIAM,  ONTABIO. 
HON.  D.  M.  EBBBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C. 

B.  FrrzRANDOLPH,  FREDERICTON,  NEW  BRUNSWICK. 
SIB  SANDFOBD  FLEMING,  K.C.M.G.,  OTTAWA. 
CBAWFOBD  GOBDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG. 

W.  LAWSON  GBANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 

C.  FREDERICK  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  OTTAWA. 
ERNEST  B.  C.  HANINGTON,  Esq.,M.D.,VioroBiA,  B.C. 
REGINALD  V.  HARRIS,  Esq.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
Lr.-CoL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMEB  VIBDBN,  MANITOBA. 
Lr.-CoL.  HBBBEBT  D.  HULMB,  VANOOUVBB,  B.C. 
CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIESON,  PETBBBOBO,  ONTABIO. 
LEONARD  W.  JUST,  Esq.,  MONTREAL. 

L.  V.  KBBB.  REG  IN  A. 

JOHN  A.  Me  Do  no  ALL,  Esq.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J.  MoKiNBBY,  BASSANO,  ALBERTA.       [TABIO. 

J.  PBBSOOTT  MBBBITT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHBBINES,  ON- 

T.  J.  PABKES,  Esq.,  SHBBBBOOKB,  QUEBEC.  [TABIO. 

Lr.-CoL.   W.  N.   PONTON,  K.C.,   BELLEVILLB,  ON- 

Lr.-CoL.  S.  W.  RAY,  POBT  ABTHUB,  ONTABIO. 

M.  H.  RICHBY,  Esq.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

F.  M.  SCLANDBBS,   ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  8.  SCOTT,  Esq.,  HAMILTON. 
JOHN  T.  SMALL,  Esq.,  K.C.,  TOBONTO- 
C.  E.  SMYTH,  Esq.,  MEDICINE  HAT. 
H.  L.  WEBSTER,  Esq.,  COCHBANB,  ONTABIO. 
8.  J.  WILLIAMS,  Esq.,  BERLIN,  ONTABIO. 
COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKBS,  K.C.,  BRANTPORD,  ONTABIO. 
Commonwealth  of  Australia  : — 
J.  W.  BABBBTT,  Esq.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOUBNB. 
MAJOB  HENBY  BREW,  BALLABAT.    P.  W.  CROAKER, 
Esq.,  BBEWABBINA,  N.S  W.     W.  L.  DOCKER,  Esq., 
SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  C.  EABP.ESQ., NEWCASTLE,  N.S.W. 
KINGSLEY  FAIBBRIDGE.ESQ.,  PINJABBA.W.A.     H.  C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ. .SYDNEY.  N.S.W.    J.  N.  PABKBS,  Esq., 
TOWNSVILLB.     HERBERT  ROBINSON,  Esq  ,  ALBANY, 
W.A.    HON.  W.  F  TAYLOB,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBANB. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNB,  M.L.C.,  BBISBANB.    J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  Esq.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.     ABTHUB  C.  TBAPP, 
ESQ.,  MBLBOUBNB, VIOTOBIA.     D'AscY  W.  ADDISON, 

Esq.,       AND     E.    MOBBIS     MlLLEB,    ESQ.,     HoBABT.' 

W.  P.  DOBSON,  Esq.,  LAUNCESTON.    FRANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FBEMANTLE,  W.A.     B.  H.  DABBYSHIBB,  Esq., 
PBBTH,  W.A.  E.  N. WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  POBT  MOBESBY. 
Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  Esq. 
(Acting),   PALMEBSTON    NORTH,  COL.    HON.  JAMBS 
ALLEN,    M.P.,   DUNBDIN.     LEONABD   TBTPP,  Esq 
WELLINGTON.     HON.     SIB    CHABLBS    C.    BOWEN 
K.C.M  G.,  M.L.C.,  AND   BASIL  SBTH-SMITH,   Esq., 
CHBISTCHUBOH.     HON.  OLIVEB  SAMUEL,  M  L.C   AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIB,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH 
B.D.DouoLAsMcLBAN.  ESQ..ANDPATBICK  MCLEAN 
ESQ.,  NAPIBB.    W.  J.  NAPIEB,  Esq.  AND  PBOFESSOB 
F.  P.  WOBLEY,  AUCKLAND.    B   H.  WALL,  ESQ  ,  J  p 
AND  CAPT.  J.  R.  KIBK,  GISBOBNB.     COLIN  C   HUT. 
TON,  ESQ.,  WANGANUI.    C.  H.  TBIPP,  Esq.,  TIMABU. 
Union  of  South  Africa  : — 
CAPB    OF    GOOD    HOPB:     HABBY     GIBSON,    ESQ 
CAPETOWN.  PBBCY  F.  FBANOIS,  Esq.,  POBT  ELIZA- 
BETH     JOHN    POOLBY,    Esq..  J.P ,  KIMBEBLBY 
DAVID  RBBS,  Esq.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.     MAJOB 
FBBDK.  A.  SAUNDBBS,  F.R.C.S.,  GBAHAMSTOWN. 
MAX  SONNBNBEBO,  Esq.,  VBYBUBO.     F   WALSH' 
Esq.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CABNABVON.     J.    P.    WASSUNG' 
ESQ.,  MOSSBL  BAY.    THB  VBN.  ABOHDBAOON  A  T 
WIBGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  POBT  ELKABBTH. 
NATAL:    G.    CHUBTON   COLLINS      ESQ   .,  DUBBAN. 
DACBB  A.  SHAW, Esq.,  PIBTBBMABITZBUBQ    £   W 
NOYOB,  Esq.,  BOSCOBBLLO. 


Union  of  South  Africa — continued. 

OBANOB  FBBB  STATB:    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 
CBICHTON.     C.  A.  BUCK,  Esq.,  BLOEMPONTKIN. 

TBANSVAAL:   W.  E.  FBBBYMAN,  Esq.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 
DABD    BANK   CHAMBERS,   COMMISSIONER  STBBBT, 
JOHANNBSBUBO.      F.  C.    STUBBOCK,    ESQ.,   10 
GBNBBAL    MINING  BUILDINGS,    JOHANNBSBUBO. 
8.  C.  A.  COSSEB,  Esq.,  PBBTOBIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WABDBN,  Esq.,  BUBNOS  AIBBS. 
W.  B.  HABDING  GBBBN,  Esq.,  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland :  W.H.W.MUBPHY,ESQ.,FBANCISTOWH. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENBY  LOOKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :    G.  C.  IBVING,  Esq.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :   CHABLES  O.  KBNYON,  Esq.,  SAO  PAULO. 

HENBY  L.  WHBATLBY,  Esq.,  Rio  DB  JANBIBO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBXANDBBDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIBOBI, 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LEGGBTT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma : 
Ceylon  :    R.  H.  FBBGUSON,  Esq.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :   W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J.  R.  HOLMES,  Esq.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  Esq.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.  B.  BBETT,  ESQ.,  SUBZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPENTBB,  Esq.,  M.A.,  CAIBO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCB  CONLAY,  Bsq., 
Fiji  :   C.  A.  LA  TOUCHB  BBOUGH,  Esq.,  LL.B.  [!POH. 
France  :   SIB  JOHN  PILTEK,  PARIS. 
Gambia : 
Germany  :  Louis  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  BBBLIN. 

R.  MELVILLE.  Esq.,  HAMBUBG. 
Gibraltar  :    W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  Esq. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  Esq.,  OOBAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMBITAQB,  C.M.Q., 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CBAVBN,  ESQ.,  M.INST.,  C.E.  ACCBA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  0.  Raw,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :   CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.  PBILIBVITZ,  Esq.,  LEBUWABDBN. 
Hong  Kong  :    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  Esq.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  Esq.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 

H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  E8Q..I.C.S.,  LAHORB.       fooNG. 

GBOBGB  H.  OHMKBOD.   Esq.,  M.Inst.C.E. ,  CHITTA- 

JAMBS  R.  PEARSON,  Esq.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MBBBUT. 
Malta  : 

Mauritius  :   GBOBGB  DICKSON,  Esq.,  POBT  Louis. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  Esq.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland 
New  Hebrides: 
Nigeria 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  Esq.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  Esq.,  ZUNGEBU. 

R.  G.  8.  MILLER,  Esq.,  ZABIA.  [STONB. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  Esq.,  Livnia- 

Lr.-CoL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWBBBBB. 

A.  C.  HAYTBB,  Esq.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  Esq.,  ZOMBA^ 
Panama  :    CHABLBS  F.  PEEBLES,  Esq. 

Peru  :    RBV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :   W.  D.  COPLEY,  Esq.,  BULAWAYOJ 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  Esq.,  WANKIB. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  Esq.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBUBY. 
Samoa  :  COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BBIBN,  C.M.Q, 
Solomon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BABNETT,  Esq.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HON.  E.  O.  JOHNSON, M.L.C.,  FBBBTOWV. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BRYANT,  Esq.,  PBNANO. 

B.  NUNN,  Esq.,  SINGAPOBB. 

Swaziland  :   ALLISTEB  M.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  MBABANB. 
Uganda    Protectorate :    GBOBGB    D.    SMITH,  Esq.* 

C.M.G..  ENTEBBB. 
United  States  :   DB.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

ALLBYNB  IRELAND,  Esq.,  NEW  YORK. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  Esq.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  Esq.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J.  J.  NUNAN,  GBOBGETOWN.  BBITISH  GUIANA, 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  Esq.,  BELIZE,  BBITISH  How- 

FBANK  CUNDALL,  Esq.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA.  [DUBAS. 

HON.  MB.  JUSTICE  F.  H.  PARKER. LEKWARD  ISLANDS. 

A.  H.  NOBLB,  Esq.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PBOFESSOB  P.   CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POBT  of 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD.  [WABD  ISLANDS. 

HON.  D.  S.  DB  FBBITAS.  M.L.C.,  GBBNADA,  WIND- 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BABDO. 


[US  :     UEOBGB   JJICKSON,  £.8Q.,   fOBT   LOUIS. 

:  C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  Esq.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
indland  :   HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
Jbrides :  His  HONOUR  JUDGB  T. E.  ROSHBY.VILA. 
,  :   A.  R.  CANNING,  Esq.,  NABAGUTA. 


UNITED    EMPIRE 

THE  ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOURNAL 

VOL.  VI  APRIL  1915  No.  4 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


THE  KAISER'S  ENTRY  INTO  BERLIN,  AUGUST  2,  1914. 

THROUGH  golden  dust  processional,  apart, 

Unsmiling,  hand  to  helm  within  his  car, 

Now  with  great  ancestors  made  one  in  war, 

The  Prussian  sits,  starvation  at  the  heart. 

Obeisances  and  Aves,  what  their  art 

To  stir  those  pulses,  frozen  from  afar 

By  phantom  voices,  and  yon  stooping  star, 

Of  Hohenzollern  pride  the  counterpart  ? 

But  oh !    the  dreadful  words  of  God's  own  seer, 

Now  like  a  thunderclap  within  his  ear : — 

I  have  set  before  you  life  and  death  this  day, 

Blessing  and  cursing,  therefore  choose  you  life.— 

Were  it  to  do  again,  that  pen  of  strife 

Should  flame  in  hell,  ere  peace  it  signed  away ! 

EDMUND  BEALE  SARGANT. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

ALTHOUGH  the  decisive  phases  of  the  War  have  yet  to  come,  and  it 
is  too  soon  to  calculate  the  cost  of  victory,  or  even  to  assume  that  we 
Inter-  ma7  not  be  called  upon  for  greater  sacrifices,  it  is  still 

Imperial  possible  to  look  forward  with  confidence  to  the  future, 
Relations  and  to  prepare  for  certain  eventualities.  Most  people 

War  the  aie  in.  a  rather  ^g116  agreement  that  the  relations  of 
the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  cannot  be  quite  the 
same  after  the  War  as  they  were  before.  Sir  Robert  Borden  and  Mr. 
Fisher  have  expressed  this  view  with  some  emphasis,  and  it  was  recently 
put  forward  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  (reported 


238  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

in  this  issue  of  the  JOURNAL)  by  Sir  George  Perley,  the  Acting  High 
Commissioner  of  Canada,  and  Mr.  Schreiner,  who  represents  the  Union 
of  South  Africa  in  Victoria  Street.  It  was  interesting  at  this  meeting 
to  hear  an  English  speaker  praising  the  Dominions  for  "  coming  to 
help  the  Mother  Country  ",  while  the  Dominion  representatives  them- 
selves staunchly  maintained  that  they  were  fighting  in  self-defence. 
The  realities  of  empire  are  sometimes  better  understood  at  the 
extremities  than  at  the  heart,  and  one  outstanding  fact  about  the  War 
is  that,  while  demonstrating  the  virility  and  resources  of  Great  Britain, 
it  has  plainly  shown  the  desire  of  the  overseas  dominions  to  be  regarded 
not  merely  as  auxiliaries  but  as  partners  in  the  business  of  empire. 

THE  main  difficulty  as  to  the  next  step  is  that  of  modifying  relations 
which  seem  to  be  a  natural  growth,  owing  little  to  calculated  policy. 
Some  of  our  clearest  thinkers  are  convinced  that  an 
organic  change  is  necessary.  On  the  other  hand  there  are 
many  people  who  incline  to  the  view  that  so  satisfactory 
a  growth  does  not  need  any  artificial  stimulus.  They  do  not,  we  think, 
make  sufficient  allowance  for  the  influence  on  that  growth  which  has 
been  exerted  for  many  years  past  by  organised  bodies  of  opinion 
working  by  divers  means,  but  on  similar  lines,  towards  the  unity  of  the 
Empire,  and  perhaps  they  have  not  sufficiently  considered  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  creation  by  definite  acts  of  the  subordinate  federations 
which  form  part  of  the  imperial  whole.  It  seems  an  appropriate  time, 
therefore,  at  which  to  recall  some  of  the  work  that  has  been  done, 
and  we  publish  in  this  issue,  from  an  authoritative  pen,  an  account  of 
the  Imperial  Federation  League,  as  the  first  of  a  series  of  articles  on 
"  Kindred  Societies — Past  and  Present ".  In  any  fresh  movement 
towards  organic  union  there  is  much  to  be  learnt  from  experience, 
while  failure  to  secure  definite  results  in  the  past  need  not  dis- 
courage anyone.  Lord  Milner,  in  a  speech  which  we  shall  record  next 
month,  has  urged  that  the  war-settlement  should  be  considered  by 
the  Empire  in  council — perhaps  this  is  "the  next  step." 

BOTH  in  private  and  in  national  life  it  is  difficult  to  steer  between 

the  Scylla  of  diffidence  and  the  Charybdis  of  boastfulness,  and  it  is  a 

singular  paradox  of  British  character  that  many  men  are 

at  the  same  time  inclined  to  depreciate  their  country 

and  to  be  inordinately  puffed  up  by  the  mere  fact  of 

belonging  to  it.     Perhaps  in  the  last  few  months  some  of  us  have 

erred  on  the  second  side,  moved  by  the  picturesqueness  of  our  imperial 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  239 

rally  to  the  flag.  Splendid  as  this  is,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that, 
with  all  that  our  country  is  doing,  she  is  probably  not  pulling  her  full 
weight  in  the  boat.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  she  is  prose- 
cuting the  greatest  war  she  has  ever  entered,  making  the  most  herculean 
efforts,  improvising  armies  of  millions  out  of  a  nucleus  of  a  few  thousands 
and  keeping  up  her  control  of  the  world's  oceans — and  all  without 
appreciably  disturbing  the  comfort  of  the  civilian  population.  As 
far  as  Great  Britain  is  concerned,  outside  a  few  military  centres  it 
is  hard  to  realise  that  a  war  is  going  on.  This  immunity  is  due  to 
our  island  position,  and  it  is  part  of  our  "  goodly  heritage  ".  Thanks 
to  sea  power  most  of  the  dominions  are  equally  fortunate.  But  to 
our  allies — to  Russia,  France,  Belgium,  and  Serbia — the  war  takes  on  a 
far  more  intimate  and  deadly  aspect.  In  Great  Britain  defence  has 
traditionally  been  the  work  of  a  small  professional  minority — paid 
(at  a  low  rate)  for  their  services.  With  all  the  gallant  response  of 
the  voluntary  forces,  who  are  already  making  such  a  brave  show,  it  is 
but  a  tithe  of  her  manhood  that  the  Empire  has  contributed.  Russia, 
France,  Belgium,  and  Serbia  are  putting  practically  every  able-bodied 
man  into  the  field. 

IT  is  Britain's  special  mission,  therefore — since  it  is  very  doubtful 
if  her  army  could  be  usefully  increased  and  trained  at  a  greater  pace — 

to  manufacture  munitions  of  war,  while  the  dominions 
J0^  do  their  best  to  increase  supplies  of  food.  Britain 

has  always  laid  great  stress  on  the  advantages  to 
manufactures  of  her  voluntary  system — no  dislocation  of  industries 
through  conscription.  The  recent  declaration  of  Lord  Kitchener 
that  he  has  actually  been  hampered  by  trade  disputes,  strikes,  and 
the  restriction  of  the  output, of  munitions  of  war  comes,  therefore,  as 
a  blow  to  national  pride.  Surely,  if  all  the  able-bodied  men  are 
not  fighting,  at  least  they  are  all  working  to  help  to  bring  victory 
nearer.  "  Business  as  usual "  has  this  as  its  only  true  justification. 
But  the  blame  for  this  hitch  in  the  machinery  cannot  be  too  hastily 
laid  on  the  shoulders  of  the  workers.  When  war  was  declared,  industrial 
disputes,  of  which  several  were  in  progress  or  pending,  were  at  once 
dropped.  They  were  only  revived,  we  believe,  because  an  impression 
was  gaining  ground  that  the  crisis  of  the  war,  so  far  as  British  troops 
are  concerned,  is  past.  The  truth  is,  it  is  only  just  beginning,  and 
the  first  week's  advance  cost  600  casualties  in  officers  alone.  That  this 
was  the  price  of  progress  must  not  obscure  the  fact  that  the  Allies  are 

R  2 


240  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

obviously  far  from  being  out  of  the  wood.  Had  the  Government 
found  it  possible  to  take  the  country  more  fully  into  its  confidence 
at  an  earlier  date,  some  of  this  trouble  might  have  been  avoided,  but 
this  war  has  been  from  the  beginning,  and  on  both  sides,  largely  a  war 
of  concealment.  Now  the  Government  have  intervened  between 
employers  and  employed  that  the  latter  may  not  feel  that  they  are  being 
unduly  exploited.  Concessions  will  have  to  be  made  by  the  workers, 
for  Trade  Union  rules  as  to  restriction  of  output  must  be  suspended 
in  the  interests  of  rapid  production,  while  employers  will  probably 
have  to  submit  to  a  reduction  of  profits  which,  where  new  machinery 
has  been  laid  down,  may  be  difficult  to  calculate  fairly.  Both  sides, 
however,  have  fallen  into  line,  and  even  those  who  object,  on 
principle,  to  the  State  control  of  industry  must  acknowledge  that 
no  alternative  offered,  and  that  our  national  honour  was  at  stake. 

IT  is  a  little  difficult  for  the  lay  reader  to  understand  the  exact 

nature  of  the  situation  created  by  the  British  and  French  declaration 

as  to  restraints  upon  trade  with  Germany.     The  word 

B  JMavai      <(  blockade  "   which  has  a  definite  significance  in  naval 

Situation.         ,  •  1    1   i_     •»*•       A       -.LI     i 

language,  was  avoided  by  Mr.   Asquith,  but  used  by 

Sir  E.  Grey.  It  had  already  been  recklessly  misused  by  Germany, 
for  it  involves  procedure  which  she  has  neither  the  intention  nor  the 
ability  to  follow.  Notably  she  cannot  fulfil  the  laws  of  blockade, 
whereby  it  is  the  duty  of  the  blockading  ship  to  bring  the  captured 
merchant  vessel  before  a  prize  court,  thus  ensuring  not  only  the  safety 
of  the  crew  but  redress  and  compensation  for  neutral  owners  in  case 
of  mistakes.  The  submarine  does  not  always  notify  its  presence ;  it  can 
never  send  a  prize  crew  on  board,  and  can  seldom  take  its  capture  into 
port.  On  several  occasions  the  attack  has  been  delivered  without  warn- 
ing ;  even  where  this  has  not  been  the  case,  the  crew  have  invariably  had 
to  shift  for  themselves.  These  are  really  pirate  tactics,  not  civilised 
naval  warfare,  and  the  result  has  been  miserably  incommensurate 
either  with  German  boasting  or  with  the  loss  of  honour  and  dignity 
involved.  The  Franco-British  retaliatory  measures  are,  at  present, 
in  a  somewhat  nebulous  state,  though  two  or  three  seizures  have 
already  been  made.  The  Orders  in  Council  confer  upon  the  British 
and  French  executive  officers  powers  which  they  may,  or  may  not, 
see  fit  to  use  to  the  full.  Submarine  warfare  and  German  disregard 
of  international  law  have  made  it  impossible  to  conduct  this  war  on 
any  previously  accepted  lines,  and  it  is  undesirable  to  emulate  Germany 
by  making  war  on  paper.  The  intention  is  to  inconvenience  neutral 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  241 

countries  as  little  as  possible,  but  they  may  reasonably  wish  to 
know  definitely  what  they  are  to  expect,  and  the  British  Empire 
would  welcome  a  definite  assurance  that,  so  far  as  the  British  Fleet 
can  effect  it,  Germany  is  cut  ofi  from  outside  supplies. 

AT  the  time  of  writing,  the  operations  in  the  Dardanelles  surpass 
in  interest  even  that  forward  movement  on  the  western  war-line 
for  which  we  have  been  eagerly  watching,  and  which 
Towards  seems  to  have  begun  victoriously  at  Neuve  Chapelle 
and  in  Champagne.  The  attack  on  the  Dardanelles 
forts  would  not  have  been  seriously  attempted  a  few 
years  back ;  for  it  was  held,  until  recently,  that  guns  on  ships  cannot 
successfully  cope  with  guns  in  forts.  With  the  development  of  ships 
carrying  long-range  guns — anything  under  20,000  yards  for  the  larger 
ones — and  the  possibility  of  directing  the  fire  by  means  of  aircraft 
on  invisible  targets,  the  whole  conditions  are  altered,  and  it  is  yet 
another  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  modern  artillery  can  reduce 
any  type  of  fortress.  The  importance  of  opening  the  Black  Sea 
does  not,  as  is  sometimes  assumed,  lie  mainly  in  the  release  of  Russian 
wheat,  but  in  the  necessity  for  a  channel  through  which  arms  and 
ammunition  can  reach  the  vast  Russian  forces.  Save  for  Archangel, 
Russia  is  locked  in ;  and  when  war  broke  out,  the  northern  port  had 
but  a  single  narrow-gauge  line  to  connect  it  with  the  interior.  But 
when  munitions  of  war  pour  in,  corn  and  oil  can  flow  out,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Allies  and  to  the  great  advantage  of  Russian  trade 
and  finance.  The  historic  objections  of  France  and  Britain  to  a 
Russian  occupation  of  Constantinople  are  now  declared  by  some 
writers  to  have  always  been  pointless.  It  is,  however,  a  matter  of 
perspective ;  and  moreover,  since  Turkey  sealed  her  own  fate — and 
incidentally  that  of  Persia  also — by  her  adherence  to  Germany,  the 
whole  of  the  Middle  Eastern  question  was  bound  to  go  into  the  melting- 
pot.  Under  the  new  conditions  Great  Britain  can  ensure  fully  her 
route  to  India  and  the  East  and  the  security  of  her  Indian  frontiers 
which  were  always  her  main  objectives. 

THE  rights  of  Britain  in  the  Persian  Gulf  are  not,  as  a  rule,  clearly 

understood.     Germany   tried   to    obtain   a    foothold   there   through 

Turkey,  instigating  that  Power  to  put  forward  claims 

•itain  and     to  Koweit,  to  the  island  of  Halul,  or  to  the  pearl  fisheries, 

Gulf  simply  that  these  might  be  passed  on  to  German  hands. 

But  Turkey  had,  in  fact,   no  recognised  standing  in 

any  of  these.     The  British  East  India  Company,  first  established  at 


242  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

Jask  in  1618,  took  the  Portuguese  city  and  island  of  Ormuz  in  1622, 
and  agreed  by  treaty  with  Persia  to  keep  men-of-war  to  police  the 
gulf.  Turkey  did  not  reach  and  capture  Basra  till  1668,  and  has  never 
been  the  master  of  the  Arabian  shores  of  the  Gulf,  although  maps  show 
it  as  part  of  the  Turkish  Empire.  Koweit  did  not  acknowledge  Turkish 
suzerainty,  although  it  is  understood  that  Great  Britain  was  prepared 
to  do  so,  with  certain  stipulations,  by  the  Anglo-Turkish  agreement 
which  the  War  interrupted.  In  the  struggle  between  the  two  Arab 
houses  of  Wahabis  the  Turks  were  in  1913  driven  out  of  Eastern 
Arabia,  over  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  they  had  only  established  a 
most  slender  hold  as  late  as  1873.  Nevertheless,  their  shadowy  claims 
to  dominions  in  the  Gulf  were  used  to  bargain  with  in  the  negotiations 
with  Britain  which  terminated  with  the  War.  The  charting  and 
lighting  of  the  Gulf  was  begun  by  the  Indian  Navy  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  is  solely  British  work,  while  the  suppression  of  piracy 
made  trading  possible  and  took  many  years.  The  task  of  abolishing 
the  slave  trade  is  still  unfinished,  and  is  one  of  the  heaviest  involved 
in  our  policing  of  the  Gulf.  The  story  of  the  Baghdad  Railway  is  told 
elsewhere  in  this  issue  of  the  JOURNAL.  Hitherto  our  policy  has  avoided 
any  territorial  acquisition,  and  we  had  every  possible  right  to  object 
to  the  establishment  of  another  Power  in  this  region,  but,  with  the 
inevitable  break  up  of  Turkey  a  change  is  necessary,  and  we  shall 
be  forced  in  the  Middle  East,  as  in  Egypt,  to  put  our  position  on 
a  more  definite  footing.  So  much  for  Germany  as  an  Empire  builder— 
for  others. 

ALTHOUGH  our  principal  business  is  still  the  prosecution  of  the  War, 
some  of  us  may  profitably  begin  to  consider  the  problems  which 

will  arise  after  the  conclusion  of  hostilities.     A  new 

mp  oymen     departure   of    considerable  interest    and    importance 

Men  after         ^as  ^een  ta^en  by  the  Council  of  the  Institute  in  the 

the  War.  appointment   of    a    Committee,    with    the   President, 

Chairman,  and  Honorary  Secretary  as  ex-officio  mem- 
bers, to  discuss  the  question  of  the  employment  of  ex-Service 
men  on  the  land  or  otherwise,  at  home  and  overseas,  after  the  War. 
This  is  the  outcome  of  a  largely  attended  and  influential  meeting  of 
Fellows,  which  was  arranged  by  the  War  Services  Committee  and 
took  place  on  March  4 — Earl  Grey  being  in  the  chair.  The  subject 
was  debated  from  many  points  of  view  by  several  well-known 
speakers,  representing  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  complete  un- 
animity prevailed  as  to  the  necessity  of  some  preparation  being  made 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  243 

for  the  state  of  things  which  will  undoubtedly  occur  when  peace  is 
proclaimed  and  large  numbers  of  men  are  returning  to  civil  employ- 
ment. It  is,  of  course,  understood  by  the  promoters  of  the  scheme 
that  various  other  leagues  and  societies  have  already  broken  ground 
in  the  same  direction,  but  they  feel  that  there  is  urgent  need  for  con- 
certed action,  which  a  strong  committee,  with  the  Institute  and 
the  Standing  Emigration  Committee  behind  it,  may  succeed  in  bringing 
about.  The  key-note  of  the  movement  was  recently  struck  by  the 
Standard,  which  said  that  "  the  question  involved  was  a  truly 
Imperial  one,  and  should  be  approached  by  the  Governments  of  all 
parts  of  the  Empire  in  the  spirit  of  joint  enterprise,  so  that  supply 
and  demand  may  be  brought  together."  Elsewhere  in  this  issue 
are  given  the  names  of  the  Committee,  which  has  already  held  a 
preliminary  meeting. 

AN  impenetrable  mist  of  official  reticence  still  shrouds  the  campaign 
on  the  Eastern  front.  Behind  the  cloud,  which  drapes  a  ravaged 

Poland,  one  perceives  dimly  marches  and  counter- 
z,  e  marches  in  the  field,  claims  and  counterclaims  in 

Campaign  communiques ;  but  certain  facts  emerge  indisputably 

from  the  chaos  and  conjecture  of  the  shifting  fronts. 
The  renewed  German  offensive  against  Warsaw  has  again  failed,  and 
the  hero-worshippers  of  von  Hindenburg  in  Berlin  must  recognise  re- 
luctantly that  his  gains  in  territory  have  been  small,  his  losses  in  men 
terribly  heavy.  His  strategy  has  endeavoured  to  break  through  the 
Russian  line  and  to  envelop  the  Russian  armies  of  the  north,  but  in 
both  cases  he  met  with  temporary  success  and  ultimate  failure.  The 
long  Russian  line  from  the  Baltic  to  Bukowina  was  retired  and  shortened ; 
it  now  advances  again,  and  the  Germans  admit  that  the  Russian 
troops  once  more  have  been  in  East  Prussia,  at  Memel  and  Tilsit. 
Clearly  Germany  is  unable  to  protect  its  own  frontier  on  the  Baltic 
coast,  and  the  fact  is  tacitly  admitted  by  the  announcement  that  for 
every  village  destroyed  by  the  Russians  in  East  Prussia,  the  Germans 
will  destroy  three  in  Russian  Poland.  An  enemy  that  is  sure  of  its 
ground  does  not  indulge  in  such  methods,  which  in  any  event  are 
unlikely  to  impress  the  Russians,  seeing  that  the  Germans  have  already 
spread  destruction  far  and  wide  in  Poland  without  provocation  given. 
The  territory  occupied  by  their  troops  is  already  wilderness,  and  one 
cannot  destroy  towns  twice  over  in  a  few  weeks.  The  Vistula  still 
remains  impassable,  although  thousands  of  men  have  been  wasted 
in  the  effort  to  cross  it, 


244  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

FARTHER  south,  along  the  Austro-Russian  front,  the  fall  of  the 
Austrian  fortress  of  Przemysl  has  released  a  large  Russian  army  for 

further  operations  and  given  them  the  command  of 

y      the  main,  and  indeed  the  only,  through  railway  route  to 

Balkans  Cracow.     But  east  of  Galicia,  in  Bukowina,  whatever 

has  happened  to  the  combatants,  truth  has  fled 
from  the  Austrian  despatches.  The  Russians  have  admitted  the 
evacuation  of  Czernowitz,  the  capital  of  the  province,  and  the 
Austrians  some  time  ago  claimed  to  have  re-occupied  that  city ; 
but  now  we  are  told  that  a  strong  Austrian  offensive  is  preparing 
with  Bukowina  as  its  objective.  This  is  another  example  of  the 
fantastic  nature  of  the  Austrian  official  reports,  which  deserve  to  be 
read  mainly  for  the  imaginative  faculties  of  their  compilers.  On  the 
Carpathians  silence  has  descended  with  the  snows  :  the  fate  of  Hungary 
hangs  in  the  balance,  but  no  statement  has  been  issued  on  either  side, 
and  the  communications  which  appear  in  the  London  Press  from 
neutral  correspondents  in  Budapest  contain  little  news  of  actual 
operations  in  the  north  of  Hungary.  Presumably  the  capital  is  as 
ignorant  as  the  rest  of  the  world  of  the  trend  of  events.  Roumania 
still  hangs  indecisive  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  Hungary,  and  the  days 
that  might  be  spent  in  effective  military  movements  in  the  Balkans 
are  wasted  in  political  discussions  and  the  ancient  pastime  of  watching 
one's  neighbour.  A  renewal  of  the  Balkan  League  has  been  urged, 
and  even  accomplished  in  the  imagination  of  some  of  the  Balkan 
newspapers,  whose  ardour  is  only  equalled  by  their  inaccuracy,  but 
the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles,  which  has  sent  a  thrill  of  aspiration 
through  the  whole  Near  East,  has  not  at  the  time  of  writing,  forced 
matters  to  a  decisive  issue  in  any  of  the  Balkan  Cabinets.  Yet  it  is  being 
made  clear  by  unequivocal  signs  that  timorous  neutrality  will  have  little 
profit  from  a  tardy  decision  to  come  down  on  the  right  side  of  the  fence 
after  the  event.  Whichever  side  wins,  the  victor  will  have  no  lack  of 
friends  at  the  Peace  Conference,  but  only  those  who  have  borne  the 
burden  and  heat  of  the  day  will  obtain  the  reward  of  their  labour. 

FROM  Bulgaria  comes  no  sign  of  movement,  either  of  agreement 

with  Roumania  or  of  friendship  with  Austria.     Greece  has  passed 

through  a  Cabinet  crisis,  her  Court  remaining  strongly 

Position  of     pro-German  and  her  people  anxious  to  share  in  the 

rr?6yf  attack  on  the  Turk — a  dangerous  division  of  interests 

which  may  yet  lead  to  internal  trouble  and  has  already 

led  to  impotence  in  international  policy.     The  Grecian  Cabinet  which 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  245 

resigned  office  has  explained  to  the  world  at  large  its  desire  to  join 
in  the  campaign  in  Asia  Minor  and  to  seize  Smyrna,  traditionally  as 
Hellenic  a  city  as  Latakia,  which  masks  its  ancient  identity  as  Laodicea 
under  the  fame  of  a  modern  narcotic.  The  principal  islands  which 
fringe  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor — Mitylene,  Chios,  Lemnos,  and  Samos 
—are  already  Greek.  But  the  Grecian  army  is  too  small  to  play 
the  part  even  of  a  makeweight  in  the  tremendous  developments 
in  Asia  Minor,  and  the  fate  of  Smyrna  lies  in  the  hands  of  the 
British.  Italy,  which  occupies  Rhodes,  and  also  has  traditional  aspira- 
tions, watches  developments  with  strained  interest,  while  Germany 
induces  Austria  to  offer  her  Adriatic  territory  and  so  secure  her  con- 
tinued neutrality.  Every  day  gained  by  the  Germanic  Powers  in 
delaying  the  decision  at  Rome  is  a  success  for  Berlin,  and  Prince  von 
Billow's  diplomacy  will  have  justified  itself  if  it  hinders  even  for  a 
time  the  participation  of  Germany's  quondam  ally ;  but  the  case  of 
Italy  is  different  from  that  of  the  Balkan  States.  The  neutrality  of 
the  latter  was  and  is  nothing  ;  the  neutrality  of  Italy  was  a  formidable 
decision  which  destroyed  the  Triple  Alliance  at  the  start.  Italy,  there- 
fore, is  the  only  neutral  whose  neutrality  is  an  active  act  which  will 
count  at  the  settlement. 

THE  arrival  of  General  Botha  at  Luderitzbucht  (in  future  to  resume 
its  old  name  of  Angra  Pequena)  marked  what  may  be  called  the  official 
rpke  opening  of  the  campaign  in  German  South- West  Africa, 

Campaign  though  much  had  been  accomplished  even  while  the 
in  German  rebellion  was  still  in  progress.  The  Commander-in- 
South-West  Chief  reached  that  port  on  February  8,  and  travelled 
by  rail  to  Chaukaib,  forty-five  miles  inland,  where  he 
reviewed  two  brigades,  largely  composed  of  English  troops,  and  was 
received  with  unbounded  enthusiasm,  the  men  breaking  ranks  after 
the  parade,  and  cheering  him  again  and  again  as  his  train  steamed 
away.  The  following  day  he  proceeded  to  Walfisch  Bay,  where  most 
of  the  Dutch  burghers  had  recently  been  landed,  and  inspected  the 
force  drawn  up  on  the  outskirts  of  the  settlement.  On  the  10th, 
escorted  by  H.M.S.  Astrcea,  he  went  on  to  Swakopmund,  with  the 
main  headquarters  staff ;  and  a  fortnight  later,  in  command  of  the 
northern  Union  contingent,  occupied  Nonidas  and  Goanikontes,  where 
some  prisoners  were  taken,  without  any  casualties.  Meanwhile,  Sir 
Duncan  McKenzie,  operating  from  the  Angra  Pequena  base  with  the 
central  column,  advanced  to  Garub,  and  captured  that  important  post, 
where  there  is  an  excellent  water  supply.  A  third  force  entered  German 


246  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

territory,  by  way  of  Schuitdrift,  over  the  Orange  River,  and  met  with 
but  little  opposition.  Subsequently  the  centre  of  interest  shifted 
temporarily  to  Cape  Town,  where  Parliament  has  been  in  session 
since  February  26,  occupied  for  the  most  part  with  the  discussion  of 
the  Indemnity  Bill,  which  passed  its  second  reading  (by  70  votes  to 
15)  on  March  17.  The  outstanding  features  of  the  debate,  says  a 
South  African  correspondent,  were  "  the  severe  condemnation  of 
General  Hertzog's  silence,  and  the  glowing  tributes  to  General  Botha's 
loyalty  ".  Further  intelligence  has  since  been  received  of  the  successful 
advance  inland  of  the  northern,  central,  and  southern  forces,  whose 
combined  movements  will  be  followed  with  the  deepest  interest  both 
at  home  and  in  the  Union. 

THE  rejection  by  the  House  of  Lords  of  the  Proclamation  arising 
out  of  the  India  Councils  Bill  is  an  event  whose  importance  has  been 
somewhat  obscured  by  the  clouds  of  war.  When  the 
The  India  j$i\\  was  introduced  in  1909  it  contained  a  clause 
empowering  the  Government  of  India  to  create  by  pro- 
clamation an  executive  Council  for  any  Province  ad- 
ministered by  a  Lieutenant- Governor,  such  Councils  having,  with  the 
exception  of  Behar  and  Orissa,  been  confined  to  Provinces  controlled 
by  Governors  appointed  from  England.  This  clause  represented  a 
desire  to  increase  the  representative  element  in  Indian  administration, 
but  it  was  severely  criticised  by  some  of  the  ablest  Indian  administra- 
tors, and  was  rejected  by  the  House  of  Lords.  Eventually,  however, 
a  compromise  was  agreed  to,  whereby  any  proclamation  of  the  kind 
indicated  in  the  clause  should  be  considered  on  its  individual  merits, 
by  being  laid  on  the  table  in  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  for  a  period 
of  sixty  days,  and  being  rejected,  if  desired,  on  an  Address  to  the 
Crown  from  a  member  of  either  House.  At  the  end  of  March  1914 
the  Government  of  India  proposed  to  give  a  Council  to  the  United 
Provinces  of  Agra  and  Oudh — a  proposal  only  carried  by  a  majority 
of  one  in  the  Viceroy's  Council.  For  reasons  which  are  by  no  means 
clear,  this  Proclamation  was  recently  laid  before  Parliament  without 
any  accompanying  papers,  but  there  are  too  many  ex-Indian  ad- 
ministrators in  the  House  of  Lords  for  it  to  pass  unchallenged.  Apart 
from  general  principles,  local  circumstances  seem  specially  adverse 
to  such  a  change  in  the  United  Provinces,  where  great  hostility  exists 
between  Hindus  and  Mohammedans.  One  Member  of  Council  would 
be  a  native  of  India,  and  the  choice  could  not  fail  to  offend  one  half 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  247 

of  the  population.  The  ruling  chiefs  concerned,  and  the  majority 
of  the  land-owning  class,  have  declared  against  the  proposal.  Lord 
Macdonnell  accordingly  moved  an  address  praying  the  Royal  Assent 
should  be  withheld  from  the  Proclamation  on  the  grounds  that  it  is 
of  a  most  controversial  character,  and  this  motion  was  carried.  What- 
ever may  be  individual  opinions  as  to  the  merits  of  the  question,  most 
people  will  agree  that  this  is  not  a  suitable  time  in  which  to  attempt 
alterations  in  the  structure  of  our  Indian  administration. 

The  Times  gave,  the  other  day,  a  summarised  report  of  the  work 
which  has  been  done  so  far  by  the  Foreign  Trade  Debts  Committee, 

appointed    three  months  ago  to  assist  by  advances 
State  those  traders  who  were  unable  to  realise  debts  owing 

Re  le  o.  j.Q  £kem  abroad  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities.  Attention 
Debts  was  drawn  m  UNITED  EMPIRE  to  the  formation  of  the 

Committee,  consisting  of  representatives  of  the  Treasury 
and  the  Joint  Stock  Banks  ;  and,  in  agreement  with  the  views  of  experts 
on  the  subject,  it  was  then  anticipated  that  a  large  demand  would  arise 
for  the  good  offices  of  the  Committee  whose  operations  seemed  likely 
to  cover  a  very  large  field.  Contrary  to  expectations,  the  two  thousand 
applications  hitherto  received,  although  they  are  widely  distributed 
over  the  trades  requiring  assistance  and  the  countries  whence  the  debts 
were  due,  only  amounted  in  the  aggregate  to  less  than  £2,000,000  : 
the  original  estimate  had  been  anything  from  five  to  fifty  times  as 
much.  Naturally  the  greatest  difficulties  have  arisen  in  the  case  of 
debtors  in  the  belligerent  countries,  whose  accounts  amount  to  more 
than  one  half  the  total  trading  debts  reviewed  by  the  Committee. 
Small  traders  do  not  appear  to  have  taken  much  advantage  of  the 
scheme  of  assistance,  which  may  in  individual  cases  reach  50  per  cent, 
of  the  debts  unrealisable.  On  the  other  hand,  many  of  the  applications 
have  been  for  large  amounts,  and  the  total  of  advances  made  to  tide 
over  the  period  of  difficulty— amounting  in  all  to  £892,447— include 
large  items  granted  to  yarn,  wool,  and  cotton  merchants  (who  received 
nearly  half  the  total  grants),  to  shipping  merchants,  and  to  general 
exporters.  Generally  speaking,  the  scheme  may  be  said  to  have 
proved  very  successful ;  and  the  facilities  offered  under  the  guarantee 
of  the  Committee  have  been  a  real  boon  to  many  traders  who  would 
otherwise  have  suffered  much  from  their  inability  to  collect  their 
debts  abroad,  and  from  the  consequent  shrinkage  of  a  considerable 
proportion  of  their  trading  capital. 


248  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

THE  Fates  could  scarcely  have  ordained  more  unfortunate  con- 
ditions for  the  Panama-Pacific  Industrial  Exhibition,  which  has  just 
been  formally  opened  at  San  Francisco.     International 
The  San          features  which  had  been  projected  for  the  ceremonial  of 

T"1  *  JL  « 

*ts  mauguration,  notably  the  great  gathering  of  the  war- 
ships of  all  nations,  have,  of  course,  become  impossible, 
and  the  effects  of  the  world-wide  conflict  must  continuously  be  felt 
during  the  year.  Few  Americans  will  cross  the  Atlantic  on  pleasure 
bent  during  this  summer ;  fewer  still  will  probably  be  the  number 
of  Europeans  visiting  the  great  industrial  exposition  on  which  so 
much  expenditure  of  skill,  enterprise,  and  money  has  been  made. 
Curiously  enough,  it  may  be  remembered,  Great  Britain  and  Germany 
are  not  officially  represented,  nor  have  they  buildings  of  their  own. 
Owing  to  the  efforts  of  the  British  Committee,  however,  exhibits 
of  considerable  importance  are  being  made  by  individual  firms  who 
recognise  the  possibilities  of  extending  their  trade  in  the  countries 
which  will  enjoy  greater  accessibility  owing  to  the  Panama  Canal. 
More  than  thirty  countries  are  officially  participating  in  the  Exhibition, 
including  the  Governments  of  all  of  the  Dominions. 

ON  somewhat  similar  lines  there  is  a  prospect  of  considerable 
encouragement  being  afforded  to  the  wider  cultivation  of  tobacco  of 
.  the  American  type  in  the  British  Colonies.    Nyassaland, 

Tobacc  Rhodesia,  and  more  recently  Canada,  are  increasingly 

producing  tobacco  which  is  rapidly  finding  favour  in 
the  United  Kingdom.  The  evidence  given  before  the  Royal  Dominions 
Commissioners  shows  that  very  favourable  conditions  and  consider- 
able resources  exist  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire — awaiting 
development.  The  presence  of  large  contingents  from  the  Dominions 
among  the  forces  soon  to  be  in  the  field,  the  fine  quality  of  the 
produce  hitherto  grown,  and  the  possibilities  arising  out  of  the  war, 
have  prompted  action  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  Institute  which 
has  met  with  ready  and  favourable  response  from  Lord  Kitchener. 
Colonial  tobaccos  have  not  hitherto  been  included  in  War  Office 
specifications  ;  but  as  a  result  of  this  appeal  the  Secretary  for  War 
has  now  modified  War  Office  conditions,  so  as  to  enable  satisfactory 
qualities  grown  in  the  Colonies  and  Protectorates  to  be  utilised 
for  the  service  of  the  troops  if  the  tenders  are  satisfactory.  Un- 
fortunately, however,  Rhodesian  tobacco,  which  has  an  assured  place 
in  the  European  market,  has  not  found  official  favour.  It  is  to  be 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  249 

regretted  if  a  short-sighted  desire  to  affect  a  trifling  economy  is  the 
reason  for  this,  for  Rhodesia  has  earned  a  right  to  expect  sympathy 
and  encouragement. 

THERE  is  abundant  evidence  forthcoming  to  show  that  much 
more  than  ample  compensation  for  the  slight  set-back  experienced  in 
the  Dominions'  wheat  harvests  of  the  present  season 
w^  ^e  provided  during  the  course  of  next  year.  For 
patriotic  purposes  every  available  acre  in  Canada  is 
to  be  seeded.  The  Canadian  Department  of  Agriculture  has  recog- 
nised the  supreme  necessity  of  still  further  making  Canada  "  the 
Granary  of  the  Empire",  and  is  holding  a  campaign  in  favour  of 
increased  production.  It  has  also  produced  in  this  connection  an 
"Agricultural  War  Book."  An  abundant  rainfall,  and  the  weather 
conditions  generally  prevailing  last  autumn,  have  been  entirely 
favourable  to  an  increase  of  wheat  acreage,  and  the  Government  is 
taking  steps  to  assist  any  farmers  who  may,  unfortunately,  be  unable 
to  provide  their  own  seed.  It  is  estimated  that  at  least  one  million 
acres  will  be  added  to  the  wheat-bearing  areas.  The  enormous 
demands  which  must  be  the  inevitable  result  of  the  struggle  in 
Europe,  where  agricultural  operations  have  been  impossible  over  large 
territories  hitherto  devoted  to  cereal  production,  will  provide  a  certain 
and  profitable  market.  Already  large  orders  have  been  placed  by  the 
Government  of  Greece,  and  even  the  opening  of  the  Dardanelles  for  the 
passage  of  Russian  wheat  will  not  alter  the  fact  that  there  must  be 
a  check  to  production  in  the  Old  World  which  will  have  to  be  redressed, 
—to  paraphrase  a  famous  sentence — by  calling  up  the  resources  of  the 
New.  Elevator  and  storage  facilities  are  rapidly  being  extended, 
and  the  prospects  of  a  marked  increase  in  Canada's  contribution  to 
British  food  supplies  are  distinctly  promising.  Large  additions  to 
wheat  acreage  are  also  being  recognised  as  a  vital  necessity  in  Austral- 
asia, in  India,  and  other  cereal-producing  portions  of  the  Empire. 


250 


THE  AEROPLANE  AND  WAR. 

IN  1902,  standing  before  an  engraving  of  the  Battle  of  Worth,  Col.  Henderson,* 
the  most  brilliant  exponent  of  Military  Art  and  Science  the  British  Army 
has  had  for  generations,  remarked  to  the  writer,  "  That,  please  God,  is  the 
death  of  cavalry  ".  Heresy  unutterable  to  the  cavalryman,  have  a  dozen 
years  proved  it  sound  prophecy  ?  Will  our  ultimate  descendants,  looking 
back  from  the  calm  existence  of  an  age  when  wars  have  ceased,  tell  how  the 
Iron  Age  was  ended  and  ousted  by  the  Oil  Age,  and  how  chivalry — chevalerie 
— vanished  from  the  battlefield  with  the  Horse,  done  to  death  by  the  vafrous 
Hun  ?  At  least  there  is  one  thing  certain  about  the  ending,  if  end  it  be,  of 
the  centuries  of  the  Iron  Age,  and  that  is  it  has  brought  about  once  again  in 
human  history  the  apotheosis  of  the  spade. 

In  the  South  African  War  the  inherent  instinct  of  the  Boer  led  him  to  hide 
and  to  run.  The  British  instinct  was  to  mass  and  to  rush.  The  evolution  of 
the  weapon  had  advanced  to  a  stage  ahead  of  any  corresponding  evolution  of 
defensive  method  as  practised  in  time  of  peace.  We  had  our  lesson.  From 
the  roughly  chipped  flint  to  the  last  scientific  miracle  of  twentieth-century 
foundries  is  a  far  cry,  yet  man  has  discovered  no  better  protection  from  the 
last  than  he  had  from  the  first — the  earth  bank  and  the  hole  in  the  ground.  If 
the  Boer  War  proved  the  case  for  the  spade,  the  coming  of  the  aeroplane  has 
enforced  it.  Dig  in  or  die.  So  one  remembers  as  an  outstanding  feature 
of  divisional  training  in  1912  the  march  out  of  camp  in  the  evening,  the  night 
spent  digging  in,  that  when  the  dawn  called  those  strangest  of  early  birds 
from  Lark  Hill  no  unit  should  remain  exposed  to  act  the  part  of  worm.  Trenches 
had  been  dug  before,  but  not  with  this  weird  new  factor  in  the  game,  the  "  air- 
bus ",  to  give  a  very  clear  and  definite  warning  of  the  fate  in  store  for  heedless 
folk  when  the  grimmest  of  make-believe  should  give  place  to  grimmer  reality. 
Just  two  years  and  mimic  battle  was  exchanged  for  actual  war,  and  one  looks 
back  on  those  drenching  days  upon  the  Plain  that  seemed  such  utter  discomfort 
then,  and  would  be  most  luxurious  change  from  the  bitter  work  in  the  trenches 
to-day. 

And  the  aeroplane  has,  in  every  sense,  arrived. 

At  the  outbreak  of  war  little  or  no  evidence  was  to  hand  which  allowed 
any  estimate  of  its  military  possibilities  and  limitations  to  be  made,  except 
those  of  a  highly  speculative  nature.  Aeroplanes  had  been  used  in  the  Balkan 
War,  in  Mexico,  and  in  Tripoli.  The  Bulgarian  Army  had  a  Balloon  and 
Aeroplane  Section.  Serbia  had  also  its  formations  d'atrostiers.  Greece 
possessed  some  Maurice-Farmans  and  a  few  other  machines.  Turkey,  with 
her  lavish  expenditure  on  material  and  insane  disregard  of  its  preservation, 
had  no  pilots  of  any  practical  use,  even  had  she  aeroplanes  other  than  derelict 
through  neglect.  It  was  known  that  a  Greek  pilot  after  his  machine  had  been 
hit  had  got  home  safely  with  bullet  holes  through  the  fabric.  Otherwise  the 

*  The  late  Lieut. -Col.  G.  F.  R.  Henderson,  C.B.,  official  historian  of  the  South  African  War, 
author  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  The  Science  of  War,  &o. 


THE  AEROPLANE  [AND  WAR.  251 

new  instrument  of  war  had  been  too  little  used,  and  still  less  observed,  to 
give  any  proof  of  its  limitations.  One  could  not  definitely  state  what  it  might 
do,  only  postulate  its  possibilities  as  a  valuable  aid  to  reconnaissance,  and 
argue — to  take  an  instance  at  random — that  if  the  opposing  forces  in  March 
1862  had  possessed  air-scouts  the  battle  of  Kernstown  must  have  had  a  different 
effect  upon  the  Confederate  War.  The  Southern  troops  would  not  have 
expected  an  easy  victory,  for  their  General  would  have  known  that  he  was  up 
against  more  than  four  regiments  of  infantry,  some  cavalry,  and  a  few  batteries. 
But  equally  the  Federals  would  not  have  mistaken  his  8,000  men  for  100,600  ; 
McClellan's  plans  would  not  have  been  upset ;  Kimball  would  have  known  that 
he  had  only  a  weak,  unsupported  force  to  deal  with  ;  Banks  might  have  pressed 
on  after  the  retreating  Confederates,  and  the  retreat  might  have  been  in  reality 
what  Shields  called  it,  "  a  flight  ".  It  is  easy  to  moralise  thus  on  paper,  though 
a  glance  at  a  map  gives  the  steadying  suggestion  that  the  country  between 
Winchester  and  Woodstock  was  not  the  best  for  aerial  reconnaissance.  One 
can  debate  academically  the  effect  on  any  battle  of  the  past,  and  argue  now 
with  all  the  accumulated  wisdom  of  nine  months'  active  service  to  illuminate 
the  discourse  with  detail  and  facts,  but  how  little  could  be  gauged  in  August 
last  may  best  be  judged  by  the  official  despatch  of  November  20,  wherein 
Sir  John  French  remarks  of  the  Eoyal  Flying  Corps  that  "  almost  every  day 
new  methods  for  employing  them,  both  strategically  and  tactically,  are  dis- 
covered and  put  in  practice  ".  And  that  the  surprise  has  not  been  one-sided 
may  be  seen  from  the  announcement  of  the  German  General  Staff  in  September  : 
"  The  r61e  of  the  aeroplane  in  war  has  taken  on  an  unexpected  degree  of  import- 
ance ".  This  document  went  on  to  urge  "  close  co-operation  and  a  reciprocal 
understanding  between  the  aeroplane  service,  the  general  command,  and  the 
artillery  ". 

The  aeroplane  has  changed  no  principle  of  war ;  it  has  accentuated  many. 
By  piercing  "  the  fog  of  war  "  it  has  made  warfare  more  complicated  than 
ever.  It  aids  enormously ;  it  hinders  inconceivably.  The  discovery  of  the 
oil  engine  has  at  once  made  the  mobility  of  an  army  infinitely  greater,  and  yet 
added  to  its  immobility.  Motor  transport  can  effect  greater  miracles  than 
horse  and  railway  traffic,  however  efficient,  could  accomplish.  The  aeroplane 
may  have  doubled  the  value  of  cavalry  for  tactical  purposes,  as  a  cavalry 
officer  in  the  Eoyal  Flying  Corps  remarked  last  summer,  but  the  motor  car, 
with  its  swifter  movement,  its  insensibility  to  danger,  has  already  become 
an  even  greater  rival  of  the  horse.  Horses  have  the  defects  of  their  qualities. 
The  coming  of  the  aeroplane  has  made  it  possible  for  a  commander  to  obtain 
information  of  the  whereabouts  and  movements  of  a  rival  force  with  an  amazing 
celerity,  and  therefore  to  arrange  his  counter-movements  with  corresponding 
gain  of  time.  But,  if  it  has  given  us  the  means  to  discover  and  check  all  hostile 
movements  in  a  manner  the  most  sanguine  believer  in  the  cavalry  scout  could 
never  have  dreamed  possible,  it  has  equally  made  all  movement  a  matter  of 
difficulty  by  enhancing  the  necessity  for  concealment.  Only  that  side  which 
can  command  complete  control  of  the  air,  and  ensure  that  no  enemy  aircraft 


252  THE   AEROPLANE  AND  WAR. 

is  able  to  manoeuvre  within  practical  spying  distance,  can  safely  move  troops — 
if  it  is  vital  that  such  movement  be  unknown  to  the  opponent — without  any 
amount  of  hampering  precaution  to  mask  them  from  aerial  observation.  A  par- 
tial control  on  both  sides  is  more  probable.  Our  British  airmen  have  got  the 
mastery  of  the  air  to  this  extent  that  the  Germans  make  all  speed  away  at 

sight  of  them,  thanks  to  their  system  of  immediately 
attacking  hostile  craft — unless  engaged  on  a  most 
urgent  mission  that  brooks  neither  delay  nor  risking 
the  loss  of  the  pilot.  Command,  complete  or  partial, 

is  in  the  nature  of  things  difficult  to  attain,   and  is 
SOP  WITH  SCOUT 

dependent  on  superiority  of   numbers,  of  personnel, 

of  speed  and  climbing  power — and  personnel,  like  charity  among  the  virtues,  is 
"  the  greatest  of  these  ". 

By  the  summer  of  1914  Germany  in  general  opinion  had  gained  premier 
place  in  the  world  of  flight.  Her  aviators  held  most  of  the  flying  records, 
and — on  paper  at  least — at  the  outbreak  of  war  the  advantage  was  all  with  her. 
In  numbers  and  in  engine  power  she  was  ahead  of  all  the  Allies.  German  failure 
has  never  had  root  in  lack  of  organisation  or  thoroughness.  The  French  Flying 
Corps,  on  the  other  hand,  though  it  had  some  brilliant  pilots,  had  fallen  behind 
in  the  race  for  the  mastery  of  the  air  which  originally  bid  fair  to  be  won  by 
France.  But  in  July  last — handicapped  by  unhappy  internal  complications 
that  resulted  in  lack  of  organisation — France  had  no  sufficiency  of  either  men 
or  machines  ready  for  the  crucial  test  of  instant  war.  Germany,  in  addition 
to  her  unquestioned  numerical  superiority  over  both  French  and  British 
combined,  was  known  to  have  good  machines,  in  perfect  order,  and — what 
could  hardly  be  said  for  all  the  British  ones — with  most  reliable  engines.  To 
set  against  this  they  were  believed  to  be  heavy  and  slow.  On  the  extremely 
small  available  data,  events  appear  to  have  proved  the  latter  belief  erroneous ; 
at  least  one  hears  continually  of  German  machines  escaping  from  both  British 
and  French  pursuit,  and  there  is  ample  evidence  that  her  new  machines  certainly 
have  a  greater  turn  of  speed  than  a  large  number  of  our  own  aeroplanes  can 
boast.  Extra  mobility  tells  in  aerial  warfare  as  in  ground  operations,  and 
this  for  the  aeroplane  depends  on  pos- 
sibilities of  quick  assemblage,  speed, 
and  climbing  power — these  last  two  not 
to  be  confused,  pace  some  writers.  The 
old  pattern  Taube — every  German  machine 
has  been  a  Taube  in  popular  parlance 
for  the  last  eight  months — has  a  speed  of 
60  miles  per  hour,  and  climbs  800  feet  in  a  ALBATBOS. 

minute ;    but  later   patterns,  such  as  the 

Aviatik,  the  Albatros,  the  Bumpier,  do  their  70  or  80  miles  per  hour  and  climb 
600  to  1,000  feet  per  minute.  Nine  months  ago  we  possessed  the  fastest  machine 
man's  hands  ever  fashioned.  However,  the  little  S.E.  4 — familiarly  known  as 
the  Superhuman  Bullet — though  a  marvel  of  speed  with  her  Morane-Saulnier 


THE   AEROPLANE  AND   WAR.  253 

160  h.p.  engine,  was  hardly  a  practical  engine  of  war.  Yet,  as  one  watched, 
on  those  hot  summer  days  at  Farnborough,  when  her  small  dark  form 
flashed  down  "  the  straight ",  climbed  like  a  bird,  and  dived  with  a 
shrill  scream,  she  might  have  been  an  uncanny  embodiment  of  the  spirit 
of  War  itself.  Certainly  she  looked  very  evil,  very  menacing,  as  she 
glided  overhead.  But  she  was  a  freak  machine  that  took  most  skilful 
handling ;  and  to  land  at  60  miles  an  hour — her  lowest  speed — even 
in  an  aerodrome,  has  a  danger  perceptible  without  explanation  to  the 
uninitiated. 

If  it  was  thought  Germany  had  superiority  in  the  matter  of  machines,  that 
superiority  of  personnel  lay  with  the  British  none  could  have  had  an  instant 
doubt  who  had  the  good  fortune  to  associate  with  the  E.F.C.  and  the  R.N.A.S. 
The  record  of  our  aerial  forces  is  a  fine  one  of  clean  hard  work,  cool  daring,  and 
keen  enthusiam.* 

Natural  conditions  have  helped  to  make  the  British  airman  what  war  has 
proved  him — the  finest  flying-man  in  the  world.  He  has  had  to  fly,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  in  conditions  that  would  have  been  considered  bad,  if  not  prohibitive, 
by  continental  allies  and  enemies  alike.  The  wind  in  Great  Britain  is  never 
steady  for  any  length  of  time  ;  in  France  it  is  by  no  means  such  a  serious  factor 
as  in  our  sea-girt,  much  enclosed  lands.  The  broken  landscape,  the  continual 
change  of  earth-surface,  tree,  pasture,  fallow,  hedge  or  open  spaces,  and  frequent 
presence  of  water,  each  differing  in  temperature,  vary  the  aerial  conditions 
above  them,  and  give  rise  to  slanting  and  vertical  currents  independently 
of  wind.  In  no  other  country  are  topographical  features  so  irregular  within 
such  limited  areas  as  in  Great  Britain  ;  in  no  other  country  is  it  so  difficult 
to  fly.  This  was  known,  and  its  practical  value  realised  long  before  the  war, 
and  it  was  justly  deduced  that  as  the  British  aviator  has  had  to  contend 
against  worse  conditions  and  discouragements  than  any  other  he  should  be 
the  best  in  the  world.  This  he  is  to-day,  thanks  to  his  inherent  qualities, 
not  to  either  official  neglect — or  worse  interference — and  the  careless  disregard 
of  a  public  xal  ov$€v  TOVTCOV  rc3  Ta\\icovi  eju.e\ei/.  In  this  respect 
Great  Britain  has  lagged  behind  her  neighbour  and  ally.  As  one  of  our  Army 
pilots  pointed  out  two  years  ago,  when  writing  on  the  French  progress  in 
aviation  as  shown  at  the  Fourth  Annual  Exhibition  of  Aerial  Locomotion  in 
Paris  in  November  1912  :  "  This  grand  national  effect  could  only  be  made  by 
a  nation,  the  whole  manhood  of  which  had  passed  through  the  ranks,  and  which 

*  The  evolution  of  military  aeronautics  in  Great  Britain,  regrettably  tardy  at  the  start,  has  made 
extraordinary  progress  in  the  last  two  years.  In  January  1911  the  R.E.  had  a  Balloon  School  and 
a  Balloon  Factory  at  Farnborough,  and  the  London  Territorials  had  a  Balloon  Company.  During 
the  year  the  Technical  Advisory  Committee  on  Aeronautics  found  place  in  the  official  Army 
List ;  the  Kite  and  Balloon  Co.,  R.E.,  became  the  Air  Battalion,  and  the  Balloon  Factory  the  Army 
Aircraft  Factory.  By  the  following  summer — 1912 — these  had  developed  into  the  Royal  Flying 
Corps,  with  its  Central  Flying  School  at  Upavon,  and  Military  Wing  at  South  Farnborough  and 
elsewhere.  The  October  Army  last  of  that  year  gives  a  total — very  different  from  April  1915 — of 
forty-four  officers,  including  the  staff  at  Upavon,  the  Reserve,  and  Special  Reserve.  So  far  bad 
the  importance  of  flight  been  recognised  that  the  late  General  Grierson  at  a  meeting  of  the  Aero- 
nautical Society  stated  that  "  warfare  will  be  impossible  unless  we  have  the  mastery  of  the  air  ". 
In  1914  all  airships  were  made  over  to  the  Naval  Wing. 

9 


254 


THE  AEROPLANE  AND  WAR. 


AVEO. 


had  the  enlightenment  to  understand  the  importance  of  this  new  development 
in  warfare  ".  *    "  It  makes  one's  heart  sink  ",  he  added,  "  to  think  what  a 

comparatively  feeble  interest  is  taken  in  aviation 
in  England."  To  some  extent  this  may  have  been 
due  to  the  fact  that  "  stunting  "  was  sternly  dis- 
couraged by  the  military  authorities.  The  public 
wants  a  show  for  its  money.  It  went  to  see  civilian 
pilots  at  Hendon  and  elsewhere  and  got  it.  It  saw 
Hamel  achieve  the  seemingly  impossible  at  Rane- 
lagh.  Then  it  perchance  passed  the  Flying  Ground 
at  Farnborough,  not  purposely  but  through  the 
accident  of  its  abutment  on  the  Portsmouth  Road, 
and  it  saw  one  or  two — if  very  lucky  perhaps  as 
many  as  five — machines  high  overhead  circling 
monotonously,  or  disappearing  into  the  blue  distance  westwards  where  lay 
Salisbury  Plain.  There  was  no  sensational  spectacle  to  rivet  attention,  no 
advertisement  of  any  kind.  One  may  safely  say  that  had  it  not  been  for  certain 
fatal  accidents  the  nation  at  large 
would  have  been  unaware  that  such 
a  thing  as  the  R.F.C.  existed  at  all. 
That  our  men  flew  continually,  in 
weather  no  continental  pilot  would 
have  dreamed  of  facing,  was  an  un- 
known— or  at  best  unconsidered — 
detail.  Not  that  the  R.F.C.  pined 
for  a  gallery — very  far  from  it.  B.  E. 

What  they  did  want  was  oppor- 
tunity and  efficiency — more  machines  [and  better  machines ;  opportunities 
to  perfect  themselves  in  their  work,  to  try  for  possible  developments. 
Take  wireless  telegraphy,  for  example.  Experiments  had  been  made  in 
Italy  and  elsewhere,  the  matter  discussed,"]"  apparatus  designed  and  to  some 
extent  tested,  before  1913.  Apparently  English  officialdom  regarded  it  as  a 
harmless  crank,  beloved  of  two  or  three  individuals.  However,  they  were 
permitted  to  try.  Last  summer  they  tried,  tested,  perfected  as  much  as  might 
be  with  available  resources,  encouraged  by  their  own  conviction  of  the  value 
of  the  work.  Therefore  in  August  we  had  two  Flying  Officers  who  were  also 
wireless  operators.  Now  there  are  several  "  Wireless  Flights  ".  The  value  of 
the  work  done  by  wireless  from  aeroplanes  has  been  enormous.  Germany,  be  it 
noted,  has  no  similar  achievement  to  record.  All  her  big  dirigibles,  however, 
are  fitted  with  wireless,  and  moreover  can  carry  a  wireless  operator  who  need 
not  be  an  aviator,  which  is  an  economy  of  pilots  and  observers. 

So  the  Royal  Flying  Corps  did  its  very  best  with  what  it  had,  and  its  very 
best  has  been  proved  very  wonderful.    When  war  came  it  was  ready — even 

*  Mellor,  The  Airman,  p.  3 P. 

t  See  paper  read  by  Lieut.  George  \.  Taylor,  Australian  Intelligence  Corps,  at  the  United  Service 
Institution  of  New  South  Wales  on  July  22,  1910. 


XXIXX 


THE   AEROPLANE   AND   WAR.  255 

to  maps.  Those  of  us  who  remember  the  South  African  War  and  the  hope- 
lessly defective  maps  that  were  all  the  Director  of  Military  Intelligence  could 
obtain,  even  after  two  months  of  war,  in  December  1899,  felt  happier  in  our 
minds  last  August  when  we  saw  the  carefully  prepared  ones  issued  to  the  R.F.C. 
Eailways  and  roads,  contours,  streams,  marshland,  good  bad  and  indifferent 
landing  grounds,  spots  suitable  for  Aircraft  Parks — all,  and  much  more  were 
there,  plainly  disclosed  that  he  who  flew  might  read.  It  certainly  was  a  surprise 
to  find  how  many  machines  Great  Britain  could  put  in  the  air  in  August.  One 
remembered  the  thirty-two  at  the  Concentration  Camp  but  a  few  weeks 
previously,  and  though  one  had  not  a  doubt  as  to  the  men  there  was  certainly 
ground  for  some  grave  qualms  about  the 
number  of  efficient  machines  for  our  Flying 
Force.  After  sundry  visits  to  the  never 
overcrowded  Aeronautical  Inspection  Depart- 
ment shed,  it  was  cheering  to  see  a  shed  in  AVBO. 
the  Royal  Aircraft  Factory  literally  packed 

tight  with  aeroplanes.  Built  by  the  Factory,  requisitioned  for  war  from 
private  individuals  or  public  companies  and  aerodromes  mattered  not.  There 
were  the  machines,  and  the  R.F.C.  had  the  men  to  fly  them. 

But  where  were  the  Zeppelins  ?   It  was  their  moment.     One  realised  that 
in  the  starlit  quiet  of  those  summer  nights.    The  pious  hope  of  the  R.F.C.  was 
that  they  would  come.    All  was  ready,  pilots  sleeping  under  their  machines 
prepared  at  a  word  to  fly  up  and  try  conclusions  with  the  enemy  in  the  air. 
Ninety  seconds  was  all  they  needed — to  ram  a  Zeppelin  ah1  they  asked.    It 
argues  somewhat  of  a  policy  of  despair — one  would  not  insult  the  foe  by 
suggesting  unreadiness — that  Zeppelins  were  not  used  in  the  summer,  when 
weather  conditions  were  at  least  not  less  favourable  than  now,  except  the  nights 
were  shorter,  but  that  attempts  should  be  made  at  this  juncture  to  obtain 
the  moral  effect — if  not  more  definite  values — of  an  airship  raid.    The  total 
results  have  been  gratifying — to  the  Allies.       Whatever  future  may  lie  ahead 
of  the  big  airship  as  passenger-carrying  craft,  so  far  it  has  not  justified  the 
hopes  of  its  friends,  or  the  fears  of  it  inspired  by  skilful  advertisement.    The 
wonderful  tales  of  Zeppelin  fleets  make  comic  reading  in  the  light  of  very 
small  accomplishment.    Germany  has  spent  hundreds  of  thousands  on  their 
production,  and  we  should  be  the  last  to  grumble  that  the  money  was  spent 
on  nothing  more  practical.     If  the  public  believed  the  tales  and  feared  the 
coming  of  the  "  fleets  ",  expert  opinion  was  very  divided  about  them,  apart 
from  all  controversy  on  the  question  of  heavier  v.  lighter- than-air  machines. 
The  "  secrets  "  of  their  construction  ceased    to   be  secret  when,   two  years 
ago,  one  came  down  on  the    French   side   of   the   Franco-German  Frontier. 
The  French  very  courteously  did  not  take  its  descent  as  a  casus  belli,  and 
permitted    it  to    return — but    not    before  both  French  and   British   experts 
had  examined,  measured,  and   photographed  every  inch  of  it.      Both  France 
and  Great  Britain  could  have  built  Zeppelins  before  the  war  began  had  they 
believed  in  them.    They  did  not. 

8  2 


256  THE  AEROPLANE   AND   WAR. 

The  lighter-than-air  machine  has  its  uses,  especially  for  patrol  work  and 
observation,  for,  unlike  the  aeroplane,  it  can  hover.  But  at  present  the  latter 
has  established  its  superiority  for  offensive  work,  and  experience  has  proved 
that  the  best  defence  against  hostile  aircraft  is  to  take  the  initiative  and  attack 

with  offensive  aeroplanes.  Even  the  most 
modern  high-angled  anti-aircraft  gun  is  at  a 
disadvantage  against  a  good  aeroplane  with  a 
skilful  pilot ;  for,  going  at  a  rate  of  80  miles 
an  hour,  it  must  be  remembered  it  will  move 
several  yards  between  each  shot  of  the  quickest 
firing  machine-gun.  Matched  against  another 
HBNBI  FARMAN.  aeroplane,  victory  is  for  the  one  who  can  out- 

manoeuvre, out-strip,  and  out-climb  his  adver- 
sary. Personal  qualities  tell :  cool  head,  good  heart,  steady  nerve.  Apart 
from  bombs,  our  "  pusher  "*  machines  are  armed  with  Vickers  and  Lewis 
guns,  while  the  pilots  and  observers  in  "  tractor "  machines  carry  rifles 
and  revolvers.  One  of  the  first  E.F.C.  casualties  was  a  non-commissioned 
officer  who  was  wounded  when  acting  as  observer  by  a  bullet  through  the 
seat.  Orders  were  promptly  given  for  steel  plates  to  render  the  seats 
bullet-proof ;  but  none  of  our  aeroplanes  are  armoured  in  the  sense  that 
motor  cars  frequently  are.  How  far  a  machine  could  stand  up  against  fire  was 
practically  unknown  till  tested  in  action.  It  is  obviously  a  different  matter  to 
test  the  shell-proof  qualities  of  an  ironclad  and  the  extreme  limit  of  safety 
in  a  bullet-riddled  aeroplane.  It  has  been  proved  that  a  machine  will  stand 
considerable  damage  to  the  fabric  and 
yet  get  home  without  mishap.  A  strut 
knocked  out  by  a  shell  splinter  did  not 
hurl  an  Avro  to  instant  destruction. 
The  French  pilot  Joubert  had  a  bullet  BLBBIOT  (FBENOH). 

through  his  petrol  tank,   but  he  stopped 

it  with  his  thumb  and  managed  to  land  without  disaster.  A  machine  is  reported 
to  have  come  home  with  sixty  bullet  marks.  Aeroplanes  are  less  vulnerable 
than  their  human  freight,  though  one  pilot  we  know  of  is  far  more  concerned 
with  the  exact  size,  number,  and  position  of  hits  on  his  machine  than  with  his 
own  wounds.  The  bitter  cold  of  the  high  altitude  is  certainly  a  most  trying 
factor.  It  was  supposed  that  8,000  feet  would  take  the  aviator  out  of  range, 
but  it  has  been  found  necessary  to  fly  instead  at  an  altitude  of  6,500.  No 
wonder  the  official  "  Eye- Witness  " — that  polygenetic  literary  avatar — remarked, 
on  November  23,  that  "  in  spite  of  the  employment  of  every  device  for  retaining 
warmth,  both  pilots  and  observers  have  on  some  recent  occasions  returned  so 
numb  that  they  have  to  be  lifted  from  their  machines  ".  When  one  reads  a 
record  of  50°  below  zero,  there  is  no  surprise  in  hearing  of  cases  of  frost-bite, 
and  polar  regions  suggest  themselves  as  health  resorts.  On  thirteen  days  only, 

*  Such  as  the  Maurice  and  Henri  Farman,  with  propellers  behind.     "  Tractors,"  e.g.  Avro, 
B.E.,  Bleriot,  Sopwith,  &c.,  have  their  propellers  in  front. 


THE   AEROPLANE   AND   WAR.  257 

according  to  Sir  John  French's  despatches,  have  the  R.F.C.  pilots  found  it 
impossible  to  fly  this  winter,  and  the  weather  has  been  exceptionally  wet  and 
windy.  But  gales,  though  they  blew  between  50  and  60  miles  an  hour — and 
machines  have  had  to  be  pegged  on  the  ground  to  prevent 
them  being  blown  away  —  rain  and  snow,  intense  cold, 
bombs  and  bullets,  have  not  deterred  our  pilots  from  aerial 
reconnaissance  and  observation  of  artillery  fire. 

Possibly  nothing  is  more  difficult  for  the  man  to  ap- 
preciate who  has  had  little  or  no  opportunity  for  acquiring 
knowledge  of  aircraft  than  the  immense  effect  the  aeroplane 
has  had  upon  time  and  space.  To  put  under  the  miles  at 
a  speed  exceeding  a  racing  motor  is  almost  to  annihilate 
both.  The  panoramic  view  from  a  high  'steeple  over  flat 
country  gives  but  little  idea  of  the  range  of  earth-  and  sky-  HBNKI  FARMAN. 
scape  obtained  from  an  altitude  of  1,000  feet  and  more.  The 
civilian  unversed  in  military  details  is  apt  to  imagine  that  observation  is  a 
mere  matter  of  common  sense,  and  recording  such  observation  needs  little 
more  than  the  power  of  writing  down  comprehensible  sentences.  It  is  fairly 
safe  to  assume,  for  one  thing,  that  the  critic  never  essayed  to  make  a  detailed 
observation  of  any  objects — far  less  those  a  mile  or  more  away  from  him. 
Actually  the  observer  has  to  know  not  only  what  he  should  look  for,  and  how 
to  word  his  discovery  in  the  accepted  phrases  that  will  convey  exactly  what  he 
means  to  be  conveyed — no  more  and  no  less — to  all  persons  concerned  with 
the  information,  but  he  must  further,  if  he  is  to  be  of  use  as  an  aerial  observer, 
be  able  to  read  a  map,  to  recognise  every  salient  feature  of  that  map  when 
displayed  thousands  of  feet  below  him,  and  all  with  the  greatest  celerity. 
The  machine  is  not  stationary.  None  of  this  can  be  done  efficiently  without 
training  and  practice,  even  in  such  seemingly  simple  matters  as  knowledge 
of  how  and  where  to  look,  and  what  the  objects  sought  for  will  appear  like 
when  viewed  from  the  air.  Apropos  of  this,  by  a  pre-war  Army  Order,  troops 
were  forbidden  to  look  up  at  aircraft,  as  their  white  faces  when  turned  skywards 
showed  distinctly  to  the  aerial  observer  overhead.  The  story  of  how  that 
order  came  to  be  issued,  as  told  by  the  officer  concerned,  makes  at  least  a  yarn 

good  enough  to  repeat.      During  the  manoeuvres  at  (we   censor  names 

and  dates  ourselves  to  save  official  scissors)  a  certain  Flying  Officer  was  sent 
out  on  aerial  reconnaissance  with  the  special  object  of  locating  sundry  troops, 
who,  for  their  part,  were  given  orders  to  hide  from  aircraft  to  the  best  of  their 
ability.  Search  he  never  so  carefully,  not  a  solitary  soldier  could  the  observer 
descry.  But  he  decided  that  the  only  place — and  it  was  an  obvious  one — where 
a  body  of  men  could  be  concealed  was  a  fairly  dense  wood.  He  therefore 
returned  and  reported  that  the  troops  to  be  located  were  to  be  found  there. 
Pressed  for  his  reasons  he  could  evolve  none  sufficiently  plausible.  All  he  could 
think  of  was  how  funny  the  men's  faces  would  have  looked  peeping  through 
the  tree-tops.  But  an  answer  had  to  be  given,  so  at  last  he  announced  that  he 
could  "  see  their  little  white  faces  peeping  up  through  the  leaves  ".  He  expected 


258  THE   ESSENTIAL  GERMAN. 

instant  reprimand  for  flippancy,  but  to  his  surprise  was  applauded  for  the 
meticulous  care  of  his  observation.    Thereafter  the  Army  Order. 

To  attempt  even  a  brief  recapitulation  of  the  work  done  and  in  process  of 
doing  by  the  R.F.C.  at  the  front  would  require  more  pages  than  could  be  at 
our  disposal.  The  transport  and  workshops  alone  would  take,  and  deserve, 
lengthy  paragraphs.  It  was  an  impressive  sight  to  see  an  aerial  squadron 
moving  off — four  went  together  at  intervals  of  one  minute  and  a  half  between 
each,  that  is  between  70  and  80  machines  altogether,  from  the  Kentish  coast 
the  second  week  in  August — but  possibly  even  more  pregnant  with  meaning  to 
the  thinking  mind  is  it  to  watch  a  squadron's  long  chain  of  motor  transport,  the 
great  grey  lorries  loaded  up  with  tents,  spare  parts  and  fittings,  with  movable 
forge  and  carpenter's  shop,  that  injuries  to  fabric  or  to  engines  may  be  repaired 
on  the  very  fringe  of  the  battlefield.  Quite  recently  a  Hungarian  novelist  has 
declared  there  is  no  romance  in  this  war.  No  romance  ?  At  least  the  record 
of  our  Eoyal  Flying  Corps  is  full  of  wild  romance,  waiting  on  the  inspired  pen. 
Take  the  tale  of  an  attack  on  one  aircraft  park — it  may  be  only  romance  in 
the  fictitious  sense,  but  if  it  is  not  true  it  might  well  be.  It  was  during  the 
magnificent  retreat  from  Mons.  A  party  of  fifty  Uhlans  attacked  an  aircraft 
park — not  a  fighting  unit  presumably — but  the  subaltern  in  command,  so  runs 
the  tale,  arming  his  mechanics  and  electricians  with  crowbars,  sundry  revolvers, 
and  a  few  odd  rifles,  turned  his  motors  on  the  German  cavalry,  two  or  three 
aeroplanes  got  up  and  assisted  with  fire  from  overhead,  and  the  Uhlans,  the 
far-famed  Uhlans,  were  beaten  off  and  routed.  No  romance  ? — when  a  British 
pilot  *  tackles  twelve  German  aeroplanes  in  the  air  and  holds  them  till  two 
other  British  machines  come  to  assist  him  and  defeat  the  Teutons  !  Those 
who  see  no  romance  in  these  and  a  hundred  other  instances  are  hard  to  please. 
Possibly,  because  the  majority  of  these  happenings  do  not  appear  in  the 
halfpenny  papers  under  heavy  headlines,  the  public  is  hardly  aware  of  them. 

They  are  not  concerned  with  what  the  public  thinks — our  airmen — and 
leaded  headlines  are  the  last  thing  they  covet.  "  A  machine  to  fly,  and  active 
service  "  sums  up  their  desires.  But  it  is  well  for  the  nation  to  learn  and 
appreciate  fully  the  debt  owed  to  them,  so  that  in  future  there  be  nothing  to 
stint  the  work  and  development,  against  all  possible  testing,  of  the  Corps 
which  has  taken  for  motto  "  Per  ardua  ad  astra  ". 

HILL  JOHNSON,  A.R.C.I 


THE  ESSENTIAL  GERMAN. 

BEFORE  we  can  get  the  merest  glimpse  of  the  essential  German,  it  is  necessary  to 
forget  all  about  the  Teutons  of  fiction  (the  canned  variety,  I  mean)  who  surpass 
even  the  various  types  of  the  stage  Irishman  in  flagrant  unreality.  In  Germany 
at  any  rate  one  never  meets  the  conventional  figure  dear  to  the  soul  of  the 
caricaturist — the  bald-headed,  swag- bellied  old  fellow  with  huge  spectacles 
and  vast  tankard  and  pipe  of  cosmical  dimensions — who  attempts  the  sublime 

*  Capt.  Holt.     He  was  awarded  the  D.S.O.  for  this. 


THE   ESSENTIAL  GERMAN.  259 

and  achieves  only  the  ridiculous  in  all  his  dealings  with  the  cosmos.  The  origin 
of  this  mirth-provoking  type,  which  is  as  popular  in  France  as  in  England,  is 
not  far  to  seek.  It  derives  from  the  parodied  appearance  of  Bismarck,  whose 
tremendous  shadow — a  Gargantuan  silhouette — fell  across  all  European  countries 
in  1870-1871,  and  was  not  removed  even  by  his  death ;  for  inBismarck's  case,  as  in 
that  of  the  folk-lore  hero,  the  shadow  lived  on  and  prospered  when  its  owner  had 
lost  power  and  passed  away,  surviving  in  the  form  of  a  national  policy  of  Prussian 
pushfulness.  I  have  looked  in  vain  for  the  German  who  is  now  a  commonplace 
of  caricature  in  French  and  English  pictorial  records  of  the  'fifties  and  'sixties, 
though  he  was  to  some  extent  anticipated  by  Thackeray,  who  hated  the  princely 
poverty  of  Pumpernickel  as  cordially  as  any  of  his  contemporaries.  Other 
less  popular  forms  of  parody  may  as  well  be  touched  upon.  Matthew  Arnold's 
intellectual  German  who  sees  all  the  affairs  of  modernity  in  the  light  of  ancient 
history  is  none  the  less  a  caricature  because  he  was  seriously  intended  to  be  a 
compliment,  and  has  haunted  educational  experts  in  this  country  for  many  a 
long  year.  One  good  result  of  the  war  will  be  that  this  raven  of  an  alien 
intellectualism  will  be  shoo'd  off  the  bust  of  Pallas  Athene  at  the  chamber-doors 
of  English  culture.  There  is  more  sound  criticism  in  Person's  epigram  : — 

The  Germans  in  Greek 
Are  sadly  to  seek.   .  .  . 
All  except  Hermann, 
And  Hermann's  a  German — 

or  in  the  stark  saying  of  the  old  scholar  who  wished  "  all  German  "  (pronounce  as 
if  spelt  with  an  "  a  ",  for  it  dates  from  the  time  when  old  gentlemen  would  say 
"  Good-marning  "  when  you  attended  their  breakfast  parties)  "  scholarship  at 
the  bottom  of  the  German  ocean  "  than  in  all  the  appreciations  of  pro-German 
educationists.  Fas  est  et  ab  hoste  doceri  ;  it  would  be  folly  to  underrate  the  value 
of  the  erudite  German's  work  or  to  refuse  to  make  use  of  it.  And,  though  I  feel 
a  wholesome  hatred  of  Germany  and  all  things  German  working  in  me  at  the 
present  moment,  I  must  needs  respect  the  German  scholar's  energy  and  enthusiasm 
in  the  fulfilment  of  the  task  he  has  chosen  or  that  has  chosen  him.  He  seeks 
no  tangible  reward  for  his  labours  :  in  that  respect  at  any  rate  he  is  superior  to 
the  average  Oxford  don,  whose  ambition  prefers  a  progressive  income  and  a 
perambulator  in  Norham  Gardens  to  a  slowly  ripening  European  reputation.  If 
his  worth  is  recognised  by  the  State  (from  which  in  Germany  all  blessings  flow 
and  a  good  deal  of  the  other  kind  of  thing)  he  accepts  the  access  of  prestige  that 
follows  with  pleasure — chiefly  because  it  adds  to  the  number  of  his  disciples,  and 
assists  in  spreading  a  knowledge  of  his  hard-earned  results.  And  what  he  knows 
is  at  the  world's  service  ;  a  letter  asking  for  information,  such  as  I  once  wrote 
to  a  world-famous  mathematican  "voyaging  in  strange  seas  of  thought  unknown", 
would  always  be  courteously  and  completely  answered  in  the  years  before  the  war. 
In  my  youth  I  had  cause  to  admire  the  unselfish  accessibility  of  the  typical 
German  professor,  who  would  ask  his  pupils  to  drink  a  little  white  wine  in  an 
open-air  cafe  and  talk  philosophy,  or  whatever  his  subject  might  be,  with  as 
complete  an  absence  of  patronage  and  pose  as  marked  the  after-midnight 
discussions  de  omnibus  rebus  et  quibusdam  aliis  of  Oxford  second-year  men. 


260  THE   ESSENTIAL  GERMAN. 

There  is  a  touch  of  keen  boyishness  in  nearly  all  German  professors  (Treitschke 
was  a  case  in  point)  and  this  I  must  needs  admit  as  an  extenuating  circumstance 
when  contemplating  the  laborious  uselessness  of  the  vast  mass  of  German  erudi- 
tion. But  these  abysmal  Germans,  these  untiring  hodmen  of  literature,  seldom  or 
never  get  right  inside  their  subjects  ;  the  racial  defect,  which  prevents  Germany 
from  understanding  the  point  of  view  of  any  other  nation,  blinds  them  to  matters 
of  ultimate  significance.  As  Person  saw,  a  German  scholar  may  know  all  about 
Greek.  But,  even  if  he  be  Hermann,  he  remains  a  German  ;  he  never  becomes 
a  Greek  like,  say,  our  own  Gilbert  Murray.  In  the  time  to  come  Germans 
will  once  more  be  permitted  to  play  the  part  for  which  they  are  fitted  in  the 
advancement  of  scholarship  and  science.  They  will  be  once  more  the  world's 
intellectual  Gibeonites  ;  they  will  earn  a  wage  of  repute  as  hewers  of  the  wood 
of  fact,  and  drawers  of  the  water  of  speculation  for  the  poetic  minds,  English  and 
French  and  Eussian,  which  can  bring  imagination  and  the  insight  of  sympathy 
to  bear  on  the  problems  of  Kant's  two  worlds,  the  human  heart  and  the  universe 
that  lies  partly  without  and  partly  within. 

In  the  process  of  rejecting  the  parodies  of  convention  we  are  getting,  as  you 
see,  fleeting  glimpses  of  the  essential  German.  Let  us  then  look  askance — 
looking  for  the  truth  that  may  be  lurking  round  the  corner  as  well  as  at  the 
established  perversion — at  yet  another  popular  picture  of  the  German  that  is 
not,  never  has  been,  nor  ever  will  be.  I  am  thinking  of  the  Hans  Breitmann 
convention  which,  to  the  great  indignation  of  German-Americans,  has 
perpetuated  itself  in  countless  small  triumphs  of  American  humour.  We  all 
rejoice  in  the  flamboyant  joviality  of  the  host  at  the  immortal  "  barty  "  ;  there 
is  no  resisting  the  strong  current  of  Leland's  humorous  verse  in  which  German 
words  bob  along  like  beer-kegs  in  a  rain-swollen  stream.  We  cannot  help 
liking  this  irrepressible  Hans  with  his  moustache  like  lager  coming  over  a  weir 
and  his  glorious  capacity  for  over-eating  and  over-drinking  in  the  grand  or 
Bismarckian  style.  (Bismarck  at  the  table  is  the  best  thing  in  the  latest  novel 
of  Miss  Clo  Graves,  who  made  so  popular  a  romance  with  besieged  Maf eking 
for  its  background.)  But  the  joviality  incarnate  in  Leland's  kindly  caricature 
is  not  to  be  found  in  modern  workaday  Germany.  It  is  one  of  the  Lutheran  half- 
virtues  which  has  departed  or  is  departing ;  it  has  been  organised  out  of  the 
average  German,  and  survives,  if  it  survives  at  all,  only  among  students  of 
the  more  reckless  type.  Nobody  in  the  European  pale  takes  life  and  himself  as 
seriously  as  the  German  who  has  been  taught,  by  precept  and  by  practice,  by 
close  on  a  century  of  education  designed  for  the  advancement  of  his  nation's 
material  welfare,  to  waste  not  an  atom  of  his  energy  on  mere  joyousness  of 
living.  He  is  still  human  enough  to  waste  a  little  at  odd  times  ;  nobody  could 
be  wise  at  all  hours  in  the  routine  of  self-seeking  which  passes  for  wisdom  in 
modern  commercialised  Germany.  The  extent  to  which  life  has  been  made  a 
business  in  Germany  has  only  been  fully  revealed  since  the  war  began.  Warfare 
is  the  last  thing  to  be  commercialised  :  for  us  it  is  still  the  finest  of  all  sports 
(Kipling's  remark  about  "  the  hunting  of  man  "  gets  the  English  point  of  view 
to  a  nicety) ;  for  the  French  it  is  all  chivalry  in  fullest  action  ;  for  the  Russians 
it  is  the  profoundest  of  all  spiritual  ecstasies  :  for  the  Germans  it  is  a  business 


THE   ESSENTIAL   GERMAN.  261 

from  beginning  to  end — one  in  which  success  depends  on  keeping  an  accurate 
profit-and-Ioss  account  of  terror  and  tribulation  in  every  department.  The  policy 
of  "  frightfulness  "  is  worked  out  in  a  gigantic  counting-house  of  tears  and 
blood-drops,  the  like  of  which  has  never  before  been  seen  in  history.  Germany 
is  governed  by  a  gerontocracy — a  machine  of  old,  old  men  for  whom  youth  and 
beauty,  pathos  and  passion,  all  the  usages  of  spirituality,  count  for  nothing  except 
in  so  far  as  they  may  be  employed  as  means  to  material  ends — or  it  would  be 
impossible,  even  in  time  of  war,  to  keep  the  German  mechanism  for  pinching  and 
peeling  humanity  in  smooth  working  order.  There  is  no  room  for  a  Hans 
Breitmann  in  such  a  purposeful  organisation.  How  all  things  are  made  means 
to  an  end  in  war-time  is  admirably  illustrated  by  a  smafl  point  of  German  hospital 
practice.  The  German  wounded  who  would  be  useless  if  cured  and  kept  alive, 
are  not  allowed  to  embarrass  the  transportation  facilities  any  more  than  those  of 
the  Allied  armies  ;  there  is  enough  evidence  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  not 
only  the  wounded  soldiers  of  the  Allies  but  also  Germany's  own  are  deliberately 
finished  off.  But  the  wounded  German,  who  will  live  to  fight  or  work  another 
day  if  he  can  be  persuaded  to  live  at  all,  is  cared  for  in  every  possible  way.  And 
the  coquettish  dress  of  the  German  hospital  nurses  is  deliberately  designed  as 
an  encouragement  for  the  wounded  soldiers  to  remain  in  existence — the  spark 
of  desire  is  thus  blown  upon  in  the  hope  that  it  will  help  the  rekindling  of  life 
recovered. 

Other  fictitious  types  of  German  might  be  enumerated  and  discussed.  But 
it  will  suffice  if  the  effect  of  the  war  in  veiling  the  essential  characteristics  of  a 
race  so  like,  yet  so  unlike  our  own  (they  claimed  to  be  our  "  poor  relations  " 
not  long  ago)  must  be  discounted.  To-day  we  cannot  help  seeing  in  every 
German  the  distorted  visage  of  belligerent  Germany  in  her  war-paint  of  blood 
and  ordure.  But  the  average  German  is  not  so  bad  as  the  German  people,  which 
exhibits,  in  its  collective  capacity,  a  kind  of  lowest  common  denominator  of 
racial  passions  and  prejudices.  It  is  known  to  us  all  that  a  collection  of  the 
most  worthy  individuals  will  often  act  immorally  or  even  inhumanly.  A 
company  will  prove  itself  at  times  without  a  soul  to  be  saved  or  a  body  to 
be  kicked.  A  committee,  even  if  it  be  called  a  Cabinet,  will  commit  itself 
outrageously.  A  crowd  will  be  capable  of  a  bestial  cruelty  which  not  one  of  its 
constituent  units  could  contemplate  without  a  feeling  of  shame  and  disgust. 
If,  and  when,  Germany  can  once  more  be  reduced  to  an  assemblage  of  individuals, 
each  once  more  allowing  his  or  her  conscience  full  play,  we  may  hope  to  hear 
that  Germans  are  ashamed  of  these  old  decrepit  war-lords  and  their  methods. 
And  when  such  signs  of  penitence  are  shown,  the  question  of  once  more  admitting 
the  German  nation  into  the  comity  of  civilised  peoples  will  arise.  It  will  not 
happen  in  my  time  ;  so  far  as  this  country  is  concerned,  nobody  now  living — 
except  a  small  handful  of  professional  pro-Germans — will  ever  wish  for  a 
German's  friendship. 

Even  before  the  war  illumined  with  its  glare  of  light — a  galaxy  of  corpse- 
candles — the  ugliest  traits  in  German  character,  Germans  had  become  the  most 
unpopular  visitors  to  foreign  countries.  In  the  near  past  the  German  was  not 
rich  enough  to  travel,  and  the  illusion  that  he  was  a  pleasant,  rather  humorous, 


262  THE  ESSENTIAL  GERMAN. 

type  of  humanity  was  still  widely  current.  Of  late  years,  however,  Switzerland 
and  the  Scandinavian  lands  have  become  the  trampling-grounds  of  well-to-do 
German  business  men  (not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Germans  of  old  family, 
who  have  always  been  received  in  cosmopolitan  society)  and  by  common  con- 
sent no  more  detestable  type  of  the  nouveau  riche  has  ever  vexed  a  civilised 
world.  Even  in  America,  which  has  had  communications  with  Germany  for  a 
long  time,  the  German  tourist  has  been  looked  upon  as  unique  in  his  disregard 
of  the  amenities  of  decent  society.  Here  is  a  passage  from  an  article  in  the 
American  Outlook,  written  by  an  American  of  German  parentage,  and  written, 
moreover,  in  defence  of  his  brethren,  which  bears  witness  to  the  universal 
distaste  for  Germans  in  Europe  : — 

The  average  German,  whom  the  foreigner  sees,  is  aggressive,  self-assertive,  loud 
in  his  manner  and  talk,  inconsiderate,  petty,  pompous,  dictatorial,  without  humour ; 
in  a  word,  bumptious.  He  has  in  many  cases  exceedingly  bad  table  manners  and 
an  almost  gross  enjoyment  of  his  food  ;  and  he  talks  about  his  ailments  and  his 
underwear.  His  attitude  towards  women,  moreover,  is  apt  to  be  over-gallant  if  he 
knows  them  a  little  and  not  too  well,  and  discourteous  or  even  insolent  if  he  is 
married  to  them  or  does  not  know  them  at  all.  He  is  at  his  worst  at  the  time  he 
is  most  on  exhibition,  when  he  is  on  his  travels,  or  helping  other  people  to  travel  as 
ticket  chopper  or  customs  official. 

As  for  the  professional  militarists  of  Germany,  Professor  Newbold,  of  Phila- 
delphia, who  was  always  sympathetic  in  regard  to  Germany  and  Germans  in 
the  past,  set  his  name  to  the  following  condemnation  : — 

The  war  was  caused  by  a  little  group  of  military  men  who  aim  at  the  conquest 
of  the  world.  They  are  the  most  offensive  people  I  have  ever  met. 

Considering  the  facilities  that  America,  a  melting-pot  of  all  the  world's 
races,  provides  for  meeting  unpleasant  people  (as  well  as  many  of  the  pleasantest 
in  the  world)  this  professor's  pronouncement  is  worthy  of  due  consideration. 

But  history,  after  all,  supplies  us  with  the  best  criterion  of  the  essential 
German's  character,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  changed  much  in  the  course  of 
many  centuries.  He  was  always  a  pushful  fighter  ;  what  Tacitus  says  of  him 
fits  in  well  with  Mirabeau's  saying  that  war  is  Prussia's  national  industry, 
and  Napoleon's  that  Prussia  was  hatched  out  of  a  cannon-ball.  The  pity  is 
that  he  has  always  been  brutal  and  overbearing  in  victory,  and  a  mighty  bad 
loser.  Froissart,  for  example,  insists  that  no  knightly  example  could  teach  the 
Germans  true  knightliness.  From  the  other  side  of  the  conquests  of  the 
Teutonic  knights — as  ruthless  as  they  were  unchaste  in  reality — comes  many 
a  story  of  the  contempt  of  the  Polish  chivalry  for  a  race  who,  very  good  fighters 
on  foot,  were  generally  incapable  of  the  first  point  of  chevalerie  which  is,  of  course, 
horsemanship.  When  God  created  the  horse,  so  one  of  these  stories  runs,  he 
exhibited  the  creature  to  members  of  different  races.  The  Pole  admired  the 
beautiful  beast ;  by  way  of  reward  he  was  told  that  he  should  become  the  finest 
cavalryman  in  the  world.  The  German  pooh-pooh'd  it,  and  was  told  that,  as 
a  punishment  for  his  stupidity,  he  would  be  obliged  to  walk  after  it  all  the 
days  of  his  life  without  catching  it — which  is  why  the  German  was  such  a  poor 
horseman  and  so  good  at  "  marching  the  enemy  to  death  "  (to  use  Moltke's 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     263 

phrase) .  The  story  also  illustrates  the  outrecuidance  or,  as  we  say,  bumptiousness 
of  the  German.  In  other  matters  history  helps  us  to  understand  the  objection- 
able traits  of  the  essential  German.  Taken  in  moderation,  womanhood  is  a 
great  civilising  agency  ;  marriage  is  a  school  of  manners,  no  doubt.  But  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  German,  who  sentimentalises  and  at  the  same  tyrannises 
over  his  womenfolk,  has  not  yet  been  appreciably  civilised  in  this  way. 
Historians  attribute  this  fact  to  the  chronic  disturbances  of  the  balance  between 
the  sexes  which  have  resulted  from  the  wars  (especially  the  Thirty  Years'  War) 
that  have  devastated  the  German-speaking  lands  and  always  destroyed  more 
men  than  women,  so  that  the  latter  have  had  to  drop  all  fine  feelings  and  just 
"  hustle  "  tooth  and  nail  to  get  a  home  and  a  husband.  Observing  the  German 
husband's  treatment  of  his  wife,  and  even  other  men's  wives,  I  have  often  felt 
moved  to  repeat  the  rustic's  ejaculation  over  the  wall  of  a  pigsty  at  feeding- 
time  :  "  Well  may  they  call  'em  pigs  !  "  There  is  nothing  so  porcine,  after  all, 
as  the  spectacle  of  a  German  gulping  down,  as  if  it  were  beer,  the  embraces  of 
his  beloved.  It  is  to  be  hoped  German  women  will  do  more  in  the  future  than 
in  the  past  to  civilise  their  overlords.  The  Backfisch  could  do  a  deal,  if  she  would, 
when  the  time  comes.  But  she  would  have  to  cease  lighting  her  little  candles 
of  adoration,  poor  child,  before  a  Hindenburg,  if  she  is  to  change  an  essential 
German  in  the  day  when  she  puts  her  hair  up.  E.  B.  OSBORN. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

1. — THE  IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  LEAGUE  :    1884-1898.  * 

"  The  cause  which  we  call  Imperial  Federation,  for  want  of  a  better  name,  is  worthy 
of  the  devotion  of  the  individual  lives  of  the  people  of  this  country.  For  my  part, 
...  I  can  say  from  the  bottom  of  my  heart  that  it  is  the  dominant  passion  of  my 
public  life.  Ever  since  I  traversed  those  great  regions  which  own  the  sway  of 
the  British  Crown  outside  these  islands,  I  have  felt  that  it  was  a  cause  which  merited 
all  the  enthusiasm  and  energy  that  man  could  give  it.  It  is  a  cause  for  which 
anyone  might  be  content  to  live ;  it  is  a  cause  for  which,  if  need  be,  anyone  might 
be  content  to  die." — Lord  Eosebery  at  Leeds,  October  11,  1888. 

The  Imperial  Federation  League  was  founded  at  a  Conference  which  met 
in  London,  first  on  July  29,  and  subsequently  on  November  18,  1884,  under 
the  chairmanship  of  the  Bt.  Hon.  W.  E.  Forster,  Liberal  M.P.  for  Bradford. 
At  the  adjourned  Conference,  when  the  League  was  formally  constituted  with 
Mr.  Forster  as  Chairman,  its  purpose  was  set  out  in  the  following  (among  other) 
resolutions  then  adopted: — 

That  the  object  of  the  League  be  to  secure  by  Federation  the  permanent  unity  of 
the  Empire. 

That  no  scheme  of  Federation  should  interfere  with  the  existing  rights  of  local 
parliaments  as  regards  local  affairs. 

That  any  scheme  of  Imperial  Federation  should  combine  on  an  equitable  basis 
the  resources  of  the  Empire  for  the  maintenance  of  common  interests,  and  adequately 
provide  for  an  organised  defence  of  common  rights. 

That  the  League  .     .  invites  the  support  of  men  of  all  political  parties. 


264    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT. 

Mr.  Forster,  the  first  Chairman  of  the  League,  had  served  successively  as 
Under-Secretary  for  the  Colonies  in  1865  ;  as  a  member  of  Mr.  Gladstone's 
Cabinet  and  Vice-President  of  the  Committee  of  Council  on  Education,  1868- 
1874  ;  and  as  Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland  in  1880-1882.  The  names  of  the 
speakers,  as  recorded  in  the  official  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Conference, 
afford  evidence  alike  of  the  non-party  character  and  of  the  significance  of  this 
effort  to  give  effect  to  the  growing  Imperial  sentiment  of  the  time.  To  take 
only  a  few  of  the  more  familiar  among  them,  we  find :  the  Et.  Hon.  W.  H. 
Smith,  M.P.,  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  in  Lord  Beaconsfield's  Government 
1877-1880  ;  Sir  Henry  Holland,  M.P.  (afterwards  Viscount  Knutsford),  Under- 
secretary for  the  Colonies,  1870-1874  ;  Lord  Eosebery,  Under-Secretary  for 
the  Home  Department  under  Mr.  Gladstone  in  1881  ;  Mr.  Edward  Stanhope, 
M.P.,  Under-Secretary  for  India,  1878-1880  ;  and  Sir  Charlea  Tupper,  then 
High  Commissioner  for  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

The  difficulty  of  finding  a  correct  terminology  was  realised  at  the  outset. 
By  the  use  of  the  word  "  federation  "  Mr.  Forster  himself  said  at  the  Conference  : 
"  We  do  not  by  any  means  bind  ourselves  to  a  particular  form  of  Federal  Parlia- 
ment. It  may  be  effected  by  representation  in  the  Imperial  Parliament,  or 
it  may  be  by  a  Council  of  Eepresentatives  of  the  Colonies.  We  want  to  convey 
the  notion  that  ultimately,  hereafter,  there  must  be  a  union,  in  some  form 
or  other,  of  England  with  her  Colonies,  on  terms  of  perfect  equality  to  the 
Colonies  as  well  as  to  England  ;  and  I  do  not  know  any  word  which  will  better 
express  that  notion  than  the  word  '  Federation  '."  The  adjective  "  Imperial  ", 
although  it  was  innocent  enough  from  an  etymological  point  of  view — merely 
indicating  the  British  Empire  as  the  field  to  which  the  federal  principle  was 
to  be  applied — was  always  rather  a  red  rag  to  certain  classes  of  political  thinkers 
— both  at  home  and  overseas.  The  word  was  charged,  for  such  minds,  with  two 
evil  associations  :  it  suggested  the  idea  of  the  United  Kingdom  as  a  superior 
over  a  group  of  inferior  states  ;  and  it  raised  a  suspicion  of  military  aggression, 
which,  though  quite  unfounded,  alarmed  many  otherwise  firm  supporters  of 
the  British  connection.  On  the  other  hand,  a  really  happy  definition  of  the 
work  of  the  League  was  given  by  Mr.  Forster  on  another  occasion.  Its  business 
was,  he  said,  to  bring  about  "  such  a  union  of  the  Mother  Country  with  the 
Colonies  as  will  keep  the  realm  one  state  in  relation  to  other  states." 

That  the  movement  was  neither  artificial,  nor  forced  by  home  statesmen, 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  similar  organisations,  with  sternly  practical  objects, 
were  formed — almost  simultaneously  with  the  Imperial  Federation  League — 
in  each  of  the  two  provinces  of  the  Empire  where  the  threat  of  separation  was 
felt  most  acutely.  The  first  of  them — the  Empire  League  of  the  Cape  Colony—- 
actually preceded  the  London  Society,  to  which  it  was  afterwards  affiliated, 
by  nearly  a  month — since  it  was  formally  constituted  at  a  meeting  held  at 
Cape  Town  on  October  28,  1884. 

It  was  the  year  of  the  Bechuanaland  crisis,  and  a  period  in  which  the 
Dutch  control  of  the  Cape  Parliament  revealed  a  distinctly  Separatist  tendency 
in  Cape  politics.  The  Empire  League,  therefore,  placed  first  in  its  declaration 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT.     265 

of  principles  :  "  The  fundamental  object  of  this  League  is  to  maintain  unim- 
paired the  connection  which  now  subsists  between  this  Colony  and  the  British 
Empire."  But  while  its  immediate  purpose  was  "  to  correct  the  erroneous  idea 
that  the  spirit  of  loyalty  has  waned  in  this  portion  of  Her  Majesty's  dominions 
to  such  an  extent  as  to  justify  the  suspicions  which  have  been  aroused,"  it  also 
advocated  a  constructive  policy;  which  brought  it  into  line  with  the  Imperial 
Federation  League. 

...  It  is  not  sought  in  any  way  to  limit  the  rights  of  self-government  which  this 
Colony  at  present  enjoys,  but  rather  to  secure  for  it  entire  freedom  in  the  control  of 
purely  domestic  affairs,  with  some  voice,  at  no  distant  date,  in  the  Councils  of  the 
Empire.  With  this  end  in  view  the  League  will  be  affiliated  to  the  Federation  League, 
now  being  formed  in  England.  .  .  . 

In  Canada  the  threat  was  not  military,  but  commercial.  Here  Mr.  Goldwin 
Smith  was  writing  that  "  a  Canadian  nationality  being  a  lost  cause,  the  ultimate 
union  of  Canada  with  the  United  States  appears  now  to  be  morally  certain  ", 
and  Commercial  Union  was  becoming  the  question  of  the  day.  To  this  offer 
the  Canadian  Imperialists  opposed  a  programme  of  inter-Imperial  reciprocity, 
and  it  was  the  prospect  of  obtaining  the  first  instalment  of  this  programme, 
in  the  shape  of  preferential  trading  arrangements  between  Australasia  and 
Canada,  that  gave  the  work  of  the  Imperial  Federation  League  a  special  hold 
upon  the  public  mind  of  the  Dominion.  The  prominence  given  to  the  economic 
aspect  of  Imperial  Unity  appears  in  the  form  of  the  resolution,  passed  at  the 
meeting  held  at  Montreal  on  May  9,  1885,  under  which  the  Canadian  branch  of 
the  Imperial  Federation  League  was  constituted.  It  ran : — 

That  a  Canadian  branch  of  the  League  be  now  formed,  to  be  called  the  Imperial 
Federation  League  in  Canada,  and  that  the  object  of  the  League  in  Canada  shall  be 
to  promote  the  discussion  of  means  whereby  the  permanent  unity  of  the  Empire  may 
be  maintained,  and  its  practical  efficiency  increased,  to  further  the  development  and 
interchange  of  the  resources  of  its  various  parts,  and  to  resist  any  measures  tending 
to  disintegration. 

Just  three  years  later  the  first  practical  step  towards  the  realisation  of  this 
programme  was  taken  by  the  League  in  Canada.  On  May  18, 1888,  a  memorial 
was  presented  to  Lord  Lansdowne,  the  (then)  Governor-General,  by  the  Toronto 
branch  of  the  League,  asking  that  the  necessary  steps  might  be  taken  by  the 
Canadian  Government  to  invite  the  Australasian  Governments  to  join  in 
constituting  a  conference  "  to  devise  means  for  the  development  of  reciprocal 
trade  and  commerce  "  between  these  two  great  provinces  of  the  British  Empire. 

Two  months  later  the  writer  of  this  article  (being  then  in  New  Zealand) 
received  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  League  in  Canada,  requesting  him 
to  obtain  support  for  the  proposed  Conference  in  New  Zealand,  and  to  act  with 
this  end  in  view  in  concert  with  the  branch  of  the  League  already  established 
at  Melbourne. 

This  endeavour  to  arouse  public  opinion  on  the  part  of  the  branches  of  the 
Imperial  Federation  League  was  assisted  materially  by  the  visit  of  Mr.  G.  K. 
Parkin  to  New  Zealand  and  Australia  in  the  following  year.  Mr.  Parkin's 


266    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

mission  had  a  two-fold  object.  He  desired  to  obtain  information  as  to  the 
feeling  with  which  the  proposals  of  the  Federation  League  were  regarded  by 
representative  men  in  those  Colonies,  and  at  the  same  time  by  private  conversa- 
tion and  public  addresses  to  make  known  the  general  aims  of  the  League,  and 
to  remove,  where  possible,  some  of  the  misunderstandings  to  which  an  unfriendly 
interpretation  of  those  aims  had  given  rise.  In  both  these  aspects  Mr.  Parkin's 
mission  was  remarkably  successful.  In  New  Zealand  a  branch  of  the  Federation 
League  was  formally  constituted  at  Christchurch  on  May  3,  1889,  as  the  direct 
result  of  the  largely  attended  public  meeting  which  Mr.  Parkin  had  addressed 
the  week  before.  And  in  Australia,  where  the  policy  of  the  Federation  League 
was  subjected  to  considerable  public  criticism,  he  attracted  to  the  movement 
the  support  of  many  influential  public  men,  who  had  hitherto  regarded  it  with 
suspicion. 

The  fruit  of  these  activities  of  the  branches  of  the  League  in  Canada, 
Australia,  and  New  Zealand  was  reaped  five  years  later  at  Ottawa.  This, 
the  second  Colonial  Conference  (1894),  met  on  the  invitation,  not  of  the  Home, 
but  of  the  Dominion,  Government ;  and  it  was  especially  concerned  with 
questions  of  inter-Imperial  trade  and  communications.  The  great  Blue  Book, 
which  contains  the  report  of  its  proceedings — presented  to  the  Home  Govern- 
ment by  their  representative,  Lord  Jersey — is  a  mine  of  practical  information 
upon  the  industrial  and  commercial  conditions  of  the  oversea  British  communi- 
ties. It  was  at  this  Conference  that  the  oversea  British  put  on  record  their 
belief  in  the  possibility  and  utility  "  of  a  Customs  arrangement  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  by  which  trade  within  the  Empire  might  be  placed  on 
a  more  favourable  footing  than  that  which  is  carried  on  with  foreign  countries." 
They  asked  that  the  "  unlucky  treaties,"  *  which  prevented  the  self-governing 
dependencies  of  the  Empire  from  entering  into  agreements  of  commercial 
reciprocity  with  each  other  or  with  Great  Britain,  should  be  abrogated  by 
Imperial  legislation,  in  order  that,  pending  the  adoption  of  such  a  Customs 
arrangement  by  Great  Britain,  they  themselves  might  be  enabled  to  place  each 
other's  products,  in  whole  or  in  part,  and  those  of  the  Mother  Country,  on  a  more 
favoured  Customs  basis  than  was  accorded  to  the  like  products  of  foreign  coun- 
tries. The  strength  of  the  feeling  in  favour  of  the  preferential  treatment  of 
inter-Imperial  trade,  manifested  by  the  representatives  of  the  oversea  British 
at  this  Conference,  is  reflected  in  Lord  Jersey's  Eeport. 

It  is  within  the  power  of  Great  Britain  [he  wrote]  to  settle  the  direction  of  their 
trade  and  the  current  of  their  sentiments  for,  it  may  be,  generations.  Such  an  oppor- 
tunity may  not  ever  recur,  as  the  sands  of  time  run  down  quickly.  There  is  an 

*  This  is  (the  late)  Lord  Salisbury's  expression.  Those  treaties  were  not  denounced 
until  July  30,  1897,  as  the  result  of  the  resolution  ad  hoc  passed  by  the  Colonial  Conference 
of  1897.  The  original  treaties  were  with  Belgium  (1862)  and  the  German  Zollverein  (1865) ; 
but  so  long  as  they  remained  in  force,  the  operative  clause,  "  Articles,  the  produce  or  manu- 
facture of  (Belgium  or  Germany),  shall  not  be  subject  in  the  British  Colonies  to  other  or 
higher  duties  than  those  which  are  or  may  be  imposed  upon  similar  articles  of  British  origin," 
was  extended  to  all  countries  whose  commercial  treaties  with  Great  Britain  contained  a 
"  most  favoured  nation  "  clause.  And  of  such  treaties  there  were  more  than  twenty-two  in 
all  at  the  time  in  question. — (F.O.  declaration  in  Cd.  5369.  1888.) 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.    267 

impatience  for  action  which  would  be  tried  by  delay,  and  most  sadly  disappointed  by 
indiSerence  to  the  proposals  which  are  now  brought  forward. 

Mr.  Forster  died  on  April  5,  1886.  At  the  foundation  of  the  League  he  had 
said  :  "I  think  I  have  now  seen  the  beginning  of  a  movement  than  which  there 
has  been  none  of  more  importance  to  the  world."  If  he  had  been  spared  only 
another  year,  he  would  have  seen  the  attainment  of  the  primary  object  of  the 
League  in  the  meeting  of  the  first  Colonial  Conference  at  London  in  1887.  As 
it  was,  before  his  death  the  League  was  well  established  in  South  Africa,  Canada, 
and  Australia.  In  South  Africa  there  had  been  a  striking  demonstration  of  its 
usefulness ;  for  here,  in  direct  response  to  the  appeal  evoked  by  the  Empire 
League,  the  expedition  commanded  by  Sir  Charles  Warren  had  been  sent  out  to 
Bechuanaland,  and,  by  a  bloodless  victory,  regained  in  a  large  measure  for  Great 
Britain,  as  paramount  power,  the  prestige  which  had  been  lost  by  the  retrocession 
of  the  Transvaal  in  1881.  He  saw,  too,  the  inspiring  spectacle  of  Canadian 
boatmen  and  New  South  Wales  troopers  fighting  side  by  side  with  the  British 
soldiers  of  the  regular  army  in  the  Soudan. 

Mr.  Forster's  place  was  taken  by  Lord  Kosebery,  with  Mr.  Edward  Stanhope 
as  Vice-Chairman.  This  latter  position  was  resigned  by  Mr.  Stanhope  in  the 
following  October  (1886),  upon  his  appointment  as  Colonial  Secretary  in  Lord 
Salisbury's  Government,  and  resumed  at  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,  when 
he  was  transferred  to  the  War  Office.  The  title  of  Chairman,  held  by  Mr. 
Forster,  was  changed  to  that  of  "  President "  upon  the  constitution  of  the 
General  Council  of  the  League  early  in  1888  ;  and  thus  for  six  years  (1886  to 
1892)  the  work  of  the  League  was  carried  on  under  Lord  Eosebery  as  President 
(or  Chairman)  and  Mr.  Stanhope  as  Vice-President.  In  the  autumn  of  1892 
Lord  Kosebery  resigned  the  Presidency,  on  taking  office  in  Mr.  Gladstone's 
Government  as  Foreign  Secretary.  Mr.  Stanhope  then  became  President,  with 
Lord  Kosebery  first,  and  afterwards  Lord  Brassey,  as  Vice-President.  At  the 
end  of  the  year  following  (1893),  the  League  was  dissolved  in  circumstances 
which  will  be  related  subsequently. 

Thus  the  life  of  the  League  was  only  ten  years  in  all,  during  seven  of  which 
its  activities  were  guided  by  Lord  Rosebery  and  Mr.  Stanhope.  The  work 
which  it  accomplished  within  this  brief  period  (1884-1893)  falls  under  two 
heads :  (a)  direct  achievements  and  (b)  the  concentration  of  public  attention 
upon  the  need  for  the  administrative  unity  of  the  component  parts  of  the  Empire. 
Considerations  of  space  forbid  any  attempt  to  give  an  account  of  the  general 
work  of  propaganda  included  under  this  second  head.  Its  results  may  be 
followed  at  large  in  the  pages  of  the  Journal,  issued  monthly  for  the  years  1886 
to  1893  from  the  office  of  the  League.  It  must  suffice,  therefore,  to  say  that 
these  eight  volumes  not  only  afford  conclusive  evidence  of  the  powerful  influence 
exercised  by  the  League  and  of  the  widespread  activities  of  its  individual 
members,  but  that  they  constitute  a  storehouse  of  information  upon  every 
aspect  of  the  problem  of  Imperial  Unity — and  one  in  which  all  shades  and 
phases  of  oversea  British  thought  are  duly  represented. 

To  arrive  at  a  just  estimate  of  the  direct  achievements  of  the  League,  it  is 


268    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

necessary  to  recall  the  message  which  Mr.  Forster  sent  to  the  executive  committee 
just  before  his  untimely  death.  It  was  to  the  effect  that  "  for  the  organised 
and  efficient  defence  in  war  of  the  sea  commerce  of  the  Empire,  mutual  arrange- 
ments and  joint  action  between  the  Mother  Country,  the  Colonies,  and  Depen- 
dencies were  necessary."  And  that  "  a  basis  for  such  mutual  arrangements  and 
joint  action  could  best  be  arrived  at  by  an  official  British  Conference  called 
by  Her  Majesty's  Authority  and  composed  of  accredited  representatives 
appointed  by  Colonies  having  responsible  governments,  and  of  representatives 
appointed  by  the  United  Kingdom  ". 

The  immediate  objective  of  the  League  was,  therefore,  to  bring  about  the 
meeting  of  this  conference ;  and  when  the  first  Conference  had  been  held,  to 
secure  the  periodic  meeting  of  such  Conferences.  Bearing  this  in  mind,  we  may 
include  fairly  the  following  as  direct  achievements  of  the  Imperial  Federation 
League. 

(1)  The  first  Colonial  Conference  (April  5,  1887). 

To  support  this  claim  it  is  only  necessary  to  remember  that  this  step  was 
urged  upon  the  Prime  Minister,  Lord  Salisbury,  by  a  deputation  of  the  League 
on  August  11,  1886  ;  that  Mr.  Stanhope  was  the  Colonial  Secretary  who,  at  the 
end  of  November  of  the  same  year,  penned  the  circular  letter  that  invited  the 
self-governing  Colonies  to  send  delegates  to  the  Conference  ;  and  that  it  was  Sir 
Henry  Holland  (afterwards  Viscount  Knutsford),  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
League,  who  presided  over  its  deliberations.  From  this  Conference  there  came 
(inter  alia) : — 

(a)  The  Australasian  Naval  Defence  Agreement,  in  which  these  Colonies  undertook 
to  contribute  £126,000  per  annum  for  ten  years  to  the  maintenance  of  an  increased 
naval  force  in  these  waters. 

(b)  The  inspection  of  the  local  forces  of  Australasia  by  Major-General  Sir  Bevan 
Edwards  in  1890. 

(c)  An  agreement  for  the  administration  of  British  New  Guinea  at  the  joint  cost 
of  the  Imperial  and  certain  Australian  Colonial  Governments. 

(d)  The  proposal  of  Mr.  Hofmeyr  (delegate  of  the  Cape  Colony)  "  to  discuss  the 
feasibility  of  promoting  closer  union  between  the  various  parts  of  the  British  Empire 
by  means  of  an  Imperial  tariff,  the  revenue  derived  from  such  tariff  to  be  devoted 
to  the  general  defence  of  the  Empire."     This  tariff  of  customs  was  to  be  levied,  inde- 
pendently of  the  duties  payable  under  existing  tariffs,  on  all  goods  entering  the  Empire 
from  abroad. 

(2)  The  Ottawa  Conference  of  1894. 

The  effective  part  played  by  the  League  in  the  promotion  of  this  Conference 
has  been  indicated  above. 

(3)  The  recognition  of  the  necessity  for  a  periodic  Conference. 

At  a  meeting  held  at  the  Mansion  House  on  November  15,  1889,  Lord  Eose- 
bery,  the  President  of  the  League,  said:  "  I  have  always  felt  since  [the  meeting 
of  the  Conference  of  1887],  that  the  existence  of  what  is  called  Imperial  or 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     269 

National  Federation  depended  upon  the  periodical  continuance  and  renewal 
of  those  Conferences.  Now  I  have  ventured  to  lay  that  view  before  the  League, 
and  they  have  cordially  concurred  with  me  in  taking  it  up.  They  are  prepared 
to  limit  and  define  their  exertion,  for  the  present  at  any  rate,  to  the  promoting, 
and  maintaining,  and  stimulating  of  those  Imperial  Conferences." 

It  was  the  endeavour  to  put  this  policy  into  effect  that  led  to  the  dissolution 
of  the  League  at  the^end  of  1893. 

On  April  13,  1891,  the  Council  ofTthe\League  resolved  :  "  That  the  Prime 
Minister  be  requested  to  receive  a  deputation  from  the"  Imperial  Federation 
League  to  urge  the  Convocation,  at  the  earliest  timely  date,  of  a  Conference  of 
the  self-governing  Countries  of  the  Empire,  to  consider  the  question  of  securing 
to  them  a  real  and  effective  share  in  the  privileges  and  responsibilities  of  a 
United  Empire,  under  conditions  which  are  consistent  with  the  present  political 
constitution  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  with  the  self-government  possessed  by 
the  Colonies."  The  Deputation,  arranged  in  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  obtained 
from  (the  late)  Lord  Salisbury,  on  June  17,  1891,  a  pronouncement  of  the  first 
importance,  as  affecting  the  whole  question  of  Imperial  unity. 

I  quite  think  [he  said]  that  no  grave  decision  in  reference  to  the  relations  between 
the  Colonies  and  this  country  ought  to  be  taken,  or  could  be  taken,  without  personal 
communication  with  the  statesmen  who  guide  the  Colonies  in  these  matters.  But  I 
would  venture  to  lay  down  also  as  a  maxim  that  we  should  not  call  them  from  their 
momentous  vocations  to  put  them  to  all  the  difficulty,  and  all  the  labour,  and  all  the 
cost  of  coming  to  this  end  of  the  world,  unless  we  are  prepared  to  lay  before  them  for 
discussion  some  definite  scheme  of  our  own.  .  .  I  think  it  would  be  a  frivolity,  almost 
amounting  to  an  insult,  to  ask  those  statesmen  to  come  together  here  without  any 
definite  idea  of  what  ought  to  be  done,  merely  in  the  hope  that  some  scheme  would 
generate  itself  from  contact  of  so  many  distinguished  minds  ...  it  would  be  an 
insult  to  summon  a  Conference  and^to  have  no  proposition  to  make  to  them  when  they 
were  come.  .  .  . 

As  to  the  League  having  no  cut-and-dried  scheme  to  propose  ...  I  think  that  we 
are  almost  come  to  the  time  when  schemes  should  be  proposed,  and  that  without  them 
we  shall  not  get  very  far. 

In  response  to  Lord  Salisbury's  challenge  it  was  resolved  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Council  of  the  League  held  on  the  following  July  6,  "  that  a  carefully  selected 
Committee  be  appointed  to  submit  to  the  Council,  for  the  consideration  of  the 
organisations  of  the  League  throughout  the  Empire,  definite  proposals  by  which 
the  object  of  Imperial  Federation  may  be  realised."  The  remarkable  document 
thus  produced  was  dated  July  1892,  and  presented  to  the  Council  on  November  16 
of  the  same  year.  It  bore  the  names  of :  Lord  Brassey  (Chairman),  James 
Bryce,  Sir  John  Colomb,  Sir  Daniel  Cooper,  H.  0.  Arnold-Forster,  Lord  Laming- 
ton,  Sir  Lyon  Playfair,  James  Bankin,  Sir  Rawson  Bawson,  Lord  Beay,  and 
Sir  Charles  Tupper.  The  Committee  commenced  its  inquiry  by  circulating  a 
series  of  carefully  considered  questions  among  some  thirty  persons  specially 
qualified  to  give  their  opinions  upon  the  principal  points  involved  in  any  form 


270    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

of  Federation  ;  and  it  was  only  after  the  replies  to  these  questions  had  been 
received  that  the  proposals  subsequently  embodied  in  the  Keport  were  drawn 
up.  As  the  result  of  this  procedure  the  Committee  found  that  "  the  essentials 
of  a  United  Empire  may  be  thus  briefly  defined  : — 

"  (a)  That  the  voice  of  the  Empire  in  peace  when  dealing  with  Foreign  Powers 
shall  be,  as  far  as  possible,  the  united  voice  of  all  its  autonomous  parts. 

"  (b)  That  the  defence  of  the  Empire  in  war  shall  be  the  common  defence  of 
all  its  interests,  and  of  all  its  parts  by  the  united  forces  and  resources  of  all 
its  members." 

For  these  two  purposes  "  some  centra)  body  in  which  all  the  parts  of  the 
Empire  are  represented  was  essential  "  ;  and  it  remained  to  consider : 

"  (a)  How  shall  a  Council  of  the  Empire  be  constituted  ? 

"  (6)  By  what  means  can  the  resources  of  the  Empire  be  most  affectively 
combined  ?  " 

To  the  first  of  these  questions  the  Eeport  replies,  that  the  Council  of  the 
Empire  "  should  consist  of  members  appointed  by  the  United  Kingdom  and  the 
self-governing  Colonies."  It  should  include  on  the  part  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
the  Indian  Empire,  and  the  Crown  Colonies — the  Prime  Minister,  the  Secretaries 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  War,  Colonies,  and  India,  the  first  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  self- 
governing  Colonies — direct  representatives  of  the  three  groups,  North  American, 
Australasian,  and  South  African. 

One  of  its  primary  duties  would  be  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  Empire  ; 
and  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty  the  Eeport  recommends  that  the  Council  should 
act  on  the  lines  of  Article  20  of  the  Keport  of  Lord  Hartington's  Commission  on 
Defence.  (This  Article  is  cited  in  full.) 

Then  follow  what  may  be  termed  the  operative  clauses  of  the  Eeport. 

XX.  The  Council  might  receive  such  information  relating  to  matters  of  foreign 
policy  as  would  enable  it  to  deal  adequately  with  questions  of  defence. 

XXI.  In  matters  of  defence  the  Council  should  supervise  the  appropriation  of  any 
moneys  provided  for  the  defence  of  the  Empire  by  the  common  contributions  of  the 
United  Kingdom  and  the  Colonies. 

XXII.  The  method  of  raising  contributions  would  probably  by  general  consent  be 
left  at  the  outset  to  the  choice  of  the  individual  self-governing  States.     But  future 
developments  may  disclose  a  means  of  raising  the  necessary  contributions  upon  some 
uniform  principle  throughout  the  Empire,  by  the  allocation  to  this  purpose  of  special 
sources  of  revenue  or  otherwise. 

XXIII.  The  several  amounts  should  be  fixed  in  the  first  instance  for  a  term  of 
years  by  a  Conference,  subject  to  periodical  revisions. 

XXIX.  In  order  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  different  Colonies  enjoying  responsible 
Government  as  to  securing  the  unity  of  the  Empire  and  meeting  the  responsibilities 
of  Imperial  defence,  and  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the  basis  upon  and  the  method 
by  which  contributions  should  be  raised,  the  Governments  concerned  should  be  invited 
to  send  representatives  to  a  Conference  summoned  ad  hoc.  Such  Conference  ought  not, 
however,  to  be  formally  convoked  until  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  satisfied  them 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT.     271 

selves  that  the  moment  is  opportune,  and  that  a  favourable  reception  of  any  proposals 
they  may  make  may  reasonably  be  looked  for. 

XXX.  The  invitation  to  such  a  Conference  should  be  accompanied  by  a  complete 
statement  showing  the  general  necessities  of  the  Empire  in  the  matter  of  defence  ; 
the  means  by  which  defence  has  hitherto  been  provided,  and  the  proposed  means 
and  estimated  cost  of  providing  it  by  joint  action  in  the  future. 

In  reply  to  the  second  question — How  can  the  resources  of  the  Empire  be 
most  effectively  combined  ?  — the  Eeport  sets  out  certain  "  more  immediately 
practicable  "  measures,  which  can  be  effected  by  Imperial  and  local  legislation 
on  the  invitation  of  the  Council  of  the  Empire.  Among  such  measures  it  includes 
Imperial  penny  postage,  the  admission  of  Colonial  Government  securities  as 
Trustee  investments,  the  opening  of  the  administrative  services  of  the  Empire 
to  oversea  candidates,  the  appointment  of  oversea  Jurists  to  the  Judicial 
Committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  the  attainment  of  uniformity  in  certain 
branches  of  the  Statute  Law  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  Colonies. 

The  further  development  of  inter- Imperial  trade,  with  the  removal  of  existing 
hindrances  thereto  due  to  tariff  arrangements,  is  deemed  by  the  Committee  to 
be  a  measure  "  which  if  not  at  first  practicable  may  become  more  so  "  with  the 
growth  of  national  unity.  And  on  this  head  the  report  says  : — 

The  course  of  events  may  remove  the  obstacles  at  present  retarding  the  inter- 
change of  commodities  between  the  countries  which  constitute  the  Empire.  The 
sense  of  the  permanence  of  the  political  union  would  naturally  induce  the  people  of 
the  various  countries  in  the  Empire  to  make,  for  the  sake  of  strengthening  the  union, 
fiscal  arrangements,  which,  under  existing  circumstances,  they  are  not  prepared 
to  adopt. 

Of  this  very  remarkable  document  it  may  be  said  that,  taken  as  a  whole, 
it  brings  us  nearer  to  an  organic  union  of  the  Empire  than  any  earlier  or  sub- 
sequent plan  for  the  attainment  of  the  same  end.  The  advances  of  the  last 
twenty  years  —  the  institution  of  the  periodic  Imperial  Conference,  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee,  improved  means  of  communi- 
cation, the  appointment  of  leading  Colonial  Jurists  to  the  Judicial  Committee 
of  the  Privy  Council,  the  grant  of  reciprocal  trade  privileges  by  the  Dominions 
to  each  other  and  to  the  United  Kingdom,  and  the  establishment  of  an  Imperial 
penny  post — are  anticipated,  and  transcended,  by  its  recommendations. 

The  Eeport  was  laid  before  Mr.  Gladstone  (who  had  succeeded  Lord  Salisbury 
as  Prime  Minister  after  the  General  Election  of  1892)  by  a  deputation  of  the 
League  on  April  13,  1898.  In  his  opinion  it  broke  down  in  two  respects.  In 
the  first  place,  the  prospect  of  the  development  of  the  trade  of  the  oversea 
British  communities  by  preferential  treatment  in  the  markets  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  was  too  remote. 

I  do  not  think  I  should  be  dealing  fairly  with  you  [he  said]  if  I  held  out  any 
expectation  that,  so  far  as  I  am  vmyself  concerned — which  is  not  very  important — and 
so  far  as  my  political  friends  are  concerned,  we  should  ever  be  prepared  to  propose  the 

T  2 


272    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

consolidation  of  the  Empire  by  means  of  reversing  again  the  principles  of  our  com- 
mercial relations,  and  introducing  preferences  into  the  terms  upon  which  commodities 
imported  oversea  are  received  into  the  ports  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

And  next,  the  Report  did  not  state  the  basis  upon  which  the  respective 
contributions  of  the  various  oversea  British  states,  and  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
to  the  cost  of  Imperial  defence  were  to  be  assessed.  Its  proposals  did  not 
constitute,  therefore,  the  "  definite  scheme  "  for  which  Lord  Salisbury  had 
asked.  The  Premier's  words  were  : — 

You  have  made  some  considerable  progress  towards  the  formation  of  a  scheme  in 
this  paper,  but  you  yourselves  know  better  than  I  do  that  what  this  paper  contains 
does  not  amount  to  a  scheme,  for,  in  truth,  nothing  could  be  called  a  scheme  which 
did  not,  I  think,  distinctly  lay  down  the  principle  upon  which — I  do  not  say  the 
particulars,  but  the  principles — upon  which  the  burden  of  the  common  defence  was  to 
be  distributed,  and  which  did  not  likewise  distinctly  intimate  the  nature  of  the  powers 
to  attach  to  the  proposed  Imperial  Council  of  Defence. 

Of  these  two  points,  the  first — as  Mr.  Gladstone  himself  admitted — was 
answered  by  anticipation  in  the  Eeport,  while  the  second,  had  argument  been 
of  any  avail,  was  open  to  a  perfectly  valid  reply.  To  men  versed  in  adminis- 
trative affairs,  the  principles  of  distribution — for  the  omission  of  which  Mr. 
Gladstone  chided  the  League — were  matters  of  common  knowledge.  They  were 
the  same  in  a  Union  of  Parishes  as  in  a  Union  of  States.  The  burden  of  Imperial 
defence,  like  other  common  burdens,  must  be  distributed  among  the  several 
members  of  the  Union  in  shares  proportionate  to  their  respective  needs  and 
resources  ;  and  these  needs  and  resources  would  be  measured  in  terms  of  popu- 
lation, wealth,  revenue,  and  expenditure.  The  Deputation,  therefore,  might 
have  pointed  out  that  what  they  advocated  was  to  summon  a  conference  of 
responsible  delegates  ad  hoc-,  and  that  it  would  be  for  these  delegates,  duly 
authorised  thereto  by  their  respective  Governments,  and  for  no  one  else,  to 
determine  in  consultation  not  merely  the  final  details  of  the  proposals  to  be 
submitted  to  their  respective  electorates,  but  in  what  manner  these  well- 
established  principles  of  distribution  should  be  applied,  and  whether — and  if 
so  to  what  extent — they  should  be  modified  to  meet  the  special  conditions  of 
each  of  the  communities  concerned. 

But  the  obstacles  to  the  adoption  of  the  recommendations  of  the  Report 
were  iu  fact  more  fundamental  than  any  question  of  procedure.  The  majority 
of  the  United  Kingdom  electorate,  being  ignorant  for  the  most  part  of  the 
potential  greatness  of  the  British  oversea  territories,  were  unwilling  to  risk 
the  loss  of  prosperity  which  they  believedYjightly  or  wrongly,  would  be  entailed 
upon  the  manufacturing  population  by  any  \departure  from  the  practice  of  the 
free  importation  of  food-stuffs  and  raw  materials.  The  oversea  British,  being 
themselves  industrial  communities,  in  the  absence  of  any  realisable  threat 
of  danger  from  a  foreign  power,  hesitated  to  inV-u*  financial  liabilities  which 
they  deemed  to  be  penalties  special  to  nations  as  yet  under  a  military  regime. 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     273 

And  the  most  far-sighted  of  their  leaders  were  unable  at  this  date  to  justify  the 
acceptance  of  the  increased  responsibilities  of  a  pro  rata  contribution  to  a  common 
expenditure  upon  the  defence  of  the  Empire,  unless  and  until  their  produce 
received  the  preferential  treatment  in  the  markets  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
which,  in  their  opinion,  would  have  assured  the  rapid  development  of  their 
population  and  industries. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  League,  as  a  collective  body,  the  Conference  ad  hoc  was 
a  necessary  next  step,  if  the  advance  towards  the  goal  of  Imperial  Unity  was  to 
be  continued.  When,  therefore,  this  "  next  step  "  was  rejected  by  two  successive 
Prime  Ministers,  representing  respectively  each  of  the  two  dominant  political 
parties  of  the  Mother  Country,  it  became  obvious  that  the  members  of  the  League 
must  take  stock  of  their  position.  A  committee  was  appointed,  therefore, 
without  delay  to  "  inquire  into  and  report  upon  the  course  of  action  to  be 
adopted  by  the  League  in  the  immediate  future."  In  the  July  following,  this 
committee  found  that  "  the  special  Keport  laid  before  the  Prime  Minister  in 
April  represented  the  maximum  of  political  principles  and  opinions  attainable, 
as  a  homogeneous  body,  by  all  the  numerous  and  diverse  elements  of  which 
the  League  is  composed  "  :  and  concluded  its  report  with  a  recommendation 
that  the  operations  of  the  League  should  be  brought  to  a  close.  The  issue  thus 
raised  was  fully  stated  in  a  communication  from  the  President  (Mr.  Stanhope) 
addressed  to  all  members  of  the  Council  of  the  League  ;  and  members  unable 
to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  Council,  of  which  due  notice  was  given,  were 
invited  to  record  their  "  aye  or  no  "  by  letter.  In  these  circumstances  the 
Council  resolved,  at  a  meeting  held  on  November  24,  by  a  bare  majority  of  the 
members  present  and  voting,  but  by  a  great  preponderance  of  the  votes  received 
by  post,  that  "  the  Central  Organisation  be  dissolved  at  the  close  of  the  present 
year  (1898)." 

Although  the  Central  Body  of  the  League  was  thus  dissolved,  the  City 
Branch  (which  became  the  present  British  Empire  League),  and  the  oversea 
branches,  remained  in  operation.  And  in  addition  to  these  branches  two 
independent  organisations  carried  on  the  work  of  the  League  by  advocating 
respectively  the  two  main  lines  of  advance  towards  administrative  unity  :  the 
partnership  in  Defence  and  the  partnership  in  Trade.  Of  these,  the  "  United 
Empire  Trade  League  "  had  been  formed,  with  Colonel  Sir  Howard  Vincent 
as  its  moving  spirit,  in  1891  ;  while  the  "  Imperial  Federation  (Defence)  Com- 
mittee" was  a  direct  survival  from  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  League,  whose 
secretary,  Mr.  Arthur  Loring,  became  secretary  of  the  committee. 

It  must  remain,  however,  for  other  pens  to  provide  some  account  of  these 
offshoots  of  the  Imperial  Federation  League,  and  also  of  the  many  more  recent 
organisations  which  have  been  formed  to  promote  specific  movements  in  the 
direction  of  Imperial  Unity. 

W.  BASIL  WOBSFOLD. 


274 


GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF. 

IN  so  many  directions  is  the  battle  strength  of  the  Empire  now  being  employed 
that  the  British  public  may  feel  there  is  some  excuse  for  treating  the  expedition 
to  Basra  as  the  Cinderella  of  our  present  military  operations.  German  East 
and  South- West  Africa,  it  will  plead,  we  know  ;  Tsingtau  we  have  heard  of ; 
but,  while  we  are  not  averse  from  any  number  of  similar  enterprises,  do  not 
ask  us  to  wax  enthusiastic  over  anything  quite  so  remote  as  the  Middle  East. 
And  yet  there  are  cogent  reasons  why  the  operations  at  the  head  of  the  Persian 
Gulf  should  receive  close  attention,  and  their  success  be  hailed  with  even  more 
satisfaction  than  the  elimination  of  Germany  from  Africa.  For,  if  we  may  credit 
the  Germans  with  any  far-sighted  plans  whatsoever,  we  may  feel  certain  that 
India  has  loomed  large  on  their  horizon.  Starting  with  the  conviction  that 
Great  Britain  is  a  decadent  country,  they  have  come  to  accept  it  as  a  self- 
evident  proposition  that  Germany  should  succeed  to  her  world- wide  heritage,  and 
what  the  Germans  wish  to  have  they  make  arrangements  to  obtain.  Hence  the 
cultivation  of  Turkish  friendship,  the  construction  of  the  Baghdad  Eailway, 
and  the  persistency  with  which  Germany  has  sought,  by  secret  purchase,  by 
Turkish  agency  or  by  open  aggression,  to  establish  herself  on  the  Persian  Gulf. 
These  preparations  could  have  no  other  objective  than  India.  The  danger  to 
British  interests  involved  in  them  is  no  recent  discovery,  for  which  we  are 
indebted  to  the  frank  avowal  of  Germany's  long-cherished  plans  made  in  her 
declaration  of  war.  It  was  foreseen  by  many  far-sighted  writers,  and  was 
clearly  stated  by  the  American  naval  critic,  Admiral  Mahan,  many  years  ago. 
How  near  we  have  been  to  allowing  Germany  to  obtain  the  footing  on  the 
Persian  Gulf  for  which  she  was  scheming,  the  history  of  the  last  few  years  reveals. 
In  addition  to  the  strategic  considerations  which  call  for  the  maintenance  of 
our  position  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  it  has  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  forms  the  chief  gateway  into  Persia  from  the  south.  Our  special 
interests  in  that  country,  both  commercial  and  political,  require  that  this  gateway 
should  always  be  kept  open.  The  Persian  question  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this 
article,  but  we  may  point  out  that  Mohammerah,  at  the  junction  of  the 
Karun  Kiver  and  Shatt-el-Arab  (the  channel  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  rivers)  is  the  starting-point  of  the  railway  about  to  be 
built,  under  a  British  concession,  to  Khoremmabad.  Commercially  the  Shatt-el- 
Arab  region  is  of  growing  importance.  The  annual  trade  of  Basra  already 
reaches  a  total  of  six  millions,  while  that  of  the  province  of  Arabistan,  which 
includes  the  towns  of  Mohammerah  and  Ahwaz,  represents  an  additional  half- 
million  sterling,  apart  from  the  output  of  the  Anglo-Persian  Oil  Company. 
Imports  for  the  Baghdad  Eailway  have  helped  to  swell  the  volume  of  Basra's 
trade ;  but  as  the  failure  of  the  grain  harvests  may  affect  the  value  of  exports  to 
the  amount  of  one  and  a  half  million  sterling  in  any  given  year,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  potentialities  of  the  district  as  a  granary  are  considerable.  It  is  also 


GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF.     275 


276    GREAT   BRITAIN   AND   THE   PERSIAN   GULF. 

famous  for  the  ten  million  date-palms  that  fringe  the  Shatt-el-Arab  and  supply 
a  date  trade  of  a  value  of  half  a  million  annually. 

Our  present  predominance  in  the  Persian  Gulf  is  thus  the  result  of  unremitting 
effort  during  three  centuries.  Throughout  this  time  we  have  claimed  no 
exclusive  privilege  in  these  waters.  The  improvements  we  have  introduced 
have  been  for  the  benefit  of  all  those  who  use  the  Gulf  or  live  upon  its  shores. 
We  have  taken  for  ourselves  no  territory,  and  only  of  recent  years  have  we 
adopted  the  plan  of  binding  the  local  chiefs  in  their  own  interests  not  to  alienate 
any  land  to  a  foreign  Power  or  to  the  subjects  of  a  foreign  Power  without  our 
consent.  As  far  as  trade  in  these  parts  was  concerned,  the  waters  and 
surrounding  regions  were  as  free  as  any  part  of  the  world  for  purposes  of 
legitimate  commerce.  There  was  no  more  reason  why  territorial  rights  should 
be  more  necessary  to  any  other  Power  than  to  Great  Britain.  Until  forty 
years  ago,  it  must  be  remembered,  the  Turks  had  made  no  attempt  to  extend 
their  rule  south  of  Fao.  In  the  early  seventies,  owing  to  the  personal  efforts  of 
the  then  Vali  of  Baghdad,  Turkish  dominion  was  nominally  in  force  over  the 
Arabian  littoral  between  Koweit  and  El  Katar ;  but  beyond  the  presence  of  a 
few  troops  the  Sultan's  sovereignty  meant  little  or  nothing.  Mainly  because 
the  Turkish  pretensions  seemed  to  do  no  harm,  we  connived  in  them,  heedless 
of  the  use  to  which  they  might  subsequently  be  put.  When  we  found  that  the 
claims  of  Constantinople  were  definite  enough  to  afford  the  German  Emperor 
a  basis  on  which  to  build  substantial  hopes,  it  was  almost  too  late  to  dispute 
them. 

The  first  appearance  of  the  Germans  in  the  Gulf  for  trade  purposes  was  in 
1896,  when  a  firm  known  as  Wonckhaus  &  Co.  established  itself  at  Lingah  on 
the  Persian  coast  as  dealers  in  shells  and  mother-of-pearl.  In  1889  the  German 
Emperor  had  paid  his  first  visit  to  Constantinople,  but  a  business  footing  had 
already  been  secured  in  Asia  Minor  in  the  previous  year,  when  a  German  com- 
pany, supported  by  the  Deutsche  Bank,  was  granted  a  concession  for  a  railway 
along  the  Asiatic  shores  of  the  Sea  of  Marmora.  From  this  grew  the  Anatolian 
Kailway,  extending  to  Angora  and  Konia.  As  a  result  of  the  German  Emperor's 
second  visit  to  Abdul  Hamid  in  1898,  the  Anatolian  Kailway  became  the  nucleus 
of  a  greater  enterprise,  which  revealed  more  clearly  the  extent  of  Germany's 
aspirations.  The  Imperial  Ottoman  Baghdad  Kailway  Company  was  launched 
in  the  following  year  to  undertake  the  construction  of  a  line  which  should  link 
the  Anatolian  Railway  at  Konia  with  Baghdad  and  the  Persian  Gulf.  From 
this  date  German  interest  in  the  Gulf  quickened.  In  1900  a  German  mission, 
headed  by  the  German  Consul- General  and  Military  Attache  at  Constantinople, 
arrived  at  the  Gulf  overland  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Sheikh  Mubarak 
to  lease  some  territory  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  of  Koweit.  The  proposal  was 
declined  for  the  good  reason  that  the  British  Government  had  arranged  a  year 
previously  with  Sheikh  Mubarak  that  he  should  not  lease  or  dispose  of  any  portion 
of  his  territory  to  the  Government  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  Power  without 
Great  Britain's  consent.  Attempts  followed  to  seize  Koweit  by  force  through 


GREAT  BRITAIN  AND   THE   PERSIAN   GULF.     277 

the  agency  of  the  Turks,  but  the  British  Intelligence  system  was  equal  to  Its 
task,  and  in  each  case  the  Turkish  filibusters  found  themselves  confronted,  on 
their  arrival,  with  a  British  man-of-war,  and  retired  without  achieving  their 
purpose.  There  followed  a  long  series  of  efforts  on  the  part  of  Germany 
to  secure  by  dubious  devices  a  territorial  hold  on  the  Gulf.*  When  one  and 
all  had  failed,  the  German  Government  appears  to  have  conceived  the  idea  of 
attaining  its  ends  by  diplomatic  negotiation.  In  1911  Sir  Edward  Grey  told 
the  House  of  Commons  that  the  British  Government  was  seeking  "  a  definite 
settlement  as  regards  the  whole  region  of  the  Persian  Gulf."  Unfortunately 
the  vigilance  that  defeated  German  machinations  in  the  Gulf  found  no  counter- 
part in  the  negotiations  in  London,  with  the  result  that  the  agreement  between 
the  Porte  and  the  British  Government  which  was  formally  drafted,  but  had 
not  been  signed  at  the  outbreak  of  war,  gave  Turkey,  and  therefore  Germany, 
more  than  they  were  entitled  to  claim ;  for,  in  the  meantime,  the  Arabs  of  their 
own  accord  had  ejected  the  Turks  from  the  Persian  Gulf  littoral.  Germany, 
it  is  true,  was  to  accept  Basra  instead  of  Koweit  as  the  future  terminus  of  the 
Baghdad  Railway.  But  permission  was  to  be  granted  to  Turkey  to  keep  a 
representative  at  Koweit,  while  the  Porte  gave  an  undertaking — the  value  of 
which  must  have  seemed  problematical  to  both  of  the  high  contracting  parties — 
not  to  interfere  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Arab  State.  An  agreement  with 
Germany  on  similar  lines  was  also  drafted  and  initialled  shortly  before  the 
war,  but  it  was  not  signed. 

With  the  outbreak  of  war  between  Turkey  and  the  Triple  Entente  no  time 
was  lost  in  taking  the  necessary  steps  to  secure  the  British  position  in  the  Persian 
Gulf.  Our  forces  in  those  waters  had  just  been  strengthened  with  a  view  to 
the  possibility  of  trouble,  and  an  expedition  under  Brigadier-General  Delamain 
was  thus  able  to  reach  Fao,  a  small  village  with  a  fort  and  a  cable  station  at  the 
head  of  the  Gulf,  on  November  7. 

After  the  reduction  of  Fao,  General  Delamain  hurried  with  a  portion  of  his 
brigade  up  the  Shatt-el-Arab  in  order  to  afford  effective  protection  to  the 
refineries  of  the  Anglo-Persian  Oil  Company  on  Abadan  Island. 

H.M.S.  Espiegle  had  been  guarding  the  works  and  was  able  to  dispose  of  the 
half-hearted  attempt  made  upon  them  by  two  Turkish  motor  gun-boats.  She 
had  also  shelled  a  small  Turkish  post  with  concealed  guns  situated  a  short 
distance  up  the  river.  .In  view  of  the  monetary  worth  of  the  oil  works  on 
Abadan  Island,  it  must  remain  a  mystery  why  the  Turks  did  not  make  a  more 
serious  effort  to  destroy  them.  A  possible  explanation  may  be  found  in  the 
difference  between  the  strength  of  a  Turkish  force  on  paper  and  their  effective 
strength  in  munitions  and  men  when  actual  hostilities  have  to  be  undertaken. 

Within  a  month  the  expedition,  reinforced  from  India  and  now  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant-General  Sir  Arthur  Barrett,  had  defeated  the  Turks 
in  three  engagements  and  had  occupied  Turkish  territory  up  to  the  junction  of 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  Basra  was  entered  on  November  22.  The  capture 

'    \  full  recital  of  th»3«  attempts  may  be  read  in  Part  29  of  The  Times  History  of  the  War. 


278     GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF. 

of  Kurna  proved  a  more  formidable  undertaking,  for  the  commander  of  the 
Turkish  forces  did  not  surrender  until  after  two  days'  resistance,  on  December  9. 

With  the  occupation  of  Kurna  the  goal  of  the  British  expeditionary  forces 
had  been  reached.  During  the  next  two  months,  as  the  Turks  showed  signs  of 
establishing  themselves  too  close  to  Kurna,  it  became  necessary  to  carry  out 
reconnaissances  in  force  with  a  view  to  keeping  them  at  a  satisfactory  distance. 
In  the  meantime  unrest,  fostered  by  Turkish  emissaries,  had  spread  among  the 
Arab  tribes,  who,  in  their  natural  leaning  towards  disorder,  were  inclined  to 
welcome  any  excuse  for  disturbances,  even  though  it  were  a  "  holy  war  " 
preached  by  Turks  belonging  to  a  rival  and  hostile  sect  of  Moslems.  With 
these  Arab  levies,  reinforced  by  regular  troops  sent  for  the  purpose,  the  Turks 
resumed  the  offensive.  But,  as  the  British  position  at  Kurna  was  to  a  large 
extent  protected  by  floods,  they  appear  to  have  hit  upon  the  plan  of  striking  at 
our  expeditionary  force  through  Persian  territory.  At  the  first  intimation  of  their 
intentions  a  garrison  was  sent  up  the  Karun  Eiver  to  Ahwaz,  which  is  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  friendly  Sheikh  of  Mohammerah.  Early  in  March  a  recon- 
naissance by  this  garrison  discovered  the  enemy  at  a  strength  estimated  at  12,000 
men.  The  Turks  were  driven  off  with  heavy  loss,  but  the  British  force  had 
difficulty  in  withdrawing  to  the  town. 

As  a  result  of  Turco-German  activities  in  Mesopotamia  and  Persia  it  has 
become  necessary  to  reinforce  to  a  considerable  extent  the  British  troops  in 
the  region  of  the  Shatt-el-Arab.  German  intrigues  have  nourished  for  so  many 
years  in  the  Persian  Gulf  that  they  were  not  likely  to  remain  in  abeyance  on  the 
outbreak  of  war,  if  Germans  could  carry  on  their  work  under  the  shelter  of 
Persian  neutrality.  In  a  remarkable  statement  recently  issued  by  the  India 
Office,  documentary  evidence  is  adduced  to  prove  that  "  German  consular 
officers  in  Persia  and  the  agents  of  the  German  firm  of  Wonckhaus  have  been 
engaged  in  intrigues  with  the  object  of  facilitating  the  Turkish  invasion  of 
Persia  and  of  raising  the  tribes  against  Great  Britain,  thus  flagrantly  violating 
Persian  neutrality.  For  example,"  it  is  added,  "  not  only  were  the  agents  of 
Messrs.  Wonckhaus  at  Ahwaz  and  Mohammerah  found  to  be  in  direct  com- 
munication with  the  Turkish  troops,  but  an  elaborate  plot  has  been  discovered, 
of  which  Afghanistan,  the  frontier,  and  the  Indian  army  are  the  objective." 
A  telegram,  dated  February  19,  from  the  German  Legation  in  Teheran  to  the 
German  Consul  at  Bushire  recommended  that  the  proposed  attack  on  the  latter 
port  by  a  local  Sheikh  should  be  postponed  until  the  spring,  when  it  could  be 
combined  with  "  an  already  arranged  secret  action,"  engineered  in  Teheran 
and  intended  to  "  win  over  all  Persia." 

When  the  Viceroy  of  India  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  Basra  in  February 
informed  the  British  residents  that  he  could  hold  out  the  assurance  that  the 
future  would  bring  them  a  benign  rule,  he  allowed  it  to  be  understood  that 
henceforth  British  authority  will  be  paramount  at  least  in  the  Shatt-el-Arab 
region.  Even  if  our  political  interests  in  the  Gulf  and  strategical  reasons  did 
not  dictate  this  course,  the  substantial  interests  of  the  Admiralty  in  the  Anglo 


GREAT  BRITAIN   AND  THE  PERSIAN  GULF.     279 

Persian  Oil  Company  would  leave  the  British  Government  no  alternative.* 
Before  the  Turkish  force  advancing  in  Persian  territory  had  come  into  touch 
with  the  British  garrison  at  Ahwaz,  the  Oil  Company's  150-mile  pipe-line  to 
Abadan  had  been  cut  in  three  places.  The  perpetrators  were  followers  of 
the  friendly  Sheikh  of  Mohammerah.  What  can  be  done  once,  can  be 
done  repeatedly,  and  it  will  become  necessary  for  Great  Britain  to  strengthen 
the  hands  of  the  Sheikh  in  his  own  dominions  by  occupying  the  neighbouring 
territory  which  the  Turks  by  their  declaration  of  war  have  forfeited. 

The  case  for  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  Shatt-el-Arab  region  may  be 
considered  to  have  been  established,  but  it  may  also  be  taken  for  granted  that 
the  desire  of  the  British  Government  will  be  not  to  extend  its  jurisdiction  a 
single  mile  beyond  the  point  that  ordinary  prudence  dictates.  The  resolve 
not  to  send  the  expeditionary  force  beyond  Kurna  was  prompted  by  this  desire 
as  well  as  by  military  considerations.  But  the  experience  of  the  last  few 
months  has  shown  that  Turkish  rule,  with  its  inability  to  exercise  adequate 
control  over  the  Arab  tribesmen,  has  brought  Mesopotamia  into  an  intolerable 
condition.  The  result  of  the  present  war  can  hardly  fail  to  remove  the  little 
prestige  that  Turkey  has  in  these  parts  as  the  premier  Moslem  State.  Her 
power  to  keep  order  among  the  Arabs  will  be  still  further  curtailed,  and  Great 
Britain  will  have  to  face  the  prospect  of  even  greater  lawlessness  on  the  borders 
of  the  Shatt-el-Arab  district  than  has  prevailed  in  the  past.  The  problem 
would  be  simplified  if  there  were  in  Mesopotamia  any  native  ruler  of  paramount 
power  or  conspicuous  merit  who  could  be  assisted  in  maintaining  order  and 
weaning  the  Arab  population  from  their  lawless  disposition.  Failing  such  a 
solution,  it  will  be  well  for  the  British  public  to  familiarise  itself  with  the 
situation  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  in  the  territory  of  the  Two  Rivers  and  in  Persia, 
with  a  view  to  deciding  whether  it  is  better  to  allow  things  in  the  Middle  East 
to  drift,  trusting  to  such  solutions  as  may  be  put  forward  to  meet  each  fresh 
outbreak  of  trouble,  or  to  attempt — when  the  war  is  over  and  men's  minds  are  pre- 
pared for  radical  changes  in  the  map  of  the  world — a  settlement  which  will  have 
some  prospect  of  introducing  a  permanent  condition  of  things  into  Mesopotamia. 

In  coming  to  a  decision  on  this  important  question  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
both  the  British  Government  and  the  British  public  will  be  actuated  by  consider- 
ation for  the  real  interests  of  the  Middle  East,  and  will  not  be  deterred  by  the 
prospect  of  fresh  responsibilities.  At  present  we  have  the  anomaly  of  the 
Foreign  Office  in  charge  of  Persian  affairs  in  the  north  and  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment in  charge  of  the  southern  sphere  including  the  Persian  Gulf.  With  the 
assumption  of  new  duties  it  will  be  necessary  to  regularise  this  state  of  things, 
and  the  extent  of  the  new  sphere  of  influence  may  be  found  to  justify  the  institu- 
tion of  a  separate  service  of  administrative  officials,  in  order  that  the  Indian 
Civil  Service  may  not  be  taxed  beyond  its  strength.  Finally,  there  can  be  little 

The  Anglo-Persian  Oil  Company  is  a  purely  British  organisation,  of  which  the  late  Lord 
Strathcona  was  one  of  the  founders.  In  1914  the  British  Government  acquired  an  interest  in  the 
Company  to  the  extent  of  £2,200,000,  with  a  view  to  securing  an  ample  supply  of  the  fuel  which  is 
being  increasingly  used  for  naval  purposes.. 


doubt  that  any  outlay  on  the  Middle  East  will  be  amply  repaid.  One  of  the 
first  questions  to  receive  attention  will  be  that  of  irrigation.  Already  Sir 
William  Willcocks'  schemes'  have  been  carried  into  partial  execution  above 
Hindia,  on  the  Euphrates,  with  satisfactory  results.  This  work,  now  inter- 
rupted, must  run  the  risk  of  being  discontinued  altogether  after  the  war  for 
financial  reasons,  if  Turkey  has  to  find  the  funds.  For  the  Basra  district 
separate  irrigation  operations  were  proposed  which  would  render  a  considerable 
area  of  new  land  available  for  cultivation.  In  all,  Sir  W.  Willcocks  reckoned 
upon  developing  a  total  area  of  1,410,000  hectares  in  the  Euphrates-Tigris  delta. 
But  if  only  a  part  of  his  far-reaching  project  were  carried  into  effect,  Mesopotamia, 
under  enlightened  government  and  enjoying  the  advantages  of  peace  within  and 
on  its  borders,  would  again  become  one  of  the  world's  granaries. 

H.  T.  MONTAGUE  BELL. 


IN  WHAT  SENSE  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT? 

(R.C.I.  PRIZE  ESSAY— FIRST  PART.) 

" by  the  soul 

Only,  the  nations  shall  be  great  and  free." 

IT  has  been  among  the  deepest  and  most  enduring  of  human  desires  that  men  should 
live  together  in  peace  and  happiness  ;  and  no  less  persistent  have  been  the  efforts 
of  mankind  to  realise  this  ideal.  The  mystic  has  brought  to  us  his  dreams,  the 
philosopher  his  speculations,  the  saint  his  visions,  the  statesmen  Ms  systems,  and  the 
scientist  his  theories.  All  claim  to  have  found  the  new  city  where  peace  reigns  and 
concord  prevails,  where  the  inhabitants  dwell  in  safety  and  prosperity.  John  was  not 
the  first  to  be  inspired  with  the  vision  of  a  New  Jerusalem,  for  Plato  tad  already  con- 
ceived his  masterpiece.  And  since  those  early  days  Augustine  has  given  us  his  "De  Civi- 
tateDei,"  More  his  "Utopia,"  Bacon  his  "  New  Atlantis,"  and  Butler  his  "  Erewhon." 
But  the  unrealised  ideal  of  the  ages  is  still  before  us.  The  eternal  problem  still  per- 
plexes us.  This,  however,  is  no  cause  for  pessimism.  We  have  but  to  reflect  that 
it  is  only  as  new  systems  are  evolved  to  meet  new  conditions  that  we  become  con- 
scious of  the  forward  march  of  civilization.  Happily  the  "  Republic  "  of  Plato  was  as 
inadequate  to  the  needs  of  More's  generation  as  Bacon's  "  Atlantis  "  is  to  ours.  The 
problem  of  government  and  the  ordering  of  society  becomes  increasingly  complex 
with  the  passing  generations,  and  must  necessarily  present  different  aspects  according 
to  the  needs  and  development  of  different  peoples. 

Through  all  these  changing  aspects,  however,  there  can  be  detected  an  unchanging 
element  of  the  eternal  problem.  A  striking  similarity  of  certain  epoch-making  reforms 
in  the  lives  of  most  nations  serves  to  make  this  clear.  Roman  history  readily  affords 
examples  of  such  reforms.  The  secession  of  the  Plebs  from  Rome  taught  the  fiist 
elementary  lesson  of  a  common  good,  and  the  vital  dependence  of  one  section  of  the 
community  upon  the  rest.  The  reforms  of  the  Gracchi  also,  following  as  a  natural 
development  of  the  same  idea,  attempted  to  secure  that  such  members  as  contributed 


HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT  281 

to  the  common  welfare  should  likewise  share  in  it.  And  as  the  contributing  population 
expanded,  the  extension  to  the  Latins  and  Italians  alike,  of  the  privileges  of  Roman 
citizenship,  marked  another  great  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Empire.  England,  in 
like  manner,  has  been  no  less  persistent  in  the  endeavour  to  adjust  relations  existing 
between  private  and  public  good.  Magna  Charta,  the  Petition  of  Right,  and  the 
Declaration  of  Right,  all  attempt  to  redress  existing  grievances  by  defining  the  limits 
of  authority  and  the  rights  of  the  individual.  While  in  America  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  in  France  the  Declarations  of  the  Assembly  and  Convention, 
moving  in  the  same  direction,  are  the  expressions  of  a  new  political  philosophy  and  a 
new  idea  of  government. 

T>  •:  prime  tasks  of  government,  then,  appear  to  be  concentrated  around  the  central 
problem  of  individuality.  And  we  may  say  that  the  destiny  of  a  nation,  so  far  as 
that  is  self-determined,  depends  upon  its  wisdom  in  estimating  the  value  and  function 
of  its  members,  and  in  the  adoption  of  this  estimate  as  the  ordering  principle  of  all 
its  relations,  internal  and  international.  Not  until  the  individual,  on  his  side,  has 
realised  his  obligations  and  responsibilities,  and  the  State  on  the  other  is  impressed 
with  his  supreme  value,  is  there  any  likelihood  of  a  permanent  order  and  harmony  in 
State,  or  Empire. 

I. 

Now  a  great  and  stable  empire  is  founded  upon  certain  indispensable  qualities 
of  character,  such  as  were  possessed  in  a  marked  degree  by  the  early  Romans,  who 
displayed  a  superior  strength  of  mind,  a  healthy  sense  of  mutual  dependence,  and  a 
peculiar  admiration  for  self-control,  which  fitted  them  to  rule  the  world.  Not  only 
was  Rome  pre-eminently  suited  to  the  position  she  took  by  a  natural  capacity,  but 
her  circumstances  also  were  favourable — circumstances  arising  from  the  nature 
of  the  ancient  City-State.  In  the  early  stages  of  development  there  were  no  great 
resources  in  the  hands  of  any  citizen  with  which  to  achieve  independence.  Every 
member  was  forced  to  recognise  his  own  good  in  that  of  the  community,  and  co- 
operation was  secured.  The  constraint  of  circumstances  alone,  however,  can  be  of 
no  permanent  avail.  An  imperial  race  must  harbour  in  its  bosom  the  seeds  of  a 
sterling  character  calling  for  a  wider  sphere  of  operation,  certain  potentialities  de- 
manding room  for  development,  certain  acquirements  deserving  fuller  recognition. 
And  it  is  in  the  realisation  of  the  possibilities  inherent  in  this  superior  character 
that  there  begins  the  primarily  unconscious  process  of  empire-building. 

But  there  are  limits  to  the  needs  of  every  nation,  and  to  its  capabilities  of  Imperial 
administration.  And  these,  however  admitting  of  gradual  extension,  cannot  be  over- 
leapt  without  grave  danger.  Yet  it  frequently  happens  that  an  unhealthy  craving 
for  territorial  expansion  takes  possession  of  a  people.  Empire-building  becomes  a 
conscious  process  and  is  made  an  end  in  itself.  Growth  is  no  longer  coincident  with 
the  development  of  character.  The  activity  of  that  nation  is  turned  from  legitimate 
self-realisation  to  unwarrantable  self-assertion.  The  State  assumes  a  collective 
personality  which  is  sharply  distinguished  from  the  individual,  and  the  latter  is  made 


282  HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT 

to  feel  entirely  subordinate,  while  the  distinction  between  private  and  common 
good  is  over-emphasised  to  such  a  degree  as  to  arouse  a  sense  of  opposition,  and  to 
make  the  individual  seem  to  exist  for  the  sake  of  the  State  in  a  more  ultimate  sense 
than  the  State  for  the  individual. 

Such  a  situation  is  clearly  illustrated  in  the  history  of  Home.  The  time  was  when, 
in  the  eyes  of  her  rulers,  the  individual  was  of  no  intrinsic  worth.  Citizenship  alone, 
it  was  held,  imparted  value  and  dignity  to  a  man,  who  without  such  preferment  was  a 
mere  slave  and  chattel  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  whims  and  requirements 
of  a  sovereign  State.  Thus  Home  was  deprived  of  the  power  to  express  herself ; 
she  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  group  of  irresponsible  tyrants,  who  had  usurped 
to  themselves  all  authority,  and  whose  ambition  alone  dictated  the  policy  of  the 
empire.  To-day — if  one  may  pronounce  upon  the  present  situation — Germany 
affords  another  striking  example.  It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether  the  aspira- 
tions proclaimed  in  the  face  of  Europe,  and  so  aggressively  pursued,  are  the  sober 
expression  of  the  real  needs,  deserts,  or  desires  of  her  people.  The  situation  is  more 
truly  represented  as  the  outcome  of  an  ambitious  policy  fostered  for  long  years  in 
the  hearts  of  the  despotic  Prussian  minority,  whose  purpose  it  is  to  establish  a  world- 
wide Power  by  force  of  arms.  The  condition  of  Germany  to-day  is  one  that  justifies 
a  revolution — more,  it  is  one  that  demands  a  revolution,  an  uprising  of  the  people 
to  claim  their  political  heritage  which  has  passed  into  other  hands. 

Such  instances,  from  ancient  and  contemporary  history,  give  expression  to  a 
complete  philosophy  of  the  individual  in  his  national  relationship.  He  is  a  creature  who 
must  be  disciplined  and  forced  into  the  service  of  the  State  in  the  face,  if  need  be,  of  all 
private  well-being.  A  mischievous  dualism  is  set  up,  resulting  in  the  overdevelopment 
of  a  false  "  public  good  "  ;  a  cleavage  between  State  and  individual  is  effected,  where 
"  imperial  claims  "  outgrow  the  needs  of  the  people,  and  are  no  longer  the  true  expression 
of  thought  or  character.  This  contradiction  of  thought  and  action  has  been  the  subject 
of  comment  by  C.  Sarolea  respecting  Germany.*  "  It  seems  as  if  the  German,"  he  says, 
"  is  seeking  in  the  sphere  of  intellect  a  freedom  which  is  denied  him  in  the  sphere  of 
politics,  and  as  if  he  felt  the  need  of  avenging  himself  against  the  abuses  of  authority 
in  practical  life  by  glorifying  anarchy  in  philosophy  and  art."  If  this  is  true  there  can 
be  little  doubt  but  that  public  opinion,  when  roused  to  give  expression  to  itself,  will 
effect  in  that  country  a  revolution  calculated  to  shake  the  whole  constitution  to  its 
very  foundations.  The  spontaneous  and  unorganised  reaction,  which  took  place  to  a 
similar  situation  in  Rome,  left  the  last  State  worse  than  the  first.  And  Germany, 
too,  must  expect  to  pay  some  price  for  the  folly  of  her  people,  who  have  bowed  the  neck 
too  long  in  indolent  submission  to  an  iron  despotism ;  and  unless  she  be  wisely  led  in  the 
troublous  days  to  come,  Europe  will  be  called  upon  to  mourn  her  premature  decline. 

The  failure  to  recognise  the  gravity  of  the  situation  which  had  arisen  in  her  midst 
brought  Rome  to  the  brink  of  her  fall.  Events  were  allowed  to  follow  the  undirected 
course  of  least  resistance.  The  people  grew  restless  under  the  attitude  of  indifference 
which  was  displayed  towards  their  welfare.  There  were  too  many  Imperial  require- 

*  "  The  Anglo-German  Problem,"  p.  77. 


HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT   288 

ments  which  in  no  way  met  their  personal  needs,  and  a  protest  in  some  form  of  extreme 
individualism  was  bound  to  come  sooner  or  later.  There  was  no  desire  to  belittle  the 
title  or  claims  of  Rome,  but  if  these  were  to  be  fulfilled  by  the  appointment  of  the 
mighty  to  lucrative  governorships,  to  high  places  in  the  Senate,  and  to  large  repre- 
sentative positions,  these  dignitaries  must  realise  their  utter  dependence  upon  the 
masses,  which  confessedly  no  longer  had  any  real  interest  in  Imperial  ideals  so  un- 
profitable to  themselves.  They  determined,  therefore,  in  future,  to  sell  their  vote  to 
the  highest  bidder,  and  to  eztort  full  recompense  in  return  for  their  support.  The 
reaction  had  set  in  in  its  ugliest  and  most  calamitous  form.  The  people  were  fed  and 
amused ;  they  became  lazy  and  demoralised ;  their  character  was  enfeebled,  and 
discipline  gave  way  to  dissipation.  The  self-realisation  of  an  orderly  political  people 
had  slowly  developed  into  national  self-assertion,  which  in  turn  provoked  a  suicidal 
selfishness  among  the  masses.  It  was  owing  to  the  sanction  of  a  divorce  between  State 
and  people,  and  the  failure  to  recognise  their  essential  identity,  that  the  value  of  the 
mere  individual  as  such,  was  reckoned  at  a  minimum.  And  Nemesis  came  in  the 
over-correction  of  this  error,  in  the  uncontrolled  reassertion  of  the  individual.  Thus 
Rome  not  only  failed  to  realise  a  higher  form  of  Empire,  but  even  lost  what  she  had, 
through  a  faulty  estimate  of  the  value  and  function  of  her  people. 

Our  own  country  faced  the  same  issue  in  the  Revolution  of  1688.  Some  forty 
years  previously  Hobbes  had  been  moved  "  by  the  disorders  of  the  present  time  "  to 
hurry  forward  the  publication  of  his  Philosophical  Rudiments  concerning  Government 
and  Society,  in  which  he  sought,  by  the  theory  of  social  contract,  to  establish  the  divine 
right  of  kings,  or  the  absolute  and  unalienable  power  of  the  sovereign  as  the  common 
or  "  representative  person,"  be  it  a  man  or  an  assembly.  This  at  least  shows  that  the 
situation  had  been  properly  grasped.  It  was  made  clear  that  power  had  somehow 
been  transferred  from  the  hands  of  the  people  to  the  hands  of  the  sovereign,  and  that 
both  domestic  and  foreign  policy  alike,  was  no  longer  dictated  in  the  public  interest, 
although  carried  through  in  the  authoritative  name  of  the  State.  This  condition  of 
things,  so  repugnant  to  the  English  mind,  Hobbes  was  prepared  to  defend ;  and  all 
that  we  can  find  it  in  our  heart  to  thank  him  for  is  the  great  service  he  rendered  in 
clearly  defining,  for  the  first  time,  the  problem  to  be  solved.  Once  the  autocratic 
policy  of  Charles  I.  had  laid  bare  the  injustice  of  the  situation,  and  the  authority  of  the 
people  had  been  asserted  in  the  Declaration  of  Right,  the  dominant  element  in  English 
government  was  public  opinion. 

England  was  the  first  European  State  to  win  a  real  emancipation  for  her  people ; 
for  the  internal  wars  of  the  Continent  had  accomplished  little.  Government  was  still 
despotic,  and  privilege  controlled  the  course  of  religion,  politics,  and  society.  The 
revolutionary  reaction,  which  took  place  in  France  a  century  later  than  in  England — 
heralded  and  largely  inspired  by  Rousseau — as  might  be  expected  of  a  less  stable  and 
conservative  people,  was  of  a  more  violent  character.  But  the  protest  was  sub- 
stantially the  same — a  protest  of  the  people  against  their  exclusion  from  public  life, 
and  from  government  of  the  country,  a  protest  against  the  anomaly  of  State  action 
which  was  in  no  sense  representative 


But,  while  we  delight  in  the  fruits  of  liberty  born  of  revolution,  we  should  ever  be  on 
our  guard  against  excess.  History  has  too  often  reminded  us  that  mankind  is  like  the 
drunkard  staggering  from  side  to  side,  ever  failing  to  keep  the  middle  path.  The 
danger,  when  a  democratic  government  has  been  secured,  is  that  we  indulge  in  an 
irresponsible  individualism.  Such  a  danger  is  aggravated  by  the  theory  of  "  natural 
rights  "  such  as  we  find  in  Hobbes,  Locke,  and  Rousseau,  and  also  by  the  utilitarian 
philosophy  of  Mill.  The  practical  application  of  this  teaching  has  already  found 
expression  in  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  French  Declaration 
of  the  Assembly,  which  latter  asserts  that  "  men  are  born  and  continue  free  and  equal 
in  rights  ;  that  the  end  of  every  political  association  is  the  conservation  of  the  natural 
and  imprescriptible  rights  of  man,  which  are  Liberty,  Property,  and  Security ;  that 
Liberty  consists  in  the  power  of  doing  anything  that  does  not  injure  others,  so  that  the 
exercise  of  the  natural  rights  of  every  man  has  only  such  limits  as  assure  to  other 
members  of  society  the  enjoyments  of  the  same  rights." 

This  spirit  of  freedom,  which  thinks  to  throw  off  the  chains  of  authority  with  a 
declaration  of  independence,  is  the  ruling  principle  of  modern  life  and  action.  In 
religion,  in  science,  in  politics,  and  in  society  it  has  wrought  changes  of  a  vital  and 
disturbing  character.  No  doctrine  is  accepted  by  the  individual  which  is  not  at  once 
sanctioned  by  the  evidence  of  his  own  reason  ;  no  law  is  held  to  be  just  which  cannot 
be  shown  to  be  ultimately  to  his  own  advantage  ;  and  any  power  which  directs  the 
activity  to  an  end  which  cannot  be  regarded  as  an  individual  good,  is  held  to  be  an 
external  tyranny.  Truly  we  are  marching  "  under  the  banner  of  the  free  spirit." 
Each  man  is  captain  of  his  own  soul,  acknowledging  no  superior,  and  at  any  moment 
entitled  to  break  from  the  main  body.  But  such  a  conception  of  the  individual  and  his 
relation  to  society,  if  interpreted  too  rigidly,  and  put  to  the  test  of  practice,  is  seen  to 
be  both  dangerous  and  wrong.  It  is  wrong  because  it  ignores  the  facts  that  man  is 
essentially  a  "  political  creature  " — to  use  Aristotle's  expression  ;  that  the  individual 
can  only  be  defined  or  understood  in  terms  of  others  ;  that  no  man  liveth  unto  himself 
alone  ;  that  there  are  no  absolutely  "  self -regarding  actions  "  because  there  is  no  such 
being  as  an  absolute  individual  standing  in  isolation,  and  out  of  all  relation  to  others. 
The  theory  is  dangerous  because  by  teaching  that  "  mankind  are  the  greater  gainers  by 
suffering  each  other  to  live  as  seems  good  to  themselves,"  *  it  renounces  all  obligation 
as  our  brother's  keeper.  It  is  a  theory  of  disintegration  counselling  each  man  to  go  his 
way  and  leave  others  to  do  the  same.  Such  individualism,  were  it  adopted,  would  be  as 
fatal  to  a  nation  as  the  reaction  which  demoralised  Rome,  for  no  empire  can  survive 
without  the  self-sacrifice  and  co-operation  of  its  people,  much  less  can  it  achieve  the 
higher  and  more  lasting  forms  of  greatness,  the  first  step  to  which  is  won  by  securing  a 
community  of  action  which  shall  be  the  true  expression  of  a  community  of  thought. 

N.  A.  TURNER-SMITH, 

(Edinburgh  University). 
(To  be  concluded.) 

*  Mill's  E§«ay  on  Liberty,  Int»»du«tio«. 


285 


THE    ROMANCE    AND    RALLY    OF  THE    EMPIRE. 

By   EDWARD    SALMON. 

IT  is  a  commonplace  to  say  that  after  the  great  cataclysm  which  burst 
upon  an  astonished  Europe  at  the  beginning  of  August  last,  the  world  can  never 
be  the  same  place  again.  Less  of  a  commonplace,  and  therefore  not  quite  as 
fully  recognised  as  it  should  be,  is  it  that  after  the  experience  of  the  past  six  months 
the  British  Empire  can  never  again  be  what  it  was  down  to  that  momentous  and 
never-to-be-forgotten  night  of  August  4,  1914.  Let  us,  idealists  or  practical-minded 
folk  though  we  be,  not  be  afraid  of  commonplaces.  They  usually  encompass  great 
truths,  and  one  of  the  things  that  we  must  make  into  a  commonplace  is  the  under- 
standing that  Great  and  Greater  Britons  have  at  last  arrived  at  a  point  in  their  history 
at  which  they  must  decide  the  future  of  their  relationships.  Sentiment  has  played 
its  part  long  enough  ;  the  time  has  come  when  the  parties  must  be  boldly  asked  to 
proclaim  their  intentions  and  when  the  bonds  of  a  holy  union  must  be  the  alternative 
to  what  I,  and  I  have  no  doubt  every  one  in  this  room,  would  regard  as  a  breach  of 
promise.  Ever  since  I  can  remember  the  British  Empire  has  been  the  excuse — and 
a  quite  good  excuse  too — for  glowing  phrases  :  many  have  been  treasured  in  our 
memories  in  the  hope  that  time  and  circumstance  would  turn  them  into  inscriptions 
on  living  monuments  which  should  be  at  once  the  memorial  of  their  makers 
and  the  record  of  the  full  fruition  of  sustained  patriotic  propaganda.  From  this 
platform  two  months  ago  were  delivered,  following  Lord  Meath's  valuable  Paper 
on  the  training  of  the  new  armies,  two  speeches  of  immense  significance.  One 
of  the  speakers  was  Dr.  Parkin ;  the  other  our  President,  Earl  Grey.  Dr.  Parkin's 
speech  was  one  of  those  inspiring  utterances  which  in  the  past  thirty  years  have  served 
as  torches  to  lighten  the  darkness  of  the  Imperial  doubter  and  burn  to  ashes  the  bogey 
of  separatism.  Dr.  Parkin  said  : — 

"  Looking  over  the  field  to-day,  turning  our  thoughts  away  for  one  moment  from  the 
desperate  struggle  which  is  going  on  over  so  many  hundred  miles  of  frontier,  we  can  see 
clearly  that  out  of  that  issue  is  coming  the  possibility  of  all  the  things  that  we  have  dreamed 
of  and  worked  for  in  all  these  years  that  have  passed.  Through  the  thick  clouds  of  war 
hanging  on  the  horizon,  through  these  terrible  lists  of  casualties  which  we  see  from  day  to 
day,  the  eye  that  has  a  vision  can  see  dreams  being  fulfilled  about  which  we  have  perhaps 
often  been  hopeless.  It  is  now,  I  think,  twenty  or  twenty-one  years  since  one  evening,  walking 
in  the  park  at  Dalmeny,  Lord  Rosebery  turned  to  me  and  said,  '  I  sometimes  think  that 
nothing  but  a  great  war  will  ever  federate  this  Empire.'  " 

Unless  there  be  incredible  bungling  somewhere,  Lord  Rosebery  will  prove  to 
have  been  a  true  prophet.  I  recall  another  phrase  of  Lord  Rosebery's,  uttered  not 
in  private  but  in  public,  more,  I  think,  than  twenty-one  years  ago ;  it  is  peculiarly 
apposite  now.  "  Imperial  federation,"  he  said,  "  is  a  thing  for  which  to  live  ;  if 
need  be,  for  which  to  die."  A  fine  saying  in  peace  time  from  the  Public  Orator 
to  the  Empire,  as  some  one  once  called  him  :  a  finer  and  vastly  more  significant 

*  Paper  read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  on  Tuesday,  February  23,  1915,  Lieut.- 
General  Sir  J.  Sevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.Q.  (Chairman  of  the  Council),  in  the  Chair. 

U 


286  THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

saying  now,  "  when  the  blasts  of  war  blow  in  our  ears."  More  than  one  ideal 
hangs  upon  that "  crimson  thread  of  kinship  "  to  which  Sir  Henry  Parkes  appealed 
when  he  started  on  the  great  task  which  issued  in  the  federation  of  Australia  ;  more 
than  one  ideal  is  being  fought  for  by  the  glorious  fellows  in  our  trenches  in  Belgium, 
in  France,  and  in  Egypt :  ideals  of  civilisation,  of  freedom,  of  manhood  and  nation- 
hood, ideals  not  machine-made  but  of  spontaneous  growth  and  of  natural  develop- 
ment. Is  the  Ideal  of  Federation  among  them  ?  My  Paper  to-night  will  be  sadly 
wanting  if  the  answer  is  not  an  emphatic  affirmative. 

The  British  Empire  is  and  with  one  exception  always  has  been  a  disappointment 
to  its  enemies — whether  within  or  without.  That  reversionary  rights  in  the  effete 
British  Empire  were  the  ultimate  goal  of  Germany's  ambition,  few  of  us  really 
believed.  Yet  we  had  no  excuse  for  ignorance.  The  Treitschkes  and  the  Bernhardis 
had  been  proclaiming  their  aims  from  the  housetops  not  for  a  year  or  two  but  for 
the  greater  part  of  half  a  century.  Those  among  us  who  heard  and  issued  their  warn- 
ings were  regarded  as  mere  alarmists,  entitled  to  as  much  and  as  little  respect  as  Lord 
Roberts  when  he  told  us  that  national  military  training  would  alone  safeguard  us 
from  a  rude  awakening.  The  warnings,  whether  they  came  from  Lord  Roberts  or 
lesser  lights,  were  received  in  a  spirit  which  must  have  convinced  Germany  that  her 
Professors  and  her  Junkers  diagnosed  aright.  Germany  has  good  cause  to  hymn 
her  hatred  of  Great  Britain.  The  action  we  have  taken  and  the  support  that  has 
come  to  us  from  every  corner  of  the  Empire  have  shown  what  base  deceivers  we  are. 
We  have  simply  misled  the  self-complacent  Prussian  to  believe  that  we  were  surfeited 
with  sack,  a  veritable  Falstaff  among  the  nations,  prepared  to  accept  discretion  as 
thebetter  part  of  valour.  Treitschke,  thirty  years  ago,  said  we  were  "  over-rich  and 
over-satiated,"  vulnerable  at  a  hundred  points  of  our  widely  scattered  dominions. 
Our  history  proved  to  his  satisfaction  the  incapacity  of  our  statesmanship  ;  our  Power 
was  an  obvious  anachronism  created  in  the  good  old  times  when  wars  were  decided 
by  sea-dogs  and  hired  mercenaries.  "  In  a  century  of  National  States  and  big  National 
armies  such  a  cosmopolitan  commercial  Power  can  no  longer  continue  to  endure ; 
the  time  will  and  must  come  when  Gibraltar  will  belong  to  the  Spaniards,  Malta  to 
the  Italians,  Heligoland  to  the  Germans,  and  the  Mediterranean  to  the  peoples  of 
the  Mediterranean  countries."  A  beginning  was  made  with  Heligoland,  and 
Germany  was  probably  convinced  that  time  and  the  Prussian  super-spirit  would 
bring  the  rest.  He  was  more  cautious  with  regard  to  India,  Australia,  and  Canada ; 
but  he  allotted  South  Africa  to  Germany  because,  forsooth,  England  could  not  hope 
to  hold  it,  and  because  it  ought  to  belong  to  Holland,  who  would  not  want  it.  Germany 
was  prepared  to  oblige  by  stepping  in — for  the  benefit  of  the  South  Africans. 

Bernhardi,  as  recently  as  1912,  foresaw,  in  "  Our  Future,"  published  here  under  the 
title  "  Britain  as  Germany's  Vassal,"  that  when  the  crisis  came  Great  Britain  would 
either  have  to  be  Germany's  friend  on  Germany's  own  terms  or  see  the  edifice  of  her 
Empire  crumble.  Britain  had  discharged  her  mission — it  is  almost  astonishing  to 
learn  from  a  German  source  that  she  ever  had  one — and  her  army,  which  he  no  doubt 
also  regarded  as  a  contemptible  little  thing,  would  not  count  for  much  because  she 


THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  287 

would  have  to  keep  so  many  men  in  the  Colonies  to  combat  the  inevitable  uprising. 
"  It  may  be  considered  a  fact,"  he  wrote,  "  that  in  India,  in  Egypt,  and  in  South 
Africa  there  exists  sufficient  inflammable  material."  Bernhardi  was  right ;  the 
material  was  inflammable,  but  the  inflammability  was  to  bring  destruction  not  on  the 
British  but  the  German  Empire  ;  it  was  material  which  in  its  combustibility  is  con- 
suming the  incendiary.  The  German  Empire  to-day  is  in  round  figures  1,000,000  square 
miles  smaller  than  it  was  on  the  4th  of  August ;  in  superficial  area  it  is  about  a  quarter 
what  it  was  at  the  moment  Kultur  challenged  the  British  Government,  with  the  British 
Navy  and  the  British  Dominions  and  Dependencies  behind  them,  to  consider  at  their 
peril  a  solemn  treaty  as  anything  more  than  the  merest  scrap  of  paper.  The  effect 
of  that  challenge — in  itself  probably  the  most  cynical  avowal  ever  made  by  a  respon- 
sible statesman,  embodying  Machiavellism  without  even  the  decency  of  covering  which 
Machiavelli  requisitioned  for  the  cloaking  of  the  most  sinister  purpose  of  Princes — 
the  effect  of  that  challenge  was  to  summon,  literally  from  the  vasty  deep,  spirits 
whose  embodiment  is  the  British  Empire.  Neither  Roman  Emperor,  nor  Spanish- 
cum- Austrian  war  lord  holding  half  a  continent  in  fee  if  not  in  fealty,  nor  Napoleon 
sweeping  over  Europe  and  menacing  a  world  with  a  dominion  such  as  the  Bourbons 
in  their  wildest  flights  would  never  have  dreamed  of,  no  monarch  in  history  ever 
presided  over  so  remarkable  a  spectacle  as  that  of  free  democracies,  feudatory  princi- 
palities, protectorates,  and  dependencies  pouring  forth  legions  from  the  four  quarters 
of  the  earth  to  the  aid  of  the  Imperial  Government  and  the  service  of  King  George  V. 
No  Empire  Pageant  has  rivalled  that  unrehearsed  pageant  in  sober  splendour,  in 
significance,  or  in  dramatic  effects. 

In  my  view  the  British  Empire  is  the  most  romantic  and  wonderful  thing  in 
the  history  of  the  whole  world.  It  is  the  only  Empire  ever  founded  on  freedom, 
the  only  Empire  which  could  claim  that  its  outlying  parts  were  buttresses  of  the 
central  structure — not  mere  solitary  settlements  held  in  place  by  an  officialdom  which 
when  not  cast-iron  was  just  red-tape.  Its  history,  if  we  choose  to  follow  out  the  threads, 
is  as  complete  a  romance  as  the  most  ingenious  weaver  of  plots  could  wish  to  find, 
and  it  has  the  added  allurement  of  being  the  romance  of  fact,  not  of  fiction.  It  is 
difficult  in  a  few  lines — it  would  hardly  be  easy  in  a  few  volumes — to  conjure  up  that 
romance  so  that  we  may  appreciate  in  its  full  significance  the  denouement  which 
should  come  from  four  centuries  of  world-wide  endeavour  and  accomplishment.  As 
I  read  of  Canadians  in  their  thousands  crossing  the  Atlantic  to  fight  for  the  Mother- 
land, of  Sikhs  and  Ghurkas  being  landed  at  Marseilles  to  fight  for  France  as  the  ally 
of  Great  Britain,  of  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  crossing  the  southern  seas  to 
defend  Egypt  from  the  German-led  Turk,  of  Dutch  and  British  fighting  side  by  side 
under  the  leadership  of  General  Botha  to  preserve  South  Africa  inalienably  for  the 
British  flag,  my  mind  surges  with  thoughts  of  Cabot  in  his  merest  cockle-shell  making 
his  way  over  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  new  isle  for  the  discovery  of  which 
Henry  VII.  made  him  the  munificent  present  of  £10 ;  of  the  long  struggle  of  Spain 
and  Portugal,  of  France  and  England,  to  find  a  sea  route  to  the  Spice  Islands  of  the 
East  in  order  to  capture  the  trade  which  passed  over  the  desert  now  pierced  by  the 

u  2 


288  THE   ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE   EMPIRE. 

Suez  Canal ;  of  the  quest  for  the  Austral  land  which  when  found  was  thought  little 
of  and  was  ultimately  selected  as  best  fitted  for  the  convicts  of  England  ;  of  the 
desperate  fights  between  England  and  France  for  the  overlordship  of  the  native  races 
of  India,  and  of  the  century-long  conflict  of  Boer  with  Briton  for  supremacy  at  the 
Cape.  I  think  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  of  Drake  and  Hawke  and 
Rodney,  of  Clive  and  Wolfe,  of  Nelson  and  Wellington,  and  a  thousand  others  who 
played  heroic  parts  in  the  world- drama  which  opened  with  Columbus  and  Vasco  da 
Gama  when  the  one  reached  the  West,  and  the  other  the  East,  Indies.  The  British 
Empire  to-day  is  fighting  as  England  has  fought  many  a  time,  for  the  right  to  exist : 
as  England  fought  with  Spain,  with  Portugal,  with  Holland,  with  France,  all  of  whom 
were  out  for  dominion  in  Europe  and  beyond  the  seas  just  as  Germany  is.  One  recalls 
the  Papal  bull  which  divided  the  heathen  world  between  Spain  and  Portugal — a 
scrap  of  paper  which  England  refused  to  recognise  and  resistance  to  which  accounts 
for  not  a  little  of  her  history.  We  might  almost  adopt  the  remark  with  which 
Francis  I.  greeted  the  Papal  ordinance  and  say  of  another  little  scheme  of  more 
recent  date  :  "  As  though  O'1!  first  father,  Adam,  had  made  them  his  sole  heirs  !  " 
There  is  a  curious  irony  about  Empire  ;  those  who  design  Empire  get  it  only  to  lose 
it :  one  like  England,  who  never  designed  Empire,  had  Empire  forced  upon  her 
by  the  necessity  of  protecting  her  trade  and  the  settlements  she  started  overseas 
-not  with  a  view  to  world-power,  but  to  give  her  people  a  chance  of  living. 
It  is  quaint,  by  the  way,  to  read  in  the  chronicles  of  Raleigh's  time  that 
England,  with  her  population  a  tenth  its  present  size,  had  outgrown  the  means  of 
subsistence  from  the  soil,  and  that  homes  must  be  found  for  the  surplus  in  distant 
lands.  Dupleix  designed  Empire  in  India  for  France ;  Clive  without  design  won 
it  for  England.  England's  Empire  expanded  often  in  despite  of  herself. 
England  went  to  Madras  to  participate  in  the  riches  of  Eastern  trade  ;  France 
and  her  native  allies  tried  to  oust  her,  and  brought  into  the  field  a  mere  clerk, 
a  discontented  youth  who,  having  failed  to  blow  his  brains  out,  left  his  desk 
to  lead  a  band  of  European  and  native  levies  to  Arcot.  Empire  in  the  East 
began  with  the  defence  of  Arcot,  and  the  devotion  of  our  Indian  soldiery  had 
its  earliest  manifestation  when  the  natives,  led  into  the  fort  by  this  East  India 
Company's  clerk,  held  it  on  rice-water  whilst  giving  him  and  the  Europeans  the  rice 
itself. 

When  Germany  wanted  East  Africa  in  1884,  Count  Pfeil,  Karl  Peters,  and  Dr. 
Jiihlke  entered  the  country  disguised  as  mechanics  and  deluded  the  chiefs  into 
signing  away  60,000  square  miles  which  belonged  to  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  ;  when  she 
wanted  West  Africa  she  secured  letters  of  introduction  from  Great  Britain  to  native 
chiefs  and  used  them  in  an  attempt  to  steal  territory  belonging  to  France  ;  Nachtigal 
would  even  have  rewarded  British  trust  in  his  peaceful  commercial  mission  by 
securing  for  Germany  the  Oil  Rivers  territory,  better  known  as  Southern  Nigeria. 
Germany  provoked  a  crisis  in  Morocco  and  compelled  France  for  the  sake  of  peace 
to  compensate  her  with  100,000  square  miles  in  the  Cameroon.  That  is  how  Germany 
made  Empire.  England's  greatest  mistake  in  her  Imperial  history,  according  to  the 


THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  289 

general  opinion,  was  made  when  she  elected  to  impose  upon  the  American  Colonists 
some  part  of  the  cost  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  she  fought  in  their  interests.  It  is  one  of 
the  most  dramatic  instances  in  history  of  cause  and  effect  that  we  lost  America  because 
we  won  Canada ;  if  Wolfe  had  not  been  victorious  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  Canada 
might  have  remained  French,  and  the  Americans  would  not  have  revolted — at  any 
rate,  when  they  did.  Then,  you  will  remember,  when  the  Americans,  freed  of  the 
British  incubus,wished  to  lend  the  Canadians  a  hand  to  free  themselves,  the  Canadians 
point-blank  rejected  the  offer.  The  story  of  Canada  since  she  passed  from  French 
to  British  possession  surely  finds  a  fitting  sequel  when  she  sends  out  the  men  of  Quebec 
as  well  as  the  men  of  Ontario  and  the  other  Provinces  to  take  their  share  in  fighting 
for  a  cause  which  the  twin  mother  countries  have  made  their  own.  Was  it  for 
nothing  that  Wolfe  and  Montcalm  both  fell  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  and  were 
commemorated  in  that  joint  monument  which  stands  on  Dufferin  Terrace,  overlooking 
the  St.  Lawrence  ?  You  know  its  gloriously  simple  tribute  : — 

Mortem  Virtus  Communem 

Fainain  Historia 
Monumentum  Posteritas 
Dedit, 

which  perhaps  I  may  be  allowed  to  render  freely :  "  Valour  gave  a  common 
death,  History  a  common  fame,  Posterity  a  common  monument." 

I  wish  I  could  throw  into  a  series  of  pictures  the  events  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury side  by  side  with  those  which  have  so  stirred  us  in  the  twentieth.  At  the  last 
meeting  of  the  Institute,  we  were  all  moved  by  Sir  George  Reid's  enthusiasm  at  the 
sight,  from  which  he  had  just  returned,  of  22,000  Australians  on  the  banks  of  the  Suez 
Canal,  prepared  with  other  representatives  of  the  fighting  forces  of  the  Empire  to 
meet  the  enemy.  Sir  George  Eeid  pointed  the  moral :  We  sent  convicts  to  Australia  ; 
Australia  sends  us  of  her  manhood  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  Empire.  Very 
remarkable  is  the  martial  instinct  of  the  Australians,  democrats  of  democrats,  whose 
country  has  never  known  a  war  (for  the  fights  with  the  natives  were  mere  affrays) ; 
her  solitary  battle,  if  it  can  be  so  called,  was  between  the  riotous  miners  and  the  soldiery 
at  the  Eureka  Stockade.  Australia  commemorated  the  event  with  a  monument 
which  may  be  taken  as  marking  appreciation  of  its  exceptional  character  so  far  as 
the  island  continent  is  concerned.  Democracy,  enjoyed  in  peace,  has  not  made  the 
Australian  less  ready  to  fight  for  the  Empire  than  is  the  Canadian,  the  New  Zealander, 
and  the  South  African.  South  Africa  perhaps  provides  the  most  extraordinary 
instance  of  what  I  choose  to  call  the  romance  of  the  Empire  ;  we  know  from  the  day 
of  the  Great  Trek  to  the  day  of  Majuba  that  the  Dutch  in  South  Africa  swore  they 
would  never  live  under  the  British  flag  ;  to  escape  it  they  endured  every  conceivable 
hardship ;  they  trekked  and  fought  and  intrigued  ;  Majuba  only  confirmed  them 
in  their  resolve.  The  hour  came,  as  it  came  in  Canada,  when  two  races  fought  out 
their  differences,  and  the  conqueror  won  not  merely  the  war,  but  the  loyalty  of  the 
vanquished.  It  is  never  safe  for  the  alien  enemy  to  rely  on  intrigue  within  the  British 
gates,  as  Germany  and  her  friends  in  South  Africa  have  discovered.  General  Botha 


290  THE   ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE    EMPIRE. 

accepted  British  citizenship,  he  has  learned  that  there  is  both  freedom  and  security 
within  the  folds  of  the  Union  Jack,  and  he  has  held  South  Africa  for  Britain  as 
staunchly  as  in  other  days  he  would  have  held  it  for  the  Dutch.  General  Botha  and 
most  of  his  colleagues  have  been  simply  splendid.  "  You  can  safely  withdraw  all 
Imperial  troops,"  he  cabled,  in  effect,  to  Downing  Street ;  "  we  will  look  after  the 
interests  of  the  Empire  in  these  parts." 

The  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  recently  rebuked  those  "  ill-conditioned 
and  ignorant "  commentators  on  affairs  who  have  complained  that  South  Africa 
has  not  done  more  and  sent  troops  to  Europe.  "  These  things  are  the  carpings 
of  fools,"  said  Mr.  Harcourt,  and  he  might  have  added  that  not  the  failure  of 
South  Africa  to  send  troops  to  Europe,  but  the  fact  that  Imperial  troops  were  not 
wanted  in  South  Africa  to  enable  General  Botha  to  cope  with  Beyers,  Maritz,  de  Wet, 
Wessels,  and  others  who  preferred  to  join  the  forces  of  Prussian  satrapy,  was 
the  salient  feature  of  a  situation  which  would  have  seemed  wildly  imaginative  if 
foreshadowed  at  the  peace  of  Vereeniging. 

May  we  not  refuse  our  sympathy  with  the  Colonial  Secretary,  may  we  not  rather 
congratulate  him,  on  the  embarrassments  and  difficulties  under  which  he  has  laboured 
— I  will  not  say  suffered — during  these  past  few  months  ?  We  have  all  read  with 
quickening  pulses  how  Australia  and  New  Zealand  have  promised  from  the  lips  of 
leaders  opposed  on  other  matters,  to  send  the  last  man  and  spend  the  last  shilling ; 
how  Sir  Robert  Borden  has  said  that  Canada's  contribution  shall  be  limited  only 
by  the  need,  and  how  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  has  backed  him  up  with  all  the  fervour  of 
his  nature  ;  we  know  what  the  Princes  and  peoples  of  India  have  done,  we  know  how 
the  smaller  Colonies  and  dependencies  have  insisted  on  contributing  their  mite  to 
the  Imperial  rally.  Until  Mr.  Harcourt  spoke  the  other  night,  we  have  none  of  us 
given  a  thought  to  the  Colonial  Office  and  the  India  Office,  the  Admiralty  and 
the  War  Office,  called  upon  to  accept  and  utilise  in  their  infinite  variety  the  offers 
from  every  far-flung  corner  of  the  Empire.  The  Colonial  Secretary  described — 
or  implied  rather  than  described — how  he  had  spent  laborious  days  and  been 
robbed  of  his  night's  natural  rest  in  order  to  avoid  being  snowed  under  by  the 
patriotic  avalanche.  Mr.  Harcourt  says  that  he  was  told — and  when  a  Secretary 
of  State  is  told  something  it  acquires  National  and  Imperial  importance — that 
there  would  have  been  a  mutiny  in  India  if  our  Indian  troops  had  not  been 
allowed  to  fight  with  us  in  the  trenches  in  France  and  Belgium.  Two  days  before 
the  declaration  of  war,  Canada  offered  an  Expeditionary  Force  if  the  worst  hap- 
pened, and  within  two  days  of  the  declaration  of  war  the  offer  was  accepted  ;  yet  I 
have  heard  unkind  people  say  that  the  Colonial  Office  is  the  Circumlocution  Office. 
Newfoundland  came  forward  with  Navy  Reservists  and  Volunteers  "  drawn  from 
her  intrepid  and  enduring  fishermen."  The  Australian  Navy  was  placed  at  our 
disposal  the  night  before  the  declaration  of  war,  and  a  completely  equipped  contingent 
of  20,000  men  was  offered  three  days  later.  New  Zealand  followed  suit ;  and  we 
know  what  service  H.M.  Cruiser  New  Zealand,  the  gift  of  the  Dominion,  rendered 
when  Admiral  Beatty  paid  an  informal  visit  to  the  Bight  of  Heligoland,  and  later 


THE   ROMANCE  AND   RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  291 

in  the  warm  greeting  he  gave  to  the  Bliicher  and  the  other  raiders  along  undefended 
coasts  ;  even  the  Maoris,  whose  fighting  qualities  are  imperishably  enshrined  in  the 
history  of  New  Zealand,  insisted  on  sharing  the  white  man's  burden  ;  a  Ceylon  con- 
tingent went  to  Egypt ;  a  Fiji  force  was  dispatched  to  England. 

"  From  the  remotest  island  of  the  Caribbees  or  the  Pacific,"  said  Mr.  Harcourt,  "his  none 
too  frequent  rest  had  been  broken  with  telegrams  proffering — pressing  on  him — men,  money, 
goods,  produce,  volunteers,  even  aeroplanes.  The  catalogue  was  so  extensive  that  it  was 
impossible  to  recapitulate.  .  .  Nor  must  he  omit  the  Falkland  Islands,  who  had  contributed  a 
sum  of  money  which  amounted  to  £2  per  head  of  the  entire  population — at  ft  moment  when 
they  were  in  imminent  danger  of  capture  by  German  cruisers." 

Not  a  bad  record  for  an  Empire  waiting  only  for  Kultur  to  sound  its  cacophonous 
bugle-blast  in  order  to  crumble  into  its  elements  for  the  benefit  of  a  more  enlightened 
Imperial  order.  In  this  time  of  happy  pressure,  Mr.  Harcourt  has  probably  never  once 
given  a  thought  to  a  Bill  drafted  less  than  fifty  years  ago,  and  I  assume  still  reposing 
in  the  archives  of  the  Colonial  Office,  which  aimed  at  authorising  any  Colony  to 
withdraw  peacefully  from  the  British  Empire.  That  measure  is  a  veritable  memorial 
of  statesmanship  touched  with  a  misguided  imagination. 

So  much  for  past  and  present.  What  of  the  future  ?  The  question  has  been  asked 
—I  have  asked  it  myself  more  than  once — Are  Empire  and  Democracy  compatible  ? 
The  British  Empire  must  supply  the  answer,  because  history  provides  no  parallel 
and  consequently  no  clue.  Greece  and  the  Achaean  League  do  not  present  an  analo- 
gous case :  Kome,  Spain,  France  were  despotic  and  centralised.  We  have  to  work 
out  for  ourselves  the  problem  of  Imperial  solidarity  offered  by  a  congeries  of  dis- 
similar democracies  and  dependencies  scattered  over  the  whole  world.  If  sometimes 
some  of  us  have  been  inclined  to  regret  that  more  progress  has  not  been  made  towards 
a  practicable  scheme  of  Imperial  Federation,  the  regret  has  surely  been  minimised 
by  the  Imperial  demonstration  which  has  gone  steadily  and  irresistibly  forward  for 
months,  and  is  going  steadily  and  irresistibly  forward  now.  We  should  have  lost 
the  advantage — the  world  would  have  missed  the  object  lesson — of  free  peoples  and 
subject  peoples  from  every  continent  rallying  to  the  old  flag.  But  when  this  hideous 
war,  relieved  of  some  of  its  horrors  for  us  by  the  glorious  manifestation  which  eclipses 
anything  we  had  a  right  to  expect,  is  over,  the  Dominions  at  least,  India  possibly, 
will  have  something  to  say  which  must  momentously  affect  our  Imperial  future. 
They  have  poured  out  and  will  continue  to  pour  out  their  best  blood  and  treasure 
in  a  cause  of  which,  when  they  elected  to  take  the  plunge,  they  knew  as  much  and 
as  little  as  myself  or  any  other  man  in  the  street.  They  did  what  they  did  in  the 
hour  of  gravest  danger,  unbidden  and  for  love.  In  the  hour  when  danger  has  passed 
they  will  say — and  they  will  be  entitled  to  say — I  put  the  point  bluntly  because  it  admits 
of  no  beating  about  the  bush — "  You  can  hardly  look  to  us  to  do  this  again  under 
precisely  the  same  conditions.  We  are  prepared  to  fight  for  you,  to  throw  all  our 
worldly  possessions  into  the  scale  for  you,  to  die  for  you,  but  you  must  give  us  an 
opportunity  of  knowing  the  true  inwardness  of  the  cause  for  which  we  fight  and 
expressing  a  preliminary  opinion  by  sharing  with  you  the  knowledge  of  antecedent 
events  ;  in  other  words,  we  want  a  voice  in  Imperial  Councils  and  then  you  may  trust 


292  THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE   EMPIRE. 

us,  knowing  where  we  are,  to  take  our  full  share  of  Imperial  burdens,  alike  in  peace 
and  in  war."  Sir  Robert  Borden  has  made  this  point  perfectly  clear  in  more  than  one 
brilliant  speech,  both  before  and  since  the  outbreak  of  war.  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier 
long  ago  uttered  the  memorable  words  :  "  If  you  want  our  aid,  call  us  to  your  Coun- 
cils." He  seems  to  have  been  so  carried  away  by  the  Imperial  uprising  he  has 
witnessed  that  he  now  doubts  whether  any  system  can  be  devised  which  would  have 
the  same  patriotic  efficiency  as  the  Dominions'  voluntary  and  spontaneous  action. 
Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier's  first  attitude  was,  I  doubt  not,  in  accord  with  the  practical  aspira- 
tions of  Dominion  and  Colonial  statesmanship.  There  are  difficulties  in  the  way, 
of  course ;  but  we  must  make  up  our  minds  that  difficulties  will  present  themselves 
not  to  turn  us  aside  from  the  noblest  constitutional  ideal  ever  vouchsafed  to  mortal 
man,  but  to  be  turned  aside.  A  year  ago  I  read  a  long  dispatch  from  the  Australian 
Defence  Minister  protesting  emphatically  at  the  manner  in  which  the  Admiralty 
were  treating  Australian  desires — it  amounted,  in  fact,  to  a  charge  of  breach  of  faith 
— in  regard  to  the  Navy  in  the  Southern  Seas.  Such  a  dispatch  could  never  have 
been  written  if  there  had  been  an  Australian  representative  not  merely  in  touch  with, 
but  in  and  of,  the  Imperial  Government  which  was  called  upon  to  deal  with  this  essen- 
tially Imperial  question.  The  Dominions  want  to  know,  to  be  consulted,  to  an  extent 
impossible  under  the  present  regime  ;  when  they  do  know,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
as  to  the  response  they  will  make.  Three  years  ago  there  was  a  development  of  the 
German  menace.  New  Zealand  had  just  presented  a  battleship  to  the  Empire ; 
Mr.  Churchill  cabled  out  asking  whether  it  might  be  stationed  elsewhere  than  in  China 
seas,  according  to  agreement.  What  was  the  answer  which  flashed  back  from  the 
then  Prime  Minister  of  New  Zealand,  now  the  High  Commissioner  in  London,  the 
Hon.  Thomas  Mackenzie  :  "  Place  ship  where  of  most  service  to  the  Empire."  That 
answer  for  me,  and  I  l  ope  for  you,  carries  with  it  a  whole  Empire  in  its  significance. 
Let  us  be  done  with  talking  of  the  difficulties,  and  agree  that  there  must  be  concessions 
of  some  rather  antique  claims,  and  that,  without  any  of  the  hidebound  conditions 
which  have  brought  Germany  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  a  scheme  shall  be  evolved  out  of  the 
constructive  statesmanship  of  the  Empire  which  shall  make  us  an  Empire  in  fact. 

If  difficulties  ahead  had  been  allowed  to  weigh  with  those  who  built  up  the  Empire, 
there  would  have  been  no  Empire.  The  difficulties  which  confronted  the  little  British 
Indian  force  on  the  eve  of  the  Battle  of  Plassey  were  deemed  insuperable — by  all 
save  one  man.  The  Council  of  War  Clive  called  decided  that  it  would  be  madness 
to  fight.  Clive  was  impressed  by  the  arguments  of  the  Council  and  agreed ;  but  an 
hour's  solitary  reflection,  and  he  was  prepared  to  overcome  the  insuperable.  If  he 
had  allowed  the  difficulties  to  prevail,  the  British,  as  Macaulay  says,  would  never 
have  been  masters  of  Bengal.  When  the  expedition  of  141  sail  which  Saunders  cap- 
tained up  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  siege  of  Quebec  was  in  the  river,  the  difficulties 
which  confronted  it  might  well  have  made  the  task  ahead  appear  almost  impossible. 
The  French  had  removed  every  sign-post,  every  warning  of  danger  from  currents, 
rocks,  shoals,  and  sand-banks  ;  but  what  did  the  grand  sea-dogs  on  whom  every- 
thing depended  do  ?  They  amazed  the  French  by  passing  their  ships  where  no  French 


THE  ROMANCE   AND   RALLY  OF  THE   EMPIRE.  293 

ship  ever  presumed  to  go  without  a  pilot.  Old  Killick,  who  took  the  lead  in  the 
imposing  procession,  according  to  Knox,  shouted  out,  "  Aye,  aye,  my  dear,  chalk 
it  down  a  damned  dangerous  navigation — eh !  if  you  don't  make  a  sputter  about  it, 
you'll  get  no  credit  for  it  in  England."  If  credit  for  the  achievement  of  Imperial 
federation  is  commensurate  with  the  sputter  about  its  difficulties,  British  statesman- 
ship, when  Imperial  federation  is  achieved,  will  be  exalted  indeed.  The  difficulties 
of  Australian  Federation  were  at  one  time  regarded  as  quite  hopeless  ;  they  cropped 
up  to  the  confusion  of  public-spirited  men  whenever  an  effort  was  made  to 
further  the  cause.  It  is  with  no  small  interest  I  recall  that  the  obstacles  to 
Australian  Federation  were  only  outflanked  when  our  Chairman  of  to-night  was 
sent  on  a  truly  Imperial  mission  to  report  on  Australian  defence.  His  report  gave 
Sir  Henry  Parkes  his  cue  :  Australia  divided  by  six  was  insecure ;  there  must  be 
unity  at  any  rate  for  defence.  When  that  was  realised,  as  Sir  Bevan  Edwards  made 
Sir  Henry  Parkes  and  his  friends  realise  it,  all  the  rest  was  matter  for  negotiation. 
Perhaps  after  the  travail  of  this  war  we  shall  be  as  ready  to  brush  aside  the  prejudices 
which  have  hitherto  made  advocacy  of  Imperial  Federation  about  as  practical  as 
crying  for  the  moon. 

My  great  point  to-night  must  be  that  Britons  throughout  the  world  are  faced  with 
an  unprecedented  situation ;  they  will  have  to  modify  many  views  which  in  the  past 
have  blocked  the  way  to  greater  things.  Let  us  take  as  our  motto  the  words  of  one 
whose  name  will  always  be  held  in  tender  memory  by  the  Fellows  of  this  Institute — 
Sir  Frederick  Young.  Sir  Frederick  clenched  his  arguments  for  Imperial  Federation 
with  an  ingenious  adaptafion  of  the  utilitarian  watchword  :  "  Government  of  the 
Empire,  by  the  Empire,  for  the  Empire."  There  must  be  no  craven  fear  in  the  Council 
Chamber  any  more  than  there  is  in  the  field.  Many  inspiring  chapters  on  Imperial 
history  and  Imperial  relations  have  come  from  the  pen  of  Sir  Charles  Lucas.  None 
seems  to  be  more  worthy  of  careful  consideration  than  his  Address  at  King's  College 
on  the  Influence  of  Science  upon  Empire.  He  said  the  problem  which  has  to  be 
solved  is  how  to  hold  together  in  perpetuity  lands  and  peoples,  both  diverse  and 
distant.  The  diversity  of  the  Empire  we  would  not  destroy,  I  think,  if  we  could  ;  we 
certainly  could  not  if  we  would,  except  by  destroying  the  Empire  itself.  Distance, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  been  annihilated  by  science — science  which  has  brought  the 
Colonies  nearer  England,  in  the  essential  point  of  time,  than  Edinburgh  or  Dublin 
was  to  London  in  the  days  of  George  IV. ;  science,  which  has  made  modern  democracy 
possible,  should  make  possible  also  an  Empire  broad-based  upon  a  people's  will. 
Science  has  done  a  vast  deal,  and  will  do  a  vast  deal  more.  There  is  one  direction 
in  which  I  submit  it  is  lacking,  and  that  is  in  our  statesmanship.  What  we  want  in 
the  political  and  constitutional  sphere  is  precisely  what  Sir  Charles  Lucas  showed 
has  worked  such  wonders  in  the  physical  and  social  spheres.  The  first  thing  we 
twentieth-century  Britons,  whether  Great  or  Greater,  have  to  do  is  to  get  a  real  con- 
ception of  Empire  into  our  heads.  Do  we  even  to-day  realise  more  than  vaguely 
what  the  Empire  is,  what  its  history  has  been,  what  its  present  potentialities  are, 
what  its  future  may  be  made  ? 


294  THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

Above  all,  we  must  abandon  the  narrow  view,  the  reading  of  our  history  and  the 
contemplation  of  our  future,  in  the  light  only  of  locality.  Seeley  tried  to  show  us  that 
to  appreciate  the  full  meaning  of  the  expansion  of  England  we  must  refer  to  world 
developments.  We  shall  not  understand  the  British  Empire  if  we  allow  the  parish 
pump  to  focus  our  attention ;  we  must  not  even  regard  this  great  Metropolis,  or  Sydney, 
or  Cape  Town,  or  Auckland,  or  Quebec  as  the  only  city  which  really  matters.  What 
should  they  know  of  England  who  only  England  know?  Mr.  Rudyard  Kipling's 
familiar  line  has  been  on  the  lips  of  a  good  many  who  have  gone  from  these  shores 
recently  to  serve  in  Egypt,  in  India,  and  elsewhere,  and  have  had  glimpses  of  the 
power  of  Old  England.  Equally  one  may  ask,  What  know  they  who  only  know 
Australia  or  Canada  or  any  other  unit  of  the  Empire  ?  The  alternative  to  Imperial 
Federation  is  one  I  personally  refuse  to  consider  ;  but  I  do  ask  you  to  think 
of  this  :  If  the  Dominions  in  1914  had  not  still  been  part  of  the  Empire,  they 
would  at  best  have  been  neutrals.  The  United  States  of  America  are  neutrals, 
and  though  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  sympathies  of  the  United  States  are  with 
Great  Britain  and  her  Allies,  I  am  none  the  less  certain  that  the  neutrality  of  the 
United  States  has  not  been  without  its  qualifications  for  the  comfort  of  the  British 
Government.  We  should  have  had  three  or  four  samples  of  United  States  on  our 
beam  if  the  Dominions  had  not  been  ours.  The  German  Empire  overseas  would 
not  have  been  either  captured  or  deprived  of  power  for  mischief  as  it  has  been,  and 
the  Emden  might  still  be  playing  havoc  with  British  commerce,  for  you  will  remember 
it  was  the  Sydney,  of  His  Majesty's  Australian  Navy,  that  sent  her  to  her  account. 
The  issue  before  the  Empire  is  plain.  What  response  will  Imperial  statesmen  make 
when  they  are  called  upon  to  face  it  ?  That  depends  upon  democracy ;  it 
depends  upon  you  who  can  influence  opinion;  your  leaders  will  follow  obediently 
and  do  your  behests  if  you  will  stamp  your  opinion  with  the  authority  and 
emphasis  of  a  mandate.  That  mandate  must  be,  for  our  own  sake,  for  the  sake  of 
civilisation,  that  the  Empire  is  to  continue  one  and  indivisible,  and  that  statesmanship 
is  expected  to  find  a  way  of  making  it  so  by  effecting  a  compact  under  which  we  shall 
be  severally  free  when  Empire  is  not  concerned,  but  jointly  responsible  where  Empire 
is  in  question.  We  have,  in  a  word,  to  prove  to  the  world  that  Empire  and  Demo- 
cracy  are  not  merely  compatibles,  but  counterparts. 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Lieut.-General  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.),  in  opening 
the  proceedings,  mentioned  that  Mr.  Salmon,  whose  acquaintance  he  had  enjoyed  for 
the  last  twenty-five  years,  had  written  several  books  of  interest  on  subjects  relating  to  the 
Empire,  and  he  was  sure  they  would  listen  to  his  address  with  pleasure. 

After  the  Address  : — 

The  HON.  SIB  GEORGE  PERLEY,  K.C.M.G.  (Acting  High  Commissioner  for  Canada),  said 
that  it  was  the  first  gathering  of  the  R.C.I,  he  had  attended.  Canada,  immediately  on  the 
outbreak  of  war,  offered  every  assistance  in  her  power,  sending  foodstuffs  and  raising 
contingents  of  men,  for  whose  training  the  camp  at  Valcartier — said  to  be  the  largest 
of  its  kind  anywhere — was  equipped.  Not  only  that,  but  the  Prime  Minister,  Sir 
Robert  Borden,  than  whom  there  is  no  more  upright  and  loyal  citizen  of  the  Empire, 
stated  with  the  approval  of  the  people  of  Canada  that  more  and  still  more  men  shall 
be  forthcoming  so  long  as  there  is  need  for  them  and  until  the  enemy  is  beaten.  It 


THE  ROMANCE  AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  295 

s  said  by  some  that  the  self-governing  Dominions  have  come  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Home  Country  in  its  hour  of  trial.  Personally,  he  did  not  like  that  way  of  putting  it. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  Canada  is  in  this  war  because  she  is  a  part  of  the  British  Empire, 
and  because  that  Empire  has  been  attacked.  "  We  are  in  this  war  to  protect  ourselves 
as  well  as  to  do  our  share  as  your  loyal  comrades.  The  Imperial  feeling  is  very 
much  alive  in  Canada.  We  perhaps  feel  the  Empire  to  be  a  more  vital  thing  than 
does  the  ordinary  citizen  of  England.  We  are  fighting  this  battle  together,  for  the 
liberty  of  ourselves  and  of  our  descendants.  All  freedom -loving  people  must  be  with  us 
in  this  fight.  There  is,  to  my  mind,  a  clear  issue  between,  on  the  one  hand,  the  German 
system  of  autocracy  with  a  privileged  ruling  class  forcing  all  the  ordinary  citizens  into  one 
mould,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  kind  of  Goverment  which  is  by  the  people,  and  under  which 
every  citizen  has  the  greatest  amount  of  indididual  liberty  that  is  compatible  with 
the  safety  of  the  whole.  There  are  no  people  who  are  more  fond  and  more  proud  of 
our  democratic  system  of  government  than  those  living  overseas.  Therefore,  in  this 
struggle  against  German  militarism,  we  are  fighting  our  own  battle  as  well  as  yours. 
Some  may  say  that  this  voluntary  and  spontaneous  action  of  the  overseas  Dominions 
proves  that  no  better  system  than  the  present  can  be  devised,  but  I  hardly  think  that 
the  present  relationship  of  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  can  possibly  be  permanent. 
In  the  self-governing  Dominions  we  have  got  full  autonomy — absolute  control  over  our  own 
affairs  within  our  own  boundaries  ;  but  we  have  no  voice  in  foreign  policy,  nor  in  the  issues 
of  peace  and  war,  nor  any  of  the  matters  which  are  of  common  interest  to  the  whole  Empire. 
The  British  Empire  has  been  the  greatest  secular  force  for  good  that  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  But  it  is  one  of  the  axioms  of  nature  that  nothing  stands  still ;  and  we 
have  come  to  the  point  where  we  must  get  closer  together,  and  when  we  shall  get 
closer  together.  If  we  do  not  eeize  the  opportunity,  I  think,  according  to  the  law  of 
nature,  we  must  look  forward  to  the  time  when  we  shall  gradually  drift  apart.  If 
you,  Mr.  Chairman,  were  to  go'  to  Canada  or  Australia  to  live,  you  would  forfeit  your 
privilege  of  having  anything  to  say  with  regard  to  the  great  issues  of  peace  and  war 
in  this  Empire.  It  is  apparent  that  condition  of  things  cannot  go  on."  The  Chairman  had 
introduced  him  as  the  High  Commissioner.  "  That  is  not  quite  correct.  I  am  a 
member  of  the  Canadian  House  of  Commons,  and  a  member  of  His  Majesty's  Canadian 
Government,  and  as  such  am  at  present  looking  after  the  work  of  that  office  in  London. 
Now  I  represent  a  county  in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  and  that  county  has  taken  a 
great  deal  of  interest  in  this  war,  and  is,  I  believe,  to  a  man,  behind  the  Canadian 
Government  in  the  part  they  are  playing.  But  I  wish  to  say  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible for  me  to  get  up  on  a  platform  in  that  county,  which  I  have  represented  for 
ten  years,  and  to  argue  that  Canada  should  do  as  she  is  doing  now  for  all  time, 
whenever  war  may  come,  without  knowing  beforehand  and  being  consulted  regarding 
the  questions  at  issue  which  may  make  such  war  necessary.  We  all  look  forward 
in  the  not  distant  future  to  some  altered  arrangements  by  which  we  shall  be  called 
to  the  councils  of  the  Empire  regarding  really  Imperial  questions.  Of  course  this  is 
hardly  the  best  time  to  discuss  the  relationship  of  the  various  parts  of  the  Empire. 
We  are  in  this  war.  Every  day  is  bringing  its  changes.  What  we  have  to  do  now 
is  to  beat  the  enemy  and  you  may  rest  assured  that  Canada  will  continue  to  do 
everything  in  her  power  in  the  way  of  both  men  and  money  to  bring  the  struggle  to 
a  successful  issue.  I  think  the  first  Imperial  Conference  after  this  war  will  be  historical. 
I  have  no  definite  practical  suggestion  to  make  as  to  the  form  any  different  arrange- 
ments should  take.  I  realise  to  the  full  the  great  difficulties  of  the  problem,  but  I 
am  hopeful  that  the  ablest  statesmen  from  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  will  be 
prepared  to  sit  down  together  and  give  their  best  efforts  to  finding  a  solution.  With 
mutual  forbearance  and  an  earnest  desire  to  work  out  a  successful  arrangement,  I 
believe  we  shall  be  able  to  solve  the  great  Imperial  question.  In  that  way  may  we 
not  hope  and  believe  that  good  will  come  out  of  this  evil  war  and  that  the  German  Kaiser 
will  have  helped  towards  the  consolidation  of  the  British  Empire  ?  " 


296  THE   ROMANCE   AND   RALLY  OF  THE   EMPIRE. 

The  HON.  W.  P.  SCHBEINER,  C.M.G.,  High  Commissioner  for  South  Africa:  "I  wish  to 
associate  myself  with  the  congratulations  of  the  previous  speaker  on  Mr.  Salmon's  very 
interesting  and  inspiring  address.  It  contains  a  great  deal  that  is  new,  as  well  as  much 
that  is  true  and  not  new.  I  do  not  intend  to  enter  upon  any  controversial  matter. 
This  is  a  time  of  war  and  the  Empire  feels  its  oneness.  We  have  a  common  danger  to 
meet,  and  are  all  setting  about  to  meet  that  danger  in  our  respective  ways.  I  think 
in  a  great  war  such  as  this — a  war  which  admittedly  in  one  aspect  is  an  enormous 
evil — we  shall  be  wise  to  take  stock  of  the  benefits  which  arise,  and  among  those 
benefits  not  the  least  is  the  sense  of  oneness  created  throughout  the  Empire.  We  are 
all  in  one  job.  I  join  in  the  caution  against  the  idea  that  the  rest  of  the  Empire 
has  come  to  Europe  only  to  help  the  Mother  Country.  Bless  yourselves,  the  Mother 
Country  did  not  need  that  help !  It  is  big  enough  and  strong  enough  with  its  Allies 
to  have  carried  the  whole  thing  on  itself,  and  I  do  not  want  the  idea  to  go  forward 
that  the  rest  of  the  Empire  has  come,  in  any  spirit  of  alarm  as  to  the  ultimate  issue, 
to  take  part  in  the  Mother  Country's  battle.  The  Daughter  States  have  flown  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Mother  Country  because  they  feel  that  it  is  their  job,  and  because 
they  are  in  it  too.  The  outlying  parts  of  the  Empire  are  almost  more  concerned  in 
victory  in  this  great  struggle  than  this  part  of  the  world  itself.  I  speak  as  a  South 
African,  and  shall  address  myself  to  the  South  African  point  of  view.  It  is  true  you 
do  not  see  South  Africa  here  as  you  did,  say,  at  the  Coronation ;  but  you  know  that, 
if  they  are  not  here  now,  they  are  getting  the  gritty  sand  in  their  teeth  in  German  South - 
West  Africa,  that  they  are  going  without  water  there,  and  that  they  are  getting  their 
skins  peeled  off  by  the  sun.  They  have  their  bit  of  a  job  on  there.  They  cannot  be 
here ;  but  their  spirits  and  hearts  are  here,  and  they  are  fighting  the  battle  of  the 
Empire  as  truly  in  German  South-West  Africa  as  our  friends  from  Canada  and  Australia 
are  on  the  Continent  or  in  Egypt." 

The  speaker  went  on  to  show  that  Germany,  whose  position  in  South  Africa  was 
secured  by  treaty,  disregarded  treaty  obligations  there  as  in  Belgium,  and  sowed  seeds 
of  disloyalty  and  discord  while  nominally  at  peace. 

"  I  only  mention  these  facts  to  show  that  South  Africa  must  feel  she  is  as  deeply 
involved  as  any  part  of  the  Empire  in  the  success  of  the  war,  and  also  to  show  what 
a  splendid  result  has  followed.  For  the  result  (not  intended  so  far  as  Germany  was 
concerned)  has  been  to  bring  together  there  the  bulk  of  the  people  that  count — the 
people  who  are  standing  behind  the  great  figure  of  General  Botha,  the  leading  man  in 
South  Africa  to-day.  His  position  is  a  particularly  pathetic  one,  for  he  was  compelled 
to  see  his  own  people  separated  and  actually  fighting  against  each  other,  and  his 
business  was  to  crush  the  rebellion ;  but  he  was  true  to  his  plighted  word,  and  has 
done  honest  and  honourable  work,  and  deserves  to  go  down  to  history  with  very  great 
distinction  and  something  rather  better  than  a  halo  round  his  head.  To  South  Africa, 
what  does  all  that  mean  ?  It  means  that  the  mass  of  the  misguided  people  recently 
under  arms  will  find  out  what  a  foolish  thing  they  have  been  doing,  that  the  people 
of  South  Africa  are  not  going  to  have  their  country  any  longer  riven  by  discords,  and 
that,  instead  of  a  narrow  racialism,  the  cause  of  true  nationality  is  going  to  be  advanced 
by  the  war.  I  have  good  reason  for  saying  that  the  news  disseminated  in  out-of-the- 
way  places  in  South  Africa  some  time  back  as  to  what  was  going  on  in  Europe  was 
utterly  misleading ;  and  that  is  how,  as  you  will  readily  understand,  many  a  man  has 
been  led  astray  and  is  not  perhaps  to  be  condemned,  as  you  would  condemn  a  man 
in  your  own  shires  who  took  up  arms  against  His  Majesty.  You  must  remember  that 
these  very  men  were  not  very  many  years  ago  actually  engaged  in  independent  armed 
conflict  against  the  forces  of  the  Crown,  and  we  must  not  judge  them  too  harshly. 
Let  us  hope  that  South  Africa  may  be  guided  and  brought  into  a  real  development 
of  its  national  future  with  a  minimum  of  hatred  bred  by  over-harshness.  Do  not  let 
us  take  up  the  cry  '  shoot  this  person — destroy  that.'  Do  not  put  yourselves  on  the 
side  of  those  who  would  turn  madmen  and  traitors  into  heroes  and  martyrs.  I  am 


THE   ROMANCE   AND  RALLY  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  297 

perhaps,  deviating  somewhat,  but  I  wish  to  impress  on  you  that  this  war  has  brought 
South  Africa  more  immediately  into  touch  with  the  Empire  than  ever  before.  It  is  all 
to  the  good  that  we  should  be  united  in  time  of  war.  However,  the  mere  fact  that 
the  Empire  is  united  in  a  struggle  like  the  present  is  not  a  sufficient  guarantee  for 
union  in  the  future,  and  I  associate  myself  very  much  with  the  idea  that  the  near 
future  after  the  war  must  see  a  little  more  attention  given  to  practical  improvement 
in  the  methods  and  system  under  which  the  Empire  is  now  run.  I  am  not  prepared 
at  the  moment  to  say  what  particular  way  should  be  followed,  but  some  way  should 
be  followed,  not  in  order  to  tie  the  bonds  more  tightly — for  they  should  remain  elastic — 
but  so  that  there  should  be  no  knots  to  cause  friction,  and  you  can,  perhaps,  by  a 
well-devised  scheme  of  federal  council,  do  a  great  deal  in  that  direction.  I  believe  that 
every  part  of  the  Empire  should  have  control  of  affairs  which  concern  that  part  of  the 
Empire  more  particularly,  and  that  those  which  don't  concern  that  part  of  the  Empire 
more  particularly  and  specially  should  more  and  more  be  dealt  with  by  a  federal 
council  of  the  whole  Empire.  It  may  not  be,  perhaps,  the  primary  purpose  of  that 
council  to  determine  absolutely  the  issues  of  peace  and  war ;  its  more  constant  function 
would  be  to  consider  and  determine  many  other  important  topics  of  legislation  on  which 
I  am  unable  to  dwell  to-night,  but  in  regard  to  which  uniformity  may  be  both  possible 
and  desirable." 

The  HON.  H.  K.  BISHOP,  M.E.C.,  said  he  had  not  expected  to  be  called  upon  by  the 
Chairman  to  offer  any  remarks  and  would  just  remind  the  audience  in  the  fewest 
words  possible  that  he  came  from  a  little  country  which  yielded  to  no  other  part  ot 
the  Empire  in  its  allegiance  and  loyalty  to  the  Crown.  It  was  a  country  about  which 
some  of  them  knew  nothing,  and  more  of  them  perhaps  knew  but  little.  Many  people 
thought  that  Newfoundland  belonged  to  Canada ;  and  others  were  of  opinion  that  it 
ought  to  be  a  part  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  he  frequently  received  letters 
addressed  to  St.  John's,  Newfoundland,  Canada.  Newfoundland  preserves  its  autonomy, 
and  is  proud  of  its  distinction  as  the  oldest  colony. 

He  had  been  very  much  pleased  with  the  sentiments  of  previous  speakers  who  said 
the  overseas  Dominions  were  not  coming  to  the  help  of  the  Mother  Country  but  fighting  their 
own  battle,  and  that,  therefore,  they  were  glad  and  proud  to  stand  against  the  foe, 
shoulder  by  shoulder,  with  the  soldiers  of  the  King. 

It  would  be  easy  to  argue  that  the  results  of  the  War,  should  we  be  unsuccessful, 
would  be  much  more  disastrous  to  the  oversea  portions  of  the  Empire  than  to  the 
Home  Land ;  so  it  was  not  helping  the  Old  Land  merely,  but  demanding  that  we  shall 
all  have  a  chance  to  do  our  part  in  maintaining  the  traditions  of  the  Union  Jack. 

He  came  across  the  Atlantic  last  week  with  the  second  detachment  of  volunteers 
from  Newfoundland.  They  had  previously  sent  500,  who  were  now  in  training  in 
Edinburgh,  and  they  had  more  to  follow.  They  were  sending  of  their  best.  With  few 
exceptions,  no  married  men  were  accepted.  They  were  taking  men  between  19  and 
35  years  of  age ;  and  as  they  had  very  few  unmarried  men  at  the  age  of  30  they  had 
very  few  soldiers  who  were  not  in  the  prime  of  early  manhood. 

The  Acting  High  Commissioner  for  Canada,  Sir  George  Perley,  was  justly  proud  of  the 
contribution  of  men  by  his  country.  It  was,  indeed,  magnificent,  but  he  could  boast 
that  Newfoundland  was  doing  even  better ;  for,  from  his  own  little  town,  with  a  population 
of  30,000,  they  had  enrolled  1,500  men,  while  the  Newfoundland  Regiment  would  be 
1,000  strong  with  250  Reserves  in  training,  and  they  had  provided  a  thousand  men 
as  Royal  Naval  Reserves.  They  were  proud  of  them  all ;  and  when,  later  on,  they  got 
their  chance,  the  Empire  would  hear  of  them,  and  be  proud  of  them  too  ! 

MAJOR  E  H.  M.  LEGGETT  said  that  British  East  Africa  had  no  political  history;  but 
nevertheless,  that  dependency  was  part  of  the  Empire,  and  the  Empire's  job  was  hers. 
She  had  turned  out  about  60  per  cent,  of  her  white  men  to  take  their  place  in  this 
defence  of  the  Empire.  In  the  discussion,  reference  had  been  made  to  the  paradoxes 
which  go  to  make  up  the  Empire,  and  which  were  so  much  of  a  puzzle  to  our  enemies  ; 


298         PUBLIC  CONTRACTS  AND  PATRIOTISM. 

for  had  we  not  earned  the  title  of  "  perfidious "  and  "  base "  because  we  did  not 
always  come  up  to  their  expectations  of  us  ?  As  Mr.  Chamberlain  once  said :  "  Never 
say  what  you  are  going  to  do,  but  do  it."  Things  had  happened  from  Fife  to  Fiji 
that  were  never  expected  by  our  enemies.  We  did  not  do  things  according  to  date, 
or  work  up  to  a  "  day " — but  we  tried  to  do  our  duty  when  the  time  came.  As 
regarded  the  political  developments  about  which  they  had  heard  in  the  discussion,  he 
was  proud  to  speak  after  the  representatives  of  the  great  self-governing  Dominions. 
He  claimed  that  the  germ  of  responsibility  existed  inevitably  even  in  the  smallest  of 
our  Colonies.  There  was  always  a  desire  to  take  some  place,  however  small,  some 
responsible  place.  The  past  century  saw  a  struggle  for  responsible  government  in  the 
various  Colonies.  There  was  no  ready-made  way — no  artificial,  no  theoretical  way — of 
building  up  constitutions ;  but  what  we  should  bear  in  mind  was  that  the  desire  for 
political  freedom  was  a  poor  thing  if  it  was  not  freedom  combined  with  responsibility. 

The  CHAIRMAN  :  I  will  now  ask  you  to  give  a  hearty  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Salmon 
for  his  exceedingly  interesting  and  inspiring  address.  I  am  reminded  by  one  of  our  Fellows 
that  we  have  in  a  measure  forgotten  all  those  numerous  British  subjects  in  other  parts  of 
the  world,  not  belonging  to  the  Empire,  who  have  flocked  to  this  country  in  her  defence. 
Many  of  you,  perhaps,  may  be  astonished  to  know  that,  as  we  have  learnt  through  our 
corresponding  secretaries,  the  Argentine  has  sent  no  less  than  3,000  men,  many  of  whom 
have  come  over  here  at  their  own  expense,  and  little  Guatemala,  where  we  have  nearly  a 
hundred  Fellows,  has  sent  forty-nine,  while  many  others  have  come  here  from  the  United 
States  and  other  countries.  These  men  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  when  we  speak  of  our 
friends  from  our  own  great  possessions.  Reference  has  been  made  to  a  most  interesting 
event  in  my  life — 1  mean  the  confederation  of  Australia.  The  movement  was  successful 
because,  throughout  the  different  States  of  Australia,  there  was  strong  feeling  in  favour 
of  federation,  and  this  made  what  little  I  did  in  the  matter  a  very  simple  and  easy 
task.  Of  course,  the  great  question  of  Imperial  Federation  is  on  another  basis.  I 
cannot  but  feel  that  at  the  present  moment  we  have  in  a  sense  a  very  substantial 
federation,  for  we  have  one  King  and  one  flag  over  a  series  of  democratic  parliaments 
in  all  parts  of  the  Empire.  Surely  that  binds  us  together  in  a  way  that  no  series  of  States 
has  ever  yet  been  bound  together,  and  they  are  now  performing  their  duty.  It  should  not 
be  a  very  difficult  problem  to  solve — a  problem  of  establishing  machinery  which  will  enable 
all  parts  of  the  Empire  better  to  work  together.  I  feel  sure  the  outcome  of  this  great  war 
will  be  that  something  of  that  sort  will  be  done,  but  it  can  only  be  accomplished 
by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  Empire  meeting  and  arranging 
the  plans  necessary  to  carry  it  out. 

MB.  SALMON,  in  returning  thanks,  proposed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Chairman. 


PUBLIC  CONTRACTS  AND  PATRIOTISM. 

IN  recent  months  there  have  been  presented  before  the  world  of  commerce  two  of  the 
important  economic  lessons  of  this  War.  The  first  is  that  the  absence  of  certain  basic 
industries  in  the  Empire  may  be  as  vital  a  defect  as  the  absence  of  guns  or  ammunition. 
The  second  problem  arises  in  connection  with  the  war  upon  German  trade.  Manu- 
facturers, pausing  upon  the  threshold  of  a  campaign,  ask  the  question,  "  If  we  undertake 
new  works,  or  the  expansion  of  existing  ones,  what  assurance  is  there  that,  immediately 
upon  the  declaration  of  peace,  the  new  venture  will  not  be  destroyed  by  dumping  or 
other  foreign  competition  ?  " 

The  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  of  the  Institute  has  made  a  considerable 
investigation  of  the  legislative  methods  of  foreign  countries,  and  an  examination  of 


PUBLIC   CONTRACTS   AND   PATRIOTISM.        299 

the  opinions  of  many  British  men  of  commerce,  with  a  view  to  discovering  some 
solution  of  these  problems.  The  nature  of  this  solution  had  obviously  to  be  such  as 
would  serve  the  patriotic  purpose  of  solidifying  the  trade  power  of  our  great  in- 
dustries without  involving  any  fiscal  question  or  party-political  issue,  and  further  the 
measure  to  be  taken  must  comprehend  the  Empire.  The  conclusion  to  which  this 
investigation  brought  the  Committee  was  embodied  in  a  resolution  as  follows  : — 

"That,  with  a  view  to  encouraging  the  establishment  of  new  industries  in  the 
British  Empire  and  giving  a  measure  of  confidence  and  security  to  capital  to  be  em- 
barked therein,  as  well  as  assisting  the  expansion  of  existing  industries,  the  Governments 
of  the  Empire  be  urged  to  make  it  obligatory  on  all  Government  Departments,  Municipal- 
ities, Railways,  Dock  and  Harbour  Boards,  Gas,  Water  and  Electric  Light  Corporations, 
and  all  such  bodies  spending  public  monies  or  enjoying  charters  from  Government  or  other 
public  authorities,  to  purchase  Empire-made  goods  and  to  place  all  contracts  with  British 
firms,  exceptions  to  be  made,  by  special  permission  of  proper  authority,  only  in  cases  where 
such  a  course  is  considered  to  be  at  variance  with  public  interests.'* 

The  principle  suggested  in  this  resolution  has  been  embodied  in  the  laws  of  many  of 
the  great  Continental  Powers,  where  it  is  put  into  practice  by  contracts  or  orders, 
either  being  offered  solely  to  national  manufacturers  and  only  being  placed  in  the 
open  market  when  no  reasonable  tender  is  forthcoming,  or  else  by  open  competition 
in  which  the  foreign  tender  must  be  at  least  a  certain  fixed  percentage,  varying  in 
different  countries  from  10  per  cent,  to  15  per  cent.,  below  the  competing  national 
tender  in  order  to  obtain  the  contract.  A  measure  based  on  these  lines  answers  the 
test  at  all  points.  It  safeguards  a  market  to  the  new  and  expanded  ventures,  and  it 
protects  them  without  either  altering  the  established  fiscal  principles  of  one  political 
school  or  opposing  the  efforts  of  the  other. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  isolation  of  this  country  in  respect  to  public  contracts, 
it  may  be  instructive  to  consider  briefly  the  practice  obtaining  in  some  of  the  more 
important  European  countries. 

In  Austria-Hungary,  by  an  ordinance  of  April  3,  1909,  goods  must  be  purchased 
from  Austrian  firms  and  be  of  local  manufacture,  unless  this  is  impracticable  through 
the  existence  of  patents  or  unreasonably  high  local  prices.  In  any  event,  no  order 
can  be  placed  abroad  without  the  special  authority  of  the  Government. 

In  Germany,  though  there  are  no  official  restrictions  prohibiting  foreign  firms  from 
tendering  for  Government,  municipal,  and  other  public  contracts,  there  is  a  faithfully 
observed  lex  non  scripta  that  no  orders  should  be  placed  outside  of  the  country  unless 
circumstances  render  them  absolutely  incapable  of  fulfilment  within  it.  There  are, 
further,  endless  obstacles  in  the  way  of  foreign  competition  by  the  shortness  of  time 
allowed  in  which  to  tender,  and  by  the  disabilities  arising  out  of  freight,  customs 
duties,  local  representation,  heavy  cash  deposits  and  the  like. 

In  the  Netherlands,  the  rules  governing  public  contracts  vary  very  largely  according 
to  the  several  departments  or  municipalities ;  but,  almost  invariably,  they  prevent 
foreign  firms  from  competing  except  under  very  exceptional  circumstances. 

In  Norway,  public  contracts  are  issued  only  to  Norwegian  tenderers  unless  all 
tenders  are  considered  unreasonable  by  the  Government ;  and  in  the  second  issue  of 
the  contract,  which  occurs  in  such  cases,  Norwegian  firms  receive  a  preference  varying 
from  10  to  15  per  cent,  in  addition  to  the  automatic  preference  arising  out  of  customs 
duties. 

In  Eussia,  in  almost  all  cases,  public  contracts  are  not  even  offered  to  foreign  firma 
where  the  articles  are  capable  of  being  supplied  by  manufacturers  in  Russia. 


300 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR — (continued). 

Feb.  27.  French  troops  capture  trenches  in  the  Champagne  ;  over  1,000  Germans 
surrender.  Kussians  assume  the  offensive  in  Eastern  Galicia,  and  advance 
west  of  the  Niemen.  British  blockade  of  German  East  Africa  announced. 
Mar.  1.  Great  Britain  and  France  announce  intention  of  preventing,  by  means  of 
Allied  Fleets,  commodities  of  all  kinds  from  reaching  or  leaving  Germany. 
Progress  in  the  Dardanelles ;  Straits  swept  clear  of  mines  for  distance 
of  four  miles.  Desperate  fighting  at  Przasnysz ;  Russians  finally 
successful.  Germans  again  on  the  defensive  in  East  Prussia.  Hamburg- 
Amerika  liner  Dacia  seized  by  French  cruiser,  and  taken  to  Brest  to 
await  decision  of  a  Prize  Court. 

„  2.  Germans  deliver  fierce  attacks  on  Russian  fortresses — Grodno,  Ossowiec, 
and  Przasnysz,  capturing  over  10,000  prisoners. 

„  3.  Allies  gain  ground  near  Ypres ;  Canadian  troops  brilliantly  engaged. 
Another  fort  in  Dardanelles  silenced. 

„      4.  Russian  success  in  Eastern  Galicia. 

„  5.  German  submarine  U  8  sunk  by  destroyers  off  Dover ;  crew  taken  prisoners. 
French  troops  capture  trench  and  180  prisoners  north  of  Arras. 
Further  success  in  the  Dardanelles ;  H.M.S.  Queen  Elizabeth  shells 
important  forts  at  the  Narrows  ;  Smyrna  bombarded  by  British  Squadron. 

„  6.  French  success  at  Perthes-Beausejour,  a  Company  of  Prussian  Guards 
captured.  Resignation  of  the  Greek  Cabinet. 

„  7.  British  air-raid  on  submarine  repair-base  at  Ostend  ;  Fighting  reported  in 
Persian  Gulf  ;  Bombardment  of  Dardanelles  forts. 

„      8.  Allies  make  progress  north  of  Arras  and  in  the  Vosges. 

„  10.  H.M.S.  Ariel  sinks  German  submarine  U  12 ;  ten  of  the  crew  rescued. 
German  submarines  sink  British  merchantmen — Tangistan,  Blackwood, 
and  Princess  Victoria.  Russian  successes  in  the  Caucasus  ;  heavy 
Turkish  losses. 

„     11.  Allies  capture  Neuve  Chapelle. 

,,  12.  German  armed  liner  Prinz  Eitel  Friedrich  puts  into  Newport  News  (U.S.A.) 
for  repairs  after  sinking  eleven  vessels,  including  one  American. 

,,  13.  Severe  fighting  on  Western  line.  British  armed  merchant  cruiser  Bayano 
sunk.  Concentration  of  a  French  Expeditionary  Force  in  North  Africa 
announced ;  to  co-operate  with  Allied  Fleets  in  the  Dardanelles. 

„  14.  German  cruiser  Dresden  sunk  off  Juan  Fernandez  by  British  squadron. 
Germans  take  trenches  near  St.  Eloi. 

,,     16.  French  success  in  the  Champagne.    Allies  recapture  St.  Eloi. 

,,     17.  Germans  again  shell  Soissons  and  Reims. 

,  18.  Loss  of  four  British  merchant  steamers  announced.  Belgian  Army  advances 
along  the  Yser.  Great  naval  action  in  Dardanelles,  H.M.S.  Irresistible, 
H.M.S.  Ocean,  and  French  cruiser  Bouvet ;  lost  English  crews  saved. 

,,    19.  German  Zeppelin  over  Calais  ;  seven  lives  lost,  otherwise  no  damage  done. 


ROLL   OF  HONOUR.  301 

Mar.  20.  Kussian  occupation  of  Memel  (N.  Prussia)  acknowledged  by  Berlin.    French 

troops  gain  ground  south  of  La  Bassee  and  elsewhere. 
„    21.  Zeppelins  drop  bombs    on  Paris;    little  damage  done.     Aeroplanes    drop 

two  bombs  in  Deal  harbour ;  no  damage. 
„    22.  Fall  of  Austrian  fortress  of  Przemysl ;  surrender  of  120,000  men.    Russians 

evacuate  Memel,  but  advance  in  another  direction  in  E.  Poland. 
„    23.  French  report  two  successful   engagements   in  Argonne.     Small  force  of 

Turks  with  German  officers  discovered  near  Suez  and  routed. 
„    24.  Successful  British  air  raid  on  submarine  base  at  Antwerp. 
„    25.  German  submarine  U  29  sunk  with  all  hands.     Dutch  steamer  Medea  and 

British    steamer    Delmira    sunk     by    German     submarines.      Russian 

advance  in  Carpathians. 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR. 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.  Additions  to  this  list 
will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary). 

ALEXANDER,  DAVID  C.,  M.B.,  Captain,  R.A.M.C. ;  AMEKY,  L.  S.,  Captain,  Oxfordshire 
Hussars ;  AMIES,  R.,  Lieutenant,  6th  Batt.  E.  Kent  Regiment ;  AMOS,  S.  T.  A.,  South 
African  Forces ;  APPLEYABD,  R.,  Lieutenant,  12th  Batt.  Sherwood  Foresters ;  ASHTON, 
HERBERT  S.,  Staff  Sergt.-Major,  A.S.C. ;  ATLEE,  P.  S.,  D.D.M.S.,  Expeditionary  Force; 
BALL,  F.  M.,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse ;  BARTLETT,  S.  G.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ; 
BAWDEN,  F.  W.,  Lieutenant,  9th  (Service)  Batt.  Welsh  Regiment ;  BAYLES,  H.  L.,  Nyasa- 
land Volunteers ;  BAYLEY,  F.  J.,  Lieutenant,  R.A. ;  BAYLY,  CECIL,  llth  Batt.  Cheshire 
Regiment;  BAYLY,  F.  B.,  llth  Batt.  Cheshire  Regiment;  BEIRNE,  L.  J.,  Captain,  12th 
(Service)  Batt.  Essex  Regiment ;  BELLINGHAM,  E.  C.,  Captain  and  Adjt.  8th  ( Service) 
Batt.  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  BIGGS,  J.  C.,  Lieutenant,  3rd  C.M.R.  Canadian 
Expeditionary  Force;  BINNIE,  T.  L,  Nyasaland  Volunteers;  BIRCHALL,  W.  A.,  Inns  of 
Court  O.T.C. ;  BLACKWELL,  LIONEL  N.,  Major,  R.E. ;  BLAKE,  L.  L.,  Sportsman's  Batt.  j 
BORCHERDS,  D.  B.  DE  A.,  4th  Connaught  Rangers ;  BOURNE,  F.  W.,  E.  A.  Force ; 
BRACHER,  F.  V.,  Lieutenant,  16th  Batt.  Welsh  Regiment ;  BRADLEY,  E.  T.,  Lieutenant,  Royal 
Engineers;  BROOKS,  L.  A.  W.,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Field  Artillery;  BROTHERS,  O.  F., 
First  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  BROWN,  J.  E.  MYLES,  M.  B.,  Captain,  R.A.M.C. ; 
BRUCE,  Hon.  A.  L.,  Staff  Captain,  Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  BUCHNER,  L.  W.  G.,  Lieutenant, 
R.G.A. ;  BURNEY,  GEOFFREY  A.,  3rd  Reserve  Scottish  Horse  ;  BURN,  ROBERT,  New  Zealand 
Expeditionary  Force ;  BYRON,  LEWIS,  South  African  Forces ;  CALVERLEY,  E.  L.,  Major, 
12th  Batt.  Essex  Regiment ;  CAMPBELL,  COLIN,  South  African  Forces ;  CAMERON,  A.  G., 
King  Edward's  Horse ;  CAHBERY,  Dr.  A.  DILLON,  R.A.M.C. ;  CASSON,  J.  C.,  Nyasaland 
Volunteers ;  CHALONER,  C.  W.,  Captain ;  CHAMBERS,  FRANK,  Lieutenant,  A.V.C. ;  CHRIS - 
TISON,  R.  A.  (Commission  in  the  Territorials) ;  CLARKE,  E.  D.,  Captain,  49th  Batt.  Canadian 
Expeditionary  Force;  CLARKE,  FRANK,  Lieutenant,  R.N.  (killed,  H.M.S.  Bulwark); 
CLARKE,  PERCY  H.,  Junr.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  6th  Batt.  Rifle  Brigade ;  COOKSON,  G.  E., 
Lieutenant,  R.F.A.  ;  COOK,  H.  G.,  Canadian  Divisional  Ammunition  Column ;  COOKE,  IAN 
A.  S.,  the  Connaught  Rangers ;  CORBET,  R.  L.,  A.O.D. ;  CURWEN-REED,  T.,  Canadian 
Expeditionary  Force  ;  DALGLIESH,  J.  A.,  Sportman's  Batt.  Royal  Fusiliers  ;  DAVY,  ERNEST, 
Canadian  Expeditionary  Force;  DEACON,  A.  J.  C.,  Assistant  Paymaster;  DEWAR,  P.  C., 
1st  Rhodesian  Regiment ;  DICK,  G.  W.,  South  African  Forces ;  DICKSON,  ERNEST,  Lieu- 
tenant, A.S.C. ;  DIXON,  E.  T.,  Major,  R.A. ;  DORRINGTON,  F.  M.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A.  ; 
DOUGLAS,  J.  A.,  Major,  Railway  Transport ;  DOUGLAS,  R.  LANGTON,  Lieutenant,  A.S.C. ; 
DOUGLAS-PENNANT,  Hon  G.  H.,  Capt,,  Grenadier  Guards  (killed  in  action,  March  13,  1915) ; 
Du  CROS,  WILLIAM  ;  EDWARDS,  E.  W.,  Inns  of  Court  O.T.C. ;  ELLIOT,  LESLIE,  Corps  of 

X 


302  ROLL   OF  HONOUR. 

Instructors ;  FAVELL,  A.  L.,  Motor  Ambulance  Convoy ;  FEE,  C.  P.,  Captain,  Canadian 
Expeditionary  Force ;  FERRY,  C.  BEAUMONT,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  FIDDES,  Hon.  A.  L., 
Nyaealand  Volunteers ;  FINLAYSON,  R.  A.,  C.M.G.,  Colonel,  6th  Reserve  Cyclist  Batt. 
Royal  Sussex  Regiment ;  FIRR,  T.  F.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  FLETCHER,  FRANKLYTC 
H.,  Captain,  A.  Company  4th  Wilts.  Reserve  Batt. ;  FORAN,  W.  ROBERT,  Captain,  Cambridge- 
shire Batt.  Suffolk  Regiment ;  FOY,  P.  A.,  Royal  Engineers ;  FOTJCAR,  G.,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
3rd  Field  Squadron,  R.E. ;  FOULKES,  J.  F.,  Captain,  let  Canadian  Contingent ;  Fox,  F. 
WILSON  ;  FRANKLIN,  Captain  W.  H.,  Newfoundland  Contingent ;  FRERE,  O.  G.,  B.E.A. 
Force ;  GALBRAITH,  Captain  A.  N.,  Ceylon  Rifle  Corps  (killed  on  duty,  Cairo,  Feb.  15, 
1915) ;  GARRETT,  H.  B.  G.,  Middlesex  Regiment ;  GARSTIN,  C.,  King  Edward's  Horse ; 
GIBBONS,  Lieut. -Colonel  A.  ST.  HILL,  Sportsman's  Battalion ;  GLENNY,  T.  A.,  Major,  7th 
Batt.  King's  Own  Scottish  Borderers  ;  GLOVER,  A.  H.,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse  ;  GONSALVES, 
GEORGE,  Army  Service  Corps;  GOODACRE,  JOSIAH  S.,  llth  "Pioneer"  Batt.  Liverpool 
Regiment ;  GORDON,  G.  T.,  Newfoundland  Contingent ;  GOSSETT,  E.  F.,  Colonel,  19th 
Batt.  The  King's  Regiment ;  GOULDEN,  F.  C.,  Captain,  Railway  Co.  Nigerian  Land  Contin- 
gent ;  GOULDING,  R.  L.,  Major,  South  African  Forces ;  GRAHAM,  Major  A.  McD.,  Acting 
Adjutant,  the  Wiltshire  Regiment ;  GROSS,  LESLIE,  Lieutenant,  15th  Middlesex  Regiment ; 
GRETTON,  Colonel  G.  T.  Le  M. ;  GUEST,  Major  Hon.  H.  CHARLES,  M.P. ;  HADDON- 
SMITH,  W.  B.,  Captain,  Queen's  Regiment;  HALSEY,  LIONEL,  R.N.,  C.M.G.,  Captain, 
H.M.S.  New  Zealand;  HAMMERTON,  C.  W.,  Lieutenant  3rd  City  of  London,  Royal 
Fusiliers ;  HANKIN,  C.  L.,  Mechanical  Transport ;  HARRIS-ROBSON,  H.,  Naval  Reserve ; 
HARBISON,  C.  R.,  3rd  Leicester  Regiment ;  HANBURY- WILLIAMS,  Major-General  Sir 
JOHN,  K.C.V.O.,  C.M.G.  General  Headquarters  Staff,  Russia;  HARVEY,  D.  L.,  9th 
Lancers  (killed  in  action  Nov.  3,  1914) ;  HANDLEY,  G.  F.  B.,  West  African  Frontier 
Force ;  HEYDEMAN,  H.,  Captain,  O.C.,  144  Coy.  16  Div.  Train ;  HILL,  C.  R.,  Captain, 
Canadian  28th  Infantry  Battalion ;  HOOKB,  H.  ALISTER,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  HOOLH, 
Francis  W.,  6th  City  of  London  Riflea ;  HOOTON,  R.  S.,  Foreign  Service  Batt.,  H.A.C. ) 
HOPKINS,  J.  R.  INNES,  Canadian  Contingent ;  HUDSON,  WM.,  R.E.  Signal  Co. ;  HUGHES, 
HUGH  S.,  Princess  Patricia's  Canadian  Light  Infantry ;  HUME,  E.  A.,  Lieutenant,  7th 
(Service)  Batt.  South  Staffs.  Regiment ;  BUTTON,  Lieut. -General  Sir  EDWARD,  K.C.B., 
K.C.M.G.,  Commanding  21st  Division ;  HYTHE,  Viscount,  Lieut.-Colonel,  West  Kent  Yeo- 
manry ;  IEVERS,  HUGH  W.,  East  African  Mounted  Rifles ;  INGALL,  C.  E.,  Nyasaland 
Volunteers ;  INGE,  WALTER,  Lieutenant,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse ;  IRWUC,  WILSON, 
Major,  14th  Service  Batt.  Rifle  Brigade ;  JACKSON,  C.  P.  (Institute  Staff),  Inns  of  Court 
O.T.C. ;  JAMES,  MAURICE,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse ;  JARVIS,  C.  W.  B.,  2nd  King 
Edward's  Horse ;  JARVIS,  Lieut.-Colonel  A.  Weston,  C.M.G.,  M.V.O. ;  JEBB,  RICHARD, 
Captain,  4th  (R.)  Battalion  K.S.L.I. ;  JENKINS,  G.  W.  R.,  Captain,  8th  (Service)  Batt. 
Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  JEWELL,  N.  P.,  M.B.,  Expeditionary  Force  in  East  Africa  ;  JOHNSON, 
P.  VINER,  Captain,  1st  Wilts  (killed  in  action  March  14,  1915) ;  JONES,  STANLEY  L.,  Lieu- 
tenant P.P.L.I.,  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  JUST,  L.  W.,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse  ; 
KATON,  A.,  South  African  Forces ;  KETCHELL,  E.  R. ;  KIDNEY,  Hon.  A.  F.,  Nyaealand 
Volunteers  ;  KINO,  H.  GARNAR,  Lieutenant,  13th  Batt.  Northumberland  Fusiliers ;  KOESTEB, 
PAUL,  Captain,  8th  (Service)  Batt.  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  LAGDEN,  R.  O.,  Captain, 
Rifle  Brigade  ;  LAMPREY,  J.  C.,  Captain,  3rd  East  Yorks ;  LAWRANCE,  J.  H.  G.,  9th  Batt. 
Royal  Berkshire  Regiment ;  LAYMAN,  F.  H.,  Lieutenant,  12th  Royal  Warwickshire  Regi- 
ment;  LITCHFIELD,  A.  C.  A.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  King  Edward's  Horse ;  LOCH,  Lieut.-Colonel 
Lord,  C.M.G.,  M.V.O.,  D.S.O. ;  LYNCH,  C.  W.  D.,  Major,  King's  Own  Yorkshire  Light 
Infantry ;  McARA,  JAMES,  Canadian  Forces ;  McCALLUM,  D.,  Cameroons  Expeditionary 
Force  ;  MACDONALD,  R.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  MCDOWELL,  F.,  9th  Lancashire  Fusiliers; 
MCGARRY,  J.  H.,  Captain  Territorial  Reserve  ;  MACKAY,  WILLIAM  G.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ; 
McKAY,  J.  H.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  McKiNNERY,  Major ;  McLEOD,  D.,  Lieutenant, 
Gordon  Highlanders ;  MAIDEN,  J.  L.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  MANNING,  OSWALD,  28th 
County  of  London  (Artists) ;  MARCHANT,  C.  S.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  9th  South  Staffs  Regiment ; 
MARLBOROUGH,  the  Duke  of,  K.G. ;  MAY,  H.  F. ;  MEADOWS,  F.  F.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ; 


JB 

s 


ROLL   OF  HONOUR.  803 

MrDDLETOJr,  JAMES,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Engineers ;  MOIB,  C.  M.,  25th  Batt.  (Frontiersmen) 
Royal  Fusiliers ;  MOTJSLBY,  E.  O.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  MUNDAY,  VICTOR,  Lieutenant, 
Rand  Rifles ;  MUECHLAND,  CHARLES,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  NAIRNB,  DOUGLAS,  1st  (Res.) 
Battalion,  H.A.C. ;  NELSON,  A.  A.  C.,  Major,  10th  Royal  Scots ;  NELSON,  E.  G.  S.,  Hertt 
Yeomanry ;  NEWES,  H.  W.,  Ceylon  Contingent ;  NEWSAM,  FOWLER,  H.A.C.  ;  NEWTON, 
DEMIL  O.  C.,  Captain,  M.V.O.  (died  of  wounds,  January  9,  1915) ;  NORTHERN,  A.  W.  B., 
Supply  Officer,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  NOTLEY,  W.  R. ;  ORD,  G.  R.,  Lieutenant,  9th  Batt. 
Bouth  Staff*. ;  OWEN,  T.  A.,  Inns  of  Court  O.T.C. ;  PAGE,  A.  M.,  2nd  Natal  Field  Force ; 
PARTRIDGE,  T.  M.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  PECK,  C.  W.,  Captain,  "  B "  Company,  30th 
Batt.,  Second  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  PEACOCK,  G.  L.,  Captain,  6th  Welsh  Regi- 
ment ;  PEASE,  EDWARD,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse ;  PIERS,  P.  D.  H.,  Nyasaland  Volun- 
teers ;  PINKHAM,  E.  F.,  Lieutenant,  31st  Battalion  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force  ;  POLLAK, 
H.,  Inns  of  Court  O.T.C. ;  PORTER,  G.  M.,  Colonel;  POUNDS,  H.  HELY,  Major,  Durham 
Light  Infantry;  QUIN,  H.  C.,  R.A.M.C. ;  RATCLIFFE,  HERBERT  J.,  Lieutenant,  llth 
Royal  Fusiliers ;  REYNOLDS,  A.  O.  P.,  M.B.,  R.A.M.C.  ;  RHODES,  J.  H.,  Inns  of  Court 
O.T.C. ;  ROBERTS,  R.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  ROBERTSON,  A.  E.,  Captain,  9th  Royal  West 
Kent  Regiment;  ROBINSON,  C.  DOUGLAS,  Captain  and  Adjutant,  9th  Batt.  N.  Staffs  Regi- 
ment ;  ROE,  G.  R.  HENDERSON,  Captain,  6th  Royal  W.  Kent  Regiment ;  ROGERS,  A. 
G.  12th  Middlesex  Regiment ;  RONALD,  J.  C. ;  ROYLANCE,  GEORGE,  1st  Rhodesian 
Regiment ;  RUSSBLL,  W.  L.  A.,  Lieutenant,  A.S.C. ;  RUST,  RANDOLPH,  Captain,  Artillery  Corps 
in  Trinidad;  SANDERSON,  J.  G.,  llth  Northumberland  Fusiliers;  SAUNDERS,  Lieut. -Colonel 
F.,  Ceylon  Light  Infantry ;  SAUNDERS,  R.  E.  V.,  Imperial  Light  Horse,  German  West 
Africa ;  ScABTH,  E.  L.,  Captain,  the  Wiltshire  Regiment ;  SCHULLER,  OSCAB  H.,  Lieu- 
tenant 9th  (Service)  Batt.  Northumberland  Fusiliers  ;  SCOTT,  N.  D.,  Inns  of  Court  O.T.C. ; 
SCOTT,  THOMAS,  Captain,  the  Pretoria  Regiment ;  SHAWB,  Lieut. -Colonel  H.  B.,  Pretoria 
Civic  Guard  (Active  Sec.)  ;  SHBPSTONE,  D.  G.  South  African  Forces ;  SINCLAIR,  IAN  G., 
Captain,  6th  Welsh  Regiment ;  SKEELS,  C.  SEROCOLD,  Lieutenant,  15th  Batt.  Mid- 
dlesex Regiment ;  SLEITH,  T.,  South  African  Forces ;  SMIT,  GRAHAM  N.,  Imperial 
Light  Horse,  South  African  Expeditionary  Force ;  SMITH,  F.  BOURDON,  Inns  of  Court 
O.T.C.;  SMITH,  J.  GORDON,  Lieutenant  North  Staffs.  Regiment ;  SMITH,  Captain.  G.  S. ; 
SMITH,  Dr.  J.  R. ;  SMITH,  LAURENCE,  Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  SMITH,  L.  CLTVB,  Captain 
R.A.M.C. ;  STBBL,  C.  H.  R.,  Artillery  Nigerian  Regiment ;  STEUABT,  BERNARD,  Captain, 
llth  Batt.  Royal  Highlanders ;  STEWART,  WILLIAM  T.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  STEWART-BAM, 
Sir  PIETER  VAN  B.,  Major,  7th  Batt.  London  Regiment ;  SWETTENHAM,  J.  P.,  Captain,  R.E. 
Headquarters  Staff,  2nd  Army  Central  Force;  SWINBURNE, C.  A. , Captain, Fiji  Contingent ; 
TABUTEAU,  Lieut. -Commander,  R.M.,  R.N. ;  THOMPSON,  A.  C.,  Captain,  8th  (Service)  Batt. 
Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  THOMPSON,  F.  C.,  Lieutenant,  8th  (Service)  Batt.  Royal  Dublin 
Fusiliers ;  THOMPSON,  H.  R.,  Lieutenant,  9th  Royal  W.  Kent ;  THWAITES,  CYRIL,  Lieu- 
tenant, R.A.M.C. ;  THWAITES,  N.,  Captain,  4th  Dragoon  Guards ;  TREMEARNE,  Major 
A.  J.  N. ;  TRIBE,  L.  F.,  1st  (Res.)  Batt.  H.A.C. ;  TUCKETT,  G.  H.,  Nyasaland  Volun- 
teers ;  TURNBULL,  A.  M.  D.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  TURNER,  Major  REGINALD, 
D.S.O. ;  WALLACE,  Major  W.  T.  E.,  (during  leave) ;  WARE,  FABIAN,  in  charge  of  Red 
Cross  Unit ;  WARREN,  E.  H.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  WATERALL,  L.  S.,  13th  Batt.  Middle- 
Bex  Regiment;  WATSON,  D.  G.,  12th  Batt.  Highland  Light  Infantry;  WEBB,  Captain 
RODERICK  B. ;  WEBSTER,  Captain  R.  GRANT  ;  WELLS,  R.  N.,  Australian  Expeditionary 
Force  ;  WELSTEAD,  A.  D.,  Captain,  25th  Batt.  Middlesex  Regiment,  Frontiersmen ;  WEST, 
A.  L.  T.,  Royal  Naval  Reserve ;  WETTON,  T.  C.,  King  Edward's  Horse ;  WHEELER, 
Hon.  W.,  C.M.G.,  Nyasaland  Volunteers ;  WHITE,  E.  NORMAN,  Lieutenant,  6th  Batt. 
Middlesex  Regiment ;  WHITE,  W.  BURMINGHAM,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Naval  Armoured  Car 
Brigade ;  WILKIE,  G.  M.,  Lieutenant  A.S.C. ;  WILLIAMS,  A.  J.  (Motor  Boat  on  Lake), 
Nyasaland  Volunteers  ;  WILLIAMS,  R.  H.  GWYN,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Cheshire  Regiment ; 
WILLIAMS,  Sir  RALPH,  K.C.M.G.,  President  2nd  Line  of  Defence,  British  East  Africa; 
WILSON,  J.  SMITH,  A.  Coy.  22nd  Batt.  Royal  Fusiliers ;  WILSON,  REGINALD,  1st  King 
Edward's  Horse ;  WOODS,  C.  R.  (Institute  Staff),  Army  Medical  Corps  ;  YOUNG,  J.  R., 
"portman's  Batt.  Royal  Fusiliers. 

x  2 


304 
THE    ROYAL    COLONIAL    INSTITUTE    AND    THE    WAR. 

A  COMBINED  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  the  Victoria 
League  was  held  on  February  24,  at  Bournemouth,  Sir  Daniel  Morris,  K.C.M.G.,  in 
the  chair.  An  address  was  given  by  Mr.  Harry  Brittain,  Member  of  Council,  R.C.I., 
and  chairman  of  the  Overseas  Committee,  who  described  the  work  done  by  that  com- 
mittee on  behalf  of  visitors  from  the  Dominions  and  also  in  forming  nursing,  sewing, 
and  ambulance  classes.  He  also  outlined  the  various  forms  of  war -work  with  which  the 
Institute,  as  a  body,  has  been  identified,  and  which  have  been  noted  from  time  to  time, 
in  these  columns.  The  meeting  was  a  great  success. 

A  committee  has  been  formed,  as  the  result  of  a  meeting  convened  by  the  War 
Services  Committee,  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  employment  of  ex- Service  men  after 
the  \\'ar,  on  the  land  or  otherwise,  either  at  home  or  overseas.  Earl  Grey  has  con- 
sented to  be  Chairman,  and  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G.,  as  chairman  of 
council,  and  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G.,  as  honorary  secretary  to  the  Institute,  are 
ex-officio  members,  while  the  following  gentlemen  have  consented  to  serve  : — Sir  Ernest 
Birch,  K.C.M.G.,  Herbert  Easton,  Esq.,  Sir  H.  Rider  Haggard,  Hon.  J.  G.  Jenkins,  Com- 
missioner D.  C.  Lamb  (Salvation  Army),  J.  Saxon  Mills,  Esq.,  Ben.  H.  Morgan,  Esq., 
Colonel  Rawson,  C.B.,  Theodore  Reunert,  Esq.,  E.  T.  Scammell,  Esq.,  Hon.  Sir  John 
Taverner,  K.C.M.G.,  Christopher  Tumor,  Esq.,  Evelyn  Wrench,  Esq.  Other  names  will 
be  added  later.  The  question  of  land  settlement  after  the  war  is  treated  in  our 
Editorial  Notes. 

Another  society  which  held  its  original  meeting  in  a  room  lent  by  the  Institute,  is 
"  The  Friends  of  Belgium,"  whose  founder  and  honorary  secretary,  Mr.  John  Marsh, 
F.R.C.I.,  visited  Belgium  and  secured  the  approval  and  patronage  of  the  King  and 
Queen  of  the  Belgians,  the  Duchess  of  Vendome,  and  other  prominent  persons.  The 
object  is  to  raise,  through  committees  in  every  neutral  or  allied  country,  a  sum  of  not 
less  than  £250,000  towards  founding  and  endowing  in  Belgium — on  lines  to  be  approved 
by  the  Government — an  institution  for  the  orphans  of  those  killed  in  the  War. 

Mr.  Herbert  Garrison,  our  official  lecturer,  is  continuing  his  work  of  lecturing  on  the 
War,  assisted  by  a  committee  of  fifty  Fellows  and  a  ladies'  committee  of  fifty  Associates. 
At  a  lecture  given  in  the  London  Opera  House  on  March  23rd,  Queen  Alexandra  was  present. 
and  Lord  Desborough  presided  over  a  large  audience.  Some  thousands  of  pounds  have  been 
raised  for  War  Funds  and  many  recruits  for  the  Army  obtained  by  these  lectures. 


REVIEWS. 

THE  GERMANS  IN  AFRICA. 

A  FULL  exposure  of  German  aims  in  Africa  has  yet  to  be  written.  It  will  make  an  interesting 
and  informing  study  and  reveal  many  incidents  and  intrigues  that  are  as  yet  hardly 
realised  in  this  country.  The  aggressive  policy  of  Germany  since  the  German  Emperor 
dropped  the  "  Old  Pilot "  has  been  specially  evidenced  in  Africa,  but  few  realised, 
until  the  outbreak  of  the  present  war  led  to  a  study  of  these  momentous  questions, 
how  inextricably  it  was  woven  with  the  national  policy  pursued  by  the  Emperor  and 
his  advisers.  In  the  first  of  these  three  pamphlets  *  Mr.  Evans  Lewin,  the  Librarian  of 
the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  shows  how  the  Germans  obtained  their  African  possessions, 
and  although  he  does  not  enter  into  the  subsequent  intrigues  which  were  engineered 
in  order  to  obtain  for  Germany  the  control  of  the  Dark  Continent,  or  at  least  of  its 
tropical  portions — which  would  hardly  have  been  within  the  scope  of  the  pamphlet — 
the  motives  that  actuated  the  Germans  in  their  African  policy  are  sufficiently  indicated 
to  enable  the  reader  to  make  a  shrewd  guess  that  the  colonial  scramble  of  the  'eighties 
and  early  'nineties  was  only  the  prelude  to  further  predatory  expeditions.  Africa, 
said  a  writer  in  the  Kolnische  Zeitung,  is  like  a  large  pie  which  the  English  have 
prepared  for  themselves  at  other  people's  expense.  "  Let  us  hope,"  said  the  writer, 

*  The     Germans     in     Africa.      By     Evans     Lewin.     (Oxford     Pamphlets).     31     pp.     Map. 
Oxford :    Clarendon  Press.     1914.     3d. 


REVIEWS.  305 

"that  our  blue-jackets  will  put  a  few  peppercorns  into  it  on  the  Guinea  Coast,  so 
that  our  friends  on  the  Thames  may  not  digest  it  too  rapidly."  It  is  the  purpose 
of  Mr.  Lewin's  pamphlet  to  show  "  how  Germany,  after  some  years  of  careful  prepara- 
tion, and  in  spite  of  much  opposition,  finally  succeeded  in  peppering  the  African  pie 
by  establishing  four  important  colonies  upon  the  African  continent."  The  story  is 
an  interesting  one  and  it  reflects  little  credit  upon  British  diplomatic  acumen  or 
German  diplomatic  probity.  Stubbornness  and  vacillation  on  the  one  side  and  sharp 
practices  on  the  other  are  the  simple  annals  of  the  scramble  for  territory. 

In  the  "  Origin,  Causes,  and  Object  of  the  War,"  *  Sir  Percy  Fitzpatrick  exposes 
the  subsequent  tortuous  course  of  German  policy  in  Africa.  Although  it  may  not 
be  possible  to  agree  with  all  of  the  author's  conclusions,  a  perusal  of  Sir  Percy  Fitz- 
patrick's  pamphlet  will  convince  the  reader  that  the  majority  are  founded  upon  docu- 
mentary and  other  irrefutable  evidence  that  makes  them  specially  valuable  at  the 
present  juncture.  Sir  Percy's  brochure  is  written  for  the  man-in-the-street,  and  is 
intended  to  state  as  concisely  and  vigorously  as  possible  the  main  lines  of  German 
policy  in  Africa.  The  first  portion  deals  with  the  immediate  origins  of  the  war,  but 
the  succeeding  part — to  our  mind  the  most  interesting — describes  Germany's  ambitions 
as  a  world-power  in  Africa,  and  especially  from  the  South  African  point  of  view. 
If  Germany's  place  in  the  sun  meant  the  complete  domination  of  Africa — an  ambition 
that  the  Chancellor  Caprivi  regarded  as  likely  to  be  disastrous  to  Germany — as  is 
suggested  by  Sir  Percy  Fitzpatrick,  then  the  whole  of  his  conclusions  are  thoroughly 
justified.  "Then,  indeed,  would  the  day  have  dawned  when  the  Kaiser's  ambition  to 
be  Emperor  of  Europe  and  of  All  Africa  would  be  realised." 

A  small  pamphlet  by  Mr.  J.  K.  O'Connor  t  helps  us  to  realise  how  this  policy 
was  fostered  in  at  least  one  corner  of  Africa.  Mr.  O'Connor,  shortly  before  the  out- 
break of  war,  undertook  a  journey  in  German  South-West  Africa  for  the  express 
purpose  of  finding  out  exactly  what  it  was  that  the  Germans  were  working  for,  and 
his  pamphlet  is  of  special  value  at  the  present  time.  Not  only  does  it  reveal  the 
meaning  of  the  warlike  preparations  in  that  part  of  Africa — preparations  that  had  long 
been  fully  understood  in  responsible  South  African  quarters — but  it  describes,  in  a 
concise  and  handy  form,  the  main  features  of  the  vast  territory  which  the  Germans 
occupied  in  1884,  after  we  had  stupidly  refused  to  shoulder  our  responsi bib' ties  in 
Damaraland  and  Namaqualand. 

K.  P. 


THE  HOME  OF  THE  BLIZZARD. 

SIR  DOUGLAS  MAWSON'S  account  of  the  Australasian  Antarctic  Expedition  is  a  notable 
and  fascinating  book  that  will  rank  high  in  the  literature  of  travel.  J  Being  issued 
at  a  time  when  men's  thoughts  are  directed  to  other  matters,  it  should  serve  as  a 
welcome  relief  from  the  constant  tale  of  battle,  murder,  and  sudden  death.  The 
two  handsome  volumes,  profusely  illustrated  by  a  series  of  wonderful  views  of  the 
Antarctic  regions  and  illustrations  of  its  fauna,  form  a  fitting  record  of  a  remarkable 
journey,  which  was  productive  of  most  valuable  scientific  results,  and  reflected  the 
greatest  credit  upon  the  organisers  of  the  Expedition  and  upon  those  who  took  part 
in  the  active  work  of  exploration.  The  Expedition,  as  is  well  known,  was  organised 
entirely  in  Australia,  the  three  leading  members  of  the  committees  being  Professor 
Orme  Masson,  Professor  T.  W.  Edgeworth  David,  and  Professor  G.  C.  Henderson; 

*  The  Origin,  Causes,  and  Object  of  the  War.  By  Sir  Percy  Fitzpatrick.  Pp.  59.  Map.  Cape 
Town  :  T.  Maskew  Miller.  1914.  Is.  &d. 

t  The  Hun  in  our  Hinterland  :  or  the  Menace  of  G.S.W.A.  By  J.  K.  O'Connor.  Pp.43.  Map. 
Cape  Town  :  T.  Maskew  Miller.  1914.  Is.  6d. 

J  The  Home  of  the  Blizzard,  being  the  Story  of  the  Australasian  Antarctic  Expedition,  1911-1914. 
By  Sir  Douglas  Mawson.  2  vols.  4to.  Pp.  xxx-349,  xiii-338.  London  :  William  Heinemann. 
1915.  8  lb.— 36s. 


306  REVIEWS. 

whilst  in  this  country  the  active  support  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society  wa» 
secured  for  the  enterprise.  In  Australia,  the  Commonwealth  Government  and  th» 
State  Governments  of  South  Australia,  New  South  Wales,  and  Victoria  guaranteed 
substantial  financial  aid ;  and  support  was  also  forthcoming,  at  the  instance  of  Lord 
Denman,  from  the  British  Government. 

The  course  of  the  Expedition  is  too  well  known  to  need  mention  in  these  columns. 
Under  the  command  of  Dr.  Mawson,  the  party  left  Hobart  on  December  2,  1911, 
and  proceeded  almost  due  south  to  Macquarie  Island,  and  thence  to  the  Antarctic 
continent  where  they  explored  the  section  between  King  George  V.  Land  and  Davis 
Sea.  A  full  description  of  their  explorations  is  contained  in  Sir  Douglas  Mawson's  two 
volumes,  which  are  not  only  extremely  well  written  but  contain  a  great  deal  of  in- 
formation of  high  scientific  value.  Mr.  G.  F.  Ainsworth,  whose  services  were  loaned 
to  the  Expedition  by  the  Commonwealth  Meteorological  Bureau,  contributes  three 
chapters,  one  of  which  describes  Macquarie  Island,  where  a  wireless  station  was  estab- 
lished ;  whilst  other  chapters  are  written  by  Captain  J.  K.  Davis,  the  Master  of  the 
Aurora  and  the  second-in-command  of  the  Expedition,  and  by  Mr.  F.  Wild,  the 
leader  of  the  Western  Base  party  on  Queen  Mary's  Land.  The  whole  make*  a  most 
entrancing  record,  which  should  be  read  by  every  lover  of  Polar  exploration. 


MODERN  GERMANY. 

THE  fifth  edition  of  Mr.  Ellis  Barker's  "  Modern  Germany "  *  has  been  revised  and 
brought  to  date  by  the  addition  of  four  chapters  pertinent  to  the  present  situation. 
We  know  of  no  book  that  so  well  describes  the  growth  of  Germany,  and  so  faithfully 
exposes  the  aims  of  the  party  who  have  plunged  Europe  into  the  disastrous  conflict 
that  is  now  raging.  Mr.  Ellis  Barker  was  one  of  the  first  to  make  known  in  this 
country  the  inner  significance  of  German  policy  ;  and  had  his  warnings  been  heeded, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  situation  would  be  to-day  vastly  different  from 
what  it  is.  When  we  first  had  the  pleasure  of  reading  Mr.  Barker's  books  we  realised 
that  he  had  a  clear  and  masterly  comprehension  of  the  intricate  problems  of  modern 
Europe,  based  upon  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  European  history,  and  everything 
from  his  pen  that  we  have  since  read  has  confirmed  our  opinion  that  Mr.  Barker 
is  a  publicist  whose  writings  are  worthy  of  the  most  careful  attention.  It  is  not 
possible  to  quote  from  the  volume  under  notice,  owing  to  exigencies  of  space.  A  careful 
study  of  its  contents  is  essential  to  a  proper  understanding  of  German  political  and 
economic  problems,  and  especially  of  German  ambitions,  as  shown  in  the  foreign  policy 
pursued  by  the  Kaiser  and  his  satellites.  Mr.  Barker  was,  we  believe,  the  first  to 
draw  attention  to  the  vogue  of  Treitschke  and  to  direct  notice  to  the  effect  of  his 
teachings  upon  the  German  public  mind.  The  subsequent  course  of  German  policy 
is  so  clearly  demonstrated  in  bis  volume  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  excuse  for 
ignorance  upon  these  matters. 

The  opening  chapters  of  "Modern  Germany"  deal  with  the  expansion  of  the 
Fatherland  in  Europe,  and  the  relations  between  Germany  and  her  neighbours — Russia, 
Austria-Hungary,  France,  the  Netherlands,  and  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Barker's  conclusions 
are  supported  by  a  number  of  telling  quotations  from  German  sources,  revealing  the 
underlying  motives  that  have  influenced  German  action  since  the  guiding  hand  of 
Bismarck  was  withdrawn  from  the  national  helm.  Ihese  chapters  are  followed  by 
sections  dealing  with  the  military  and  naval  preparations,  the  internal  policy  of 
Germany,  her  economic  expansion,  the  shipping  and  railway  policy,  and  industrial 
conditions  generally ;  whilst  four  new  chapters  describe  the  Ultimate  Ruin  of  Germany, 
How  the  Military  rules  Germany,  the  German  Customs  of  War,  and  the  Rules  of  the 
Hague  Convention. 

*  Modern  Germany  :  her  Political  and  Economic  Problems,  her  Foreign  and  Domestic  Policy,  her 
Ambitions,  and  the  Causes  of  her  Successes  and  of  her  Failures.  By  J.  Ellis  Barker.  8vo.  Pp.  jti-852. 
London  :  Smith,  Elder  and  Co.  1915.  32  oz.— 7«.  6d. 


REVIEWS.  307 

INDO-ARYAN  ART. 

"THE  history  of  Indian  civilisation,"  writes  Mr.  E.  B.  Havell,  in  his  admirable  book  on 
the  "Ancient  and  Medieval  Architecture  of  India,"  *  "is  the  history  of  its  village 
communities,  which  embraced  within  their  pale  many  schools  of  thought  differing 
in  philosophical  theories,  yet  all  having  their  common  root  in  the  life  of  the  village 
and  in  the  Vedic  philosophy,  which  remained  the  motive  power  of  its  social  and 
intellectual  progress  even  when  teachers  arose  like  the  Buddha,  who  disputed  the 
efficacy  of  sacrificial  rites  and  the  divine  authority  which  the  Brahmans  attributed  to 
the  Vedas."  Mr.  Havell  deals  with  Indo-Aryan  civilisation,  and  his  book  is  one  of 
the  most  satisfactory  and  satisfying  studies  of  this  period  that  has  appeared.  At 
the  outset  Mr.  Havell  disassociates  himself  from  the  theories  enunciated  by  Fergusson, 
whose  works  on  Indian  architecture  have  long  been  regarded  as  the  standard  books 
on  this  subject.  "  One  of  Fergusson's  most  fatal  errors,"  he  says,  "  was  his  conclusion 
that  the  symbolism  of  Buddhist  art  was  more  ancient  than  that  of  orthodox  Brah- 
manism,  instead  of  being,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  entirely  derived  from  it."  With 
this  symbolism  Mr.  Havell  deals  very  thoroughly,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
his  opinions  will  be  a  revelation  to  those  who  cling  to  the  generally  accepted  theories 
of  Indian  art.  The  close  connection  between  Indian  and  Hellenic  art  is  admirably 
demonstrated  in  the  course  of  this  volume,  and  the  reader  soon  realises  how  much 
we  owe  to  the  Aryan  civilisation  that  formed  the  foundation  for  all  that  is  best  in 
Indian  artistic  execution. 

In  his  preface  Mr.  Havell  utters  some  timely  words  of  warning  in  connection 
with  the  present  loyal  attitude  of  India  towards  the  British  Empire.  "  It  will 
certainly  be  impossible  for  Great  Britain  to  continue  to  refuse  India  privileges  which 
our  ally,  Russia,  is  willing  to  grant  to  her  Asiatic  subjects ;  and  the  problem  of 
reconciling  Indian  aspirations  with  the  vital  interests  of  the  Empire  can  only  be 
solved  satisfactorily  by  avoiding  the  dangers  into  which  we  have  drifted  with  regard 
to  the  government  of  Ireland.  The  root  of  the  Irish  difficulties  has  lain  in  ignorance 
of  Irish  sentiment  and  Irish  history.  Similar  causes  will  sooner  or  later  produce 
similar  effects  on  a  far  larger  scale  in  India.  I  believe  myself  to  be  fulfilling  a 
patriotic  duty  in  endeavouring  to  remove  the  misconceptions  of  Indian  civilisation 
which  have  so  largely  governed  Anglo-Indian  policy."  Such  being  the  main  object 
of  this  book,  it  is  evident  that  Mr.  Havell's  opinions,  tfounded  upon  a  long  acquaintance 
with  the  aesthetic  side  of  Indian  life,  are  worth  careful  attention.  Apart  entirely 
from  the  letter-press,  this  volume  is  notable  for  the  excellent  illustrations  of  the  remains 
of  Indo-Aryan  civilisation,  of  which  no  less  than  176  beautiful  examples  are  given. 


DONATIONS  TO  THE  LIBRARY. 

AMONGST  the  donations  recently  received  in  the  Library  of  the  Institute  a  complete  set 
of  the  Proceedings  issued  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society  should  be  mentioned.  These 
publications  are  of  great  use  to  students  of  American  Colonial  history  as  well  as  to  those 
who  are  interested  in  Canadian  history,  because  they  contain  numerous  articles  describing 
events  in  the  early  history  of  the  State  of  Maine  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  at  on* 
period  closely  connected  with  Canada.  There  are  now  in  the  Library  of  the  Institute  many 
seta  of  publications  issued  by  the  different  American  Historical  Societies,  and  it  is  believed 
that  the  collection  is  more  complete  than  any  similar  collection  in  this  country — several  of 
these  sets  of  publications  not  being  contained  in  the  Library  of  the  British  Museum.  There 
has  also  been  presented  to  the  Library  by  Mr.  R.  N.  Sheridan,  a  Fellow  of  the  Institute 
living  in  New  South  Wales,  two  extremely  rare  and  probably  unique  documents  connected 
with  the  history  of  Fiji.  These  are  "  Message  from  the  King  Cakobau  I.  enclosing  a  Bill 

*  The  Ancient  and  Medieval  Architecture  of  India  :  a  titudy  of  Indo-Aryan  Civilisation.  By 
E.  B.  Havell.  4to.  Pp.  xxxv-230.  Map  and  Illust.  London :  John  Murray.  1915.  60  oz. 
— 30«. 


308  BOOK  NOTICES. 

to  amend  Constitution  Act,  to  the  Delegates  of  Fiji  in  Council  assembled,  August  1,  1871," 
and  the  Standing  Orders  agreed  upon  at  a  meeting  of  the  House  of  Delegates  on  August  2, 
1871.  Both  these  publications  are  corrected  in  manuscript,  and  are  therefore  the  original 
copies  in  use  during  the  brief  period  when  certain  European  residents  in  Fiji  set  up  a 
representative  government  on  their  own  account.  It  may  be  recalled  that  a  number  of 
Englishmen  in  the  year  1871,  without  the  official  sanction  of  the  Imperial  Government, 
organised  a  Fijian  Government,  with  the  principal  chief,  Thakombau,  as  king.  A  constitution 
was  agreed  upon  and  a  Parliament  elected,  but  quarrels  ensued  and  the  amateur  Parliament 
came  to  an  abrupt  end.  Fiji  was  annexed  to  the  British  Empire  on  October  16,  1874. 
Mr.  Sheridan  has  also  presented  to  the  Library  two  copies  of  the  Bermuda  Gazette  for 
July  23  and  October  15,  1785.  Apart  from  their  extreme  rarity  these  journals  contain  a 
number  of  advertisements  of  great  interest,  as  well  as  an  account  of  the  celebrated  duel 
between  Mr.  Rolle  and  Mr.  Arden,  the  then  Attorney-General. 


THE  PRIZE  MONOGRAPH 

THE  first  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  Monographs,  viz.  Mr.  F.  A.  Kirkpatrick's  "  Imperial 
Defence  and  Trade,"  has  now  been  published.  It  is  issued  as  an  attractive  little  booklet, 
and  can  be  obtained  at  the  price  of  two  shillings  on  application  to  the  Secretary.  Mr. 
Kirkpatrick,  the  first  Gold  Medallist  of  the  Institute,  deals  exhaustively  with  the  subject 
set  for  the  essay : — "  The  Interaction,  if  any,  between  the  Economic  Interests  of  a  State, 
and  Its  Foreign  Relations,  with  special  reference  to  the  question  whether,  or  how  far,  the 
self-governing  States  of  the  British  Empire  (with  or  without  a  more  centralised  system  of 
government  than  it  now  has)  could  co-operate  permanently  for  the  purpose  of ,,  defence 
without  co-operating  for  the  purpose  also  of  trade." 


BOOK  NOTICES. 

(By  therLIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.). 

Bernier,  Francois. — Travels  in  the  Mogul  Empire,  1656-1668.  Translated  and  annotated  by 
Archibald  Constable.  Second  edition  revised  by  Vincent  A.  Smith.  Post  8vo.  Maps 
and  Illust.  Pp.  li-495.  London :  Humphrey  Milford.  Oxford :  University  Presc. 
1914.  26  oz.— 6a. 

Fran9ois  Bernier,  the  author  of  this  delightful  book  of  travels,  journeyed  in  Syria,  Egypt, 
Arabia,  and  India.  In  the  last  country  he  was  for  twelve  years  physician  at  the  court  of 
Aurungzebe,  the  most  magnificent  of  the  Mogul  Emperors  of  India.  This  edition  of  his 
travels  has  been  most  carefully  edited  and  the  old-time  flavour  of  the  early  French  and 
English  editions  has  been  carefully  preserved.  Bernier's  travels  are  noted  for  their  accuracy 
and  for  the  vivid  account  they  contain  of  the  Mogul  court. 

Taylor,   Griffith. — A   Geography    of  Australasia.     12   mo.     Maps  and  Illust.     Pp.   176.     Oxford  : 

Clarendon  Press.     1914.     Is.  6d. 

This  is  one  of  the  "  Oxford  Geographies  ",  edited  by  Mr.  A.  J.  Herbertson.  It  is  an  excellent 
text-book. 

Trimlett,    Mrs.   Horace — With  the  Tin  Gods.     8vo.     Pp.  x-308.     Illust.     London:    John  Lane. 

1914.     26  oz.— 12s.  6d. 

There  are  four  things  required  in  this  book — a  preface,  a  map,  an  index,  and  chapter- 
headings.  Mrs.  Trimlett  gives  an  amusing  account  of  an  expedition  for  tin -prospecting  in 
Nigeria  to  a  district  that  was  practically  unexplored  and  had  certainly  escaped  the  attention 
of  the  prospector. 

Federal  Handbook,  Prepared  in  Connection  with  the  Meeting  of  the  British  Association  held  in 
Australia,  August,  1914.  8vo.  Pp.  598.  Maps  and  Illust.  Melbourne :  Government 
Printer.  1914. 

This  descriptive  handbook  was  specially  prepared  for  the  use  of  members  of  the  British 
Association  and  contains  a  series  of  articles  written  by  experts  selected  by  the  Council  of 
the  Association  in  Australia.  It  is  an  efficient  and  fairly  exhaustive  survey  of  the  Common- 
wealth. The  first  chapter,  written  by  Professor  Ernest  Scott,  contains  a  short  but  compre- 
hensive historical  narrative.  This  is  followed  by  chapters  dealing  with  the  aborigines,  the 
physical  characteristics,  the  climate,  the  flora,  fauna,  and  geology  of  the  Commonwealth, 
contributed  by  Professor  Baldwin  Spencer,  Mr.  Griffith  Taylor,  Mr.  H.  A.  Hunt,  Mr.  J.  H. 
Maiden,  Professor  W.  A.  Haswell,  and  Professor  T.  Edgeworth  David  respectively,  men  well 
known  in  their  special  spheres  in  Australia ;  whilst  Mr.  Pietro  Baracchi,  Government  Astro- 
nomer of  Victoria,  writes  a  valuable  article  on  Astronomy  and  Geodesy  in  Australia,  Passing 


BOOK  NOTICES.  309 

from  the  purely  scientific  to  the  practical  description  of  Australian  activities,  Mr  G.  Sinclair 
deals  with  the  pastoral  and  agricultural  development  of  the  continent ;  Messrs.  E.  F.  Pittman 
and  A.  G.  Maitland  describe  the  mines ;  3VL.  G.  Lightfoot  contributes  au  excellent  account  of 
Australian  industries  and  commercial  development ;  and  Dr.  Harrison  Moore  writes  on  the 
constitution  and  political  systems. 

Siissmilch,  C.  A. — An  Introduction  to  the  Geology  of  New  South  Wales.  Post  8vo.  Maps  and 
Illust.  Pp.  xviii-269.  Sydney :  Angus  &  Robertson.  London :  Humphrey  Milf  ord. 
1914.  20  oz.— 7«.  6d. 

Mr.  Siissmilch  is  Principal  of  the  Newcastle  (N.S.W.)  Technical  College,  and  has  been 
Lecturer  in  charge  of  the  Department  of  Geology  and  Mining  at  the  Sydney  Technical 
College.  His  book,  whilst  primarily  intended  for  the  use  of  students,  is  so  full  and  compre- 
hensive that  it  cannot  fail  to  be  of  interest  to  the  advanced  geologist. 

Shakespear,  Colonel  L.  W. — History  of  Upper  Assam,  Upper  Burma,  and  North-Eastern 
Frontier.  8vo.  Map  and  Illust.  Pp.  xvii-270.  London :  Macmillan  &  Co.  1914. 
28  oz. — Is.  6d. 

Finding  no  book  dealing  completely  and  succinctly  with  the  history  of  the  interesting 
regions  on  the  north-eastern  borders  of  Assam,  Colonel  Shakespear  set  about  to  supply  this 
deficiency,  with  the  result  that  he  has  published  a  book  of  considerable  interest,  describing 
a  little-known  portion  of  our  vast  Indian  Empire.  His  work  will  be  of  much  use  to  students 
of  the  North-Eastern  Frontier  of  India,  who  have  hitherto  had  to  search  for  their  historical 
information  in  a  large  number  of  books.  It  is,  moreover,  of  interest  to  the  general  reader,  for 
Colonel  Shakespear  has  made  good  use  of  his  materials,  knows  the  country  thoroughly,  and 
writes  easily  and  well. 

Green,  Colonel  A.  O. — Cyprus :    a  Short  Account  of  its  History  and   Present  State.     Post  8vo. 

Illust.     Pp.  vi-120.     Selma,  Kilmacolm,  Scotland  :  M.  Graham  Colbart.     1914.     14  oz. — 

2s.  Gd. 

The  library  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  thanks  to  the  generosity  of  Mr.  C.  Delaval 
Cobham,  C.M.G.,  is  particularly  rich  in  books  relating  to  Cyprus.  Probably  no  Mediterranean 
island  has  a  more  fascinating  or  interesting  history,  reaching  back  as  it  does  to  the  twilight 
of  the  ages  and  bridging  the  past  and  the  present.  This  little  book,  by  Colonel  Green, 
who  during  the  time  that  he  was  Commanding  Royal  Engineer  of  the  Army  of  Occupation  in 
Egypt  paid  many  visits  to  Cyprus,  is  specially  welcome,  because  in  a  concise  form  is  given  a 
great  deal  of  valuable  information  that  reveals  at  once  the  importance  of  Cyprus  at  the 
present  day.  Colonel  Green  is  a  convinced  believer  in  the  Anglo-Israel  theories,  and  as  such 
he  sees  in  Cyprus  one  of  the  most  important  links  in  the  chain  of  Empire.  Whatever  may 
be  the  truth  of  the  Anglo-Israel  creed,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Cyprus  eventually  will, 
and  perhaps  already  does,  occupy  a  most  commanding  position  in  our  Imperial  strategy. 

Guide  to  Rhodesia  for  the  use  of  Tourists  and  Settlers.  12mo.  Maps  and  Illust.  Pp.  395.  Issued 
by  the  Beira  and  Mashonaland  Railways.  1914.  2s. 

An  excellent  little  guide  to  Rhodesia,  admirably  compiled,  and  containing  a  mass  of 
information.  It  has  been  written  entirely  by  Rhodesian  settlers. 

Aspinall,  Algernon  E — The  Pocket  Guide  to  the  West  Indies.  12mo.  Maps  and  Illust.  Pp.  viii-489^ 
London  :  Duckworth  &  Co.  1914.  16  oz. — 5s. 

This  is  the  fourth  edition  of  this  guide-book — a  fact  which  speaks  for  itself.  It  has  been, 
re-written  to  a  great  extent  and  several  new  features  have  been  introduced,  such,  for  instance, 
as  an  account  of  Bermuda. 

Slack,    Captain    Charles. — Handbook   of  Company   Drill,    also    of   Squad,    Section,    and    Platoon 

Drill,  <fec.  16mo.  Illust.  Pp.  72.  London :  William  Clowes  &  Sons.  1915.  la. 
The  best  recommendation  of  this  useful  little  manual  is  that  it  has  already  had  forty- 
eight  editions.  The  present  issue  has  been  revised  and  brought  up  to  date  by  Captain  Slack, 
in  accordance  with  the  revised  "  Infantry  Training "  and  "  Ceremonial  "  of  1914.  Officers 
and  non-commissioned  officers  cannot  do  better  than  invest  in  one  of  these  comprehensive 
and  convenient  handbooks. 

Muir,     Ramsay. — Britain's      Case      against      Germany.      12mo.       Pp.      ix-198.      Manchester  : 

University  Press.     1914.     8  oz. — 2s. 

A  powerful  indictment  of  Germany's  action  in  precipitating  the  present  war  and  her 
conduct  since  the  opening  of  the  war.  Professor  Ramsay  Muir  writes  with  great  clearness. 
After  an  examination  of  the  diplomatic  proceedings  previous  to  last  August  he  describes  the 
growth  of  German  nationalism  and  the  kink  in  the  national  psychology  that  has  led  Ger- 
many to  adopt  a  false  philosophy  of  national  conduct.  "  Britain's  Case  against  Germany  "  is 
an  able  and  lucid  summary  of  the  causes  of  the  war. 

Trafalgar  Kong,  words  by  Lord  Norton,  music  by  Allen  K.  Blackall,  price  6d.,  W.  H» 
Friestley  &  Sons,  Birmingham,  is  a  stirring  patriotic  composition  set  specially  for  Boy  Scouts. 


310 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (12) : 

Frank  V.  Bracher,  W.  L.  Burdett-Cmitts,  M.P.,  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  John 
Fox,  William  G.  E.  Longworth,  Oeorge  R.  MacDougall,  William  H.  Martin,  His  Grace 
the  Duke  of  Portland,  K.G.,  G.C.V.O.,  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  St.  Oswald,  Andrew  Weir,  Moat 
Hon.  the  Marquis  of  Zetland,  K.T.,  Capt.  Roderick  B.  Webb. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (62) : 

AUSTRALIA.— George  L.  Duff  (Brisbane),  Robert  A.  Meek,  M.B.  (Brisbane),  William 
J.  Murphy  (Perth),  Francis  Wilson  (Brisbane),  Reginald  Wilson  (Sydney). 

CANADA. — Herbert  S.  Ashton  (Vancouver),  Henry  M.  Beeby  (Winnipeg),  Capt.  W.  W. 
Lee  (Quebec). 

NEW  ZEALAND.— John  H.  B.  Coates  (Wellington),  Thomas  Mitt,  M.B.,  F.R.C.S. 
(Geraldine),  William  G.  White  (Hawera). 

SOUTH  AFRICA.— J?.  B.  de  A.  Borcherds,  George  R.  C.  B.  Lampard  (Port  Alfred), 
William  H.  Monson  (Pretoria),  George  Revill  (Cape  Town),  Frederick  Toppin  (Zululand). 

BFITISH  GUIANA.  —  Albert  T.  Ozzard.  BRITISH  NORTH  BORNEO.  —  Edward 
W.  Morrell,  Hugh  Nasmyth.  FIJI. — Rev.  Cyril  Bavin,  Herbert  S.  Morris,  Capt.  Charles  A. 
Swinburne.  GILBERT  AND  ELLICE  ISLANDS.  —  Clarence  H.  Gibson,  Bertram 
C.  N.  O'Reilly.  MALAY  STATES.  —  Charles  J.  Perkins  (Perak).  NORTHERN 
RHODESIA.  —  Alan  G.  Burnett,  John  Smith,  M.R.C.V.8.  UGANDA.  —  Capt.  Francis  L. 
Guilbride.  WEST  AFRICA. — Henry  D.  Allen  (Naraguta),  Richard  Appleyard,  Arthur  H. 
Avey  (Tarkwa),  Frank  W.  Chamberlain  (Onitsha),  E.  W.  Graham  (Tamale),  William  G. 
Grieve  (Abosso),  John  Kirk  (Nigeria),  John  S.  Ross  (Lagos),  Major  Henry  R.  Sttrkz 
(Gambaga),  John  E.  Wicker  (Abosso).  ARGENTINE.— Louis  8.  Campbell  (Lehmann) 
John  T.  Connolly  (Buenos  Aires),  Francis  0.  Edye  (Buenos  Aires),  Herbert  C.  Fagg 
(Gualequay),  Charles  E.  Gerard  (Buenos  Aires),  Leslie  T.  Gribbel  (Buenos  Aires),  Barry 
H.  Heattie  (Buenos  Aires),  Frank  de  C.  M.  Heriot  (Buenos  Aires),  John  S.  Hunt  r 
(Buenos  Aires),  E  nest  C.  Knight  (Tucuman),  Arthur  Lace  (Rosario),  John  L.  Lewin 
(Buenos  Aires),  Alan  W.  MacLachlan  (Buenos  Aires),  Andrew  McCormick,  Harold  W.  Fink 
(Buenos  Aires),  Stuart  PI  wright  (Buenos  Aires),  Bellamy  A.  C.  Reed  (Buenos  Aires), 
James  H.  Roberts  (Carlos  Pellequin),  Thomas  S.  Robson  (Galarza),  John  L.  Runciman 
(Buenos  Aires).  CHINA.— Charles  H.  Shields  (Canton).  M  EXICo.— David  B.  McKendrick 
(Vera  Cruz),  George  A.  M.  Wilkie  (Tampico).  SUMATRA.— Thomas  W.  Logan  (Deli). 

Associates  (11)  : 

Mrs.  Ada  B.  Atten,  Mrs.  Blanche  M.  Beasky,  James  R.  Brazier,  Miss  A.  M. 
Brydges,  Miss  Annie  Cameron  (Queenstown,  South  Africa),  Mrs.  E.  H.  Eliot,  Mrs.  J.  K. 
Empson,  Mrs.  E.  Fox,  Major  E.  C.  Hamilton,  J.  C.  Holt,  Mrs.  L.  Stacey  (Buiawayo). 

OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  are  recorded  with  regret : 

P.  N.  Gerrard,  M.D.  (killed  in  Singapore  Riot,  Feb.  22,  1915),  Rowley  C.  Loftie,  Rev. 
W.  L.  Wilson,  Major  J.  A.  Benyon,  R.  Nevill  Roberts,  Granville  Mills,  Capt.  Hon. 
G.  H.  Douglas-Pennant  (killed  in  action,  March  13,  1915),  Capt.  P.  Viner  Johnson 
(killed  in  action,  March  14,  1915),  Percy  G.  Roome,  Thomas  Brown,  A.  E.  Perkins,  Com- 
mander J.  G.  Heugh,  R.N.,  D.S.O.,  A.  Willoughby  Osborne,  Major-General  G.  R.  Roberts. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  SESSION  1915. 

The  following  Papers  have  already  been  arranged,  and  subsequent  fixtures  will  appear 
from  time  to  time  in  the  notices  to  Fellows  : — 

1915. 
APRIL  13. — Dinner  at  7,  Meeting  at  8.30  p.m.     An  address  on  "  Lights  and  Lessons  of  the 

War,"  by  Sir  GILBERT  PARKER,  M.P.    The  Right  Hon.  EARL  GREY,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G., 

will  preside. 

APRIL  20,  at  3  p.m. — Annual  General  Meeting  of  Fellows  at  Whitehall  Rooms. 
MAY  11.— Dinner  at  7,  Meeting  at   8.30  p.m.     "India  and  the  War"  by  Lieut. -Col.  Sir 

FRANCIS  E.  YOUNQHUSBAND,  K.C.I.E. 
JUNE  8. — "  The  Outlook  for  National  Unity,"  by  Hon.  Sir  JOHN  McCALL,  M.D. 


NOTICES   TO  FELLOWS.  811 

ANNUAL  DINNER. 

In  consequence  of  the  War,  the  Annual  Dinner,  which  is  usually  held  on  Empire  Day 
(May  24),  will  not  take  place  this  year. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 

BADGE  FOR  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

It  has  been  decided,  in  response  to  the  desire  of  Fellows  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire, 
that  badges  of  Fellowship  and  Associateship  of  the  Institute  shall  be  issued  to  those  who 
may  desire  to  show  their  connection  with  the  work  in  which  the  Institute  is  engaged.  The 
Badge  will  consist  of  a  miniature  jewel  representing  the  crest  of  the  Institute  in  gold  and 
enamel  for  Fellows,  and  silver  and  enamel  for  Associates,  and  can  be  attached  to  the  dress 
or  watch  chain.  The  Eadge  will  be  supplied  to  Fellows  and  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  3s.  each, 
or  in  the  form  of  a  brooch  for  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  4s.  each,  upon  application  being  made 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  1«.  6cZ. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d.  each.  In  the 
•vent  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  6d.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  1*.  6d.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

***  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addrested 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  Off  FELLOWS. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — J.  B.  0.  Burchett,  A.  0.  Rogers,  B.  S.  Henderson,  H.  Pollak,  John  Willis 
Australia. — E.  Trelawny,  Leslie  Gross,  Hon.  F.  W.  Young.  Brazil. — J.  W.  Applin. 
Canada.— J.  B.  Allan,  Capt.  C.  P.  Fee,  Alan  C.  Williams.  Chili.— C.  W.  B.  Jarvis. 
China.— 0.  H.  Charlton.  Fiji.— Capt.  H.  C.  V.  0.  MacAdam,  Cyril  Francis.  Germany. 
— C.  F.  Just.  India. — Major  C.  E.  H.  Laughlin.  Malay  States. — Stamford  C.  Baffles. 
Mexico.— T.  A.  Paish.  New  Zealand. — C.  de  S.  Teschemalcer,  0.  8.  Murray.  Rhodesia. 
T.  H.  Davison,  Sir  William  H.  Milton,  K.C.M.O.,  K.C.V.O.  South  Africa.— W.  C.  A. 
Shepherd,  T.  Beunert,  F.  C.  Sturrock,  B.  O.  Shoosmith,  W.  A.  Butten.  West  Africa.— 
B.  E.  Burns,  L.  E.  Andrews,  A.  L.  Castelain,  D.  W.  Scotland,  H.  Hannay,  C.  N. 
Monsell,  0.  M.  Richards,  W.  H.  Grey,  Lt.-Comr.  A.  E.  W.  Cripps,  R.  0.  F.  Husband, 
B.  Hargrove,  A.  Claud  Hollis,  C.M.G.,  A.  B.  Canning,  T.  Walmsky,  H.  B.  Gascoyne. 
W«st  Indies.— IF.  Douglas  Young,  C.M.G.,  Edward  Pratt,  Very  Vev.  Dean  Sloman. 
Zanzibar. — R.  Armstrong. 

DEPARTURES. 

Argentine.— Capt.  J.  G.  Boyd,  Arthur  W.  Allen,  A.  B.  Kessler.  Australia.— Sir 
Alan  MacCormick,  M.D.,  F.  Spencer,  I.S.O.,  W.  A.  Nelson,  Hon.  D.  M.  Charleston, 
Jenkin  Collier,  J.  A.  M.  Elder,  Hon.  J.  A.  Browne.  Ceylon. — N.  M.  Ingram.  China. — 
J.  J.  Godfrey.  Falkland  Islands.— J.  Innes  Wilson,  C.  F.  Condell.  Fiji.— B.  C.  Higginson. 
Malay  States.— J.  C.  McLaren.  Mauritius.— G.  W.  Dickson.  New  Zealand.— Rev.  C.  M. 
Jones,  Rev.  R.  E.  Davies.  Northern  Rhodesia.— IF.  E.  M.  Owen.  South  Africa.— 4.  M. 
Rowan.  Straits  Settlements.— H.  J.  Gibbs,  M.R.C.S.  West  Africa.— W.  K.  Duncombe, 
R.  B.  Emery,  E.  K.  Bacon,  F.  W.  Leat,  R.  Lean,  F.  Allan  C.  Robinson,  A.  G.  Boyle, 
C.M.G.,  R.  R.  Appleby,  A.  H.  Avey,  C.  S.  Craven,  H.  G.  Holmes,  P.  F.  Gallagher, 
Hans  Vischer,  F.  Unwin,  Capt.  F.  C.  Goulden,  J.  H.  Fredericks. 


f  v  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  : — 
W.  H   ALLBN,  ESQ.,  BEDFORD. 
THE  R»v.  T.  8.  CABLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 
R  CHBISTISON,  Esq.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 
T.  8.  CoTTiRgLL.  Esq.,  J.P.,  BATH. 
CAPT.  G.  CBOSFIBLD,  WABBINGTON. 
MABTIN  OBIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ..  C.M.Q..  PUBLBY. 

A.   R.    PONTIFBX,   ESQ.,  WlNCHBSTBB. 
GlLBBBT  PURVIS,   ESQ.,  ToBqUAY. 

COUNOILLOB  HBBBBRT  SHAW.  NBWCASTLB-ON-TYNI. 
JOHN  SPBAK,  ESQ.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON. 
PROFESSOR  R   WALLACB,  EDINBURGH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  : — 
E.  B.  BENNETT.  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALOABT. 

A.  R.  CBBBLMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTBBAL. 

G.  R.  DUITOAN,  ESQ.,  FOBT  WILLIAM.  ONTABIO. 
Hon.  D.  M.  EBBBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C. 
R.  PrrzRANDOLPH,  FBBDEBIOTON,  NEW  BBUNSWIOK. 
SIB  SANDFOBD  FLEMING,  K.C.M.G.,  OTTAWA. 
CBAWFOBD  GORDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG. 
W.  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 
C.  PBBDBBICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA. 
EBNBST  B.  C.  HANINOTON,  EsQ.,M.D., VIOTOBIA,  B.C. 
REGINALD  V.  HABBIS.  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SOOTIA. 

LfT.-COL.  E.  A.  C.   HOSMBB    VlBDBN,  MANITOBA. 

Lr.-CoL.  HBBBBBT  D.  HULMB,  VANOOUVBB,  B.C. 

CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIBSON,  PUT  KB  HOBO,  ONTABIO. 

LBONABD  W.  JUST,  ESQ.,  MONTBBAL. 

L.  V.  KBBB.  RBOINA. 

JOHN  A.  McDouoALL,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J.  McKiNBRY,  BASSANO,  ALBBBTA.       [TABIO. 

J.  PBBSOOTT  MBBBITT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 

T.  J.  PABKBS,  ESQ.,  SHBBBBOOKB,  QUEBEC.  [TABIO. 

LT.-COL.  W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BBLLBVILLB,  OH- 

Lr.-CoL.  8.  W.  RAY,  POBT  ABTHUB,  ONTABIO. 

M.  H.  RICHBY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLB,  QUEBEC. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

P.  M.  SCLANDBBS,  ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  8.  SCOTT,  ESQ.,  HAMILTON. 

JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TORONTO 

C.  B.  SMYTH.  ESQ.,  MBDIOINB  HAT. 

H.  L.  WBBSTBB,  ESQ.,  COCHBANB,  ONTABIO. 

B.  J.  WILLIAMS,  ESQ.,  BBBLIN,  ONTABIO. 

COLONEL  A.  J.  WlLKBS,  K.C.,  BBANTFOBD,  ONTABIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  : — 
J.  W.  BABBBTT.  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G..  MBLBOUBNB. 
MA  JOB  HBNBY  BREW,  BALLABAT.  P.  W.  CBOAKBB, 
ESQ.,  BBBWABBINA,  N.S.W.  W.  L.  DOCXBB,  ESQ., 
SYDNBY,  N.S.W.  C.  EARP.ESQ.,  NBWCASTLB,  N.S.W. 
KINOSLBY  FAIRBBIDOE.ESQ.,  PINJABRA.W.A.  H.  C. 
MAC-FIB,  ESQ., SYDNEY.  N.S.W.  J.  N.  PABKBS,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLB.  HEBBKRT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.  A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOB,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBANB. 
Hon.  A.  J.  THYNNB,  M.L.C.,  BBISBANB.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADBLAIDB,  S.A.  ABTHUB  C.  TBAPF, 

E8Q.,MBLBOlTR5B.VlCT>>KlA.       D'ABCY   W.   ADDISON, 

ESQ.,  AND  E.  MOBBIS  MII.I.EU,  ESQ.,  HOBABT. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  PBANK  BIDDLBS, 
ESQ.,  FBBMANTLB,  VV.A.  B.  H.  DABBYSHIBB,  ESQ., 
PBBTH,  W.A.  E.  N.  WKSTWOOD,  ESQ.,  POBT  MORESBY. 
Dominion  of  New  Zaaland  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NORTH,  COL.  Hon.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DCNEDIN.  LEONARD  TBIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHARLES  C.  BOWBN, 
E.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SBTH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHBISTCHUBCH.  H  ON.  OUVEB  SAMUEL,  M.  L.C. ,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIB,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.D.DouoLAsMcLEAN.  ESQ.,  AND  PATRICK  MoLBAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIEB.  H.  G.  SBTH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIEB,  ESQ.  AND  PBOFESSOB  F.  P.  WOBLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  B.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.  AND  CAPT.  J. 

B.    KlBX,    GlSBOBNB.        COLIN     C.     HuTTON,   ESQ., 

WANOANUI.    C.  H.  TBIPP,  ESQ.,  TIMABU. 
Union  of  South  Africa  :— 

CAPB  OF  GOOD  HOPE:  HABBY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PEBCY  P.  FRANCIS,  ESQ.,  POBT  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLBY,  ESQ..  J.P ,  KIMBBBLBY. 
DAVID  RBBS,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MA  JOB 
FBBDK.  A.  SAUNDEBS,  P.R.C.S.,  GBAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX  SONNENBEBO,  ESQ.,  VBYBUBO.        P.    WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CABNABVON.  J.  P.  WASSUNO, 
ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.  THE  VEN.  ABCHDEACON  A.  T. 
WIBOMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  POBT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL:  G.  CHUBTON  COLLINS.  ESQ  .,  DUBBA*. 
DACBB  A.  SHAW. ESQ.,  PIETEBMABITZBUBO.  E.  W. 
NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSOOBELLO. 


Union  of  South  Africa — continued. 

OBANQB  FBBB  STATB  •    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 
CBIOHTON.     C.  A.  BBCK,  ESQ.,  BLOBMFONTBIN. 

TBANSVAAL:  W.  E.  PBRBYMAN,  ESQ..  C.A.,  7  STAH- 
DABD    BANK   CHAMBERS,  COMMKSIONBB  STBBBT, 
JOHANNESBURG.       F.   C.    STUBBOCK,     ESQ.,    10 
GBNBRAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,     JOHANNESBURG. 
8.  C.  A.  COSSBB,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WABDBN.  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRES. 
W.  B.  HABDING  GBBBN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland :  W.H.W.MUBPHY,ESQ.,PBANCISTOWH. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HBNBY  LOOKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :    G.  C.  IBVINO,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :   CHABLBS  O.  KBNYON,  ESQ.,  Slo  PAULO. 

HBNBY  L.  WHBATLBY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DB  JANBIBO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBXANDBRDAVIS.ESQ..NAIBOBI. 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LEGGBTT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :    R.  H.  FEBOUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :   W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J.  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.  B.  BBETT,  Esq.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPBNTBB,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  B«Q., 
Fiji  :   C.  A.  LA  TOUCHB  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.  [!POH. 
France  :  SIB  JOHN  FILTER,  PARIS, 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :  Louis  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  BHHLIH. 

R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBUBQ. 
Gibraltar  :   W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMBITAOB,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NOBTHBBN  TEBBITORIES. 

C.  S.  CBAVBN,  ESQ.,  M.INST.,  C.E.  ACCRA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  O.  REW,  ASBANTI. 
Guatemala  :  CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.  PRILI  BVITZ,  ESQ.,  GBONINGBN. 
Hong  Kong  :    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.O. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABBIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I..  SIMLA. 

H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  EsQ.,I.C.S.,  LAHOBI.       [OONO. 

GBOBOB  H.  OBMEBOD,  ESQ.,  M.Inst.C.  E. ,  CHITTA- 

JAMBS  R.  PEABSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.8..  MBBBUT. 
Malta: 

Mauritius  :   GBOBGB  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  POET  Louis. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland  :   HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
New  Hebrides:  His  HONOUB  JUDGE  T. E. ROSBBY.VOA. 
Nigeria  :   A.  R.  CANNING,  Esq.,  NIBAQUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHABD,  ESQ.,  ZUNGBBU. 

R.  G.  S.  MnxRB,  ESQ.,  ZABIA.  [STONE. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  Esq..  Lima- 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWBBBBB. 

A.  C.  HAYTEB,  Esq.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :   A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  Esq.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :    CHABLES  F.  PEBBLBS,  Esq. 

Peru  :    R>v.  ABCHIBALP  NIOOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :   W  D.  COPLEY,  Esq.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSBLT,  Esq.,  WANKIB. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  Esq.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SAUSBUBY. 
Samoa  :   COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  Lr.-CoL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BBIEN,  C.M.Q. 
Solomon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BABNBTT,  Esq.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HON.  E.  O.  JOHNSON.M.L.C.,  PBBBTOW*. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A  T.  BBYANT,  Esq.,  Pw A»O  ; 

B.  NUNN,  Esq.,  SINOAPOBB. 

Swaziland  :   ALLISTEB  M.  MILLEB,  Esq.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda    Protectorate :    GBOBGB    D.    SMITH,  BSQ.. 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 
United  States  :   DB.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

ALLEYNB  IBELAND,  Esq..  NEW  YORK. 
West  Indies  :  — 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  Esq.,M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  Esq.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J.  J.  NUNAN,  GEORGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  Esq.,  BELIZE,  BBITISH  Ho»- 

FBANK  CUNDALL,  Esq.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA. [DUBAS. 

HON.  MB.  JUSTICE  F.  H.  PABKEB.LBEWABD  ISLANDS. 

A.  H   NOBLE,  Esq..  SAN  JUAN,  POBTO  Rico 

PBOFESSOB  P.  CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S..  POBT  of 
SPAIN,  TRINIDAD.  [WABD  ISLANDS. 

HON.  D.  S.  DB  FBBITAS.  M.L.C.,  GBENADA,  Wi«»- 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BAB-  - 


Presented  with  UNITED  EMI 


^^^...'rrSE^fti; 

-®7t~ 


'IRE  (Royal  Colonial    Institute  Journal) 


OF  WORLD 

KG  BRITISH  EMPIRE 


tonal  Scale  1:81.000.000 

CaUr*  tints      **  lei-. 
f/t«  dirertiimf  of  the  Oaaaji  Currtntt 
knot  rvtae*  are  tiivai  m  Eng.Milfs 


hnsum  .LumtedJ^mbnr^h  i  london 


VOL.  VI  MAY  1915  No.  5 


The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

WHILE  no  responsible  person  in  any  part  of  the  Empire  imagines 
that  the  moment  has  come  for  what  is  called  "  Peace  talk/'  since 
the  Allies  are  by  no  means  at  the  end  of  the  efforts 
necessary  if  the  War  is  to  be  concluded  in  a  manner 
Settlement  satisfactory  to  them,  yet  the  feeling  has  been  growing, 
and  has  been  expressed  on  several  occasions  by  leading 
men  at  home  and  Overseas,  that  some  definite  step  should  be  taken 
to  secure  for  the  Dominions  an  adequate  voice  in  the  terms  of  settle- 
ment. Lord  Milner,  in  a  speech  recorded  in  this  issue  of  the  JOURNAL, 
put  the  situation  forcibly  and  clearly  and  met  some  of  the  objections 
that  are  always  raised  when  new  situations  have  to  be  faced. 
It  is  the  duty  of  every  ordinary  man  to  devote  himself  to  the 
prosecution  of  the  War,  but  it  is  the  function  of  statesmen  to  look 
farther  on,  and  to  anticipate  difficulties  in  order  to  facilitate  their 
settlement  when  the  moment  for  action  arises.  That  there  are  bound 
to  be  difficulties  no  thoughtful  persons  will  doubt.  No  one  of  the  high 
contracting  parties  in  any  peace  negotiations  will  get  all  that,  in  their 
own  opinion,  they  either  desire  or  deserve.  The  British  Plenipotentiary 
must  be  a  Minister  responsible  to  one  Parliament  of  the  Empire  alone, 
and  yet  he  will  be  charged  with  the  interests  of  not  one  but  five  States, 
and  will  have  to  take,  with  little  time  for  consideration,  decisions 
of  vital  importance  to  all  of  them.  It  is  impossible  that  it  should 
be  otherwise,  for,  as  Lord  Milner  said,  this  is  not  the  time  for  constitu- 
tional changes.  The  more  need,  therefore,  that  this  Plenipotentiary 
should  go  to  the  European  Conference  after  the  fullest  possible  dis- 
cussion between  the  British  Government  and  the  representatives  of 
the  Dominions. 


314  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

IT  is,  then,  with  deep  interest  that  we  note  the  statement  of  the 
Colonial  Secretary  that "  it  is  the  intention  of  His  Majesty's  Government 
to  consult  him  [the  Prime  Minister  of  each  Dominion] 
fully,  and  if  possibly  personally,  when  the  time  arrives 
Statement  to  Discuss  possible  terms  of  peace."  This  assurance 
was  given  in  January,  when  Mr.  Harcourt  intimated 
to  the  Overseas  Governments  the  postponement  of  the  Imperial 
Conference,  but  it  was  only  made  public  in  answer  to  a  question  in 
the  House  of  Commons  by  Sir  Gilbert  Parker  on  April  14.  Although 
satisfactory  as  far  as  it  goes,  it  must  be  confessed  that  it  does  not  go 
very  far.  It  was  inconceivable  that  the  Dominions  should  not  be 
consulted  ;  the  important  point  is  the  character  of  that  consultation. 
If,  in  practice,  this  resolves  itself  into  an  exchange  of  views,  telegraphic  or 
otherwise,  between  the  Governments  of  Canada,  Australia,  New  Zealand, 
and  South  Africa  on  the  one  hand  and  the  British  Ministers  on  the  other, 
as  to  the  separate  interests  involved  in  each  Dominion  by  any  peace 
negotiations,  the  result  can  hardly  fail  to  be  deeply  disappointing 
from  many  points  of  view.  It  is  vital  to  the  interests  of  the  Empire 
that  the  settlement  shall  be  considered  as  a  whole  and  not  in  sections, 
and  that  the  European  situation,  including  the  claims  of  our  Allies, 
should  also  be  clearly  grasped  and  weighed  by  the  Overseas  repre- 
sentatives. It  does  not  appear  possible  to  attain  this  end  without  some 
form  of  conference  at  which  the  Overseas  Ministers  can  meet  not  only 
the  Ministers  of  Great  Britain  but  each  other.  As  Mr.  Harcourt  care- 
fully pointed  out  that  the  postponement  only  applied  to  a  "  normal 
conference  with  all  the  paraphernalia  of  resolutions,  protracted  sittings, 
and  resulting  blue  books/'  he  obviously  wished  not  to  exclude  the 
possibility  of  an  emergency  or  abnormal  conference. 

IT  will  be  recollected  that,  during  the  sittings  of  the  Imperial 
Conference  of  1911,  its  members  were  invited  to  attend  meetings  of 

the  Imperial  Defence  Committee,  at  which  Sir  Edward 
A  Precedent.  n  £  £      •  r  -,       i  ,  • 

Grey  gave  a  survey  of  foreign  policy  and  relations 

which  is  believed  to  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  Overseas 
Ministers.  The  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence,  which  took  its 
present  shape  some  twelve  years  ago,  exists  for  the  purpose  of  co- 
ordinating naval  and  military  policy,  advising  on  technical  ques- 
tions at  the  request  of  the  British  or  any  Dominion  Government, 
and  bringing  Ministers  into  touch  with  Defence  experts.  The  only 
permanent  member  of  this  Committee  is  the  British  Prime  Minister, 
who  invites  those  to  attend  it  whose  presence  he  considers  desirable ; 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  315 

but  in  practice  it  is  an  inter-departmental  Committee  of  the  British 
Cabinet  to  which  Dominion  representatives  have  a  sort  of  standing 
invitation,  dating  from  1907,  when  a  resolution  of  the  Imperial  Con- 
ference secured  for  them  permission  to  be  present  when  matters 
directly  concerning  them  were  under  discussion.  The  Imperial 
Defence  Committee's  functions  are  purely  advisory.  There  was  no 
special  innovation,  therefore,  in  the  presence  of  the  members  of  the 
Imperial  Conference  at  its  sittings  ;  the  real  departure  was  Sir  Edward 
Grey's  speech — or  rather  lecture — on  foreign  affairs.  In  1912  Sir 
Robert  Borden's  visit  to  England  had  as  its  object  the  question  of 
further  representation  in  Imperial  councils;  but  the  subject  has 
not  advanced  at  all  in  the  intervening  period,  the  offer  made  in  1913 
being  merely  that  a  Minister,  appointed  by  any  of  the  Dominions, 
should  have  free  access  to  British  Ministers  at  all  times,  and  should 
be  summoned  to  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence. 


THE  discussion  of  foreign  policy  does  not,  of  course,  enter  into  the 
purview  of  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee  in  an  ordinary  way ;  and 
Mr.  Asquith,  speaking  in  1912,  made  it  clear  that  the 
introduction  of  foreign  affairs  in  that  body  was  only 

by  way  of  "  information  "  for  the  Overseas  Ministers 
and  Foreign     J  -,-,•-,  .,,  ,. 

Policy  a  n      op6*1  the  way  either    to  discussion  or 

consultation  on  a  subject  for  which  the  British  Govern- 
ment is  solely  responsible.  While  it  is  impossible,  at  this  stage,  to  go 
much  beyond  this  attitude  in  principle,  it  is  of  vital  importance  that 
the  people  overseas  should  understand  the  interdependence  of  the 
Great  Powers,  and  the  impossibility  of  regarding  any  feature  of  the 
settlement  as  of  only  local  importance  and  interest.  At  the  same  time  it 
is  imperative  that  they  should  have  ample  opportunities  for  consulting 
each  other  and  for  placing  their  own  point  of  view  before  British  Min- 
isters, so  that  they  may  be  assured  that  any  failure  is  due  to  the  exi- 
gencies of  a  world-wide  settlement,  and  not  to  ignorance  or  carelessness 
of  their  interests.  Such  a  frame  of  mind  can  only  be  attained  if  repre- 
sentative and  responsible  Ministers  from  every  part  of  the  Empire 
have  the  opportunity  for  full  personal  conference  with  each  other 
and  with  the  Ministers  responsible  for  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire 
as  a  whole.  The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  summoning  such  a  conference 
are  as  nothing  weighed  against  the  disadvantages  attaching  to  a 
partial  or  local  consideration  of  Imperial  interests.  As  for  the  right 
time  to  hold  such  a  meeting,  there  is  only  one  golden  rule — better  too 
soon  than  too  late. 

Y2 


316  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

AFTER  the  slight  forward  movement  of  the  second  week  in  March, 

and  a  battle  lasting  three  days  which  cost  the  British  forces  no  fewer 

than  13,000  officers  and  men  killed,  wounded,  and  missing, 

a  lull  seems  to  have  occurred  for  some  weeks  in  that  part 
vv  estern 
Battle-line      °^  *^e  battle-field  on  which  our  army  is  engaged.     This 

does  not  mean  that  there  was  no  fighting,  for  the  trench 
warfare  which  has  developed  knows  no  cessation.  At  the  time  of 
writing  this  temporary  lull  has  been  succeeded  by  fighting  as  fierce 
and  desperate  as  any  that  has  been  known,  and  the  principal  point 
of  attack  has  been  the  British  lines,  the  object  being,  apparently,  to 
break  through  to  Dunkirk.  There  is  general  testimony  that  the 
cheerfulness  and  vitality  which  have  won  the  admiration  and  wonder 
of  our  Allies  still  characterise  the  soldier  from  every  part  of  the 
Empire.  Sir  John  French's  latest  despatch  makes  it  clear  that  the 
Indian  troops  have  been  heavily  engaged  and  have  emerged  with 
flying  colours,  while  the  Canadians,  after  a  preliminary  training  in 
the  trenches  with  the  3rd  corps,  were  given  the  honour  of  a  place  in 
the  first  line  of  battle,  and  have  won  undying  glory  by  their  splendid 
action  during  the  advance  of  the  Germans  under  cover  of  clouds  of 
asphyxiating  gas  on  April  25.  Few  regiments  have  been  accorded 
such  honour  as  the  official  despatch  which  announced  that  the 
Canadians  had  "  saved  the  situation/'  The  effect  on  recruiting  in 
Canada  has  been  electrical,  and  those  whose  nearest  and  dearest 
have  paid  the  price  will  feel  that  such  deeds  are  not  to  be  measured 
only  by  their  immediate  results  but  form  part  of  the  heritage  of 
our  race.  Sir  John  French  also  pays  a  tribute  to  the  Flying 
Corps  and  to  the  Territorial  regiments.  He  considers  the  results  of 
the  Neuve  Chapelle  movement  to  have  been  valuable  and  worth  the 
sacrifices  involved,  though  he  is  not  quite  satisfied  with  the  way  in 
which  it  was  carried  out.  It  is  gratifying  to  know  that  the  deficiencies 
were  at  once  made  up,  and  those  contingents,  many  of  which  have 
been  in  training  for  eight  months,  which  have  not  yet  been  sent 
to  the  front,  must  realise  the  wisdom  of  a  policy  that  does  not  exhaust 
itself  at  one  blow,  but  aims  at  keeping  good  reserves  for  any  emergency. 
Meanwhile  it  is  evident  that  the  need  for  men  is  still  imperative  and 
it  is  good  news  that  recruiting  is  now  active. 

ALTHOUGH  the  forces  of  the  Empire  are  only  holding  approximately 
thirty-one  miles  of  the  battle-line  in  France  out  of  a  total  of  some 
600,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  they  have  now  some 
11       seven  other  land  campaigns  on  hand  —  in  the  Dardanelles, 


•r 

Egypt,    the    Persian    Gulf,    East    Africa,    Nyasaland, 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  317 

South-West  Africa,  and  the  Cameroon.  Lord  Curzon  recently  drew 
attention  to  the  paucity  of  news  from  the  more  remote  areas  of  War, 
and  urged  that  the  obscurity  in  which  these  operations  are  being 
carried  on  is  unfair  to  the  men  who  are  laying  down  their  lives,  and  un- 
wise in  view  of  the  necessity  that  everyone  should  realise  the  magnitude 
of  the  task  in  hand.  The  reasons  given  for  official  reticence  were 
substantially  the  same  which  have  already  done  duty  over  and  over 
again.  It  is  never  either  the  fault  or  the  wish  of  the  particular  Minister 
who  is  interrogated  that  any  information  should  be  held  back.  Never- 
theless, the  detailed  news  vouchsafed  by  Lord  Crewe  in  answer  to  Lord 
Curzon  did  not  add  much  to  previous  official  statements,  and  for 
more  than  bare  facts  the  country  must  wait  until  the  prohibition  on 
all  newspaper  correspondents  is  withdrawn  in  these  outer  regions  as 
it  has  been  (to  a  certain  extent)  in  France.  The  Dardanelles  land 
operations  are  no  known  to  be  under  Sir  Ian  Hamilton,  but  for  obvious 
reasons  no  details  as  to  them  can  be  published.  Meanwhile  it  appears 
clear  that  a  very  formidable  enemy  had  to  be  encountered  in 
Mesopotamia,  where  a  severe  engagement  took  place  in  March,  as 
already  described  in  the  April  number  of  UNITED  EMPIRE.  The 
battle  of  Shaiba  on  April  13  was  a  decisive  victory  for  the  British 
forces,  and  later  reports  state  that  the  Turks  retreated  much 
demoralised ;  but  they  have  large  forces  in  hand,  and  it  cannot  be 
supposed  that  they  will  make  no  further  efforts. 

THE  military  operations  in  the  Shatt-el-Arab  region  have  secured 
)r  British  interests  in  the  Persian  Gulf  more  public  attention  than 

has  ever  been  given  them  during  a  century  of  almost 
^  ,  J  unremitting  effort  in  those  waters.  If  proof  of  this 

fact  were  needed,  it  would  be  supplied  by  the  crowded 
audience  that  listened  to  a  paper  on  Basra  and  the  Shatt-el-Arab 
read  last  month  before  the  Koyal  Society  of  Arts  by  Mr.  Percival 
Landon.  In  opening  the  discussion  Lord  Curzon  warned  his  hearers 
that  it  was  not  a  good  practice  to  set  about  the  ultimate  distribution  of 
territories  of  which  one  is  not  yet  in  complete  possession ;  but  he 
admitted  that  the  present  War  afforded  us  an  opportunity  of  placing  our 
policy  in  the  Middle  East  on  a  stable  and  solid  basis.  Certain  pro- 
positions, he  allowed,  might  be  laid  down  without  risk.  The  regions 
in  question  could  not  be  left  in  the  future  to  the  inept  administration 
of  the  Turks,  and  there  must  be  once  and  for  all  time  an  end  of  all 
German  influence  there.  As  he  developed  his  theme,  Lord  Curzon, 
unconsciously,  perhaps,  indicated  the  only  lines  on  which  British 


318  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

policy  could  be  established  on  a  satisfactory  footing.  The  Germans  were 
to  have  no  part  in  the  future  development  of  Lower  Mesopotamia  ;  the 
Baghdad  Kailway  must  have  a  different  character  and  a  different  aim, 
and  the  Turks  as  interlopers  in  the  country  must  be  eliminated  in  order 
that  the  inhabitants,  who  are  Arabs,  may  come  again  into  their  own. 

No  attempt  to  regulate  Great  Britain's  position  in  the  Middle  East 
will  be  complete  until  she  has  arrived  at  an  understanding  with  the 
Arabs.  It  has  been  one  of  the  surprises  of  the  Persian 
The  Arab  QUJ£  Expedition  to  find  that,  in  spite  of  the  religious 
antagonism  between  the  two  religious  sects  of  Moham- 
medanism to  which  the  Turks  and  the  Arabs  belong,  the  latter  have 
to  some  extent,  particularly  in  Lower  Mesopotamia,  made  common  cause 
with  the  Turks.  The  reason  may  be  twofold.  British  diplomacy  has 
not  succeeded  in  penetrating  far  enough,  or  rather  widely  enough,  into 
the  interior — in  this  connection  it  will  be  recalled  that  in  the  recent 
death  of  Captain  W.  Shakespear,  whose  knowledge  of  Arabian  affairs  and 
influence  with  the  Arabs  were  exceptional,  it  has  suffered  a  serious 
loss — and,  possibly,  sufficient  importance  has  not  been  attached  to 
German  intrigues,  in  which  the  systematic  bribery  of  a  poor  popula- 
tion has  played  an  important  part.  Our  friendly  relations  with 
certain  sheikhs  have  been  of  considerable  advantage  to  both  sides,  but 
the  defection  of  a  number  of  tribes  indicates  that  there  has  been  a 
failure  to  influence  the  Arabs  in  any  way  that  would  make  them  proof 
against  the  almost  irresistible  appeal  of  hard  cash.  If  the  Arab  is  to 
be  made  to  see  that  his  true  interests  are  not  to  be  secured  by  a 
system  of  intrigue  and  chance  bribes,  a  great  deal  must  be  done  to 
develop  the  resources  of  the  country  and  to  make  the  path  of 
legitimate  profit  smooth  and  certain  for  the  native  population.  The 
total  elimination  of  the  German  element  will,  however,  be  necessary 
for  the  success  of  any  such  projects. 

As  to  the  minor  campaigns  in  Africa,  and  especially  in  East  Africa, 

Nyasaland,  and  the  Cameroon,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  only 

information  which  has  reached  the  public,  beyond  the 

barest  statements  of  fact,  has    trickled   through    the 
Campaigns.  .  . 

uncertain  channel  of  private  correspondence.     In  the 

February  number  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  we  gave  a  full  account  of  the 
fighting  as  far  as  the  material,  official  and  otherwise,  permitted ;  and 
the  statement  of  Lord  Lucas,  on  behalf  of  the  War  Office,  in  the  House 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  319 

of  Lords  on  April  20,  does  not  add  materially  to  trie  story  up  to 
March  12,  when  a  German  raiding  party  was  driven  over  the  border 
near  Karunga,  in  the  Victoria  Nyanza  district.  An  engagement  of 
a  less  fortunate  kind  was  the  surrender  of  Jassin,  on  the  frontier,  not 
far  from  the  coast,  where  two  British  officers  and  some  200  men  had 
to  surrender  as  their  ammunition  was  exhausted.  The  reasons  for 
this  reverse,  which  took  place  in  January,  and  was  only  reported 
on  April  20,  are  still  obscure.  "  Several  encounters  with  hostile 
patrols  "  are  said  to  have  varied  the  subsequent  inactivity,  which  is 
attributed  to  the  rainy  season.  In  the  Nyasaland  Protectorate  no 
fighting  has  taken  place  since  the  engagements  of  September  8  and  9, 
in  which  the  enemy  were  heavily  defeated,  while  the  small  native 
rising  of  January  23  was  terminated  by  the  death  of  the  ringleader 
on  February  3.  In  northern  Cameroon,  where  French  and  British 
forces  are  co-operating,  the  campaign  (to  judge  from  private  informa- 
tion) is  being  carried  on  under  trying  conditions.  The  French  reports 
speak  of  "  hard  fighting  "  and  "  brilliant  engagements  "  with  "  in- 
significant losses  "  to  the  Allies.  The  difficulties  may  be  judged 
by  the  fact  that,  although  French  columns  have  entered  from  three 
different  points,  and  the  allied  forces  hold  the  two  main  lines  of 
railway,  besides  having  established  a  blockade  of  the  coast,  the  Ger- 
mans practically  remain  intact  in  their  strongholds  in  the  Mandara 
Hills.  The  War  Office  reports  "  numerous  minor  encounters  "  on 
the  Nigerian  frontier ;  and  while  it  may  be  well  not  to  make  too  much 
of  these  "  affairs  of  outposts,"  yet  great  sympathy  must  go  out  to 
the  men  who  are  called  on  to  pay  the  price  of  Empire  in  all  these 
minor  campaigns.  Their  story,  and  that  of  the  native  troops  who  are 
supporting  them  so  loyally,  will  be  told  in  full  one  day. 

THE  surrender  of  Przemysl  closes  the  second  phase  of  the  Eastern 

campaign.     The  first  phase  ended  in  the  fall  of  Lemberg,  which  gave 

.         .  ,          Eastern    Galicia   to   the    Russians ;     Przemysl   opens 

Extremity  ^he  roa^  *°  *ne  wes^  an(^  south.  Unlike  the  Germans, 
whose  activities  under  von  Hindenburg  in  Poland  have 
alternated  between  furious  rushes  forward  and  sudden  retreats,  the 
Russians  have  a  way  of  holding  what  they  take.  The  sorrow  of  Vienna 
at  the  fall  of  the  greatest  Austrian  fortress  is  not  mitigated  by  any 
hint  of  an  attempt  to  recapture  it ;  nor  does  the  full  story  of  its  pro- 
longed resistance  do  so  much  credit  to  the  garrison  as  was  at  first 
supposed,  The  town  was  cumbered  by  too  many  useless  mouths; 


320  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

the  Russian  investment  for  weeks  on  end  was  more  nominal  than  real ; 
the  Russian  artillery  was  inadequate.  But  Austria  has  more  urgent 
matters  on  hand  than  investigation  of  past  "failures  ;  it  is  her  business 
to  prevent,  if  she  can,  a  far  greater  catastrophe  in  the  future.  Her 
offensive  has  long  been  broken,  even  her  defensive  is  now  unreliable. 
It  is  no  longer  a  question  of  the  loss  of  this  fortress  or  that  city,  but 
of  the  complete  and  final  collapse  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  if  the  Russian 
armies  once  hold  the  Hungarian  plains  and  advance  against  Vienna. 
Already  the  whole  Russian  line  is  advancing  on  Hungarian  soil  across 
the  Carpathians,  showing  themselves  more  adept  at  mountain  fighting 
than  was  expected  of  a  people  reared  and  exercised  on  the 
plains  of  Russia.  The  bleak  mountains  which  protect  Hungary  from 
the  north  have  seen  some  terrible  fighting  this  last  month,  battles 
continuing  even  in  storm,  blizzard,  and  avalanche ;  the  Hungarians, 
who  are  reported  at  last  to  have  received  the  help  of  some  German 
troops,  have  fought  desperately  to  protect  their  country  from  in- 
vasion. For  a  time  the  armies  on  both  sides  were  held  up  by  the 
melting  of  the  snows,  which  for  a  fortnight  at  least  turn  the  mountain 
streams  into  floods  and  render  pass  and  plain  alike  impracticable ; 
but  spring  in  these  regions  comes  as  quickly  as  winter'  disappears, 
and  the  check  which  the  changing  season  has  imposed  will  be  short, 
unless,  as  sometimes  happens,  a  return  of  the  blizzard  kills  the  green 
of  the  year. 

BUT  while  Austria  is  depressed  at  the  melancholy  prospect,  Hungary 
appears  to  have  abandoned  hope.  "  Something  has  happened,"  says 

the  Az  Est,  a  leading  Budapest  newspaper,  "  not  on 

ungary        ^  Battle-fields,  but  in  the  souls  of  our  people.    The 

Peace  people  want  peace,  and  they  want  it  very  badly.    Men, 

after  all,  are  creatures  of  small  intelligence,  and  to  ask 
them  to  use  their  brains  would  be  asking  too  much.  Even  now  we 
cannot  explain  what  drives  them  to  cry  for  peace  with  so  great  and 
fervent  a  hope.  Something  drives  them,  like  the  ebb  of  the  ocean, 
towards  the  idea  of  peace  ;  this  longing  for  peace  which  has  come  upon 
us  so  suddenly,  like  the  blindness  that  drove  us  into  war,  is  quite 
general  everywhere  after  the  gloom  and  exhaustion  that  have  spread 
over  us/'  The  tragic  undertone  of  these  remarks  is  convincing  evidence 
of  the  writer's  sincerity  ;  but  what  has  happened  is  really  simple. 
The  blindness  that  drove  Hungary  into  war  was  the  hope  of  victory 
over  the  hated  Slav ;  the  longing  for  peace  is  due  to  the  certainty 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  321 

of  defeat ;  and  the  thing  that  has  happened  in  the  souls  of  the  people, 
as  the  Az  Est  puts  it,  is  a  realisation  of  their  own  folly.  Popular 
instinct  is  here  more  correct  than  official  reassurance.  Meanwhile 
it  may  be  noted  that  while  Eussia  may  overrun  Hungary  to  the  Danube 
and  even  occupy  Budapest — the  road  thither  is  already  familiar 
to  Russian  armies — this  is  a  merely  secondary  part  of  her  campaign. 
Her  main  object  is  to  round  the  Carpathians,  to  seize  Cracow,  and 
enter  Germany  from  the  south.  Her  attack  on  Hungary  is,  as  it 
were,  altruistic  ;  it  is  to  ensure  that  Servia,  now  more  hardly  pressed 
by  disease  than  by  the  Austrian  armies,  shall  be  secure  against  in- 
vasion and  be  enabled  to  obtain  that  "  window  on  the  Adriatic  " 
which  is  her  ambition,  and  also  to  ensure  that  the  oppressed 
Slav  races  under  Magyar  domination  shall  be  freed.  The  military 
campaign  in  Hungary,  therefore,  has  a  political  purpose  rather  than 
future  conquest  for  its  aim ;  the  main  campaign  against  Germany, 
which  will  be  the  occupation  of  the  coming  summer,  looks  for  more 
directly  military  results.  What  and  how  great  a  resistance  Germany 
can  put  up  against  Russia  when  her  own  soil  is  directly  threatened 
remains  to  be  discovered.  She  will  probably  choose  to  give  battle 
before  Cracow  rather  than  in  Silesia,  in  accordance  with  the  principle 
that  it  is  better  to  fight  in  the  enemy's  country  than  one's  own,  and, 
if  that  cannot  be  secured,  the  next  best  thing  is  to  fight  in  the 
country  of  one's  ally.  But  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  reserve  forces 
Germany  has  to  bring  against  Russia,  and  while  she  is  delaying  the 
final  crisis  by  lending  German  troops  to  hearten  the  Austrians  and 
Hungarians  she  is  presumably  training  a  fresh  field  army  for  the 
defence  of  Silesia  and  East  Prussia. 

CONSTANTINOPLE  remains  untaken,  and  the  too  hasty  hopes  of  its 
speedy  fall  which  deceived  the  press  and  public,  but  presumably  not 

the  British  Government,  have  somewhat  diminished. 
c01  The  operation  is  one  of  extraordinary  difficulty,  re- 

nople.  quiring  the  co-operation  of  naval  and  military  forces, 

and  it  is  evident  that  a  miscalculation  was  made.  The 
candour  of  M.  Venizelos,  the  ex-Premier  of  Greece,  has  told  the  world 
that  his  country  was  asked  to  come  in,  and  to  land  a  Grecian  army 
on  Gallipoli  to  assist  the  British  and  French  fleets  in  the  Dardanelles. 
M.  Venizelos  approved,  seeing  in  co-operation  with  the  Allies  a  chance 
of  enlarging  the  Greek  power  in  Asia  Minor  ;  but  the  King  of  Greece, 
whose  consort  is  a  German  princess,  refused.  The  Greek  General  Staff 


322  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

appears  to  have  doubted  the  capacity  of  the  army,  and  feared  that 
Bulgaria,  which  has  an  ancient  quarrel  with  Greece  over  Macedonia 
and  has  recently  obtained  a  loan  from  Berlin,  would  seize  the  occasion 
to  attack  her  neighbour  ;  M.  Venizelos  resigned  his  office  and  political 
life,  and  his  successor  openly  worshipped  the  dubious  god  of  strict 
neutrality.  The  episode  is  instructive  as  to  the  position  in  the  Balkans, 
and  the  cynic  may  recommend  it  to  those  excellent  persons  who 
are  expecting  the  present  quarrels  to  lead  to  a  "  United  States  "  of 
Europe.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  while  M.  Venizelos  has  the  people 
behind  him,  the  King  has  the  power.  The  ex-premier,  who  exiled 
himself  to  one  of  the  Greek  islands  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  and  came 
back  at  the  end  of  a  week,  definitely  renounced  politics  in  March  and 
renounced  his  renunciation  in  April ;  but  the  opportunity  seems  to 
have  passed.  Other  means  will  be  taken  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
attack  on  Constantinople ;  but  Western  Europe  can  now  understand 
why  the  Balkan  League  failed  and  the  Turkish  Empire  has  lasted  so 
long.  If  the  Christian  States  in  South-Eastern  Europe  could  have 
forgotten  their  jealousies  of  each  other,  Turkey  would  have  fallen  in 
1912,  or  even  before ;  but  even  in  the  present  crisis  the  Balkan  States 
are  rendered  impotent  by  mutual  distrust.  The  Entente  Powers 
will  have  to  face  the  probability  that  the  reduction  of  Constantinople 
must  be  carried  through  without  further  assistance,  and  meanwhile 
we  render  grudging  applause  to  the  effectiveness  of  German  diplomacy 
in  the  Near  East.  To  have  caught  the  Turk  in  one  trap,  the  Greek  in 
another,  and  the  Bulgarian  in  a  third,  does  something  to  redeem  the 
reputation  of  Berlin  as  a  school  of  diplomacy ;  it  was  well  worth  the 
price  of  a  damaged  German  battleship  in  the  first  case,  a  German  princess 
in  the  second,  and  a  trainload  of  German  gold  in  the  third. 

No  unbiased  observer  would  claim  that  organisation  is  a  national 
habit,  or  that  Great  Britain  has  brought  it  to  anything  like  the  pitch 

of  perfection  it  has  attained  in  Germany.  As  month 
National  £.  .,  ,  ,  i 

Organisation  a*ter  month  goes  by  everyone  who  has  eyes  to  see  and 

ears  to  hear  must  pay  reluctant  tribute  to  the  masterly 
manner  in  which  our  enemy  had  prepared  for  war,  and  the  world  is 
only  just  beginning  to  realise  the  extent  and  thoroughness  of  that 
preparation.  Our  own  genius  is  of  a  very  different  character,  and 
so  our  military  authorities  begin  to  shape  their  armies  after,  and  not 
before  war  is  upon  us,  and  nine  months  are  allowed  to  elapse  before  any 
attempt  is  made  at  organising  our  national  output  on  a  systematic 


EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  828 

basis.  Better  late  than  never,  and  the  appointment  of  a  Committee, 
with  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  at  its  head,  with  a  representative 
of  every  Government  Department  on  its  list  and  with  the  whole 
resources  and  authority  of  the  Government  behind  it,  to  organise 
the  resources  of  the  nation  for  the  production  of  munitions  of  war, 
is  a  step  in  the  right  direction.  When  war  was  declared  and  a  large 
number  of  War  Office  orders  had  to  be  rapidly  filled,  they  were  put  out 
in  haphazard  fashion,  and  the  tenders  often  accepted  without  question 
because  time  was  the  all-important  element.  At  a  later  period  came 
labour  troubles  and  the  drink  question,  and  with  all  the  difficulties 
that  arose  the  Government,  perforce,  could  deal  only  partially  and 
inadequately.  The  distribution  of  labour  and  the  needs  of  recruiting 
were  two  closely  co-ordinated  problems  which  ought  never  to  have  been 
considered  separately.  The  competition  for  labour  of  certain  kinds 
has  led  to  an  inflation  of  wages  which  is  only  paralleled  by  the  huge 
profits  reaped  in  some  cases  by  contractors.  The  men  of  all  classes 
who  have  volunteered  cannot  but  view  with  bitterness  the  harvest 
being  reaped  by  some  of  those  who  stay  at  home.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  Government  control  of  the  national  output  will  remove  or  modify 
these  anomalies,  and  result  in  greater  uniformity  of  conditions  and 
a  regular  and  more  adequate  output. 

AMONG  the  efforts  of  the  British  Government  to  grapple  with  a 
difficult  situation  is  their  attempt,  by  means  of  a  special  register,  to 

estimate  the  reserve  of  female  labour,  apart  from  the 
Labour  usual  supply,  which  might  be  counted  on  to  replace 

males.  The  response  has  so  far,  however,  been  disap- 
pointing, only  45,000  women  having  registered  by  the  middle  of  April, 
and  of  these  many  were  already  workers.  At  the  last  census  about 
four  and  a  half  out  of  fourteen  and  a  half  million  women  were  returned 
as  wage  earners,  this  total  including  every  class — from  the  girl  who 
works  for  pocket  money  to  the  woman  who  supports  her  family  by 
manual  labour — so  that,  making  every  possible  deduction  for  women 
who  are  heads  of  households,  there  should  be  a  much  larger  number 
who  are  free  to  undertake  some  form  of  work  as  substitutes  for  men. 
The  Government  circular  did  not,  however,  give  a  very  clear  lead,  nor 
is  there  any  definite  evidence  that  large  numbers  of  men  are  at  present 
kept  back  from  enlisting  by  the  difficulty  of  replacing  them  in  desk, 
counter,  or  even  in  unskilled  factory  work.  Certain  industries,  chiefly 
connected  with  armaments,  were  indicated  as  needing  recruits,  and  also 


324  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

agriculture  ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  of  these  afford  real  open- 
ings except  for  women  of  the  industrial  classes,  despite  certain  rather 
amateurish  schemes  for  drafting  into  them  groups  of  better-class 
women  who  will  work  for  patriotic  reasons.  Truth  to  say,  neither  the 
physique  nor  the  habits  of  the  amateur  worker  of  the  middle  classes 
make  them  very  malleable  material  for  such  schemes,  for  one  cannot 
acquire  in  a  few  days  the  habit  of  hard,  continuous  work  which  these 
occupations  involve.  Moreover,  if  the  representatives  of  certain 
women's  trade  organisations  are  to  be  believed,  there  is  no  shortage 
of  female  labour  in  centres  where  armaments  are  chiefly  made.  The 
principal  difficulty,  they  aver,  is  the  tendency  of  employers  to  take 
advantage  of  exemptions  from  the  Factory  Act,  granted  for  emergency 
purposes,  and  to  work  their  women  for  excessive  hours  rather  than 
replace  them  with  fresh  shifts.  The  real  shortage  is  in  some  of  the 
skilled  branches  of  engineering,  and  it  is  here  that  the  rapid  rise  in  wages 
and  indulgence  in  drink  has  too  frequently  led  to  a  diminution  of  output. 

THE  increased  employment  of  women,  inevitable  as  it  may  be, 

raises  questions  of  great  national  importance,  and  although  it  is 

the  duty  of  every  woman  to  engage  in  some  productive 

ar  an  occupation  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  encouragement 

Emigration.       .  .  ^ 

will  be  given  to  young  married  women  to  seek  work 

outside  their  homes.  Meanwhile  it  is  probably  in  clerical  occupations, 
not  included  in  the  Government  circular  but  desired  by  a  large 
number  of  applicants,  that  the  greatest  opportunities  will  occur, 
for  apart  from  those  who  give  their  lives,  many  men  after  a  soldiering 
experience  will  never  return  to  the  desk  or  counting-house,  but  will 
want  to  seek  their  fortunes  in  some  wider  and  more  open-air  sphere 
of  existence.  Reference  was  made  in  last  month's  number  of  the 
JOURNAL  to  the  Committee  formed  at  the  Institute  for  the  purpose  of 
considering  the  position  of  ex-Service  men  after  the  War.  The 
Committee  has  met  twice  during  April,  and  has  adopted  the  title  of 
"  The  '  After  the  War  '  Empire  Settlement  and  Rural  Employment 
Committee,"  and  the  following  additions  have  been  made  to  it :  Lord 
Sydenham  of  Combe,  and  Messrs.  G.  McLaren  Brown,  W.  Perkins  Bull, 
and  Samuel  Copley.  Part  of  the  aftermath  of  war  should  certainly 
be  a  stimulus  to  emigration,  aided  by  ties  formed  through  association  in 
the  field  of  the  British  born  and  his  Overseas  cousins.  The  existing 
disproportion  of  the  sexes  in  the  British  Isles  is,  therefore,  likely  to  be 
increased  unless  women  also,  who  have  learnt  many  hard  lessons  in 
the  war,  revive  the  pioneer  spirit  which  animated  the  wives  and 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  325 

mothers  of  the  early  colonists  and  go  out  with  their  men — or  even 
without  them — to  do  whatever  work  comes  to  their  hands,  and  to 
seek  that  good  fortune  which  may  always  be  lurking  round  the  next 
bend  of  a  new  road. 

FOR  some  time  now  Canada  has  been  living  largely  on  borrowed 
capital,  most  of  which  has  reached  her  from  the  Mother  Country. 
It  is  natural,  therefore,  that  at  a  time  of  world-wide 
Canada  financial  stress  considerable  interest  should  be  taken 
in  the  way  in  which  the  Dominion  is  facing  the  crisis. 
ly  a  consensus  of  opinion  she  has  been  guilty  of  extravagance  in  the 
past,  but  few  of  her  critics  would  deny  that  the  optimism  responsible 
for  her  economic  policy  rests  on  a  sound  basis.  Canada,  it  has  been 
pointed  out,  possesses  the  essentials  for  prosperity ;  she  is  rich  in 
natural  resources  ;  she  has  a  sound  system  of  banking  and  currency  ; 
her  facilities  for  transport  are  adequate,  while,  in  regard  to  labour, 
she  is  as  favourably  situated  as  the  United  States.  In  these  circum- 
stances the  main  question  is  whether  her  extravagance  has  entirely 
carried  her  off  her  feet  or  whether  a  check  was  administered  in  time. 
Already  a  halt  had  been  called  before  the  end  of  1913  by  trade  con- 
•action,  and  the  Dominion  entered  upon  the  year  1914  in  a  chastened 
me  of  mind.  When  the  War  broke  out  the  Government  at  once 
all  the  requisite  precautions  to  meet  the  abnormal  situation, 
and  it  says  much  for  the  country's  buoyancy  that  these  measures 
had  only  to  be  applied  in  part.  Thus  moratorium  legislation  was 
carried  into  effect  only  in  Manitoba  and  Saskatchewan.  It  may 
even  be  that  the  War  will  prove  a  blessing  in  disguise.  One  of  its 
results  will  have  been  to  reduce  the  great  disparity  between  the  value 
of  imports  and  exports.  For  the  year  ended  March  1913,  the  excess 
of  imports  was  $298,711,000.  By  the  next  year,  thanks  to  an  increase 
of  $85.765,000  in  exports,  this  large  figure  had  been  reduced  to 
$171,625,000.  Imports  will  now  probably  show  a  great  decline, 
while  exports,  if  they  do  not  actually  overtake  them,  will  come 
nearer  to  doing  so  than  at  any  time  during  recent  years. 

THE  War  has  not  only  afforded  Canada  material  benefits  in  the  form 
of  a  high  price  for  grain  and  war  orders  amounting,  according  to  one 

estimate,  to  $70,000,000,  but  has  also  evoked  a  spirit 
to  Pro  which  tends  to  regard  production  as  a  measure  of  the 

duction.  Dominion's  patriotism.  Under  this  common  incentive 

the  industrial  East  and  the  agricultural  West  have  been 
brought  into  something  approaching  practical  co-operation  with  a  view 


326  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

to  securing  a  sound  economic  basis  for  Canada's  increased  output.  It 
is  to  its  vast  agricultural  reserves  that  the  country  looks  for  a  corrective 
of  the  one-sidedness  which  has  hitherto  been  rather  a  feature  of  Canadian 
growth.  With  all  requirements  in  the  way  of  transport  and  banking 
facilities,  State  and  municipal  works  and  industrial  machinery  provided 
fully  a  decade  ahead  of  their  time,  it  remains  for  agriculture  to  make 
such  advances  as  will  bring  the  development  of  the  country  as  a  whole 
into  line.  For  the  current  year  it  is  estimated  that  cultivated  areas 
will  show  an  increase  of  twenty-five  per  cent,  over  those  of  last  year. 
But  Canada's  problem  will  not  be  solved  merely  by  a  scramble  to  place 
more  land  under  grain  cultivation.  Current  prices  will  guarantee  the 
success  of  the  movement,  it  is  true,  for  one  season.  What  is  required, 
however,  is  the  comprehensive  development  of  Canada's  natural 
resources  on  strictly  scientific  lines,  by  which  means  over-production 
in  one  direction,  with  a  shortage  in  another,  may  be  avoided.  The 
subject  has  engaged  the  attention  of  the  Government  for  some  years, 
and  it  is  hoped  that  the  War  will  have  provided  just  the  stimulus  to 
public  opinion  needed  to  ensure  an  adequate  response  to  official 
efforts. 

ALTHOUGH,  like  the  rest  of  the  world,  the  West  Indian  Islands 
and  British  Guiana  are  feeling  the  effects  of  the  War,  the  situation 
for  them  is  somewhat  relieved  by  the  high  prices  ruling 
Indies  and  ^or  ^e  Comm0(iities  which  form  their  principal  exports, 
the  War.  Sugar  and  cocoa  production  at  present  rates  are  favour- 
able assets  to  Trinidad,  Demerara,  and  Barbados, 
and  the  outlook  for  the  rice  crops  is  said  to  be  unusually  good.  On 
the  other  hand,  as  a  recent  proclamation  of  Sir  H.  Hesketh  Bell 
declares,  the  islands  which,  like  Antigua,  are  largely  dependent  on 
imported  foodstuffs,  are  suffering  somewhat  from  the  considerable 
rises  in  prices.  [{  There  is  no  cause  for  alarm  or  for  extreme  measures," 
says  the  Governor,  "  but  it  behoves  the  Government  and  the  people 
to  face  the  situation  and  to  provide  against  unfortunate  possibilities." 
The  curtailment  of  dependence  on  outside  supplies  by  the  stimulation 
of  local  production  of  corn,  and  especially  maize,  offers  a  solution  of 
the  difficulty.  Co-operation  between  growers  and  the  Government 
(who  have  started  a  public  granary),  public  purchases  of  corn  for  cash, 
and  the  storage  and  drying  of  grain  by  the  kiln-drying  plant  erected 
a  year  ago,  are  expected  to  have  very  desirable  and  permanent  results. 
The  Governor  confidently  looks  to  the  new  plans  to  make  Antigua 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  827 

more  self-sufficing  in  necessary  foodstuffs,  and  hopes  that  a  valuable 
and  important  industry  may  gradually  be  developed. 

IN  British  Guiana  a  very  energetic  campaign  is  being  carried  on 
for  the  enlargement  of  the  sugar-planting  area  and  increased  production 

of  the  best  cane-sugar.  Large  areas  of  land,  easily 
Increase  of  accessible  and  well  suited  for  empoldering,  are  declared 

to  be  awaiting  development ;  and  while  prices  are  main- 
applies  tained  at  anything  like  present  rates,  cultivation  might  be 

very  considerably  increased  by  the  extension  of  railway 
facilities  and,  where  necessary,  by  immigration  of  labour  from  the 
East  Indies  and  elsewhere.  A  recent  dispatch  from  Sir  W.  Egerton 
gives  estimated  figures  of  possible  production,  which  are  very  suggestive 
of  the  opportunities  lying  ahead  in  this  portion  of  the  Empire  if  present 
and  prospective  demands  are  to  be  adequately  met.  The  supplies 
of  sugar  for  home  consumption  now  controlled  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment are  being  steadily  depleted,  and  the  need  must  soon  arise  for  a 
renewal  of  discussion  as  to  how  the  cutting  ofi  of  Continental  supplies 
is  to  be  further  met.  The  policy  which  was  perhaps  sufficient  and 
defensible  in  pre-war  times  must  be  considered  afresh  in  the  light  of 
the  experience  gained  during  the  past  few  months ;  and  the  longer 
the  War  lasts  the  more  imperative  becomes  the  necessity  for 
re-examination  of  the  Imperial  sources  of  supply  of  this  indispensable 
commodity. 

AN  interesting  example  of  how  even  the  smaller  territories  under 
the  flag  are  rapidly  furnishing  natural  products  in  aid  of  Imperial 
necessities  is  afforded  in  the  instance  of  the  manufacture 
Q£  j^^  Cl0th.  When  the  new  armies  had  to  be 
for  Khaki  clothed  it  is  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  great 
difficulty  arose  from  the  serious  shortage  which  was  soon 
felt  in  the  supply  of  the  necessary  synthetic  yellow  dyes.  Substitutes 
had  to  be  quickly  discovered ;  and,  among  other  expedients  adopted, 
relief  was  found  by  the  increased  use  of  fustic — a  natural  dyestuff 
consisting  of  the  wood  of  a  tree  indigenous  to  Jamaica  and  British 
Honduras.  When  war  broke  out  it  was  rather  unfortunate,  as  the 
circular  of  the  West  India  Committee  points  out,  that  only  a  small 
quantity  of  cut  wood  was  available  to  meet  British  demands,  as  most 
>f  the  regular  supplies  were  destined  for  France  and  the  United  States. 
The  directors  of  the  Imperial  Institute,  recognising  the  urgency  of  the 


328  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

matter,  have  been  in  communication  with  the  authorities  on  the  spot 
and,  as  a  result,  measures  are  being  taken  by  the  Government  of  Jamaicg 
to  increase  purchases  from  the  growers  and  to  stimulate  further  supply 
by  bearing  the  cost  of  shipment  to  Kingston.  Similar  action  is  being 
undertaken  in  British  Honduras,  and  there  is  every  probability  thai 
the  largely  enhanced  quantities  thus  made  available  for  transpon 
will  not  only  benefit  the  local  growers,  but  also  provide  the  Britisl 
dyers  with  the  ingredients  for  their  industry,  which  since  the  outbreal 
of  war  has  been  the  occasion  of  considerable  anxiety.  Another  kindrec 
example  which  may  be  quoted  is  the  supply  of  boxwood,  which  fo: 
years  past  has  come  from  the  countries  bordering  the  Black  and  Caspiar 
Seas.  The  War  has  cut  off  this  supply.  South  African  woodlands  art 
likely  to  provide  an  efficient  substitute  ;  and,  as  a  result  of  the  advict 
of  the  Imperial  Institute,  trial  shipments  of  boxwood  from  the  Cape 
are  likely  soon  to  be  placed  on  the  London  market. 

THE  operations  against    German  South- West  Africa  go  steadily 

forward,  and  the  pressure  upon  the  enemy  must  already  be  severe, 

While  General  Botha  advances  with  his  trusty  burghers 

^ke  towards  Windhuk  from  the  northern  base  at  Swakop- 

y*?.    ~  mund,  General  Smuts,  released  from  parliamentary  cares 

African  r  J 

Campaign.  nas  taken  control  of  the  central,  southern,  and  easterr 
forces,  the  progress  of  which  is  in  all  respects  satisfactory, 
The  occupation  of  Aus  (the  very  name  of  which  suggests  a  sigh  oi 
relief  at  emerging  from  the  desert-belt  stretching  inland  some  ninety 
miles  from  the  coast)  on  April  1  was  a  substantial  achievement,  as 
the  place  had  been  strongly  fortified,  and  since  then  the  advance 
through  the  more  fertile  country  to  the  eastward  has  been  rapid  and 
continuous.  As  we  go  to  press,  the  welcome  news  of  the  capture  o\ 
Keetmanshoop  arrives,  the  important  railway-junction  of  Seeheim 
having  been  taken  a  day  earlier,  on  April  19.  Meanwhile  the  southern 
contingent  is  in  possession  of  Warmbad,  and  the  eastern  force,  based  on 
Upington,  has  occupied  various  police  posts  on  that  side  of  the  Colony, 
The  plan  of  campaign  seems  to  have  been  excellently  thought  out; 
and  though  there  may  be  heavy  fighting  before  Windhuk  is  reached, 
it  would  not  be  surprising  if  the  German  reservists,  who  are  farmers, 
should  use  their  influence  in  the  direction  of  abandoning  a  hopeless 
struggle  and  securing  the  incorporation  of  their  country  in  the  Union, 
which  it  is  known  that  many  of  them  desire.  The  Governor-General's 
visit  to  the  scene  of  action  was  evidently  a  great  success. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  320 

PROFESSOR  SYDNEY  J.  CHAPMAN  of  Manchester  University  (who,  it 
may  be  recalled,  was  Chairman  of  the  Economic  Commission  of  Enquiry 
into  Wages  and  Conditions  of  Labour  in  South  Africa) 
has  an  article  on  the  Cotton  Market  in  the  current 
number  of  the  Economic  Journal  which  serves  a  double 
Market.  purpose.     It  not  only  shows  from  intimate  knowledge 

the  intricate  and  complex  character  of  the  cotton  trade 
as  a  subject  of  Imperial  as  well  as  national  interest,  it  also  explains 
the  emergency  measures  which  have  been  necessary  since  the  out- 
break of  war,  and  whose  main  purpose,  "  at  any  rate  at  first,  was  the 
avoidance  of  wholesale  bankruptcies  and  panic  prices."  Slackening 
in  demand  and  the  abnormal  bulk  of  the  forthcoming  American  crop, 
even  without  the  War,  must  have  had  a  detrimental  effect  on  the  trade. 
Professor  Chapman  examines  in  detail  the  technical  reasons  for  closing 
the  Cotton  Exchange  in  August,  and  gives  a  history  of  the  negotiations 
which  were  entered  into  for  the  purpose  of  reconciling  the  interests 
of  Liverpool  brokers  with  those  of  Manchester  spinners,  and  which 
led  to  the  appeal  for  Government  assistance  and  the  re-opening  of 
the  Exchange,  simultaneously  with  the  American  markets,  in  November. 
The  method  of  Government  aid  was  referred  to  at  that  time  in  these 
columns.  Professor  Chapman  says  that  "  the  successive  settlements 
on  the  Exchange  were  marked  by  a  surprising  absence  of  anything 
disaster."  The  Government  had  scored  an  unqualified  success, 
id  "  thus  closed  one  of  the  most  eventful  chapters  in  the  history  of 
the  cotton  trade — and  all's  well  that  ends  well."  In  a  note  added 
to  the  article,  attention  is  drawn  to  other  satisfactory  features  of 
the  outlook,  viz.  the  Egyptian  Government's  reduction  of  the  cotton 
area,  its  support  of  certain  firms  in  Alexandria,  and  the  British  loan 
of  £5,000,000  in  case  of  need  ;  the  steps  taken  to  deal  with  the  present 
large  American  crop ;  and  the  general  financial  scheme  of  assistance 
in  India,  embracing  the  cotton  interest.  The  writer's  final  conclusion 
on  the  actual  situation  is  that "  cotton  is  now  coming  forward  normally." 

\ 

THE  difficulties  of  the  blockade  question  are  illustrated  by  the 
position  of  cotton.    This  is  quite  as  much  a  raw  material  for  munitions 

of  war  as  copper,  since  it  is  the  basis  of  all  propulsive 

Cotton  as  .  , 

Contraband     exPioslvesJ    yet   while  copper,   wool   and   other  com- 
modities  are  placed   on  the   contraband   list,   cotton 

is  excluded.     In  an  answer  by  the  Attorney-General  to  inquiries 

on  this  subject  addressed  to  the  Government,  it  has  recently  been 


330  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

stated,  in  effect,  that  no  good  purpose  would  be  served  by  making 
cotton  contraband,  since  its  entrance  into  Germany  is  already  pre- 
vented by  the  blockade,  which  "  stops  all  articles."  The  obvious 
reply  is  that,  if  this  is  the  case,  there  was  no  reason  for  any  declaration 
as  to  contraband  articles,  including  copper  and  wool,  such  as  was  made 
immediately  after  the  Orders  in  Council  which  established  the  blockade. 
There  are  reasons  of  policy  for  wishing  to  keep  cotton  off  the  list  of 
contraband,  but  they  are  not  nearly  so  important  as  the  embarrassment 
of  Germany's  munitions  of  war.  In  practice  cotton  may  be  stopped, 
even  if  consigned  to  a  neutral  port ;  but  the  responsibility  for  stopping 
it  rests  with  the  captain  of  the  blockading  ship,  who  has  to  decide,  on 
inspection  of  the  papers,  whether  the  cargo  is  really  destined  for 
neutrals.  If  cotton  were  contraband  he  would  have  no  choice.  As 
it  is  practically  impossible  to  be  sure  that  such  cargoes  may  not,  i 
in  the  most  roundabout  way,  ultimately  reach  Germany,  the  only 
safe  plan  is  to  stop  all  cotton,  which  cannot  be  done  unless  it  is  declared 
contraband.  It  took  the  British  Government  a  long  time  to  make 
up  its  mind  to  blockade  Germany  and  it  is  no  use  now  to  adopt 
any  half  measures. 

ALL  the  signs  of  the  times  point  to  the  probability  that  a  great 
future  awaits  our  manufacturing  chemists — provided  that  there  is  an 

effective  combination  of  the  various  interests  involved, 
:5a  and  a  general  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  enormous 

Reform  German  successes  of  the  past  generation  have  been 

achieved  by  a  triple  co-ordination  of  scientific  research, 
business  acumen,  and  the  security  afforded  by  a  system  of  patent  laws 
which  really  suffices  to  protect  home  inventors  and  investors  rather 
than  those  of  rival  alien  countries.  The  German  Patent  Laws  and 
their  legal  practice  have  been  potent  factors  in  the  foundation  and 
building-up  of  more  than  one  successful  enterprise  where  scientific 
knowledge  is  applied  to  industrial  processes.  Our  want  of  grip  of  the  • 
actual  situation  has  operated  to  the  detriment  of  English  makers  in 
time  of  peace ;  since  the  war  broke  out  its  results  have  almost  con- 
stituted a  national  peril.  The  uncertainty  and  expense  of  litigation 
arising  from  patent  cases  has  for  more  than  a  generation  hampered  and 
harassed  British  manufacturers.  In  a  paper  on  the  subject,  recently 
read  before  the  Royal  Society  of  Arts,  Mr.  J.  W.  Gordon,  K.C., 
stated  that  "  a  system  of  blocking  patents  had  been  an  organised 
industry  of  German  manufacturing  chemists  at  least  since  the  year 
1883.  In  all  cases  the  cause  of  British  weakness  was  the  perpetual 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  331 

injunction  granted/'  Even  the  Act  of  1907  was  of  doubtful  benefit ; 
since,  in  addition  to  complicating  the  subject  still  further  by  the  intro- 
duction of  incongruous  elements  of  German  origin,  "  it  left  untouched 
the  mischiefs  which  destroyed  the  British  manufacture  of  aniline 
dyes,  and  laid  us  open  to  misunderstanding  and  reprisal  in  foreign 
countries  without  securing  any  countervailing  advantage  for  our  own 
manufactures." 

AMONG  other  Imperial  activities  suspended  during  the  war  period 
are  the  investigations  of  the  Dominions  Royal  Commissioners.     An 
interim  report  recently  issued  gives  as  the  last  fruits  of 
their  labours  the  results  of   their  inquiries   in  New- 
foundland, whence  they  were  recalled  on  the  outbreak 
foundland       °^   hostilities.     The    matters  reviewed    in  the  report, 
which  are  of  great  importance  to  the  future  interests 
of  the  oldest  colony,  comprise,  for  example,  the  development  of  the 
fishing  industry,  the  need  for  greater  co-operation  between  the  Home, 
Dominion,  and  Provincial  Governments,  and  the  possible  extension 
of  markets  owing  to  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal.     The  potential 
resources  of  the  island  in  hematite  ores,  its  exceptional  importance 
as  a  cabling  centre,  and  the  prospects  of  establishing  a  pulp  and  paper 
industry  receive  special  attention.     Many  of  these  topics  will  receive 
further  consideration  when  peace  is  established  and  the  Commission 
resumes  its  sittings  across  the  water. 

THE  Annual  Meeting,  at  which  the  Report  for  the  year  1914  was 
presented,  took  place  on  Tuesday,  April  20,  at  the  Whitehall  Rooms— 
the  President,  Earl  Grey,  being  in  the  chair.  A  summary 
of  the  proceedings  will  be  found  in  this  issue  of  the 
JOURNAL,  and  a  full  report  in  the  Annual  Year- Book, 
which  will  be  ready  shortly.  Despite  the  War,  Lord  Grey  was  able 
to  announce  that  the  membership  had  increased  to  over  five  figures, 
and  the  activities  of  the  Institute  in  a  variety  of  ways  have  been 
stimulated  rather  than  depressed  by  the  stirring  events  of  the  last 
nine  months.  Sir  Bevan  Edwards,  who  is  retiring  from  the  chairman- 
ship of  Council,  and  is  to  be  succeeded  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas, 
received  the  signal  tribute  of  being  elected  as  a  Vice- President  by 
the  assembled  Fellows,  in  token  of  their  appreciation  of  the  services 
he  has  rendered  during  his  long  tenure  of  office.  The  Annual 
Dinner  will  not  be  held  this  year,  as  the  Council  feel  the  time  to  be 
inappropriate  for  a  function  of  that  description. 

z2 


332 

THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR. 

THE  Royal  Navy  has  now  been  subjected  to  the  sternest  of  possible  tests — 
nine  months  of  war  with  a  powerful  and  well-prepared  antagonist.  It  has 
stood  the  trial  well.  If  there  have  been  no  such  stupendous  victories  as  Nelson 
gained  in  the  struggle  with  France  a  century  ago,  this  has  been  because  the 
Germans  have  refused  to  risk  their  main  fleet  at  sea.  And  if,  in  the  engagements 
fought,  the  British  have  failed  to  annihilate  the  enemy  opposed  to  them,  it 
must  be  remembered  that  their  antagonists  are  of  far  more  formidable  quality 
than  in  the  Napoleonic  war.  The  French  Navy  of  1805  had  been  grievously 
shaken  by  the  excesses  of  the  revolution,  and  through  financial  difficulties  was 
very  indifferently  equipped.  The  German  Navy  is  marked  by  a  solid  discipline, 
and  funds  have  been  lavished  upon  it  for  the  past  decade.  Against  such  a  force 
easy  successes  were  not  to  be  expected,  and  it  is  somewhat  surprising  that 
our  ships  have  suffered  so  little  loss  in  gaining  what  is  in  effect  the  complete 
command  of  the  sea. 

The  most  exacting  critic  will  admit  that  the  officers  and  men  of  the  fleet 
have  surpassed  expectations.  Posterity  will  not  forget  the  conduct  of  the 
seamen  in  the  submarined  cruisers,  Cressy,  Rogue,  and  Aboukir,  who  went  to 
their  death  singing  "  It's  a  long,  long  way  to  Tipperary,"  nor  the  Laurel's 
stokers  who  brought  her  safely  home,  working  in  scalding  water,  nor  Captain 
Loxley's  warning  that  other  ships  should  leave  the  sinking  Formidable  to  her 
fate  because  there  were  submarines  at  hand,  nor  the  breathless  voyage  of  B  11 
up  the  Dardanelles  under  the  Turkish  mines.  The  deeds  of  this  generation  at 
sea  have  been  worthy  of  the  most  splendid  traditions  of  the  past,  and  nothing 
could  surpass  the  spirit  of  every  officer  and  man  in  the  Grand  Fleet. 

In  every  above-water  encounter,  victory  has  gone  to  the  ships  or  squadrons 
with  the  superior  weight  of  metal ;  and  in  every  above-water  encounter  at 
sea,  with  the  exception  of  Coronel,  where  Admiral  Cradock  was  completely  over- 
powered, the  British  have  had  that  superiority.  The  obiter  dicta  of  such  writers 
as  Admiral  Stieger  and  General  Bernhardi  show  that  the  Germans,  before  the 
War,  hoped  to  atone  for  their  numerical  inferiority  at  sea  by  making  a  surprise 
attack  with  their  whole  High  Sea  Fleet  upon  our  naval  forces  at  some  moment 
when  these  were  ill-prepared  or  scattered.  It  was  for  this  that  Germany  main- 
tained five-sixths  of  her  ships  in  commission  with  full  crews,  in  North  Sea  waters, 
always  ready  to  strike,  while  the  British  force  in  permanent  readiness  at  home 
was  not  much  more  than  one  half  the  Koyal  Navy. 

The  plan  miscarried.  Germany  seems  to  have  decided  upon  war,  though 
possibly  not  with  Great  Britain,  on  or  about  July  15,  as  it  was  then  that  she 
issued  special  instructions  to  her  ships  on  foreign  service  and  dispatched  colliers 
to  them.  The  Beihania,  for  example,  afterward  captured  by  the  British  in  the 
Atlantic,  sailed  on  July  15  from  South  Wales.  At  this  particular  date  a  surprise 
attack  on  the  British  fleet  held  out  no  prospect  of  success  because  the  whole 
British  Navy  was  mobilised  between  July  15  and  25,  in  accordance  with  an 
announcement  made  by  Mr.  Churchill  on  March  17,  1914.  The  primary  object 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR.        338 

of  this  mobilisation  appears  to  have  been  the  saving  of  money,  as  its  cost  was 
about  half  that  of  the  usual  naval  manoeuvres,  which  were  to  be  dropped. 
But  it  resulted  in  the  British  Navy  being  ready  for  war  at  a  most  critical  moment. 
It  is  true  that  part  of  the  fleet  was  demobilised  on  July  25,  though  the  political 
situation  had  then  become  most  dangerous.  The  First  and  Second  Fleets, 
however,  representing  the  main  strength  of  the  Navy  in  home  waters,  were 
kept  fully  manned,  and  the  First  Fleet,  in  which  were  all  the  Dreadnoughts 
on  the  home  station,  was  kept  concentrated. 

Thus  no  surprise  attack  was  practicable.  Great  Britain  was  given  time 
to  bring  her  vast  reserves  and  resources  into  play.  With  such  effect  has  the 
Admiralty  worked  that  an  abundant  superiority  has  now  been  obtained,  thanks 
in  part  to  the  fact  that  four  Dreadnoughts  were  building  for  foreign  navies  in 
the  country  and  were  nearly  complete  at  the  outbreak  of  war.  Our  force  of 
Dreadnoughts  in  home  waters  can  fire  two  tons'  weight  of  metal  on  the  broadside 
for  each  ton  fired  by  the  German  Dreadnoughts.  This  is  an  advantage  which, 
judging  from  events  in  the  present  war  and  in  all  previous  wars  where  the 
personnel  on  either  side  had  been  approximately  equal  in  training  and  quality, 
should  be  absolutely  decisive.  In  plain  words,  the  German  fleet  has  no  chance 
of  success  in  a  pitched  battle. 

Strong  though  our  fleet  is,  and  able  though  it  has  been  to  give  such  extra- 
ordinarily efficient  protection  to  British  commerce  and  to  the  immense  convoys 
transporting  troops  from  the  Dominions  and  the  Mother  Country  to  France 
and  Egypt,  it  has  not  been  able  to  seal  the  German  ports  by  a  close  blockade. 
The  explanation  of  this  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  apparition  of  the  submarine, 
and  the  enormous  use  of  the  mine.  The  submarine,  in  the  phrase  of  the  New 
York  Times,  has  blown  close  blockades  "  to  smithereens."  It  is  no  longer 
possible  for  a  fleet  to  lie,  with  engines  stopped,  off  a  hostile  coast,  as  in  the  days 
of  the  American-Spanish  and  American  Civil  wars.  The  British  plan  has  been 
to  watch  the  German  naval  bases  with  small  craft  and  submarines,  holding 
the  British  battle  fleet  at  a  distance.  Whenever  the  Germans  came  out  in  any 
strength,  our  battle  fleet  was  warned  by  wireless,  and  Admiral  Sir  John  Jellicoe 
could  make  his  dispositions  accordingly. 

It  is  quite  clear  that,  with  such  a  strategic  plan,  fast  German  ships  could  put 
to  sea,  and — if  they  were  prepared  to  encounter  great  risks — might  even  reach 
the  British  coast.  The  sea  is  wide ;  the  southern  portion  of  the  North  Sea 
has  an  area  of  over  200,000  square  miles,  or  four  times  that  of  England  ;  and 
whatever  efforts  the  British  commander  made,  the  enemy's  vessels  might 
always  elude  him.  When  a  long  line  of  700  miles  has  to  be  guarded,  there  must 
be  gaps  through  which  an  alert  antagonist  could  slip.  This  has  actually 
happened  twice,  and  may  happen  again.  In  November  a  squadron  of  German 
battle-cruisers  and  armoured  cruisers  made  a  raid  against  Yarmouth  and 
fired  a  number  of  shells  at  the  town,  fortunately  without  causing  any  injury.  In 
December  this  raid  was  repeated  against  Hartlepool,  Scarborough,  and  Whitby, 
when — in  defiance  of  all  the  laws  of  war — open  towns  were  bombarded  and  a 
large  number  of  women,  children,  and  non-combatants  were  killed  or  injured. 


834          THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR. 

British  strategy  made  provision  against  serious  military  attacks  promising 
the  enemy  valuable  results,  but  not  against  mere  piracy  and  murder.  The 
British  strategists  were  undoubtedly  wrong  when  they  credited  Germany  with  a 
humanity  which  she  did  not  possess,  and  forgot  that,  at  the  Hague  Conference 
of  1907.  the  German  delegates  had  betrayed  the  German  Admiralty's  intention 
to  repudiate  all  restraints,  whether  legal  or  ethical. 

The  apparent  impotence  of  the  British  Navy  in  the  face  of  the  German 
raiders  undoubtedly  led  to  searching  of  heart,  and  may  even  have  produced  in 
some  quarters  an  impression  that  the  Admiralty  and  its  Admirals  had  failed  the 
country  in  a  great  emergency.  There  would  have  been  no  such  impression 
had  the  fact  been  disclosed  that  on  each  occasion  the  Germans  had  the  narrowest 
of  escapes.  On  the  first  raid  the  Germans  got  away  by  the  skin  of  their  teeth, 
losing  the  large  armoured  cruiser  Yorck  on  one  of  their  own  mines  in  so  doing. 
On  the  second  raid,  they  were  saved  by  a  thick  fog  which  came  down  when  they 
were  fairly  trapped,  with  the  British  battle-cruiser  squadron  on  one  side  of 
them  and  the  Second  Battle  Squadron  in  overwhelming  force  on  the  other  side. 
Aided  by  the  fog,  they  altered  course  and  were  lost  to  view.  Yet,  even  so,  they 
did  not  get  off  scatheless.  The  battle  cruiser  Von  der  Tann  was  put  out  of 
action  for  some  weeks,  as  the  result  of  a  collision  with  the  light  cruiser  Frauenkb 
in  the  fog. 

After  two  such  narrow  escapes,  it  was  morally  certain  that  they  would  be 
caught  when  they  next  attempted  a  raid.    And  this  actually  happened.     On 
January  25  a  force  of  three  German  battle  cruisers  and  one  large  armoured  cruiser 
(Blucher),  with  numerous  light  cruisers  and  destroyers,  was  sighted  off  the  Dogger 
Bank  by  the  British  small  craft  and  by  five  British  battle  cruisers  under  V ice- 
Admiral  Sir  David  Beatty,  28,000  yards  away.    The  Germans  showed  none  of 
the  spirit  of  the  offensive.     On  the  contrary,  though  the  odds  against  them  were 
by  no  means  hopeless  had  they  been  well  handled,  they  turned  and  made  ofi[ 
at  top  speed,  pursued  by  the  British.    A  squadron  which  bolts  in  this  fashio: 
is  bound  to  lose  its  slower  ships,  and  if  vigorously  chased  and  attacked  may  be 
completely  destroyed.     The  British  gained  slowly  on  the  Blucher,  the  weakest 
and  slowest  of  the  German  ships,  engaged,  and  inflicted  on  her  terrible  damage ;  i 
of  the  other  German  ships,  one  was  badly  on  fire  and  a  second  showed  signs  of  j 
injury.     Unfortunately,  at  this  juncture,  when  Admiral  Beatty  had  the  battl« 
in  his  hands,  his  flagship  was  struck  by  a  lucky  shot  which  temporarily  reduced! 
her  speed,  and  she  dropped  far  behind  the  other  ships.    While  he  was  shifting 
his  flag,  the  action  was  broken  off  by  his  second  in  command  and  the  othe* 
British  battle  cruiseis  retired,  only  the  Blucher  having  been  sunk. 

The  victory  was  thus  far  from  complete.  But  nevertheless  it  definitely 
established  the  moral  ascendancy  of  the  British  Navy  over  the  German.  The 
British  suffered  the  most  trifling  loss  in  men  and  the  damage  to  the  British  ships 
was  slight.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Derfflinger  is  known  to  have  been  badly 
injured  and  to  have  lost  nearly  one  third  of  her  crew.  Even  more  important 
than  these  material  results  was  the  confidence  in  British  leadership  and  gunnery 
which  was  established  by  the  battle.  Before  it  there  was  some  anxiety  lest 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR.  335 

the  German  shooting  might  be  equal  or  superior  to  our  own.  Actually  it  proved 
distinctly  inferior  ;  and  the  abandonment  of  their  comrades  in  the  Elucher 
could  not  have  produced  a  good  effect  on  the  German  crews. 

Since  this  battle  there  have  been  hints  from  many  quarters  in  Germany 
that  the  German  people  must  not  expect  its  fleet  to  fight  the  British  in  a  pitched 
engagement.  Admiral  von  Koester  was  put  up,  almost  immediately  after  the 
loss  of  the  Blucher,  to  announce  that  the  German  fleet  would  only  accept  battle 
if  it  could  do  so  with  every  prospect  of  victory.  Such  a  prospect  it  can  never 
enjoy  in  face  of  the  large  numerical  preponderance  of  the  British  Navy  and 
the  superiority  of  British  gunnery,  unless,  what  is  altogether  improbable,  we 
suppose  that  the  British  Admiralty  is  suddenly  visited  with  sheer  dementia. 
One  of  the  chief  organs  of  the  armament  industry,  the  Ehenisch-Westfdlische 
Zeitung,  has  even  admitted  that  without  some  new  weapon  or  some  startling 
submarine  success  Germany  cannot  look  to  obtain  the  mastery  of  the  sea. 
But  no  new  weapon — whether  mine,  submarine,  or  aircraft — is  in  the  least  likely 
to  destroy  the  ascendancy  of  the  British  battleships,  battle  cruisers,  and  de- 
stroyers. Indeed,  the  new  weapons  have  proved  on  the  whole  disappointing. 
All  were  tested  in  this  very  Battle  of  the  North  Sea.  Mines  were  dropped 
by  the  escaping  German  cruisers  ;  submarines  bobbed  up  in  the  path  of  the 
British  squadron  ;  aircraft  appeared  to  attack  them  from  overhead.  All 
were  powerless  against  well-handled  ships,  though  these  various  menaces, 
perhaps,  had  some  effect  in  leading  the  battle  to  be  broken  off  before  the  German 
squadron  had  been  completely  destroyed. 

As  for  the  submarine,  it  cannot  be  said  to  have  fulfilled  Sir  Percy  Scott's 
anticipations  before  the  war,  though  hereafter,  as  it  is  improved  and  perfected, 
it  will  become  extremely  dangerous,  and  may  compel  the  British  people  to 
abandon  their  reliance  on  imported  food.  It  has  not  yet  caused  any  funda- 
mental change  in  the  conditions  of  war  at  sea,  but  it  is  undoubtedly  true 
that  its  development  has  given  the  weaker  Navy  a  power  of  causing  annoyance 
and  loss  to  the  stronger  which  did  not  exist  in  the  same  degree  in  the  past. 
The  old  line-of-battle  ship  had  nothing  to  fear,  in  a  military  way,  from  any  craft 
smaller  than  herself,  after  the  fire-ship  had  been  discarded.  The  modern  line- 
of-battle  ship,  however,  may  be  sunk  by  the  submarine's  torpedo,  unless  an 
extraordinary  degree  of  vigilance  is  maintained,  and  elaborate  precautions 
jare  taken.  It  is  necessary  to  have  destroyers  always  at  hand  in  numbers  when 
Submarines  are  about,  and  in  the  British  Navy  the  destroyer  has  tended  to 
become  an  anti-submarine — perhaps  because  the  German  destroyers  have 
proved  so  inferior  in  battle  that  they  dare  not  come  out  and  face  the  powerful 
guns  of  our  boats. 

The  strategic  impotence  of  the  submarine  is  best  proved  by  the  failure  of 
the  Kaiser's  flotilla  to  torpedo  a  single  British  transport  or  battleship.  It  is 
possible  that  this  amazing  record  of  immunity  will  be  broken  hereafter ;  for 
'here  is  no  doubt  that  the  German  crews  are  improving  with  practice  and  that 
large  German  boats  in  considerable  numbers  are  being  completed.  But  against 
this  may  be  set  the  introduction  of  better  methods  of  anti-submarine  warfare 


886        THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR. 

in  the  British  Navy.  A  magnificent  feat  has  been  accomplished  by  that  Nary 
in  preventing  any  deadly  submarine  attack  upon  our  transports  or  our  trade. 
What  successes  the  German  under- water  craft  have  gained  in  their  "  blockade  " 
have  been  won,  for  the  best  part,  against  merchantmen  of  small  size  and  low 
speed  in  British  waters.  Even  here  the  German  submarines  have  not  as  yet 
proved  so  dangerous  to  property  as  were  the  French  and  American  privateers 
which,  in  the  closing  years  of  the  Napoleonic  war,  infested  the  Channel  and 
Irish  Sea.  These  sailing  vessels  were  so  fast  that  they  could  laugh  at  the 
efforts  of  our  warships  to  catch  them. 

The  best  proof  of  the  strength  and  efficiency  of  the  Navy  is  perhaps  to  be 
found  in  the  remarkable  control  of  the  sea  which  it  has  obtained,  and  which 
it  exercises  in  conjunction  with  the  Allied  fleets.  Insurance  rates  are  little 
above  normal,  and  are  lower  than  at  any  time  in  the  Napoleonic  war.  The 
advance  in  the  cost  of  food  in  this  country  has  not  been  caused  by  any  action 
of  the  enemy's  fleet  or  cruisers,  but  by  shortage  of  crops,  by  the  scarcity  of 
tonnage,  owing  to  the  disappearance  of  the  German  marine  from  the  sea,  and 
by  the  employment  of  one-fifth  of  the  British  mercantile  marine  on  naval  and 
transport  duties.  The  Navy  has  carried  out  this  work  of  moving  the  oversea 
forces  to  Europe,  and  to  the  various  points  at  which  attacks  were  delivered  on 
the  enemy's  territory,  and  from  Great  Britain  to  France,  with  faultless  organisa- 
tion and  brilliant  success.  There  has  been  nothing  like  it  in  any  war  of  the  past. 
The  rise  in  food  and  in  prices  has  been  far  less  than  was  anticipated  by  the  most 
sanguine  thinkers  before  the  War.  To-day  there  is  not  one  single  German 
commence -destroyer  at  large. 

By  far  the  most  interesting  operation  in  which  the  Navy  has  engaged  is 
the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles  forts.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  success  here 
might  change  the  whole  aspect  of  the  War,  Eussia  urgently  needs  supplies  of 
ammunition,  equipment,  and  arms  for  the  multitude  of  reserves  which  she  is 
calling  up,  and  they  cannot  be  poured  in  with  the  necessary  speed  by  the  only 
routes  now  open — Archangel  and  the  Siberian  railway.  If  the  Black  Sea  route 
could  be  cleared  it  is  ideal  for  the  importation  of  these  military  requisites.  The 
naval  force  available  is  extremely  powerful,  consisting  mainly  of  old  British 
and  French  battleships  with  a  few  modern  British  units,  conspicuous  among 
them  the  magnificent  new  Queen  Elizabeth,  mounting  eight  gigantic  15-in. 
guns  with  shells  of  nearly  a  ton  weight,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  Navy's 
reply  to  the  German  17-in.  howitzers  on  land. 

Until  recent  years  it  was  held  that  ships  could  not  engage  forts  without 
incurring  every  risk  of  disaster.  Ericsson,  the  inventor  of  the  Monitor,  has 
said  that  "  one  gun  in  a  fort  is  worth  a  hundred  afloat  "  ;  and  Mahan  expressed 
the  same  view,  though  more  cautiously.  But  conditions  have  been  radically 
altered  by  three  facts :  the  development  of  modern  scientific  gunnery  ;  the 
introduction  of  the  Dreadnought  type,  with  its  large  battery  of  well-protected, 
heavy  long-range  guns  ;  and  the  apparition  of  aircraft,  which  give  the  means 
of  directing  the  fire  of  such  guns  against  invisible  targets  at  an  enormous 
distance.  In  1878,  when  Admiral  Hornby  was  ordered  to  force  the  Dardanelles, 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR.        887 

the  maximum  effective  range  of  a  warship's  guns  was  1,000  yards  ;  the  average 
of  hits  at  that  range  was  10  per  cent.  ;  and  the  rate  of  fire  from  each  gun,  one 
shot  in  four  or  five  minutes.  Now  the  range  is  anything  under  20,000  yards 
for  the  bigger  guns  ;  the  average  of  hits  at  that  range  probably  25  per  cent.  ; 
and  the  rate  of  fire  can  be  raised  to  one  or  two  rounds  a  minute.  Thus  ships 
which  mount  this  powerful  long-range  ordnance  when  attacking  forts  can,  if 
there  is  abundance  of  sea-room,  place  themselves  so  that  the  forts  cannot  reply, 
and  can  destroy  them  in  succession  with  concentrated  fire. 

If  it  is  necessary  to  approach  to  closer  quarters,  the  old  ships,  provided  they 
are  available  in  large  numbers,  can  be  used  with  effect.  Their  chief  defect  for 
fighting  at  sea — want  of  speed — is  no  handicap  on  them  when  engaging  stationary 
objects  ashore.  They  have  certain  advantages  in  their  thick  armour,  their 
concentration  of  force  and  their  rapidity  of  fire  from  their  smaller  guns,  which 
gives  them  the  power  to  smother  the  fort  in  dust  and  splinters  thrown  up  by 
their  projectiles.  Guns  in  forts  are  rarely  so  well  mounted  as  in  ships ;  and  gun- 
crews ashore  do  not  often  reach  the  degree  of  rapidity  and  precision  attained 
afloat  in  the  great  navies.  On  the  other  hand,  if  a  fort  is  to  be  silenced  its  guns 
must  actually  be  hit,  whereas  a  ship  can  be  destroyed  or  disabled  by  attacking 
her  on  the  water-line  or  wrecking  her  hull  with  shell  fire. 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  attack  arise  largely  from  the  hydrographical 
conditions.  Sea-room  is  wanting  when  the  straits  are  entered.  The  channel 
is  narrow  and  tortuous ;  for  nearly  forty  miles  it  is  commanded  by  powerful 
batteries.  The  current,  setting  strongly  towards  the  Mediterranean,  brings 
down  floating  mines  against  which  mine-sweepers  cannot  guard  and  which 

ihave  caused  the  loss  of  three  old  battleships.  The  loss  of  the  submarine  E  15, 
which  grounded  during  a  reconnaissance,  may  also  have  been  partly  due  to 
the  currents.  Moreover,  if  the  passage  of  merchantmen  to  the  Black  Sea  is 
to  be  assured,  it  is  not  enough  for  the  warships  to  silence  the  forts  or  run  past 
them.  The  coast  on  either  side  of  the  straits  must  be  firmly  held,  and  this 
can  only  be  accomplished  by  a  considerable  military  force  now  that  the  Turks 
have  been  given  ample  warning. 

The  attack  on  the  Dardanelles  has  provided  work  for  the  large  surplus  of 
force  which  the  Allies  possess.  The  British  and  French  pre-Dreadnoughts, 
which  are  being  largely  utilised  for  this  operation,  are  not  required  in  the  North 
Sea,  where,  indeed,  they  are  only  in  the  way  and  a  source  of  danger  from  their 
low  speed  and  liability  to  submarine  attacks.  It  is  always  sound  policy  to 
utilise  your  entire  force  against  the  enemy,  continuously  and  concurrently ; 
and  the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles  took  pressure  off  the  Kussian  army  in  the 
Caucasus  and  the  British  army  in  Egypt.  It  compelled  the  German  masters 
of  the  Turks  to  concentrate  the  Turkish  army  near  Constantinople,  when  they 
had  intended  to  use  it  to  cow  Bulgaria,  divert  Eussian  reinforcements  from 
Poland,  and  interrupt  traffic  through  the  Suez  Canal. 

On  one  vexed  point  of  policy  the  War,  and  the  events  which  immediately 
preceded  it,  have  shed  light — the  question  whether  it  is  best  for  the  Dominions 
to  maintain  navies  of  their  own  in  time  of  peace,  or,  in  place  of  building  ships, 


338        THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR. 

to  contribute  money  to  the  British  Navy.  Australia  followed  the  first  course. 
As  the  result  she  had  one  battle  cruiser  (the  Australia),  two  light  cruisers,  three 
destroyers,  and  two  submarines  in  Australian  waters  when  war  broke  out.  This 
was  fortunate,  as  Admiral  von  Spee's  powerful  fleet  escaped  from  Tsingtau  and 
eluded  the  British  China  squadron.  But  for  the  Australian  force,  the  Australian 
coast  would  probably  have  been  raided  and  the  Australian  coast  towns  laid 
under  contribution  or  destroyed.  That  would  have  been  a  grievous  humiliation 
for  the  Empire  and  for  the  Mother  Country.  Moreover,  when  the  chase  of  von 
Spee  began,  the  Australia  was  in  a  good  position  to  head  him  off  and  drive 
him  east. 

The  other  plan  was  tried  by  New  Zealand.  She  built  a  battle  cruiser  at 
her  own  cost,  but — under  pressure  from  the  British  Admiralty — with  signal 
patriotism  placed  the  ship  at  the  British  Government's  disposal.  As  the 
result,  the  British  Treasury  forced  the  British  naval  authorities  to  reduce  the 
meagre  shipbuilding  proposals  by  the  equivalent  of  one  battle. cruiser.  So 
that  New  Zealand's  disinterestedness  did  not  actually  strengthen  the  British 
Navy.  A  ship,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  built  by  the  Mother  Country 
was  built  at  New  Zealand's  expense.  Had  New  Zealand  retained  control  of 
her  ship,  an  extra  Dreadnought  must  have  been  laid  down  by  Great  Britain. 
And  in  that  case  it  is  probable  that,  had  the  New  Zealand  ship  been  stationed 
in  China  waters,  as  was  originally  intended,  von  Spee  would  have  been  destroyed 
at  the  outset  of  his  career  and  the  Emden  would  never  have  escaped  to  commit 
depredations  on  British  commerce.  The  loss  of  the  Good  Hope  and  Monmouih, 
with  the  gallant  Cradock  and  1,500  lives,  would  have  been  averted — the  one 
serious  defeat  which  the  British  Navy  has  sustained  in  the  War. 

In  the  management  of  the  naval  campaign  the  Admiralty  has  shown  great 
energy  and  insight,  especially  since  the  advent  of  Lord  Fisher  to  Whitehall. 
No  one  would  pretend  that  mistakes  have  not  been  made  ;  but  they  have  been 
few,  and  they  have  been  promptly  retrieved.  The  expedition  to  Antwerp  has 
been  bitterly  assailed.  To  the  writer  it  seems  justifiable,  for  two  reasons — 
because  it  delayed  the  movement  of  German  reinforcements  against  Ypres  and 
Calais  at  a  most  critical  moment,  and  because  it  enabled  Englishmen  to  suffer 
and  die,  side  by  side  with  the  heroic  Belgian  army,  in  defence  of  a  Belgian  city. 
The  dispatch  of  Cradock  with  a  weak  squadron  to  the  Pacific  was  more 
unfortunate  and  indefensible. 

In  the  department  of  naval  construction  and  the  design  of  ships,  the  War  has 
entirely  justified  the  foresight  of  Lord  Fisher  and  the  emphasis  which  he  laid 
upon  heavy  guns  and  high  speed.  The  Dreadnought  type  has  abundantly 
vindicated  itself  against  those  who  taught  that  the  more  rapid  fire  of  a  number 
of  small  guns  would  prevail  against  the  limited  number  of  projectiles  discharged 
by  ships  armed  only  with  large  guns.  In  every  engagement  in  this  War,  victory 
has  gone  to  the  bigger  guns.  The  most  decisive  test  was  applied  in  the  Battle  of 
Coronel.  Admiral  Cradock's  two  British  armoured  cruisers  fired  on  the  broad- 
side a  slightly  heavier  weight  of  metal  in  a  given  time  than  Admiral  von  Spee's 
two  big  ships.  But  whereas  the  Germans  could  bring  twelve  heavy  long-range 
guns  to  bear,  the  British  bad  only  two,  the  rest  of  their  fire  being  delivered 


THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR.          339 

from  smaller  weapons.  Von  Spee  chose  a  range  at  which  the  larger  guns  could, 
and  the  smaller  guns  could  not,  fire  with  effect.  In  such  conditions  the  British 
were  overpowered  and  destroyed  and  all  their  heroic  gallantry  did  not  save  them. 
Theold  saying,  "  Men  fight,  not  ships,"  is  proved  by  this  instance,  and  by  every 
event  in  this  War  to  be  no  longer  true,  if  indeed  it  ever  was.  The  best  men  with 
bad  or  weakly  armed  ships  are  mere  food  for  fishes  ;  as  an  infantryman  armed 
with  a  Brown  Bess  would  stand  no  chance,  whatever  his  bravery,  against  an 
opponent  armed  with  a  Lee-Enfield  magazine.  "  Tons  and  guns  "  do  count  in 
war,  and  we  may  all  be  thankful  that  they  were  on  our  side  at  sea. 

So  von  Spee's  ships,  when  they  were  attacked  by  the  British  battle  cruisers, 
were  defeated  and  destroyed  with  appalling  ease.  That  they  were  not  sunk 
in  the  first  few  minutes  of  battle  was  seemingly  due  to  the  fact  that  Admiral 
Sturdee,  the  British  admiral,  twice  reduced  speed  and  thereby  increased  the 
range.  On  this  occasion  the  German  8'2-in.  firing  a  275-lb.  shell  was 
matched  against  the  British  12-in.  weapon,  firing  an  850-lb.  shell.  The  Germans 
never  had  a  dog's  chance,  and  they  were  sent  to  the  bottom  with  only  some 
scratches  to  one  man  on  board  the  two  large  British  ships.  So,  again,  in  the 
Battle  of  Heligoland.  The  British  destroyers  with  their  heavy  armament  of 
4-in.  guns  utterly  routed  the  German  destroyers.  So,  too,  in  the  Battle  of 
the  North  Sea.  The  British  battle  cruisers  with  their  armament  of  13'5-in. 
and  12-in.  guns  enjoyed  a  marked  advantage  over  the  German  ships,  armed 
as  these  were  with  12-in.  and  11-in.  weapons. 

In  the  minor  actions  the  heavier  gun  won  as  invariably.  The  Sydney  shot 
the  Emden  to  pieces  with  trifling  loss  to  her  own  crew  because  she  carried  the 
6-in.  gun,  whereas  the  Emden  had  nothing  heavier  than  the  4-in.  weapon. 

The  value  of  speed  in  cruisers  has  also  been  demonstrated.  The  Karlsruhe 
eluded  the  British  cruisers  twice  at  least,  because  she  could  show  them  a  clean 
pair  of  heels  ;  while  the  extremely  high  speed  of  the  new  British  light  cruisers 
which  are  stationed  in  the  North  Sea  is  one  of  the  causes  that  have  paralysed 
the  German  light  cruisers  and  their  destroyer  flotillas  in  European  waters. 
Again,  in  the  Battle  of  the  North  Sea,  but  for  the  high  speed  of  the  British 
battle  cruisers  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  overtake  the  enemy.  This 
is  a  point  of  no  little  importance,  as  critics  of  the  battle  cruiser  type  before  the 
War  alleged  that  its  speed  was  extravagant  and  excessive.  They  forgot  that 
to  cook  your  hare  it  is  first  necessary  to  catch  it — to  sink  a  German  ship  she 
must  be  overtaken.  There  would  have  been  bitter  outcries  and  a  sense  of 
naval  impotence  had  the  Germans  been  able  with  impunity  to  continue  their 
raids  on  the  British  coast. 

The  Navy  in  this  terrific  struggle  has  received  magnificent  assistance  from 
the  men  of  the  merchant  service  and  the  fishing  fleet.  Our  older  battle- 
ships and  cruisers  have  been  in  large  part  manned  from  the  merchant  service, 
which  has  also  provided  crews  for  a  large  number  of  armed  liners.  The  Naval 
reservists  have  rendered  splendid  aid,  and  displayed  courage  as  calm  as  their 
comrades  in  the  active  ranks  of  the  Royal  Navy.  No  men  would  have  behaved 
better  than  the  reservist  seamen  and  stokers  of  the  Cressy,  Aboukir,  and  Rogue, 
who  touched  with  glory  a  scene  of  disaster  and  death.  The  Carmania,  with  a 


840       THE  WORK  OF  THE  NAVY  IN  THE  WAR. 

crew  mainly  drawn  from  the  merchant  service,  fought  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
actions  of  the  War  against  the  German  armed  liner,  Cap  Trafalgar.  In  the 
face  of  the  German  submarine  attacks  the  British  merchant  service  has  steadily 
refused  to  be  frightened,  and  has  gone  about  its  work  with  a  sublime  coolness. 

The  ever-growing  flotillas  of  trawlers  and  yachts  employed  in  mine-sweeping 
and  patrol  work  in  the  narrow  seas  have  been  mainly  manned  by  fishermen 
and  yachtsmen.  Their  work,  if  inconspicuous,  has  been  heroic,  carried  out 
in  bitter  weather  and  in  the  presence  of  constant  danger.  So  well  have  they 
done  their  duty  that  the  loss  to  the  Navy  from  the  enemy's  mines  has  been 
insignificant,  for  if  we  except  the  super-Dreadnought  Audacious,  which, 
according  to  American  reports,  was  sunk  early  in  the  War,  the  only  British 
warships  lost  from  this  cause  have  been  the  small  cruiser  Amyhion  and  a  sub- 
marine. There  has  been  a  longer  list  of  casualties  in  the  merchant  service  and 
fishing  fleet,  but  several  of  the  ships  lost  were  sacrificed  through  the  neglect 
of  orders  issued  by  the  Admiralty. 

No  notice  of  the  work  of  the  Navy  would  be  complete  without  a  reference  to 
the  services  of  the  naval  wing  of  the  Royal  Flying  Corps,  who  have  proved 
their  valour  and  skill  by  work  both  over  land  and  at  sea.  Naval  airmen  raided 
and  wrecked  the  Zeppelin  works  at  Friedrichshafen  and  the  Zeppelin  shed  at 
Dusseldorf.  They  attacked  the  German  submarine  base  at  Zeebrugge  and 
effected  an  interesting  reconnaissance  against  Cuxhaven.  The  small  British 
airships  have  not  been  employed  for  offensive  action,  though  they  have  rendered 
good  service  in  watching  the  Channel  while  transports  were  crossing.  The 
huge  German  Zeppelins,  however,  have  so  far  proved  singularly  feeble  instru- 
ments for  any  other  purpose  than  the  murder  of  non-combatants.  Attempts 
to  use  them  for  the  attack  on  shipping  have  hitherto  failed  signally,  and  in 
February  a  large  naval  Zeppelin  and  a  huge  Sehutte-Lanz  rigid  airship  were 
caught  by  storms  and  destroyed.  No  Zeppelin  has  yet  attempted  to  engage 
battleships,  and  thus  one  hope  of  the  German  public  has  been  bitterly  dis- 
appointed. Six  months  ago  every  German  believed  that  Zeppelins  and  sub- 
marines would  make  an  end  of  British  naval  supremacy. 

Thus  we  hold  the  mastery  of  the  sea  and  there  is  little  probability  of  that 
hold  being  weakened.  Large  numbers  of  powerful  new  ships  are  approaching 
completion  for  the  British,  French,  and  Russian  navies,  while  the  powerful 
German  ships  in  an  advanced  stage  of  construction  are  comparatively  few. 
The  Allied  ascendancy  will  grow  with  time,  until  in  the  near  future  it  may  be 
possible  to  enter  the  Baltic.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  vast  superiority  will 
be  used  to  the  utmost.  Hitherto,  while  Germany  has  repudiated  all  the  lawa 
of  naval  war  and  humanity  the  British  Government  has  refused  to  exert  against 
her  the  full  pressure  of  sea  power  and  has  permitted — with  a  stupefying  negli- 
gence— the  strategic  and  economic  fruits  of  naval  supremacy  to  be  nullified 
by  the  very  treaties  and  declarations  which  Germany  disregards.  Even  to-day 
cotton — an  indispensable  ingredient  in  German  ammunition — is  permitted  to 
pass  our  blockading  cordon. 

H.  W.  WILSON. 


S41 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

II. — THE  IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  (DEFENCE)  COMMITTEE  :    1894-1906. 

"  Britain's  Fleet  is  the  instrument  of  power  and  the  symbol  of  her  unity.  British 
ships  of  war  are  the  safeguard  of  Colonial  liberty,  and  the  natural  chain  which 
holds  the  scattered  communities  together.  The  Fleet,  therefore,  ought  to  be  one. 
Division  is  weakness,  and  the  old  story  of  the  bundle  of  sticks  has  here  its  proper 
application.  Let  there  be  one  Navy,  under  the  rule  of  a  single  Admiralty — a 
Navy  in  which  the  Colonies  shall  be  as  much  interested  as  the  Mother  Country, 
which  shall  be  theirs  as  well  as  hers,  and  on  which  they  may  all  rely  in  time  of 
danger." — The  late  Eight  Hon.  W.  B.  Dalley,  Chief  Secretary  of  New  South 
Wales. 

The  above  quotation  represents  in  a  few  words  the  general  attitude  of 
those  who,  on  the  dissolution  of  the  Imperial  Federation  League  in  1893,  formed 
themselves  into  the  Imperial  Federation  (Defence)  Committee.  While  adopting 
the  Resolutions  passed  by  the  Conference  which  founded  the  Imperial  Federation 
League  in  1884,  in  favour  of  combining  on  an  equitable  basis  the  resources  of 
the  Empire  for  the  maintenance  of  common  interests,  and  adequately  providing 
for  an  organised  defence  of  common  rights,  the  members  of  the  Committee 
recognised  in  the  following  Eesolutions  the  lessons  to  be  drawn  from  the  nine 
years'  working  of  the  League,  viz. : — 

1 .  That  an  adequate  system  of  Maritime  Defence  is  the  primary  necessity  common 
to  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 

2.  That  such  a  system  of  defence  does  not  exist  under  present  conditions. 

3.  That,  if  the  self-governing  Colonies  take  their  share  in  the  cost  of  such  a  system 
of  defence,  they  must  have  a  proportionate  share  in  its  administration  and  control ; 
and  if  those  Colonies  are  not  willing  to  take  their  share  in  a  common  system  of  defence 
it  is  evident  that  Federation  is  not  practicable,  whatever  arrangements  may  be  proposed 
or  adopted  as  regards  interchange  of  commerce,  means  of  inter-communication, 
monetary  standards,  &c. 

4.  That,  given  a  common  system  of  Maritime  Defence,  provided  and  controlled 
by  a  body  in  which  all  parts  of  the  Empire  are  represented,  the  Federation  of  the  Empire 
is  attained,  so  far  as  essentials  are  concerned. 

5.  That  combination  for  the  defence  of  common  interests  is  therefore — as  was 
recognised  in  1884 — the  one  essential  point,  and  the  test  of  the  practicability  of  Imperial 
Federation. 

6.  That  proposals  involving  participation  by  them  in  the  cost  of  general  Maritime 
security,  which  has  hitherto  been  enjoyed  without  expense,  cannot  be  expected  to 
come,  in  the  first  instance,  from  Colonial  Governments. 

It  was  therefore  the  first  aim  of  the  Committee  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
people  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  the  anomalous  and  precarious  state  of  affairs 
then  existing,  and  to  induce  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  make  to  those 
Colonial  Governments,  in  an  official  manner,  such  statements  as  to  the  means 


342      KINDRED  SOCIETIES-PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

by  which  defence  was  provided,  and  such  proposals  regarding  the  future  as 
would  elicit  from  them  an  expression  as  to  their  willingness  to  take  part  in  such 
a  combination. 

The  Committee,  whose  operations  were  confined  to  the  United  Kingdom, 
proceeded  soon  after  its  formation  to  print  and  circulate  various  pamphlets, 
and  in  1895  addressed  His  Majesty's  Ministers  on  the  subject  of  a  closer  partici- 
pation on  the  part  of  the  Colonies  in  the  provision  of  the  Maritime  Defence 
of  the  Empire,  urging  that  steps  should  be  taken  to  afford  them  a  share  in  the 
administration  of  the  Royal  Navy  corresponding  to  their  contribution  to  its 
support.  The  Committee  pointed  out  that  an  opportunity  of  taking  their 
share  in  the  common  defence  of  the  Empire  had  not  been  offered  to  the  people 
of  the  Colonies,  and  it  fully  recognised  that  the  Colonies  could  not  be  compelled 
to  accept  the  proposed  invitation  and  that  it  was  within  their  right  to  decline 
it.  In  the  same  Memorandum  the  Committee  congratulated  the  Government 
on  the  establishment  of  a  Council  of  National  Defence  (under  the  presidency  of 
the  Duke  of  Devonshire),  which  had  already  been  advocated  by  the  Committee 
as  a  ready  means  of  providing  for  the  representation  of  the  Colonies. 

Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain  assured  the  Committee  their  communication  would 
have  his  "  anxious  attention,"  and  he  fully  redeemed  his  pledge  at  the  1897 
Colonial  Conference.  He  declared  at  that  Conference  that  "  there  is  a  real 
necessity  for  some  better  machinery  of  consultation  between  the  self-governing 
Colonies  and  the  Mother  Country,"  and  proposed  to  the  Premiers  "  that  it 
might  be  feasible  to  create  a  great  Council  of  the  Empire  to  which  the  Colonies 
would  send  representative  plenipotentiaries."  Mr.  Chamberlain  then  proceeded 
to  identify  himself  still  more  closely  with  the  position  of  the  Committee.  He 
placed  Imperial  Defence  "  in  the  very  first  rank  "  of  Federal  questions  to  be 
dealt  with  by  that  body,  showed  the  enormous  cost  of  the  Royal  Navy  to 
British  taxpayers,  and  pointed  out  that  it  is  "  not  maintained  exclusively,  or 
even  mainly,  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  Kingdom,  or  for  the  benefit  of  home 
interests  ....  every  war,  great  or  small,  in  which  we  have  been  engaged, 
having  had  at  the  bottom  a  Colonial  interest."  He  declared  that  "  nothing 
could  be  more  suicidal  than  for  any  of  those  great  groups  of  Colonies  to  neglect 
themselves  to  take  their  fair  share  in  the  protective  resources  of  the  Mother 
Country."  Finally,  having  urged  upon  the  Premiers  "  that  we  have  a  common 
interest  in  the  matter,"  he  invited  those  assembled  with  him  to  express  them- 
selves as  to  the  willingness  of  their  Colonies  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  Navy,  in  the  following  words  : — "  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  hear  the  views 
of  the  Premiers  in  regard  to  this  question  of  any  contribution  which  they  think 
the  Colonies  would  be  willing  to  make  in  order  to  establish  this  principle  in 
regard  to  the  naval  defence  of  the  Empire." 

Though  the  results  of  the  Conference  were  not  all  that  the  Committee 
desired,  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  organising  a  deputation  to  Sir  Gordon 
Sprigg  (then  Premier  of  Cape  Colony)  to  congratulate  him  upon  the  Resolution 
of  the  Cape  Legislature  declaring  that  the  time  had  arrived  when  steps  should 
be  taken  to  arrange  some  basis  of  contribution  by  the  Cape  Colony  towards 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.       343 

the  Imperial  Navy.  In  his  reply,  Sir  Gordon  Sprigg,  in  addressing  the  Committee 
on  the  subject  generally,  said  : — "  I  feel  that  in  taking  up  the  position  which 
you  do  you  are  standing  upon  sure  ground.  I  can  see  that  the  unity  of  the 
Empire  may  be  worked  on  the  grounds  that  you  rely  upon — this  question  of 
Imperial  Defence."  The  annual  contribution  of  £30,000  subsequently  proposed 
by  the  Hon.  W.  P.  Schreiner  (who  had  succeeded  Sir  Gordon  Sprigg  as  Premier 
of  the  Cape)  was  voted  by  the  Cape  Parliament,  and  recognised  for  the  first 
time,  in  the  words  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  "  the  principle  of  a  common 
responsibility  for  the  Naval  Defence  of  the  Empire." 

In  March  of  1900,  the  Imperial  Federation  (Defence)  Committee  again 
approached  the  Prime  Minister  (Lord  Salisbury),  and,  in  view  of  the  patriotic 
assistance  furnished  by  the  Oversea  Dominions  in  the  South  African  War,  the 
Committee  urged  that  the  matter  of  Imperial  Eepresentation  should  be  seriously 
dealt  with  by  the  Government.  "  From  the  Colonial  standpoint,"  the  Com- 
mittee considered,  "  the  loyal  and  willing  service,  which  is  at  this  moment 
being  rendered  to  the  Empire  by  thousands  of  Colonial  troops  gathered  from 
its  extremities  to  fight  in  South  Africa,  merits  the  frank  recognition  of  their 
right  to  share  not  only  in  the  hardships  and  the  dangers  of  the  battle-field  but 
also  in  the  councils  of  the  Empire." 

"  The  Colonies  have  shown  that  they  are  not  only  ready  to  send  their 
sons  to  fight  in  the  quarrel  of  the  Empire,  but  that  they  send  them,  at  consider- 
able expense  to  themselves,  equipped  and  ready  to  take  the  field,  proving  that 
both  in  person  and  in  pocket  they  are  prepared  to  share  the  burden  which  must 
fall  upon  the  shoulders  of  those  who  undertake  Imperial  functions. 

"  From  the  foregoing  it  will  appear  that  while,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Colonies 
have  well  earned  their  right  to  recognition  as  full  citizens  of  the  Empire,  on  the 
other  hand  the  assistance  of  eleven  million  people,  both  in  men  and  in  money, 
is  most  desirable  in  order  to  provide  for  future  security. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  and  in  view  of  the  strong  desire  now  being 
evinced  by  the  British  people  for  the  better  organisation  of  the  Empire  to 
which  they  belong,  the  Committee  ventures  to  suggest  to  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment that  a  Conference  of  representatives  of  the  self-governing  Colonies  of  the 
Empire  be  summoned,  at  an  early  date,  to  consider  with  Her  Majesty's  Ministers 
the  best  means  of  organising  the  resources  of  the  Empire  for  its  defence." 

The  Committee  offered  the  following  suggestions  as  a  basis  for  discussion — 

(a)  That  an  Imperial  Council  be  established,  as  proposed  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  in 
1897,  and  as  recommended  to  a  former  Government  in  1893  by  the  Imperial  Federation 
League. 

(b)  That  an  Imperial  Fund  be  established,  to  which  all  moneys  voted  by  the  Parlia- 
ments of  the  self-governing  countries  for  the  general  defence  of  the  Empire,  for  such 
term  of  years  as  may  be  agreed  upon,  should  be  paid. 

(c)  That  the  administration  of  this  Fund  should  be  vested  in  the  Imperial  Council. 

(d)  That  the  Council  should  be  cognisant  of  all  matters  of  foreign  policy  necessary 
to  enable  it  to  deal  adequately  with  questions  of  defence. 

(e)  That  the  Royal  Navy,  to  be  maintained  at  the  cost  of  all  the  self-governing 


844       KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

countries  of  the  Empire,  be  the  only  Navy  in  the  Empire,  and  that  it  be  administered 
by  the  Board  of  Admiralty  under  the  supervision  of  the  Imperial  Council. 

(/)  That  the  Military  forces  of  the  Empire  be  reorganised  upon  the  following  basis, 
as  rapidly  as  circumstances  will  permit. 

A  territorial  force  for  local  defence  shall  be  maintained  by  each  country  of  the 
Empire.  In  all  things  essential  to  their  combination  in  war,  uniformity  shall  be 
observed  by  these  forces.  Arms  and  stores  shall  be,  wherever  possible,  of  uniform 
pattern  and  interchangeable  between  different  parts  of  the  Empire. 

A  fully  organised,  general-service  Army,  drawn  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  shall 
be  maintained  by  the  combined  resources  of  all  the  countries  of  the  Empire. 

In  view  of  the  approach  of  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1902,  the  Committee 
•ubsequently  issued  a  publication,  "The  Question  for  the"  Conference :  Proa 
and  Cons,"  dealing  at  length  with  the  various  points  relating  to  the  subject 
of  the  closer  union  of  the  Empire  for  purposes  of  Defence. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Imperial  Conference,  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  as 
Colonial  Secretary,  entirely  adopted  the  attitude  and  arguments  which  the 
Committee  had  been  pressing  forward  for  the  previous  eight  years.  In  reply 
to  the  expression  of  Sir  W.  Laurier,  "  If  you  want  our  aid,  call  us  to  your 
Councils,"  Mr.  Chamberlain  said,  "  If  you  are  prepared  at  any  time  to  take 
any  share,  any  proportionate  share,  in  the  burdens  of  the  Empire,  we  are 
prepared  to  meet  you  with  any  proposal  for  giving  you  a  corresponding  voice 
in  the  policy  of  the  Empire,"  and  suggested  that  the  most  practical  form  in 
which  the  object  could  be  achieved  would  be  the  creation  of  a  real  Council 
of  the  Empire  to  which  all  questions  of  Imperial  interest  might  be  referred. 

In  reviewing  the  figures  of  naval  and  military  expenditure  of  the  Dominions 
in  comparison  with  the  United  Kingdom,  the  Colonial  Secretary  observed  that 
it  was  not  a  fair  distribution  of  the  burdens  of  Empire,  and  proceeded :  "  While 
the  Colonies  were  young  and  poor,  in  the  first  place  they  did  not  offer  anything 
like  the  same  temptation  to  the  ambitions  of  others ;  and  in  the  second  place, 
they  were  clearly  incapable  of  providing  large  sums  for  their  own  defence,  and 
therefore  it  was  perfectly  right  and  natural  that  the  Mother  Country  should 
undertake  the  protection  of  her  children.  But  now  that  the  Colonies  are  rich 
and  powerful,  that  every  day  they  are  growing  by  leaps  and  bounds,  their 
material  prosperity  promises  to  rival  that  of  the  United  Kingdom  itself,  and  I 
think  it  is  inconsistent  with  their  position — inconsistent  with  their  dignity  as 
nations — that  they  should  leave  the  Mother  Country  to  bear  the  whole,  or  almost 
the  whole,  of  the  expense.  Justification  of  union  is  that  a  bundle  is  stronger 
than  the  sticks  which  compose  it,  but  if  the  whole  strain  is  to  be  thrown  upon  one 
stick,  there  is  very  little  advantage  in  any  attempt  to  put  them  into  a  bundle." 

Mr.  Seddon,  the  Prime  Minister  of  New  Zealand,  strongly  supported  the 
views  of  Mr.  Chamberlain,  and  moved  a  resolution  to  increase  the  strength  of 
the  Australian  squadron.  Sir  John  Forrest,  the  Commonwealth  Minister  of 
Defence,  in  an  able  minute,  wrote :  "  Our  aims  and  objects  should  be  to  make 
the  Royal  Navy  the  Empire's  Navy,  supported  by  the  whole  of  the  self-govern- 
ing portions  of  the  Empire  "  ;  but  he  added  that  if  the  Oversea  Government! 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES—PAST  AND  PRESENT.     345 

agreed  to  this  it  would.be  necessary  for  them  to  be  "  adequately  represented 
at  the  Admiralty." 

The  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  (Lord  Selborne)  gave  to  the  Conference 
an  able  exposition  of  naval  principles,  and  pointed  out,  "  The  sea  is  all  one 
and  the  British  Navy  therefore  must  be  all  one  "  ;  while  the  Secretary  for  War, 
Mr.  St.  John  Brodrick  (now  Lord  Midleton)  made  proposals  for  the  maintenance 
by  the  Colonies  of  Imperial  Service  Battalions  on  lines  previously  advocated 
by  the  Committee. 

As  a  result  of  the  Conference,  the  Admiralty  were  able  to  announce  the 
following  offers  : — 

Cape  Colony :  £50,000  per  annum  to  the  general  maintenance  of  the  Navy.  No 
conditions. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  :  £200,000  per  annum  to  an  improved  Australasian 
Squadron,  and  tlie  establishment  of  a  branch  of  the  Royal  Naval  Reserve,  two  of  the 
vessels  of  the  Squadron  to  be  manned  by  Australians  who  would  receive  extra  pay. 
Under  the  new  Agreement  the  sphere  of  operations  of  the  Force  was  extended  to  the 
China  and  East  Indies  Stations  in  addition  to  that  of  Australia. 

Natal :  £35,000  per  annum  to  the  general  maintenance  of  the  Navy.  No  conditions. 

Newfoundland :  £3,000  per  annum  (and  £1,800  as  a  special  contribution  to  the 
fitting  and  preparation  of  a  drill  ship)  towards  the  maintenance  of  a  branch  of  the 
Royal  Naval  Reserve  of  not  less  than  600  men 

New  Zealand:  £40,000  per  annum  to  an  improved  Australasian  Squadron,  and 
the  establishment  of  a  branch  of  the  Royal  Naval  Reserve. 

With  regard  to  Canada,  it  was  announced  that  this  Dominion  was  unable 
to  make  any  offer  analogous  to  the  above  ;  but  the  Government  had  in  con- 
templation the  establishment  of  a  local  naval  force  in  Canadian  waters. 

During  the  two  years  following  the  1902  Conference  the  issue  of  closer 
union  for  Defence  was  somewhat  obscured  by  the  Preferential  Trade  campaign 
launched  by  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain.  In  view,  however,  of  the  likelihood  of 
the  Government  summoning  another  Imperial  Conference  the  Committee 
considered  it  of  great  importance  that  the  subject  of  Defence  should  occupy  a 
foremost  place  at  any  such  meeting  of  Home  and  Oversea  statesmen,  and  it 
therefore  organised  an  important  deputation  to  the  Prime  Minister  (Mr.  Balfour), 
which  was  introduced  by  Sir  Michael  Hicks-Beach  (now  Lord  St.  Aldwyn), 
and  consisted  of  representatives  of  the  Committee  and  also  of  most  of  the  leading 
financial  and  industrial  interests  of  the  metropolis.  In  the  course  of  the  Memo- 
randum of  the  Committee,  which<was  read  by  Sir  John  Colomb,  it  was  observed  : 

We  cordially  welcome  the  signs  of  growing  interest  of  the  self-governing  Colonies 
in  the  Navy,  and  believe  that,  wisely  availed  of  now,  it  may  be  the  key  to  that  closer 
union  of  the  Empire  which,  must  be  based  on  common  interests  if  it  is  to  endure.  But 
we  desire  to  urge  upon  you,  and  through  you  on  our  fellow-subjects  oversea,  that  an 
Imperial  Navy  necessarily  involves  common  effort,  and  we  would  point  out  that 
hitherto  this  has  not  been  sufficiently  realised  by  them. 

The  Committee  continued  : — 

We  recognise  that  any  invitation  to  consider  this  subject  must  be  accompanied,  as 

2A 


346      KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

a  matter  of  course,  by  an  expression  of  readiness  on  our  part  to  fully  and  frankly 
discuss  any  and  all  Colonial  proposals  on  other  matters,  such  as  trade,  law,  shipping, 
and  notably  some  form  of  representation  in  matters  affecting  the  general  policy  of 
the  Empire.  .  .  .  Finally,  while  we  cordially  welcome  the  policy  of  calling  any 
Colonial  Conference,  we  earnestly  submit  that  Maritime  security  is  so  vital  to  the 
preservation  of  the  Empire,  that  the  question  of  Colonial  co-operation,  in  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Navy,  necessitates  primary  consideration  at  any  Buch  Conference. 

In  reply,  Mr.  Balfour  expressed  a  doubt  whether  a  more  important  or 
influential  deputation  had  ever  waited  on  a  Prime  Minister  of  this  country, 
and  stated  in  regard  to  the  proposed  Conference  : — 

I  earnestly  trust  that  the  temper  in  which  it  will  meet  will  not  be,  How  much  can 
each  fragment  of  the  Empire  get  out  of  the  other  fragments  of  the  Empire,  but  how 
much  can  each  fragment  of  the  Empire  give  to  the  common  whole  ?  It  is  not  what 
we  are  to  get  each  for  himself ;  it  is  not  what  we  are  to  give  to  this  or  to  that  self- 
governing  element  within  our  borders ;  it  is  what  every  self-governing  fragment  of 
this  great  whole  can  itself  contribute  for  a  common  object,  and  the  common  object 
of  defence  certainly  stands  in  the  very  first  rank. 

Owing,  however,  to  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Balfour's  supporters  at  the  general 
election  of  1906,  it  was  left  to  the  Liberal  Administration  of  Sir  H.  Campbell- 
Bannerman  to  call  the  next  Imperial  Conference,  which  took  place  in  1907. 
Though  a  great  deal  of  the  work  accomplished  at  this  Conference  and  also  at 
the  Naval  and  Military  Conference  of  1909  can  be  directly  traced  to  the  efforts 
of  the  Committee,  it  is  not  possible  in  this  short  resume  of  many  years'  active 
operations  to  carry  the  record  further  than  the  year  1906. 

Though  the  Imperial  Federation  (Defence)  Committee  had  from  time  to 
time  advocated  the  permanent  representation  of  the  Dominions  upon  the  Com- 
mittee of  Imperial  Defence,  as  reconstituted  by  Mr.  Balfour  in  1904,  the  members 
of  the  Executive  Committee  devoted  special  consideration  to  this  subject  in 
1906.  A  discussion  amongst  those  who  had  studied  the  subject  for  many  years 
was  organised.  It  was  opened  by  Major  (now  Brigadier-General)  J.  E.  B. 
Seely,  M.P.,  and  many  leading  authorities  took  part.  Major  Seeiy  proposed 
that  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  should  have  upon  it  equal  proportions 
of  members  of  both  great  political  parties  in  this  country,  while  the  Colonies 
should  appoint  permanent  delegates  to  sit  on  the  Committee.  The  illuminating 
discussion  which  followed  was  of  striking  value,  and  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to 
add  that  it  is  now  the  settled  policy  of  the  country  to  include  in  the  deliberations 
of  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  representatives  of  the  Oversea  Dominions 
and  also,  from  time  to  time,  representatives  of  His  Majesty's  Opposition  in  this 
country. 

The  objects  which  the  Imperial  Federation  (Defence)  Committee  set  out  to 
accomplish  being  thus  in  a  fair  way  to  attainment,  it  was  felt  that  the  need 
for  pressure  no  longer  existed  ;  and  it  was  therefore  thought  fit,  two  years  later, 
to  change  its  name  to  that  of  the  Imperial  Co-operation  League  and  somewhat 
to  alter  its  scope  and  activities.  The  subsequent  development  of  policy  under 
the  new  title  will  be  described  in  a  subsequent  article. 

ARTHUR  H.  LORINO. 


847 
SERVANTS  OF  THE  KING. 

(With  acknowledgments  to  Rudyard  Kipling.) 
DEDICATED  TO  THE  BLUE  CROSS  SOCIETY. 

THE  hosts  are  gathered  in  brave  array, 

Gallant  allies  and  true, 
In  black  and  silver,  in  green  and  grey, 

Khaki  and  red  and  blue. 

Ere  the  first  clear  note  of  the  bugle  ceased 

Our  kin  had  mustered  their  best ; 
Ere  Britain  called  to  the  loyal  East 

The  East  had  answered  the  West. 

From  the  Euxine  shore  to  the  frozen  main, 

The  bound  of  the  dim-lit  North, 
From  Behring  Sea  to  the  Polish  plain 

The  summons  to  war  went  forth. 

Frenchmen  and  Belgium's  trusty  sons 

Shoulder  to  shoulder  strive, 
'Mid  the  rumbling  bass  of  the  British  guns 

And  the  shriek  of  the  "  seventy-five." 

Cruiser  and  queenly  battleship 
And  the  questing  hounds  of  the  deep, 

With  the  wings  of  the  storm  and  the  bull-dog  grip, 
Faithful  their  watch  they  keep. 

Many  that  battle  for  me  and  you 

Are  written  on  Honour's  Scroll, 
But  other  legions  are  fighting  too 

Who  are  not  on  the  muster  roll. 

And  one  who  loves  them  and  knows  their  speech 

Has  told  what  they  feel  and  say, 
How  each  is  loyal  and  true,  though  each 

Must  serve  in  a  different  way. 

He  heard  them  speak  of  their  pride,  their  fear, 

The  toil  that  they  bear  for  man, 
Things  it  is  given  to  few  to  hear, 

And  the  elephant  thus  began : — 

2  A  2 


348  SERVANTS  OF  THE  KING. 

"  Oldest  am  I  of  the  beasts  of  earth, 

Wisest  of  all,  men  say  ; 
Ancient  Captains  have  proved  my  worth, 

And  still  can  I  serve  to-day. 

"  War  was  an  old,  old  game  to  me ; 

But  what  was  the  Sahib's  home 
When  Carthage  sent  me  to  Italy 

To  humble  the  pride  of  Eome  ? 

"  At  first  I  fought  in  the  mail-clad  line, 
Now  I  haul  the  guns  instead 

With  all  the  bulk  and  the  might  that's  mine 
In  shoulder  and  flank  and  head." 

Then  out  of  the  dusk  a  bullock  spoke : 
"  I've  fought  in  my  time,"  said  he ; 

"  You  fear  the  din  and  the  glare  and  smoke — 
They  never  could  frighten  me. 

"  I  tug  at  my  load  with  trace  and  chain, 
And  then,  unloosed  from  the  gun, 

I  graze,  till  they  yoke  me  up  again ; 
You  only  would  squeal — and  run." 

Snorted  the  mule :  "  You  can  tug,  'tis  true, 
But  never  could  climb  like  me ; 

What  could  a  clumsy  bullock  do 
With  a  mountain  battery  ? 

"  All  that  I  ask  is  a  balanced  load 
And  a  driver — not  quite  a  fool ; 

Then  a  rocky  ledge  is  good  as  a  road 
To  a  well-trained  battery  mule." 

"  Eocks,"  bubbled  the  camel,  "  no  use  at  all  ; 

To  climb  is  undignified  ; 
In  you^such  tastes  may  be  natural, 

They  come  [from  your  father's  side. 

"  Give  me  a  saddle  or  proper  pack 
For  desert  or  plain,  and  there 

The  rifles  may  speak  across  my  back 
As  I  lie  outside  the  square." 


SERVANTS  OF  THE  KING.  349 

The  cavalry  horse  took  up  the  tale  : 

"  In  the  rush  of  a  charge,"  he  said, 
"  With  shrapnel  falling  in  deadly  hail, 

There  isn't  the  time  for  dread. 

"  Blind  panic  I've  known,  and  wild  stampede, 

Such  things  may  come  to  the  best ; 
Training,  obedience,  are  what  we  need, 

Then  courage  may  do  the  rest. 

"  'Mid  rending  bullet  and  shrieking  shell 

Scatheless  I've  led  the  van ; 
And  the  secret  is  that  all  goes  well 

So  long  as  you  trust  your  man." 

"  Aye,  trust  with  a  faith  that  will  not  swerve ;  " 

'Twas  the  dog  that  made  reply. 
"  Our  love  is  vain  if  it  will  not  serve — 

Who  knows  it  better  than  I  ? 

"  For  I  was  the  first  who  trusted  man ; 

In  the  far-off  ages  dun 
A  half-tamed  wolf  at  his  side  I  ran ; 

My  love  and  my  life  for  him. 

"  I  have  served  his  need  and  shared  his  sport, 

I  have  tended  flock  and  herd  ; 
In  camp  and  forest,  in  hut  and  court 

I  follow  his  hand  and  word  ; 

"  No  task  I  spurn,  no  peril  I  shun, 

And  now,  when  his  need  is  sore, 
I  drag  the  little  quick-firing  gun, 

Or  serve  with  the  Eed  Cross  Corps. 

"  To  each  his  pride  and  to  each  his  dread, 

To  each  his  several  sphere — 
But  he  is  bravest,  when  all  is  said, 

Who  has  known  and  mastered  his  fear." 

Tis  the  faith  of  a  dog  ?    Then  be  it  so, 

Let  men  of  the  loftier  soul 
Still  fret  and  prate  about  high  and  low, 
And  scorn  the  touch  of  control. 


350  INDIA  AND  GERMAN  EAST  AFRICA. 

Honour  achieved  by  might  or  skill 

Count  we  a  thing  of  price ; 
Is  there  no  worth  in  the  loyal  will, 

Service  and  sacrifice  ? 

Highest  or  humblest  who  do  their  work 

Faithful,  unfaltering, 
Who  shoulder  their  load  and  scorn  to  shirk, 

Are  servants  all  of  the  King. 

ARTHUR  POTT. 


INDIA  AND  GERMAN  EAST  AFRICA. 

IT  is,  perhaps,  rather  early  to  discuss  the  uses  to  which  any  of  the  German 
colonies  shall  be  put  at  the  conclusion  of  hostilities,  particularly  one  which  is 
still  far  from  being  in  the  occupation  of  British  or  Allied  forces.  Yet  in  view 
of  the  great  importance  of  the  issues  involved,  and  the  advisability  of  having 
a  clear  idea  of  these  before  the  final  settlement  is  discussed,  it  may  be  excusable 
to  put  forward  suggestions  of  a  tentative  nature,  even  though  they  may  appear 
to  invite  the  retort  that  it  is  always  as  well  to  kill  the  bear  before  proceeding 
to  apportion  his  hide  amongst  the  hunters. 

For  reasons  to  be  stated,  the  destiny  of  German  East  Africa  after  the  War 
is  a  matter  which  will  probably  prove  to  be  of  greater  Imperial  significance 
than  that  of  any  of  the  remaining  German  possessions  in  Africa.  It  is  the 
largest  of  the  German  colonies,  both  in  area  and  population.  Comprising 
384,000  square  miles  of  territory,  with  a  native  population  of  over  8,000,000, 
the  colony  is  thinly  peopled,  in  view  of  its  rich  natural  resources  and  the  fertility 
of  its  soil.  The  greater  part  of  the  territory  is  unsuited  for  colonisation  by 
white  men,  of  whom  there  are  fewer  than  5,000  resident  in  the  colony,  these 
being  all  soldiers,  officials,  planters,  and  merchants. 

So  far,  little  or  no  progress  has  been  made  towards  the  conquest  of  German 
East  Africa.  German  invasions  of  Nyasaland,  British  East  Africa,  and 
Uganda  have  been  repulsed ;  but  the  British  attempts  at  invasion  have  not 
met  with  any  better  success,  and  the  attack  on  the  port  of  Tanga  last  November 
appears  to  have  been  a  particularly  unfortunate  affair.  Enough  has  happened 
to  show  that,  but  for  the  arrival  of  several  thousands  of  troops,  British  and 
native,  from  India,  the  Germans  would  have  been  able  to  do  considerable 
damage  to  the  Uganda  Railway.  And,  in  spite  of  the  Tanga  affair,  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  major  share  of  the  difficult  task  of  conquering  this 
German  colony  will  have  to  be  borne  by  Indian  troops. 

When  the  prospect  of  German  East  Africa  becoming  a  portion  of  the  British 
Empire  is  envisaged,  the  first  thought  that  occurs  to  most  Britons  is  that 
there  will,  in  that  event,  be  no  longer  any  political  obstacle  to  the  completion 
of  an  All-British  railway  from  Cape  Town  to  Cairo.  Important  as  this  possi- 


INDIA  AND  GERMAN  EAST  AFRICA.  351 

bility  is,  it  seems  at  least  within  the  bounds  of  practical  politics  that  the 
acquisition  of  German  East  Africa  by  the  Empire  may  also  afford  a  solution 
of  a  difficult  Imperial  problem  which  has  been  shelved  but  not  solved  by  the 
outbreak  of  a  world-wide  war. 

For  several  years  the  Indian  emigration  question  has  been  growing  increas- 
ingly acute.  The  agitation  in  South  Africa  two  years  ago,  and  the  Komagata 
Mam  affair  at  Vancouver,  were  danger-signals  which  showed  plainly  enough 
the  perils  of  the  situation  that  was  arising  within  the  Empire  as  the  result  of 
the  opposition  of  the  self-governing  Dominions  towards  the  immigration  of 
British  Indians.  Since  those  events  took  place,  India  has  given  magnificent 
proofs  of  her  fidelity  to  the  Empire.  Her  sons  are  fighting  with  the  greatest 
bravery  and  tenacity  in  France  and  in  the  Euphrates  Valley.  They  assisted 
in  the  reduction  of  Tsing-tau  ;  they  beat  back  the  Turkish  attempt  to  cross  the 
Suez  Canal ;  and,  as  already  mentioned,  they  have  been  in  the  thick  of  the  fray 
in  East  Africa.  Unless  the  white  race  is  content  to  "  astonish  the  world  by 
its  ingratitude  "  the  services  which  India  has  rendered,  and  will  continue  to 
give,  cannot  be  allowed  to  pass  without  some  tangible  recognition  of  the  claims 
of  Indians  as  British  subjects  to  share  in  the  spoils  of  the  victory  which  they 
will  have  helped  to  make  possible. 

It  must  be  candidly  recognised  that  there  is  no  prospect  of  any  material 
change  in  the  attitude  of  the  self-governing  Dominions  towards  Indian  immi- 
gration. Even  if  public  opinion  were  to  permit  any  such  change  it  would 
still  be  highly  undesirable,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  general  interest  of  both 
races,  to  sow  the  seeds  of  future  discord  by  endeavouring  to  mix  two  funda- 
mentally different  standards  of  living.  In  Canada  the  only  province  which 
has  a  climate  in  any  way  suited  to  Southern  Asiatics  is  British  Columbia ;  and 
this  province  already  possesses  quite  as  many  Asiatic  residents  as  it  can  handle 
without  a  serious  lowering  of  the  white  man's  standard  of  living — or,  to  be 
more  precise,  the  standard  set  up  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  people  in  North  America. 
In  Australia  there  is  a  vast  uninhabited  and  semi-torrid  region  eminently  suitable 
for  colonisation  by  Asiatics,  and,  some  believe,  only  suitable  for  permanent 
settlement  by  a  non-European  race.  To  prevent  any  such  use  of  the  northern 
half  of  the  Australian  Continent  the  "  White  Australia  "  policy  stands  as  an 
apparently  insuperable  obstacle.  Some  day,  unless  colonisation  by  some  of 
the  Mediterranean  peoples  can  be  effected,  the  continued  holding  back  from 
productive  use  of  this  valuable  region  may  cause  international  and  inter-racial 
difficulties,  just  as  the  attempts  of  Holland  to  retain  the  whole  of  her  eastern 
empire  may  sooner  or  later  bring  this  state  into  opposition  to  an  Asiatic  Power. 
But  this  possibility  is  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  argument.  New  Zealand 
is  essentially  a  "  white  man's  country,"  and  no  influx  of  Indians  into  this 
Dominion  is  conceivable  so  long  as  the  Empire  remains  in  its  present  form. 
South  Africa,  which  already  has  a  large  Indian  population  to  complicate  its 
numerous  racial  problems,  is  not  sufficiently  enamoured  of  the  experiences 
it  has  acquired  in  this  connection  to  be  likely  to  abate  its  hostility  to  any  further 
incoming  of  Asiatics.  It  is,  therefore,  away  from  the  self-governing  Dominions 


352  INDIA  AND  GERMAN  EAST  AFRICA. 

that  attention  must  be  directed,  if  an  outlet  for  Indian  emigration,  which  will 
not  produce  dangerous  racial  friction,  is  to  be  discovered. 

On  a  small  scale  such  an  outlet  exists  already  as  regards  the  labouring 
classes,  in  certain  Crown  Colonies  and  Protectorates,  such  as  Jamaica,  Trinidad, 
British  Guiana,  the  Fiji  Islands,  Zanzibar,  and  British  East  Africa.  But  the 
question  to  be  answered  is  whether  it  would  not  be  a  valuable  experiment  to 
set  apart  German  East  Africa  as  a  colony  for  Indians  and  Indians  only  (save 
for  the  necessary  white  officials  in  the  organisation  period),  subject  to  due 
regard  for  the  interests  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants,  for  whom  reservations 
could  easily  be  demarcated.  An  area  as  extensive  as  German  East  Africa 
would  itself  accommodate  many  millions  of  Indians,  and  eventually  some  of 
British  East  Africa  and  the  Sudan  might  be  added  to  the  Indian  zone  in  Africa, 
provided  that  the  experimental  stage  gave  satisfactory  results. 

It  is  one  of  the  certainties  of  the  future  that  although  the  present  War 
may  prove  to  be  the  final  conflict  in  Europe,  the  extent  to  which  the  earth 
has  been  appropriated  by  European  peoples  will  some  day  cause  an  even 
more  terrible  struggle  between  the  white  race  and  the  peoples  of  Asia,  unless 
the  "  dog  in  the  manger  "  policy  is  definitely  replaced  by  some  more  conciliatory 
attitude  on  the  part  of  the  race  which,  by  virtue  of  its  discoveries  in  regard 
to  the  control  of  natural  forces  and  its  administrative  capacity,  has  acquired 
the  dominant  position  on  the  earth.  Japan  has  shown  that  there  is  nothing 
inherent  in  the  Asiatic  mind  to  prevent  it  from  working  on  similar  lines,  and 
the  example  of  Japan  cannot  fail  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  on  other  Asiatic 
peoples.  How  the  differences  between  the  yellow  and  the  white  races  regarding 
land  ownership  are  to  be  reconciled  is  a  problem  which  will  require  even  more 
careful  consideration  than  the  adjustment  of  the  claims  of  India.  The  latter 
can,  the  writer  believes,  be  solved  within  the  future  limits  of  the  British  Empire  ; 
but  the  former  is  in  every  sense  a  world  problem  of  an  international  character. 
If  we  fail  to  deal  with  the  Indian  question  in  good  time,  it  will  tend  to  merge 
in  the  still  greater  issue  of  European  against  Asiatic.  By  the  exercise  of 
the  necessary  foresight  and  statesmanship,  the  Indian  and  the  Mongol  problems 
can  be  kept  detached,  thereby  adding  greatly  to  the  probability  of  finding  a 
solution  to  both  without  a  serious  racial  conflagration.  It  is  only  in  Africa 
that  there  is  sufficient  thinly  populated  land  to  provide  for  the  surplus  popula- 
tion of  India  without  causing  friction  between  the  immigrants  and  white 
workers.  And  in  German  East  Africa,  especially  if  it  is  won  largely  by  India's 
own  sons,  there  will  be  a  magnificent  and  probably  a  unique  opportunity  both 
to  reward  the  services  of  India  to  the  Empire  in  the  present  struggle  and  to 
attempt  a  permanent  solution  of  the  claims  of  Indians  to  share  more  fully  in 
the  Imperial  heritage. 

In  so  far  as  sentiment  enters  into  the  claims  of  India,  with  regard  to  the 
status  of  Indians  in  the  Empire,  it  seems  possible  that  by  a  measure  of  reci- 
procal treatment  as  between  India  and  the  Dominions  this  difficulty  could  be 
surmounted.  Given  an  outlet  for  Indian  emigrants  in  East  Africa  it  ought 
not  to  be  beyond  the  powers  of  statesmanship  to  arrange  that  India  should 


THE  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING.  353 

have  the  power  to  exclude  white  men  of  the  working  class,  just  as  the  Dominions 
exclude  Indians.  Or  rather  it  might  be  arranged  that  the  number  of  Indians 
to  be  admitted  to  any  one  of  the  white  States  of  the  Empire  should  bear  a 
relative  proportion  to  the  white  population  of  the  State.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
if  the  proportion  agreed  on  is  to  avoid  the  necessity  for  removing  some  of  the 
Asiatics  now  in  the  Dominions,  it  will  have  to  be  something  like  twice  as  great 
as  the  number  of  the  whites  in  India  in  relation  oo  the  total  population.  The 
existing  white  community  in  India,  inclusive  of  troops,  bears  the  proportion 
of  about  1 : 2000  of  the  native  population.  In  Canada  there  are  now  about 
3,000  Indians  in  a  total  population  of  8,000,000.  A  ratio  of  1  : 1000  as  suggested 
would,  therefore,  permit  the  Indian  colony  in  Canada  to  be  increased  by  about 
5,000.  In  Australia  there  are  rather  more  than  5,000  Indians,  and  under 
5,000,000  white  men  at  present,  but  the  excess  over  the  1  : 1000  ratio  is  trifling. 
In  New  Zealand,  where  there  are  about  1,250  Indians,  this  ratio  is  almost  exactly 
conformed  to  by  the  existing  situation.  South  Africa  presents  a  difficulty  since 
the  South  African  Indians  already  exceed  a  proportion  of  one  to  ten  of  the  white 
residents.  But  South  Africa  differs  from  its  sister  Dominions,  since  it  is  the 
only  one  which  has  a  native  population  of  more  than  negligible  size.  The 
Indian  section  of  the  composite  racial  problem — presented  by  the  Union — might 
perhaps  be  adjusted  somewhat  by  offering  inducements  to  South  African  Indians 
to  transfer  themselves  to  East  Africa.  The  conferring  of  full  political  rights 
on  the  small  Indian  communities  domiciled  in  the  Dominions  would  then  be 
the  only  step  necessary  to  meet  every  legitimate  aspiration  of  Indians  for  equality 
of  treatment  and  the  recognition  of  their  claims  as  British  subjects. 

G.  H.  LEPPER. 


THE  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING  OF  FELLOWS. 

THE  Annual  Eeport  and  a  full  report  of  the  Annual  General  Meeting  will  be 
available  in  the  Year  Book,  but  a  brief  survey  of  both  will  be  of  interest  to 
readers  of  the  JOURNAL.  Naturally  the  outbreak  of  war  has  diverted  the  energies 
of  the  Institute  into  other  than  the  accustomed  channels,  but  the  influences 
which  have  caused  so  widespread  a  demonstration  of  Imperial  unity  are  also 
favourable  to  our  work.  The  accompanying  diagram  speaks  for  itself  as  to 
the  numerical  growth  of  the  Institute,  and  though  numbers  are  not  every- 
thing, they  are  indispensable  to  the  work  of  educating  and  stimulating  public 
opinion. 

In  his  opening  speech,  Lord  Grey  said  that  the  whole  world  of  neutral  nations 
was  watching  with  heartfelt  hopes  for  the  complete  and  conclusive  triumph 
of  our  arms,  because  we  were  fighting,  not  selfishly,  but  for  ideals  as  precious  to 
the  whole  civilised  world  as  to  ourselves.  It  was  too  soon  to  discuss  conditions 
of  peace.  He  agreed  with  Dr.  Eliot,  the  ex-President  of  Harvard  University, 
that  it  would  be  a  sin  to  pray  for  peace  until  the  barbarous  and  world-enslaving 
pretensions  of  the  Germans  had  been  killed.  There  were  two  prominent 


354 


THE  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING. 


THE  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING.       355 

landmarks.  No  peace  would  be  acceptable  to  us  which  was  not  also  acceptable 
to  the  Oversea  Dominions  and  India,  who  had  rallied  so  splendidly  to  the  flag. 
No  peace  would  contain  within  its  womb  the  germs  of  permanence  unless  it 
were  based  on  principles  leading  not — in  German  fashion — to  an  endeavour 
to  secure  our  individual  exclusive  aggrandisement,  but  to  the  general  benefit 
of  humanity  as  a  whole. 

At  the  end  of  the  War,  if  we  were  true  to  ourselves,  we  should  be  more 
powerful  than  ever  before.  Let  us  so  act  as  to  give  the  whole  world  good 
reason  for  its  confidence  that  our  powerful  arm  would  never  be  used  to  press 
foreign  peoples  down,  but  would  ever  be  used  to  lift  them  up  by  securing  to  them 
the  same  blessings  of  fair  and  equal  opportunity  that  we  might  endeavour  to 
obtain  for  ourselves. 

Lord  Grey  went  on  to  say  that,  in  those  British  communities  beyond  the 
seas  where  the  ratio  of  Fellows  of  the  Institute  to  total  white  population  was 
highest,  there  also  was  to  be  found  the  highest  percentage  of  enlisted  soldiers. 
Rhodesia,  where  the  Institute  had  a  larger  percentage  of  Fellows  to  white 
population  than  any  other  portion  of  the  Empire,  had  also  contributed  to  the 
Army  the  largest  percentage  of  soldiers.  In  Guatemala,  before  the  War  broke 
out,  there  were  resident  82  British  men-subjects.  Eighty  of  them  were  Fellows 
of  the  Institute,  and  56  had  left  their  homes  and  crossed  the  Atlantic  at  an 
average  cost  to  themselves  of  over  £50,  in  order  to  shed  their  blood,  if 
necessary,  for  the  cause  of  civilisation. 

An  interesting  feature  of  the  meeting  was  the  address  of  Sir  Bevan  Edwards 
on  the  occasion  of  his  last  appearance  as  Chairman  of  Council.    He  gave  a 
brief  summary  of  the  history  of  the  Institute,  from  its  foundation  in  1868, 
and  dwelt  upon  the  great  increase  of  activity  since  the  "  reform  movement  " 
of  1909,  when  a  committee  was  appointed  "  to  consider  the  present  rules  and 
workings  of  the  Institute  and  report  to  Council."    The  members  of  this  com- 
mittee were  Sir  Bevan  himself,  the  late  Sir  Neville  Lubbock,  and  Dr.  G.  B. 
Parkin,  representing  the  Council,  the  late  Mr.  Archibald  Colquhoun,  Professor 
W.  L.  Grant,  and  Mr.  Ralph  Bond  for  the  Fellows.    Sir  Bevan  paid  a  special 
tribute  to  Mr.  Colquhoun,  to  whose  initiative,  he  said,  the  appointment  of 
the  committee  was  entirely  due.     The  committee's  report  was  adopted   by 
the  Council,  and  of  the  eight  suggestions  made  the  majority  have   been  or 
are  being  carried  into  effect.     Neither  the  organisation  of  a  lecturing  depart- 
ment nor  the  establishment  of  local  branches  with  Annual  Provincial  Conferences 
have,  as  yet,  been  fully  achieved  ;    but  Mr.  Garrison,  as  official  lecturer,  has 
done  much  good  work,  and  the  Bristol  branch  has  made  a  brilliant  beginning 
with  the  gift  of  a  fine  building  by  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard.    The  increase  of  member- 
ship Sir  Bevan  attributed  to  the  exertions  of  hon.  corresponding  secretaries, 
to  the  visits  of  the  secretary  to  Canada  and  South  Africa,  and  of  Mr.  Colquhoun 
to  South  America,  to  the  "  Empire  "  lectures  and  recruiting  work  of  Mr.  Garrison, 
to  individual  recruiting  by  Councillors  and  Fellows,  and  to  the  city  luncheons. 
The  Resident  Fellows  have  increased  by  714,  and  the  non-resident  by  3,810. 
Associates  number  1,215.    There  has  been  an  increase  of  1,000  in  the  number 


356  THE  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING. 

of  Fellows  who  are  British  subjects  resident  in  foreign  countries.  The  dis- 
tribution of  resident  members  in  the  United  Kingdom  is  as  follows :  London 
and  immediate  neighbourhood,  2,000  ;  England  outside  this  area,  1,200  ; 
Scotland,  77  (Fellows  and  Associates) ;  j  Ireland,  23  ;  Wales,  14.  Gloucester- 
shire is  the  only  county  with  over  100  Fellows  and  Associates,  a  fact  due  to 
the  Bristol  branch.  Kent  comes  next,  with  96,  mostly  in  London  area,  and 
Surrey  with  60,  entirely  in  London  area.  In  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire  the 
Institute  is  poorly  represented,  and  has  not  one  Fellow  in  Sheffield  or  Bradfield. 
Warwickshire,  with  the  strongly  Imperialist  city  of  Birmingham,  has  five  Fellows 
and  two  Associates.  Overseas  the  non-resident  Fellows  have  increased  from 
8,000  to  7,000  in  five  years.  From  these  figures  Sir  Bevan  drew  the  moral 
that  local  branches  are  needed  as  centres  of  interest  from  which  the  political 
propaganda  of  the  Institute — "  preservation  of  a  permanent  union  between 
the  Mother  Country  and  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire  " — can  be  effectively 
spread.  An  organisation  committee  has  been  appointed  to  deal  with  the  subject. 
Sir  Bevan  commented  on  the  existence  of  at  least  four  other  societies  (two 
of  which  were  actually  founded  by  members  of  Council  of  the  Institute), 
whose  aims  are  identical  with  those  expressed  in  the  motto  "  United  Empire," 
and  said  the  time  seemed  propitious  to  try  to  arrange  a  closer  co  operation 
with  them.  Sir  Bevan  closed  with  a  tribute  to  the  work  of  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden, 
as  deputy  chairman  and  acting  hon.  secretary  in  Mr.  Boose's  absence,  to  the 
various  members  of  Council  who  have  acted  as  chairmen  of  the  various  com- 
mittees, to  Sir  Harry  Wilson  for  his  services  in  connection  with  the  JOURNAL 
and  for  his  present  work  as  Hon.  Secretary,  and  to  the  staff  of  the  Institute. 
He  expressed  the  regret  of  the  Council  at  the  illness  of  Mr.  Boose,  the  Secretary 
(who,  however,  is  making  progress  towards  recovery),  and  their  satisfaction  that 
Mrs.  Colquhoun  was  continuing  to  be  connected  with  the  JOURNAL,  which  had 
been  her  husband's  creation. 

The  Annual  Eeport  showed  that  although  the  ordinary  series  of  meetings 
was  interrupted,  some  fifteen  papers  were  read  and  discussed. 

The  Librarian  reports  an  increasing  use  by  members  of  the  opportunities 
for  reading  and  research  afforded  by  the  Library.  Considerable  and  valuable 
additions  have  been  made,  and  the  books  and  pamphlets  now  number  101,077. 

Eeaders  will  not  require  to  be  informed  of  the  changes  in  the  JOURNAL, 
or  of  the  features  which  have  been  introduced  to  make  it  a  "  live  review," 
dealing  from  various  points  of  view  with  the  paramount  question  of  the  day. 
The  list  of  contributors  contains  many  well-known  names. 

Among  the  events  of  the  year  was  the  award  of  the  gold  medal  for  scientific 
research  to  Mr.  F.  A.  Kirkpatrick  (Ireland),  while  Mr.  Eggleston  (Melbourne, 
Australia)  was  second.  Three  prizes  for  essays  were  also  given  to  students 
of  universities  and  schools ;  that  awarded  to  a  university  student  going  to 
Mr.  N.  A.  Turner  Smith,  of  Edinburgh,  the  second  half  of  whose  essay  appears  in 
this  number  of  the  JOURNAL. 

A  special  feature  of  last  year's  activities  was  the  successful  journey  of  the 
Secretary,  Mr.  J.  E.  Boose,  to  Australia  and  New  Zealand.  Among  the  activities 


HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT   357 

in  connection  with  the  War  are  the  work  of  the  Empire  Trade  and  Industry 
Committee,  which  aims,  among  other  things,  at  trying  to  help  the  manufacturer 
to  take  advantage  of  openings  created  by  Germany's  disappearance  from 
many  markets ;  the  War  Services  Committee,  which  has  helped  Fellows  to 
find  suitable  forms  of  service  and  has  organised  some  useful  pieces  of  work  ; 
and  the  Overseas  Committee,  specially  designed  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  many 
overseas  visitors  who,  last  summer  and  autumn,  were  unable  to  carry  out 
leir  plans,  and  who  occupied  themselves  in  various  ways  for  the^Eed  Cross 
id  other  societies. 

The  Council  has  also  materially  assisted  the  War  Office  by  granting  the 
>an  of  two  rooms  on  the  ground  floor,  where  the  work  of  recruiting  for  special 
trades  in  the  army  has  been  centred,  under  the  Voluntary  Assistance  Department. 
The  retirement  of  Lieut.-General  Sir  Bevan  Edwards  from  the  Chairmanship 
of  Council  was  announced  at  the  meeting,  and  received  with  general  regret 
and  a  full  appreciation  of  the  onerous  work  he  has  accomplished  ever  since  the 
forward  movement  in  the  Institute  began.  He  was  elected  a  Vice- President 
by  a  unanimous  vote  during  the  meeting,  as  a  testimony  to  his  work  and  the 
esteem  in  which  he  is  held.  It  is  understood  that  he  will  be  succeeded  by  Sir 
Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  so  well-known  as  a  writer  on  colonial  history, 
and  for  many  years  one  of  the  Under-Secretaries  at  the  Colonial  Office. 

A  further  announcement  of  great  interest  is  the  purchase  of  certain  property 
in  Craven  Street,  adjacent  to  the  rear  of  the  existing  premises,  which,  when 
the  time  comes  for  any  additions  to  the  Institute  will  give  badly  needed  space 
and  will  greatly  improve  the  present  accommodation  both  for  Staff  and  for 
Fellows.  The  necessary  arrangements  for  this  purchase  were  approved  by  the 
meeting. 


IN  WHAT  SENSE  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT  ? 

(R.C.I.  PRIZE  ESSAY— SECOND  PART.) 

II 

IN  the  foregoing  we  have  endeavoured,  mainly  by  historical  reference,  to  indicate 
the  principles  which  have  controlled  the  growth  of  nations,  and  the  dangers  which 
are  encountered.  We  saw,  first,  the  danger,  typified  in  the  present  German  campaign, 
of  an  unnatural  development,  which  is  not  only  a  false  expression  of  the  nation's  needs 
and  capabilities,  but  is  actually  carried  on  at  the  expense  of  the  real  national  welfare  ; 
and,  secondly,  the  danger  which  follows  upon  this,  of  a  reaction  in  some  form  of  extreme 
individualism  carrying  with  it  such  suicidal  consequences  as  brought  about  the  fall  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  Our  purpose  in  elaborating  this  was  to  show  that  every  nation, 
if  it  would  expand  and  become  a  lasting  influence  for  good  and  if  it  would  build  an 

':  empire  which  should  carry  that  influence  into  the  distant  parts  of  the  world,  must  face 
much  the  same  problems  ;  and,  further,  that  it  is  only  as  these  difficulties  are  met 

a  and  mastered  that  the  claim  to  true  greatness  is  established.     It  remains  now  to  notice 


858  HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT 

in  some  detail  the  implications  of  this  main  problem  of  national  character  and  its 
expression. 

The  first  inference  is  that  statesmanship  must  be  guided  by  a  respect  for  the  people 
as  representing  the  genius  of  the  nation.  Our  indebtedness  to  the  statesman  is  some- 
times greater  than  we  are  prepared  to  acknowledge.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that 
the  public  will  or  the  public  good  is  to  be  found  by  universal  suffrage.  If  that  were 
so,  it  were  better  to  answer  Rousseau's  call  and  return  to  the  ancient  city-State  of 
Greece.  But  experience  has  shown  that  the  general  will,  which  wills  the  best,  does  not 
find  expression  through  majorities,  but  through  the  wisdom  of  statesmen.  This  does 
not  mean  that  the  statesman  must  be  typical  of  his  race — the  embodiment  of  all 
national  characteristics  in  a  single  being  is  so  rare  as  may  be  said  never  to  have  existed 
— but  he  must  be  a  man  of  understanding,  of  penetrating  insight,  of  true  discernment, 
and  of  wise  judgment.  His  task  is  not  to  create  but  to  interpret  the  thoughts  of  many 
hearts.  Hence  he  must  be  without  private  ambitions  which  would  conflict  with  his 
vocation.  He  must  be  a  man  with  a  mind  large  enough  to  look  out  upon  the  world 
with  an  impartial  and  unimpassioned  purpose.  If  such  a  man  be  chosen  to  lead,  and 
being  chosen  followed,  it  matters  little  what  system  of  government  is  adopted — for 
forms  of  government  are  but  the  channels  of  action  which  experience  has  designed  to 
aid  the  willing  and  check  the  unscrupulous  and  incompetent — but  with  such  a  man  as 
trustee  of  the  nation's  welfare,  that  people  will  become  a  spiritual  force  in  the  world. 
A  people  without  a  statesman  is  like  a  flock  without  a  shepherd.  It  lacks  concerted 
action.  It  wants  the  embodiment,  in  a  single  leader,  of  that  mysterious  unity  which 
makes  a  nation  one.  It  is  the  hireling  statesman,  and  the  mercenary  sovereign  that, 
more  than  any  other,  have  been  the  cause  of  national  calamity  and  have  made — in 
Gladstone's  words — "  the  history  of  nations,  that  is  the  history  of  government,  to  be 
one  of  the  most  immoral  parts  of  human  history."  The  accredited  agents  and  authori- 
tative spokesmen  of  the  State,  through  incompetence  or  sheer  iniquity,  have  too  often 
betrayed  their  people's  trust. 

But  it  would  be  an  injustice  to  leave  the  matter  there,  for  although  the  responsibility 
of  the  statesman  is  great — greater  than  most  men  can  even  comprehend — yet  the 
responsibility  which  lies  with  the  people  is  still  greater,  and  often  less  willingly  acknow- 
ledged. The  next  inference,  therefore,  from  what  we  have  seen  to  be  the  main  task  of 
government,  is  concerned  with  vocation.  It  has  already  been  observed  that  the  work 
of  the  statesman  is  to  interpret  and  not  to  create,  which  implies  an  existing  tempera- 
ment, character,  or  individuality  latent  in  the  nation,  and  this  to  have  any  reality 
must  in  some  degree  be  shared  by  all  its  members.  The  fact  of  a  common  possession 
such  as  this  should  not  be  difficult  to  demonstrate.  True,  the  consciousness  of  it  may 
vary  according  to  ideals  and  manner  of  life,  but  everyone  as  he  begins  to  think  becomes 
aware  of  something  deeper  than  private  interest,  which  he  pursues  in  common  with  his 
fellows  :  something  which  is  worth  fighting  for  ;  something  which  is  worth  dying  for ; 
something  which  is  even  worth  killing  for.  There  is  the  common  incalculable  debt  to 
the  past  which  has  given  to  all  their  language,  their  law,  their  government,  and  their 
religion,  not  one  of  which  can  b«  referred  to  the  will  of  a  single  individual,  but  which 


HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT  359 

have  been  acquired  by  the  bloodshed  arid  martyrdom,  the  self-sacrifice  and  willing 
service,  of  many  devoted  souls.  Safeguards  of  justice  and  independence  have  been 
handed  down  from  generation  to  generation.  Rare  fruits  of  study  and  experience 
have  willingly  been  passed  from  age  to  age.  In  short,  we  are  all  bound  together  by  the 
invisible  bonds  of  a  common  tradition  and  common  aspirations. 

But  although  each  must  to  some  degree  be  conscious  of  this  national  unity,  yet  we 
are  not  always  careful  to  ask  what  is  the  special  vocation  implied,  and  some  of  the 
greatest  and  most  thoughtful  of  men  have  rashly  led  themselves  and  their  fellow- 
countrymen  to  a  very  disproportionate  view  of  their  place  and  significance  in  the  world. 
Campanella  is  known  to  have  asserted  the  moral  and  political  right  of  Spain  to  the 
domination  of  mankind.  Victor  Hugo  declares  France  to  be  the  "  saviour  of  nations  " 
and  the  desire  of  the  world.  Von  Bernhardi  proclaims  Germany  the  apostle  of  uni- 
versal culture  and  the  champion  of  civilisation.  Russia  sees  the  future  to  He  with  the 
old  Slavonic  stock.  America  is  confident  it  is  her  mission  to  "  run  this  globe."  And 
Britain  too,  impressed  with  the  magnitude  and  wealth  of  her  dominions,  entertains  no 
doubt  but  that  she  is  the  finest  flower  of  civilisation  in  the  garden  of  this  world. 
Happily  we  cannot  all  be  right,  and  happily,  too,  not  one  need  be  altogether  wrong. 
The  mistake  is  that  every  one  has  an  eye  for  himself  and  his  own  virtues,  but  small 
regard  for  others.  We  do  not  pause  to  consider  what  are  the  real  foundations  of 
patriotism  and  the  principles  of  nationality. 

Political  ethics  has  not  received  the  attention  at  the  hands  of  either  theorist  or 
statesman  that  it  deserves,  and  consequently  international  morality  is  still  of  a  very 
pagan  order.  There  is  a  survival  in  a  large  proportion  of  our  philosophy  of  the  ancient 
Greek  conception  of  the  State  as  the  supreme  category  of  all  human  action,  as  exhaust- 
ing all  possible  activity  of  the  individual,  moral  and  physical.  The  State  "  has  no 
determinate  function  in  a  larger  community,  but  is  in  itself  the  supreme  community  "  : 
writes  Professor  Bosanquet,  "It  is  the  guardian  of  a  whole  moral  world,  but  not  a 
factor  within  an  organised  moral  world  ;  moral  relations  presuppose  an  organised  life, 
but  such  life  is  only  within  the  State,  not  in  relations  between  the  State  and  other 
communities."  *  As  long  as  such  a  doctrine  is  preached  and  practised,  international 
relations  will  retain  their  present  low  standard  of  morality.  But  Christianity  has 
given  us  a  wider  sphere  of  operation  which  knows  no  such  limitations.  Not  only  have 
we  a  duty  to  perform  to  our  fellows  and  to  our  country,  but,  greater  and  more  binding 
still,  a  duty  to  humanity.  The  spiritual  activity  of  man  transcends  all  territorial 
frontiers  and  geographical  boundaries.  Art,  knowledge,  and  religion  are  neither 
the  creation  nor  the  property  of  any  one  nation.  They  are  the  treasures  which  all 
men  seek  and  in  the  pursuit  of  which  the  nations  are  at  one. 

The  obvious  lesson  of  this  is  co-operation,  which  means  spiritual  federation.  The 
old  idea  of  domination  is  superseded,  and  the  greatness  of  a  nation  can  no  longer  be 
held  to  lie  in  material  or  political  supremacy.  Greatness  is  now  measured  by  faith- 
fulness shown  in  the  pursuit  of  vocation  ;  and  the  reason  for  the  preservation  and 
maintenance,  of  nationalities,  small  and  large,  does  not  lie  in  any  real  or  imagined 
*  "  Philosophical  Theory  of  the  State,"  p.  325. 


360  HOW  CAN  AN  EMPIRE  PROVE  ITSELF  TO  BE  GREAT 

uperiority  of  one  over  another,  but  in  the  natural  law  which  demands  the  co-operation, 
for  the  good  of  mankind,  of  a  diversity  of  talents.  No  race  can  claim  a  monopoly 
of  virtues.  No  people  can  bid  for  the  supremacy  of  the  world.  And  that  nation  alone 
is  great  which  is  true  to  itself  and  to  its  vocation. 

This  is  the  heart  of  modern  Imperialism,  the  new  principle  of  empire-building, 
which  was  unfamiliar  to  the  ancient  mind.  The  political  motto  of  the  Roman  Empire 
was  "  Divide  et  Impera."  The  political  motto  of  the  British  Empire  is  "  Federation 
and  Freedom."  The  royal  title  of  Rome  was  "  Imperator."  The  royal  motto  of 
England  is  "  I  serve."  Christianity  has  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  the  underlying  principles 
of  ancient  Imperialism,  and  in  doing  so  has  effected  a  complete  reversal  of  ideals. 
Co-operation  has  proved  more  effective  than  isolation,  freedom  more  fruitful  than 
serfdom,  service  the  essence  of  sovereignty.  But  the  proof  of  this  has  been  a  work  of 
generations,  and  the  message  of  a  new  and  better  way  has  been  entrusted  to  a  later  civi- 
lisation. For  the  grand  old  empire,  built  as  it  was  upon  the  presupposition  of  slavery, 
and  brought  to  an  inevitable  downfall  by  its  latent  inadequacy,  could  not  easily  be 
reconstructed  upon  the  foundations  of  liberty.  Therefore  it  was  left  to  another  race 
in  another  age  to  expound  the  doctrine  of  freedom  in  its  national  application.  Long 
years  of  tyranny  were  endured  in  silence  before  they  roused  to  revolution  the  people 
whose  mission  to  the  world  as  yet  was  unexpressed.  Bitter  losses  and  defeats  were 
experienced  in  the  pursuit  of  self-aggrandisement  before  the  lesson  of  a  becoming 
humility  was  learnt.  The  wholesome  influence  of  a  world-wide  commerce,  and  the 
interchange  of  ideas  between  nation  and  nation,  were  required  to  dispel  the  narrower 
patriotism  founded  on  ignorance  and  arrogance.  Then  the  light  of  experience  shone 
out  upon  the  task  to  be  accomplished  and  a  reconciliation  was  effected  between  the 
apparently  conflicting  ideals  of  the  freedom  of  States  within  a  unity  of  Empire.  In 
reality  there  is  no  conflict  at  all,  rather  the  one  implies  the  other.  In  theory  one  is 
tempted  to  argue  that  Federation  necessitates  coercion,  while  self-government  implies 
disintegration.  But  history  has  disproved  the  claims  of  coercion  to  effect  a  union  of 
States ;  for  nationality,  if  it  be  not  crushed  out  of  existence,  often  thrives  under  the 
heel  of  oppression.  Never  was  the  nationality  of  Ireland  more  pronounced  than  when 
she  suffered  the  injustice  of  English  misrule.  The  attempt  to  Prussianise  Poland  by 
blotting  out  the  language  and  disinheriting  the  people  has  only  served  to  accentuate 
the  Polish  element  in  Germany.  No  real  unity  of  empire  is  effected  in  this  way. 
becomes  the  promiscuous  aggregation  of  diverse  nations,  destructive  of  the  whole  andj 
harmful  to  each. 

The  real  secret  of  unity  is  not  in  the  constraint  of  political  bondage,  but  in  moral 
and  spiritual  ties.  If  Christianity  dealt  a  death-blow  to  the  ancient  Imperialism,  we 
have  only  to  turn  to  its  positive  teaching  to  discover  the  reconciling  principle  of  unity 
and  freedom.  It  is  the  teaching  of  an  "  eternal  purpose  "  that  has  revolutionised  the 
ideas  of  the  Christian  world,  the  idea  that  history  marches  towards  the  realisation  of 
one  end,  a  belief  unfamiliar  to  antiquity  and  still  absent  from  non-Christian  countries. 
But  this  is  not  all,  for  a  belief  in  the  teleology  of  the  world  alone  might  suggest  the 
ultimate  supremacy  of  a  single  power,  and  the  survival  of  a  single  chosen  people 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  361 

Indeed,  have  we  not  shown  that  such  a  position  has  already  been  claimed  successively 
by  almost  every  nation  ?  But  that  is  a  narrow  patriotism  which  arrogates  to  itself  the 
only  place  in  the  eternal  purpose  ;  for  the  "  Gentiles  also  are  fellow-heirs  and  fellow- 
members  of  the  body,  and  fellow-partakers  of  the  promise."  The  human  race  embraces 
many  peoples.  The  solidarity  of  mankind  is  achieved  through  the  pursuit  of  multi 
farious  ends,  and  its  unity  made  perfect  in  the  fulfilment  of  a  single  purpose.  To  this 
high  end  the  Empire  consecrates  itself,  promoting  within  its  bounds  the  harmonious 
interaction  of  State  with  State,  securing  the  co-operation  of  nations,  and  encouraging 
the  fellowship  of  peoples,  while  they  in  turn,  by  the  completeness  of  their  separate 
development,  contribute  to  the  glory  of  the  Empire  made  great  in  the  service  of 
humanity,  and  the  attainment  of  the  earthly  destiny  of  man. 

N.  A.  TURNER-SMITH. 

(Edinburgh  University.) 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.* 

By  ALFRED  H.  HORSFALL,  M.B.,  D.S.O. 

THE  arrival  at  the  seat  of  war  of  the  first  contingents  of  soldiers  from  Australia 
to  take  their  place  on  the  battle-fields  of  Europe,  alongside  their  comrades  from  the 
United  Kingdom,  the  other  Dominions,  and  India,  is  an  important  event,  marking  a 
further  stage  in  the  history  of  the  development  of  the  relations  between  the  Mother- 
land and  the  Dominions.  This  is  the  third  time  that  Australian  troops  have  taken 
part  in  the  wars  of  the  Empire. 

The  first  occasion  on  which  she  had  the  honour  and  privilege  of  service  was  in 
885,  when  a  force  of  900  officers  and  men,  complete  in  every  detail,  left  Sydney  on 
rch  3  of  that  year  for  the  Soudan,  amid  a  scene  of  great  enthusiasm.  Victoria, 
uth  Australia,  and  Queensland  also  sent  offers  of  assistance  to  the  British  Govern- 
.ent,  which  were  regretfully  declined.  This  display  of  sympathy  succeeded  the 
.eath  of  General  Gordon  in  Khartoum,  in  January  of  the  same  year,  and  the 
nsequent  increasing  difficulties  of  the  Soudan  Campaign.  It  was  all  the  more 
significant  in  that  it  occurred  at  a  time  when  the  Australian  Colonists  felt  aggrieved 
at  the  attitude  adopted  by  the  British  Government  towards  German  aspirations  in 
New  Guinea.  It  will  be  remembered  in  this  connection  that  Lord  Derby  and  Prince 
Bismarck  had  divided  New  Guinea  between  them,  that  very  real  dangers  threatened 
Australia  from  the  expected  influx  of  convicts  from  French  New  Caledonia,  and 
that  the  threatened  foreign  annexations  in  Queensland  had  produced  a  feeling  of  alarm. 
This  event  was  absolutely  unique  in  the  history  of  the  British  people,  if  not  of  the 
world,  as  it  was  the  first  time  that  a  free  self-governing  Colony  dispatched  troops  on 
its  own  initiative  beyond  its  own  border,  to  assist  the  Motherland  in  her  efforts  to 
secure  good  government  in  a  semi-civilised  country. 

*  Paper  read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  held  at  the  Whitehall  Rooms,  Hotel 
Metropok,  on  Wednesday,  March  24,  1915,  the  Right  Hon.  Viscount  Milner,  G.C.B.,  Q.C.M.G.,  in 
the  Chair. 

2  B 


362  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

The  motives  that  prompted  these  actions  of  the  several  Australian  Colonies  were 
various  ;  it  is  sufficient  to  say  here  that  it  was  largely  an  expression  of  the  desire  of  a 
self-governing  people,  bound  by  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  affection,  and  sentiment 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  participate  in  their  mutual  responsibilities. 
That  first  expression  was  given  fuller  utterance  to  some  fifteen  years  later,  when 
the  citizen  soldiers  from  the  far  corners  of  our  wide-flung  Empire  forgathered  on  the 
veldt  of  South  Africa,  and  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a  somewhat  similar  period,  the  call 
to  arms  is  again  heard,  and  once  more  Australia  takes  her  place  on  the  honoured  field 
of  sacrifice. 

That  profound  loyalty  which  has  stirred  to  the  depths  the  Australian  national 
character  has  for  its  basis  several  determining  factors,  the  proper  realisation  of  which 
is  essential  to  a  correct  appreciation  of  its  far-reaching  results.  Its  outward  mani- 
festations are  shown  in  the  unbounded  enthusiasm  with  which  all  classes  in  the  com- 
munity are  showing  their  readiness  to  assist  to  the  fullest  extent  of  their  resources, 
both  in  men  and  treasure,  in  bringing  the  war  to  a  favourable  termination.  The 
Australian  people  are  essentially  British  in  origin  ;  they  have  the  same  love  of 
freedom,  a  similar  regard  for  civil  and  religions  liberty,  and  a  deep  attachment  to 
the  British  Empire.  Their  traditions  and  sentiments  are  entirely  British  ;  their 
literature  is  for  the  main  part  British  in  character ;  in  clubs  and  in  hotels,  journals 
and  periodicals  of  British  origin  are  mostly  found.  With  all  these  influences  at  work, 
and  living  so  far  from  the  centres  of  the  world's  thought  and  activities,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  they  are  very  jealous  of  the  honour  of  the  Mother-country.  In  the 
critical  period  previous  to  the  actual  declaration  of  hostilities,  the  feeling  uppermost 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  was  a  fear  not  that  the  British  Empire,  as  voiced  by  His 
Majesty's  Ministers  in  London,  would  go  to  war,  but  that  our  honour  might  be  irre- 
trievably lost,  were  we  to  shrink  from  facing  the  awful  consequences  of  this  most 
just  and  righteous  conflict.  The  love  of  liberty,  which  is  a  passion  almost  with 
Australians  as  it  is  with  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  United  Kingdom,  would  have 
impelled  them  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  Belgian  nation,  whose  freedom  and 
independence  were  wantonly  violated  by  a  powerful  and  unscrupulous  neighbour. 
They  had  a  fellow-feeling  towards  a  people  who  have  so  courageously  shown  the 
world  that  they  value  their  honour,  in  refusing  to  submit  to  national  extinction, 
higher  than  life  itself.  As  a  small  nation  occupying  a  large  area,  peculiarly  open 
to  attack,  at  the  outpost  of  Empire  as  it  were,  the  Australians  perhaps  value  more 
highly,  or  rather  realise  more  fully,  the  great  privileges  that  are  theirs  than  do  the 
people  of  Great  Britain.  Knowing  all  this,  their  sympathies  with  Belgium  might  be  all 
the  more  lively,  and  their  aid,  perhaps,  all  the  more  readily  granted.  It  is  absolutely 
certain  that  Australia  will  not  readily,  nor  willingly,  lay  down  her  arms  till  com- 
plete and  satisfactory  restitution  is  exacted  from  Germany  for  all  the  damage  and 
destruction  inflicted  on  Belgium.  They  further  realise  that  the  treatment  that  is 
being  meted  out  to  Belgium  to-day  might  easily  be  extended  to  Australia  to-morrow, 
if  the  power  of  Prussian  militarism,  and  all  that  it  involves,  be  not  permanently 
destroyed. 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  868 

It  would  be  unfair,  though,  to  say  that  sentiment  is  the  only  basis  for  the  patriotic 
movement  in  Australia  to-day,  though  that  sentiment  is  closely  allied  to  the  sentiment 
that  stirs  the  British  people  in  the  United  Kingdom.     It  is  well  to  recollect  the  help 
and  protection  which  the  British  Navy  and  Army,  more  especially  the  former,  has 
always  afforded,  and  still  does,  to  Australia.     Without  that  protection,  which  has  been 
a  very  heavy  burden  on  the  British  taxpayer,  Australia  could  not  have  flourished,  the 
development  of  her  resources  would  have  been  retarded,  and  her  institutions  and  her 
industries  could   not  have  reached  the  present   stage  of  growth.     Her  industries 
have  been  assisted  by  means  of  a  heavy  import  duty,  though  with  a  lower  tariff  against 
British  manufactures,  while  British  money  has  been  available  to  protect  the  commerce 
of  Australia  on  the  High  Seas.     Of  course,  the  British  Fleet,  in  protecting  Australia's 
commerce,  is  at  the  same  time  protecting  its  own ;  but,  without  digressing  further, 
it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  this  protection  by  the  United  Kingdom  is  another  cause 
that  awakens  the   desire  amongst  Australians  to  assist  to  carry  the  burden.     A 
further  reason  might  be  added.     The  glorious  deeds  that  have  won  the  Empire 
have  not  been  performed  without  a  tremendous  sacrifice  of  men  and  treasure.     Whilst 
Australia  inherits  the  traditions  of  the  past,  equally  with  her  sister  nations  in  other 
parts  of  the  world,  she  has  not  yet  inherited  the  burden  of  the  cost  of  all  these  deeds. 
Previous  to  this  conflict  Great  Britain  had  a  Public  Debt  of  seven  hundred  millions, 
the  bulk  of  which  has  been  expended  during  war  ;   not,  be  it  remembered,  in  prepara- 
tion for  war  during  peace.    It  will  surely  be  conceded  that  some  proportion  of  this 
sum  has  been  spent  in  securing  the  country  of  Australia  for  the  Empire.     Australia 
has  received  this  delightful  land  as  a  free  gift,  but  the  interest  on  the  National  Debt 
is  borne  by  the  people  of  the  United  Kingdom.     On  an  equitable  adjustment,  perhaps, 
there  are  reasons  why  Australia  should  not  pay  her  proportion  on  the  basis  of  popula- 
tion, but  sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  that  to  the  thoughtful  Australian  the  debt, 
at  least  of  honour,  is  more  on  the  side  of  Australia.    It  might,  of  course,  be  contended 
that  Australia  also  has  a  Public  Debt,  but  nearly  all  of  it  has  been  raised  for  business 
purposes,  such  as  railways,  water  supply,  and  remunerative  public  works  generally, 
so  it  cannot  be  classified  in  the  same  way  as   the  debt  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
Let  us  now  examine  the  resources  of  Australia  and  the  remarkable  development 
in  trade  and  commerce  within  the  last  twenty  years,  particularly  with  the  countries 
surrounding  the  Pacific  and  Indian  Oceans,  to  show  the  great  stake  Australia  has 
in  the  Southern  Pacific.     An  attempt  will  be  made  to  indicate  some  of  Germany's 
most  notable  examples  of  Empire-building,  contrasting  them  with  British  attempts, 
and  also  Australian,  to  show  that,  apart  from  patriotic  motives,  self-interest,  the 
increase  of  Australian  productions,  the  advancement  of  Australian  industry  and  of 
Australian  enterprise,  and  the  satisfactory  realisation  of  Australian  ideals,  in  securing 
for  the  Empire  a  position  of  power  and  influence  in  the  Pacific,  are  all  dependent 
on  Australia  remaining  under  the  protection  of  the  British  Flag.     Further,  it  may 
not  be  vain  to  express  the  hope  that  an  Australian  ideal,  which  is  also  a  stake  in  the 
war,  may  be  the  desire  to  take  her  place  in  the  Councils  of  Empire,  to  help  in  shaping 
for  the  good  of  mankind  the  destinies  of  this  our  common  inheritance. 

SB! 


364  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

Australia  is  a  continent  which,  with  Tasmania,  has  an  area  of  about  three  million 
square  miles  ;  it  is  approximately  the  same  size  as  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
about  twenty-four  times  as  large  as  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  it  is  situated  between 
the  tenth  and  the  fortieth  degrees  of  South  latitude.  With  that  range  of  latitude  it 
has  a  climate  varying  from  that  of  the  tropics  to  that  of  the  cool  temperate  regions  ; 
on  parts  of  the  highlands  in  the  South  snow  is  found  all  the  year  round,  and  it  is 
capable  of  producing  an  infinite  variety  of  agricultural  products,  from  rice,  cotton,  and 
sugar  in  the  North,  to  wheat,  oats,  and  barley  in  the  South.  There  are  immense 
tracts  of  country  in  the  northern  territory  where  cotton  could  be  produced,  and  where 
it  is  at  present  growing  wild  and  untended.  Owing  to  the  lack  of  a  cheap  and  plentiful 
supply  of  labour,  this  latter  product,  and  others  of  a  similar  nature,  do  not  receive 
the  attention  that  they  deserve.  It  is  unnecessary  to  remind  you  that  wool  and  mutton 
are  the  staple  products  of  the  country ;  Australasia  produced  nearly  a  third  of  the 
world's  supply  of  wool  in  1913.  Beef  production  promises  to  attract  greater  attention 
in  the  future  than  it  has  received  in  the  past.  The  American  packing  firm,  Messrs. 
Armour  &  Company,  of  Chicago,  sent  a  representative  to  Australia  last  year  to 
encourage  the  production  of  beef,  as  the  United  States  of  America  is,  and  has  been 
for  some  years  past,  unable  to  supply  her  own  requirements  in  that  respect.  Great 
Britain  and  most  of  the  countries  of  Europe  have  for  a  long  time  been  in  the  same 
position.  The  Japanese  are  also  rapidly  becoming  consumers  of  meat,  but,  owing 
to  the  density  of  their  population,  they  are  unable  to  supply  their  own  demands. 
Large  areas  of  the  empty  northern  territory  are  particularly  suited  to  the  breeding 
of  cattle,  and  Australia  is  here  again  faced  with  the  problem  of  securing  an  adequate 
supply  of  suitable  labour ;  as  the  world's  needs  in  this  direction  are  becoming  more 
and  more  urgent,  she  must  settle  the  question  with  a  due  regard  to  the  economical 
supply  of  the  world's  requirements.  Its  mineral  resources  have,  so  far,  barely  been 
touched ;  there  are  enormous  deposits  of  coal  close  to  the  coast  in  various  parts  ; 
iron  has  been  found  of  excellent  quality,  and  other  minerals  are  being  mined  with 
profit. 

The  external  trade  of  Australia  during  the  last  twenty  years  has  increased  much 
more  rapidly  than  her  population,  for  whereas  her  population  has  increased  only  from 
three  millions  to  five  millions,  her  trade  has  increased,  during  the  same  period,  from 
57  million  pounds  sterling  in  1893  to  158  million  pounds  in  1913,  an  increase  per  head 
of  population  of  from  £17  to  £30.  The  shipping  that  carries  this  trade,  imports 
and  exports,  has  grown  from  a  tonnage  of  four  millions  to  ten  millions  annually. 
Excepting  New  Zealand,  Belgium,  Holland,  and  Switzerland,  Australia  has  a 
larger  trade  per  head  of  population  than  any  country  in  the  world.  The  external 
trade  of  the  three  small  European  countries  named  can  hardly  be  compared  with  that 
of  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  as  a  large  proportion  of  their  external  trade  is  com- 
parable with  the  internal  trade  of  the  States  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia.  The 
trade  routes  of  these  three  countries  manifestly  do  not  require  the  same  protection. 

The  following  table  is  instructive  as  showing  the  total  external  trade  per  head  of 
population  in  the  different  countries.  The  table  excludes  imports  that  are  re-exported* 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  365 

and  includes  imports  retained  for  home  consumption  and  exports  of  domestic  produce 
and  manufacture,  thus  indicating  the  actual  business  of  the  country  : — 

Per  head  per  annum. 
£     a.    d. 

New  Zealand 35    9    0 

Australia 29    8    0 

Canada 24    3    0 

United  Kingdom 22  16    0 

France 14     3    0 

Germany 13    9    0 

United  States  of  America 800 

Japan          ..........  200 

The  inter-State  trade  of  Australia  is  not,  of  course,  included  in  these  figures  ; 
as  New  Zealand  has  not  the  same  facilities  for  internal  trade  as  Australia,  owing  to  its 
smaller  population  and  smaller  area,  the  amount  of  Australia's  external  trade  would 
be  much  larger  proportionately  were  these  two  conditions  equal  in  both  cases.  With 
the  exception  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  a  varying  proportion  of  the  trade  of 
these  other  countries  is  carried  by  land,  and  in  cases  where  this  is  not  so  the  distance 
by  sea  is  very  short.  An  examination  of  these  figures  shows  the  extreme  vulner- 
ability for  attack  that  Australia  presents,  and,  when  it  is  further  recognised  that  the 
whole  of  this  trade  is  conducted  with  countries  far  removed  from  its  shores,  the  vital 
importance  of  adequate  naval  protection  is  at  once  apparent,  without  which  the  very 
existence  of  Australia  is  at  stake. 

Within  the  last  twenty  years  Australia  has  increased  her  trade  with  the  countries 
surrounding  the  Pacific  and  Indian  Oceans  from  17  per  cent,  of  her  total  trade  in  1892 
to  28|  per  cent,  of  her  total  in  1912,  the  figures  being  ten  million  pounds  in  1893,  and 
forty-four  and  a-half  million  pounds  in  1912.  This  possibly  may  partially  account 
for  the  comparative  decline  of  her  trade  with  the  United  Kingdom,  though,  even  so, 
her  trade  with  the  latter  has  doubled  in  the  period  under  review.  This  aspect  is  an 
additional  reason  for  Australia's  anxiety  to  secure  that  position  of  influence  in  the 
Pacific  which  her  magnificent  resources,  her  increasing  trade,  and  her  British 
traditions  demand. 

Two  factors  of  peculiar  significance  may  be  noted  as  marking  the  recognition  by 
Australia  of  her  undoubted  future  in  the  Pacific,  and  the  belief  that  her  present  position 
and  influence  are  only  in  their  infancy. 

The  first  is  the  rapidity  with  which  the  different  Colonies  of  the  group,  that  are 
now  the  States  of  the  Commonwealth,  came  together  and  forced  their  leaders  to  frame 
a  satisfactory  constitution  for  a  Federated  Australia,  during  the  later  years  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  The  incidents  that  occurred,  and  that  are  mentioned  earlier 
in  this  Paper,  proved  to  Australians  the  danger  they  incurred  from  having  the  outposts 
of  foreign  Powers  located  in  such  close  proximity  to  their  own  country.  Six  different 
Colonies,  with  six  different  Agents-General  in  London,  and  with  very  often  six  different 


366  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

instructions,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  carry  the  same  weight  as  one  representative 
speaking  for  the  whole  of  Australia.  The  Colonial  Office  in  London,  whilst  undoubtedly 
most  desirous  of  meeting  the  wishes  of  the  Australian  people,  might  have  been  par- 
doned for  thinking  that  Australia  did  not  know  its  own  mind,  when  it  was  confronted 
with  six  different  expressions  of  opinion,  as  it  often  was.  Moreover,  the  delay  in- 
volved in  obtaining  the  assent  of  six  different  Premiers  to  a  conjoint  action  militated 
very  often  against  successful  representation  in  London.  There  were,  of  course,  other 
causes  that  promoted  the  desire  for  federation,  but  it  is  very  evident  that  a  realisation, 
both  of  the  dangers  that  confronted  them  as  six  different  and  separate  Colonies,  and 
of  the  great  future  that  awaited  Australia  in  the  Pacific,  was  a  large  determining 
factor  in  the  final  accomplishment  of  Union.  Japan  was  then  only  a  small  speck  in 
the  northern  horizon,  but  it  was  rapidly  growing  larger.  She  had  but  recently  de- 
feated her  great  antagonist,  China,  in  battle,  and  a  desire  increasingly  made  manifest 
to  enter  into  peaceful  trade  relations  with  such  a  young  and  enterprising  nation  appealed 
very  strongly  to  the  vigorous  enthusiasm  of  the  Australian  character. 

The  second  factor  influencing  Australia's  recognition  of  her  destiny  in  the  Pacific 
is  shown  in  the  measures  adopted  towards  her  defence. 

A  glance  at  the  following  table  will  show  the  annual  expenditure  of  the  various 
countries  per  inhabitant  on  defence.  These  are  derived  from  the  latest  available 
figures  : — 

3.    d. 

Great  Britain 32  3 

France 28  7 

Australia 23  7 

Germany 21   5 

United  States  of  America        . 12  0 

Russia 88 

*Japan 46 

Canada 45 

The  question  whether  Australia's  expenditure  in  this  regard  is  commensurate 
with  the  highest  degree  of  efficiency,  as  judged  from  an  Imperial  standard,  is  outside 
the  scope  of  the  present  Paper,  and  is  one  the  discussion  of  which  must  be  left,  in  the 
first  instance,  to  the  advocates  of  the  "  local  Navy,"  as  opposed  to  the  "  Unity  of 
Control  "  school.  The  lessons  of  the  present  War  will  undoubtedly  be  of  much 
assistance  in  enabling  Imperialists  to  formulate  a  satisfactory  policy.  Nevertheless, 
one  can  say  that  Australians  have  shown  the  faith  that  is  in  them  by  so  rapidly  in- 
creasing their  burden  of  taxation  for  their  defence.  One  must  consider  in  this  regard 
that  the  iDcidence  of  taxation  is  more  appreciably  felt  in  Australia  than  in  older 
countries,  for  the  reason  that  people  emigrating  to  a  young  country  must  necessarily 
sacrifice  the  result  of  the  combined  savings  of  their  forefathers,  and  must  start  afresh 

*  Excluding  extraordinary  expenditure. 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  367 

in  constructing  anew  the  institutions,  &c.,  which  would  have  been  theirs  had  they 
remained  in  the  Old  Country.  This  is  exemplified  by  the  fact  that  most  old  countries 
are  lenders  and  young  ones  borrowers.  A  consideration  of  this  factor  renders  it  easy 
to  comprehend  that  young  countries  are  necessarily  unable  to  gain  with  the  same 
ease  that  position  of  security  which  older  countries  are  capable  of  maintaining.  The 
magnificent  response  of  the  Australian  people  to  the  exigencies  of  compulsory  training, 
for  all  male  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth,  further  emphasises  their  recognition  of  the 
necessity  of  being  prepared  to  defend  the  trust  reposed  in  them.  It  may  not  be 
inopportune  to  reiterate  that  the  position  and  destiny  that  Australia  is  determined 
to  maintain  can  only  be  maintained  and  extended  while  she  remains  an  integral  part 
of  the  British  Empire. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  the  dangers  that  Australia  runs  in  this  war  are  infinitely 
greater  than  those  from  which  the  United  Kingdom  may  suffer  were  she  to  be  defeated. 
It  is  apparent  that  Germany  could  not  hope  to  obtain  much  from  either  Russia  or 
France,  as  the  result  of  a  successful  campaign,  to  compensate  her  for  the  risks  of  war 
and  for  the  enormous  sacrifices  entailed  upon  her  during  the  last  forty  years  of  prepara- 
tion. It  has  been  increasingly  made  manifest  during  recent  years  that  the  ultimate 
object  of  Germany's  designs  has  been,  and  is,  the  British  Empire.  There  are  many 
both  at  home  and  overseas  who  have  realised  this  danger  for  many  years  past,  and 
since  the  War  started  the  evidences  in  favour  of  this  view  have  been  overwhelmingly 
accumulating.  Some  years  ago  a  rumour  spread  over  Australia,  and  was  voiced 
in  the  Press,  that  Germany  was  desirous  of  annexing  certain  parts  of  Western 
Australia  for  the  purposes  of  settlement.  Without  discussing  the  reasons  why  such  a 
proposal,  if  it  might  be  so  called,  could  not  possibly  be  entertained,  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  it  raised  such  a  storm  of  indignant  protest  that  nothing  more  was  heard. 
Germans  have  always  been  as  free  to  settle  in  Australia  as  British  citizens  ;  they 
have  been  welcomed,  and  have  received  the  same  liberty  and  justice.  On  the  whole 
it  can  be  freely  admitted  that  individually  they  have  made  excellent  settlers,  hard- 
working and  industrious.  They  always  desire  to  settle  in  British  Dominions  in 
preference  to  living  in  German  Colonies, their  freedom  and  liberties  are  so  much  greater. 
If  Germany  were  successful  in  this  War  it  would  be  obviously  impracticable  for  her 
to  administer  these  islands  as  a  dependency.  The  United  Kingdom  would  possibly 
be  compelled  to  submit  to  a  huge  indemnity,  which  would  more  or  less  cripple  her 
for  all  time,  but  it  is  impossible  to  think  that  her  national  existence  would  or  could  be 
permanently  destroyed.  Not  so  with  Australia.  Her  existence  as  a  British  Dominion 
would  at  once  cease,  and  Australia  would  be  placed  under  the  German  flag.  Such  an 
appalling  catastrophe  would  be  intolerable.  Her  traditions  would  be  gone.  Her 
ideals  would  be  shattered.  Her  aspirations — and  they  are  by  no  means  unworthy  of 
the  stock  from  which  she  has  sprung — would  be  destroyed,  and  the  monster  of "  German 
culture  "  would  take  the  place  of  liberty  and  justice,  to  the  accompaniment  of  streams 
of  blood  and  untold  misery.  Australia  would,  of  course,  oppose  German  pretensions 
to  the  best  of  her  ability,  but  she  could  not  possibly  hope  to  resist  the  power  of  this 
triumphant  enemy. 


368  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

What  then  ?  Australia  would  be  deprived,  first,  of  her  national  existence.  A 
German  Governor-General  would  be  installed  at  the  seat  of  Government.  An  army 
of  German  officials  would  occupy  the  places  now  held  by  Australia's  leading  citizens. 
The  trade  of  Australia,  instead  of  following  its  natural  course,  would  be  diverted  to 
Germany.  Australia's  trade  and  influence  in  the  South  Seas,  which  has  been  con- 
structed with  much  effort  and  sacrifice,  would  be  directed  to  increasing  the  wealth 
and  power  of  Germany.  The  impoverishment  of  the  country  and  the  degradation 
of  the  people  would  proceed  apace. 

That  this  would  be  the  future  of  Australia  one  cannot  doubt  when  one  reads  of 
the  attempts  already  made  by  Germany  at  empire-building,  and  contrasts  them 
with  the  efforts  of  the  British  Empire  in  the  same  direction.  Professor  M.  Bonn, 
from  Munich  University  in  Germany,  in  an  address  delivered  by  him  before  the 
Royal  Colonial  Institute  recently,  on  "  German  South- West  Africa,"  said  the 
following : — "  The  German  Government  have  shown  plainly  enough  that  their 
ideal  of  colonisation  is  not  a  policy  of  settlement,  but  one  of  commercial  exploi- 
tation." That  commercial  exploitation  was  responsible  for  the  destruction  of 
over  forty  thousand  natives  out  of  a  population  of  approximately  one  hundred 
thousand  during  their  campaign  against  the  Hereros  some  few  years  back.  The 
Germans  secured  peace,  but  only  the  peace  of  the  wilderness.  British  officers  from 
the  west  coast  of  tropical  Africa  often  report  that  natives  are  continually  coming 
from  German  Colonies  to  British,  owing  to  the  severity  of  the  treatment  administered 
to  them  by  the  German  officials.  The  German  attitude  towards  the  Chinese  in  Kiao- 
chau  has  been  one  long  story  of  oppression  and  cruelty. 

But  why  continue  this  sad  story  ?  Sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  the  incapacity 
of  Germany  as  a  coloniser.  She  has  utterly  failed  to  understand  the  first  principles 
of  the  government  of  colonies  and  possessions,  that  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the 
people  must  be  as  vitally  a  necessary  consideration  as  is  that  of  the  citizens  of  the  Mother- 
land. If  that  desideratum  be  not  achieved  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  Mother- 
land, sooner  or  later,  are  prejudicially  affected,  although  at  first  a  condition  of  spurious 
prosperity  may  be  apparent.  The  evidences  of  history  are  absolutely  conclusive 
in  this  respect.  Great  Britain  has  for  upwards  of  a  century  been  endeavouring  to 
prove  the  truth  of  this  axiom,  and  upon  her  knowledge  of  this  depends  her  greatness. 
In  India  she  has  spent  the  lives  of  her  brightest  sons  in  ministering  to  the  happiness 
of  His  Majesty's  Indian  subjects,  and  the  splendid  testimony  of  India's  native  princes 
and  people  to  the  wisdom  of  that  policy,  as  exemplified  by  their  patriotic  insistence 
to  sacrifice  themselves  for  King  and  Empire  in  this  War,  is  another  proof  that  the 
eternal  principles  of  Right,  Equity,  and  Justice  are  stronger  than  those  of  Might, 
Selfishness,  and  Greed.  Forty  years  ago  Egypt  was  a  land  where  bribery  and  corrup- 
tion in  high  places  were  responsible  for  the  degradation  and  misery  of  the  native 
Egyptian  peasant.  Thanks  to  the  integrity,  honour,  and  perseverance  of  British 
officials,  in  the  face  of  desperate  opposition  at  home  sometimes,  and  abroad  always, 
when  the  British  officers  of  the  Civil  and  Military  Services  often  willingly  forwent 
part  of  their  salaries,  when  the  finances  were  stringent,  the  condition  of  Egypt  has 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  369 

never  been  so  prosperous  as  it  is  to-day.  The  Malay  Peninsula  is  another  shining 
example  of  the  beneficence  of  British  rule  and  occupation  ;  the  offer  of  a  battleship 
by  the  Federated  Malay  States  is  too  recent  to  need  comment  beyond  pointing  the 
moral.  South  Africa  is  illuminating.  Beyond  a  few  irreconcilables,  who,  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe,  have  been  bribed  by  our  German  foes,  our  aforetime  enemies 
arc  now  our  most  loyal  friends  and  fellow -citizens. 

The  lessons  in  colonisation  and  in  governing  subject  races  that  the  United  Kingdom 
has  learned  and  striven  to  apply  have  been  extended  to  Australia.  She  too  has 
learned  the  lesson  of  sacrifice.  For  the  last  twenty  years  or  more  she  has  been  re- 
sponsible for  the  administration  of  British  New  Guinea,  a  country  containing  a  native 
population  of  cannibals  and  head-hunters,  whom  it  is  the  duty  of  Australia,  at  no 
small  cost  to  herself  and  without  any  prospect  of  immediate  financial  benefit,  to  attempt 
to  bring  into  the  pale  of  civilisation — one  of  the  burdens  of  Empire  which  Australians 
willingly  shoulder,  true  sons  of  a  worthy  sire. 

It  is  thus  that  Australia  is  preparing  herself  to  support  that  portion  of  the  load 
of  Empire  which  she  is  fit  to  carry.  May  it  be  permissible  to  express  the  hope  that, 
now  that  she  has  served  her  apprenticeship  in  the  science  and  art  of  the  government 
of  her  own  Dominion  and  its  Dependencies,  she  may,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  be  privi- 
leged to  take  her  seat  on  the  board  of  the  Council  of  Empire  ?  It  may  not  be  unwise 
to  think  that  she  would  bring  to  the  assistance  of  these  high  deliberations  those 
qualities  that  are  the  peculiar  attributes  of  youth  and  enthusiasm,  and  that  ex- 
perience of  new  conditions  that  is  gained  only  in  a  young  country,  where  old  customs 
and  the  habits  of  generations  are  little  more  than  a  memory.  On  the  other  hand,  she 
should  gain  much  from  the  deliberative  methods  of  the  United  Kingdom,  where  the 

things  of  the  past  and  the  lessons  to  be  gained  therefrom  act  as  a  very  necessary 

ik  on  the  possibly  too  hasty  efforts  at  reform  which  are  so  characteristic  of  young 
)untries. 

Inasmuch  as  charity  begins  at  home,  and  as  a  people  must  first  secure  its  own 
fety,    preserve   its   own  institutions,   foster   its  own    resources,  and    uphold  its 
liberties  by  the  strength  of  its  own   right  arm,   before  it  can  bestow  these 
jnefits  on  others  less  favoured,  Australians   have   realised   that  they  "  must  fight 

the  last  man  and  must  utilise  their  utmost  resources,"  to  quote  from  a  recent 
speech  of  a  prominent  politician  in  Australia,  in  order  to  secure  for  themselves  and 
the  Empire,  and  bequeath  to  their  children  and  their  children's  children,  the  heritage 
they  have  received  from  their  fathers. 

Before  the  Paper : 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Viscount  Milner) :  We  have  met  to-night  to  hear  from  one  of  our  Australian 
members  what  he  considers  to  be  the  special  interest — the  special  stake — which  Australia 
has  in  the  great  contest  in  which  the  whole  of  the  Empire  is  at  present  engaged.  That  is 
rather  a  new  aspect  of  the  one  subject  which  engrosses  all  our  hearts  and  minds  at  the  present 
time.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  there  is  anything  new  in  the  readiness  of  Australia 
and  the  other  great  Dominions  to  rally  to  the  Mother-country  in  a  time  of  trouble. 
Ever  since  they  came  to  man's  estate  they  have  shown  themselves  not  only  willing 
but  eager  to  stand  by  her  in  any  emergency,  whenever  the  duty  of  defending  every 
part  of  the  Empire,  which,  in  the  days  of  their  infancy,  rested  on  her  alone,  seemed 


370  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

to  place  an  exceptional  strain  on  her  energy  or  her  resources.  And,  as  this  is  by 
far  the  greatest  struggle  in  which  our  country  has  been  engaged  for  a  century,  or 
perhaps  ever,  the  efforts  and  sacrifices  of  the  great  Dominions  have  been  proportionately 
increased.  I  believe  they  would  have  been  prepared  to  make  these  sacrifices  in 
any  case  where  the  safety  or  honour  of  the  Empire  .were  involved.  But  it  is  one  thing  for 
them  to  throw  themselves  into  the  struggle  as  they  have  done,  heart  and  soul,  from  a  family 
feeling  or  for  the  honour  of  the  flag,  and  quite  another  for  them  to  feel  that  the  things  which 
are  at  stake  in  this  fight  concern  them  as  vitally  as  they  do  the  Mother-country — that  they 
are  fighting  not  only  for  the  Mother-country,  but  for  themselves,  and  that  they  have  a  direct 
and  individual  interest  in  the  victory  of  our  cause. 

Now  there  is  a  certain  element  of  novelty  in  that  view  of  the  case.  It  is  a  point 
of  view  on  which  I  understand  the  principal  speaker  to-night  proposes  to  insist.  He 
feels  that  even  if  Australia  had  not  had  the  motives  of  Imperial  patriotism  to  draw 
her  into  the  struggle,  she  would  nevertheless  have  been  impelled  to  engage  in  it  with 
all  her  energy,  because  her  own  independence  and  even  her  own  existence  were  at 
stake.  It  seems  a  matter  of  incalculable  importance  that  the  first  occasion  on  which 
the  Imperial  tie  has  been  exposed  to  a  really  great  strain  is  a  War,  in  which  there  is  in  the 
Dominions  not  only  complete  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  Mother-country  on  account 
of  its  righteousness,  but  also  this  realisation  that  their  own  vital  interests  are  affected,  and 
that  victory  in  the  struggle  means  all  in  all  to  them.  I  say  that  is  of  incalculable  import- 
ance, because,  remember  what  the  position  is — or  rather  was — a  position  very  peculiar  and 
almost  precarious.  The  Dominions  were  liable  to  be  involved  in  the  most  momentous 
experience  which  can  befall  any  nation — that  of  a  great  war.  They  were  liable  to 
be  involved  in  this  world-wide  struggle,  and  indeed  were  involved  in  it,  without  having 
any  share  or  the  slightest  voice  or  control  in  the  policy  which  led  to  that  result. 
That  is  a  position  fundamentally  unsound  and  in  the  long  run  impossible.  It  is  con- 
trary to  all  the  traditions  and  all  the  most  deeply-seated  political  instincts  of  our  race, 
which  has  always  sought  to  throw  the  burden  of  any  obligation  exclusively  on  the 
parties  who  contracted  it.  The  old  saw  "  no  taxation  without  representation  "  is  only 
a  crude  and  rather  superficial  statement  of  a  great  principle.  The  underlying  truth  is 
something  far  wider  and  deeper  than  that.  But  in  the  present  inchoate  condition  of 
Imperial  relations,  the  issues  of  peace  and  war  rest  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mother-country.  It  is  a  piece  of  high  good  fortune,  therefore,  that  in  the  present  case 
the  action  of  the  Mother-country  was  one  that  appealed  at  once  to  all  the  peoples  of  the 
Dominions,  and  that  they  were  able  to  follow  her  lead  without  a  shadow  of  hesitation.  The 
moral  effect  of  that  unanimity  of  the  Empire,  apart  entirely  from  the  access  of  material 
strength  which  it  brought  to  us,  is  incalculable,  and  certainly  it  has  met  with  most  warm- 
hearted appreciation  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

But  there  is  another  obligation,  besides  that  of  gratitude,  which  this  single-minded 
espousal  of  our  cause  by  the  people  of  the  Dominions  imposes  on  this  country.  It  is 
not  well  to  go  on  taking  everything  for  granted.  It  does  not  follow,  because  the 
Dominions  have  thrown  themselves  heartily  into  a  war  which  they  had  no  share  in 
declaring,  that  they  would  be  equally  prepared  to  endorse  a  peace  about  which  they 
had  not  been  consulted,  and  which  they  had  no  share  in  making.  Remember  that 
on  a  previous  and  most  disastrous  occasion  it  was  not  war — not  the  strain  of  war — 
which  disrupted  the  Empire,  but  the  aftermath  of  war.  There  is  a  risk  here  which  we 
ought  not  to  run,  and  which  in  my  opinion  there  is  no  reason  and  no  excuse  for 
running.  For  though  war  came  like  a  thief  in  the  night,  peace,  alas,  is  not  likely  to 
come  as  quickly.  There  is  plenty  of  time  to  think  about  it,  and  though  the  public 
discussion  of  terms  of  peace  may  be  undesirable,  it  is  not  only  not  undesirable  but  very 
necessary  that  statesmen  should  reflect  upon  them  betimes,  and  the  statesmen  of  this 
country  can  hardly  reflect  upon  such  a  subject  without  feeling  the  necessity  of  making 
themselves  acquainted  with  the  views  and  wishes  of  their  fellow-statesmen  in  the 
overseas  Empire. 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  371 

There  is  one  objection  which  may  be  taken  to  that  line  of  thought.  Some  may  say 
"It  is  not  a  good  thing  to  begin  dividing  the  bear's  skin  until  you  have  killed  the 
bear ;  this  is  not  the  time  to  talk  about  what  is  to  come  after  war ;  our  first  business 
is  to  win  it."  And  certainly  that  is  a  sentiment  with  which  I  am  in  most  cordial 
agreement.  For  the  rank  and  file  of  us  there  is  no  doubt  no  better  rule  than  to  put 
all  other  thoughts  behind  us  and  to  concentrate  all  our  efforts  for  the  time  being  on 
the  achievement  of  victory.  But  of  those  who  have  the  destinies  of  this  country  in 
their  charge,  in  spite  of  all  the  anxiety  and  all  the  labour  of  the  present  time,  some- 
thing more  is  expected.  It  is  their  business  to  look  ahead.  That  may  not  be  a 
favourite  form  of  exercise  with  them,  but  at  any  rate  it  will  do  them  no  harm  to 
practise  it  in  the  present  case.  They  have  got  to  look  ahead  and  to  take  counsel 
betimes  with  men  who  occupy  a  similar  position  in  the  overseas  Empire,  so  that  when 
the  time  comes  we  may  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace  with  a  full  knowledge  of 
their  views  and  desires,  and,  I  hope,  with  a  pretty  full  sympathy  with  their  point  of 
view.  For  we  must  never  forget  that  in  dealing  with  the  settlement  after  the  War, 
the  British  negotiators  will  not  only  represent  the  Mother-country,  they  will  be  trustees 
for  all  the  peoples  of  the  Empire. 

I  need  hardly  say  that  in  these  negotiations  we  shall  not  be  able  to  have  every- 
thing our  own  way.  To  what  extent  we  can  have  our  own  way  depends  in  the  first 
instance  on  the  measure  of  our  victory.  But  even  if  that  victory  were  complete,  if 
the  enemy  were  not  only  worsted,  but  absolutely  beaten  to  the  ground,  it  would  still 
not  be  Great  Britain  or  even  the  British  Empire  which  would  be  the  only  conqueror. 
Our  Allies,  who  have  had  to  bear  the  fiercest  brunt  of  the  struggle,  will  have  to  be 
taken  into  consideration,  and  the  compensation  which  will  have  to  be  made  to  them 
may  go  very  near  to  exhausting  the  damages,  whether  in  money  or  kind,  which  the 
enemy  can  be  made  to  pay  or  may  be  able  to  pay.  It  seems  almost  inevitable  that 
any  conceivable  settlement  of  the  War  will  disappoint  a  good  many  people,  and  among 
others  it  may  cause  some  disappointment  to  our  fellow- citizens  in  Australia  or  Africa 
or  North  America.  All  the  more  necessary  is  it  that  they  should  feel  that  if  they 
have  to  forego  any  portion  of  what  they  may  be  looking  forward  to — and  reasonably 
looking  forward  to — it  should  not  be  due  to  any  neglect  of  their  interests  by  British 
statesmen,  but  simply  to  the  necessities  of  the  case.  They  are  reasonable  people  and 
they  are  generous  people.  They  have  not  gone  into  this  fight  from  motives  of  avarice 
or  ambition,  but  from  a  sense  of  duty  and  of  patriotism,  and  though  they  may  rightly 
expect  that  at  the  end  of  the  War  their  position  will  be  strengthened  and  safeguarded, 
they  will  not  be  disposed  to  press  individual  and  local  claims  too  hardly  if  they  are 
satisfied  that  the  settlement  is  the  best  that  can  be  achieved  in  the  interests  of  the 
Empire  as  a  whole,  and  that  they  themselves  are  parties  to  it.  That  seems  to  me  to 
be  the  essential  consideration.  They  may  not  be  parties  to  it  in  form,  but  they  ought 
to  be  parties  to  it  virtually — to  be  treated  with  perfect  confidence,  to  be  consulted 
about  it,  and  to  have  the  amplest  opportunities  to  make  their  views  known  and  their 
influence  felt.  But  with  that  object  in  view  it  is  necessary  not  to  put  off  the  con- 
sideration of  these  matters  too  long,  but  to  talk  them  over  in  good  time — not  to  wait 
until  the  moment  of  settlement,  which  may  ultimately  be  somewhat  rushed,  is  actually 
upon  us.  That,  in  view  of  the  sacrifices  which  the  peoples  of  the  oversea  Empire 
are  making,  is  the  least  to  which  they  are  entitled.  And  I  think  a  frank  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  right  will  not  only  avert  misunderstanding  and  grievance  when  the  War 
is  over,  but  will  lead  us  all  a  good  deal  further  along  the  road  upon  which  I  fancy 
those  whom  I  am  addressing  all  desire  to  travel — the  road  to  that  more  perfect  and 
permanent  Imperial  partnership  which  it  should  be  the  constant  object  of  British 
statesmanship  to  attain. 

After  the  Paper. 

HON.  THOMAS  MACKENZIE,  High  Commissioner  for  New  Zealand,  said  that  the  Paper 
rightly  emphasised  the  spirit  in  which  the  Australian  contingent  was  sent.  German 


372  AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR. 

colonists  had  been  welcomed  [in  the  Dominions  in  the  past  and  made  good  settlers, 
but  it  is  doubtful  if  they  will  be  welcome  in  the  future,  for  it  has  been  proved  that,  while 
enjoying  our  hospitality  and  protection,  they  were  plotting  against  us.  He  had  demon- 
strated that  the  German  attempt  to  increase  trade  with  New  Zealand  was  entirely  one- 
sided. They  wished  to  send  their  manufactured  goods  but,  with  the  exception  of  wool, 
barred  the  admission  of  New  Zealand  products.  Some  New  Zealanders  had  patronised 
German  boats,  with  the  result  that,  when  war  broke  out,  their  return  tickets  were  of 
no  value,  and  he  could  not  help  feeling  that  it  served  them  right,  for  there  were  splendid 
shipping  services  between  New  Zealand  and  this  country.  Mr.  Horsfall  gave  the  figure 
for  New  Zealand  exports  at  £35  per  head,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  external  trade 
is  £46  per  head,  which  shows  the  productiveness  of  the  country;  but  the  growth  of 
trade  with  the  Mother-country  had  not  kept  pace  with  the  development  as  a  whole, 
although  New  Zealand  still  does  the  bulk  of  her  trade  with  the  old  land.  He  thought 
Mr.  Horsfall  was  on  rather  thin  ice  when  he  suggested  that  Australia  is  not  so  well 
represented  by  her  six  Agents-General  as  by  one  High  Commissioner,  for  the  wide  areas 
of  Australia,  not  yet  sufficiently  linked  up,  involve  some  differences  of  local  interests. 
What  is  needed  is  diversity  of  representation  and  unity  of  principle.  The  great 
necessity  of  Australia  is  population,  and  it  should  be  part  of  Imperial  policy  to  supply 
this.  He  thought  the  suggestion  that  the  Dominions  had  a  debt  of  honour  to  pay  in 
respect  of  the  National  Debt  was  too  bold,  but  entirely  agreed  as  to  the  paramount 
necessity  for  more  adequate  defence  in  the  future.  Regarding  the  desirableness  of  the 
Dominions  being  consulted  as  to  the  settlement,  he  believed  that  one  of  the  develop- 
ments which  will  finally  result  will  be  the  formation  of  a  truly  Imperial  body  of  men 
dealing  with  Imperial  questions,  so  that  in  future  the  interests  of  every  part  of  the 
Empire  shall  not  be  determined  by  a  Government  selected  by  a  section  of  the  popula- 
tion in  only  one  part  of  the  Empire,  and  on  a  question  for  which  the  rest  of  the  Empire 
cares  nothing. 

The  HON.  J.  G.  JENKINS  expressed  agreement  with  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Horsfall. 
During  the  Boer  War  he  was  Minister  of  Defence  in  one  of  the  Australian  colonies 
where  they  had  many  thousand  German  residents,  and,  despite  the  fact  that  they  were 
excellent  settlers,  yet  their  sentiments  were  anti-British.  Bernhardi  has  recently  repre- 
sented Germany  as  the  protector  of  small  States  and  Great  Britain  as  their  oppressor, 
but  it  is  significant  that  no  one  ever  heard  any  expressions  of  fear  of  Great  Britain  in 
the  small  European  countries,  and  on  the  contrary  they  all  fear  Germany.  Some  years 
ago  there  was  some  apprehension  on  the  score  of  Japan's  aggressiveness  in  the  Pacific, 
but  he  had  said  then  that  another  danger  was  the  possibility  of  Germany  acquiring  islands 
and  territories  in  that  ocean.  Germany  had  certainly  cast  her  eyes  on  our  possessions 
there.  As  regards  the  question  of  taking  some  action  before  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
he  believed  that,  even  if  a  Premiers'  conference  were  inconvenient  there  should  be  a 
conclave  of  leading  men — interested  in  politics,  commerce,  and  finance — to  discuss  some 
means  for  obtaining  uniformity  of  action  after  the  War.  We  want  some  system  to 
bind  us  together  commercially  as  well  as  patriotically.  He  also  urged  the  importance 
of  adequate  defence. 

Mr.  HOWARD  D'EGVILLE  said  that  he  had  visited  Australia  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Empire  Parliamentary  Association,  and  that  all  the  members  of  the  party  were 
particularly  struck  with  the  British  character  of  every  individual  they  met.  Australians 
are  more  conscious  on  the  whole  than  the  people  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  their 
privileges,  and  this  has  made  them  willing  to  make  such  sacrifices  as  are  involved  in 
their  scheme  of  national  service  and  their  naval  policy.  The  protection  of  the  British 
Fleet  had  made  it  possible  for  Australia  to  pursue  her  ideals.  The  reference  of  the 
Chairman  to  the  problem  of  Imperial  representation  seemed  to  him  the  root  of  the 
whole  question,  and  after  the  War  we  must  see  a  re-adjustment,  so  far  as  the  control 
of  foreign  policy  is  concerned.  We  should  begin  to  think  out  the  lines  of  policy  now. 

COLONEL  SIR  ROBERT  WILLIAMS,  M.P.,  said  that,  like  previous  speakers,  he  had  been 


AUSTRALIA'S  STAKE  IN  THE  WAR.  373 

struck  with  the  delicate  way  in  which  the  Lecturer  passed  over  delicate  questions,  and 
yet  the  boldness  with  which  he  indicated  them.  For  instance,  the  question  of  an 
Imperial  Council,  which  is  one  which  may  well  occupy  our  thoughts  during  the  present 
time — a  time  which  is  given  us  for  thought  before  the  time  for  action  arrives.  There 
are  two  sides  to  that  question  as  to  others,  and  if  there  is  to  be  a  consultation 
with  the  Imperial  centre  by  the  Colonists,  as  he  thought  there  ought  to  be,  it  will 
require  very  delicate  handling  to  indicate  the  precise  amount  of  what  might  not  be 
called  interference,  but  of  dealing  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  various  Colonies  which 
is  a  natural  corollary  of  connection  with  the  direction  of  Imperial  affairs.  One  lesson 
which  Australia  will  have  to  learn  was  touched  upon  by  Mr.  Horsfall,  and  that  is 
the  lack  of  population.  In  the  last  twenty  years  she  has  increased  but  from  three  to 
five  million,  and  yet  Australia  is  a  country  which  pre-eminently  needs  population. 
However  much  we  may  provide  little  island  coaling  stations,  the  occupation  of  islands 
in  the  Pacific  can  never  be  a  real  defence  to  Australia.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  that 
the  population  should  be  largely  increased.  There  are  not  wanting  signs  that  the 
British  race  at  home  and  abroad  is  not  increasing  itself  in  the  ratio  in  which  it  used 
to  increase — not  fulfilling  its  destiny  to  populate  the  world  as  it  ought  to  do  with 
many  more  British  people.  Therefore,  there  does  arise  the  question  from  whom  the 
population  of  Australia  is  to  be  recruited  and  how  we  can  turn  the  stream  of  emigra- 
tion to  Australia,  which,  after  all,  is  for  the  most  part  a  thorough  white  man's  country. 
Then  arises  the  problem  of  those  parts  of  Australia  which  are  not  white  man's  country. 
Other  parts  of  the  world  have  large  native  populations  inured  to  the  climate,  and  who 
can  make  what  Mr.  Horsfall  has  called  the  best  economic  use  of  the  country  for  the 
supply  of  the  rest  of  the  world.  Unfortunately  that  is  not  the  case  in  Australia.  The 
aborigines  are  of  a  very  low  type,  and  though  there  is  reason  to  hope  their  decay  is 
being  arrested  somewhat,  they  are  not  of  a  type  which  can  take  up  labour  in  the 
tropical  or  semi-tropical  parts.  The  problem  of  Australia  therefore  in  regard  to  these 
northern  regions  in  his  opinion  was  a  very  real  one. 

In  responding  to  a  vote  of  thanks  for  presiding,  Viscount  MILKER  said :  Reference 
has  been  made  to  the  difficulties  which  beset  any  scheme  for  Imperial  Federation.  I 
am  well  aware  of  them.  They  have  been  brought  up  against  me  and  others  for  the 
last  thirty  or  forty  years,  and  will  continue  to  beset  us  for  some  time.  I  am  not 
afraid  of  them,  but  I  should  like  to  put  in  a  caveat  and  say  that  I  was  not  thinking, 
in  the  remarks  I  made  this  evening,  of  any  scheme  of  constitutional  reconstruction  in  a 
time  of  war.  It  is  clearly  impossible  and  out  of  the  question  to  enter  upon  anything 
of  the  kind  under  present  circumstances.  But  the  very  absence  of  anything  like  an 
organised  constitution  of  the  Empire  places  a  special  responsibility  upon  those  who  are 
entrusted  with  the  guidance  of  its  destinies  at  the  present  time.  It  would  be  a  less 
serious  responsibility  for  the  rulers  of  the  Empire,  if  they  were  truly  representative  of 
every  part  of  it.  What  makes  the  position  of  British  Ministers  so  difficult,  and  places 
upon  them  a  peculiar  duty  to  have  every  regard  for  the  feelings  of  the  outside  Dominions 
* ;  and  to  be  most  careful  to  consult  their  statesmen,  is  the  fact  that  they — the  British 
jj  Ministers — are  trustees  for  the  whole  Empire — morally  responsible  for  the  whole  Empire, 
but  are  directly  answerable  only  to  the  people  of  this  country.  It  would  be  a  much 
1 1  easier  situation  for  them  if  the  whole  Empire  had  contributed  to  placing  them  in  power. 
But  the  fact  that  they  represent  directly  only  the  people  of  this  country  makes  it 
more  and  not  less  incumbent  upon  them  to  consider  the  interests  of  those  outside 
Dominions,  whose  fate  is  really  in  their  hands,  but  who  have  not  the  same  power  of 
influencing  and  bringing  pressure  to  bear  upon  them  as  the  people  of  this  country 
have. 

On  the  motion  of  the  Chairman  a  vote  of  thanks  was  given  to  Mr.   Horsfall  for 
his  Paper. 


874 


ROUND   THE    EMPIRE:     MONTHLY   NOTES. 

AUSTRALIA. 

More  Men  for  the  Empire. — At  the  reassembling  of  the  Federal  Parliament,  the 
Prime  Minister  said  that  the  unchangeable  policy  of  the  Government  was  to  train,  equip, 
and  transport  to  the  seat  of  war  every  available  man.  The  Government  required  an  addi- 
tional £3,500,000  for  expenses  on  account  of  troops  to  June  30  ;  the  Imperial  Government  had 
agreed  to  lend  this,  also  £6,500,000  in  addition  to  the  £18,000,000  loan  now  being  paid  in 
monthly  instalments.  The  Commonwealth  Bank,  he  said,  was  of  great  assistance  to  the 
Government,  and  private  banks  had  agreed  not  to  ask  for  gold  in  exchange  for  Australian 
notes  during  the  war.  Practically  the  whole  output  of  the  woollen  mills  in  the  Common- 
wealth would  be  required  for  the  troops. 

Aid  from  Western  Australia. — The  Agent-General  in  London  estimates  that  public 
subscriptions  amounting  to  £60,000  have  been  raised  for  various  war  relief  purposes 
within  the  State  itself,  while  in  London  contributions  to  the  Western  Australian  war 
contingent  amounting  to  £1,000  have  passed  through  his  hands,  in  addition  to  large  private 
subscriptions  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  and  other  funds.  Mr.  R.  E.  Bush,  of  Western 
Australia,  has  made  his  house  into  a  hundred-bed  hospital.  Large  gifts  of  food  and  money 
have  been  sent  to  the  Belgian  refugees,  Kalgoorlie  alone  having  sent  over  £5,000.  A  novel 
and  interesting  gift  was  that  of  Mr.  Teesdale  Smith,  who  presented  forty  pack  camels  with 
water  canteens  for  the  use  of  the  troops  in  Egypt. 

Australian  Wine  Trade. — The  wine  trade  with  Great  Britain,  which  was  steadily 
increasing  before  the  outbreak  of  war,  has  already  suffered  to  a  considerable  extent, 
and  prohibition,  or  greatly  increased  taxation  on  wines  in  the  Mother-country,  would 
probably  mean  ruin  to  this  growing  industry.  The  Australian  wines  are  specially 
produced  for  the  English  market,  and  there  is  no  other  market  available.  Also,  it  is 
not  generally  realised  what  an  enormous  capital  is  now  invested  in  England.  Owing 
to  the  distance  between  vineyard  and  market,  wine  growers  are  obliged  to  hold  in  the 
United  Kingdom  large  duty-paid  stocks,  which  have  been  paid  for  in  Australia.  In 
March  last  Great  Britain  imported  only  60,130  gallons  of  Australian  wine,  as  compared 
with  118,584  gallons  in  the  corresponding  month  of  last  year. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Maori  Contingent  for  the  Front. — The  Maori  Contingent,  which  was  originally 
to  be  200  strong,  but  has  since  been  increased  to  500,  left  for  Egypt  with  the  third 
reinforcements  of  the  Expeditionary  Force.  The  troops  were  reviewed  before  their 
departure,  and  the  smart,  soldierly  appearance  of  the  Maoris  excited  much  admiration. 
They  have  caught  the  war  fever,  and  are  just  as  eager  as  their  white  comrades-in- 
arms  to  fight  for  the  Empire. 


CANADA. 

Reported  Prosperity. — In  spite  of  abnormal  conditions,  Canada's  exports  to  Great  Britain 
show  an  increase  compared  with  1913,  the  figures  for  the  final  quarter  of  last  year  being, 
approximately,  nine  and  a  half  million  dollars  in  excess  of  those  for  the  same  period  of  the 
previous  year.  The  revenue  for  February  last  has  increased  by  about  $825,000,  as  com- 
pared with  the  same  month  last  year.  It  is  stated  that  a  tri-weekly  steamship  service 
between  Canada  and  France  will  be  established  shortly,  and  that  the  Dominion  has 
been  called  upon  to  fulfil  more  than  one  important  contract  in  connection  with  the 
war.  At  the  present  time,  a  flour  mill  in  Winnipeg  has  an  order  from  the  Government 
of  Greece  for  forty  thousand  barrels  of  flour,  while  the  Canadian  Car  and  Foundry  Company 
has  secured  from  the  Russian  Government  a  thirty  million  dollar  order  for  two  million  shells. 


in 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  :    MONTHLY  NOTES.        375 

Wheat  for  the  Empire. — The  seeding  of  the  greatest  crop  on  record  is  progressing 
under  ideal  conditions,  the  ground  being  moist  and  the  weather  warm.  Throughout 
the  prairies  the  farmers  are  on  the  land,  in  some  cases  sowing  seed  provided  by  the 
Dominion  or  the  Provincial  Government.  Increased  acreage  is  reported  everywhere, 
the  dominant  thought  being  to  aid  the  Empire  to  meet  the  needs  of  Great  Britain. 

New  Brunswick:  Progressive  Measures  in  St.  John.— The  St.  John  Board  of 
Trade  is  endeavouring  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  the  various  boards  of  trade  in 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  with  a  view  to  obtaining  uniform  commercial  laws  for  the 
provinces  of  New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  and  Prince  Edward  Island,  failing  the 
passage  of  a  uniform  federal  law.  The  movement  for  a  direct  line  of  steamers  between 
St.  John  and  Cuba  is  beginning  to  take  shape.  The  Provincial  Government  is  doing 
what  it  can  to  forward  the  scheme,  in  the  hope  of  finding  an  outlet  for  the  surplus 
potatoes,  a  large  quantity  of  which  still  remains  in  the  hands  of  the  farmers.  St. 
John  is  the  first  city  in  Canada  to  embark  upon  a  town  planning  scheme,  and  the 
result  of  the  experiment  will  be  awaited  with  interest.  A  plan  has  been  prepared, 
including  almost  all  the  suburban  lands  for  a  radius  of  three  milea  outside  the  city, 
and  the  Legislature  will  be  asked  to  give  its  approval  to  the  same. 

New  Brunswick :  Port  of  St.  John. — The  Port  record  for  the  winter  season 
1914-1915  is  considerably  in  advance  of  that  for  the  previous  year.  Many  valuable 
cargoes  have  been  dispatched  from  St.  John  during  the  past  winter.  On  one  South 
African  steamer  alone  there  were  over  600  motor-vehicles.  Besides  the  general  port 
business  in  grain,  a  great  deal  of  war  material  has  been  shipped  through  this  port 
to  Great  Britain  and  the  Continent. 


INDIA. 

Indian  and  Colonial  Ground  Nuts. — Under  the  auspices  of  the  Imperial  Institute 
energetic  efforts  are  being  made  to  create  a  market  in  the  United  Kingdom  for  the 
ground  nuts  grown  in  India  and  West  Africa  (Gambia  and  Nigeria).  The  export  of 
.ground  nuts  from  India,  Gambia,  and  Nigeria  combined  amounted  to  over  seven  million 
Hundredweight  in  1912,  of  the  value  of  nearly  £4,000,000,  and  hitherto  France  and 
Germany  have  between  them  absorbed  the  greater  part  of  this  supply.  On  the  out- 
break of  war,  the  cessation  of  trade  with  Germany  and  the  great  diminution  of  the 
French  demand  placed  Indian  producers  in  a  very  serious  position,  and  although 
recently  the  mills  at  Marseilles  have  placed  some  orders  with  India,  the  demand  from 
France  remains  below  the  normal.  A  certain  quantity  of  the  nuts  have  recently  been 
imported  into  Hull  from  India  for  the  production  of  ground-nut  oil,  which  is  suitable 
for  use  as  an  edible  oil  as  well  as  for  soap  making.  Abundant  supplies  of  the  nuts 
are  available  from  India,  and  just  now,  when  all  foodstuffs  are  rising  in  price,  it  is 
important  to  remember  that  ground  nuts  may  become  valuable  for  edible  purposes. 

Indian  Wheat  Exports. — An  important  statement,  in  view  of  the  increasing  demand  for 
fresh  supplies,  was  recently  issued  by  the  Indian  Wheat  Committee,  of  which  Lord  Lucas  is 
chairman,  with  regard  to  the  arrangements  made  by  the  Government  for  controlling 
the  sale  of  the  Indian  wheat  exports  to  this  country. 

In  essentials  most  of  the  main  facts  contained  in  this  statement  by  the  Indian 
Wheat  Committee  have  already  been  made  public.  In  giving  the  total  amount  of 
wheat  which  the  Government  expects  to  markat,  it  makes, '  however,  a  very  interesting 
new  disclosure.  The  sale  under  Government  auspices  of  2,000,000  tons  represents 
probably  the  largest  State  transaction  of  this  kind  yet  known.  The  first  cargo  has 
been  sold  at  67s.  per  quarter.  Supposing  that  an  average  price  were  secured  of,  say, 
65s.  a  quarter,  this  would,  roughly,  be  equivalent  to  about  £14  10*.  per  ton,  so  that 
an  amount  of  about  £29,000.000  is  involved. 


376       ROUND  THE  EMPIRE:   MONTHLY  NOTES. 

EGYPT. 

Colonial  Troops  in  Egypt. — It  would  appear  from  all  accounts,  that  the  presence 
for'  several  months  of  about  100,000  Territorials  and  Colonial  troops  is  proving  even 
more  profitable  than  the  ordinary  tourist  season  to  the  mass  of  the  population.  The 
immense  and  varied  requirements  of  such  a  force  have  given  a  stimulus  to  commerce 
which  has  gone  a  long  way  towards  raising  the  cloud  of  depression  that  has  settled 
on  the  country  since  the  declaration  of  war.  Considering  the  feelings  of  the  lower-class 
Egyptians  in  the  early  stages  of  the  war,  the  fact  that  the  increase  of  the  Army  of 
Occupation  has  actually  drawn  Egyptian  and  Briton  together  comes  as  something  of 
a  surprise.  Yet  the  unexpected  has  happened.  Friendly  relations  began  with  the 
introduction  of  the  Territorials,  and  have  developed  to  a  far  greater  extent  since  the 
arrival  of  the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders.  A  native  newspaper  publishes  a  warm 
eulogy  of  these  soldiers  from  beyond  the  seas,  and  goes  on  to  state  that  as  much  as 
£200  sterling  is  spent  by  them  daily  in  the  cafes  and  restaurants. 

STRAITS  SETTLEMENTS. 

War  Relief  Funds. — The  following  is  a  record  of  the  contributions  from  this 
Colony  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  National  Relief  Fund,  up  to  the  end  of  January  1915. 
A  sum  of  £35,000  has  been  contributed  through  Singapore,  of  which  £25,000  has 
already  been  sent  to  London,  while  out  of  the  remaining  £10,000,  about  hah*  has  been 
ear-marked  for  local  relief.  Penang  has  remitted  £10,000  to  London,  and  Malacca 
£1,000.  In  all  cases  the  subscription  lists  are  being  kept  open  as  many  of  the  con- 
tributions are  received  in  monthly  instalments.  In  addition  to  the  support  given  to 
this  Fund  a  Belgian  Relief  Fund  has  been  opened  in  Singapore,  which  quickly  realised 
a  sum  of  over  £2,500,  subscriptions  having  been  sent  in  from  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula. 
A  Serbian  Relief  Fund  and  an  Officers'  Families  Relief  Fund  have  also  been  organised. 

Volunteers  for  Military  Service. — In  October  last  the  Editor  of  the  Straits 
Times  informed  the  War  Office  (London)  that  he  was  prepared  to  raise  a  contingent 
for  foreign  service.  This  offer  was  accepted  on  November  13.  Some  230  men  from 
all  parts  of  the  Straits  and  Federated  Malay  States  were  enrolled,  a  large  proportion 
(about  one  hundred)  being  planters,  and  the  contingent  sailed  for  Europe  before  the 
close  of  the  year.  In  addition  over  fifty  temporary  commissions  in  the  new  service 
battalions  have  been  given  by  H.E.  the  Governor,  on  the  authority  of  the  Army 
Council,  while  a  number  of  men  have  gone  to  England  privately  to  join  the  army, 
and  many  of  those  already  there  on  leave  have  remained  to  take  up  commissions. 
No  details  as  to  these  latter  are  available.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  local 
Volunteers  in  Singapore  and  Penang,  who  were  mobilised  and  performed  valuable 
services  in  the  deplorable  rising  of  an  Indian  regiment  which  caused  so  much  trouble 
and  loss  of  life  in  February,  have  carried  out  the  military  duties  attaching  to  home 
defence,  the  guarding  of  interned  prisoners  of  war,  and  so  on.  The  importance  of 
the  latter  task  was  realised  after  the  riot,  which  was  undoubtedly  stimulated,  if  not 
organised  by  Germans  formerly  engaged  in  commerce  in  Singapore.  A  European 
Rifle  Company  and  a  Corps  of  Veterans  have  been  raised  in  Singapore.  The  troops 
of  the  State  of  Johore  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government  by  the  Sultan, 
and  have  since  been  employed  on  services  similar  to  those  of  the  Colony's  Volunteers. 


FIJI  ISLANDS. 

War  Services. — This  patriotic  little  colony,  where,  it  may  be  noted,  the  RoyaJ 
Colonial  Institute  is  strongly  represented,  has  sent  sixty  volunteers  to  fight  in  His 
Majesty's  Forces,  while  contributions  have  been  made  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund, 
and  gifts  of  clothing  sent  home  for  the  Belgians. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE:   MONTHLY  NOTES.       377 

NIGERIA. 

Native  Loyalty. — The  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  states  that  the  Governor- 
General  of  Nigeria  has  received  a  gift  of  £300  from  the  Native  Council  of  Lokoja, 
which  will  be  devoted  towards  the  expenses  of  the  campaign  in  the  Cameroon.  The 
gift  was  accompanied  by  an  Arabic  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation : — 

"  From  the  Council  of  Lokoja  to  the  Governor-General,  Sir  Frederick  Lugard. 
Salutations.  We  are  the  people  of  Lokoja.  We  are  the  Servants  of  the  King.  We 
are  not  a  great  Province.  We  are  a  small  town.  The  Emirs  give  great  gifts.  They 
are  great  people.  We  give  a  small  gift.  We  are  a  small  people.  See  now  we  give 
hundred  pounds  from  out  of  the  Native  Treasury.  The  King  must  use  it 

he  sees  fit  to  use  it.  We  are  the  Servants  of  the  King.  This  year  the  water  will 
our  roads  in  the  rain  time.  We  will  work  with  our  hands  and  make  all  things 
No  man  will  ask  for  payment.  We  know  that  our  Native  Treasury  has  given 

money  to  the  King.  If  the  King  makes  war  we  follow  him.  We  are  Mohammedans, 
we  pray  that  God  may  overthrow  the  enemies  of  the  King." 

In  forwarding  the  gift,  the  Station  Magistrate,  Lokoja,  wrote  as  follows : — 

"  Lokoja  is  essentially  a  town  of  traders,  and  my  consciousness  that  it  had  suffered 
eerious  financial  losses  through  decline  of  trade  has  held  me  back  from  proposing  any 
local  contribution  to  war  funds.  It  waa  therefore  with  a  feeling  of  profound  grati- 
fication, not  unmingled  with  surprise,  that  I  received  this  offer." 

BRITISH  StmjEcrs  IN  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC. 

The  British  Patriotic  Funds. — The  British  Patriotic  Committee  in  the  Argentine 
Republic  reports  that  subscriptions  to  the  Fund  have  realised  to  date  $187,560.  This 
refers  only  to  funds  directly  under  the  auspices  of  the  Patriotic  Committee.  Collections 
have  been  made  and  committees  formed  independently  in  other  centres  of  the  Republic, 
and  remittances  have  been  made  direct  to  England  by  these  centres,  as  well  as  from 
private  sources.  A  sum  of  £6,000  has  been  remitted  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund, 
and  a  further  remittance  of  £1,000  will  be  sent  shortly,  making  a  total  of  £7,000  sent 
by  British  residents  in  Argentina.  To  the  Red  Cross  Fund  preliminary  remittances 
amounting  to  £207  have  been  made,  and  to  the  Belgian  Relief  Fund  £103.  Further 
remittances  to  these  funds  will  be  made  as  subscriptions  come  in.  With  regard  to 
the  General  Fund,  this  is  utilised  to  defray  such  expenses  as  those  incurred  in  paying 
passages  home  for  volunteers,  for  wives  and  families,  and  for  a  few  distressed  cases 
for  whom  there  seems  little  prospect  of  finding  suitable  employment  here  under  the 
present  abnormal  circumstances.  Over  600  passages  have  been  provided,  with  the 
patriotic  co-operation  of  the  shipping  companies,  who  have  in  almost  every  case  allowed 
-apecial  facilities  to  volunteers.  To  the  total  of  $187,560  above  mentioned  should  be 
added  $25,315,  representing  the  amount  collected,  according  to  the  latest  returns 
published,  by  the  Ladies'  Branch  of  the  Committee  known  as  the  British  Women's 
Patriotic  Association.  This  gives  a  total  of  $212,875  subscribed  by  British  residents. 
In  addition  to  money  contributions,  British  women  throughout  the  Republic  have  been 
making  clothing  for  the  troops  and  for  the  destitute  Belgians.  British  ranchers  have 
contributed  a  gift  to  the  Home  Government  of  over  500  horses  of  an  estimated  value 
of  £10,000,  and  the  movement  for  sending  home  carcases  to  provide  meat  for  the 
Belgian  refugees  is  being  well  supported  by  French,  Argentine,  and  British  owners. 
With  a  population  numbering  nearer  30,000  than  40,000,  the  Argentine  has  provided 
over  3,000  volunteers,  and  more  than  £20,000  in  money.  A  committee  has  recently  been 
formed  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  for  the  purchase  of  an  air-ship,  for  presentation  to  the  British 
Government.  Rio  has  sent  home  120  volunteers,  and  San  Paulo  and  Santos  about  fifty. 


2  C 


378 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

Mar.  26.  French  success  in  Alsace.  Bombs  dropped  on  German  airship-shed  at 
Frascati ;  also  on  Metz.  Belgian  Army  continues  to  advance  along 
the  Ysor.  Russians  seize  important  passes  of  Lupkow  and  Uszok 
(Carpathians)  and  capture  1,700  Austrians.  Union  Forces  capture  guns 
and  ammunition  at  Barcnd's  Mine  ;  more  rebels  surrender. 

„  27.  French  capture  important  spur  of  the  Vosges  (Alsace).  Germans  drop 
bombs  on  Calais,  without  result.  British  ship  Vosges  sunk  by  German 
submarine. 

„  28.  British  liner  Falaba  sunk  by  German  submarine  south  of  St.  George's 
Channel ;  great  loss  of  life,  no  rescues  attempted  by  the  enemy.  British 
steamer  Aguila  and  Dutch  steamer  Amstel  torpedoed.  Russian  Black 
Sea  Fleet  bombards  outer  forts  and  batteries  of  the  Bosphorus. 

„  30.  News  received  of  raid  on  Indian  frontier  by  some  10,000  Afghan  robber 
tribesmen  ;  successfully  repulsed. 

„  31.  German  submarine  U  28  torpedoes  two  British  steamers  off  the  Scillj  Isles. 
April  1.  Successful  British  air  raid  on  submarine  bases  at  Antwerp  and  Zeebrugge. 
Two  steamers  (1  French,  1  British)  torpedoed  off  Beachy  Head.  Union 
Forces  in  German  South-West  Africa  occupy  Aus,  an  important  centre. 

„       2.  Bulgarian  bands  raid  Serbia  and  do  much  damage,  but  are  finally  driven  out. 

„  5.  Very  heavy  fighting  in  the  Carpathians ;  Russian  advance  continues. 
Russian  Fleet  engages  the  Goeben  and  Breslau  in  the  B'ack  Sea. 

„  6.  Two  British  steamers  and  one  Russian  vessel  sunk  by  German  submarines. 
Union  Forces  capture  Warmbad,  without  opposition. 

„  7.  French  advance  between  the  Mouse  and  the  Moselle.  Russians  cross 
Carpathians. 

„       8.  German  vessel  Prinz  Eitel  Friedrich  interned  by  American  authorities. 

„  9.  Successful  attack  by  French  in  region  of  the  Meuse  and  Moselle  ;  Germans 
forced  to  abandon  important  position  of  Les  Eparges. 

„  11.  Further  progress  by  the  French.  Severe  fighting  in  the  Carpathians  ; 
strong  Austrian  reinforcements  encountered  west  of  Uzsok  Pass.  Belgian 
relief  ship  torpedoed,  many  lives  lost. 

„      12.  More  Turkish  patrols  reported  in  the  Sinai  Peninsula. 

„  13.  Germans  assume  control  of  operations  in  the  Carpathians,  large  reinforce- 
ments brought  up  ;  Russian  offensive  arrested.  Turks  defeated  at 
Shaiba  (Mesopotamia) ;  2,500  prisoners. 

„  14.  French  battleship  and  hydroplanes  bombard  Turkish  camp  near  Gaza. 
German  air  raid  on  north-east  coast  of  England;  no  serious  damage. 
Dutch  vessel  sunk  by  German  submarine. 

„  15.  Allies  brilliantly  successful  near  Arras.  Air  raid  on  Ostend ;  German 
military  buildings  damaged. 

„  16.  Another  German  air  raid  on  east  coast  of  England  ;  bombs  dropped- 
Protest  from  Chile  as  to  sinking  of  Dresden  in  Chilean  waters. 


ROLL   OF  HONOUR. 


379 


4pril.  17 
19. 


20. 


26. 


,  Brilliant  air-raid  by  Allies  in  Germany.     Hostile  aeroplane  drops  bombs 

on  Kent ;  no  damage.     British  capture  Hill  60,  near  Ypres. 
Attack  by  Turkish   torpedo-boat   on   British  transport   in   ^Egean  sea  ; 

51  men  accidentally  drowned.     Loss  of  British  submarine  by  grounding 

during  reconnaissance  ;  crew  taken  prisoners.     Slight  advance  of  British 

troops  north  of  Ypres  canal.      German  submarine  sinks  trawler  Vanilla 

and  drives  off  another  which  tried  to  rescue  crew. 
Russian  Headquarters  Staff  publish  report  of  operations  in  Carpathians  ; 

70,000  men  taken  prisoner   in  previous  month.      French  progress  in 

Alsace.     German  attempts  to  retake  Hill  60  fail. 
South  African  Government  report  occupation  of  Keetmanshoop. 
Report  of  defeat  of  Indian  frontier  raid  by  Mohmand  (Afghan)  tribe. 

Heavy  fighting  near  Ypres.      Successful  attack  by  air-ship  on  air-ship 

harbour   shed  at  Ghent. 

All  shipping 'bet ween  England  and  Holland  stopped. 
Germans  attack  Ypres  and  cross  canal,  using  asphyxiating  bombs. 
Canadians  retake  guns  and  position  captured  by  Germans.     Allies  land 

troops  at  Enos  (Dardanelles). 
Fierce  battle.     Allies  lose  ground  at  St.  Julien.     British  airman  bombs 

Courtrai  station. 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR— (Second  List). 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.      Additions  to  this 

'•list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary). 

BECHEB,  H.  C.,  Major,  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  BELL,  HUGH,  Nyasaland 
Field  Force  ;  BIDDULPH,  L.,  Captain,  British  Expeditionary  Force,  Cameroons ;  BONHAM- 
SMITH,  R.,  Captain,  Railway  Transport ;  CORBETT,  R.  LORIMER,  Lieutenant,  A.O.D. ; 

"Cox,  L.  W.,  Lieutenant,  East  Riding  and  Yorkshire  Yeomanry ;  DARBYSHIRE,  DOUGLAS 
E.,  Captain,  R.A.M.C.,  T.F. ;  DEACON,  A.  J.  E.,  Lieutenant  and  Acting  Paymaster, 
A.P.D.  ;  ELIOT,  E.  C.,  Commanding  Ocean  Island  Volunteer  Reserve ;  FOWLER,  C., 
25th  Batt.  (Frontiersmen)  Royal  Fusiliers ;  GIBBINGS,  H.  C.  C.,  Major,  10th  Royal 
Welsh  Fusiliers ;  GOLDIE,  J.  H.  D.,  Lieutenant,  7th  Batt.  Wilts  Regiment ;  GREEN, 
JAMES  A,  Lieutenant,  2nd  Batt.  Transvaal  Scottish;  GREEN,  W.  N.,  1st  Batt.  H.A.C.  (?); 
HALL,  F.  T.,  Royal  Naval  Division  Engineers;  HALL,  L.  J.,  Lieut.-Commander,  R.N.R., 
British  Expeditionary  Force,  Cameroons ;  HAMILTON,  E.  C.,  Major,  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers  ; 
HART,  RUPERT  L.  L.,  Captain,  East  African  Veterinary  Corps ;  HOLE,  H.  MARSHALL,  Staff 
Brigade  Major,  2/lst  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  Infantry  Brigade ;  HUGHES,  F.  D.,  Lieu- 
tenant, S.  Nigeria  Regiment  (killed  in  action,  Oct.  1914);  INGLIS,  GORDON,  Lieutenant, 
9th  County  of  London  Regiment  (Queen  Victoria  Rifles) ;  IRWIN,  WILSON,  Major, 
10th  Div.  Ammunition  Column,  R.A. ;  JOHNSON,  FRANK,  Major,  6th  (Reserve  Cyclists) 
Royal  Sussex  Regiment ;  KENT,  E.  M.  S.,  Lieutenant,  Hampshire  Regiment  (killed 
in  action,  Sept.  1914);  MACKENZIE,  RIDLEY,  Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C.  ;  MACPHERSON, 
CLUNY,  M.D.,  Captain  and  P.M.O.,  1st  Newfoundland  Regiment ;  McCALLUM,  D.,  British 
Expeditionary  Force,  Cameroons ;  MOUSLEY,  E.  O.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  NEWNHAM,  F.  J., 
Captain,  Commandant  Falkland  Islands  Defence  Force ;  NEWMAN,  V.  CHESTER,  Staff 
Seigt. -Major  A.S.C.  ;  O'CONNOR,  D.,  Driscoll's  Scouts  ;  O'RORKE,  GEORGE  McK.,  Lieu- 
tenant, R.E.  ;  PARKER,  P.  H.,  Lieutenant,  East  Riding  and  Yorkshire  Yeomanry ; 

2  C  2 


380  CORRESPONDENCE. 

PBABSON,  J.  M.,  Lieutenant,  Supply  and  Transport  East  Africa ;  PECK,  C.  W.,  Captain, 
30th  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  PROBYN,  P.  D.,  10th  Batt.  Norfolk  Regiment  ; 
RAMSAY,  KEITH  W.,  Lieutenant,  Kings  Royal  Rifles ;  SELOTJS,  F.  G.,  Lieutenant, 
Intelligence  officer,  25th  Batt.  (Frontiersmen)  Royal  Fusiliers ;  SMITH,  P.  BOURDON, 
Lieutenant,  136th  Fortress  Company  R.E. ;  STANDISH,  F.,  Notts,  and  Derby  Mounted  Field 
Ambulance;  STANDISH,  J.  S.,  Royal  Naval  Volunteer  Reserve;  STANHOPE,  Rt.  Hon. 
Earl;  STJMNER,  A.  J.  LE  CONTETJR,  13th  Batt.  Sherwood  Foresters;  TAYLOR,  C.  H., 
25th  Batt.  (Frontiersmen)  Royal  Fusiliers ;  TWEED  ALE,  R.  H.,  Lieutenant,  13th  Argyll 
and  Sutherland  Highlanders ;  VANDELEUR,  J.  F.  B.,  Captain,  A.S.C.  (Supply  Officer, 
49th  Brigade) ;  VAUX,  F.  L.,  Lt. -Colonel,  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force  ;  WALKER,  W.  T., 
No.  7  Co.  Army  Ordnance  Corps ;  WAY,  G.  C.,  Major,  16th  Middlesex  Regiment ;  WEST- 
WOOD,  E.  NIXON,  4th  Co.  New  Zealand  Engineers;  WILLIAMS,  ALAN  C.,  Lieutenant 
Warwickshire  Yeomanry  (2nd  Mounted  Div.) ;  WILLIS,  JOHN,  Driscoll's  Scouts ;  WILSON, 
A.  WALLIS,  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse;  WILSON,  ERIC  WALLIS,  Lieutenant,  Royal 
Fusiliers. 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

A  Suggestion. — There  must  be  a  number  of  Fellows  in  our  10,000  who,  having 
travelled  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  possess  mementoes  of  their  trips.  Some  may 
have  brought  back  mere  curios,  but  others  will  have  procured  some  really  interesting 
and  even  valuable  articles,  and  it  has  struck  me  that  it  would  be  a  great  pleasure  to 
the  owners  to  present  them  to  a  Belgian  University  in  order  to  help  towards  that 
restoration  for  which  we  all  are  striving. 

At  present  it  is  impossible  to  correspond  with  the  Belgian  University  Cities,  of 
course,  but  offers  of  future  gifts  should  be  welcome  even  if  only  as  further  evidence 
of  our  complete  confidence  in  the  final  result,  and  our  determinatioil  to  see  Belgium 
righted.  My  own  West  African  articles  will  find  a  Belgian  home,  I  trust,  and  if  any 
other  men  willing  to  join  will  let  me  know,  I  will  arrange  for  their  offers  to  be 
forwarded  to  the  proper  quarter  when  the  time  arrives. 

Yours,  &c., 

A.  J.  N.  TREMEARNE. 
Late  Lecturer  in  Hausa,  Cambridge. 
Royal  Colonial  Institute, 
April  20,  1915. 

Empire  Trade. — It  is  not  too  early  to  seriously  brace  ourselves  up  and  see  what 
we  can  do  to  regain  the  trade  that  has  been  filched  from  us  by  the  Germans  during 
the  last  twenty-five  years,  more  particularly  -with  the  self-governing  and  Crown 
Colonies. 

The  self-governing  Colonies  have  seen  fit  to  put  up  a  tariff  wall,  but  with  a  slight 
preference  in  favour  of  the  Mother-country,  in  many  cases  of  5  per  cent.  Germany, 
however,  has  hitherto  easily  surmounted  the  preference  by  lower  freights,  and  by 
dealing  direct  with  tha  Colonial  merchants,  whereas  the  great  majority  of  British 
manufacturers  have  done  the  business  through  London  or  Liverpool  merchants,  who, 
of  course,  get  their  profit  out  of  all  transactions,  and,  of  course,  aim  at  keeping  the 
names  of  the  actual  buyer  from  the  manufacturer. 

The  Germans  travel  our  Colonies  and  grant  such  terms  to  the  buyers  as  our 
manufacturers  would  not  entertain ;  although  very  many  of  our  manufacturers  have 
agents  in  our  Colonies  the  orders  do  not  pass  through  their  hands,  but  go  through 
English  merchants  ;  all  this  circumlocution  is  a  heavy  handicap  to  our  commerce,  and 
must  be  eliminated,  if  we  are  to  successfully  compete  after  the  war  is  over. 

During    the    last    twenty-five    years    we    have    seen    the    enamel    hollow-ware    trade 


REVIEWS.  381 

go  over  to  Germany — this,  in  the  aggregate,  is  a  large  industry.  Then  the  wire  trade 
is  another  glaring  example — this  embraces  wire  netting,  fencing  wire,  mattress  wire, 
and  many  other  very  large  allied  trades. 

As  a  result,  with  Australia  alone,  we  have  seen  a  small  fleet  of  three  German 
steamers  grow  into  a  fleet  of  forty-four  modern  cargo-steamers,  built  up  by  the  Germans 
entirely  out  of  the  profits  of  trade  with  Australia.  Twenty-five  years  ago,  practically 
all  wool  grown  in  Australasia  came  to  London,  was  re-sold,  and  what  the  Continent 
bought  was  transhipped ;  now,  the  Germans  have  their  own  buyers,  who  bought  in 
Australia,  shipped  and  insured  all  their  wool  and  zinc  concentrates  in  their  own  vessels 
and  insurance  offices,  at  a  great  loss  to  Great  Britain. 

The  zinc  concentrates  from  Australia,  which  prior  to  the  war  were  all  shipped 
to  Germany,  should  never  have  left  Australia  but  for  the  fact  that  labour  conditions 
make  it  impossible  to  treat  them  out  there.  England  would  readily  take  all  the 
spelter  Australia  can  produce. 

All  eastern  countries,  and  especially  our  Colonies,  take  vast  quantities  of  bent-wood 
furniture,  all  made  in  Austria.  This  trade  could  easily  become  a  thriving  one  in  England 
and  offer  a  ready  field  for  our  manufacturers.  Free  Trade  with  the  Empire  should 
become  an  accomplished  fact,  if  our  Colonies  really  mean  anything  at  all,  and  any 
exotic  manufactures  that  require  a  high  tariff,  plus  the  cost  of  transit,  to  bolster 
them  up,  are  not  worth  any  serious  consideration  either  to  the  Colonies  or  ourselves. 

The  emigrant  in  Australia  has  of  late  been  largely  absorbed  in  the  towns ;  as  a 
result  we  have  Sydney  with  a  population  of  750,000,  and  about  900,000  only  in  the 
country  districts,  while  the  country  is  languishing  for  want  of  labour. 

J.  LEIGH  JONES. 


REVIEWS. 

WOMAN  IN  SOUTHERN  NIGERIA,* 

MBS.  TALBOT  was  incited  to  write  this  book  by  the  fact  that  ethnological  research  had 
previously  been  carried  on,  especially  where  first-hand  information  is  concerned,  entirely 
by  men.  Primitive  customs  and  traditions,  which  nearly  all  have  their  origin  in  some 
belief  connected  with  birth  or  death,  should  obviously  be  studied  from  more  than  one 
point  of  view,  and  the  reticence  of  women  on  certain  questions  puts  an  impenetrable 
barrier  between  them  and  any  male  inquirer.  This  reticence,  among  primitive  peoples,  is 
not  the  result  of  modesty,  as  we  understand  it,  but  of  the  instinct  which  teaches  women  that 
their  best  aid  in  the  subjugation  of  man  is  a  degree  of  mystery  which  appeals  to  his  imagina- 
tion and  superstition.  Among  African  peoples  society  is  in  many  parts  organised  into  clubs, 
whose  origin  and  meaning  are  still,  perhaps,  not  fully  understood.  Women  have  these  clubs, 
with  rites  and  mysteries  peculiar  to  their  sex,  and  any  man  obtruding  himself  into  these  will 
meet  with  short  shrift.  The  clubs  among  the  Ibibio  of  Southern  Nigeria,  which  are 
the  subject  of  Mrs.  Talbot's  study,  are  comparatively  weak  and  little  organised.  One 
of  them  seems  to  be  merely  a  sort  of  "smart  set"  affair,  to  which  entrance  is  obtained 
by  a  certain  standard  of  personal  decoration.  The  other  is  concerned  with  the  funeral 
rites  of  warriors ;  and  it  may  be  said  here  that  a  family  likeness  in  primitive  customs 
and  legends  all  over  the  world  is  not  a  matter  for  surprise,  since  the  dominant  idea 
is  the  same — the  belief  in  animism,  and  the  woman's  instinct  to  surround  her  peculiar 
functions  with  ceremony.  Any  neglect  of  ceremonies,  she  insists,  will  bring  the  curse 
of  barrenness — the  worst  misfortune  of  all  in  a  land  where  many  hands  make  light 
work.  By  such  means  she  has,  in  some  regions,  become  the  dominant  factor  in  society. 

Strange  stories  of  cases,  investigated  by  the  patient  British  official  and  his  native  court, 
take  up  a  great  part  of  the  book,  and  legends  in  many  cases  of  considerable  picturesqueness 

*  Woman's  Mysteries  of  a  Primitive  People.    D.  Amaury  Talbot.     Cassell  &  Co.,  Ltd.     10s.  Qd. 


382  REVIEWS. 

are  also  told  in  language  which  is  rather  too  polished  for  the  subject.  The  illustrations  ar* 
numerous  and  good,  and  Mrs.  Talbot,  whose  experiences  in  accompanying  iier  husband  both 
in  his  official  tours  and  in  several  journeys  of  exploration  in  Central  Africa  are  unrivalled 
by  any  other  member  of  her  sex,  is  to  be  congratulated  on  er  first  excursion  into 
book  writing.  Whether  her  researches  cast  light  on  ethnological  controversies  or  not, 
she  has  helped  towards  that  understanding  of  a  subject  race  on  which  the  success  of 
British  administration  must  so  often  depend.  E.  C> 


GERMAN  COLONIAL  POSSESSIONS.* 

MR.  LB  STJEUR  has  compiled  a  useful,  albeit  a  rather  slight  history  of  the  German 
colonies,  which  may  be  profitably  read  by  those  who  have  neither  the  time,  taste, 
nor  opportunity  for  following  the  history  of  these  regions  in  a  more  detailed  form. 
As  is  inevitable  with  a  book  which  begins  with  Bismarck's  colonial  policy  of  th» 
'seventies  and  ends  with  the  occupation  of  Kiaochau  on  November  7,  1914  (a  date,  by 
the  way,  which  is  not  given),  there  is  a  good  deal  of  "potted  history" — an  article 
which  does  not  always  adequately  reproduce  the  flavour  of  the  original  from  which  it 
was  compounded.  But  Mr.  Le  Sueur  has  been,  on  the  whole,  careful  and  fair  in  his 
selection,  and  has  brought  together  in  a  convenient  form  a  mass  of  useful  information 
as  to  the  character  of  the  German  colonies,  their  population  and  resources,  and  particularly 
the  steps  by  which  they  fell  into  German  hands.  The  collapse  of  the  German  colonial 
dominions,  inter  alia,  is  not  yet  an  accomplished  fact.  Their  subjugation  is  not  yet 
complete,  and  apart  from  that  Germany  probably  never  hoped  to  defend  her  colonies. 
Their  fate  was  to  be  decided,  and  has  stiil  to  be  decided,  on  the  battle-fields  of  Europe. 

M. 

CANADA  AND  ITS  PROVINCES. 

THE  last  eight  volumes  of  "  Canada  and  its  Provinces "  are  confined  to  an  account 
of  Quebec,  Ontario,  and  the  western  provinces,  and,  although  of  great  value  to  the 
historical  student,  have  not  the  same  general  interest  that  characterises  the  former 
volumes,  f  But  the  historical  information  contained  in  them  places  these  volume* 
in  the  front  rank  of  historical  and  general  works  dealing  with  Canada ;  for  the  special 
articles  are  based  upon  careful  research  and  are  written  by  experts  specially  com- 
petent to  deal  with  the  subjects  that  have  been  entrusted  to  them.  Moveover.  the 
plan  of  the  volumes  is  such  that  there  is  co-ordination  in  the  articles,  for  all  follow 
naturally  in  a  well-considered  sequence  and  form  a  complete  historical  account  of 
the  rise  and  progress  of  that  portion  of  Canada  lying  to  the  west  of  the  Maritime 
Provinces.  In  a  work  of  this  nature,  written  by  different  authors,  this  is  a  moat 
important  feature,  for  it  frequently  happens  that  in  co-operative  histories  there  i« 
overlapping  in  some  directions  and  omissions  in  others  that  detract  considerably  from 
the  cumulative  value  of  the  volumes.  That  this  is  not  so  in  the  present  instance 
is  doubtless  due  to  the  efficient  supervision  of  the  editors — Drs.  Adam  Shortt  and 
Arthur  G.  Doughty. 

Of  these  eight  volumes  probably  the  two  that  will  be  of  the  greatest  interest 
to  the  general  reader  are  those  dealing  with  British  Columbia.  The  early  history 
of  this  portion  of  America  is  of  great  interest,  particularly  the  period  of  exploration 
when  the  Spaniards  were  dominating  the  Pacific  and  our  "  famous  English  freebooter " 
— as  he  is  termed  by  Mr.  T.  G.  Marquis,  the  author  of  this  section — Drake  was  busily 
engaged  in  vindicating  the  rights  of  Englishmen  upon  the  Pacific  littoral.  Mr.  Mar- 
quis's account  contains  a  careful  and  critical  summary  of  this  interesting  period, 

*  Germany's  Vanishing  Colonies.     Gordon  Le  Sueur.     Everett  &  Co.     2-s.  6d.  net. 

t  Canada  and  its  Provinces  :   A  History  of  the  Canadian  People  and  the'r  Institutions.     General 
editors  :   Adam  Shortt  and  Arthur  G.  Doughty.     Royal  8vo.    Portraits  and  illust.    Vols.  xriii-xxii 
Edinburgh  :  T.  &  A.  Constable.     Toronto  :  Publishers'  Association  of  Canada.     1914. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  883 

but  eeema  to  lack  the  romantic  touch  that  would  have  revivified  the  history  of  the 
Pacific  coast.  The  names  of  old  Juan  de  Fuca,  whose  exploits  seem  somewhat  in- 
adequately dealt  with,  Francis  Drake,  James  Cook,  and  George  Vancouver,  add  special 
lustre  to  the  history  of  exploration  upon  the  western  shores  of  North  America.  The 
interesting  period  of  British  Columbian  history  from  the  foundation  of  the  colony 
in  Vancouver  Island  to  the  year  1871  is  adequately  dealt  with  by  Mr.  R.  E.  Gosnell  ; 
whilst  the  political  and  economic  history  is  described  by  Messrs.  F.  W.  Howay 
and  C.  H.  Lugrin  respectively.  Two  specially  valuable  articles  on  the  Indian  tribes 
by  Messrs.  J.  A.  Teit  and  E.  Sapir  are  of  more  than  ordinary  interest ;  whilst  the 
general  articles  upon  the  administration,  education,  and  economic  resources  give  a. 
good  idea  of  the  great  importance  of  British  Columbia  in  the  economic  system  of 
Canada.  In  addition,  Mr.  J.  B.  Tyrrell,  one  of  the  best  authorities  upon  Northern 
Canada,  writes  illuminatingly  upon  the  Yukon  Territory  and  the  North-West  Territories. 
In  the  other  volumes  the  most  notable  articles  are  those  dealing  with  early  emigra- 
tion into  Quebec  and  Ontario.  Mr.  A.  D.  De  Celles  gives  an  excellent  account  of 
the  "  Habitant,  his  Origin  and  History "  ;  whilst  Mr.  W.  D.  Lighthall  describes  the 
interesting  period  when  British  settlers  were  first  entering  the  province  of  Quebec. 
A  similar  article  dealing  with  the  pioneer  settlements,  many  of  which  are  treated 
in  detail,  in  the  new  province  of  Ontario,  by  Mr.  A.  C.  Casselman,  is  specially  well 
done  and  will  be  of  great  use  to  the  studenl  of  Canadian  immigration ;  whilst  Pro- 
fessor Chester  Martin's  article  upon  the  Red  River  Settlement  and  the  conflict  between 
the  fur- trading  interests  and  the  Selkirk  party  is  a  notable  contribution  to  the  series. 
The  economic,  educational,  and  sociological  articles,  as  in  former  volumes,  are  of  a 
high  standard. 


BOOK  NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.). 

Map  of  Iht  Theatre  of  War  in  Eastern  Europe.  One  sheet  :  33  x  45  inches,  18  miles  to  an 
inch.  London  :  Edward  Stanford,  Ltd.,  12  Long  Acre.  1915.  Price :  coloured  sheet 
7«.  Qd.  ;  mounted  to  fold  in  case  or  to  hang,  12o*.  Gd. 

An  excellent  map  covering  Poland  and  the  Russo-German  frontier  on  the  north,  tht 
northern  part  of  Serbia  on  the  south,  and  Transylvania,  Bukowina,  and  Rumania  as  far  as 
Bucharest  on  the  south-east.  All  operations  in  the  Middle  East  can  be  followed  intelli- 
gently on  this  map,  as,  in  addition  to  the  rivers,  railways,  and  principal  roads,  it  is  coloured 
to  show  the  great  plains  and  the  mountains. 

Lucas,  Sir  Charles  P. — The  British  Empire.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  ix-250.  London:  Macmillan  & 
Co.  1915.  16  oz.— 2s. 

Lucas,  Sir  Charles  P. — A  Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Dominions :  vol.  ii-  South  Africa, 
part  ii.  History  to  the  Union  of  South  Africa.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  viii-533.  Maps.  Oxford : 
Clarendon  Press.  London  :  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  28  oz. — 6s.  Qd. 

The  untiring  energy  of  Sir  Charles  Lucas  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  history  and  growth 
of  the  British  Empire  is  exemplified  in  these  two  volumes.  The  first  contains  six  lectures 
delivered  at  the  Working  Men's  College  and  mainly  designed  to  point  out  the  value  of  our 
great  heritage  to  all  classes  of  the  community.  "  The  British  Empire,  as  seen  through 
German  eyes,"  states  Sir  Charles,  "  is  a  creation  of  force  and  fraud,  an  image  w  ith  feet  of 
clay  ;  a  collection  of  dowii-trodden  races  and  communities,  eager  to  rebel ;  in  short,  an  evil 
in  the  world  which  ought  to  be  wiped  out."  It  is  one  of  the  author's  objects  to  combat 
this  view,  which  until  recently  was  held  by  a  not  inconsiderable  section  of  our  own  country- 
men to  whom  the  word  "  Empire "  was  as  a  red  flag  to  a  mad  bull.  Fortunately  this 
period  has  passed,  but  even  now  there  are  certain  people  who  fail  to  appreciate  what  the 
British  Empire  really  means  in  the  economic  life  of  the  whole  community.  Sir  Charles 
Lucas  endeavours  to  show,  and  most  successfully  demonstrates,  the  reality  and  importance 
of  the  Empire  to  the  man-in-the-street,  and  particularly  to  the  much-abused  working  man. 
"  Want  of  belief  by  an  Englishman  in  the  value  of  the  Empire  in  normal  times  is  due,"  he 
says,  "  partly  to  revolt  against  thu  unwise  vapourings  of  unwise  writers  and  speakers,  partly 


384  BOOK  NOTICES. 

to  ignorance."  In  this  statement  Sir  Charles  tersely  sums  up  the  reasons  for  the  attitude 
of  the  rapidly  dying  School  of  Little  Englanders.  The  friends  of  the  Empire  hare  -jot 
infrequently  been  its  worst  enemies,  whilst  those  who  might  have  been  friends  have  adopted 
a  wrong  attitude  through  apathy  and  ismorance.  These  lectures,  admirable  in  intention  and 
excellent  hi  execution,  should  be  read  by  any  who  still  doubt  the  value  of  our  Overseas 
Empire  to  the  whole  community.  The  second  of  the  above  books  is  a  new  addition  to  the 
Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Empire — a  work  that  has  long  been  regarded  as  the 
standard  and  most  complete  account  of  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  Britannic  system.  Sir 
Charles  Lucas  deals  with  the  history  of  South  Africa  in  the  period  immediately  preceding 
and  following  the  South  African  War,  which  is  itself  described  at  considerable  length.  It  is 
particularly  appropriate  that  the  story  of  this  momentous  period  should  have  been  told  by 
so  competent  an  authority;  for  Sir  Charles  Lucas  has  naturally  a  close  and  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  South  African  policy  and  particularly  with  the  interesting  period  of  reconstruction 
under  Lord  Mil  nor.  Whilst  Sir  Charles  deals  adequately  and  concisely  with  the  South  African 
War,  it  may  perhaps  be  stated  that  the  most  interesting  portions  of  this  important  book  are  those 
in  which  the  various  and  complex  problems  leading  to,  and  arising  out  of,  the  war  are 
discussed,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  Asiatic  question,  which  the  author  considers  one  of  the 
greatest  of  the  problems  confronting  the  British  Empire  and  upon  a  right  solution  of  which 
its  future  prosperity  so  intimately  depends.  This  volume  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of 
every  student  of  South  African  history  and  of  Imperial  policy.  The  history  is  continued  to 
the  formation  of  the  Union  and  is  illustrated  by  numerous  valuable  explanatory  maps. 

Amphlett,  George  Thomas. — History  of  the  Standard  Bank  of  South  Africa,  Ltd.,  1862-1913. 
Small  4to.  Portraits,  map,  and  illust.  Pp.  xiii-251.  Glasgow  :  Robert  Maclehose  &  Co. 
London  :  F.  Algar,  11  Clements  Lane.  1914. 

Mr.  Amphlett,  the  author  of  this  account  of  the  Standard  Bank,  was  at  the  time  of  his 
retirement  Assistant  General  Manager.  To  him  was  due,  in  no  small  measure,  the  foundation 
of  the  Institute  of  Bankers  in  South  Africa.  This  volume  is  a  record  of  his  untiring  energy 
and  interest  hi  his  work.  It  was  commenced  shortly  before  his  retirement  at  the  beginning 
of  1914,  and  has  been  published  by  the  Directors  as  a  last  tribute  "  to  the  memory  of  a 
faithful  and  devoted  servant  of  the  Bank."  The  history  of  the  Standard  Bank  is  of  more 
than  ordinary  interest.  Not  only  has  it  played  a  most  important  part  in  South  Africa 
since  its  small  beginnings  in  1862,  when  it  was  founded  largely  through  the  exertions  of  Mr. 
John  Paterson,  but  it  has  also  on  many  occasions  performed  most  excellent  service  to  the 
South  African  community  in  tunes  of  financial  stress  and  difficulty.  This  was  particularly 
the  case  during  the  South  African  war  and  in  the  anxious  times  immediately  following  that 
event.  Of  this  period  of  the  Bank's  history  Mr.  Amphlett  writes  an  interesting  and  ample 
account.  A  perusal  of  this  volume  gives  an  excellent  insight  into  the  economic  history  of 
South  Africa  during  recent  years.  A  few  figures  illustrative  of  the  growth  of  the  Standard 
Bank  are  not  without  interest.  In  1863  there  were  eighteen  branches  and  agencies.  In  1913 
the  number  was  215.  In  1877  the  staff  numbered  197.  In  1913  there  were  no  fewer  than 
1,662  employees.  In  1863  the  subscribed  and  paid-up  capital  and  the  reserve  fund  were 
respectively  £1,000,000,  £72,950,  and  £10,100.  In  1913  they  M-ere  £6,194,100,  £1,548,525,  and 
£2,000,000  respectively. 

D'Egville,    Howard — The    Invasion    of   England.     12mo.     Pp.    xv-32.     London:     Hodder    ft 
Stoughton.     1915.     4  oz.— 6d. 

In  this  little  book  Mr.  Howard  D'Egville  reminds  us  of  past  discussions  of  the  invasion 
problem  in  connection  with  the  conditions  with  which  we  are  now  confronted.  It  is  a 
book  that  is  worth  more  than  a  hasty  perusal,  for  in  it  is  admirably  and  concisely  summed 
up  the  opinions  of  those  who  have  considered  an  invasion  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  be 
possible.  Lord  Sydenham  contributes  an  introduction  which,  coming  from  so  competent 
an  authority,  is  the  best  recommendation  for  Mr.  D'Egville's  book. 

Wrong,  George  M.— The  War  Spirit  of  Germany.     12mo.     Pp.  27.     Toronto :  Canadian  Branch 
of   the   Oxford    University   Press.    London :    Humphrey   Milford.     1915. — 6d. 

Among  the  mass  of  publications  relating  to  the  war,  Professor  Wrong's  little  pamphlet 
should  be  read  because  of  its  concise  and  trenchant  handling  of  the  subject.  "  The  German 
people  are  not  free,"  states  the  author,  "  let  this  be  written  down  as  the  ultimate  cause 
of  the  great  war.  ...  A  despotism,  especially  of  a  class  rather  than  of  a  single  person,  M 
almost  certain  to  think  chiefly  of  its  own  interests." 

Scully,  W.  C.— Lodges  in  the  Wilderness.    Post  8vo.     Pp.  riv-252.     Illust.    London:    Herbert 
Jenkins,  Ltd.     16   oz. — 5*. 

Those  who  would  like  to  know  something  about  the  kind  of  country  in  which  a  portion 
o£  the  Union  troops  are  operating  in  South-West  Africa  cannot  do  better  than  read  Mr. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  385 

Scully's  pleasing  little  book,  "  Lodges  in  the  Wilderness."  The  journeys  described  in  it 
were  undertaken  by  Mr.  Scully  when  he  was  Special  Magistrate  for  the  Northern  Border 
of  Cape  Colony  (an  office  which  has  since  lapsed),  and  they  took  him  through  the  great 
Bushmanland  desert — where,  by  the  way,  Mr.  Scully  only  found  two  specimens  of  that 
miserable  race — and  through  some  of  the  worst,  and  also  most  interesting,  country  to  be 
found  in  South  Africa.  This  particular  corner  of  Cape  Colony,  upon  the  borders  of  German 
South-West  Africa,  is  probably  the  hottest  and  driest  portion  of  the  sub-continent,  a  place 
doubtless  of  fascination  for  the  initiated  but  to  be  avoided  by  the  ordinary  traveller, 
for,  as  the  author  says,  the  desert  "  is  not  a  mistress  to  be  lightly  courted."  Mr.  Scully 
writes  pleasantly  and  with  a  deep  appreciation  of  South  African  flora  and  scenery ;  but 
one  cannot  avoid  a  shudder  of  horror  at  the  "  heat-baths "  he  endured,  at  the  tarantulas 
he  encountered,  and  at  the  weird  solemnity  of  the  Bushmanland  desert.  It  is  unfortunate 
that  the  proofs  have  been  hastily  read. 

Vergnet,  Paul. — France  in  Danger.     12mo.     Pp.  xx-167.    London  :  John  Murray.      1915*     12  oz. 
— 2a.  6d. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  illuminating  works  dealing  with  German  aggressive 
designs  that  has  been  published  in  this  country  since  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  It  is  of 
special  importance  because  it  was  written  before  the  crisis  of  August  last  and  was  published 
in  Paris  several  months  prior  to  that  event.  M.  Paul  Vergnet  makes  absolutely  clear 
the  brutal  and  aggressive  purposes  of  Germany  against  France,  and  gives  an  excellent  account 
of  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  Pan-German  party  and  of  the  various  German  societies 
that  have  been  engaged  in  propagating  the  Germanic  idea.  No  more  damaging  exposure 
of  German  policy  has  been  issued  than  this  account  of  the  secret,  as  well  as  openly-expressed, 
designs  of  the  leaders  of  the  movement  which  led  to  the  present  war.  Germans  are  con- 
victed out  of  their  own  mouths.  A  perusal  of  M.  Vergnet's  book  can  lead  but  to  one 
conclusion — that  Germany  has  persistently  worked  for  world-domination  since  the  signing  of 
t  he  Anglo-German  agreement  of  1890. 

Elvers,    W.    H.    R.—The   History   of   Melanesian   Society.     2   vols.    Royal   8vo.     ^Illust.     Cam- 
bridge :   University  Press.     London  :   C.  F.  Clay.     1914.     80  oz. — 36s. 

This  is  a  book  for  which  the  students  of  primitive  races  should  be  deeply  grateful.  Dr. 
Rivers,  who  has  already  earned  his  laurels  by  a  book  on  the  Todas,  gives  an  account  of 
some  of  the  work  carried  out  by  the  Percy  Sladen  Trust  Expedition  to  Melanesia,  the  main 
object  of  which  was  to  collect  data  regarding  Melanesian  culture  before  the  primitive  racet 
were  completely  altered  or  spoilt  by  their  contact  with  European  civilisation.  The  result 
of  his  labours  is  two  large  volumes,  in  which  is  embodied  a  mass  of  information  of  great  use 
to  the  student  of  primitive  sociology.  Much  of  it  has  been  collected  at  first  hand  and  ia 
for  that  reason  of  more  than  ordinary  value,  whilst  the  rest  has  been  obtained  from  reliable 
sources,  either  through  the  missionaries  or  from  natives  who  have  embraced  Christianity. 
As  a  result  of  the  labours  of  Dr.  Rivers  and  others  who  have  preceded  him,  one  is  now  in 
a  position  to  get  a  very  good  idea  of  Melanesian  culture,  especially  from  the  sociological 
indpoint,  for  Dr.  Rivers  in  these  two  volumes  devotes  himself  mainly  to  a  description  of 
tive  manners  and  customs,  social  organisation,  relationship,  primitive  rites,  societies,  and 
nilar  matters.  This  book  is  in  fact  a  study  of  organisation  and  custom,  and  from  that 
point  of  view  it  has  special  interest  and  value.  "  It  has  been  one  of  my  leading  aims," 
writes  the  author,  "  to  see  how  far  it  is  possible  through  an  examination  and  analysis  of  the 
culture  of  a  given  area  to  reach  any  conclusions  concerning  its  past  history."  Although  Dr. 
Rivers  does  not  attempt  any  full  discussion  of  the  relationship  between  Oceanic  culture  and 
the  cultures  of  Japan,  India,  Europe,  Africa,  and  America,  he  offers  some  pertinent  and 
suggestive  remarks  upon  this  subject  that  may  well  act  as  a  working  hypothesis  for  students. 
Taken  in  conjunction  with  its  more  psj'chological  aspects,  of  which  Dr.  Rivers  does  not  treat, 
the  information  in  these  two  volumes  cannot  fail  to  be  of  the  greatest  use  to  those  who  are 
interested  in  Melanesian  origins. 

Bnry,  G.  Wyman.— Arabia  Infelix,  or  the  Turks  in  Yamen.     8vo.      Maps  and  Illust.      Pp.  x-213. 
London  :   Macmillan   &   Co.     1915.     24  oz. — Is.   6d. 

On  a  previous  occasion  attention  was  directed  to  Mr.  G.  Wyman  Bury's  book,  "  The  Land 
of  Uz,"  which  described  one  of  the  most  fascinating  regions — from  an  historical  point  of 
v'e.w. — °n  *ke  k'ce  °f  tne  globe.  Mr.  Bury  has  now  supplemented  his  former  volume  by 
writing  an  account  of  the  distressful  land  of  Yamen,  where  the  Turks  are  now  maintaining 
»  precarious  existence  and  whence  they  are  only  too  likely  to  be  driven,  it  is  to  be  hoped, 
for  all  time.  The  region  which  Mr.  Bury  describes  is  of  course  the  south-western  corner 
f  Arabia — a  land  of  ancient  and  forgotten  civilisations  with  a  history  stretching  back 
more  than  two  thousand  years  before  Christ,  the  home  of  the  queen  of  Sheba  and  of 
the  ancient  Sabeans.  The  author  has  had  opportunities  of  visiting  this  romantic  and  fas- 
cinating, but  unhappy,  region  that  have  fallen  to  few  other  Europeans;  for  Yamen  • 


386  BOOK  NOTICES. 

mot  exactly  a  paradise  for  the  Christian  traveller.  The  result  of  his  observation!  whilst 
•taying  in  the  country  is  a  vivid  and  entertaining  book  of  travel,  marked  by  a  clos» 
acquaintance  with  the  history  of  Southern  Arabia  and  a  deep  knowledge  of  Arabian  manners 
and  customs.  A  book  of  more  than  usual  interest  at  the  present  time. 

Birdwood,  Sir  George  C.  M. — Sva,  Edited  by  F.  H.  Brown.  8vo.  Portrait.  Pp.  xxx-368. 
London:  Philip  Lee  Warner;  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  28  oz. — 12s.  6d. 

Few  Anglo-Indians  are  better  known  or  have  done  more  for  their  adopted  country  than 
Sir  George  Birdwood.  In  his  case  indeed  India  is  not  only  the  land  of  his  choice,  with 
which  he  has  been  closely  identified  for  more  than  sixty  years,  either  in  India  itself  or  in 
this  country,  but  also  the  land  of  his  birth.  Sir  George  Bird  wood's  ripe  and  intimate  know- 
ledge of  Indian  life,  Indian  art,  religions,  customs,  and  products  has  always  been  placed  at 
the  disposal  of  his  countrymen.  The  many  valuable  books  and  reports  standing  to  his  name 
are  an  evidence  of  his  unceasing  activity,  but  he  has  written  no  less  constantly  in  the 
periodical  press,  having  been  a  constant  contributor  to  The  Times  and  to  the  publication! 
of  the  various  learned  societies.  Those  who  know  and  appreciate  Sir  George  Birdwood's 
career  will  therefore  welcome  the  collection  of  essays  issued  by  Mr.  Philip  Lee  Warner,  son 
of  another  distinguished  Anglo-Indian,  under  the  title  of  "  Sva."  They  are  the  intimate 
expression  of  an  active  and  virile  mind  and  marked  throughout  by  wide  reading,  natural 
eloquence,  and  an  unfailing  gift  of  generous  and  suitable  quotation.  The  title  of  the  book 
"  Sva,"  meaning  "  himself,"  indicates  that  the  essays  are  "  so  far  as  they  go,  part  and  parcel 
of  myself,  being  a  selection  from  a  series  of  stocktakings  of  the  facts  of  human  history  that 
in  the  course  of  a  long  and  ail-absorbingly  studious  life  have  most  deeply  pervaded  and 
impressed  me." 

Steele,  Colonel  S.  B. — Forty  Years  in  Canada :  Reminiscen-es  of  the  great  North-  West,  with 
some  account  of  his  service  in  South  Africa.  8vo.  Portraits.  Pp.  xv-428.  London  : 
Herbert  Jenkins,  Ltd.  1915.  26  oz.— 16s. 

Colonel  Sam  Steele  is  probably  as  well  known  as  anyone  in  Canada.  His  long  connection 
with  the  Royal  North-West  Mounted  Police  and  his  services  in  command  of  Strathcona's 
Horse  during  the  South  African  War  have  rendered  his  career  more  than  usually  interesting. 
"  Forty  Years  in  Canada  "  is  a  book  full  of  good  stories  and  also  not  without  value  because 
of  the  intimate  details  contained  in  it  concerning  life  in  the  old  North-West  and  of  the  part 
played  by  the  Mounted  Police  in  the  development  of  Western  Canada.  The  earlier  chapters 
take  us  back  to  a  time  when  chaos  ruled  in  the  prairie  lands,  when  the  Red  River  Settle- 
ment wao  in  the  throes  cf  rebellion,  and  the  greater  part  of  Western  Canada  was  an  un- 
tenanted  wilderness.  With  such  a  rich  store  of  reminiscences  at  his  command  Colonel 
Steele's  book  could  not  fail  to  be  of  interest. 

Stephenson,  Sir  Frederick  Charles  Arthur. — At.  Home  and  on  the  Battlefield :  letters  from 
the  Crim'a,  China,  and  Egypt,  1854-1888.  8vo.  Portraits.  Pp.  xvi-383.  London: 
John  Murray.  1915.— 12s. 

It  is  seldom  that  correspondence,  written  since  the  art  of  letter-writing  was  forgotten, 
is  so  interesting  as  this  collection  of  letters  of  the  late  Sir  Frederick  Stephenson  sent  to 
hia  friends  during  the  time  that  he  was  serving  in  the  Crimea,  China,  and  Egypt.  Of 
the  three  sections  the  most  interesting  are  the  letters  relating  to  Egypt  during  the  years 
1883-87,  the  most  critical  and  anxious  period  of  modern  Egyptian  history.  Field-Marshal 
Lord  Grenfell,  who  was  closely  associated  with  Sir  Frederick  Stephenson  in  Egypt,  contributes 
a  short  introduction  to  this  section. 

Oswald,    Felix. — Alone    in    the    Sleeping-Sickness    Country.     8vo.     Map    and    illust.      Pp.    xii- 

219.  London :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Triibner  &  Co.  1915.  30  oz.— 8s.  6d. 
The  author  of  this  book,  Dr.  Felix  Oswald,  is  a  distinguished  anthropologist,  geolootHt, 
and  antiquarian.  In  the  winter  of  1911-12  he  journeyed  to  the  Victoria  Nyanza  region 
on  behalf  of  the  British  Museum  to  pursue  a  geological  investigation  of  some  Miocene 
deposits  on  the  east  coast  of  the  lake.  His  book,  a  personal  narrative  of  his  journey, 
is  mainly  descriptive,  and  is  of  great  interest  because  the  writer  views  the  "  Sleeping- 
Sickness  Country "  not  as  a  sportsman  or  medical  man,  but  as  a  trained  observer  whose 
interests  are  not  confined  to  one  subject. 

Coxon,  Stanley  W. — And  that  reminds  me  :  being  incidents  of  a  Life  spent  rat  Sea,  and  in 
the  Andaman  Islands,  Burma,  Australia,  and  India.  8vo.  Portrait  and  Illust.  Pp.  xvi- 
324.  London  :  John  Lane  &  Co.  Toronto  :  Bell  &  Cockburn.  1915.  32  oz. — 12«.  Qd. 

Those  who  care  for  light,  chatty  reminiscences  written  in  a  familiar  and  col'oquial  styl« 
should  read  Mr.  Coxon's  "  And  that  reminds  me."  Mr.  Coxon  has  been  a  "  rolling  stone," 


BOOK  NOTICES.  387 

bat  he  has  managed  to  gather  a  fund  of  good  stories  and  to  experience  numerous  adventures, 
not  always  of  an  enjoyable  kind.  Both  on  sea  and  land  Mr.  Coxon  has  witnessed  many 
Btrange  happenings,  and  fortunately  he  has  cultivated,  or  inherited,  the  happy  faculty  of 
making  his  adventures  interesting  to  others.  The  chapters  relating  to  Burma  are  perhaps 
the  moat  interesting. 

Peterson,    W. — Canadian    Essays    and    Addresses.    8vo.      Pp.     xi-373.     London :     Longmans, 
Green   &  Co.     1915.     32  oz.— 10s.  6d. 

Few  addresses  repay  republication.  Yet  the  majority  of  these  speeches,  delivered  by 
the  Principa1  of  McGill  University — one  of  the  soundest  and  most  eloquent  of  British  Imperialists 
— are  not  only  worth  reading,  but  have  lost  little  in  interest  since  they  were  first  spoken. 
They  are  spread  over  a  number  of  years — ranging  from  1894  to  last  year — and  deal  with  a 
variety  of  subjects,  such  as  the  Relations  of  the  English-speaking  Peoples,  Canada  and  the 
United  States,  and  National  Education. 

Protheroe,   Ernest. — The    British    Navy :    its    Making    and    its    Meaning.     8vo.     Pp.   xx-694| 
Ulust.     London  :    George  Routledge  &  Sons.     1914.     48  oz. — 12s.  6d. 

A  well-illustrated  historical  and  descriptive  account  of  the  British  Navy,  showing  its 
growth  from  the  earliest  times  and  the  evolution  of  the  modern  battleship  from  the  rude 
galleys  of  the  ancient  Romans  to  the  latest  developments  in  naval  engineering.  Specially 
suitable  as  a  gift-book. 

Millett,  Marcus  W — Jungle  Sport  in  Ceylon,  from  Elephant  to  Snipe.  8vo.|  Pp.  xv-267« 
London:  Methuen  &  Co.  1914.  38  oz. — 12«.  6d. 

A  book  of  great  interest  to  sportsmen,  dealing  as  it  does  with  the  practical  aspects  of 
sport  in  one  of  our  tropical  possessions,  about  whidh  there  is  little  recent  sporting  literature. 
Well  illustrated  and  full  of  "  yarns." 

Dugmore,  A.  Radelyff e. — The  Romance  of  the  Beaver :  being  the  History  of  the  Beaver  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere.  8vo.  Pp.  xiv-225.  Ulust.  London :  William  Heinemanm 
1914.  20  oz.— 6s. 

Mr.  Dugmore  is  a  trained  observer  whose  books  are  always  fascinating  to  the  lover  of 
nature.  His  monograph  on  the  beaver,  profusely  illustrated  and  written  so  as  to  interest 
the  ordinary  reader,  is  practically  exhaustive  of  the  subject,  and  will  be  a  revelation  to  those 
who  are  not  acquainted  with  the  life-history  of  this  wonderful  little  animal. 

Spence,  Lewis. — The  Myths  of  the  North  American  Indians.  8vo.  Pp.  xii-393.  Illusti 
London  :  George  G.  Harrap  &  Co.  1914.  28  oz.— 7s.  6d. 

The  mythology  of  the  North  American  Indians  is  of  peculiar  interest,  as  it  presents 
problems  that  have  baffled  students  of  human  origins  since  the  red  man  was  first  discovered. 
Mr.  Spence's  volume  is  of  some  interest  as  a  contribution  to  the  question  of  whence  came 
the  native  races  of  North  America,  but  it  only  touches  the  fringe  of  this  deeply  interesting 
problem,  as  it  is  mainly  designed  to  be  a  popular  rather  than  a  learned  account  of  North 
American  mythology.  In  the  preliminary  chapters  the  author  briefly  discusses  the  origin  of 
the  Indian  tribes,  and  comes  to  the  conclusion  that,  owing  to  their  close  affinity  to  the 
primitive  races  of  Siberia  and  Kamtchatka,  they  had  an  Asiatic  origin.  The  wealth  of 
American  mythology  and  the  vivid  and  poetic  imagination  of  the  Indians  is  clearly  demonstrated 
in  this  interesting  volume. 

McClymont,  James  Roxburgh.- -PedraZwarez  Cabral :  his  Progenitors,  his  Life,  and  his 
Voyage  to  America  and  India.  4to.  Pp.  72.  London :  Bernard  Quaritch.  1914. 
14  oz.—  Is.  6d. 

Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral  took  possession  of  Brazil  in  the  year  1500,  and  subsequently 
•ailing  round  the  Cape  towards  India  established  the  first  commercial  treaty  between  Portugal 
and  India.  Mr.  McClymont's  monograph  will  only  be  of  interest  to  those  who  have  made  ft 
study  of  the  earlv  Portuguese  voyages.  It  is  a  careful  and  laborious  piece  of  work. 

Tht  Baymen  of  Belize  and  how  they    wrested   British  Honduras  from  the  Spaniards.     Told  by 
one   of   them,    Steven   Forbes,    and   edited   by   E.    W.    Williams.     P,-*t    8vo.     Pp.    217. 
Ulust.     London:    S.P.C.K.     1914.     2s. 
Few    people    know    anything    about    the    history    of    British    Honduras — one    of   the    most 

potentially   valuable  of   British  tropical   possessions.     This  little  volume,   written  in   the  form 

of   a   romance,   is   not   only   suitable  for    juvenile  readers,   but   also   contains   a   good   deal   of 

interesting   historical   information. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (8): 

Frederick  B.  S.  Balfour,  El.  Hon.  the.  Earl  of  Crawford  and  Bakarres,  Edmund  G. 
Jackson,  Allister  Macmillan,  Charles  A.  McKerrow,  F.C.S.,  Herbert  M.  Weaver,  D.D.S., 
Homes  H.  Welsford,  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Willoughby  de  Broke. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (53) : 

AUSTRALIA.— Archibald  B.  Brockway,  L.R.C.P.  (Brisbane),  H.  A.  Gerny  (Melbourne), 
John  H.  B.  Goldie  (Sydney),  Wesley  J.  Jenner,  M.D.  (Sydney),  Arthur  van  Someren 
[Sydney). 

CANADA. — Edward  Harris  (Toronto). 

NEW  ZEALAND.— Charles  W.  Chamberlain  (Dunedin),  Richard  W.  Gibbs  (Dunedin), 
James  A.  Johnstone  (Dunedin),  Ronald  W.  Williams  (Napier). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — George  W.  Anderson  (Pretoria),  Joseph  Ballam  (Eston,  Natal), 
Archibald  Brough  Pearce  (Johannesburg),  Major  J.  Stevenson-Hamilton  (Transvaal). 

BECHU  AN  ALAND.— Samuel  F.  Lamb.  BRITISH  GUIANA.— Arthur  L.  Fleming. 
BFITISH  NORTH  BORNEO.  —  Edward  S.  Young.  CEYLON.  —  Daniel  J.  Blyth, 
Robert  A.  Powell.  CYPRUS.— Herbert  Dunk,  William  T.  Porter.  FALKLAND  ISLANDS. 
—George  F.  Ball.  FIJI. — Samuel  H.  Ettis.  INDIA. — Fletcher  Norton  (Bangalore), 
William  B.  Venters,  B.Sc.,  A.M.l.C.E.  (Assam).  NORTHERN  RHODESIA. — Capt. 
Cecil  J.  Hazard.  FHCDESIA.— Cecil  H.  Taylor.  SOLOMON  ISLANDS— Clifford  C. 
Francis.  UGANDA.— Allister  J.  M.  Cameron.  WEST  AFRICA.— Stanley  Gifford 
Baggs  (Accra),  Edmund  G.  Baskett  (Preatea),  Arthur  W.  E.  Surge  (Zaria),  Henry  B. 
Butler  (Lagos),  Alfred  R.  Dewar  (Naraguta),  E.  M.  Dochety  (Karno),  Charles  L.  levers 
(Gold  Coast),  Hugh  V.  Leby,  B.Sc.  (Lagos),  Malcolm  C.  Maclniyre  (Zaria),  David 
McLaren  (Zaria),  John  Maclean  (Naraguta),  John  S.  Ross  (Lagos).  ARGENTINE. — 
Robert  W.  Ca-ssels  (Buenos  Aires),  Charles  W.  Cook  (Talcahuala),  Reginald  Cooper 
(Quilmes),  Frederick  H.  Finch  (Playadito),  Frederick  H.  F.  Hamilton  (Buenos  Aires), 
William  F.  Hay  (San  Antonio  Oeste),  Alfred  W.  Kohring  (Buenos  Aires).  BRAZIL. — 
Joseph  Black  (Sao  Paulo),  John  K.  Hall  (Sao  Paulo).  MEXICO. — Bernard  J.  Vavasour. 
PORTUGUESE  EAST  AFRICA Percy  G.  Birkbeck. 

Associates  (11) : 

Charles  Bright,   F.R.S.E.,   Mrs.   T.   Pearce  Clark,   Lady  Drummond  (Montreal),   Mrs. 

E.  C.  Eliot  (Ocean  Island),  Arthur  G.  England,  Timothy  Healy,  K.C.,  M.P.,  Lady  Pirrie, 
Mrs.  Grafton  Ross,  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Roxburghe,  K.T.,  M.V.O.,  Lady  Scott,  Miss  L. 
Tangye  (Victoria,  Australia). 

Associates — Bristol  Branch  (74) : 

Peter  Addie,  V.  Bailey,  J.  S.  Baker,  John  C.  Bankhead,  George  H.  Barnes,  W.  S. 
Barrett,  William  Blair,  H.  H.  Bourne,  H.  W.  Bradbourne,  E.  N.  CarUon,  Mrs.  E.  N. 
Carlton,  T.  Buxton,  A.  8.  Cavett,  W.  Chapman,  W.  M.  Chapman,  H.  P.  Champion, 
H.  V.  Chappell,  C.  H.  Charlton,  Thomas  Cox,  Mrs.  Constance  Croggon,  W.  G.  Curry, 
H.  W.  Eason,  John  VS.  Fitzgerald,  P.  L.  Hughes  Garbeth,  Edward  Gerrish,  W.  J.  Grant, 

F.  A.    Griffiths,   J.   S.   Guthrie,   C.   E.   Harwood,   Miss  A.   M.   Jefferis,   E.   «7.   Jenkins, 
Ernest  F.  B.  Kislingbury,   Walter  G.  L.  Langfield,  J.  C.  Latham,  H.   W.  Francis  Liver- 
more,   F.   A.   McKeand,   G.    V.   Paget,    George  A.   Parker,   G.   A.   Pearson,   Miss  R.   E. 
Pease,    W.  E.    Wynn  Penny,  R.  S.  Powett,  C.    W.   Cope  Proctor,  Adolphus   W.  H.  Pyke, 
Charles  Read,  Miss  E.  L.  Reddy,  T.  Riordan,  Harry  C.  Rowe,  J.  A.  Rowlands,  J.   G. 
Royce,  R.  Kennerly  Rumford,  Mrs.  C.  Kennerly  Rumford,  G.  B.  Shipway,  J.  J.  Simpson, 

G.  A.  Sinnock,  A.  Wyatt Smith,  Thomas  Smith,  E.  A.  Spear,  Miss  A.  E.  Taylor,  Herbert 
Taylor,    Walter   Taylor,    A.    E.    Thomas,    Rev.    H.    A.    Thsvnas,   H.    W.    Vowles,    R.    H. 
Wan-en,  J.  H.    Watson,   G.   T.    Watkins,  E.    Watts,  Mrs.   E.    Watts,  Rev.  C.  Parry   Way, 
Miss  B.  M.   Webster,  J.   White,  J.   W.   White,  A.  C.   Woodward. 


OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  recorded  with  regret : 
Isaac  Gibbs,  Louis  Williams,  W.  H.  C.  Trousdell,  Capt.  F.  G.  Goulden,  F.  D. 
Hughes  (killed  in  action),  E.  M.  S.  Kent  (killed  in  action),  H.  Alexander,  Alfred  Holds- 
worth,  E.  M.  Roberts,  Henry  Williamson,  Mrs.  G.  N.  G.  Senhouse,  W.  W.  Stoney,  M.D. 
Sir  James  Rankin,  Bart.,  H.  H.  McArthur,  Charles  Parbury,  T.  A.  Bayliss,  Harry  A. 
Bell,  Frederick  A.  Saegert,  C.  A.  Sapara  Williams,  C.M.G. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  SESSION  1915. 

The  following  Papers  have  already  been  arranged,  and  subsequent  fixtures  will  appear 
from  time  to  time  in  the  notices  to  Fellows : — 

1915. 

11.— Dinner  at  7,  Meeting  at  8.30  p.m.  "India  and  the  War"  by  Lieut.-Col.  Sir 
FRANCIS  E.  YOUNGHUSBAND,  K.C.I.E.  The  Right  Hon.  CHARLES  E.  H.  HOBHOUSE,  M.P., 
will  preside. 

JUNE  8. — Dinner  at  7,  Meeting  at  8.30  p.m.  "The  Outlook  for  National  Unity,"  by  Hon. 
Sir  JOHN  McCALL,  M.D.  The  Rt.  Hon.  LORD  SYDENHAM,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.I.E., 
will  preside.  

ANNUAL  DINNER. 

In  consequence  of  the  War,  the  Annual  Dinner,  which  is  usually  held  on  Empire  Day 
(May  24),  will  not  take  place  this  year. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Hule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Recital  YVestrand  London."  Cables :  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  7s.  6d.  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  6J.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  6d.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

%*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — A.  J.  Le  C.  Sumner,  R.  A.  Sumner,  E.  A.  Edwards,  T.  H.  Wood. 
Australia. — Louis  P.  Jacobs,  C.  W.  Lloyd,  Alex.  Busby,  Mrs.  Hume  Lindsay.  British 
East  Africa. — J.  M.  Pearson.  Canada. — J.  F.  Barr,  Col.  T.  C.  Lazier,  G.  C.  O'Grady, 
R.  W.  Retard.  Ceylon.— J.  0.  Wardrop,  C.  W.  Booty.  China.— 8.  A.  Seth.  Falkland 
Islands. — W.  J.  Roper.  France. — A.  N.  Spencer.  Jamaica. — Henry  Home.  Newfound- 
land.— Dr.  Cluny  Macpherson.  New  Zealand. — J.  M.  Howard  Tripp.  Northern  Rhodesia. — 
L.  W.  Cox,  P.  H.  Parker.  Rhodesia. — C.  D.  Vaughan  Davies,  W.  J.  Blacklock  Harris. 
South  Africa. — J.  Haskins,  J.  J.  Hoyle,  W.  H.  Stucke,  C.  F.  Wienand.  West  Africa. — 
Dr.  E.  C.  Adams,  F.  0.  Abraham,  F.  D.  Fowler,  F.  Dwyer,  Dr.  J.  H.  Collier,  L.  A. 
Blackmore.  United  States.— FT.  B.  Conyngham,  L.  M.  Wolff. 

DEPARTURES. 

Australia. — W.  H.  James,  H.  Terrey,  Miss  Edwards- Smith.  Argentine. — Darsie  0. 
Anderson,  N.  H.  Neilson.  British  Guiana. — Dr.  A.  T.  Ozzard.  British  North  Borneo. — 
E.  S.  Young.  Canada. — R.  Parker,  V.  Massey,  Dr.  0.  A.  Anderson.  China. — G.  H. 
Charlton.  J.  J.  Godfrey.  Falkland  Islands — Capt.  F.  J.  Newnham,  H.E.  W.  Dougla* 
Young,  C.M.G.  Fiji. — Capt.  C.  A.  Swinburne,  F.  S  pence.  France. —  W.  H.  Dorey. 
India.— J.  H.  Ellis,  M.  Leslie.  New  Zealand.— R.  H.  Nolan,  Dr.  A.  A.  Martin.  New- 
foundland.— Hon.  R.  K.  Bishop.  Rhodesia. — J.  Campbell,  W.  C.  Whalley.  South 
Africa.— R.  T.  Corydon,  C.M.G.,  H.  L.  Buzzard,  L.  G.  Bradfield,  S.  Smith,  J.  B.  Pryde, 
/.  Munro,  M.  J.  Adam.  Straits  Settlements. — K.  A.  Stevens,  H.  Marriott.  West  Alrica. 
— F.  Unwin,  F.  Allan  C.  Robinson,  W.  Normansell  Day,  J.  L.  Crozier,  N.  W.  O'Dwyer, 
Major  C.  E.  D.  Rew,  E.  0.  Johnson,  I.S.O.,  A.  C.  Couldery,  Capt.  E.  H.  Hobart,  W. 
f.  O'Toole,  R.  E.  Burns,  T.  G.  Cooper,  Owen  Wheeler,  W.  W.  Bishop,  W.  Davis  Bowden. 
W.  C.  W.  Eakin,  F.  W.  Greenslade. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


united  Kingdom  : — 
W   H.  ALLBN,  Esq.,  BBDFOBD. 
THB  RBV.  T.  8.  CABLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 
B  CHRISTISON,  Esq.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 

T.  8.   COTTBBBLL,   ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 

CAPT.  G.  CBOSFIBLD,  WABBINGTON. 
MABTIN  GRIFFITHS,  Esq.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B.  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  C.M.G.,  PUBLBY. 
A.  B.  PONTTFBX,  ESQ.,  WINOHBSTBB. 

GlLBBBT  PUBVIS,  ESQ.,  ToBqUAY. 

COUNCILLOB  HBBBBBT  SHAW,  NBWCASTLB-ON-TYM. 
JOHN  SPBAK,  ESQ.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON. 
PBOFBSSOB  B.  WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  : — 
B   B   BBNNBTT,  Esq.,  K.C.,  M.P..  CALQABY. 

A.  R.  CBBBLMAN,  Esq.,  K.C.,  MONTBBAL. 

G  R  DUNCAN,  Esq.,  FOBT  WILLIAM,  ONTAEIO. 
HON.  D.  M.  EBBBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C. 

B.  PrrzRANDOLPH,  FBBDBBICTON,  NBW  BRUNSWICK. 
SIB  SANDPOBD  PLBMING,  K.C.M.G.,  OTTAWA. 
CRAWFORD  GOBDON,  Esq.,  WINNIPEG. 

W.  LAWSON  GBANT,  Esq.,  KINGSTON. 

C.  FBBDBBIOK  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  OTTAWA. 
ERNBST  B.  C.  HANINGTON,  Esq..M.D.,VioTOEiA,  B.C. 
REGINALD  V.  HARRIS,  Esq.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SOOTIA. 
LT.-COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMBB  VIBDBN,  MANITOBA. 
Lr.-CoL.  HBBBBBT  D.  HULMB,  VANOOUVBB,  B.C. 
CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIBSON,  PBTBBBOBO,  ONTAEIO. 
LBONABD  W.  JUST,  Esq.,  MONTBBAL. 

L.  V.  KBBB.  RBGINA. 

JOHN  A.  McDouoALL,  Esq.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J.  McKiNBBY,  BASSANO,  ALBERTA.       [TARIO, 

J.  PBESOOTT  MBBBITT,  Esq.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 

T.  J.  PABKBS.  Esq.,  SHBBBBOOKB,  QUBBBC.  [TARIO. 

LT.-COL.   W.   N.   PONTON,   K.C.,   BBLLEVILLB,  ON- 

Lr.-CoL.  8.  W.  RAY,  POST  ABTHUB,  ONTABIO. 

M.  H.  BICHBY,  Esq.,  DANVILLB,  QUEBEC. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

P.  M.  SCLANDBRS.  Esq.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  8.  SCOTT,  Esq..  HAMILTON. 

JOHN  T.  SMALL,  Esq.,  K.C.,  TOEONTO- 

C.  E.  SMYTH,  Esq.,  MBDIOINB  HAT. 

H.  L.  WBBSTBB,  Esq.,  COCHBANB,  ONTABIO. 

8.  J.  WILLIAMS,  Esq.,  BBBLIN,  ONTABIO. 

COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKBS,  K.C.,  BEANTFOBD,  ONTAEIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  : — 

J  W  BABBBTT.  Esq.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MBLBOUBWB. 
MAJOR  HENBY  BREW,  BALLABAT.  P.  W.  CROAKER, 
ESQ.,  BRBWARHINA,  N.S  W  W  L.  DOCKER,  Esq., 
SYDNEY.  N.S.W.  C.  EABP.ESQ.,  NEWCASTLE,  N.S.W. 
KINOSLEY  FAIRBBIDGE.ESQ.,  PINJAEBA.W.A.  H.C. 
MACFIB,  ESQ. .SYDNEY.  N.S.W.  J  N  PABKBS,  Esq., 
TOWNSVILLB.  HERBERT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F  TAYLOB,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBANB. 
Hon.  A.  J.  THYNNB.  M.L.C.,  BBISBANB.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ..  ADELAIDE,  8.A.  ABTHUB  C.  TEAPF, 
Esq.,  MBLBOUBWB, VICTOBIA.  D'ABCY  W.  ADDISON, 
Esq..  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER,  Esq.,  HOB  ART. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  PRANK  BIDDLBS, 
Esq..  FBKMANTLB,  W  A.  B.  H.  DABBYSHIRB.  Esq., 
PBBTH,  W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  PORT  MORESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NOBTH,  COL.  Hon.  JAMBS 
ALLEN  M.P.,  DUNBDIN.  LEONARD  TEIPP,  Esq., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHARLES  C  BOWBN, 
K.C.M  G..  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  Esq., 
CHBISTOHUBCH.  RON.  OLIVES  SAMUEL,  M.L.C..AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIB,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
B.D.  DouGLAsMcLBA*.  ESQ.,  AND  PATBICK  McLBAN, 
Esq  ,  NAPIBB.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIEB,  ESQ.  AND  PROFESSOR  F.  P.  WORLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H  WALL,  Esq.,  J.P  ,  AND  CAPT.  J. 
B  KIBK,  GISBOBNH  COLIN  C.  BUTTON,  ESQ., 
WANGANUI.  C.  H  TBIPP,  Esq., TIMABU. 

Union  of  South  Africa  : — 

CAPB  OF  GOOD  HOPE:  HARRY  GIBSON,  Esq., 
CAPETOWN.  PBBCY  P.  FRANCIS,  Esq.,  PORT  ELIZA- 
BETH JOHN  POOLBY.  Esq..  J.P ,  KIMBBRLBY. 
DAVID  RBES.  ESQ.,  J.P  ,  EAST  LONDON.  MAJOB 
FRBDK  A.  SAUNDBES,  P  R.C.S.,  GBAHAMSTOWN. 

MAI  SONNBNBBBG,   ESQ.,  VBYBUBG.        P     WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A..  J.P.,  CABNABVOH  J  P.  WASSUNG, 
ESQ.,  MOSSBL  BAY.  THB  VBN.  ARCHDEACON  A.  T. 
WFBOMAN.  D  D.,  D.C.L..  PORT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL  :  G.  CHUBTON  COLLINS  ESQ.,  DURBAN. 
DACBB  A.  SHAW, ESQ..  PIETBBMABITZBUBG.  E.  W. 
NOYCB,  Esq.,  BOSOOBBLLO. 


Union  of  South  Africa — ?»nttnut.d. 

OBANGB  FBBB  STATB  ;    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 
ORICHTON.     C.  A.  BBCK,  Esq.,  BLOBMFONTBIN. 

TEANSVAAL:   W.  E.  FERRYMAN.  Esq..  C.A.,  7  STAK- 
DABD    BANK   CHAMBERS,   COMMISSIONER  STBBBT, 
JOHANNBSBUBG.       F.  C.    STUBBOOK,    ESQ.,   10 
GBNBRAL    MINING   BUILDINGS,     JOHANNBSBUBO. 
8.  C.  A.  COSSBE,  Esq.,  PBBTOBIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WARDEN,  Esq.,  BUBNOS  AIBBS. 
W.  B.  HARDING  GBBBN,  Esq.,  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W  H.W.MUBPHY.ESQ.,FBANCISTOWH. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HBNBY  LOCKWABD.  HAMILTOW. 
Borneo  :    G.  C.  IBVING,  Esq.,  SANDAKAN 
Brazil  :   CHABLBS  O.  KBNYON,  Esq..  SAO  PAULO. 

HBNBY  L.  WHBATLBY,  Esq.,  Rio  DB  JANBIRO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBXANDBBDAvis.Esq  NAIROBI. 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LEGQBTT,  D.S.O..  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :    B.  H.  FBEGUSON,  Esq.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :   W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  ANTOFAOASTA. 
Cyprus  :   J.  R.  HOLMES,  Esq.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNBTT,  Esq.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.  B.  BBBTT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPBNTBB,  Esq.,  M.A.,  CAIBO. 
Falkland   Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCB  CONLAY,  Bsq., 
Fiji  :   C.  A.  LA  TOUCHB  BBOUOH,  Esq.,  LL.B.    IPOH. 
France  :   SIB  JOHN  FILTER.  PARIS. 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :  Louis  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  BBBLIR. 

R.  MKLVILLB.  Esq.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :    W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  Esq. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  One  AN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMBITAOB,  C.M.O.. 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TBBBITOBIES. 

C.  8.  CEAVKN,  Esq.,  M.INST.,  C.E.  ACOEA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  O.  Raw,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :   CAPT.  G.  W.  B.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.  PBH^BVITZ,  ESQ.,  GsoNnfOHW. 
Hong  Kong  :    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK.  K.C.,  M.L.O. 
India  :  E   E.  ENGLISH,  Esq..  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABBIBL,  Esq.,  C.V.O..  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 

H.  N.  HuTrniNSON.  E8Q..T.C.S.,  LAHORE        [OORQ. 

GKOBGB  H   OBMBBOD,   Esq.,  M.Inst.C.B. ,  CHITTA- 

JAMBS  B.  PEARSON,  Esq..  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MIBBUT. 
Malta  : 

Mauritius  :   GBOBGB  DICKSON,  Esq.,  POET  Louis. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland  :    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHB'B, 
New  Hebrides:  His  HONOUE  JUDOBT.E  ROSBBY.VILA. 
Nigeria  :    A.  R.  CANNING,  Esq.,  NABAGUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  Esq.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  Esq.,  ZUNGKEU. 

B.  G.  8   Mn.LER,  Esq.,  ZABIA.  [STONB. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOOK,  ESQ..  Lmv«. 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS.  INOWBBBBB. 

A.  C.  HAYTBB,  ESQ.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  Esq..  ZOMBA. 
Panama :    CHABLBS  F.  PBBBLBS.  Esq. 
Peru  :    RBV.  ABCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :   W  D.  COPLBY,  Esq..  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSBJJT.,  ESQ.,  WANK  IB. 

THOMAS  STEW  AST,  Esq.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBURY. 
Samoa  :  COLONEL  ROBBET  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  R.  M  O'BBIBN,  C.M.G. 
Solomon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BABNBTT,  Esq.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HON.  E.  O.  JOHNSON.M.L.C..  PBBBTOWW. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BRYANT.  ESQ..PBNANO; 

B   NUNN,  Esq..  SINGAPORB. 

Swaziland  :   ALLISTBB  M.  MILLER,  Esq.,  MBABANB. 
Uganda    Protectorate :    GBOBGB    D.    SMITH,  Eaq., 

C.M.G..  ENTBBBB. 
United  States  :   DB.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

ALLEYNB  IRELAND,  Esq.,  NEW  YOBK. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JAOKMAN,  Esq.,M.C.P.,  BABBADOS. 

HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  Esq.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J.  J.  NUN  AN.  GEOEGBTOWN,  BRITISH  OUIANA. 

H.  DBNBIGH  PHILLIPS.  Esq.,  BELIZE.  BRITISH  How- 

FRANK  CUNDALL,  Esq.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA.  [DUBAS. 

HON.  MB.  JUSTICE  P.  H.  PARKER. LEEWARD  ISLANDS. 

A.  H    NOBLB.  Esq.,  SAN  JUAN.  POBTO  Rico. 

PEOFESSOB  P.   CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  P.C.S.,  PORT  of 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD.  [WARD  ISLANDS. 

HON.  D.  S.  DB  FBBITAS.  M.L.C.,  UBBNADA,  WIND- 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BARDO. 


THE  KOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOURNAL 


VOL.  VI  JUNE  1915  No.  6 


The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


KING  ALBERT  BY  THE  YSER,  NOVEMBER  1914. 

DUSK  and  the  trenches ;  sea-fog,  scroll  on  scroll ; 
This  earth  a  ghost,  water  and  soil  and  air 
Commingled,  shifting. — Homeless  King,  prepare 
To  pluck  the  sting  of  death  out  of  thy  soul, 
Here  with  pale  Winter  lodging  !    For  the  whole 
Of  Belgium,  this  tormented  marsh  upbear, 
And  yoke  it  on  those  insolent  necks  that  wear 
Brussels  and  Antwerp  as  a  conqueror's  toll ! 
We  too  have  had  our  homeless  hero-king  : 
So  bare  as  thou,  he  with  his  followers  lay 
By  wood  and  swamp  at  Athelney.     The  power 
Of  Alfred  stirs  in  England  to  this  day. 
Wouldst  thou  be  named  as  he  ?     In  victory's  hour 
Be  great  as  now,  The  Great  in  everything. 

EDMUND  BEALE  SARGANT. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

AFTER  a  long  period  of  stalemate  and  a  few  days  of  intense  anxiety 
in  the  middle  of  May,  came  the  news  that  both  French  and  British 

forces  were  once  more  on  the  offensive  and  were  scoring 
Shells!  ,  .  ,  ,       .          ,       ...  ,1 

successes  which,  at  the  time  01  writing,  are  more  than 

maintained.  But  by  this  time  even  the  lay  reader  has  learnt  not 
to  build  too  many  hopes  on  such  distinct  advantages  as  are  gained 
by  the  capture  of  a  village  and  a  few  miles  of  trenches.  This  is  not 
a  war  in  which  victory  is  likely  to  be  decided  by  one  or  even  two  or 
three  telling  blows.  At  this  moment,  when  the  tide  had  apparently 

2  D 


392  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

turned  in  favour  of  the  Allies,  the  well-known  correspondent  of  The 
Times  created  a  sensation  by  a  graphic  dispatch  in  which  he  described 
the  storming  of  the  Aubsrs  ridge,  and  stated  that  the  British  attack 
was  both  costly  and  ineffectual  because  the  supply  of  high  explosive 
shells  was  not  sufficient  to  permit  the  entire  destruction  of  the  enemy's 
trenches  and  wire  entanglements.     On  this  question  of  the  supply 
of  munitions  the  whole  country  and  the  whole  Empire   has   been 
deeply  moved,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  it  has  been  so  difficult 
to  get  a  clear  lead  from  those  in  authority.     On  March  15,  speaking 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  Lord  Kitchener  said  :     '  The  supply  of  war 
material  at  the  present  moment  and  for  the  next  two  or  three  months 
is  causing  me  very  serious  anxiety  ".     On  March  29,  Mr.  Lloyd  George 
asserted,  in  a  speech  to  the  Shipbuilding  Employers  Federation  that 
"  excessive  drinking  is  interfering  seriously "  with  the  output  of 
shells  and  other  munitions.    Yet  on  April  21  Mr.  Asquith  declared 
that  "  there  is  not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  statement  that  our  Army 
is  being  crippled,  or  at  any  rate  hampered,  by  our  failure  to  provide 
the  necessary  ammunition " ;  and  on  May  18  Lord  Kitchener,  while 
tacitly  acknowledging  the  delay  at  an  earlier  stage,    reported  his 
confidence  that  "  in  the  very  near  future  we  shall  be  in  a  satisfactory 
position  with  regard  to  the  supply  of  these  [high  explosive]  shells  ". 
After  ten  months  of  war  this  seems  a  modest  hope,  and  the  more 
optimistic   of  these   opinions   are  less   convincing  in  the   teeth   of 
the  fact  that,  from  the  first,  it  has  been  Government  policy  to 
minimise  unwelcome  tidings,  presumably  because  they  may  be  welcome 
to  the  enemy.     The  result  is  too  great  confidence  on  the  part  of  the 
masses,  and,  perhaps,  too  little  on  the  part  of  those  with  some  inside 
knowledge. 

THE  news  that  a  national  Government  has  been  called  into  existence 

comes,  therefore,  as  a  relief  to  many  people  of  all  shades  of  opinion,  who 

feel  that  only  a  non-party  Government  can  adequately 

A  National     ^eaj  ^^  ^e  situation.    Measures  may  be  necessary 

Government.  ,         , .  ,  .     ,,      Q,  u  *  •  i     tl 

for  which  no  one  party  in  the  State  could  fairly  be 

responsible,  and  in  addition  the  inclusion  of  Opposition  leaders  will 
help  to  strengthen  a  Cabinet  which  has  been  subjected  to  unpre- 
cedented strain  and  enable  it  to  expand  on  the  business  side. 
There  is  another  aspect  of  the  situation.  So  long  as  the  Govern- 
ment represented  one  party  only  the  task  of  criticism  was  a  most 
invidious  and  difficult  one,  yet  it  is  not  healthy  for  the  State  that  any 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  393 

Government,  even  at  a  crisis  like  this,  should  be  placed  entirely  above 
criticism.  The  general  hope  is  that  the  first  move  will  be  towards  some 
definite  organisation  of  labour,  so  that  no  further  wastage  may  occur. 
Lord  Kitchener  has  asked  for  300,000  more  men.  It  is  almost  incon- 
ceivable that  the  present  methods  of  recruiting  by  sensational  appeals 
and  posters  should  be  continued.  It  is  reported  that  a  high  percentage  of 
the  new  armies  are  married  men — the  most  expensive  soldiers  in  many 
ways  to  the  State,  while  there  are  still  hundreds  of  able-bodied  men 
selling  muslin  or  groceries  whose  services,  even  if  not  needed  in  the  field, 
should  be  turned  into  some  other  department  of  war  activity.  The 
industrial  unrest  which  brings  tram-men  or  coal-miners  out  on  strike  is 
largely  due  to  the  inequalities  and  apparent  injustices  produced  by  the 
sudden  overwhelming  prosperity  of  some  workers,  and  it  is  too  late  to 
bring  home,  by  patriotic  appeals,  the  realisation  of  the  responsibility  that 
rests  with  every  man  and  woman  to  "  do  their  bit ".  They  regard  the 
termination  of  the  War  as  a  certainty,  and,  lulled  in  that  false  security, 
are  satisfied  that  their  business  is  to  do  as  well  as  they  can  for  them- 
selves. The  first  task  of  the  Coalition  Government  should  be  to  place 
every  department  of  war  industry  under  some  form  of  martial  law,  and 
then  to  secure,  through  a  register  of  men  of  all  ages,  the  control  of 
a  supply  of  recruits  and  of  industrial  workers.  It  is  compulsion,  of 
course,  but  is  not  war  compulsion  of  the  crudest  kind  ?  The  effect 
of  such  national  organisation  would  be  to  convince  Germany,  for  the 
first  time,  that  we  intend  to  fight  this  War  to  a  finish. 

THE  Imperial  meeting  organised  by  the  Central  Committee  of 

National  Patriotic  Organisations  took  place  at  the  Guildhall — "  the 

prytaneum  of  our  national  liberties  ",  to  use  Mr.  Asquith's 

mperial  pnrase — on  jy[av  ^  ami(j  the  rumours  of  a  Coalition 

which  lent  a  piquancy  to  the  presence  on  one  platform 
of  the  Prime  Minister  and  the  Leader  of  the  Opposition. 
In  proposing  the  resolution  of  gratitude  to  the  self-governing  Dominions, 
the  Colonies,  the  Protectorates,  and  the  Indian  Empire,  for  their 
unparalleled  services,  Mr.  Asquith  recited  the  long  list  of  the  offerings 
made  by  them  in  men,  money,  and  kind,  and  cited  as  the  main  reason 
for  this  marvellous  display  of  patriotic  generosity  the  wise  and  well- 
considered  policy  pursued  towards  them  by  the  Mother  Country, 
the  fruits  of  which  she  was  ingathering  in  these  times  of  trial.  Mr. 
Bonar  Law,  who  followed,  referred  to  possible  changes  in  the  Cabinet 
as  being  useless  except  for  the  one  purpose  of  organising  the  whole 

2  D  2 


394  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

nation  from  top  to  bottom  to  enable  us  to  bring  the  war  to  a  victorious 
end  ;  and  he  roused  the  great  audience  to  enthusiasm  by  foreshadowing 
a  development  of  our  relations  with  the  Dominions  at  the  close  of 
the  present  struggle,  in  the  shape  of  a  Parliament  of  the  whole  British 
Empire,  in  which  all  parts  of  it  may  take  their  appropriate  place. 
The  resolution,  when  put  by  the  Lord  Mayor,  was  adopted  by  acclama- 
tion without  a  dissentient  voice,  and  was  acknowledged  in  a  series 
of  admirable  speeches  by  the  official  representatives  of  Canada, 
Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa — Sir  George  Perley,  Sir 
George  Eeid,  Mr.  Mackenzie,  and  Mr.  Schreiner — all  breathing  the 
spirit  of  undying  loyalty  to  the  Throne,  and  presenting  a  spectacle 
of  unanimity  against  the  German  menace  which  must  be  gall  and 
wormwood  to  the  Kaiser  and  his  professorial  sycophants.  The  picture 
was  completed  by  the  presence  of  two  Indian  princes,  the  Jam  Sahib 
of  Nawadnagar  and  the  young  Rajah  of  Baruja,  on  whose  behalf 
Lord  Crewe  spoke  in  sympathetic  terms,  while  Mr.  Harcourt  again 
emphasised  the  splendid  gifts  from  overseas  which  had  made  the 
Colonial  Office  "  the  clearing-house  of  the  patriotism  and  generosity  of 
the  Empire". 

AT  the  time  of  writing  the  Allied  forces  in  the  Dardanelles,  having 
successfully  landed  troops  under  the  noses  of  the  Turks,  have  stormed 

the  rocky  heights  which  are  the  backbone  of  the  Galli- 

Our  Second     pO]j  peninsula,  and,  joining  hands,  are  now  established 

rea    .  in  what  military  experts  believe  to  be  an  impregnable 

position.  In  all  the  records  of  the  world's  greatest  war 
there  is  nothing  more  dramatic  and  thrilling  than  the  scene,  so  well 
described  by  Mr.  E.  Ashmead  Bartlett,  of  the  landing  just  before  dawn 
on  the  sandy  shores  below  Gaba  Tepe  of  the  Australian  contingent 
and  its  splendid  and  heroic  fight  to  master  the  promontories  behind 
them.  In  defiance  of  modern  military  tactics  the  infantry  had 
to  advance  and  attack  without  the  support  of  artillery,  save  for 
the  long-distance  firing  of  the  naval  guns  on  the  battleships. 
Much  criticism  has  been  directed  against  the  authorities  who  planned 
the  Dardanelles  expedition,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the  first  attempt 
to  force  an  opening  with  naval  forces  only,  which  was  an  impossible 
task,  should  not  have  been  made,  since  it  gave  time  for  the  Turks 
to  strengthen  their  defences  before  our  expeditionary  force  could 
be  organised.  In  these  operations^  however,  we  see  the  difficulty 
of  satisfactorily  reconciling  strategical  and  political  considerations. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  395 

The  politicians  had  hopes  of  Greek  intervention,  which  might  have  been 
expected  to  materialise  when  the  sound  of  British  guns  was  heard 
in  the  ^Egean.  Those  hopes  were  not  realised,  and  a  whole  train 
of  expected  consequences  was  disarranged,  so  that  the  naval  experts 
who,  it  is  now  openly  said,  were  opposed  to  the  enterprise,  were 
abundantly  justified.  The  moral  seems  to  be  that  it  is  better  for 
the  Allies  (and  particularly  for  Great  Britain)  to  wage  this  War 
as  if  they  had  only  themselves  to  look  to.  In  the  early  stages 
people  hugged  themselves  over  the  certainty  that  the  "  Russian 
steam  roller  "  would  do  most  of  the  necessary  work,  while  calculations 
of  the  millions  of  men  liable  to  serve  in  France  occupied  them  more 
than  computations  of  what  the  British  Empire  could  put  into  the  field. 
It  is  "up  to  us  ",  in  the  American  phrase,  to  realise  that  this  is  our 
war,  and  that  every  ounce  of  manhood  in  the  British  Empire  must 
be  thrown,  one  way  or  another,  into  the  scales  if  they  are  to  come 
down  in  our  favour. 

IT    is,    therefore,     singularly    appropriate     and    dramatic    that 

both   the   Canadian   and   Australian   contingents   made    their    first 

important  appearance  in  the  fighting  line  at  a  critical 

Australians    moment,  and  on  two  successive  days,  April  25  and  26. 

and  others      ^iie  we  were  reading  in  London  the  account  of  the 

in  ths 

Dardanelles    Canadian  rally  which  "  saved  the  situation "    before 

Ypres,  at  a  moment  when  the  new  poison  tactics  had 
momentarily  thrown  our  Allies  and  ourselves  into  confusion — on  the 
very  morning  that  London  thrilled  to  this  news  and  the  word  on 
every  lip  was  "  our  splendid  Canadians  !  " — the  Australians  were, 
by  sheer  grit,  accomplishing  the  apparently  impossible — swarming 
up  the  sides  of  cliffs  and  driving  the  foe  from  intrenched  positions 
in  hand-to-hand  fighting.  The  first  news  of  this  feat  was  that  a 
telegram  had  been  sent  by  Mr.  Harcourt  congratulating  the  Australian 
Government,  and  Sydney  celebrated  the  prowess  of  her  sons  before 
London  had  heard  a  word.  Such  are  the  vagaries  of  the  censorship ! 
But  when,  at  last,  the  news  came  through,  there  was  unbounded 
enthusiasm — "  our  splendid  Australians  !  "  The  New  Zealanders, 
the  British  Territorial  forces,  and  the  Royal  Naval  divisions  share  the 
honours  with  their  Australian  comrades  in  a  campaign  the  like  of 
which  has  never  before  been  seen,  for  all  the  elaborate  equipment  of  a 
modern  army  has  to  be  transported  and  landed  by  lighters  on  a  sandy 
strip,  in  full  view  of  the  enemy  and  within  range  of  his  guns.  The 


896  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

campaign  is  to  be  the  allied  work  of  army  and  navy.  Their  co-operation 
seems  to  be  close  and  successful,  but  it  is  a  long  way  from  the  end  of 
the  peninsula,  where  the  Allied  forces  are  established,  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  it  looks  as  if  every  inch  would  be  contested. 

ALTHOUGH  the  chief  incidents  of  sea  warfare  in  the  last  month 
have  not  been  (with  a  few  exceptions)  to  our  advantage,  that  is  because 
the  real  victory  was  won  at  an  earlier  date,  when  German 
Tff  •  *  shipping  was  finally  chased  off  the  high  seas.  The 
mosquito  tactics  Germany  has  adopted  have  little 
strategic  importance.  It  seems  callous  to  call  the  sinking  of  the 
Lusitania  an  incident,  but  from  the  point  of  view  of  naval  warfare  it 
was  nothing  else.  The  loss  of  H.M.S.  Goliath,  Triumph  and  Majestic  in 
the  Dardanelles  are  disasters,  but  of  a  kind  inseparable  from  the  type 
of  campaign  by  land  and  sea  which  is  being  waged  in  that  region. 
Our  grand  fleet  is  intact,  and  our  command  of  the  seas  remains,  for 
purposes  of  war,  unshaken.  A  singular  feature  of  German  tactics  in 
the  last  few  weeks  is  the  submarine  attacks  on  trawlers,  chiefly  in  the 
North  Sea.  In  some  cases  the  men  have  had  time  to  escape,  but  not  in 
all.  In  one  week  alone,  ending  May  5,  sixteen  trawlers  were  torpedoed. 
Taken  in  conjunction  with  the  air  raids,  which  have  been  fairly  frequent 
during  the  last  few  weeks,  some  observers  believe  these  movements 
to  be  reconnaissances  for  a  raid  on  our  shores,  which  the  German  high 
command  hopes  to  launch,  probably  at  the  psychological  moment 
when  they  reach  either  Calais  or  Dunkirk.  Trawlers,  it  must  be 
remembered,  are  valuable  observers.  In  any  case  high  military  author- 
ities are  convinced  that  a  raid  is  part  of  German  schemes,  as  consistent 
with  the  policy  of  striking  terror  into  British  hearts.  Meanwhile  many 
hundreds  of  merchant  and  passenger  steamers  continue  to  enter  and 
leave  British  ports  every  week,  and  there  is  no  sign  that  even  such 
disasters  as  the  loss  of  the  Lusitania  will  affect  the  sailings. 

THERE  are  many  examples  of  ruthlessness  applied  as  a  deliberate 
policy  in  war,  from  the  fights  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament,  in 

which  none  were  spared,  old  men  nor  maidens,  nor 
S*®  even  the  infant  at  the  breast,  down  to  the  campaigns 

of  Russia  in  Central  Asia  of  last  century,  or  the  Balkan 
Wars  of  the  last  few  years.  It  has  been  freely  urged,  moreover,  that  a 
ruthless  warfare  is  the  most  merciful,  because  it  shortens  the  conflict. 
But  even  the  records  of  Alva,  the  grimmest  exponent  of  frightfulness 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  897 

in  the  Middle  Ages,  are  eclipsed  in  horror  by  the  story  of  the  rape  of 
Belgium  by  soldiers  of  that  pious  Protestant  monarch,  Wilhelm  II.  of 
Germany,  and  the  policy  of  "  leaving  them  nothing  but  their  eyes  to 
weep  with/'  generally  attributed  to  Bismarck,  leaves  out  of  account 
the  fact  that  a  desperate  man  will  often  fight  long  after  he  has  lost 
all  he  cared  to  fight  for.  Those  who  had  the  opportunity  of  observing 
German  troops  in  China  are  not  so  surprised  at  their  conduct 
as  the  people  who  knew  them  only  on  parade  grounds.  The 
Report  of  the  Government  Commission  appointed  to  sift  the 
evidence  as  to  military  atrocities  in  Belgium,  consisting  of  men 
of  such  standing  as  Lord  Bryce,  Sir  Frederick  Pollock,  Sir  Edward 
Clarke,  Sir  Kenelm  Digby,  Sir  Alfred  Hopkinson,  Mr.  Fisher, 
and  Mr.  Harold  Cox,  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  nature  of  the  outrages 
committed,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  not  merely  the  undisciplined 
acts  of  a  brutalised  soldiery,  but  were  the  result  of  orders  and  directions 
from  the  highest  military  authority.  The  sinking  of  the  Lusitania, 
which  has  so  kindled  the  public  imagination,  was  an  act  of  mercy  com- 
pared with  the  orders  which  gave  Belgium  over  to  sword  and  flame  and 
death  by  torture.  The  crowning  infamy — the  use  of  poisonous  gas, 
like  the  poisoning  of  wells  in  South  Africa — was  not  needed  to  brand 
Germany  for  ever,  but  she  has  piled  Pelion  on  Ossa.  There  must  be 
men  who  are  personally  both  brave  and  honourable  in  the  German 
forces,  but  they  and  theirs  are  tainted  by  the  crimes  of  which  their 
nation  as  a  whole  must  stand  convicted.  It  is  idle  to  say  that  the 
guilt  lies  only  with  the  rulers.  A  nation  gets  the  rulers  she  deserves, 
and  indeed  there  is  no  sign  that  the  popularity  of  the  German  Emperor, 
and  his  military  staff,  is  not  at  its  zenith.  At  Shanghai,  it  is  reported, 
rejoicings  over  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania  were  prolonged  far  into 
the  night  at  the  German  club. 

THE  loss  of  the  great  Cunarder  Lusitania  is  the  most  striking 
catastrophe  of  the  War,  but  when  we  come  to  balance  up  gains  and 

losses  it  is  by  no  means  certain  to  whom  the  debit  must 
u  T6  .,  .  „  be  entered.  The  successful  carrying  out  of  the  threat 

made  before  she  sailed  is,  on  the  surface,  a  "  score  "  for 
Germany,  and  the  congratulations  addressed  to  Admiral  von  Tirpitz 
show  the  temper  in  which  the  news  was  received  in  that  country. 
But  no  serious  person  either  in  Germany  or  elsewhere,  least  of  all 
Admiral  von  Tirpitz  himself,  believes  that  the  sinking  of  the  big  Cunard 
steamer  and  the  death  of  1,500  non-combatants  has  brought  the  War 


398  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

one  iota  nearer  to  a  successful  conclusion  for  German  arms.  The 
distinguished  writer  on  war  subjects,  Mr.  Hilaire  Belloc,  sees  in  the 
crescendo  of  "  frightfulness,"  to  which  we  have  been  treated  lately, 
an  attempt  to  shake  civilian  nerves  and  influence  neutrals  hesitating 
on  the  brink  of  action.  This  is  the  obvious  reason  for  all  German 
atrocities,  but  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania  is  also  a  symbol  of  the 
impotence  of  the  German  navy,  which  cannot  justify  its  existence 
effectively  by  legitimate  methods  of  warfare,  as  well  as  an  illustration 
of  the  moral  bankruptcy  of  the  German  people.  For  if,  as  is  possible, 
it  was  partly  a  spectacular  effect  arranged  by  the  high  command  to 
impress  the  German  nation,  what  can  be  said  for  the  state  of  mind  of  the 
people  to  whom  such  a  spectacle  can  be  safely  presented  for  admiration  ? 
"  All  is  lost  —  save  honour  "  is  the  legendary  attitude  of  the  true  knigh  t 
in  defeat.  The  converse  seems  to  be  the  attitude  of  the  German,  and 
whether  defeated  or  victorious  he  can  look  forward  to  nothing  in  the 
future  save  the  distrust  and  contempt  of  the  whole  world.  But  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  by  such  actions  he  has  burnt  his  boats. 
There  is  no  longer  any  possibility  of  an  honourable  peace  lor  him.  He 
is  fighting  with  his  back  to  the  wall,  and  knows  it. 

THEKE  are  no  people  on  earth  more  ready  to  behave  generously 

to  their  foes  than  the  British,  because  they  are  born  fighters  themselves 

and  respect  a  fighting  man.    The  spirit  is  one  which 

The  Enemy    kas  been  sedulously  fostered  by  our  training  in  sports 


and  games.  It  is  the  pride  of  our  manhood  that  they 
can  lose  without  getting  "  nasty.  "  But  when  this 
tolerance  is  abused  it  is  a  very  different  matter.  The  public  of  Great 
Britain  has  long  viewed  with  uneasiness  the  fact  that  a  large  number 
of  enemy  aliens  were  still  living  at  large  in  the  British  Islands,  many 
of  them  in  proximity  to  the  coast.  On  the  very  day  that  reports 
of  anti-  German  riots  were  published  in  the  papers  appeared  the 
notice  of  proceedings  in  a  police  court  which  showed  that  a  club  for 
foreign  waiters  still  existed  and  carried  on  operations  in  the  heart 
of  London,  and  many  of  these  men  were  employed  all  over  the  country. 
It  cannot  be  denied,  moreover,  that  if  it  is  desirable  to  put  enemy  aliens 
where  they  cannot  possibly  do  any  harm,  the  argument  applies  even 
more  strongly  to  the  well-to-do  and  influential  than  to  the  poor 
and  obscure.  The  Government  announcement  that  all  male  aliens 
of  military  age  are  to  be  interned,  and  others  repatriated,  subject  to 
the  discretionary  powers  of  a  committee,  will  therefore  meet  with 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  399 

general  satisfaction.  Many  aliens  naturalised  since  the  war  began 
are  also  subject  to  suspicion,  and  it  is  understood  that  they  will  be 
dealt  with  individually.  Hard  cases  there  must  be,  but  we  know 
that  all  prisoners  of  war  will  be  humanely  treated,  and  their  incon- 
venience cannot  weigh  for  a  moment  against  the  possible  chance 
of  risk  to  our  own  people.  The  number  of  uninterned  males  on 
May  13  was  24,000.  There  is  only  too  much  reason  to  believe 
that,  in  a  variety  of  ways,  the  enemies  in  our  midst  have  been 
able  to  convey  information  which  is  of  value  to  their  country, 
while  the  danger  they  would  constitute  in  case  of  a  raid  on  our  shores 
is  too  obvious  to  need  explanation.  Meanwhile  the  reports  which 
come  through  of  the  starvation  and  other  ill-treatment  of  British 
prisoners  in  Germany  are  proving  good  recruiting-sergeants.  There 
are  many  people  who  feel  that  the  Government  might  drive  some 
form  of  bargain  as  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  and  it  is  urged 
that  retaliation  is  the  only  form  of  reason  to  which  Germany  will 
sten. 

A  RECENT  testimonial  from  the  German  farmers  of  the  Humboldt 
listrict  in  Saskatchewan  contained  the  following  words :  "  We  get  just 
the  same  privileges  and  rights  as  the  native  born  or  British 
mans  in    j^^  an(j  ^Q  jawg  kave  no£  been  changed   since   the 

South  Africa  ^)eginnmg  °f  the  war,  and  further  from  it  being  a  case  of 
hardship  and  persecution  we  are  at  present  enjoying 
more  than  our  usual  share  of  prosperity".  Nevertheless,  certain 
German  newspapers  of  the  Middle  West  are  showing  a  contumacious 
and  rebellious  spirit.  Der  Courier,  a  German  weekly  published  in 
Regina,  recently  had  twelve  pages  devoted  to  the  record  of  German, 
Austrian,  and  Turkish  "  successes  " — its  idea  of  "  war  news  ".  More- 
over, in  a  leading  article,  it  urged  the  combination  of  the  German 
residents  for  political  purposes  to  secure  a  seat  in  Parliament  for  a 
German-Canadian,  "  in  order  that  our  views  may  be  attended  to  ". 
The  assumption  of  a  different  set  of  interests  from  those  of  the  rest 
of  the  population  does  not  encourage  the  view  that  these  people  are 
really  "  settling  down ".  Very  serious  rioting  in  South  Africa,  and 
damage  done  to  some  persons  who  were  perfectly  loyal,  has  marked 
the  rage  of  people  over  the  poisoning  of  wells  in  South-West  Africa 
and  similar  exhibitions  in  Europe.  Lynch  law  is  always  a  mistake,  but 
it  may  be  that  we  have  been  too  generous  to  the  enemy  in  our  midst, 
man  has  every  right  to  be  proud  of  his  nationality  and  to  preserve 


400  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

it  if  he  chooses,  but  at  the  present  time  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  any  portion  of  the  British  Empire  will  accept  with  cordiality 
neighbours  who  cherish  pride  in  belonging  to  the  same  nation  as 
the  German  army. 

A  GOOD  many  rather  unthinking  people  have,  apparently,  persuaded 
themselves  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  go  to  war  with 

Germany  as  a  protest  against  German  atrocities  and 
Germany  breaches  of  international  agreements.  They  animadvert 

on  the   cold-blooded  American,  thinking   only   of   his 

lJ11lt6Cl 

States  dollars.     The  moral  position  of  the  United  States  is 

a  matter  on  which  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  fair  judgment, 
but  certain  facts  must  be  taken  into  consideration.  She  has  a  German 
population  of  about  eight  millions,  or  more  than  the  population  of 
Belgium,  and  these  people  are  unevenly  distributed,  so  that  in  some 
parts  they  form  a  considerable  majority  of  the  inhabitants.  When 
war  began  the  manufacturers  of  the  whole  world  were  adversely 
affected,  and  unemployment  was  very  severe  in  the  United  States. 
Germany,  as  a  customer,  was  not  at  first  eliminated,  because  she 
imported  through  neutral  countries,  and  still  imports  cotton  for  her 
explosives  ;  but  practically  the  usual  German  trade  has  now  vanished, 
and  in  addition  none  of  the  European  countries  are  buying  to  the  same 
extent  in  all  but  certain  lines.  The  huge  orders  for  munitions  which 
are  now  being  filled  in  America  have  reduced  unemployment  and 
brought  prosperity  back  to  some  trades,  but  meanwhile  the  United 
States  could  not  fail  to  hear  the  cry  of  "  business  as  usual ",  and  to 
note  the  eagerness  of  the  British  manufacturer  to  secure  the  reversion 
of  German  trade.  A  good  deal  of  that  reversion — for  instance  in 
South  America — will  be  far  more  easily  snapped  up  by  the  United 
States.  In  any  case  she  had  some  excuse  in  the  lead  given  by  Britain 
for  devoting  considerable  attention  to  that  side  of  the  question.  At 
the  present  moment  there  is  no  doubt,  in  addition  to  the  sympathy 
with  Belgium  which  has  found  practical  outlet  in  relief  work,  great 
indignation  over  the  loss  of  American  lives  in  the  Lusitania,  and  President 
Wilson's  straightforward  Note,  asking  whether  Germany  proposes 
to  continue  her  illegal  method  of  submarine  warfare  on  purely  com- 
mercial vessels,  may  bring  the  question  to  a  head.  But  whether 
the  United  States  will  serve  humanity  best  by  remaining  neutral,  and  in 
a  position  to  continue  her  services  to  prisoners,  to  Belgians,  and  to  others, 
or  by  engaging  in  a  war  which  might  involve  civil  strife  in  her  own 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  401 

country,  is  a  matter  of  opinion.  Speaking  frankly,  she  would  add 
nothing  to  the  naval  or  military  strength  of  the  Allies  comparable  to  her 
present  usefulness.  Germany  knows  this,  and,  having  failed  to  secure 
her  moral  support,  is  probably  anxious  to  goad  her  into  hostile  action. 

THE  capital  of  German  South- West  Africa  was  entered  by  General 
Botha,  with  part  of  the  northern  contingent,  at  noon  on  May  12, 

when  the  Union  Jack  was  hoisted  at  the  Kathhaus. 

No  resistance  was  offered,  though  about  3,000  Europeans 
Tc  s,  and  12,000  natives  were  found  in  the  town.  The  great 

wireless  installation  was  practically  intact,  and  a 
very  large  quantity  of  rolling  stock  in  good  order  was  taken.  A 
proclamation  was  read  declaring  martial  law  to  be  in  force  through- 
out the  regions  conquered  and  occupied  by  the  troops  of  the  Union ; 
after  which  General  Botha  paid  a  tribute  to  the  splendid  spirit  and 
endurance  of  all  who  had  taken  part  in  the  late  operations.  Colonel 
Mentz  has  been  left  in  charge  of  the  town  and  its  inhabitants,  and  it 
now  only  remains  to  seek  out  and  engage  the  enemy's  forces,  which 
are  understood  to  have  withdrawn  to  the  northward,  to  the  new 
capital  of  Grootfontein,  which  lies  at  the  extremity  of  the  north-eastern 
railway  line.  As  Mr.  Schreiner  pointed  out  at  the  Guildhall  meeting, 
the  capture  of  a  capital  in  South  Africa  has  not  always  implied  the 
possession  of  the  entire  territory — a  sly  allusion  to  the  peripatetic 
performances  of  the  Free  State  Government  in  the  Boer  War,  after 
the  taking  of  Bloemfontein.  But  the  end  cannot,  in  all  human 
probability,  be  far  off.  The  retreat  of  the  Germans  takes  them  into  the 
country  of  the  Ovambos,  a  tribe  which  has  never  been  completely  sub- 
jugated, and  which  may  seize  the  opportunity  of  paying  off  old  scores. 
In  any  case,  we  may  be  certain  that,  by  this  time,  General  Botha  and 
his  burghers  are  hard  upon  the  enemy's  heels,  and  though  there  is 
sure  to  be  some  further  fighting,  a  general  surrender  may  occur  at  any 
moment.  Meanwhile  the  Southern,  Central,  and  Eastern  contingents 
appear  to  have  joined  hands  ;  and  a  brilliant  engagement  near  Gibeon 
by  General  McKenzie  resulted  in  the  rescue  of  some  British  prisoners, 
and  the  capture  of  7  German  officers  and  200  men,  with  a  couple  of 
field-guns  and  several  maxims.  The  King  has  sent  a  telegram  to 
General  Botha,  congratulating  him  warmly  on  his  achievements. 
One  sad  event  has  since  occurred  to  dim  their  radiance,  the  death  (by 
an  accident  on  the  railway)  of  Sir  George  Farrar,  whose  services 
organising  the  transport  and  water-supply  have  been  invaluable. 


402  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  long-expected  declaration  of   Italy  on  the  side  of  the  Allies 
has  now  been  made.     National  sentiment  was  strongly  in  favour 
of  intervention,  at  any  rate  in  the  northern  provinces, 
Italy  for  itaiv  was  at  best  an  unwilling  partner  in  the  Triple 

•*  Alliance.     The   considerations   which   have   influenced 

her  and  the  historic  and  practical  reasons  behind  the  national 
feeling  are  explained  in  an  article  in  this  issue  of  UNITED  EMPIRE. 
Only  one  warning  note  need  be  sounded.  In  making  her  decision 
Italy  exposes  her  country,  with  the  long  Adriatic  littoral  and 
cities  which  are  among  the  priceless  treasures  of  art,  to  grave  dangers. 
She  will  be  much  occupied  in  guarding  her  own  possessions  and 
engaging  the  enemy  in  the  debatable  ground  on  her  northern  frontier. 
It  is  unwise  to  count  on  her  intervention  as  constituting  too  heavy  a 
blow,  or  one  which  will  permit  any  relaxation  of  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
other  Allies.  The  attitude  of  Rumania  still  remains  problematical. 

THE  first  fortnight  of  May  was  not  favourable  to  the  Russian 
arms.  Heavy  reinforcements  were  brought  up  to  attack  the  centre 
The  which,  after  a  brilliant  defence,  was  driven  back  with 

Eastern  heavy  losses,  which    largely  discount  the  successes  of 

Campaign.  the  winter  campaign  in  the  Carpathians.  The  effect  of 
this  retirement  has  been  to  shorten  the  front,  and  though  successes 
on  the  wings  have  partly  helped  to  retrieve  the  situation,  the  advance 
on  to  the  plains  of  Hungary  is  now  indefinitely  postponed,  practically 
all  the  passes  hitherto  in  Russian  occupation  having  been  turned. 
Rumour  says  that  the  chief  cause  of  the  Russian  failure  has  been  the 
lack  of  artillery  and  other  equipment,  but  they  are  of  course  handi- 
capped by  the  inferiority  of  their  communications  as  compared  with 
those  of  Germany.  Nevertheless  these  victories  must  have  been  very 
costly  ones  to  Germany,  and  as  long  as  the  Russian  army  maintains  its 
front  they  remain  sterile  as  to  any  great  strategic  result.  The  main 
Russian  army  has.  not  yet  been  engaged.  At  the  time  of  writing  the 
Austrian  fortress  of  Przemysl  is  once  more  the  centre  of  struggle. 

WE  publish  in  this  issue  of  the  Journal  an  article  from  Professor 
Egerton,  Beit  Professor  of  Colonial  History  at  Oxford,  in  which  he 
rrjie  discusses  the  desirability  of  calling  together  responsible 

Dominions  Ministers  from  every  part  of  the  Empire  to  discuss 
and  the  possible  peace  terms,  and  the  difficulty  of  doing  so  in 

Peace  the  usual  shape  of  an  Imperial  Conference.     Incidentally 

Settlement.  he  touches  on  some  of  the  controversial  points  in  any 
partition  of  the  'German  colonial  possessions  as  they  affect  the  Union 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  403 

of  South  Africa  and  Australasia.  He  might  have  added  to  his  analogies 
by  including  the  Newfoundland  Fisheries  question  as  an  instance  of 
the  clash  of  Imperial  foreign  policy  with  local  wishes.  But  it  must  be 
remembered — and  it  cannot  be  too  clearly  understood  overseas — that 
Great  Britain  is  by  no  means  the  only  Power  concerned  in  the  division 
of  spoils.  It  may  be  true,  for  instance,  that  the  Union  forces  conquered 
South- West  Africa,  or  that  we  hope  ultimately  to  take  German  East 
Africa  with  the  aid  of  Indian  troops,  but  to  maintain  a  priori  that 
these  facts  give  the  Union  and  India  a  right  to  settle  the  future  of  those 
regions  is  to  forget  that  their  conquest  would  probably  have  been 
impossible,  had  not  the  Allied  armies  succeeded  in  holding  the  forces 
of  Germany  on  both  frontiers,  while  the  British  navy  bottled  up  the 
German  navy  in  the  North  Sea.  Belgium  and  France  are  also  African 
colonial  Powers,  and  France  holds  possessions  in  the  Pacific  and  might 
like  to  increase  them.  A  very  real  danger  exists,  therefore,  in  too 
confident  speculation  as  to  the  reversionary  interests  in  the  German 
colonial  empire.  Professor  Egerton,  needless  to  say,  only  raises  these 
points  to  emphasise  the  difficulty  of  settling  them  without  full  consulta- 
tion ;  but  while  agreeing  with  him  that  the  ordinary  Imperial  Conference 
is  not  a  suitable  form  for  such  a  discussion,  we  do  not  feel  bound  by 
Mr.  Asquith/s  pronouncement  of  1911,  which  was  to  the  effect  that  the 
Imperial  Parliament  cannot  share  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  with 
any  other  body.  If  this  were  regarded  as  final  the  outlook  for  the 
unifying  of  the  Empire  would  indeed  be  black,  for  it  would  place  the 
Dominions  in  a  position  of  perpetual  tutelage. 

SPEAKING  at  Wellington  (N.Z.)  on  May  7,  Colonel  James  Allen, 
Minister   for   Defence   (and  hon.    corresponding    secretary    to   the 
Institute),    said   that    the    present     Imperial    organi- 
sation   could    not     possibly    be   permanent,    though 

a    sudden    change    would   be   undesirable.      He    sug- 
Zealand.  ..  .  ,&  „, 

gested     biennial     Imperial     Conferences     and     more 

frequent  meetings  of  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee,  thereby 
showing  that  he  shares  a  not  unusual  misconception  as  to  the  functions 
of  the  latter  body.  There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  an  increase 
in  its  activities  would  in  any  way  meet  the  desire  of  the  Dominions 
(as  expressed  by  Mr.  Allen,  Mr,  Fisher,  and  Sir  R.  Borden)  for  a  change 
in  Imperial  organisation,  or  for  a  closer  connection  of  the  Dominions 
with  the  Imperial  foreign  policy  on  which  peace  and  war  depend. 
The  Imperial  Defence  Committee  has  nothing  to  do  with  policy, 
and,  so  far  as  the  present  crisis  is  concerned,  it  does  not  seem  to 


404  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

have  materially  assisted  in  directing  attention  to  essentials,  even 
in  Great  Britain.  A  few  persons  have  declared  for  years  that  a  great 
war  was  imminent  and  inevitable,  but  it  would  be  idle  to  pretend 
that  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee  or  any  other  official  body  had 
foreseen  and  prepared  for  the  contingency  which  has  arisen.  As 
has  been  said  before  in  these  columns,  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee 
is  a  purely  advisory  body,  with  no  representative  character  and  no 
executive  powers,  intended  to  bring  Ministers  into  touch  with  naval  and 
military  experts  and  to  advise  on  technical  questions.  Colonel  Allen, 
speaking  from  the  most  distant  of  the  Dominions,  naturally  emphasised 
the  importance  of  the  time  question  in  arranging  any  conference  that 
may  take  place.  There  is  another  argument  which  has  not,  so  far, 
been  sufficiently  brought  out  by  any  of  the  speakers  on  this  subject 
—the  necessity  for  consultation  by  the  Dominions  among  themselves 
in  formulating  their  ideas  of  a  peace  settlement.  This  is  nearly 
as  important  a  side  of  the  question  as  the  need,  now  so  generally 
recognised,  for  a  personal  conference  between  His  Majesty's 
Ministers  from  Overseas  and  those  in  Great  Britain,  for  a  great  deal 
depends  on  the  growth  of  the  habit  of  inter-imperial  consultation  and 
action. 

THE  War,  which  has  been  described  as  being  waged  over  funda- 
mental ideas  of  government,  is  absorbing  much  educational  attention. 
In  London  and  the  provinces,  as  well  as  in  the  chief 
Education       centres  of  the  Dominions,  propaganda  work  is  going 
and  the  Qn^  an(j  various  aspects  of  the  struggle  and  its  elects 

Outlook  *n  *^e  realms  °f  international  law,  trade,  and  industry 

are  being  widely  discussed.  The  schools  and  colleges 
of  the  Universities,  the  Imperial  Studies  Movement  (with  which  it  is 
hoped  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  will  ally  itself),  the  Chambers 
of  Commerce,  the  Imperial  Institute  (which  is  inaugurating  a 
series  of  lectures  by  Dr.  Gray  on  the  resources  of  the  countries 
of  the  Empire),  the  Commercial  Intelligence  Department  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  (which  has  organised  the  British  Industries  Fair), 
the  Royal  Society  of  Arts — all  include  in  their  activities  lectures 
and  classes  which  are  gradually  providing  a  new  outlook  with  regard 
to  our  Imperial  history  and  responsibilities  that  must  have  in  the  near 
future  tremendous  results.  For  example,  at  the  London  School  of 
Economics,  arrangements  have  been  made  for  lectures  by  well-known 
publicists  on  "  The  Distinctive  National  Characteristics  of  British 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  405 

Political  Institutions  " ;  "  The  Chief  Problems  of  Modern  British 
Finance  "  ;  "  English  Legislation  in  War  Time  "  ;  "  Diplomatic 
Agents,  their  Privileges  and  Duties  "  ;  "  The  Laws  of  Neutrality  "  ; 
"  Ocean  Trade  Routes  "  ;  "  Crises  and  Depressions,  with  special 
reference  to  the  National  Economy  under  the  War  Strain". 
And  in  all  the  secondary  schools  emphasis  is  being  laid  on  the 
lessons  to  be  derived  from  the  eventful  period  through  which  we  are 
passing. 

PERHAPS  even  most  important  of  all,  since  the  largest  numbers 
are  thereby  affected,  it  is  gratifying  to  record  the  fact  that  special 

memoranda  have,  since  the  War  began,  been  issued 
y  to  the  elementary  schools  in  London  and  some  provincial 

cities,  drawing  the  attention  of  the  teachers  to  the 
magnificent  opportunities  provided  during  the  time  devoted  to  geo- 
graphy, history  and  literature  for  the  inculcation  of  a  deeper  and 
wider  appreciation  of  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  our  Imperial 
history  and  world-wide  relations.  Never  before  have  the  ideas  under- 
lying the  celebration  of  Empire  Day  had  the  opportunity  of  such  vivid 
and  poignant  illustration.  Owing  to  the  accident  that  May  24  fell 
on  a  Bank  Holiday,  and  other  special  features  of  this  year  of  trial  and 
stress,  official  celebrations  throughout  the  Empire  may  not  coincide 
in  date.  But  the  same  spirit  will  animate  them  all.  The  old 
watchwords  of  Responsibility,  Duty,  and  Self-sacrifice  will  be  charged 
with  a  pregnant  meaning  by  the  anxieties  and  struggles  of  the 
War. 

IT  is  re-assuring  (if  any  assurance  were  needed)  to  find,  from  the 
most  recent  returns  of  our  foreign  and  overseas  trade,  that  its  volume 
is  still  immense,  despite  the  "  blockade  "  policy  of  mur- 
derous "  frightf ulness  "  which  was  to  cripple  or  even 
Trade  and  .,.,   .  «,          .,,  .  ,r  .    ,      , 

Shinning         annihilate  our  ocean  traffic — within  a  short  period  of 

its  much-vaunted  inauguration  over  three  months  ago . 
The  trading  statement  for  April  which  has  just  appeared  in  the  pages 
of  the  Economist  newspaper  supplies  figures  showing  that  "  since  the 
submarine  campaign  on  peaceful  shipping  began,  we  have  seen  a  steady 
improvement  in  our  foreign  trade  returns  ".  Values  of  imports  are 
£12,000,000  higher,  and  exports  only  £7,750,000  lower,  than  they  were 
a  year  ago.  Even  allowing  for  the  rise  in  prices  which  affects  the  totals 
and  has  been  most  evident  in  the  case  of  food  products — in  which  there 


406  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

fortunately  appears  a  slight  tendency  to  slacken  in  the  upward  trend— 
these  totals  are  a  trustworthy  and  comprehensive  record  of  the  effici- 
ency of  our  naval  protection,  and  afford  a  striking  contrast  to  the 
present  experience  of  Germany.  A  further  element  of  relief — especially 
from  a  financial  point  of  view — lies  in  the  fact  that  the  excess  of 
imports  over  exports  is  steadily  diminishing.  Larger  quantities  of 
grain  and  flour  are  coming  in  than  a  year  ago,  but  less  meat  and  dairy 
produce ;  the  values  in  each  case  are,  however,  considerably  higher. 
So  far  as  industrial  supplies  are  concerned,  Lancashire  is  getting  much 
more  cotton  from  the  United  States  and  at  a  lower  price.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  old  markets  for  manufactured  cotton  goods  are  still  taking 
much  less  than  in  normal  times  and  the  outlook  until  recently  was 
none  too  hopeful. 

WOOL  demands  are  being  much  more  largely  satisfied  from  the 

Dominions  overseas.    As  the  authoritative  source  from  which  these 

details   are   taken   remarks :    "  The   khaki  demand  is 

Trade  Gains  benefiting  our  colonies,  especially  Australia,  who  sent  us 

Dom^ions  47>960>395  lb-  against  26,228,173  Ib.  in  April  of  last 
year.  There  is  also  an  increase  of  nearly  4,000,000  lb. 
in  South  African  exports  to  this  country  ".  As  exports  must  pay  for 
imports  or  there  must  be  an  export  of  gold  in  payment,  it  is  satisfactory 
to  find  that  the  last  returns  (leaving  out  of  consideration  entirely  all 
war  supplies)  show  a  healthy  recovery  in  export  of  cotton  and  woollen 
manufactured  goods.  Despite  the  facts  that  very  large  numbers  from 
the  industrial  areas  have  joined  the  fighting  forces  preparing  for  or 
actually  in  the  field,  that  thousands  more  are  being  requisitioned  for 
war  supplies,  and  that  over  one-sixth  of  our  mercantile  fleet  has  been 
chartered  by  the  Admiralty,  this  month's  record  is  satisfactory  and 
there  is  no  cause  for  depression,  even  while  admitting  the  seriousness 
of  such  losses  as  the  Lusitania.  As  Mr.  Winston  Churchill  pointed 
out  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  course  of  answers  to  questions  on 
the  disaster  just  mentioned,  more  than  200  merchant  or  passenger 
ships  on  the  average  arrive  or  depart  safely  every  day.  The  weekly 
statements  of  losses  through  submarines  and  mines  are  sufficient  addi- 
tional proof  of  the  continuous  comparative  immunity  of  our  mercantile 
marine  from  dangers  of  anything  like  the  magnitude  which  the  Germans 
predicted,  and  afford  no  sort  of  reasonable  authority  for  their  ridiculous 
assertions  that  our  supremacy  at  sea  for  trading  and  naval  operations 
is  threatened  and  even  doomed. 


al( 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  407 

IT  is  obviously  impossible   here  to   enter  into  any  discussion  of 

the  financial  statement  made  early  in  May  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George. 

The  usual  features  of  an  ordinary  Budget  were  missing  : 

The  Finance  -^  wag  jg^gj.  an  examination  of  the  general  financial 

of  the  War.       .,      ,.  ,       ,,     ,     ,,  .  .         ,& 

situation  and  outlook,  the  provision  of  ways  and  means 

to  foot  the  bill  being  postponed  to  a  later  date,  when  the  actual  cost 
has  been  more  precisely  determined.  But  one  or  two  striking  details 
may  serve  to  indicate  the  forecast  which  has  been  made.  On  the 
present  basis  of  taxation,  the  revenue  for  the  forthcoming  year  is 
estimated  to  produce  £270,000,000,  or  about  £44,000,000  more  than 
last  year,  and  £70,000,000  more  than  the  revenue  of  1913.  How 
expenditure  has  gone  up  with  a  prodigious  bound  may  be  seen  from 
the  following  totals  :  In  1913-14  (the  last  year  of  peace)  it  was 
£197,493,000 ;  in  1914-15  (including  eight  months  of  war)  it  rose  to 
£560,474,000 ;  in  1915-16  (assuming  the  War  to  last  over  the  full 
year)  it  will  be  £1,132,654,000.  If  the  War  last  only  till  September 
next  the  expenditure  for  the  current  year  would  be  £786,678,000. 
These  estimates  include  very  large  sums  to  be  provided  for  the 
assistance  of  our  Allies,  and  considerable  monetary  aid  to  the 
Dominions  for  military  purposes,  and  also  to  maintain  such  public 
development  schemes  as  it  may  be  necessary  or  expedient  to 
carry  on.  These  huge  sums,  the  Chancellor  insisted,  will  be 
realised  with  certainty,  but  we  have  still  a  "  long  row  to  hoe " 
A  considerable  drain  on  accumulated  savings  will  be  necessary,  and 
e  steady  practice  of  more  economical  individual  expenditure  will 
lone  suffice  to  ensure  that  our  financial  strength  is  not  frittered  away. 
Germany's  monetary  resources  are,  it  is  true,  being  jeopardised  by 
excessive  use  of  paper  money  :  but  it  may  be  well  to  remember  that 
our  opponents  have  shown  themselves  to  be  even  better  prepared 
and  organised  for  war  than  had  been  imagined,  and  their  comparatively 
weaker  resources  may,  in  a  country  subordinated  in  every  particular 
to  the  purposes  of  war  and  conspicuous  for  thrift,  last  longer  than 
was  deemed  probable  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  struggle. 

DISCUSSIONS  as  to  changes  in  the  administration  of  the  Empire 
are,  to  say  the  least,  premature,  and  it  is  a  pity  that  rumours  with 
regard  to  the  future  of  Fiji  have  been  allowed  to  disturb 
„  p...u  that  colony.     The  report  seems  to  have  come  from 

Sydney,  where  the  press  contained  statements  as  to 
probability  that,  as  the  result  of  conversations  now  proceeding 


408  EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

between  the  Imperial  and  overseas  Governments,  Fiji  might  come 
under  the  direct  control  of  the  Commonwealth.  It  appears  exceedingly 
unlikely  that  any  such  negotiations  are  in  progress,  for  both  the 
Imperial  and  the  overseas  Governments  have  their  hands  full  with 
more  pressing  matters.  Fiji  is  one  of  the  more  important  of  the 
Pacific  colonies,  comprising  a  group  of  some  200  islands,  of  which  80 
are  inhabited.  The  largest  of  these,  Viti  Levu,  is  about  the  size  of 
Jamaica,  and  is  the  seat  of  the  High  Commissioner  for  the  Western 
Pacific,  who  is  also  Governor  of  Fiji.  The  European  population  is 
between  two  and  three  thousand,  while  there  are  some  18,000  Indians 
and  95,000  Fijians  and  other  native  and  half-caste  peoples.  The 
colony  is  the  centre  of  a  nourishing  sugar  trade,  and  is  a  regular  port 
of  call  for  ships  between  Canada,  New  Zealand,  and  Australia.  It 
is  interesting  to  remember  that  King  Thakombau  offered  the 
sovereignty  of  Fiji  to  Great  Britain  as  long  ago  as  1854,  being  anxious 
to  get  rid  of  responsibilities  which  were  complicated  by  a  demand  of 
the  United  States  for  compensation  for  damages  to  her  consul,  and  by 
other  claims  from  the  neighbouring  potentate  King  George  of  Tonga. 
The  British  Government  declined,  but  twenty  years  later,  when  the 
European  settlers  had  increased  and  had  vainly  tried  to  set  up  an 
effective  government  under  the  native  king,  they  accepted  the  uncon- 
ditional cession  of  the  islands.  One  reason  for  their  action  was  the 
necessity  for  controlling  the  trade  in  Polynesian  labour.  In  1900 
New  Zealand  made  overtures  as  to  the  absorption  of  the  islands,  and 
although  these  were  not  successful  the  mere  fact  is  a  guarantee  that 
no  transference  to  Australia  can  be  contemplated  at  the  present 
moment.  The  dispatch  by  Fiji  of  a  contingent  of  sixty  Europeans, 
whose  expenses  were  paid  by  public  subscription,  has  already  been 
noted  in  our  columns,  and  disappointment  existed  among  the  native 
Fijians  that  their  offer  of  a  regiment  could  not  be  accepted. 

AT  one  time  it  looked  as  if  only  rupture  or  the  humiliation  of 
China  could  be  the  result  of  the  negotiations  as  to  the  return  of  Kiao- 
chau,  but  fortunately  a  compromise  has  been  reached. 
Japan,   naturally,  did  not    undertake    an    attack    on 
Kiao-chau  for  nothing,  and  her  demands  were  perfectly 
in  accord  with  her  policy  of  many  years  past,  which  has  been  directed 
towards  the  peaceful  penetration  rather  than  the  territorial  dismem- 
berment of  China.    The  main  points  in  the  agreement  finally  reached 
include  the  return  of  Kiao-chau  to  China,  subject  to  the  terms  of  the 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  409 

treaty  of  peace  to  be  made  hereafter  between  Japan  and  Germany 
in  which  the  rights  of  the  latter  in  regard  to  concessions  and  advantages 
in  the  province  of  Shantung  will  be  discussed.  There  is  little  doubt 
that,  subject  to  Chinese  sovereignty,  the  reversion  of  Germany's 
valuable  concessionary  rights  in  that  province  will  fall  to  Japan. 
The  leases  of  Port  Arthur  and  Tairen  and  the  South  Manchuria  and 
Antung-Mukden  railways  are  to  be  extended  to  ninety-nine  years, 
and  Japan  is  to  enjoy  in  Southern  Manchuria  certain  extra-territorial 
rights,  to  acquire  mining  rights,  and  to  be  able  to  buy  and  hold  land. 
In  addition  she  is  to  have  the  prior  rights  to  find  capital  for  railways, 
or  loans  secured  on  the  provincial  taxes  and  customs.  In  Eastern 
Inner  Mongolia  similar  preferential  treatment  is  to  be  given  to  Japan 
as  regards  loans  or  capital  for  railways.  The  existing  Chinese  Han- 
yeh-ping  coal  and  iron  mining  company  is  to  come  under  the  joint 
management  of  a  Chinese-Japanese  company,  and  the  said  Chinese 
company  may  not  part  with  any  of  its  rights  without  the  consent  of 
Japan.  No  concession  for  dockyards,  coaling  or  naval  stations,  is 
to  be  made  to  foreign  Powers  in  Fu-kien.  It  is  understood  that 
certain  demands  relating  to  the  Yangtze  region  were  modified  by 
Japan  as  soon  as  her  attention  was  drawn  to  the  fact  that  they  might 
clash  with  existing  foreign  interests.  Probably  what  China  dislikes 
most  is  the  necessity  for  granting  certain  rights  as  to  the  appointment 
of  advisers,  admission  of  Japanese  missionaries,  and  the  ownership 
of  land  and  buildings,  which  she  has  long  contested  as  imposing 
restrictions  on  her  freedom  of  action.  But  China  allowed  herself  to 
be  considerably  influenced  by  German  agents  and  must  pay  something 
for  her  mistake.  On  the  whole  the  terms  are  moderate,  though  doubt- 
less Japan  will  be  able  to  take  full  advantage  of  the  opportunities  she 
obtains. 

ONE  of  the  daily  miracles  which  we  accept  without  question  is 
that  flashing  of  news  through  the  air  or  under  the  sea  which  has  annihil- 
ated space.  Many  interesting  aspects  of  this  subject 
-  are  discussed  b7  Mr-  Charles  Bright,  F.K.C.L,  in  an 
Time  article  in  the  April  number  of  the  Nineteenth  Century 

and  After.  Mr.  Bright  has  always  been  an  ardent 
advocate  of  an  All-British  cable  system  to  link  up  the  whole  empire, 
and  he  points  out  that,  in  the  present  crisis,  our  communications  with 
Canada  pass  through  the  hands  of  a  foreign  corporation,  and,  had 
American  sympathies  been  on  the  other  side,  serious  inconvenience 

2  E  2 


410  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

might  have  ensued.  Incidentally  Mr.  Bright  shows  the  futility  of  any 
cable  or  telegraph  censorship  to  check  the  sending  of  information  by 
spies  or  enemies  or  to  secure  the  secrecy  of  government  communications. 
The  suppression  of  commercial  codes,  which  was  effected  at  the  beginning 
of  the  War,  is  little  if  any  protection,  for  plain  language  codes  are  quite 
simple  to  manipulate.  As  for  secrecy,  the  only  really  safe  means  of 
communication  is  the  State-controlled  deep-sea  cable,  and  a  Power 
which  has  naval  supremacy  can  secure  the  immunity  of  these  cables 
from  attack.  The  cutting  of  the  cable  between  Vancouver  and  Fanning 
Island  in  September,  and  the  destruction  of  the  valuable  instruments 
at  the  latter  station,  were  possible  because  no  attempt  was  made  at 
defence  or  protection  of  the  lonely  island  in  mid-Pacific.  Repairs 
were  executed  in  November.  Wireless  messages,  indispensable  as  they 
have  become  in  modern  warfare,  may  tell  the  enemy  a  great  deal 
more  than  we  want  them  to  know,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
ease  with  which  aerials  can  be  concealed,  in  chimneys  or  along  flag- 
staffs,  must  have  enabled  a  leakage  of  news  to  occur  in  many  undis- 
covered quarters.  Also,  false  signals  can  be  sent  out,  for  it  is  impossible 
to  be  sure  of  the  origin  of  a  message.  Mr.  Bright  urges  that,  as  at 
least  five  government  departments  separately  concern  themselves 
in  wireless  telegraphy,  there  is  obvious  need  of  a  central  controlling 
board,  which  would  secure  uniform  policy,  swiftness  of  action,  and 
above  all  greater  secrecy. 

IT  may  not  be   generally  realised  that  the  great  number  of 
ambulances  sent  to  the  Front  has  left  few  available  for  work  at 
home.      The  attention   of   one   of    our   Fellows,   Mr. 
A  use  ul        Smetham  Lee,  was  drawn  to  this  fact,  and  through  the 
Work  generosity   of   a   friend   he    obtained   the    gift    of    a 

splendidly  equipped  ambulance  car,  which  is  now 
engaged  in  carrying  wounded  from  stations  to  hospitals  in  London. 
The  car  is  inscribed  with  the  words  "  Under  the  auspices  of  the 
Royal  Colonial  Institute/'  and  any  Fellow  anxious  to  associate  himself 
with  so  useful  a  work  can  send  a  donation  for  upkeep  and  running 
of  the  car,  which  will  be  gladly  acknowledged  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Institute. 


411 


ITALY  AND  THE  WAR. 

ITALY  seems  on  the  point  of  entering  into  the  War.  By  the  time  this  article 
is  in  print  she  may  have  actually  begun  hostilities  either  with  Austria  or  with 
Turkey,  or  with  both  Powers  combined.  Naturally,  many  people  throughout 
the  British  Empire  are  inquiring  :  Why  is  Italy  attacking  her  ancient  ally  ? 
Why  has  she  not  taken  part  in  the  War  before  now  ?  What  are  Italy's  interests 
and  national  ambitions,  and  what  are  her  feelings  towards  Great  Britain  and 
the  Dominions  ?  These  questions  will  be  answered  in  the  following  pages. 

Italy  has  been  a  member  of  a  Triple  Alliance  since  1882.  That  alliance  was 
renewed  only  a  short  time  ago.  At  first  sight,  it  seems  that  an  attack  upon  her 
ally  is  an  act  of  the  blackest  treachery.  However,  we  must  remember  that  some 
alliances  are  entered  upon  voluntarily,  and  are  true  alliances  in  the  full  sense  of 
the  word,  genuine  partnerships  among  nations,  while  there  are  others  which 
may  be  called  sham  alliances,  into  which  nations  have  been  forced  to  enter 
against  their  will.  The  alliance  between  Italy  and  Austria  was  of  the  latter 
kind.  Besides,  there  are  defensive  alliances  and  alliances  for  both  defence  and 
offence.  The  Triple  Alliance  was  of  the  former  kind,  and  specifically  excluded 
a  war  arising  about  the  Balkans.  Italy  was  therefore  under  no  obligation  to 
support  her  allies  in  the  present  war. 

After  the  Franco-German  War  of  1870-71,  it  was  Bismarck's  principal  object 
to  isolate  France,  and  to  strengthen  the  position  of  the  new  German  Empire  by 
powerful  alliances.  Immediately  after  the  sanguinary  rising  of  the  Paris 
Commune,  he  suggested  to  the  Emperors  of  Eussia  and  Austria  an  alliance  against 
the  Forces  of  Eevolution,  and  soon  afterwards  the  Three  Emperors  Alliance 
was  concluded.  Desiring  to  weaken  Eussia,  he  encouraged  that  country  to 
make  war  upon  Turkey.  When,  in  1877,  a  Eussian  army  stood  before  the 
gates  of  Constantinople,  Austria  and  England  opposed  Eussia's  progress.  Eussia 
was  exhausted.  Peace  between  Eussia  and  Turkey  was  made  at  the  Congress 
of  Berlin,  over  which  Bismarck  presided.  At  the  Congress  Eussia  was  deprived 
of  the  fruits  of  her  victory,  while  Austria  was  given  control  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina. (They  were  not  actually  incorporated  in  the  dual  monarchy  till  1903.) 
Naturally,  the  Eussians  were  incensed  at  the  attitude  of  Germany  and  Austria, 
for  they  had  saved  Prussia  from  extinction  at  the  time  of  Napoleon  I.,  and  had 
enabled  her  to  defeat  Austria  in  1866  and  France  in  1870  by  their  friendly  attitude 
and  by  promises  of  support.  Desiring  to  establish  Germany's  security  by  means 
of  a  powerful  alliance,  Bismarck  immediately  raised  the  Eussian  spectre  in 
Austria.  He  suggested  to  the  Court  at  Vienna  the  necessity  of  an  Austro-German 
alliance  to  ward  off  the  Eussian  peril,  and  soon  an  Austro-German  alliance 
was  concluded. 

Austria  and  Italy  are  historic  enemies.  At  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  in  1815, 
Austria  split  up  Italy  into  a  number  of  artificial  States,  brought  the  whole 
country  under  her  domination,  and  divided  it  against  itself.  She  abolished  the 
political  reforms  which  had  been  introduced  in  Italy  in  the  revolutionary  era 


412  ITALY  AND  THE  WAR. 

and  at  the  time  of  Napoleon.  She  re-established  the  monasteries  which  had 
been  suppressed,  crippled  education,  and  handed  it  over  to  the  Church.  All 
Italian  professors  suspected  of  Liberal  views  were  dismissed.  The  Press  was 
muzzled.  Free  speech  was  destroyed.  All  Italians  suspected  of  Liberal  or 
patriotic  leanings  were  spied  upon,  imprisoned,  or  hounded  out  of  the  country. 
Italy  was  ruled  by  terror.  The  country  swarmed  with  police  agents,  spies,  and 
informers.  The  Austrian  prisons  were  filled  with  Italian  patriots.  The 
leading  Italian  poets,  authors,  and  scientists  were  treated  as  conspirators  and 
common  criminals.  Powerful  fortifications  were  constructed  in  the  Lombardo- 
Venetian  kingdom.  They  were  filled  with  Austrian  soldiers,  and  Austrian 
troops  began  to  act  as  executioners  even  in  the  non- Austrian  and  nominally 
independent  States  of  Italy.  Popular  risings  of  the  outraged  people  were 
ferociously  suppressed.  After  repeated  unsuccessful  revolts,  the  Italians 
recovered  their  freedom  and  unity  in  the  wars  of  1859  and  1866. 

The  Italian  people  have  not  forgotten  their  sufferings  under  the  Austrian 
rule.  The  older  men  keenly  remember  the  tyranny  under  "which  the  country 
suffered  for  decades.  Moreover,  the  hatred  of  Austria  was  kept  alive  after  the 
war  of  1866  by  Austria's  folly.  In  the  wars  of  1859  and  1866  the  Italian 
States  of  the  Peninsula  were  at  last  united,  but  a  considerable  number  of  Italians 
still  remained  outside  the  Italian  frontiers.  There  are  large  Italian  settlements 
on  the  French  Eiviera,  near  Nice,  in  that  part  of  Switzerland  which  is  nearest 
to  Italy,  in  French  Corsica,  in  Malta,  and  in  the  Austrian  Dominions.  The 
French,  the  English,  and  the  Swiss,  have  treated  their  Italian  citizens  with  justice 
and  fairness,  and  these  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  living  under  a  non-Italian 
Government.  On  the  other  hand,  Austria,  filled  with  hatred  and  resentment 
at  having  been  expelled  from  the  Italian  Peninsula,  continued  to  treat  with 
injustice  and  oppression  the  numerous  Italians  within  her  borders. 

A  glance  at  the  map  shows  that  Italy  is  protected  towards  the  north  by 
immense  mountain  walls  which  convert  that  country  into  a  natural  fortress  of 
the  greatest  strength.  However,  there  is  a  dangerous  opening  in  that  mountain 
wall.  When  withdrawing  from  Italy,  Austria  retained  the  Italian  Trentino. 
Of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Southern  Trentino  about  95  per  cent,  are  Italians. 
It  is  a  purely  Italian  land,  and  it  is  of  the  greatest  strategical  value.  As  long  as 
Austria  occupies  the  strongly  fortified  Trentino  Italy's  position  is  insecure. 
Austria  commands  all  the  mountain  valleys  right  down  into  the  wealthy  Italian 
plain.  Part  of  the  celebrated  Lago  di  Garda  is  Austrian.  Towards  the  east 
of  Italy  lie  the  Italian  towns  of  Trieste,  Pola,  and  Fiume,  and  the  coast  of 
Dalmatia,  which  are  retained  by  Austria-Hungary.  In  Roman  times  and  in 
the  time  of  the  Venetian  Republic  flourishing  Italian  settlements  were  founded 
on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic.  Italy  has  strong  claims  to  Trieste,  Pola, 
and  Fiume,  and  to  some  of  the  Dalmatian  coast  towns,  for  both  historical  and 
racial  reasons. 

Austria-Hungary  retained  after  the  war  of  1866  valuable  territories  peopled 
by  Italians,  whence  she  could  easily  invade  Italy,  and  the  danger  of  an  Austrian 
attack  was  all  the  greater  as  the  great  length  of  the  Italian  Peninsula  and  the 


ITALY  AND   THE   WAR.  413 

paucity  of  railways  made  a  rapid  concentration  of  the  Italian  Army  in  the  north 
extremely  difficult.  As  long  as  the  Trentino  is  in  Austria's  hands,  Italy  feels 
threatened  by  Austria,  which  occupies  a  wide  breach  of  the  mountain  wall 
which  protects  the  country  towards  the  north.  Feeling  that  she  had  Italy  in 
her  power,  Austria  has  treated  outrageously  the  Italians  under  her  rule,  and 
endeavoured  to  denationalise  them  by  every  means  at  her  command.  She 
endeavoured  to  Germanise  them  in  the  Trentino,  and  she  tried  to  convert 
them  into  Slavs  in  Trieste,  in  the  Istrian  Peninsula  and  in  Dalmatia  by  settling 
Slavs  among  them,  by  suppressing  the  Italian  language  and  Italian  schools,  and 
she  continued  towards  her  Italian  population  the  same  tyrannous  policy  which 
she  had  pursued  towards  the  Italians  in  Italy  before  she  had  been  expelled  from 
the  country.  Naturally,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Italian  kingdom  hated  the 
nation  which  suppressed  their  brothers.  The  Italia  Irredenta  arose,  a  movement 
to  acquire  "  unredeemed  Italy  ",  the  territories  occupied  by  Italians  sighing 
under  a  foreign  yoke.  Therefore,  while  the  Italians  in  Italy  were  little  concerned 
about  their  brothers  who  lived  under  French  and  English  rule,  they  passionately 
desired  to  free  their  brothers  from  Austrian  tyranny  and  oppression. 

When  Bismarck  concluded  the  alliance  with  Austria  he  feared  that  Italy 
might  join  Austria's  enemies  and  at  the  time  of  a  European  war  take  from 
Austria  the  territories  peopled  by  Italians.  Even  if  Italy  should  remain  neutral 
Austria  would  not  be  able  to  act  with  her  whole  strength  against  Kussia,  for 
she  would  be  compelled  to  station  very  considerable  military  forces  on  the 
Italian  frontier.  Hence,  Bismarck  desired  to  assure  himself  of  Italy's  support, 
or  at  least  of  her  benevolent  neutrality.  Nations  do  not  readily  attack  an 
ally.  Bismarck  desired  to  attach  Italy  to  the  Austro-German  Alliance. 

Italy  did  not  join  the  Austro-German  Alliance  voluntarily.  She  was  forced 
to  join  it  by  menaces.  Italy  was  threatened  by  external  and  internal  dangers. 
While  Austria  threatened  her  in  the  north,  strong  foreign  and  Italian  influences 
threatened  her  with  the  re-creation  of  the  Pope's  temporal  power,  with  the  trans- 
ference of  Rome  and  of  the  old  States  of  the  Church  from  the  King  of  Italy  to  the 
Pope.  The  Marchese  Cappelli,  a  former  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Italy, 
wrote  in  his  book  "  La  Politica  estera  del  Conte  de  Eobilant  "  : 

None  knew  better  than  Count  Robilant  how  much  we  were  isolated  and  how  great 
was  the  danger  arising  from  the  hostility  which  certain  Powers  displayed  towards  us. 
When  Prince  Bismarck  went  to  Vienna  in  1879  in  connection  with  the  conclusion  of 
the  Austro-German  Alliance,  the  Italian  Ambassador  was  the  only  Ambassador  in 
Vienna  who  was  not  visited  by  the  Prince.  That  was  not  the  only  evidence  of 
Germany's  attitude  towards  Italy.  The  Austrian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Count 
Andrassy,  told  Bismarck  that  Austria  had  been  constantly  provoked  by  the  agitation 
of  the  Italian  Irredentists  and  that  she  might  at  last  feel  compelled  to  make  war  upon 
Italy,  and  he  asked  the  Prince  whether,  in  that  event,  Germany  would  have  any 
objection  to  Austria  taking  possession  of  part  of  those  Italian  Provinces  which  had 
been  Austrian  and  which  Austria  had  lost  to  Italy  in  1859  and  1866.  Bismarck 
hesitated  a  moment  and  then  answered  :  "  No,  we  would  not  raise  any  objections. 
Italy  is  none  of  our  friends. "  About  the  same  time  the  Papal  Nuncio  inquired  whether 


lbcll\ 


414  ITALY   AND   THE   WAR. 

Germany  would  object  to  the  re-establishment,  or  at  least  the  partial  re-establishment, 
of  the  Pope's  temporal  power,  and  he  received  exactly  the  same  reply.  These  utter- 
ances showed  Germany's  sentiments  towards  Italy. 

Monsieur  A.  Billot,  who  from  1890  and  1897  was  the  French  Ambassador 
in  Eome,  wrote  in  his  memoirs  : 

Italy's  hesitation  to  join  the  Austro-German  Alliance  was  overcome  by  alarming 
the  Italian  Government.  Germany  pretended  to  be  favourably  inclined  towards  the 
Vatican,  and  took  openly  steps  towards  a  reconciliation  with  the  Pope.  Thus  Italy 
was  trapped  into  an  alliance  of  which  the  first  advantage  was  to  be  this,  that  Italy 
would  be  guaranteed  against  all  attempts  to  restore  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope, 
a  policy  which  was  favoured,  or  at  least  not  disapproved  of,  by  Germany. 

The  foregoing  extracts  should  suffice  to  show  that  Italy  did  not  join  Austria 
and  Germany  voluntarily,  but  was  forced  by  threats  to  enter  the  Triple  Alliance. 
Moreover,  Austria  did  nothing  to  ingratiate  herself  with  Italy.  She  not  only 
unceasingly  persecuted  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Italians  under  her  rule, 
but  many  of  her  leading  men  preached  a  war  of  revenge  against  Italy,  and  the 
re-conquest  of  the  Italian  Provinces  which  were  formerly  held  by  Austria. 
Among  the  most  determined  advocates  of  such  a  war  of  revenge  were  the  late 
Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  and  some  of  the  most  influential  military  men  of 
the  Dual  Monarchy.  In  the  Balkan  Peninsula  Austria-Hungary  pursued 
deliberately  a  policy  hostile  to  Italy.  She  endeavoured  to  secure  there  positions 
whence  she  could  threaten  not  only  Italy's  commercial  interests  but  her  very 
existence.  In  the  year  1906  Signer  Pellegrini,  an  eminent  Italian  publicist, 
wrote  in  his  important  book  "  Verso  la  Guerra  ? — II  Dissidio  fra  I'ltalia  e 
1' Austria  "  : 

We  have  to  calculate  in  the  future  with  the  fact  that  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire, 
though  nominally  our  ally,  is  our  determined  enemy  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  There- 
fore it  is  meet  that  we  should  enter  into  more  intimate  relations  with  Russia,  the  only 
nation  which,  in  co-operation  with  Italy,  can  act  as  an  adequate  counterpoise.  Only 
thus  can  we  secure  the  maintenance  of  the  threatened  balance  of  power  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula. 

These  words  were  written  ten  years  ago.  Since  then  Austria  has  shown 
still  further  her  hostility  to  Italy  both  in  the  Balkans  and  elsewhere.  Besides, 
if  rumour  may  be  believed,  Germany  has  endeavoured  to  paralyse  Italy  by 
raising  the  natives  in  Tripoli  in  revolt  against  the  Italians. 

The  policy  of  nations  is  determined  by  their  needs.  The  principal  needs  of 
nations  are  two — security  and  prosperity.  Italy's  security  is  threatened  only 
from  Austria,  and  it  is  threatened  in  two  directions.  It  is  threatened  in  the 
north,  where  Austrian  troops  occupy  a  wide  breach  in  the  Italian  mountain 
walls,  and  it  is  also  threatened  in  the  Adriatic.  A  glance  at  the  map  shows  that 
the  western  shore  of  the  Adriatic  is  Italian,  while  the  eastern  shore  belongs  chiefly 
to  Austria-Hungary.  The  western  or  Italian  shore  is  flat  and  sandy,  and  is 
devoid  of  good  harbours  suitable  for  naval  warfare.  On  the  flat  Italian  shore 


ITALY   AND   THE   WAR.  415 

a  landing  may  easily  be  effected.  The  eastern  or  Austrian  shore  of  the 
Adriatic  contains  innumerable  excellent  harbours.  The  coast  is  very  moun- 
tainous. Huge  hills  protect  the  numerous  natural  inlets,  and  in  front  of  the 
Austrian  shore  lie  innumerable  islands  crowned  with  lofty  mountains.  The 
eastern  or  Austrian  shore  of  the  Adriatic  is  a  huge  naval  base  of  the  greatest 
defensive  strength,  whence  attacks  may  be  made  upon  the  easily  accessible 
Italian  shore  opposite,  and  whence  large  armies  may  rapidly  be  thrown  into 
the  centre  of  Italy.  Not  unnaturally,  the  Italians  have  watched  with  the 
gravest  concern  Austria's  attempt  to  control  Albania. 

The  Adriatic  has  a  narrow  opening,  the  Strait  of  Otranto.  Here,  in  Albania, 
lies  the  large  and  excellent  harbour  of  Valona,  the  Gibraltar  of  the  Adriatic. 
Austria  has  endeavoured  to  acquire  that  precious  position,  but  some  time 
after  the  commencement  of  the  present  war  Italy  occupied  it  under  a  transparent 
pretext.  Yet  Austria  did  not  venture  to  protest.  For  her  security  Italy 
requires  the  control  of  the  principal  Adriatic  harbours  which  are  now  in  Austria's 
hands  and  the  possession  of  the  Trentino. 

The  economic  position  of  Italy  is  a  curious  one.  Italy  has  an  excellent  climate, 
but  the  country  is  naturally  exceedingly  poor.  The  country  is  covered  with  barren 
mountains,  and  abounds  in  fever-stricken  swamps.  Only  a  comparatively 
small  portion  is  suitable  for  agriculture,  and  agriculture  is  hampered  by  frequent 
droughts.  Agriculture  and  the  manufacturing  industries  are  furthermore  im- 
peded by  the  absence  of  large  navigable  rivers,  and  by  the  fact  that  the  country, 
though  rich  in  stone,  is  devoid  of  valuable  minerals  and  of  timber.  Italy 
produces  very  little  timber,  and  practically  no  coal  and  no  iron  ore.  She  pro- 
duces less  coal  in  a  year  than  does  Great  Britain  in  a  single  day.  Although 
waterfalls  provide  cheap  electricity  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  water-power 
can  of  course  in  no  way  replace  coal,  iron,  and  timber  which  the  country  lacks. 
Although  Italy  is  agriculturally,  industrially,  and  commercially  extremely  un- 
favourably situated,  she  has  a  very  dense  and  rapidly  increasing  population. 
Per  square  mile  there  are  100-6  people  in  Spain,  191-2  in  France,  31 1-0  in  Germany, 
313-5  in  Italy,  and  372-6  in  the  United  Kingdom.  Per  square  mile  the  population 
is  50  per  cent,  greater  in  barren  Italy  than  it  is  in  fertile  and  prolific  France  and 
somewhat  larger  than  in  industrial  Germany.  As  the  population  increases  very 
rapidly,  the  nation  is  poor,  and  enormous  numbers  of  the  people  are  forced  to 
emigrate.  In  1912,  711,446  Italians  left  their  country.  Italy  has  by  far  the 
largest  emigration  in  the  world,  but  the  Italians  are  so  fond  of  their  homeland 
that  vast  numbers  return.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  Italians  go  every  year 
abroad  to  gather  the  harvest.  Italian  harvesters  travel  temporarily  as  far  as 
Western  Canada  and  the  United  States,  Argentina,  and  Brazil. 

Italian  statesmen  naturally  desire  not  only  to  increase  the  security  of  their 
country  by  acquiring  the  threatening  strategical  positions  which  are  at  present 
held  by  Austria,  and  which  are  largely  peopled  by  Italians,  but  also  to  obtain 
lands  outside  Italy  where  Italian  emigrants  may  settle,  where  the  Italian  indus- 
tries may  find  the  raw  produce  they  need  as  well  as  outlets  for  their  manufac- 
turers, and  where  Italian  commerce  and  finance  may  find  a  field  for  profitable 


416  ITALY  AND   THE   WAR. 

employment.  Feeling  the  need  of  outlets,  the  Italians  have  acquired  at  ruinous 
cost  Erythrea,  Somaliland,  and  lately  Tripoli.  So  far,  Tripoli  alone  has  cost  them 
the  enormous  sum  of  £60,000,000.  If  the  Italians  should  join  in  the  War  on  the 
side  of  the  Entente  Powers,  they  might  secure  not  only  the  valuable  strategical 
positions  held  by  Austria  which  at  present  threaten  Italy's  security,  but  they 
might  receive  as  well  valuable  colonies  in  the  Mediterranean  and  elsewhere. 
Italy  has  staked  out  claims  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  about  the  port  and  bay 
of  Adalia,  where  she  has  secured  railway  concessions.  The  Italian  sphere  of 
interest  in  Asia  Minor  is  extremely  fruitful ;  it  is  very  thinly  populated  at  present. 
It  is  rich  in  minerals,  and  millions  of  people  may  make  a  living  there  under  a 
good  Government. 

Italian  statesmanship  naturally  follows  the  policy  of  security  and  expansion. 
However,  Italy's  security  and  her  possibility  of  expansion  depend  not  merely 
on  her  control  of  some  positions  which  dominate  the  country,  but  also,  and 
chiefly,  on  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe.  England  and  Italy  are  equally 
strongly  interested  in  the  preservation  of  a  European  equilibrium.  Both  are 
equally  strongly  interested  in  the  freedom  of  the  sea.  Italy  cannot  feed 
herself,  and  her  very  life  depends  on  her  foreign  trade.  Her  citizens  are  as 
dependent  upon  the  sea-borne  trade  as  are  those  of  the  United  Kingdom.  That 
may  be  seen  from  the  statistics. 

If  Germany  and  Austria  should  be  victorious  in  the  present  War,  Italy's 
independence  would  be  gone,  even  if  the  two  Central  Powers  should  give  to 
Italy  not  only  the  Trentino  and  the  harbours  on  the  Adriatic,  but  Corsica,  Tunis, 
Malta,  Egypt,  and  Nice  as  well,  as  has  been  promised.  An  enormous  Austro- 
German  empire,  stretching  not  merely  from  Hamburg  to  the  Adriatic,  but  from 
Antwerp  to  Aden  and  far  into  France  and  Eussia,  a  State  possessing  considerably 
more  than  200,000,000  inhabitants,  would  control  and  dominate  all  Europe,  and 
if  the  Austro- German  Alliance  should  have  defeated  Great  Britain  as  well  it 
would  not  only  rule  the  Continent  but  also  the  sea.  Such  an  enormous  empire 
would  absolutely  dominate  the  fate  of  Italy.  Italy  would  exist  merely  on 
sufferance.  Austria  hates  Italy  not  only  because  she  was  driven  out  of  the 
Peninsula,  but  also  because  Italy  has  seized  upon  Valona,  the  port  which 
dominates  the  Adriatic.  Austria  and  Germany  hate  Italy  because  that  country 
left  them  in  the  lurch  at  the  outbreak  of  the  present  War.  If  Germany  and 
Austria  should  be  victorious  it  would  be  only  human  and  natural  if  they  should 
take  their  revenge  upon  Italy.  Not  only  would  the  Adriatic  become  an  Austrian 
sea,  but  Italy  herself  would  become  once  more  an  Austrian  satellite,  if  not  an 
Austrian  possession.  Italy's  independence  would  be  gone. 

Italy  depends  for  her  existence  upon  her  sea-borne  trade.  She  can  find 
adequate  outlets  for  her  population  and  industries  only  by  acquiring  colonies 
oversea.  Last,  but  not  least,  Italy  is  most  vulnerable  from  the  sea.  Nearly 
all  the  most  important  Italian  towns  lie  on  or  close  to  the  shores,  and  the 
Italian  main  lines  of  railway  hug  the  shore  and  are  carried  over  innumerable 
viaducts,  bridges,  and  through  hundreds  of  tunnels  which  can  easily  be  destroyed 
from  the  sea.  Italy  is,  therefore,  closely  concerned  not  only  in  the  maintenance 


ITALY   AND   THE   WAR.  417 

of  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe  but  also  in  the  freedom  of  the  sea.  She  is 
the  natural  ally  of  a  liberal  nation  which  dominates  the  sea.  Hence  Italy's 
interests  and  those  of  Great  Britain  are  identical.  Moreover,  Italians  are 
attracted  towards  Englishmen  by  a  natural  affinity,  by  a  democratic  spirit 
common  to  both  nations,  by  a  longing  for  liberty,  and  Italians  have  not  for- 
gotten the  sympathy  which  England  showed  to  Italy  in  her  heroic  struggle 
for  freedom  and  independence. 

Although  Italy  is  vitally  interested  in  the  victory  of  England  and  of  the 
Entente  Powers,  and  although  the  majority  of  her  statesmen  are  aware  that 
the  victory  of  Germany  and  Austria  would  be  fatal  to  their  country,  Italy 
has  not  joined  in  the  War  before  now  for  important  reasons.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  War  the  Italian  army  was  not  ready.  Italy  was  ill  provided  with  modern 
artillery.  A  large  number  of  her  troops  and  much  of  her  artillery  were  in 
Tripoli.  Her  reserves  of  arms  and  ammunition,  which  had  been  insufficient, 
had  been  still  further  depleted  by  the  warfare  in  Tripoli.  Italy  required  time 
to  get  ready  for  war.  Moreover,  Italian  statesmen  considered  that  the  country 
should  join  in  only  at  the  psychological  moment.  They  wished  to  join  in  the 
general  attack  when  France,  Eussia,  and  England  were  ready  for  their  spring 
campaign.  Lastly,  the  Italians  wished  to  settle  beforehand  all  diplomatic 
and  territorial  questions,  so  that  their  participation  in  the  war  should  not  lead 
to  unpleasant  misunderstandings  with  the  Entente  Powers  after  its  conclusion. 

A  strong  senpe  of  caution  prompted  Italian  statesmen  not  only  to  abftain 
from  intervention  before  the  Entente  Powers  were  ready  for  the  principal 
campaign,  but  likewise  caused  them  to  hesitate  until  all  the  questions  which 
might  give  rise  to  misunderstandings  and  friction  had  been  definitely  settled. 
Among  these  difficult  questions  that  of  the  Eastern  Adriatic  shore  is  particu- 
larly interesting  and  important. 

Along  the  Austrian  shore  of  the  Adriatic  there  are  ancient  Italian  settle- 
ments, but  the  whole  Hinterland  is  Slavonic.  Serbia  urgently  requires  a  free 
and  ample  outlet  towards  the  Adriatic.  If  the  present  war  should  end  in  a 
decisive  victory  of  the  Entente  Powers,  a  Greater  Serbia  will  arise.  The  Austrian 
Provinces  bordering  upon  Serbia,  such  as  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  Dalmatia, 
Croatia,  Slavonia,  and  Carniola  are  Slavonic,  are  Serbian.  A  Greater  Serbia, 
having  from  10,000,000  to  12,000,000  inhabitants,  must  be  able  to  reach  the 
sea.  It  would  obviously  be  very  unwise  if  Italian  statesmen,  taking  advantage 
of  their  opportunities,  should  abuse  them  and  should,  on  historic  or  other 
grounds,  endeavour  to  obtain  PO  large  a  share  of  the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic 
as  virtually  to  exclude  Serbia  from  that  sea.  If  they  should  do  that  they 
would  take  up  towards  the  Serbians  the  same  attitude  which  the  Austrians 
have  adopted  towards  the  Italians  in  the  past.  They  would,  theretore,  create 
serious  differences  between  the  two  States. 

Italy  on  the  west  of  the  Adriatic  and  Serbia  on  the  east  of  that  sea  are 
obviously  equally  strongly  interested  in  maintaining  the  freedom  of  that  sea, 
and  the  status  quo  in  South-Eastern  Europe  which  will  be  created  at  the  future 
Congress  of  Peace.  Moreover,  Italy  and  Serbia  ought  to  be  the  best  customers 


418  THE   REBELLION   IN  SOUTH  AFRICA. 

of  one  another.  Serbia  could  supply  Italy  with  the  food  and  raw  materials 
she  needs,  and  Italy  could  provide  Serbia  with  the  manufactured  gooas  she 
requires.  Being  neighbours,  they  ought  to  be  the  best  friends  and  customers. 
However,  if  Italian  statesmen  should  unfortunately  create  a  feeling  of  resent- 
ment among  the  Serbians,  their  future  relations  might  suffer,  to  the  lasting 
harm  of  both  nations.  Both  Italians  and  Serbians  should  remember  the  virtue 
of  moderation,  and  the  proverb  that  one  hand  washes  the  other,  which  exists 
both  in  the  Italian  and  Serbian  languages. 

J.  ELLIS  BARKER. 


THE  REBELLION  IN  SOUTH  AFRICA. 

"  Rebellion  is  as  the  sin  of  witchcraft  "  (Margin :  divination) — 1  Samuel  xv.  23. 

IN  South  Africa  the  two  crimes  denounced  by  the  Hebrew  prophet  have  always 
gone  hand  in  hand.  But,  even  with  a  long  record  of  Kafir  risings,  we  have 
had  to  wait  until  the  twentieth  century  for  the  sin  of  witchcraft  to  play  quite 
such  a  leading  part  in  a  rebellion  as  it  did  when  Beyers  and  De  Wet  conspired 
to  overthrow  the  Botha  Government  and  to  proclaim  the  independence  of  the 
two  Boer  States.  Parts  of  the  story  told  in  the  Blue  Book  on  the  recent 
rebellion  issued  by  the  Union  of  South  Africa  would  be  regarded  as  a  strain  on 
the  credulity  of  the  reader,  if  recorded  in  a  work  of  fiction.  Their  appearance 
in  the  straightforward  narrative  of  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion  lends  to  an 
official  publication  the  unwonted  air  of  a  romance. 

While  it  would  be  too  much  to  say  that  the  seer  van  Eensburg  made  the 
rebellion,  at  least  he  made  it  possible.  The  Boer,  especially  if  he  be  of  the 
back-veldt,  is  of  a  religious  turn  of  mind — that  is  to  say,  he  turns  readily  to  the 
Bible,  if  not  for  guidance,  at  any  rate  for  confirmation  of  the  course  he  has 
made  up  his  mind  to  pursue.  Hence  the  prominence  in  all  Boer  political  move- 
ments of  the  predikant,  whose  power  often  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  is  able  to 
quote  chapter  and  verse  in  support  of  the  action  to  which  he  is  anxious  to  commit 
the  rank  and  file.  Nicolaas  van  Eensburg  was  no  predikant,  but  an  illiterate 
farmer  of  Lichtenburg.  He  was,  however,  given  to  seeing  visions,  and,  as  he 
made  no  attempt  to  turn  these  to  monetary  advantage,  but  maintained  his 
visions  on  a  high  level  of  political  interest,  he  had  gained  a  great  hold  on  the 
imagination  of  thousands  of  his  people.  Large  numbers  of  rebels  will  have  been 
actuated,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  to  adopt  the  course  they  took  by  van 
Eensburg's  connection  with  the  rebellion.  His  reputation  had  been  established 
in  the  Anglo-Boer  War,  when  he  was  credited  with  predicting  General  Delarey's 
success  against  Lord  Methuen,  and  foretelling  certain  events  leading  to  the 
conclusion  of  peace.  It  had  not  diminished  in  a  time  of  peace.  He  impressed 
the  Boers  with  his  apparent  sincerity,  while  his  visions  remained  invariably 
symbolic  and  mysterious,  always  leaving  it  to  his  hearers — in  the  approved 
manner  of  the  Delphic  Oracle — to  place  their  own  interpretations  on  what  he 
recounted.  Success,  however,  led  to  over-confidence.  He  departed  from  his 
practice  of  letting  the  meaning  of  his  visions  remain  an  open  matter,  and 


THE   REBELLION   IN   SOUTH   AFRICA.  419 

allowed  his  prejudices  to  play  the  rdle  of  interpreter.  Thus  some  years  ago  he 
"  had  beheld  the  number  15  on  a  dark  cloud,  from  which  blood  issued,  and 
then  General  Delarey  returning  home  without  his  hat.  Immediately  after- 
wards came  a  carriage  covered  with  flowers  ".  It  hardly  required  a  Joseph  to 
place  a  plausible  interpretation  on  this  vision.  But  van  Eensburg  "  had  the 
greatest  admiration  for  General  Delarey  ",  and  believed  that  it  portended  some 
high  honour  for  the  General.  Again,  long  before  anyone  in  South  Africa 
had  dreamt  of  war  the  seer  "  had  beheld  a  great  fight  of  bulls,  six  or  seven  of 
them,  engaged  in  bloody  combat ;  a  grey  bull  had  emerged  victorious  from  the 
contest ".  Whether  van  Eensburg  himself  was  responsible  for  the  suggestion 
that  the  bulls  signified  the  great  nations  of  Europe  and  the  grey  bull  Germany, 
it  is  not  stated.  But  he  appears  to  have  accepted  the  interpretation,  when 
later  war  actually  broke  out  and  the  "  prophetic  vision  "  was  remembered. 
Clearly  the  seer's  record  was  being  spoiled  by  political  bias.  General  Delarey 
died  suddenly  without  "  high  honour  "  on  the  fifteenth  of  the  month,  and  the 
unprejudiced  mind  would  at  least  have  recognised  that  the  grey  bull  had  an 
equal  chance  of  standing  for  John  Bull  instead  of  the  Hohenzollern  eagle 
masquerading  as  a  quadruped. 

The  South  African  rebellion  started  at  the  top  and  worked  downwards. 
It  called,  therefore,  for  driving  power  on  the  part  of  a  few  to  take  the  place  of 
spontaneity  among  the  many,  and  that  had  to  be  found  in  other  hands  than 
those  of  the  illiterate  farmer  of  Lichtenburg,  who  duped  himself  perhaps  as 
much  as  he  duped  others.     Many  strings  had  to  be  pulled  beiore  nearly  ten 
thousand  Boers  were  in  open  rebellion ;    but  in  spite  of  the  vigorous  tugs  to 
which  they  were  subjected  by  a  number  of  people,  it  is  difficult  to  shake  the 
conviction  held  in  many  quarters  that  all  these  strings  had  at  one  time  or  another 
passed  through  the  hands  of  a  single  man — General  Hertzog.    When  finally 
the  standard  of  revolt  was  raised,  political  antagonism  and  anti-racial  feeling 
were  inextricably  intermingled,  but  the  outbreak  was  the  logical  conclusion 
of   the   policy   associated   with  the  name  of  Hertzog.    The  Dutch  South 
Africans  were  already  divided  into  two  camps.     General  Hertzog  as    head 
of   the    secessionists,   however,   was    in    the    wilderness,    and    he    stood  in 
need  of  powerful  co-operation  before  he  could  hope   to  upset  the  Botha- 
Smuts  combination.    It  is  known  that  he  set  about  to  win  over  Beyers  and 
De  Wet  to  his  side,  playing  on  the  political  ambitions  of  the  one  and  the 
ianaticism  of  the  other  ;  but  the  fact  remains  that,  when  the  rebellion  came, 
General  Hertzog  was  not  in  the  ranks  of  those  who  took  the  field  against  the 
Government.    Whether  he  deliberately  stood  aside  when  he  found  mischief 
afoot,  content  to  see  it  take  what  course  it  would,  or  whether  "  the  sudden 
flood  of  mutiny  ",  which  he  had  helped  to  stir  up,  left  him  expectant  on  the  bank 
as  it  swept  by,  he  has  not  informed  us.     No  evidence  has  been  adduced  to 
prevent  us  from  giving  General  Hertzog  credit  for  being  actuated  merely 
by  personal  and  political  hatred  in  the  part  he  played.     The  verdict  of  the 
Parliament  Select  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  rebellion  is  that 
there   is  nothing  whatever  to  convict  him  of  complicity  in  the  rebellious 


420  THE   REBELLION   IN  SOUTH  AFRICA. 

conspiracy.  Others  exposed  themselves  to  the  charge  of  treason  ;  but  when  full 
allowance  has  been  made  for  all  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed, 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  their  conscience  is  more  uneasy  than  General 
Hertzog's  under  an  unrepentant  exterior.  At  this  point  he  falls  out  of  the 
picture,  and  we  come  to  the  practical  driving  power  exercised  by  Beyers  and 
De  Wet. 

Whether  Beyers  came  under  the  spell  of  German  intrigues  before  his  political 
ambitions  had  been  worked  upon  is  not  known.  He  was  of  a  secretive  nature, 
and  it  is  noticeable  that  while  making  his  plans  for  the  rebellion  he  never  gave 
his  confidence  wholly  to  anyone.  What  is  established  is  that  long  before  war 
broke  out  in  Europe  he  had  become  familiar  with  German  machinations  in  South 
Africa,  and  with  the  idea  of  the  eventual  restoration  of  Boer  independence. 
In  making  the  activities  of  Germany's  agents  and  the  treasonable  designs  of  his 
fellow  countrymen  subserve  his  personal  ambitions,  he  played  his  part  as  the 
cool  and  calculating  conspirator.  De  Wet  is  of  a  very  different  type  ;  entirely 
uneducated,  butcher  and  farmer  in  turn  before  the  Boer  War  discovered  his 
talent  for  guerilla  warfare,  he  lacked  altogether  the  finesse  of  Beyers.  Loyalty  was 
in  the  air  at  the  Peace  of  Vereeniging  and  he  embraced  it.  When  at  a  later  date 
he  was  fined  five  shillings  for  assaulting  a  native,  loyalty  vanished  in  an  intensive 
hatred.  Incidentally  the  magistrate  who  imposed  the  fine  was  a  brother-in- 
law  of  ex-President  Steyn  and  owed  his  appointment  to  the  latter  and  to  General 
Hertzog.  But  for  De  Wet  he  was  one  of  the  "  miserable  and  pestilential  English  ", 
and  the  grievance  was  adduced  by  him  as  an  argument  to  justify  the  rebellion. 
His  quarrel  was  primarily  against  General  Botha,  but  there  would  be  nothing 
incongruous  to  his  mind  in  associating  the  latter  with  the  hated  British 
and  using  every  means  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on  both.  Thus  while  he 
welcomed  the  prospect  of  German  support  for  the  rebellion,  his  actions  were 
probably  influenced  least  of  all  of  the  conspirators  by  Germany's  intrigues. 
From  the  very  start  he  was  "  out "  for  war,  and  in  pushing  matters  to 
the  extreme  he  overruled  the  advice  of  his  own  officers,  who  were  ready  to 
parley  with  the  Government. 

Before  Beyers  and  De  Wet  could  place  themselves  at  the  head  of  any  general 
rising  of  Dutch  South  Africans,  a  considerable  amount  of  spade  work  had  to 
be  done.  This  work  was  directed  by  a  small  nucleus  of  Boers  who  had  never 
abandoned  their  animosity  towards  the  British,  arising  out  of  the  Boer  War, 
and  who  counted  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Eepublics  as  a  means  of  promoting 
their  own  personal  interests.  They  had  lent  themselves  eagerly  to  German 
intrigues,  not  without  some  immediate  profit,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  fact 
that  the  rebellion  was  not  launched  entirely  without  expenditure.  South 
Africa,  it  is  safe  to  infer,  has  never  been  wholly  free  from  German  propaganda 
from  the  days  when  Dr.  Leyds  was  the  willing  vassal  of  Berlin.  Quite  apart 
from  Germany's  direct  complicity  in  the  rebellion,  the  seed  of  dissatisfaction 
had  been  assiduously  sown  among  the  Boers  by  German  agents,  whose  special 
mission  it  was  to  connect  in  the  Boer  mind  Great  Britain's  ultimate  defeat  by 
Germany  with  the  restoration  of  the  late  Eepublics.  A  certain  proportion  of 


THE   REBELLION   IN   SOUTH   AFRICA.  421 

the  Boers  had  not  ceased  to  regret  their  lost  independence  ;  others,  more 
numerous  still,  retained  a  less  active  interest  in  the  subject,  but  would  require 
little  persuasion  to  throw  in  their  lot  with  a  movement  for  restoring  the  status 
quo  ante,  if  it  could  be  shown  to  have  the  least  chance  of  success.  By  the 
Dutch  South  Africans  as  a  whole  Germany  was  regarded  as  a  particularly  friendly 
nation,  who  had  shown  sympathy  to  them  in  their  struggle  against  Great 
Britain,  while  some  of  their  number  had  found  a  refuge  in  German  South- West 
Africa  when  peace  was  ratified  at  Vereeniging. 

The   chief   figure    among    this    disloyal    group    of   Boers   was    Solomon 
Gerhardus  Maritz,  who  had  come  to  the  front  in  the  Boer  War.    At  the  con- 
clusion of  peace  he  found  it  safer  to  leave  the  country  for  fear  of  the  possible 
consequences  of  certain  of  his  actions  during  the  war.    After  a  stay  in  Mada- 
gascar he  went  to  German  South- West  Africa,  where  he  rendered  the  Germans 
useful  service  during  the  Herero  campaign.    He  returned  to  the  Orange  Free 
State,  and,  after  serving  in  the  Union  Police,  was  given  a  commission  on  the 
staff  of  the  Active  Citizen  Force  under  the  scheme  of  Union  Defence.    Early 
in  1913  he  was  placed  in  command  of  a  military  district  in  the  north-west  of 
the  Cape  Province,  and  shortly  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  in  Europe  he  was 
appointed  at  the  urgent  request  of  General  Beyers,  then  Commandant- General, 
lieutenant-colonel  in  command  of  the  Union  border  in  the  direction  of  Kakamas 
and  Upington.    According  to  Maritz'  own  statement  he  "  first  conceived  the 
idea  of  liberating  South  Africa  "  in  1912,  when  he  was  at  the  Military  Training 
School  at  Bloemfontein.     It  was  at  that  time  he  opened  communications  with 
the  Governor- General  of  German  South- West  Africa.    From  the  outset  these 
negotiations  could  only  have  had  one  object,  and  they  serve  to  explain  the 
confidence  with  which  inspired  publicists  in  Germany  contemplated  a  rupture 
with  Great  Britain,  at  least  as  far  as  South  Africa  was  concerned.    Shortly 
before  the  declaration  of  war  in  Europe  Maritz  concluded  his  "  treaty  "  with 
Germany  through  the  Government  of  German  South- West  Africa.     Germany 
was  to  receive  the  help  of  the  Boers  of  republican  leanings  in  her  war  against 
Great  Britain  in  return  for  her  recognition  of  the  proposed  Boer  republic  and 
her    support    in    establishing    and    maintaining    its    independence.     Certain 
territorial  readjustments  were  also  agreed  upon,  including  the  cession  of  Walfisch 
Bay  to  Germany.     During  the  two  and  a  half  years  of  his  negotiations  with 
the  Germans  the  circle  of  Maritz'  confederates  must  have  steadily  widened. 
At  what  period,  to  use  his  own  expression,  Beyers  "  was  put  on  by  him  "  has 
not  been  divulged  ;   but  we  may  infer  that  the  treaty  with  Germany  formed 
the  subject  of  the  interview  between  Beyers  and  Maritz  in  Pretoria  at  the 
beginning  of  August  1914,  even  if  it  had  not  been  the  main  reason  that 
prompted  Beyers  to  press  for  Maritz'  appointment  to  command  the  district 
bordering  on  German  South-West  Africa.    The  tension  in  Europe  in  July  had 
already  been  the  signal  for  Maritz'  confederates  to   "  get  busy  ",   with  the 
result  that  the  actual  outbreak  of  war  in  Europe  found  many  districts  in  the 
Transvaal  and   Orange  Free  State,  particularly  Lichtenburg,  all  agog  with 
expectation  of  what  was  about  to  happen  in  South  Africa. 


422  THE   REBELLION   IN   SOUTH   AFRICA. 

At  a  later  date  the  rebels  succeeded  in  making  much  capital  out  of  the 
Government's  decision  to  send  an  expedition  against  German  South- West 
Africa.  The  move  was  undoubtedly  unpopular  among  General  Botha's  own 
supporters  and  was  used  by  the  conspirators  to  swell  the  ranks  of  their  followers. 
But  the  conspiracy  had  been  set  on  foot  some  time  before  the  Government's 
decision  was  taken.  The  possibility  of  such  an  expedition  would  naturally 
be  contemplated  as  soon  as  war  was  declared  between  Great  Britain  and 
Germany  ;  but  before  the  Union  Government  had  to  make  up  its  mind  on  the 
subject  the  Germans  had  settled  the  point  by  invading  Union  territory.  This 
fact,  however,  did  not  deter  the  extremists  among  the  Government's  political 
opponents  from  continuing  to  represent  the  attack  on  German  South-West 
Africa  as  a  "  robbers'  campaign  ".  No  rallying  cry  that  was  likely  to  serve 
the  purposes  of  the  conspirator  was  overlooked.  Thus,  while  in  some  districts 
the  wickedness  of  General  Botha  in  attacking  Germans  served  to  fan  the  flame 
of  the  rebellion,  in  others  the  rebels  were  encouraged  by  the  assurance  that 
the  Union  Government  was  at  one  with  them  in  a  desire  to  be  rid  of  the  British 
yoke.  This  hotch-potch  nature  of  the  conspiracy  was  at  once  its  strength 
and  weakness.  It  enabled  a  number  of  leaders  to  collect  large  followings  in 
a  short  time  by  fitting  their  appeals  to  the  local  spirit ;  but  it  simplified  the 
suppression  of  the  movement  by  enabling  the  Government  to  prove  to  the 
burghers  that  they  had  been  misled. 

Such  cohesion  and  success  as  the  rebellion  achieved  was  due  entirely  to 
Beyers'  direction  of  it.  Already  on  August  8  one  of  the  conspirators  in  the 
Western  Transvaal  was  warning  his  friends  that  a  meeting  was  shortly  to  be 
held  at  Treurfontein,  at  which  the  "  Vierkleur  "  was  to  be  hoisted,  and  that  a 
move  was  then  to  be  made  to  the  German  border  for  ammunition,  but  until 
Beyers  chose  to  show  his  hand  no  rebellion  could  be  started.  A  week 
later  Maritz  was  in  Pretoria,  in  consultation  with  General  Beyers,  at  that 
time  Commandant- General  of  the  Active  Citizen  Force  of  the  Union.  The 
latter  appears  to  have  decided  that  the  success  of  the  movement  required  the 
co-operation  of  General  Delarey,  whose  influence  was  paramount  in  the  Western 
Transvaal.  In  sympathy  with  van  Eensburg's  "  prophetic  vision  ",  the  Treur- 
fontein meeting  was  fixed  for  August  15  and  Delarey  was  to  address  it.  The 
conspirators  hoped  to  have  won  him  over  to  their  side  by  that  date ;  but 
General  Botha  had  seen  Delarey  and  had  persuaded  him  to  calm  the  agitated 
minds  of  the  people.  Delarey  addressed  the  meeting  and  counselled  patience. 
He  had  evidently  not  been  made  privy  to  the  plot,  and  the  meeting  which, 
with  equal  subservience,  would  have  followed  him  into  rebellion  broke  up 
quietly.  The  conspirators  renewed  their  efforts  to  bring  off  the  rebellion  by 
September  15.  On  that  date  certain  units  of  the  Defence  Force  were  to  have 
finished  their  annual  training  at  Potchefstroom,  and  the  task  of  raising  the 
standard  of  revolt  was  to  be  assigned  to  them.  To  this  scheme  Beyers  himself 
was  proved  to  have  been  committed.  Delarey,  however,  was  still  essential  to 
the  conspirators'  plans.  If  at  the  last  moment  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
join  the  conspiracy,  he  was  to  be  confronted  with  the  fait  accompli  at 


THE   REBELLION   IN   SOUTH   AFRICA.  423 

Potchefstroom  ;  but  Delarey's  parliamentary  duties  kept  him  at  Cape  Town 
until  the  very  last  moment  in  spite  of  urgent  messages  from  Beyers.  He  did 
not  reach  Johannesburg  until  September  15,  and  it  was  necessary  to  postpone 
the  rebellion  for  a  day.  Beyers  in  Pretoria  had  announced  his  resignation 
to  his  staff-officers  at  midday  and  had  handed  a  letter  on  the  subject  to  the 
Press.  He  then  sent  his  car  to  Johannesburg  to  fetch  Delarey,  with  the  intention 
of  motoring  him  down  to  Potchefstroom  in  the  evening  to  attend  the  meeting 
now  fixed  for  the  early  morning  of  the  16th. ^.Together  Beyers  and  Delarey 
started  from  Pretoria  for  Potchefstroom.  The  rest  is  familiar  history.  That 
evening  the  Johannesburg  police  had  stretched  a  cordon  round  the  town 
with  the  object  of  trying  to  catch  three  desperadoes  who  were  trying  to 
escape  in  a  motor-car.  Beyers's  car  was  repeatedly  challenged,  but  he  re- 
fused to  stop.  At  last  a  policeman  fired,  killing  Delarey,  and  the  car  came 
to  a  standstill. 

The  Potchefstroom  meeting  was  never  held.  The  training-camp  broke  up 
under  the  shadow  of  Delarey's  death,  and  for  the  time  being  the  conspirators 
were  non-plussed.  Meanwhile  the  expedition  to  German  South- West  Africa 
had  started.  Eumours  of  rebellion  became  current,  and  the  conspirators  hit 
upon  the  plan  of  holding  meetings  of  protest  against  the  campaign,  which  served 
the  double  purpose  of  hiding  their  designs  under  a  political  cloak  and  enabling 
them  to  keep  the  agitation  alive.  Maritz,  however,  at  Upington  could  not 
play  a  waiting  game  ;  an  incident  at  Schuitdrift  on  the  Orange  Eiver,  when 
some  Boers  fired  on  a  German  patrol  which  tried  to  prevent  them  from  leaving 
German  territory  with  their  cattle,  and  the  Government's  resolve  to  move  troops 
to  the  border  forced  his  hand.  He  refused  to  report  to  his  commanding  officer, 
and  when  an  officer  was  sent  to  take  over  his  unit,  it  was  found  that  Maritz, 
on  the  strength  of  his  treaty  with  the  Germans,  had  already  hoisted  the 
"  Vierkleur  "  and  had  sent  those  of  his  men  who  had  refused  to  join  him  to 
German  South- West  Africa  as  prisoners.  Maritz  was  now  a  General  in  the 
German  service,  with  German  troops  under  his  command,  and  supplied  with 
German  guns. 

The  rebellion  of  Maritz,  followed  by  the  proclamation  of  martial  law  through- 
out the  Union  on  October  12,  forced  the  conspirators  in  the  Transvaal  and 
Free  State  to  take  action.  De  Wet  met  Beyers  in  Pretoria  on  October  14,  and 
the  two  leaders  appear  to  have  made  their  final  dispositions.  Five  days  later 
Beyers  took  the  field,  and  on  the  same  day  the  mutiny  of  a  veld-cornet  and  150 
burghers  of  the  Lichtenburg  district  started  the  rebellion  in  the  Transvaal. 
On  the  23rd  it  had  broken  out  in  the  Orange  Free  State. 

General  Botha  lost  no  time  in  taking  the  field  against  the  rebels  at  the  head 
of  loyal  commandos,  and  by  October  27  he  had  defeated  Beyers  in  his  first 
engagement.  But  while  prosecuting  its  military  operations,  the  Union  Govern- 
ment spared  no  pains  to  bring  the  rebellion  to  an  end  by  peaceful  means.  It 
was  recognised  that  large  numbers  of  burghers  had  been  led  astray  by  all  manner 
of  misrepresentations,  and  that  a  realisation  of  the  true  facts  would  cause  the 
break-up  of  many  commandos. 

2F 


424  THE   REBELLION   IN  SOUTH   AFRICA. 

On  October  22,  General  Botha  had  invited  ex-President  Steyn  to  use  his 
influence  with  De  Wet  and  Beyers  in  order  to  avoid  bloodshed.  All  efforts  to 
induce  De  Wet  to  meet  Beyers  and  Mr.  Steyn  at  the  latter's  house 
failed.  Beyers  availed  himselt  of  the  safe  conduct  given  him,  but  De  Wet's 
evident  resolve  not  to  discontinue  fighting  led  the  Government  to  abandon  any 
further  efforts  for  a  peaceful  solution.  On  November  12,  it  renewed  its  offer 
of  an  amnesty  to  the  rank  and  file  of  the  rebel  commandos,  provided  they 
surrendered  before  November  21,  and  in  the  meantime  arranged  for  the  vigorous 
prosecution  of  military  operations  against  all  who  had  taken  up  arms. 
The  same  day  General  Botha  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  De  Wet's  forces  at 
Mushroom  Valley.  The  harrying  of  the  rebels  continued,  until  De  Wet, 
driven  from  pillar  to  post,  and  with  an  ever-diminishing  following,  was 
captured  on  a  farm  at  Waterburg,  110  miles  due  west  of  Maf eking,  on 
December  1,  and  a  week  later  Beyers  was  drowned  in  the  Vaal  Eiver  in  an 
attempt  to  escape  after  an  unsuccessful  engagement.  In  the  meantime,  Maritz 
had  been  defeated  and  had  fled  to  German  South- West  Africa.  At  a  later 
date  his  attempts  to  surrender  to  the  Union  Government  or  to  allow  his 
followers  to  make  their  peace  with  it  were  not  to  German  liking,  and  he  is 
supposed  to  be  a  refugee  from  the  British  and  Germans  alike.  Kemp,  the  last 
of  the  four  heads  of  the  rebellion,  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the 
Western  Transvaal.  He  had  carried  on  operations  in  the  north-western 
districts  of  the  Cape  Province,  but  had  retired  into  the  Kalahari  Desert  to 
escape  capture.  Two  months  later,  in  January,  he  had  reappeared  with 
Maritz,  and  together  they  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Upington.  After 
continuing  the  struggle  for  a  few  more  days,  Kemp  surrendered  uncondition- 
ally at  Kakamas  in  the  last  week  of  January.  As  van  Eensburg's  name  has 
not  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  surrenders,  he  may  still  be  a 
fugitive  in  German  South- West  Africa.  Thus  the  rebellion,  which  had  been 
virtually  crushed  in  seven  weeks,  sent  up  a  last  flicker,  and  finally  died  out 
three  months  after  it  was  started. 

The  policy  of  General  Botha  and  General  Smuts  in  carrying  on  negotiations 
with  the  rebel  leaders  in  the  field  was  naturally  the  subject  of  criticism.  For 
those  who  saw  in  the  rebellion  only  an  effort  on  the  part  of  British  subjects 
to  repudiate  their  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  to  make  common  cause 
with  the  King's  enemies,  it  was  not  unnatural  that  they  should  look  askance 
at  any  parleying  with  avowed  traitors.  But  the  Union  Government  took  a 
long-sighted  view  of  the  situation.  It  realised  the  part  played  in  the  rising 
by  domestic  politics,  and  also  that  back-veld  ignorance  was  in  many  cases  a 
more  potent  ingredient  than  active  disloyalty  in  the  making  of  the  rebels. 
Now  that  all  the  facts  are  before  us,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  rebellion 
was  handled  tactfully  and  successfully.  The  whole  problem  connected  with 
it,  however,  is  not  yet  solved.  De  Wet  and  a  large  number  of  leaders,  together 
with  a  few  thousand  of  the  rank  and  file  are  in  prison,  and  the  question  of  their 
punishment  is  essentially  of  a  thorny  character.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Govern- 
ment, with  an  eye  to  the  future,  must  wish,  as  far  as  possible,  to  let  bygones  be 


THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT.  425 

bygones,  particularly  in  view  of  the  new  conditions  that  must  succeed  to  the 
termination  of  the  campaign  in  German  South- West  Africa.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  must  feel  reluctant  to  set  the  precedent  of  rebellion  being  regarded  as 
a  venial  offence.  The  knowledge  that  their  difficulties  are  appreciated  through- 
out the  Empire,  and  that  their  judgment  in  the  light  of  the  past  is  implicitly 
trusted,  ought  to  help  them  in  arriving  at  a  right  decision. 

H.  T.  MONTAGUE  BELL. 


THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT. 

IT  is  desirable  that  Imperialists  should  be  agreed  as  to  what  can  and  cannot 
be  done  at  the  present  stage  of  our  political  development  in  giving  effect  to  the 
reasonable  demand  that  the  Dominions,  who  have  taken  so  splendid  a  part 
in  the  burdens  of  this  great  War,  shall  have  a  voice  on  the  terms  to  be  given 
to  the  enemy.  Happily  in  some  respects  the  situation  is  of  a  simpler  character, 
owing  to  German  methods,  than  it  might  have  been  under  other  circumstances. 
Just  as  the  cynical  violation  by  Germany  of  neutral  rights  caused  a  full  tide 
of  indignation  throughout  the  Empire,  which  gave  no  time  for  Canadians  or 
Australians  to  consider  curiously  the  technical  and  legal  aspects  of  the  Imperial 
position,  so  the  manner  in  which,  day  after  day,  Germany  unfolds  to  an 
astonished  world  new  forms  of  forbidden  warfare,  each  more  horrible 
than  the  last,  drives  even  those  inclined  to  pacificism  to  the  ranks  of  the 
stalwarts,  and  makes  any  settlement  unthinkable  which  does  not  finally  over- 
whelm the  system  of  which  such  horrors  are  the  outcome.  There  is  no  fear 
that  the  need  to  fight  to  the  finish  will  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  strong-minded 
and  strong-willed  citizens  of  the  Overseas  Dominions. 

But,  though  there  may  be  agreement  on  general  principles,  it  does  not 
follow  that,  with  regard  to  the  details  of  the  settlement,  there  may  not  be 
need  for  careful  consideration  beforehand.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  many 
Imperialists  were  disturbed  when  it  was  announced  that  the  quadrennial 
meeting  of  the  Imperial  Conference  could  not  be  held  this  year. 

I  confess  that,  to  my  mind,  this  decision  appears  inevitable.  How  would 
it  have  been  possible  to  transact  the  business  of  an  ordinary  Conference  amidst 
the  anxieties  and  duties  of  a  great  war  ?  Whilst  the  stress  of  the  War  continues, 
Dominion  Governments  are  surely  best  occupied  in  watching  over  the  work  of 
their  own  peoples  ;  and  what  would  be  the  worth  of  a  formal  meeting  of 
Dominion  Premiers  from  which  the  representative  of  South  Africa  might  be 
absent,  because  he  was  still  actively  engaged  in  defeating  the  enemy  ?  Many 
Imperialists  believe  that  in  process  of  time  it  will  become  necessary  to  give  more 
formal  embodiment  to  the  principle  of  Imperial  unity  ;  and  every  one  who  con- 
siders the  question  seriously  must  recognise  that  no  decision  ought  to  be  arrived 
at  which  has  not  received  the  informal  approval,  at  least,  of  the  Dominion 
Governments.  But,  for  this  purpose,  is  a  meeting  of  the  Imperial  Conference 

2*2 


426   THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT. 

the  most  convenient  instrument  ?  It  is  not  necessary  -to  believe  that  the 
present  system  will  last  for  ever  to  recognise  that,  under  it,  there  is  no  room 
for  an  Imperial  Council  with  executive  as  well  as  legislative  powers,  such  as 
was  airily  proposed  by  Sir  Joseph  Ward  at  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1911. 
Such  a  Council,  Mr.  Asquith  explained, 

"would  impair,  if  not  altogether  destroy,  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  Kingdom  in  such  grave  matters  as  the  conduct  of  foreign  policy,  the  con- 
clusion of  treaties,  the  declaration  and  maintenance  of  peace,  or  the  declaration 
of  war,  and,  indeed,  all  those  relations  with  Foreign  Powers,  necessarily  of  the  most 
delicate  character,  which  are  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Imperial  Government,  subject 
to  its  responsibility  to  the  Imperial  Parliament.  That  authority  cannot  be  shared, 
and  the  co-existence  side  by  side  with  the  Cabinet  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  this 
proposed  body  .  .  .  would  in  our  judgment  be  absolutely  fatal  to  our  present  system 
of  responsible  Government." 

Logical  Imperialists  recognise  the  full  force  of  this  reasoning,  though  they 
insist  that  the  conclusion  at  which  it  arrives  points  at  the  necessity  of  an 
Imperial  Executive,  with  responsibility  to'  an  Imperial  Parliament.  At  the  same 
time  they  have  no  desire  to  effect  a  revolution  by  a  side  wind,  and  profess  that  a 
Federal  Constitution  for  the  Empire  can  only  be  arrived  at  after  meetings  of 
delegates  elected  for  the  purpose — such  as  those  that  framed  the  American, 
the  Canadian,  the  Australian,  and  the  South  African  Constitutions. 

There  is,  it  must  always  be  remembered,  an  opposite  school  of  thought, 
consisting  of  men,  equally  convinced  of  the  need  and  necessity  of  Pan-Britannic 
Union,  but  who  consider  that  colonial  nationalism  has  taken  such  deep  root 
as  to  make  any  system  of  federation  dangerous,  if  not  impossible,  and  find  in  a 
perpetual  alliance  of  friendly  sovereign  states  the  road  to  safety.  Were  this 
consummation  to  be  reached,  the  Imperial  Conference  would  become,  I  presume, 
a  Congress  of  Plenipotentiaries  which  might  well  formally  discuss  the  terms 
to  be  made  with  a  common  foe.  But,  as  yet,  we  are  far  from  such  a  solution  ; 
and  no  one  would  choose  a  time  of  war  to  embark  upon  a  constitutional 
revolution. 

It  has  been  shown,  then,  perhaps  at  needless  length,  that  the  Imperial 
Conference  is  not  the  proper  place  for  a  formal  discussion  of  the  terms  of  peace. 
The  experiences  of  1911  would  seem  to  show  that  it  is  hardly  the  most  convenient 
place  for  informal  discussion.  In  that  year  opportunity  was  taken  of  the 
presence  of  the  Dominion  premiers  in  London  to  introduce  them  into  the 
arcane  of  foreign  policy,  and  to  show  to  them  the  serious  dangers  by  which 
the  Empire  was  threatened.  But  the  site  chosen  for  this  initiation  was  not 
the  Imperial  Conference,  but  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee — that  advisory 
committee  to  the  British  Prime  Minister  which  brings  civilian  ministers  and 
their  expert  advisers  into  close  personal  touch.  It  was  at  a  sitting  of  the 
Imperial  Defence  Committee  that  Sir  Edward  Grey,  in  a  speech  of  some  length, 
laid  the  seed  of  that  full  understanding  of  the  European  situation  which  was 
to  bring  forth  such  good  fruit  three  years  later.  It  was  not  pretended  that  the 


THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT.    427 

Dominions  were  being  consulted  on  the  question  of  Imperial  policy.  They  were 
merely  informed  of  the  situation,  as  it  appeared  to  the  British  Cabinet ;  so  that,  if 
they  were  willing,  they  should  understand  how  they  might  best  further  Imperial 
interests.  The  fact  that  the  meeting  was  held  at  the  Imperial  Defence  Com- 
mittee served,  I  think,  to  emphasise  that,  under  the  present  Constitution,  the 
British  Cabinet  cannot  shift  any  portion  of  its  responsibility  on  to  the  shoulders 
of  others,  however  near  and  dear. 

Moreover,  whilst  a  meeting  of  the  Imperial  Defence  Committee  lent  itself 
naturally  to  an  explanation  of  foreign  policy  that  might  have  to  be  enforced  by 
military  measures,  it  would  not  be  the  natural  place  for  a  discussion  of  terms 
of  peace,  except  so  far  as  they  were  concerned  with  strategic  considerations. 

But  although,  for  the  sake  of  clarity  of  thought,  it  is  necessary  to  point  out 
that  the  Imperial  Conference,  as  at  present  constituted,  cannot  claim  a  formal 
voice  in  the  framing  of  terms  of  peace,  nothing  could  be  more  dangerous  than  to 
ignore  the  absolute  necessity  that  no  conclusion,  with  regard  to  terms  in  any  way 
affecting  a  Dominion,  should  be  reached  without  the  full  approval  of  the  Domin- 
ion Government  involved.  How  best  this  object  can  be  attained  is  a  matter 
for  the  Ministry  to  settle.  Probably  the  wiser  course  would  be  for  each  Dominion 
Prime  Minister,  by  personal  conference  with  the  Home  Government,  to  explain 
what  is  the  indispensable  minimum  without  the  attainment  of  which  there 
will  be  a  sense  of  failure  and  disappointment.  Lord  Milner,  at  a  recent  meeting 
of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute,  sounded  a  note  of  warning,  that  we  might  not 
be  able  to  obtain  from  our  Allies  all  that  we  hoped  for.  I  should  be  sorry  to  set 
the  opinion  of  an  obscure  student  of  world-politics  against  that  of  a  most  eminent 
statesman ;  at  the  same  time,  such  a  forecast  sounds,  perhaps,  somewhat 
unduly  depressing,  considering  the  vast  area  over  which  a  scheme  of  compensa- 
tions may  be  enforced.  (It  is  assumed,  of  course,  that  this  War  is  to  be  a  war 
to  the  finish,  only  to  be  ended  with  the  destruction  of  Prussian  militarism  at 
Berlin.)  But,  if  there  is  need  for  Lord  Milner's  warnings,  there  is  the  greater 
necessity  that  Dominion  statesmen  should  thoroughly  understand  and  sanction 
any  compromise  that  may  be  necessary. 

It  may  be  suggested,  however,  that  all  this  could  have  been  most  usefully 
said  some  years  ago,  but  now,  in  the  full  glow  of  Imperial  patriotism,  with 
the  memory  still  fresh  of  the  deeds  of  our  Canadian  and  Australian  brothers  in 
Flanders  and  in  Turkey,  there  is  little  fear  that  Colonial  opinion  should  fail  to 
be  consulted  when  the  time  comes  for  the  final  settlement.  It  may  be  hoped 
that  this  will  be  so  ;  but  there  are  not  wanting  signs  around  us  which  point  to 
the  persistence  of  a  point  of  view  which  ought  to  have  become  obsolete. 

Quite  recently  a  brilliant  young  Oxford  scholar  has  produced  a  book  which 
proposes  a  reconstruction  of  Europe,  on  the  principle  of  nationality.  With 
his  conclusions  with  regard  to  Europe,  we  are  not  here  concerned  ;  but  he  pro- 
ceeds calmly  to  propose  to  give  back  German  South-West  Africa  to  Germany, 
without  giving  the  South  African  Union  a  voice  in  the  matter.  (From  the  point 
of  view  of  those  who  believe  in  the  future  of  the  British  Empire  the  suggestion 
is  all  the  more  mischievous,  because  it  is  made  under  the  notion  that  such 


428   THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT. 

restoration  will  one  day  help  to  create  a  "  separate  political  unit  "  in  South 
Africa  by  the  inclusion  of  the  German  colony  in  the  South  African  Union. 
But  this  is  not  the  point  with  which  I  am  here  concerned.) 

Now  it  must  be  admitted  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  War,  there  seemed 
much  to  be  said,  from  the  point  of  view  both  of  British  interests  and  of  British 
sentiment,  for  the  contention  that  the  German  colonies  in  Africa  should,  if  taken, 
be  restored  at  the  making  of  peace.  Though,  to  those  with  knowledge  of  the 
subject,  Mr.  Toynbee's  argument  will  seem  rather  fanciful  that  these  colonies 
are  needed  by  Germany  as  outlets  for  surplus  population ;  still,  as  things  ap- 
peared before  the  War,  they  seemed  useful  hostages  to  fortune,  which  could,  in 
the  event  of  hostilities,  be  at  the  mercy  of  predominant  sea-power.  Moreover, 
considering  the  high  moral  purpose  with  which  Great  Britain  entered  on  this 
War,  many  of  us  were  anxious  to  refrain,  as  far  as  possible,  from  selfish  gain  by 
fishing  in  troubled  waters.  It  must,  however,  be  recognised  that  the  situation, 
as  it  has  developed,  seems  to  necessitate  a  change  of  policy.  We  now  know 
that  German  South- West  Africa  was,  from  a  military  standpoint,  an  armed  camp, 
threatening  its  peaceful,  if  more  populous,  neighbour  ;  from  a  political  standpoint 
it  was  still  more  dangerous,  by  serving  as  a  centre  from  which  to  undermine  the 
loyalty  of  the  more  ignorant  back-country  Boers.  At  the  beginning  of  hostilities 
we  did  not  know  that  the  poisoning  of  wells  would  be  openly  practised  as  a  normal 
accompaniment  of  a  state  of  war.  But  when  all  these  things  are  taken  into 
consideration,  the  fact  still  remains  that  the  main  objection  to  Mr.  Toynbee's 
airy  proposals  is  that  he  suggests  that  the  action  taken  shall  be  action  by  Great 
Britain  ;  whereas,  whatever  the  formalities  of  the  case,  it  is  the  South  African 
Union  which  by  the  sacrifice  of  life  and  of  money  will  have  created  the  situation  ; 
and  it  is  therefore  the  .South  African  Union  which  must  have  the  deciding 
voice  with  regard  to  the  future. 

As  a  historian  Mr.  Toynbee  should  have  weighed  carefully  the  force  of 
historical  analogies  ;  and  there  is  one  historical  analogy  which  is  much  to  the 
point.  Most  people  have  read  how,  in  the  year  1745,  a  body  of  New  England 
amateurs,  with  some  help,  it  is  true,  from  the  British  fleet,  more  perhaps  by  good 
luck  and  the  inefficiency  of  their  adversary  than  by  exceptional  strategy  or 
skill,  found  themselves  the  masters  of  that  important  place  of  arms,  Louisbourg. 
They  will  have  also  noted  how,  in  the  ensuing  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Louis- 
bourg was  restored  to  the  French,  in  return  for  Madras.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  how  much  truth  there  was  in  the  gossip  which  reported  the  reluctance  of 
the  straightforward  old  King,  George  II,  to  dispose  of  property  that  had  been 
acquired  by  others.  In  any  case  the  decision  was  made,  a  decision  which, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  world-politics,  Admiral  Mahan  approves  ;  but  which, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  Imperial  relations,  was  most  unfortunate.  Even  the 
Tory  Loyalist  Hutchinson  writes  :  "  They  (the  men  of  Massachusetts)  flattered 
themselves  that  Cape  Breton  would  remain  subject  to  Great  Britain ;  and  it 
was  a  mortification  to  them  that  what  they  called  '  our  acquisition '  should 
be  restored  to  France."  Among  the  caused  which  led  to  the  great  disruption, 
in  which  the  first  English  Colonial  Empire  came  to  an  unhonoured  end,  were, 


THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT.    429 

undoubtedly,  the  bitter  disappointment  and  disillusion  caused  in  New  England 
by  the  realisation  by  a  proud  and  self-confident  people  of  the  aptness  in  their 
case  of  the  words  sic  vos  non  vobis. 

Nor  is  only  German  South-West  Africa  in  question.  An  interesting 
suggestion  has  been  lately  made  that  German  East  Africa  might  be  used  to 
help  in  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  with  regard  to  British  Indians.  One 
requires  special  knowledge  to  offer  an  opinion  on  the  subject ;  but  it  is  obviously 
a  question  the  decision  of  which  must  primarily  rest  with  the  South  African 
Union.  It  would  be  unthinkable  for  the  Home  Government  to  carry  through 
a  policy  which  had  not  the  complete  approval  and  support  of  the  Dominion 
authorities.  In  this  state  of  things  it  seems  clear  that  only  by  personal 
negotiations  between  Mr.  Asquith,  Sir  Edward  Grey,  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies,  and  Generals  Botha  and  Smuts  can  any  satis- 
factory conclusion  be  arrived  at.  Some  delay  in  the  signing  of  the  final 
peace  will  be  cheaply  purchased,  if  it  means  thereby  the  elimination  of 
all  possible  causes  of  misunderstanding,  by  the  frank  interchange  of 
views  between  the  statesmen  in  Great  Britain  and  in  the  Dominions,  who 
will  have  to  justify  the  conclusions  reached  to  their  various  Parliaments 
Canada,  thanks  to  her  geographical  position  and  to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  will 
have  no  particular  axe  to  grind  at  the  settlement.  But,  having  risen  so 
splendidly  to  the  heights  of  Imperial  obligations,  she  will  have  a  clear  right  to 
make  her  voice  heard  before  the  final  treaty,  considering  that  the  aim  of  such 
settlement  must  be  to  render  for  ever  impossible  future  violations  of  the  laws 
of  God  and  of  man,  such  as  have  cost  Canada  so  dearly  in  the  loss  of  so  many 
of  her  best  and  bravest  sons. 

But  if,  in  the  case  of  Canada,  the  situation  is  reasonably  simple,  in  that  of 
Australasia  there  is  need  for  the  most  careful  and  tactful  handling.  On  the 
one  hand  British  successes  in  the  Pacific  have  been  mainly  due  to  the  Australian 
fleet ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  ground  here  is  unfortunately  strewn  with  the 
wreck  of  past  differences  and  misunderstandings.  Nothing  is  to  be  gained  by 
ascribing  the  blame  all  to  the  one  party  and  by  perpetually  dwelling  on  the 
charge  of  Imperial  short-sightedness  and  pusillanimity.  A  world-empire  must 
include  in  its  grasp  world-interests ;  whereas  Australasian  statesmen,  not 
unnaturally,  have  limited  their  gaze  to  the  horizon  of  the  Pacific.  Still,  who- 
ever has  been  right,  and  whoever  has  been  wrong — and  probably  both  parties 
have  been  to  some  extent  right  and  to  some  extent  wrong — still  the  melancholy 
result  has  been  the  same,  friction  and  distrust.  From  the  time  that  Queensland 
annexed  New  Guinea  and  found  its  action  repudiated  and  annulled  by  the 
Imperial  authorities,  there  has  been  an  absence  of  clear  understanding  between 
the  Imperial  and  the  Colonial  authorities.  It  is  clear  from  the  guarded  language 
used  in  Lord  Granville's  "  Life  "  that  Bismarck  and  the  German  authorities  com- 
pletely bamboozled  Mr.  Eobert  Meade,  the  British  envoy  to  Berlin  in  1884, 
respecting  the  New  Guinea  question,  and  it  is  possible  that,  had  Mr.  Meade  been 
accompanied  by  an  Australasian  public  man  with  personal  knowledge  of  the 
subject,  a  less  unfavourable  settlement  might  have  been  attained.  How 


430   THE  DOMINIONS  AND  THE  PEACE  SETTLEMENT. 

natural  was  the  resentment  in  Australia  may  be  seen  from  the  frank  language 
of  Lord  Fitzmaurice  in  his  "  Life  of  Lord  Granville." 

The  difficulty  of  the  situation  lay  in  the  fact  that,  in  order  to  conciliate  Germany 
in  New  Guinea  and  the  neighbouring  seas,  it  was  necessary  to  run  the  risk  of  flouting 
the  demands  of  British  and  Colonial  opinion.  Lord  Granville,  and  still  more  Lord 
Derby,  hesitated  to  do  so  ;  and  in  Mr.  Childers,  whose  early  career  had  been  in  Australia, 
Lord  Derby  found  an  active  coadjutor.  Mr.  Gladstone,  however,  dominated  the 
situation  with  his  own  determined  will.  He  saw  that  a  choice  had  to  be  made, 
and  recognised  that  the  continued  hostility  of  Germany  was  a  danger  greater  than 
that  of  the  irritation  of  the  Australian  Colonies  about  New  Guinea  and  the  Pacific 
Islands. 

In  other  words,  it  might  be  said  he  preferred  to  submit  to  blackmail,  especially 
when  it  was  Australian,  not  directly  British,  interests  which  were  involved 
in  the  sacrifice. 

Take  the  question  of  the  New  Hebrides,  the  Imperial  treatment  of  which 
has  been  always  severely  condemned  by  the  Colonies.  In  1903,  in  reply  to  a 
request  that  a  definite  attempt  should  be  made  to  secure  the  possession  of 
the  islands  by  some  readjustment,  whether  of  territory  or  privileges,  elsewhere, 
Mr.  Lyttelton  maintained  that  it  would  be  "  difficult  to  explain  to  His  Majesty's 
subjects  in  another  part  of  the  Empire  why  their  interests  should  be  sacrificed 
in  order  to  obtain  for  Australia  the  whole  of  the  New  Hebrides."  The  British 
Government  had  always  to  remember  that  they  were  "  trustees  for  the  whole 
of  the  Empire,  for  this  country  and  for  the  other  Colonies  as  well  as  for  Australia." 
Australasian  public  opinion,  though  for  the  time  silenced,  was  by  no  means 
convinced  ;  and  when  in  1906  a  Convention  was  held  in  London  between 
representatives  of  the  British  and  the  French  Governments  to  deal  with  the 
position  of  the  New  Hebrides,  by  establishing  a  Condominiun  of  Great  Britain 
and  France  in  that  group,  it  was  most  unfortunate  that  representatives  from 
the  Commonwealth  and  New  Zealand  were  not,  in  any  way,  participants  in 
that  Convention.  The  agreement  was  first  settled,  and  then  only  brought 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  Colonial  Governments  when  criticism  was  useless. 
When  the  Australian  Governments  protested  against  the  drawing  up  of  a 
Convention  without  their  being  consulted,  the  Secretary  of  State  curtly 

informed  the  two  Governments  that  other  interests  than  French  or  British  were  being 
created  in  the  New  Hebrides ;  that  in  order  to  avoid  possible  complications  it  had 
been  suggested  to  the  French  Government  that  an  immediate  Joint  Protectorate 
should  be  proclaimed ;  that  the  French  Government  had  declined  to  accept  this  pro- 
posal, and  pressed  for  ratification  of  the  draft  Convention.  His  Majesty's  Government 
considered  that  the  immediate  ratification  of  the  Convention  was  the  best  course  to 
adopt,  but  they  desired  to  know  the  views  of  the  two  Governments.* 

In  this  state  of  things,  not  unnaturally, 

the  Governments  of  both  Australia  and  New  Zealand  declined  to  advise,  being  unable 
to  judge  either  of  the  possibility  of  obtaining  further  amendments  or  the  risk  of  further 
delay,  and  they  left  the  responsibility  with  His  Majesty's  Government.* 

*  Responsible  Government  in  the  Dominions,  by  A.  B.  Keith,  vol.  iii.,  p.  1139. 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.     431 

These  things  have  not  been  mentioned  with  any  idea  of  raking  up  old  griev- 
ances at  this  time  of  crisis,  when  the  Empire  is  speaking  and  acting  as  a  single  unit, 
but  because  it  is  right  to  profit  by  past  experiences  and  to  take  care  to  avoid 
past  mistakes.  It  may  well  be  that,  in  the  coming  settlement,  the  natural 
claims  of  Australasia  will  be  wholly  satisfied,  and  that  in  the  remodelling  of 
the  world  map,  the  New  Hebrides  may  fall  to  Great  Britain,  with  the  full 
consent  and  approval  of  France.  But,  however  this  may  be,  let  us  at  least 
make  sure  that,  whatever  the  conclusion  reached,  it  shall  have  first  received 
the  sanction  and  approval  of  the  Governments  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand. 

H.  E.  EGEBTON. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

III. — THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  LEAGUE. 

"  All  we  who  are  members  of  the  League  are  at  liberty  to  hold  our  own  opinions, 
and  to  advocate  this  or  the  other  form  of  political  or  organic  change  :  but  as  an 
association  our  aim  is  to  bring  about  closer  connection  with  the  Colonies,  by  means 
of  better  commercial  relations,  by  means  of  improved  communications,  by  means 
of  increased  sympathy  with  each  other,  of  increased  knowledge  of  each  other." 
— Spencer  Compton  Cavendish,  Eighth  Duke  of  Devonshire,  First  President 
of  the  British  Empire  League. 

THE  principal  founder  of  the  British  Empire  League  was  Sir  John  Lubbock, 
afterwards  Lord  Avebury.  As  President  of  the  City  of  London  Branch  of  the 
Imperial  Federation  League  he  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the 
League,  held  on  November  24,  1893,  when  he  spoke  and  voted  against  the 
dissolution  of  the  League,  which  however  was  carried  by  a  bare  majority  of  those 
present  and  voting. 

Eealising  the  importance  of  the  continuance  of  the  movement  to  secure 
the  permanent  unity  of  the  Empire,  he  without  delay  consulted  the  branches 
of  the  League  in  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire.  A  meeting  was  held  in  his 
house  at  2  St.  James's  Square  on  July  20, 1894,  when  it  was  decided  to  establish 
the  British  Empire  League.  Among  others  attending  this  meeting  were  -the 
late  Lord  Eoberts,  the  late  Lord  Strathcona  (then  Sir  Donald  Smith),  Sir 
Charles  Tupper,  the  Hon.  T.  A.  Brassey  (now  Viscount  Hythe),  and  Colonel 
George  T.  Denison,  who  was  present  in  his  capacity  as  President  of  the  Imperial 
Federation  League  in  Canada,  accompanied  by  members  of  a  deputation  who 
had  come  over  from  Canada  specially  for  the  purpose  of  reorganising  the 
movement. 

During  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1894,  promises  of  support  for  the  establish- 
ment of  the  League  were  obtained  from  leading  men  in  the  City  of  London ;  and 
when  a  deputation  waited  upon  the  late  Duke  of  Devonshire  at  the  House  of 
Lords  in  April  1895,  for  the  purpose  of  inviting  him  to  become  the  first  President 
of  the  League,  Sir  John  Lubbock,  in  introducing  the  deputation,  handed  a 


482     KINDRED   SOCIETIES-PAST  AND   PRESENT. 

scroll  to  the  Duke  which  he  said  contained  the  most  important  list  of  signatures, 
in  his  opinion,  that  had  ever  emanated  from  the  City  of  London.  The  Duke 
accepted  the  position  of  President,  and  the  late  Sir  Robert  Herbert,  who  had 
shortly  before  retired  from  the  office  of  Permanent  Under-Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies,  became  the  first  Chairman  of  Executive  of  the  League.  Sir 
John  Lubbock  was  elected  Honorary  Treasurer  with  Mr.  W.  Herbert  Daw, 
who  had  been  Honorary  Treasurer  of  the  City  of  London  Branch  of  the  Imperial 
Federation  League,  as  Deputy  Honorary  Treasurer.  The  Duke  of  Devonshire 
continued  to  hold  the  post  of  President  until  May  1904 — a  period  of  nine  years — 
when  he  became  a  Vice-President,  and  the  late  Lord  Derby  took  his  place  as 
President  of  the  League,  which  position  he  occupied  until  his  death  in  June  1908, 
when  the  League  was  fortunate  to  secure  the  present  Duke  of  Devonshire  as  its 
third  President,  an  office  which  he  still  holds. 

When  Sir  Eobert  Herbert  died  in  May  1905,  his  place  was  taken  by  the  late 
Lord  Selby,  who  continued  as  Chairman  of  Executive  until  his  death  in 
November  1909,  when  the  late  Sir  Walter  Hely-Hutchinson  succeeded.  He 
also  occupied  the  Chair  until  his  death,  and  was  followed  by  Lord  Chelmsford 
who  resigned  in  August  of  last  year  to  proceed  to  India  with  his  Territorial 
battalion,  and  Lord  Sydenham  has  now  become  Chairman  of  Executive  with 
Lord  Blyth  as  Vice- Chairman. 

Sir  John  Lubbock,  afterwards  Lord  Avebury,  held  the  post  of  Honorary 
Treasurer  until  his  death  when  he  was  succeeded  by  the  late  Lord  Eothschild. 

During  the  time  that  all  these  changes  have  taken  place,  Mr.  Daw  *  has 
retained  the  office  of  Deputy  Honorary  Treasurer. 

Among  the  distinguished  Vice-Presidents  are  the  Lord  Mayor,  the  Governor 
of  the  Bank  of  England,  the  Prime  Minister,  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Mr.  Balfour,  Sir 
Edward  Grey,  Mr.  Bonar  Law  and  the  High  Commissioners  of  the  Dominions. 

The  Inaugural  Meeting  of  the  League  was  held  at  the  Mansion  House,  with 
the  Lord  Mayor  in  the  chair,  in  January  1896,  when  Sir  John  Lubbock  and  Sir 
Robert  Herbert  were  the  principal  speakers.  The  first  appearance  of  the  Duke 
of  Devonshire  on  the  platform  of  the  League  took  place  at  the  Guildhall  on 
December  3, 1896,  when  the  Lord  Mayor  again  presided.  In  the  course  of  his 
speech  the  Duke  said  : — 

The  Imperial  Federation  League  was  founded  to  carry  out  tlie  idea  of  Imperial 
Unity.  It  has  been  presided  over,  and  its  proceedings  have  been  guided,  by  practical 
statesmen,  such  as  the  late  Mr.  Forster,  Lord  Rosebery,  and  the  late  Mr.  Stanhope. 
Others  who  have  not  been  directly  connected  with  the  Federation  League  have  warmly 
sympathised  in  its  objects.  The  present  Prime  Minister  described  the  subject  brought 
before  him  by  a  deputation  from  that  League  as  one  involving  neither  more  nor  less 
than  the  future  of  the  British  Empire.  Mr.  Chamberlain,  the  present  Secretary  of 
the  Colonies,  has  never  concealed  his  sympathy  with  the  objects  of  the  late  Federation 
League.  That  League  did  a  great  deal  to  call  public  attention  to  this  question, 
and  to  bring  it  home  to  the  minds  of  men  both  in  the  Colonies  and  at  home.  The 

*  Mr.  C.  Freeman  Murray  has  been  Secretary  of  the  British  Empire  League  since  its  com- 
mencement, and  has  been  closely  identified  with  all  its  activities.  (Ed:  UNITED  EMPIRE.) 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.     433 

most  important  step  which  has  ever  been  taken  in  the  direction  of  Imperial  Unity 
was  in  some  degree  owing  to  the  exertions  of  the  late  Imperial  Federation  League. 
When,  in  the  year  1887,  a  Conference  met  in  London,  presided  over  by  Imperial 
statesmen,  attended  by  the  most  prominent  men  from  all  our  Colonies,  which  discussed 
and  arrived  at  practical  conclusions  on  a  large  number  of  subjects  of  common  interest, 
it  almost  justified,  if  it  did  not  completely  justify,  the  declaration  which  was  made 
respecting  it  by  Lord  Rosebery — that  the  mere  assembling  and  deliberations  of  that 
Conference  had  brought  about  the  commencement  of  Imperial  Federation.  Unhappily 
that  Conference  has  not  been  followed,  as  it  was  hoped  might  have  been  the  case,  by 
others  of  the  same  character,  and,  with  the  exception  of  that  which  was  held  a  few  years 
ago  at  Ottawa — which,  not  meeting  at  the  centre  of  the  Empire,  of  course  attracted 
less  attention,  and,  perhaps,  gave  less  importance  to  its  deliberations — those  Colonial 
Conferences  have  not  been  since  repeated  ;  and  in  the  steps  which  have  been  taken 
since  1887  with  the  object  of  accelerating  and  completing  the  work  which  was  begun, 
another  of  those  checks  I  have  referred  to  has  been  met  with  by  the  advocates  of 
this  cause.  In  response  to  an  invitation  of  Lord  Salisbury  the  late  Federation  League 
undertook  to  prepare  the  outlines  of  a  scheme  of  confederation  which  it  was  hoped 
might  form  the  subject  of  discussion  at  another  Conference.  As  it  turned  out,  that 
enterprise  was  one  of  too  ambitious  a  character.  No  action  followed  upon  the  pre- 
paration of  that  scheme,  and  partly,  I  think,  in  consequence  of  differences  of  opinion 
which  arose  within  the  League  in  regard  to  it,  partly  from  other  causes  into  which 
it  is  not  necessary  that  I  should  now  enter,  the  preparation  of  that  scheme  was  shortly 
followed  by  the  dissolution,  by  its  own  act,  of  the  Imperial  Federation  League.  Some 
of  its  members,  however,  declined  to  accept  the  rebuff  or  the  reverse  which  they  had 
thus  sustained.  Some  of  them  thought  that  a  great  blow  would  be  struck  at  the 
cause  of  Imperial  Unity  if  the  work  on  which  that  League  had  been  engaged  should 
be  entirely  suspended,  and  while  they  recognised  that  its  importance  must  in  some 
degree  be  modified,  while  it  became  necessary  that  its  objects  should  be  of  a  less 
ambitious  character — a  less  ambitious  or  daring  character — it  was  thought  that  the 
duty  of  informing  and  educating  the  public  mind,  which  had  been  usefully  and 
successfully  undertaken  by  the  League,  might  still  be  continued,  and  that  was  the 
purpose  with  which  this  British  Empire  League  had  been  constituted,  with  the  object 
of  continuing  the  operations  of  the  late  League — of  its  predecessor — so  far  as  they 
have  been  of  value,  and  it  is  hoped  that  this  humbler  aim  may  at  least  have  the  effect 
of  preparing  the  way  for  the  consideration  of  larger  plans,  which  in  the  opinion  of 
some  are  still  within  the  possibility  of  realisation. 

IMPERIAL  DEFENCE. 

In  connection  with  the  defence  of  the  Empire,  two  circumstances  may  be 
mentioned  to  show  that  the  authorities  of  the  League  have  borne  this  all-im- 
portant question  in  mind,  although  they  have  not  thought  it  was  wise  to  attempt 
any  interference  between  the  various  Governments  of  the  Empire.  Whilst 
many  were  urging  that  demands  should  be  made  upon  the  self-governing 
Dominions  to  contribute  financially  towards  Imperial  Defence,  the  League 
has  kept  an  even  keel  on  the  subject,  and  has  constantly  advocated  co-operation 
for  defence  by  each  portion  organising  its  own  forces,  which  would  be  available 
for  the  defence  of  the  whole  should  occasion  arise.  In  this  connection  a 


434     KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT. 

deputation  waited  upon  the  late  Lord  Goschen  when  he  was  First  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty  on  July  27,  1898,  in  reference  to  the  question  of  the  desirability 
of  Colonial  seamen  being  enrolled  in  the  Eoyal  Naval  Reserve.  The  deputa- 
tion was  introduced  by  Sir  Eobert  Herbert,  and  Lord  Brassey  was  one  of  the 
speakers.  In  reply  Lord  Goschen  said  : — 

I  will  send  out  our  rules  applied  to  the  Keserves  to  the  Commanders-in-Chief  on 
the  different  stations.  They  will  then  confer  with  the  various  Ministers  and  Governors, 
and  we  will  see  what  the  Colonial  Governments  say  to  it,  and,  what  is  more  important, 
what  the  seafaring  population  say  to  it — whether  they  will  accept  the  same  conditions 
as  those  which  are  now  readily  accepted  in  this  country.  .  .  ; 

...  I  do  not  disguise  from  you  that  there  are  considerable  difficulties  in  the  matter 
which  have  hitherto  arrested  any  progress  at  all,  but  I  think  I  have  made  a  fair  offer 
and  an  offer  which  will  test  the  real  sincerity  not  of  the  Governments  of  the  Colonies, 
because  I  believe  them  to  be  sincere,  but  the  reality  of  the  possibility  that  we  should 
be  able  to  increase  to  any  extent  our  Reserve. 

The  following  branches  of  the  Eoyal  Naval  Eeserve  have  been  estab- 
lished in  the  Colonies  since  the  date  of  this  deputation : — 

Tear  in  which 
enrolments  commenced. 

Newfoundland  Eoyal  Naval  Eeserve  .         .         .  1903 

Malta  „  „  ...  1904 

Australian  „          „  „  ...  1904* 

New  Zealand         „  „  ...  1904* 

The  following  branch  of  the  Eoyal  Naval  Volunteer  Eeserve  has  also 
been  established : — 

South  Africa,  Eoyal  Naval  Volunteer  Eeserve          .     1913 

The  other  occasion  referred  to  was  in  relation  to  the  appointment  of  Sir 
Frederick  Borden,  then  Minister  of  Militia  for  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  to  be 
a  Member  of  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  in  the  autumn  of  1903.  The 
appointment  was  made  by  Mr.  Balfour,  who  was  then  Prime  Minister,  and  it 
was  openly  stated  that  a  debate  was  to  be  raised  on  the  meeting  of  Parliament 
in  February  for  the  purpose  of  criticising  Mr.  Balfour's  action — the  argument 
being  used  that  a  representative  of  the  Government  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
should  not  take  part  in  the  control  of  Imperial  Defence  until  the  Dominion 
was  prepared  to  pay  its  share  of  the  cost.  In  order  to  anticipate  any  action 
in  Parliament,  a  meeting  of  the  Council  was  held  at  Westminster  Palace  Hotel 
on  February  1,  1904,  with  Mr.  Haldane  (now  Lord  Haldane)  in  the  chair,  when 
Mr.  Asquith  moved  the  following  resolution  which  was  unanimously  adopted : 

(a)  That  this  Council  expresses  its  satisfaction  at  the  step  which  has  been  taken  in 
the  direction  of  Imperial  military  co-operation  by  the  admission  of  the  Hon.  Sir 
Frederick  Borden,  K.C.M.G.,  Minister  of  Militia  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  to  the 
deliberations  of  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence  ;  (b)  that  the  congratulations 

*  These  are  dates  of  establishment  as  Imperial  Reserves.  Since  then  these  Eeserves  have 
been  merged  in  the  Australian  and  New  Zealand  Naval  Forces. 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.     435 

of  the  Council  be  offered  to  the  Canadian  Government  upon  the  inclusion  of  one  of 
its  Ministers  in  the  Imperial  Committee,  which  deals  with  an  Imperial  question,  and 
appreciates  this  great  advance  towards  an  Imperial  union. 

In  speaking  from  the  chair,  Mr.  Haldane  said  : — 

What  has  brought  us  together  is  the  very  important  step  which  forms 
the  subject  of  the  resolution  before  you.  I  will  not  enter  into  the  details  of  that  step, 
because  they  are  the  subject  of  the  resolution,  but  I  do  wish  to  say  that  I  think  we 
in  this  League  may  congratulate  ourselves  on  the  spirit  and  language  of  the  very 
important  speech  made  by  the  Prime  Minister  at  Manchester  on  the  second  day 
of  his  visit  there,  in  which  he  announced  that  outside  any  controversy  he  had  found 
a  policy  which,  quite  consistently  with  any  political  views,  he  considered  might  be 
pursued  with  the  object  of  consolidating  and  building  up  the  Empire — the  policy  of 
bringing  in  representatives  of  the  different  distant  dominions  of  the  Crown  into  council. 

Mr.  Asquith,  in  moving  the  Eesolution,  said  : — 

At  your  last  meeting  you  passed  a  resolution  in  which  you  hailed  with  satis- 
faction the  reconstitution  upon  an  enlarged  scale,  and  by  the  infusion  of  new  and 
valuable  elements,  of  this  Committee  of  Imperial  Defence.  We  have  seen,  as  the 
Chairman  has  reminded  us,  in  the  papers  to-day,  an  announcement  that  a  still  larger 
scheme  is  about  to  be  launched,  upon  which,  even  if  it  were  not  premature  to  do  so, 
this,  of  course,  would  not  be  the  occasion  to  express  any  concluded  judgment.  But 
whatever  precise  form  that  body  may  take,  however  much  may  be  the  extension  of 
the  functions  with  which  it  is  entrusted,  I  think  we  here  shall  all  agree  that  it  cannot 
but  be  strengthened  for  the  proper  work  it  has  to  do  by  the  admission  from  time  to 
time  of  trustworthy  and  authentic  exponents  of  Colonial  opinion. 

It  was  due  to  the  influence  of  our  present  Lord  Chancellor  that  this  meeting 
of  the  Council  was  held  and  the  result  of  the  passing  of  this  Eesolution  the  day 
before  Parliament  reassembled  was  to  cut  the  ground  from  under  the  feet  of 
any  of  those  who  wished  to  criticise  Mr.  Balfour's  action  in  a  carping  spirit. 
It  is  well  at  this  juncture  to  bear  testimony  to  this  fact. 

IMPERIAL  CONFERENCES. 

The  activities  of  the  League  have  been  many  and  displayed  in  various  direc- 
tions. On  the  dissolution  of  the  Imperial  Federation  League,  before  the  estab- 
lishment of  periodical  Conferences  of  representatives  of  the  self-governing  com- 
munities of  the  Empire,  which  it  had  declared  was  the  first  step  to  be  aimed  at, 
the  British  Empire  League  was  the  only  body  that  continued  the  advocacy  of 
this  policy.  It  was  only  right,  therefore,  that  when  Mr.  Chamberlain  organised 
the  first  Conference  attended  by  the  Prime  Ministers  of  the  Empire,  the 
League  should  take  a  prominent  part  in  their  reception  and  entertainment. 
The  Duke  of  Devonshire,  as  its  President,  journeyed  to  Liverpool  to  receive 
Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  when  he  first  landed  on  the  shores  of  Great  Britain. 
The  Duke  addressed  a  meeting  of  the  Liverpool  branch  of  the  League 
in  St.  George's  Hall,  and  attended  and  spoke  at  a  banquet  given  by 
the  Liverpool  Chamber  of  Commerce  in  the  evening.  This  was  the  prelude 


436      KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

to  a  memorable  tour  taken  by  the  Prime  Ministers  and  their  parties 
as  guests  of  the  League  to  Edinburgh,  Glasgow,  Liverpool  and  Manchester. 
In  many  other  ways,  the  League  was  associated  with  the  movements  of  the 
Prime  Ministers ;  and  so  satisfactory  were  the  arrangements  made  by  the 
League  that  when  another  Conference  of  Prime  Ministers  was  held  in  1902  in 
connection  with  the  Coronation  of  King  Edward  VII,  the  whole  arrangements 
for  the  entertainment  of  those  attending  the  Conference,  outside  their  official 
engagements,  were  entrusted  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  to  the  League,  which  again 
took  its  usual  part  during  the  Imperial  Conferences  of  1907  and  1911. 

An  interesting  incident  occurred  in  1907  which  happily  illustrates  the 
consideration  which  King  Edward  VII  always  showed  to  his  subjects.  Arrange- 
ments had  been  made  for  the  Prime  Ministers  to  receive  the  Freedom  of  the  City 
of  Edinburgh  and  Honorary  Degrees  of  Edinburgh  University.  They  were  to 
start  from  London  on  a  certain  Thursday  evening,  but  on  the  previous  Tuesday 
an  announcement  appeared  in  the  Press  that  the  King  had  arranged  to  receive 
the  Prime  Ministers  on  Friday  morning  in  order  to  swear  them  in  as  Privy 
Councillors.  Consternation  prevailed  in  Edinburgh.  A  gentleman  was  ap- 
pointed to  represent  both  the  Municipality  and  the  University  of  Edinburgh, 
who  made  a  special  visit  to  London  and  had  an  interview  with  Lord  Knollys 
at  Buckingham  Palace  on  Wednesday  morning.  Lord  Knollys  explained  the 
difficulty  to  the  King,  and  His  Majesty  at  once  arranged  to  receive  the  Prime 
Ministers  on  Thursday  afternoon  in  order  that  they  could  start  for  Edinburgh 
at  the  appointed  time. 

THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  WAR. 

The  Imperial  Concert  was  organised  by  the  League  at  the  Albert  Hall  on 
February  7,  1900,  when  a  sum  of  £3,600  was  realised  and  distributed  among 
the  Dominion  Governments  for  widows  and  orphans  of  members  of  the  Colonial 
Forces  who  fell  in  the  South  African  War. 

On  April  30,  1900,  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  presided  at  a  grand  banquet 
given  by  the  League  at  the  Hotel  Cecil  in  recognition  of  the  services  rendered 
by  the  Colonial  Troops  in  South  Africa.  Among  those  present  were  :  King 
Edward  VII  (then  Prince  of  Wales) ;  the  present  King  (then  Duke  of  York) ; 
the  late  Duke  of  Cambridge  ;  the  late  Lord  Salisbury  (Prime  Minister) ;  Lieut.- 
Colonel  George  T.  Denison  (President  of  the  British  Empire  League  in  Canada) ; 
Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  and  many  other  distinguished  men.  It  was  reported 
at  the  time  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  said  that,  in  his  opinion,  it  was  the  most 
important  dinner  that  had  ever  been  held  in  London  within  living  memory. 

IMPERIAL  COMMUNICATIONS. 

Among  other  matters  the  question  of  better  Imperial  communications  has 
formed  an  important  part  of  the  work  of  the  League.  The  following  letters 
received  by  the  Secretary  best  illustrate  this. 

Sir  William  Mulock  (then  Postmaster- General  of  Canada),  who  shared  with 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     437 

the  late  Sir  J.  Henniker  Heaton  the  honour  of  securing  Imperial  Penny  Postage, 
wrote  on  July  13, 1898  :— 

I  am  satisfied  that  the  work  of  the  British  ^Empire  League,  both  in  Canada  and 
here,  has  been  a  powerful  educational  force  in  removing  prejudices  and  brushing 
away  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  adoption  of  Penny  Post  within  the  Empire. 

Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  wrote  on  April  29,  1907  : — 

The  agreement  recently  arrived  at  between  His  Majesty's  Postmaster-General 
and  the  Dominion  Postmaster-General,  by  which  the  postage  from  the  United  Kingdom 
and  Canada  on  registered  newspapers,  magazines,  and  trade  journals,  is  to  be  reduced 
from  id.  to  Id.  per  lb.,  provides  me  with  an  opportunity  for  expressing  my  appreciation 
of  the  work  done  by  the  British  Empire  League  in  this  direction. 

I  know  the  League  has  repeatedly  advocated  that  some  such  reduction  should 
be  made,  and  I  am  confident  that  the  resolutions  which  it  has  passed  from  time  to 
time  have  done  much  to  keep  the  question  alive.  It  must  therefore  be  particularly 
gratifying  to  its  members  that  its  efforts  have  thus  been  crowned  with  success. 

In  June  1912,  the  League  at  the  Guildhall  gave  a  public  welcome  to  the  late 
Sir  J.  Henniker  Heaton  on  his  return  from  a  visit  to  Australia,  in  recognition  of 
the  valuable  services  rendered  by  him  to  the  cause  of  Postal  Eeform  and  the 
cheapening  of  the  cable  rates  between  the  various  parts  of  the  Empire.  Lord 
Curzon  of  Kedleston  made  the  principal  speech,  and  an  illuminated  album  was 
presented  to  Sir  Henniker  containing  the  signatures  of  leading  men  in  all  walks 
of  life  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

FRANCO-BRITISH  EXHIBITION  AND  BRITISH  EMPIRE  CLUB. 

During  the  time  that  Lord  Derby  was  President  of  the  League,  he  advanced 
two  very  important  projects — the  holding  of  the  Franco-British  Exhibition  and 
the  establishment  of  the  British  Empire  Club.  It  was  in  his  capacity  as 
President  of  the  League  that  he  became  President  of  the  Franco-British  Exhibi- 
tion and  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  state  that  without  the  influence  that  Lord 
Derby  exerted — ably  assisted  by  the  late  Lord  Selby,  Lord  Blyth,  and  Sir  John 
Cockburn — that  successful  Exhibition  would  never  have  taken  place  and  in  all 
probability  the  White  City  would  not  have  been  built. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  League,  held  January  18, 1905,  Sir  Eobert 
Herbert  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  Council  for  the  establishment  of  the  British 
Empire  Club.  Unfortunately,  he  died  in  the  following  May,  but  Lord  Derby 
took  up  the  proposal  warmly  and  obtained  considerable  support.  It  was 
through  his  exertions  that  the  freehold  of  12  St.  James's  Square  was  purchased 
in  June  1908.  The  sudden  death  of  Lord  Derby  immediately  after  the  com- 
pletion of  the  purchase  delayed  the  establishment  of  the  Club,  but  the  Duke 
of  Devonshire  accepted  the  two  positions  of  President  of  the  League  and 
Chairman  of  the  Club.  The  inaugural  banquet  of  the  Club  was  held  at  the 
Guildhall  in  July  1909,  and  the  Club  was  opened  on  January  1, 1910.  Each  year 
that  has  passed,  the  Club  has  become  better  known  as  a  social  centre  of  the 
Empire.  Members  of  the  Club  have  the  privilege  of  introducing,  as  temporary 


438     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

Honorary  Members,  friends  on  a  visit  to  the  United  Kingdom.  This  privilege 
has  been  very  largely  taken  advantage  of,  and  is  much  appreciated  by  the 
visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 

CAPTAIN  COOK  MEMOEIAL. 

Mr.  Herbert  Samuel,  who  has  been  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  League  from  its  establishment,  brought  a  proposal  on  November  23, 1908, 
before  the  Committee  that  a  memorial  should  be  erected  to  Captain  Cook,  the 
great  explorer.  A  letter  had  previously  appeared  in  The  Times  from  Sir  Joseph 
Carruthers,  ex-Premier  of  New  South  Wales,  drawing  attention  to  the  fact 
that  no  such  memorial  existed  in  London. 

A  representative  and  influential  committee  was  formed,  of  which  His  Majesty 
the  King  (then  Prince  of  Wales)  graciously  acted  as  Honorary  Chairman  with 
Mr.  Herbert  Samuel  as  Chairman  and  Lord  Brassey  as  Hon.  Treasurer,  to  carry 
out  the  necessary  arrangements.  Funds  were  raised  and  the  work  was  entrusted 
to  Sir  Thomas  Brock,  E.A.  A  life-sized  bronze  statue  was  erected  in  the  Mall 
close  to  the  Admiralty  Arch  and  was  unveiled  by  H.E.H.  Prince  Arthur  of 
Connaught  on  July  7,  1914,  and  bears  the  following  inscription  : — 

Captain  James  Cook,  R.N.,  F.R.S. 
Born  1728  ;  Died  1779. 

Circumnavigator  of  the  Globe.  Explorer  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  British  Empire  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand. 

Unveiled  by  H.R.H.  Prince  Arthur  of  Connaught  on  behalf  of  the  British  Empire 
League,  7th  July  1914. 

THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE  BE  VIEW. 

The  first  number  of  "  The  British  Empire  Review,"  the  monthly  organ 
of  the  League,  was  published  in  July  1899.  An  outstanding  feature  of  the 
Review  is  the  contribution  of  Notes  from  Special  Correspondents  hi  all  parts 
of  the  Empire. 

THE  LEAGUE  AND  THE  WAR. 

The  sanction  having  been  obtained  from  Lord  Kitchener  in  August  last  for 
the  raising  of  the  2nd  King  Edward's  Horse,  the  League  was  invited  to  organise 
and  administer  the  regiment.  For  the  purpose  an  administration  committee 
was  formed,  with  the  Duke  of  Sutherland  as  Chairman,  and  Lord  Lcnsdale 
became  Honorary  Colonel  of  the  regiment.  Funds  were  raised  for  the  complete 
equipment  including  maxims,  ambulance  wagons,  armoured  cars,  etc. — the  cost 
amounting  to  about  £17,000.  The  regiment  is  now  at  the  Front.  With  the 
authority  of  the  Army  Council,  the  35th  (B.E.L.)  Divisional  Ammunition 
Column  has  been  formed  and  is  in  training  at  Paddockhurst,  Worth,  one  of 
Lord  Cowdray's  estates  in  Sussex.  The  League  is  now  engaged  in  raising  the 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  439 

17th  (Service)  Battalion  of  the  King's  Royal  Rifle  Corps  (B.E.L.),  and  arrange- 
ments are  being  made  for  the  battalion  to  camp  at  Paddockhurst  also. 

The  activities  of  the  League  have  been  of  such  a  varied  character  that  it  is 
impossible,  in  an  article  of  this  kind,  to  cover  the  whole  of  the  ground ;  but 
the  above  gives  some  indication  of  the  work  which  has  carried  through. 
In  times  of  peace  and  plenty  the  need  for  the  League  is  not  so  much  appreciated 
as  when  the  Empire  ;s  in  stress  and  trouble.  This  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that 
during  the  South  African  War  a  record  was  established  by  the  number  of  now 
members  which  joined  in  twelve  months.  This  record  has  been  easily 
beaten  by  the  large  addition  to  the  membership  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
present  War. 

C.  FREEMAN  MURRAY. 


INDIA  AND  THE  WAR.* 

By  LIEUT  .-COLONEL   SIR  FRANCIS  YOUNGHUSBAND,  K.C.I.E. 

To  those  of  us  whose  sad  lot  it  is  to  remain  behind,  unable  to  take  active  part 
in  the  great  events  which  are  now  stirring  humanity  as  mankind  has  never  been 
moved  before,  there  falls  at  least  this  advantage  that  we  can  view  these  mighty 
happenings  with  the  composure  which  distance  permits,  and  can  seize  their  true 
significance  with  perhaps  greater  certainty  than  even  the  chief  actors  in  them  can 
apprehend.  The  very  highest  participators  in  the  tremendous  drama  day  by  day 
unfolding  itself — Emperors,  Chancellors,  Ministers,  Commanders — are  all  caught 
up  in  such  a  vortex  of  events,  and  are  swept  so  swiftly  on  from  one  to  another,  that 
they  can  scarcely  have  breathing  space  in  which  to  mark  the  deeper  meaning  of  any 
particular  event.  And  it  would  be  a  marvel  indeed  if  their  imagination  was  not 
dimmed  and  their  sensitiveness  deadened  by  the  very  monotony  with  which  one 
stupendous  event  succeeds  another.  And  if  this  be  so  with  the  principal  actors, 
how  much  more  likely  is  it  to  be  with  those  who  play  a  humbler  part,  and  who,  having 
the  chance  of  seeing  only  one  small  portion  of  the  field,  must  by  necessity  be  absorbed 
in  the  work  immediately  before  their  eyes  ! 

But  we  who  are  mere  onlookers  have  at  any  rate  the  opportunity  of  select- 
ing from  among  the  rush  of  events,  as  they  shoot  by  us,  those  few  which  are  of 
primary  significance.  And  we  can  then,  with  the  ampler  leisure  at  our  disposal, 
probe  into  them  to  discover  their  inner  meaning.  We  may  not  be  possessed 
of  the  full  details  of  what  has  happened.  But  that  need  not  trouble  us.  We  have 
the  great  broad  facts  before  us,  and  that  should  be  sufficient  for  our  purpose.  For 
if  our  sense  is  fine  enough,  we  shall  soon  appreciate  the  eloquence  with  which  a  fact 
can  speak. 

Now  the  event  which  I  shall  examine  this  evening  is  the  arrival  in  Marseilles 
harbour  last  September  of  a  stately  procession  of  transports  bearing  troops  from 
India  to  fight  in  France,  for  France  and  England  against  Germany.  That  was  a 

*  Paper  read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  held  at  the  Whitehall  Rooms,  Hdtel 
Metropole,  on  Tuesday,  May  11,  1915,  the  Right  Hon.  Charles  E.  H.  Hobhouse,  M.P.,  in  the  Chair. 

2  a 


440  INDIA  AND  THE  WAR. 

great  event.  Our  attention  ac  the  time  was  hurried  past  it  to  innumerable  others  which 
quickly  followed  ;  and  we  had  hardly  time  to  grasp  its  meaning.  But  it  is  full  of 
such  wonderful  significance  that  we  will  do  well  to  look  back  for  a  moment  and  reflect 
on  what  was  implied  in  that  single  fact  of  the  arrival  of  Indian  troops  to  fight  for  us 
in  Europe. 

War  is  the  great  test  of  nations.  War  on  this  vast  scale  is  the  supreme  test  of 
our  work  in  India.  Have  we  conducted  our  rule  in  India  so  harshly  during  the  last 
two  centuries  that  the  320  million  inhabitants  would  seize  this  tempting  opportunity 
of  snapping  the  ties  which  bind  them  to  us  ?  Or  is  that  tie,  light  and  intangible 
though  it  be,  so  strong  that  in  the  crucial  hour  India  was  to  be  a  help  rather  than  a 
danger  ?  That  was  the  momentous  question  which  the  war  had  to  answer,  and 
the  answer  to  that,  and  to  that  other  great  question  whether  we  still  held  the  seas, 
was  given  in  the  arrival  of  those  transports  in  Marseilles. 

For  years  past  there  has  been  talk  of  sedition  in  India,  and  there  has  in  fact  been 
sedition.  And  if  there  was  sedition  in  peace  time — if  even  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace  men  were  preaching  the  overthrow  of  the  British — how  much  more  likely  it 
would  appear  that  in  a  time  of  war,  at  a  moment  when  the  British  Empire  was  fighting 
for  its  very  existence,  when  an  immensely  powerful  enemy  was  striking  at  its  heart, 
the  people  of  India  would  seize  so  favourable  an  opportunity  to  throw  off  the  hated 
yoke  and  drive  the  British  out  of  India  for  good  and  all !  It  would  seem  a  most  obvious 
conclusion  to  make.  And  we  can  quite  understand  that  people  with  nothing  else 
than  their  brains  and  the  calculation  of  cold  reason  to  guide  them  would  inevitably 
make  it.  We  are  not  surprised,  therefore,  to  hear  that  the  Germans  formed  such  an 
opinion.  For  the  last  twenty  years  India  has  been  full  of  their  agents,  and  they 
have  had  every  opportunity  of  collecting  information.  Travellers — from  the  Crown 
Prince  and  Grand  Dukes  downwards — consular  agents  of  considerable  social  position, 
officers  of  the  General  Staff,  journalists,  scientists,  business  men  and  merchants  of 
every  grade  and  standing — all  have  been  free  to  travel  wherever  they  liked  in  India, 
to  reside  there  as  long  as  they  liked,  and  to  talk  to  whomsoever  they  chose.  They 
knew  of  the  sedition.  They  could  read  all  the  inflammatory  articles  in  the  Native 
Press.  And  it  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  at  that  they  formed  the  very  natural  con- 
clusion that  when  England  was  fighting  for  her  life,  the  people  of  India  would  rise 
against  it.  This,  at  least,  was  the  opinion  the  Germans  did  form,  as  we  see  in  their 
published  statements.  But  the  ordinary  industrious,  painstaking,  mechanical  German 
observer,  with  his  head  crudely  full  of  the  superiority  of  German  Kultur,  and  the 
inferiority  of  everything  British,  was  not  the  most  likely  person  in  the  world  to  reach 
a  true  view  of  things.  To  understand  a  people  and  their  probable  action  something 
more  than  the  head  and  the  brain  are  required.  What  Germans  would  like  a  people 
to  do,  what  they  think  a  people  ought  to  do,  is  not  always  what  they  will  do.  The 
mist  of  desire  is  not  the  clearest  agency  through  which  to  view  things.  And  what 
people  do  in  ordinaiy  times  is  a  very  unsafe  guide  as  to  how  they  will  act  in  a  crisis. 
The  real  feelings  of  a  people  are  not  those  which  are  expressed  by  the  most  vocal  and 
loquacious  among  them.  So  it  turned  out  that  when  the  hurricane  broke  last  August 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  441 

the  Indians  acted  very  differently  from  what  many  besides  the  Germans  had  expected. 
The  day  of  the  talkers  was  over,  and  those  who  in  ordinary  times  had  no  need  or  call 
to  proclaim  their  loyalty  now  came  forward,  and  not  in  speech  but  in  action  showed 
what  their  sentiments  were. 

The  crisis  came  on  so  suddenly  that  it  was  inevitable  that  there  should  be  some 
slight  pause  before  Indian  sentiment  could  form.  But  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Asquith  and 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  cabled  out  to  India  at  great  length,  quickly  convinced  the  people 
that  we  were  fighting  in  a  just  and  righteous  cause.  And  once  they  had  realised  that, 
they  formed  their  opinion  as  decisively  as  we  in  England  did. 

So  the  Viceroy,  instead  of  having  to  apply  for  help  to  hold  India,  was  able  to  report 
a  wonderful  series  of  offers  of  assistance  received  from  throughout  the  Indian  Empire. 
The  rulers  of  the  Native  States,  numbering  nearly  seven  hundred  altogether,  with 
one  accord  rallied  to  the  defence  of  the  Empire,  and  offered  their  personal  services 
and  the  resources  of  their  States.  The  premier  Chief,  the  Nizam  of  Hyderabad,  who, 
as  Lord  Lansdowne  reminded  the  House  of  Lords,  governs  a  people  twice  as  numerous 
as  the  people  of  the  Netherlands,  and  three  times  as  numerous  as  the  people  of  Ireland, 
offered  a  contribution  of  £400,000  towards  the  cost  of  the  war,  and  in  particular  to 
defray  the  entire  expense  while  on  foreign  service  overseas  of  his  own  regiment  of 
Imperial  Service  Lancers,  and  of  the  20th  Deccan  Horse  (of  which  he  is  honorary 
Colonel).  The  Maharaja  of  Mysore  offered  50  lakhs  of  rupees  (£330,000).  The 
Gaekwar  of  Baroda  placed  at  our  disposal  the  whole  of  his  troops  and  the  resources 
of  his  State.  The  Maharaja  Scindia  of  Gwalior,  in  addition  to  sharing  in  the  expenses 
of  a  hospital  ship,  the  idea  of  which  originated  with  himself  and  the  Begum  of  Bhopal, 
offered  to  place  large  sums  of  money  at  the  disposal  of  the  Government  of  India  and 
to  provide  thousands  of  horses  as  remounts.  He  also  gave  a  Motor  Ambulance  Corps. 
The  Maharaja  of  Kashmir,  not  content  with  subscribing  himself  to  the  Indian  Fund, 
presided  at  a  meeting  of  20,000  people  held  at  Srinagar,  and  delivered  a  stirring  speech, 
in  response  to  which  large  subscriptions  were  collected.  The  Maharaja  Holkar  offered 
free  of  charge  all  the  horses  belonging  to  his  State  forces.  The  spirited  Maharaja  of 
Bikanir  offered  his  Camel  Corps,  and,  with  the  well-known  and  chivalrous  Sir  Pratab 
Singh  and  other  Chiefs,  came  himself  to  serve  in  France.  The  Aga  Khan,  in  addition 
to  directing  the  community — of  which  he  is  the  spiritual  head — to  place  their  personal 
services  and  resources  unreservedly  at  the  disposal  of  Government,  volunteered  to 
serve  as  a  private  in  any  infantry  regiment  of  the  Indian  Expeditionary  Force. 
These  are  only  typical  instances  of  offers  made,  and  letters  were  also  received  by  the 
Viceroy  from  the  most  remote  States,  and  from  Chiefs,  like  the  Mehtar  of  Chitral,  of 
border  tribes,  all  marked  by  deep  sincerity  of  desire  to  render  some  assistance,  however 
humble,  to  the  British  Government  in  its  hour  of  need. 

And  from  Eulers  beyond  our  border  also  came  generous  offers  of  assistance.  The 
Prime  Minister  of  Nepal  placed  the  military  resources  of  the  State  at  the  disposal  of 
the  British  Government,  and  presented  a  number  of  machine-guns.  The  Chief  of 
Bhutan,  on  the  borders  of  Tibet,  and  the  Arab  Chiefs  in  the  Aden  Hinterland  made 
generous  offers.  And,  lastly,  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet  offered  a  thousand  troops, 

202 


442  INDIA  AND  THE   WAR. 

and  stated  that  Lamas  innumerable  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Tibet 
were  offering  prayers  for  the  success  of  the  British  Army,  and  for  the  happiness  of  the 
souls  of  all  victims  of  war — a  welcome  change  from  the  time  when  he  sent  Lamas  to 
curse  us  for  a  week ;  and  a  change,  I  may  be  permitted  to  remark  in  parenthesis, 
which  is  not  likely  to  have  occurred  if  the  traditional  policy  of  our  Government  had 
been  the  policy  of  "  frightfulness  "  in  which  the  Germans  have  put  such  faith  in  their 
dealings  with  innocent  Belgium. 

Such  were  the  manifestations  of  loyalty,  sympathy,  and  friendliness  from  the 
feudatory  and  independent  Chiefs  with  whom  the  Government  of  India  is  in  relation- 
ship. From  the  people  under  the  direct  administration  of  that  Government  came 
equally  remarkable  demonstrations  of  attachment  to  the  British  cause.  In  the  Viceroy's 
Legislative  Council  Sir  G.  Chitnavis,  representing  the  Indian  community,  asked  the 
Viceroy  to  assure  His  Majesty  that  in  this  hour  of  crisis  the  whole  country  was  with 
him,  and  would  loyally  and  devotedly  do  everything  possible  to  ensure  the  success  of 
the  British  arms ;  and  he  moved  a  resolution  designed  to  voice  the  feeling 
that  animated  the  whole  of  the  people  of  India,  and  to  give  expression  to  their 
feelings  of  unswerving  loyalty  and  enthusiastic  devotion  to  their  King-Emperor, 
and  an  assurance  of  their  unflinching  support  to  the  British  Government ;  and  adding 
an  expression  of  opinion  that  the  people  of  India,  in  addition  to  the  military  assistance 
now  being  offered  by  India  to  the  Empire,  would  wish  to  share  in  the  heavy  financial 
burden  now  imposed  by  the  war  on  the  United  Kingdom. 

Sir  G.  Chitnavis  said  that  though  there  might  be  internal  difficulties  and  differences 
of  opinion  within  the  English  Empire,  in  face  of  outside  danger  all  rally  round  England 
to  support  the  Empire  of  which  all  are  proud  to  be  citizens.  Indians  of  all  ranks, 
religions,  and  opinions  hoped  for  England's  victory  with  loyal  sentiment  based  on 
gratitude,  contentment,  and  confidence  in  the  future.  The  maintenance  of  British 
rule  was  an  essential  condition  of  the  moral  and  material  progress  of  the  country.  And 
a  further  and  nobler  reason  for  India's  support  of  the  British  cause  was  complete 
confidence  in  the  justice  of  it  as  proved  by  published  correspondence. 

The  motion  was  seconded  by  one  of  the  principal  Mohammedan  leaders,  the  Rajah 
of  Mahmudabad,  who  said  that  it  represented  the  very  essence  of  Indian  public  opinion, 
and  that  the  entire  resources  of  India  in  men  and  money  should  be  at  England's 
disposal. 

Mr.  Banerjee,  who  has  often  strongly  criticised  the  Government,  said  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Council  to  focus  the  sentiments  of  enthusiastic  loyalty  which  animated 
every  province  of  the  Empire,  and  they  desired  to  tell  the  world,  the  enemies  of  Eng- 
land, and  all  else  whom  it  might  concern,  that  their  loyalty  was  not  lip-deep ;  but 
behind  the  serried  ranks  of  one  of  the  finest  armies  in  the  world  were  the  vast  and 
multitudinous  races  and  peoples  of  India  bound  together  as  one  man. 

Every  one  of  the  non-official  members  present  also  spoke  in  favour  of  the  resolution. 
The  proceedings  were  marked  by  a  genuine  ring  of  enthusiasm,  and  the  resolution 
was  carried  without  a  single  dissentient. 

But  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  testimony  of  all  to  the  deep-seated  sense  of 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  443 

loyalty  in  the  Indian  people  was  a  speech  at  Poona  by  the  leader  Tilak,  who  had 
twice  been  imprisoned  for  sedition,  and  who  had  only  a  month  or  two  previously 
been  released  from  a  four  years'  term  of  imprisonment.  There  is  always  more  joy 
over  one  sinner  that  repenteth  rather  than  over  ninety-nine  just  persons  who  need 
no  repentance.  So  his  words  give  a  special  satisfaction.  Addressing  a  meeting  in 
his  native  town,  he  urged  the  people  to  sink  their  differences  and  to  support  the  Govern- 
ment in  every  possible  way.  "  The  presence  of  English  rulers,"  he  said,  "  was  de- 
sirable, even  from  the  point  of  view  of  Indian  self-interest." 

Such  being  the  feeling  behind  him  it  was  possible  for  Lord  Hardinge,  as  he  himself 
says,  with  confidence  and  pride  to  offer  to  His  Majesty  for  service  in  Europe  the 
largest  force  of  British  and  Indian  troops  that  has  ever  left  the  shores  of  India.  And 
thus  it  happened  that  70,000  troops  from  India  arrived  in  France  in  the  critical  days 
of  September  last.  We  are  now  accustomed  to  so  many  astonishing  facts  that  we 
hardly  realise  how  wonderful  a  thing  it  is  that  we  were  able  to  send  so  large  a  number. 
A  year  ago  it  would  have  been  thought  impossible.  Ten  thousand  troops  had  been 
sent  from  India  to  Natal  in  the  South  African  War.  But  no  one  would  have  supposed 
that  as  many  as  70,000  could  have  been  sent  as  far  away  as  to  France.  And  the 
specially  satisfactory  point  to  note  is  that  they  reached  the  fighting  line  in  the  very 
nick  of  time  when  they  were  most  urgently  needed.  They  arrived  when  the  Germans, 
foiled  in  their  rush  to  Paris,  were  making  their  tremendous  lunge  at  Calais.  Just 
at  the  moment  when  our  line,  thin  to  breaking  point,  had  to  hold  back  the  incessant 
and  terrific  onslaught  of  the  Germans,  this  contingent  of  troops  from  India  came 
upon  the  scene,  and  in  their  first  serious  action,  on  October  28,  carried  the  village  of 
Neuve  Chapelle,  since  become  so  famous.  Had  we  not  been  able  to  bring  up  these 
reinforcements  from  India,  had  our  position  there  been  so  precarious  that  we  could 
not  afford  to  take  them  away,  and  a  fortiori  had  we  been  under  necessity  to  send  out 
more  British  troops  to  strengthen  our  position  in  India,  then  in  all  probability  our 
troops  in  Flanders  would  not  have  been  able  to  stay  the  German  onrush,  and  our 
brave  little  army  would  have  been  swept  off  the  Continent.  That  Indians  were  able 
to  help  the  French,  the  Belgians,  and  ourselves  in  stopping  a  blow  which  the  Germans 
had  prepared  for  years  is  a  thing  of  which  they  may  be  proud,  and  for  which  we  should 
always  be  grutef  ul  to  them. 

Many  false  ideas  had  been  current  as  to  the  fighting  capacity  of  Indian  troops. 
Some  believed  them  to  be  capable  of  marvellous,  uncanny  warlike  feats  which  made 
them  more  terrible  fighting  men  than  British  soldiers.  Others,  when  the  Indians,  after 
weeks  and  weeks  of  the  cold  and  wet  and  darkness  of  trench  warfare  in  winter,  showed 
themselves  to  least  advantage,  were  inclined  to  go  to  the  opposite  extreme,  disparage 
them  and  consider  them  of  small  account.  Both  estimates  are  wrong.  The  Indian 
in  Indian  warfare  to  which  he  is  accustomed,  and  in  his  own  hot  climate,  may  some- 
times excel  the  British  soldier.  But  over  here  on  his  own  ground,  and  fighting  for 
his  own  country,  the  British  soldier  is  naturally  a  more  formidable  fighting  man  than 
the  Indian.  This,  however,  is  not  the  point.  The  point  is  that,  whether  the  Indian 
be  worse  or  better  than  the  British  soldier,  he  came  in  at  a  crucial  moment,  and  did 


444  INDIA   AND   THE   WAR. 

a  service  for  the  Empire  for  which  the  Empire  owes  him  gratitude.  We  should  there- 
fore freely  and  frankly  acknowledge  our  indebtedness  to  India,  and  recognise  that 
Indians  did  stand  by  us  nobly  in  the  hour  of  our  greatest  need,  and  when  we  required 
every  single  man  who  knew  how  to  form  fours  and  fire  a  rifle. 

And  it  is  not  only  in  France  that  India  is  fighting  the  battle  of  the  Empire.  In 
the  Persian  Gulf,  on  the  Suez  Canal,  in  China  and  in  East  Africa,  Indian  troops,  both 
those  of  our  own  service  and  those  in  the  service  of  the  Maharajas,  are  also  fighting. 

From  all  this  we  see  that  when  the  test  of  war  came  it  was  found  that  the  tie 
between  England  and  India  was  firm  and  tight  and  strong  and  taut.  Instead  of 
India  breaking  away  from  England  immediately  the  first  shot  was  fired,  she  rushed 
to  England's  assistance.  Instead  of  England  having  to  send  more  troops  out  to 
India  to  strengthen  our  hold  there,  we  were  able  to  take  away  more  than  three-quarters 
of  our  regular  British  troops  and  half  of  the  native  army,  only  replacing  the  Regulars 
by  Territorials.  India,  instead  of  being  a  strain  and  drain  on  England,  was  found 
to  be  a  reservoir  of  strength,  sending  out  men  to  protect  the  heart  of  Empire,  to 
protect  the  line  of  communications  between  England  and  India,  to  guard  the  gate- 
ways to  India,  and  to  attack  the  enemy's  possessions. 

This  is  a  sufficiently  satisfactory  result,  and  the  credit  for  it  is  due,  in  the  first  place, 
to  the  warm-heartedness  and  instinctive  loyalty  of  the  Indian  people  ;  and  in  the 
second  place  to  the  right-mindedness  with  which  the  British  have  sought  to  fulfil 
their  trust  to  India.  Whatever  other  qualities  the  people  of  India  have,  they  have 
certainly  a  great  capacity  for  affection.  They  show  an  extraordinary  degree  of 
devotion  to  individual  English  men  and  women,  and  unbounded  affection  for  such 
a  ruler  as  Queen  Victoria.  They  are  not  a  cold-blooded  race.  They  have  quick,  warm 
hearts.  And  they  have  an  innate  sense  of  loyalty  to  their  rulers.  The  credit  for 
what  India  did  last  autumn  must,  therefore,  in  the  first  place  go  to  them.  But  yet 
such  devotion  would  never  have  been  evoked  were  it  not  for  the  right-mindedness, 
on  the  whole,  with  which  the  British  people  have  for  two  centuries  sought  to  conduct 
their  relations  with  India.  We  who  have  completed  our  service  in  India  and  can 
look  back  over  our  careers,  can  see  the  harm  we  may  have  done  by  many  unwitting 
roughnesses  and  rudenesses  and  much  unconscious  harshness  and  discourtesy,  arising 
in  our  earlier  days  from  sheer  ignorance  and  lack  of  sympathy  and  imagination.  We 
are  also  well  enough  aware  of  the  harm  which  is  often  done  by  the  well-meaning  but 
ill-informed  sympathy  of  faddists  in  England  in  and  out  of  Parliament.  But  yet, 
in  spite  of  all  this,  we  know  that  we  ourselves,  and  that  the  great  bulk  of  the  British 
people,  have  meant  well  by  India,  have  meant  to  work  for  its  welfare,  and  have  had 
its  prosperity  and  happiness  most  deeply  and  truly  at  heart.  To  the  British  people 
also  credit  therefore  is  due. 

But  as  it  seems  to  me  where  both  the  Indian  and  the  British  people  should  allow 
the  chiefest  credit  is  to  the  Sovereigns  of  us  both,  and  especially  to  the  great  Queen 
Victoria.  It  has  been  a  piece  of  really  remarkable  good  fortune  that  we  should  have 
had  in  succession  Sovereigns  who  in  such  a  special  degree  have  understood  the  feelings 
of  the  Indian  people,  and  realised  what  personal  sovereignty,  as  distinct  from  im- 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  445 

personal  Government,  meant  to  them.     And  it  has  added  immensely  to  the  value  of 
what  a  British  Sovereign  can  do  that  he  is  a  Constitutional  Sovereign.     He  is  a 
tangible  and  visible  person  whom  the  Indian  people  can  see  and  hear,  and  who,  there- 
fore, appeals  to  their  imagination.      Yet,  at  the  same  time,  he  is  no  capricious,  in- 
calculable individuality,  but  is  rather  the  very  embodiment  of  the  Bntish  people, 
summing  up  their  characteristics  and  voicing  their  feelings.     By  the  mere  fact  that 
his  acts  and  words  are  circumscribed  by  the  Constitution,  the  value  and  importance  of 
those  acts  and  words  are  immeasurably  increased.     When  he  speaks  the  whole  British 
people  speak.     His  acts  are  the  act  of  the  British  nation.     And  Queen  Victoria  added 
a  special  quality  of  her  own.     She  had  a  woman's  intuition   into  the  hearts  of  both 
Indians  and  English.     She  saw  what  would  appeal  to  the  one,  and  what  the  other 
wanted  to  express.     I  take  the  following  as  typical  of  this  quality.     Her  Minister 
brought  her  the  draft  of  the  great  Proclamation  of  1858,  which  the  Indians  now  regard 
as  their  Magna  Charta.     But  she  was  dissatisfied  with  its  tone,  and  returned  it, 
signifying  her  own  views  as  to  how  it  should  be  composed  :    "  The  Queen  would  be  glad 
if  Lord  Derby  would  write  it  himself  in  his  excellent  language,  bearing  in  mind  that 
it  is  a  female  Sovereign  who  speaks  to  more  than  100,000,000  of  an  Eastern  people  on 
assuming  the  direct  government  over  them  after  a  bloody  civil  war,  giving  them 
pledges  which  her  future  reign  is  to  redeem,  and  explaining  the  principles  of  her 
Government.    Such  a  document  should  breathe  feelings  of  generosity,  benevolence,  and 
religious  feeling,  pointing  out  the  privileges  which  the  Indians  will  receive  in  being 
placed  on  an  equality  with  the  subjects  of  the  British  Crown,  and  the  prosperity 
following  in  the  train  of  civilisation."     The  draft  Proclamation  was  accordingly 
altered  so  as  to  be  in  strict  harmony  with  the  Queen's  wishes.     After  it  was  published, 
she  wrote  to  Lord  Canning :    "  It  is  a  source  of  great  satisfaction  and  pride  to  her 
to  feel  herself  in  direct  communication  with  that  enormous  Empire  which  is  so  bright 
a  jewel  of  her  Crown,  and  which  she  would  wish  to  see  happy,  contented  and  peaceful. 
May  the  publication  of  her  Proclamation  be  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  .  .  .  The 
Queen  rejoices  to  hear  that  her  Viceroy  approves  the  passage  about  Religion.     She 
strongly  insisted  on  it." 

The  passage  which  Queen  Victoria  thus  insisted  on  was  the  following  :  "  Firmly 
relying  ourselves  on  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  acknowledging  with  gratitude  the 
solace  of  religion,  we  disclaim  alike  the  right  and  desire  to  impose  our  convictions  on 
any  of  our  subjects."  The  Proclamation  proceeded  to  state  that  all  the  Queen's 
Indian  subjects  should  be  impartially  protected  by  the  law  and  live  in  the  observance 
of  their  several  religions. 

This  is  the  chief  instance,  but  it  is  only  a  typical  example  of  the  way  in  which 
Queen  Victoria  exerted  her  influence  to  bring  the  heart  of  England  and  the  heart  of 
India  in  touch  with  one  another.  We  can  see  at  once  the  warmth  of  her  feelings 
towards  India  and  her  wonderful  intuition  of  what  would  most  appeal  to  Indian 
hearts.  We  can  also  see  that  she  in  a  remarkable  way  expressed  the  hidden  better 
feelings  of  the  whole  British  people,  and  expressed  them  more  adequately  and  more 
finely  and  delicately  than  the  hard-headed,  practical-minded  statesmen  were  able  to 


446  INDIA   AND   THE   WAR. 

do.  And  this  is  a  matter  of  vast  importance  in  dealing  with  so  sensitive  a  race  as 
the  Indians. 

King  Edward  and  King  George  inherited  this  tradition  and  instinct.  And 
King  George's  visit  to  India,  undertaken  on  his  own  initiative  and  from  some  innate 
understanding  of  what  the  Indian  people  were  needing  and  desiring,  was  marvel- 
lously successful  in  evoking  all  those  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  good-will  which  the 
warm-hearted  Indians  were  only  too  thankful  to  have  an  opportunity  of  expressing. 

So  when  we  congratulate  ourselves  upon  the  arrival  in  the  very  nick  of  time  of 
those  reinforcements  from  India  upon  the  battlefield  of  Flanders,  our  thoughts  should 
go  back  gratefully  to  that  noble-hearted  Queen  who  so  well  understood  both  her 
Indian  and  her  British  subjects  and  who  inaugurated  so  inspiring  a  tradition  in  the 
relations  between  the  two. 

We  have  seen  that  the  test  of  war  found  India  sound  and  true.  Yet  I  must  add 
a  word  of  caution.  We  have  much  upon  which  to  congratulate  ourselves.  But 
because  the  great  bulk  of  the  Indian  people  responded  so  loyally,  we  must  not  imagine 
that  there  is  no  discontent  whatever  among  the  320  millions,  or  because  the  voice  of 
sedition  is  now  lowered  that  there  will  never  more  be  any  unrest.  There  may  even 
now  be  discontent  in  some  sections  of  the  whole  population.  There  may  be  some 
who  are  nursing  grievances  which  we  have  not  been  able  to  allay.  And  since  Turkey 
joined  our  enemies,  we  should  not  be  surprised  to  find  Mohammedans  upset  at  our  being 
at  war  with  the  greatest  Mohammedan  country.  The  war  with  Turkey  was  none  of  our 
seeking,  and  we  would  willingly  have  avoided  hostilities  with  a  Power  we  had  in  the 
past  befriended.  But  the  fact  remains  that  we  are  at  war  with  Turkey,  and  being  at  war 
we  naturally  seek  to  destroy  her  military  power.  Naturally  also,  however,  the  seventy 
millions  of  Mohammedans  in  India  are  distressed  at  being  implicated  and  involved  in 
action  which  may  mean  the  downfall  of  the  leader  of  their  faith,  and  we  could  hardly 
expect  otherwise  than  that  they  should  view  our  advance  to  Constantinople  with 
uneasiness.  They  may  acknowledge  how  foolish  the  Turks  have  been,  but  if  the 
sympathies  of  some  are  more  with  their  co-religionists  than  with  us  it  should  not 
be  a  matter  of  surprise  to  us.  Mohammedans  hang  very  closely  together,  and  loss  of 
prestige  to  the  chief  Mohammedan  ruler  and  the  acknowledged  leader  of  their  faith 
must  necessarily  be  to  them  a  bitter  trial  and  must  sorely  strain  their  political  ties. 

With  all  the  generous  outburst  of  loyalty,  we  must  then  expect,  even  in  the  present, 
some  amount  of  discontent  also.  And  we  must  not  imagine  that  in  the  future  unrest 
will  never  reappear.  There  will  always  be  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  the  Govern- 
ment and  who  will  rebel  against  it.  Even  in  countries  with  the  most  ample  means 
of  choosing  their  own  form  of  government  and  selecting  their  own  ruler  outbreaks 
from  time  to  time  occur.  There  have  been  revolutions  in  France  since  it  first  became 
a  Republic  ;  and  there  has  been  civil  war  in  America  long  after  it  was  independent ; 
and  in  both  France  and  America  the  chosen  Heads  of  the  State  have  been  assassinated. 
It  would  be  unreasonable  to  assume  therefore  that  there  would  be  no  unrest  and  no 
attempted  assassination  in  India  in  future. 

And  this  war  has  caused  so  tremendous  a  stir  that  it  must  needs  take  long  for 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  447 

things  to  settle  down.  Such  deep  emotions  have  been  loosened,  so  many  interests 
aroused  and  hopes  raised,  so  much  new  light  been  shed  and  experience  gained,  that 
men  returning  from  wars  in  Europe,  in  Egypt,  in  Turkey,  in  Mesopotamia,  in  East 
Africa,  and  in  China,  will  be  men  with  a  wider  outlook  and  larger  demands  than  they 
ever  had  before.  And  the  Indian  public,  educated  by  not  only  keenly  watching  but 
by  actually  participating  in  the  mighty  happenings  of  these  times,  will  be  a  different 
people  from  what  they  were  before  the  war  commenced.  All  will  take  time  to  settle 
down,  and  when  they  do  it  will  not  be  to  things  as  they  were  before.  It  will  be  to  a 
new  order  to  which  they  will  have  to  accommodate  themselves.  And  in  the  process 
of  adjusting  themselves  to  these  new  conditions  there  must  necessarily  be  trouble, 
friction,  discontent.  It  will  be  no  easy  process ;  and  problems  of  extraordinary 
delicacy  and  complexity  are  already  looming  on  the  horizon. 

The  old  demand  of  Indians  for  Commissions  in  the  Army  will  be  pressed ;  and  it 
seems  so  reasonable  and  fair  to  grant  it  to  men  who  have  fought  so  loyally  and  well. 
But  if  the  fighting  in  France  has  taught  us  one  thing  more  forcibly  than  another,  it 
is  the  need  of  still  more  British  officers  with  Indian  regiments.  It  is  a  thorny  subject, 
beset  with  difficulties,  and  one  which,  whether  it  is  left  alone  or  settled,  is  certain  to 
cause  discontent  in  some  quarter. 

Another  still  more  difficult  question  is  the  admission  of  Indians  to  the  Colonies. 
That  was  delicate  enough  before  the  war.  How  much  more  delicate  will  it  be  after 
it !  When  India  has  taken  such  a  prominent  part  in  the  defence  of  the  Empire , 
how  discontented  she  would  be  if  there  remained  any  part  of  it  from  which  her  people 
were  still  refused  admission ! 

A  more  definite  share  in  the  Councils  of  the  Empire  ;  a  larger  part  in  the  manage- 
ment of  their  own  affairs  ;  a  higher  status  altogether  ;  the  right  to  bear  arms  and  to 
volunteer ;  a  more  equal  social  position — all  these  demands  will  be  pressed.  And 
the  Chiefs  who  have  stood  so  nobly  by  us  may  well  hope  to  be  granted  a  more  promi- 
nent and  effective  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Empire. 

These  are  some  of  the  internal  problems  which  will  occur;  and  there  will,  too,  be 
many  delicate  external  questions  which  this  war  will  have  raised.  We  and  the  Russians 
will  have  come  closer  to  each  other  along  our  line  of  approach  to  India.  The  Russians 
will  be  nearer  to  us  at  our  most  sensitive  point — our  line  of  communications.  One 
of  their  chief  objects  in  this  war — perhaps  the  principal  object — is  to  gain  access  to 
the  Mediterranean,  and  we  are  going  back  on  our  policy  of  a  century  and  helping 
them  to  do  this.  We  on  our  part  have  extended  our  responsibilities  in  Egypt,  and 
in  Mesopotamia  and  South  Persia  we  have  thought  it  necessary  to  fight  for  positions, 
and  presumably,  therefore,  will  always  claim  an  influence  which  will  bring  us  nearer 
to  that  which  Russia  is  also  extending  downward  from  the  north  through  Armenia 
and  North  Persia.  We  and  the  Russians  will  be  nearer  to  each  other  at  many  touchy 
points  than  we  have  ever  been  before.  And  it  would  be  going  against  all  human 
experience  to  suppose  that  causes  of  friction  between  us  will  not  arise  in  consequence. 

Both  internally  and  externally  we  shall,  then,  have  questions  of  great  difficulty 
arising  out  of  the  war.  But  as  regards  any  new  cause  of  friction  with  Russia,  we 


448  INDIA  AND   THE  WAR. 

may  have  two  great  considerations  to  console  us  :  firstly,  that  in  withdrawing  our 
opposition  to  her  gaining  access  to  the  Mediterranean  we  shall  have  removed  the 
chief  cause  of  conflict  between  us  ;  and  secondly,  that  after  the  Japanese  and  the 
present  war  Russia  will  be  far  too  intent  upon  developing  her  vast  internal  resources 
to  be  disposed  to  magnify  and  exaggerate  any  difference  which  may  arise  between  us. 
Presumably,  too,  our  alliance  during  the  war  will  have  left  its  mark  and  disposed  us 
to  settle  our  differences  amicably,  the  more  especially  as  Russians  and  English  have 
no  natural  antipathy  to  one  another,  but,  on  the  contrary,  entertain  a  sincere  regard 
for  one  another.  It  was  only  during  the  last  three-quarters  of  a  century  that  jealousy 
between  us  existed.  For  two  centuries  before  that  we  had  been  on  the  best  of  terms. 
And  there  is  no  other  nation  in  Europe  with  whom  we  British  are  by  instinct  and 
natural  feeling  more  disposed  to  be  friendly  than  we  are  with  the  Russians.  The 
Russians  are  a  great-hearted  people — a  people  with  a  soul  and  inspired  by  high  ideals. 
We  shall  know  them  a  great  deal  better  after  the  war  than  we  did  before.  And  those 
who  now  know  them  best  are  most  assured  of  our  liking  them.  If  this  be  so,  many 
of  the  external  difficulties  in  regard  to  India  which  will  arise  from  the  war  will  dis- 
appear. 

And  with  regard  to  those  internal  difficulties  which  I  have  foreshadowed,  the 
experience  we  gain  in  the  war  will  also  help  us  to  a  solution.  Other  peoples  often 
serve  as  a  mirror  in  which  we  can  see  ourselves.  What  we  have  never  noticed  in 
ourselves  we  may  observe  in  them — and  observing,  may  reflect  on.  The  thought  of 
German  lust  for  domination  and  habit  of  domineering,  the  degree  to  which  Germany 
became  intoxicated  with  power  and  the  blindness  with  which  she  exercised  it,  dis- 
pose us  to  search  out  our  own  hearts  to  see  whether  we  also  may  not  unconsciously 
have  been  guilty  of  similar  sin.  And  even  if  we  acquit  ourselves  of  guilt,  we  may 
at  least  recognise  what  we  may  be  led  to  if  we  are  not  carefully  on  our  guard.  For 
there  is  in  power  something  peculiarly  blinding  and  dulling  to  the  moral  sense,  and 
only  those  of  the  quickest  sensibility  and  swiftest  imagination  are  fitted  to  exercise 
it  over  peoples  weaker  than  themselves. 

Fortunately,  the  war  in  testing  us  has  proved  us  to  be  a  people  much  superior  to 
what  we  were  a  century  ago,  in  the  last  great  war,  and  when  we  were  building  up  our 
Indian  Empire.  Presumably,  therefore,  we  are  at  least  better  fitted  now  than  we 
were  then  to  exercise  the  power  we  have  acquired.  We  were  a  sturdy  people  in  those 
days  and  tough  customers  to  deal  with  in  the  rough-and-tumble  of  the  world ;  and 
we  had  some  splendid  qualities  already  beginning  to  work  their  way  through — a 
sense  of  humanity,  of  justice  and  of  fair  dealing,  and  a  genuine  wish  to  do  our  best 
by  those  we  came  to  rule.  But  we  were  not  yet  civilised.  And  we  have,  indeed,  to 
get  rid  of  the  idea  that  we  are  an  old,  highly  civilised  and  almost  decrepit  nation, 
and  replace  it  by  one  nearer  the  truth — that  we  are  still  young  and  lusty  and  only 
just  emerging  from  barbarism.  If  we  realise  this  we  shall  be  in  a  better  attitude  of 
mind  for  dealing  with  a  people  who  really  are  old  and  who  in  some  respects — in  the 
matter  of  manners  and  comportment,  for  instance — are  more  civilised  than  ourselves. 
The-  civilisation  which  we  shall  eventually  work  out  will  be  higher,  I  believe,  than 


INDIA  AND   THE   WAR.  449 

any  that  India  has  evolved.  But  we  have  yet  to  develop  it,  and  we  are,  so  far,  only 
in  the  initial  stages.  So  if  we  are  wise  we  will  put  our  faith  in  the  young,  in  the  coming 
generations,  and  in  what  is  bursting  up  from  out  of  the  mass  and  from  out  of  the  great 
heart  of  England.  The  people  have  never  shown  a  finer  and  a  nobler  spirit  than 
they  have  exhibited  now.  From  our  universities  and  public  schools  every  fit  man  of 
fighting  age  has  rushed  to  the  service  of  his  country,  ready  to  serve  in  any  and  every 
capacity — in  the  Navy  or  in  the  Army,  in  the  ranks  or  as  an  officer  And  these  are 
the  men  who  will  as  officers,  administrators,  statesmen,  or  publicists  be  guiding  India's 
destinies  in  future.  And  in  such  as  these  we  may  with  confidence  put  our  trust  and 
believe  that,  educated  by  this  great  experience,  and  working  under  more  favourable 
conditions,  they  will  be  better  fitted  to  discharge  our  trusteeship  to  India  than  any 
generation  iu  the  past. 

We  have  also  this  to  count  upon  in  assisting  us  to  overcome  any  domineering 
tendency  we  may  have,  and  in  helping  us  to  deal  sanely,  temperately,  and  wisely  with 
the  intricate  problems  the  war  will  have  brought  into  prominence — this  consideration, 
that  our  world-wide  experience  for  some  centuries  now  has  broadened  our  outlook 
and  toned  and  tempered  our  judgment.  Germany  has  had  one  advantage,  that  she 
has  been  able  to  concentrate  her  attention,  her  ability,  and  her  resources  upon  matters 
within  her  borders,  or  immediately  touching  them.  It  is  not  yet  half  a  century  since 
she  began  to  look  far  afield,  and  till  now  only  a  very  small  portion  of  her  men  and 
mind  and  money  has  gone  out  into  the  wide  world.  Naturally,  therefore,  in  internal 
matters  and  for  wars  a  step  outside  her  own  frontiers  she  ought  to  be  better  fitted 
than  we  are.  But  from  having  so  frequently  and  over  such  a  long  period  had  to 
deal  with  a  great  variety  of  peoples  and  in  every  quarter  of  the  world,  and  to  settle 
in  swift  succession  one  perplexing  question  after  another,  we  are  acquiring  a  flexi- 
bility of  mind,  an  adaptiveness  and  a  balance  and  maturity  of  judgment,  which  can 
only  come  through  such  hard  and  varied  experience.  When  so  much  of  our  native 
talent  and  manhood  goes  abroad  for  the  civil  administration,  for  the  Army  and  Navy, 
for  engineering,  business  and  scientific  enterprises,  it  may  possibly  be  the  case  that 
there  may  be  many  matters  at  home  which  are  better  managed  in  Germany,  where 
such  talent  and  manhood  is  concentrated,  than  they  are  here  in  England.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  coming  and  going  of  these  men  in  every  variety  of  capacity,  back- 
wards and  forwards,  between  the  homeland  and  the  extreme  corners  of  the  earth, 
must  make  the  .mind  of  England  better  informed,  fuller  of  wide  and  practical  ex- 
perience, and  probably  endowed  with  a  more  ripened  wisdom  than  the  more  con- 
centrated Geimans  possess.  And  it  is  on  this  steadier  and  more  truly  human  wisdom, 
still  further  deepened  and  broadened  by  the  varied  experiences  of  this  war,  that  we 
may  rely  in  dealing  with  the  new  problems  before  us. 

For  this  reason,  also,  the  several  local  agents  who  have  the  practical  part  of  actual 
dealing  with  these  problems  on  the  spot  may  have  good  confidence  in  the  heart  and 
soul  of  England.  The  control  and  guidance  which  come  from  the  heart  of  the  Empire 
are  often  irksome  and  often  resented  by  those  in  the  distant  parts — and  sometimes 
rightly  resented.  Nevertheless,  upon  the  whole,  those  men  and  those  distant  parts 


450  INDIA  AND   THE   WAR. 

which  they  have  to  administer  or  control  have  benefited  immeasurably  in  the  past 
by  that  sound  sense  and  practical  wisdom,  born  of  varied  experience,  and  by  the  deep, 
true,  humane  feeling  which  flow  out  from  here  at  home.  From  the  great  heart  of 
England  there  does  issue  forth  an  inspiration  and  an  impetus  to  the  sailors  and  soldiers, 
the  statesmen  and  administrators,  who  serve  the  Empire  abroad  which  is  of  incalculable 
value.  And  one  of  the  results  of  the  war  we  hope  may  be  that  the  sentiment  which 
lies  behind  it  may  ring  still  deeper  and  still  more  true. 

We  may  hope  also  that  as  by  material  means — by  the  construction  of  railways 
to  India,  the  running  of  faster  steamships  and  the  issue  of  cheaper  telegrams — com- 
munication between  England  and  India  becomes  quicker  and  easier,  so  will  the  heart 
of  India  and  the  heart  of  Great  Britain  become  more  intimately  in  touch.  More  of 
the  leading  Indians  will  come  to  England,  more  of  the  leading  Englishmen  will  go  to 
India.  Soldiers  and  administrators  responsible  for  the  execution  of  British  policy, 
instead  of  remaining  long  years  at  a  distance,  will  frequently  return  to  imbibe  refresh- 
ment from  its  fountain-source.  Those  who  from  home  formulate  the  great  main 
lines  of  action  will  have  opportunity  of  seeing  on  the  spot  the  conditions  under  which 
it  must  be  carried  out.  Easier  and  more  frequent  communication  between  England 
and  India  will  quicken  and  increase  and  strengthen  those  subtle  threads  which,  passing 
from  heart  to  heart  and  mind  to  mind,  go  in  the  long  run  to  make  up  that  great 
invisible  tie  which  is  binding  India  and  England  more  and  more  closely  to  one 
another. 

So,  if  we  have  to  look  forward  to  much  trouble  and  anxiety  from  the  many  per- 
plexing problems  which  will  arise  from  the  war,  we  may  also  expect  that  we  shall  be 
better  equipped  for  dealing  with  them  than  we  ever  were  before. 

And  as  an  ex-official  I  should  like,  before  concluding,  to  say  one  word  as  a  plea 
for  patience  and  consideration  for  our  officers,  civil  and  military,  in  India  in  the  per- 
formance of  the  delicate  task  which  lies  before  them.  Officials  have  of  necessity  to 
be  more  concerned  with  the  preservation  of  order  than  with  the  outward  display  of 
any  generous  feelings  they  may  have.  For,  after  all,  the  preservation  of  order  in 
India  is  the  first  condition  of  progress  and  the  most  valuable  contribution  we  British 
can  make  to  India's  welfare.  And  any  laxity  in  keeping  order  would  only  throw 
back  the  very  development  which  even  the  most  rigid  official  would  like  to  see.  The 
officials  are  the  trustees  of  the  nation,  and,  however  warm  their  feelings,  they  must 
frequently,  in  the  performance  of  their  duties,  be  as  adamantine  as,  say,  the  most 
liberally  disposed  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  must  be  in  fulfilling  the  national  trust 
which  is  imposed  upon  him.  They  have  often  to  appear  a  great  deal  harsher  than 
they  really  are  :  and  such  a  rtte  is  a  much  more  difficult  one  to  play  than  the  part  of 
easily  giving  way  to  natural  sentiment.  But,  because  they  may  appear  hard,  and 
because  they  may  often  from  conscientiousness  err  on  the  side  of  hardness,  it  does  not 
follow  that  they  may  not,  at  heart,  have  just  as  affectionate  a  feeling  for  the  people 
of  India  as  the  most  ardent  advocate  of  India's  rights.  And  it  may  be  remarked 
that  no  one  is  more  sensitive  of  the  reputation  of  India  than  officers  of  the  Indian 
Army  and  Civil  Service.  They  are  exceedingly  jealous  of  India's  good  name.  They 
have  been  depressed,  as  for  their  own  kith  and  kin,  when  Indians  have  failed.  They 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  451 

have  been  proud,  as  of  their  own  children,  in  the  more  numerous  cases  when  Indians 
have  succeeded.  They  feel,  indeed,  a  sense  of  responsibility  for  their  upbringing 
and  a  pride  in  their  achievements.  And  I  am  convinced  also  that  Indians  are  no 
less  jealous  of  our  good  name  and  no  less  proud  of  our  own  achievements. 

During  this  war  the  feeling  of  comradeship  between  India  and  England  will  have 
sensibly  deepened.  Indians  understand  the  ideals  and  principles  that  we  are  fighting 
for.  Such  ideals  appeal  to  them  as  much  as  they  appeal  to  us.  We  are  working 
together  and  fighting  in  a  common  cause,  and  in  a  cause  which  is  understood.  The 
war  will  only  have  tightened  the  bondship  between  us.  And  it  has  already  done 
something  of  infinite  value.  It  has  enormously  impressed  the  Indian  soldier  with 
the  fighting  capacity  of  his  British  comrade.  For  the  British  soldier  the  Indian  has 
now  the  deepest  respect. 

After  the  war  we  may  expect  that  the  Indians  will  make,  with  increasing  insistence, 
the  demands  I  have  mentioned  for  a  greater  share  in  the  management  of  their  own 
affairs.  But,  in  dealing  with  this  question,  we  may  lay  fast  hold  of  this  fact — that 
the  leaders  of  Indian  opinion  and  the  great  mass  and  bulk  of  the  people  have  not  the 
slightest  desire, .  hope,  or  ambition  to  sever  the  tie  with  England.  In  making  their 
demands  it  is  not  severance  but  autonomy  at  which  they  aim.  Self-government, 
indeed,  they  want ;  but  self-government  within  the  Empire,  not  outside  it. 

And  in  this  direction  we  have  been  steadily  progressing.  For  nearly  a  century 
past  we  have  pursued  the  policy  of  associating  the  Indians  more  and  more  with  us  in 
the  government  of  their  own  country,  and  of  devolving  upon  them,  as  we  can  safely 
do  so,  a  larger  share  in  the  management  of  their  own  affairs.  Many  Englishmen  as 
well  as  Indians  think  we  have  gone  too  slow.  Many  Indians  as  well  as  Englishmen 
think  we  have  gone  too  fast.  Anyhow,  the  result  of  our  efforts,  whether  too  slow 
or  too  fast,  has  been  not  to  loosen  but  to  tighten  the  tie  between  us.  And  that  result 
it  was  which  we  saw  materialised  in  concrete  form  in  that  fleet  of  transports  steaming 
into  Marseilles  harbour  last  September.  So  we  now  see  the  true,  inner  significance 
of  that  wonderful  event.  And  if  we  combine  it  in  our  minds  with  similar  previous 
events,  with  the  arrival  of  troops  from  India  in  Egypt  in  1805  and  1882,  and  at  Malta 
in  1878,  and  if  we  mark  the  crescendo  of  effort  which  India  puts  forth,  we  may  indulge 
the  hope  that,  as  the  present  century  lengthens,  we  shall  be  able  to  regard  India  less 
and  less  as  an  appanage  and  anxiety,  and  more  and  more  as  a  trusted  support  and 
bulwark  of  the  Empire.  Between  India  and  England  there  will  be  an  increase  of 
mutual  regard,  respect,  and  support — to  the  mutual  advantage  of  both ;  and  as  we 
hope  and  believe,  and  as  we  must  certainly  strive  to  make  it,  to  the  decided  benefit 
of  the  world  in  general. 

Before  the  reading  of  the  paper  : — 

The  CHAIRMAN  (the  Right  Hon.  Charles  E.  H.  Hobhouse,  M.P.) :  The  only  excuse 
I  can  offer  for  being  in  the  chair  is  that  for  a  brief  period  I  was  closely  connected 
with  the  Government  of  India,  and  that,  during  the  time  I  had  the  honour  to  be 
connected  with  that  great  institution,  I  made  the  acquaintance  and,  I  hope  I  may  add, 
the  friendship  of  the  lecturer.  N  I  should  like  to  emphasise  that  of  all!  the  services  by 
which  India  is  administered  the  Political  Service,  to  which  Sir  Francis  Younghusband 
belongs,  is  the  most  fascinating  and  interesting.  It  has  opportunities  for  studying  and 


452  INDIA   AND   THE   WAR. 

knowing  the  administration  of  Native  India  and  the  character  of  Indiana,  which  in 
some  respects  I  believe  to  be  denied  the  Indian  Civil  Service  itself.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  we  are  fortunate  in  this  fact — that  Sir  Francis  Younghusband,  deserting  the 
military  career  which  was  open  to  him,  should  have  devoted  his  talents  to  the  study 
and  knowledge  and  advancement  of  India's  relations  with  its  Native  Princes.  Now,  of 
all  the  facts  connected  with  the  inception  of  this  War,  none,  I  suspect,  had  greater 
influence  with  the  German  Rulers  than  their  profound  belief  that  the  intervention  of 
Great  Britain  in  a  European  War  would  be  at  once  marked  by  the  disintegration  of 
the  British  Empire,  and  that,  in  that  disintegration,  India  would  lead  the  way. 
Germany  has  had  some  military  success,  not  so  great  as  she  hoped,  but  it  has  been 
completely  nullified  by  her  political  blunders,  and  no  blunder  made  diplomatically  has 
been  half  so  great  as  her  belief  and  trust  in  the  disloyalty  of  our  fellow  Indian  subjects. 
Perhaps  we  ourselves,  with  all  our  greater  opportunities  of  knowing  how  Indian  feeling 
would  develop,  were  unprepared  for  the  unexampled  outburst  of  loyalty  to  the  Crown 
and  Empire  which  followed  the  declaration  of  War.  Nobody,  perhaps,  realised  the 
moral  as  well  as  material  forces  of  the  Indian  people.  We  have  realised  both,  and 
we  are  indebted  to  both,  and  the  British  soldiers  who  are  now  fighting  on  the  Belgian 
frontier  have  in  their  struggle  been  materially  supported  and  encouraged  by  the  rein- 
forcements which  have  come  from  India.  We  may  have  trusted,  I  think  we  were 
entitled  to  trust,  to  the  justness  and  soundness  of  our  rule  in  India,  but  I  do  not 
think  it  was  that  altogether  which  brought  the  Indian  people  to  our  assistance.  I 
think  we  are  apt  to  forget  that  India  has  changed  not  merely  mentally  and,  as  some 
people  thought,  dangerously,  but  has  changed  physically  in  the  most  remarkable  way 
during  the  last  twenty  years.  Railway  communication  has  brought  various  tribes,  races, 
and  principalities  into  much  closer  touch  than  anyone  could  have  anticipated.  It  has 
made  it  in  some  ways  more  difficult  to  rule  India  from  England,  but  it  has  made  it 
infinitely  easier  for  the  Indian  people  to  become  a  nation,  and,  as  a  nation,  to  show 
they  were  an  integral,  and  meant  to  remain  an  integral,  part  of  the  British  Empire. 
I  have  here  a  very  striking  example  of  what  is  passing  through  the  mind  of  the 
average  Indian  soldier,  and  I  shall  beg  you  to  excuse  me  if  I  read  it,  a  letter — the 
greater  part  of  a  letter — which  fell  under  my  notice  the  other  day.  It  is  written  by 
a  native  officer  of  an  Indian  Battalion,  from  "  somewhere  in  France,"  and  is  dated 
February.  It  runs  : — 

"  England  is  a  superb  country  with  an  excellent  climate." 

I  am  glad  he  takes  so  favourable  a  view  of  our  climate  !  It  is  the  sole  sentiment 
of  the  letter  with  which  I  don't  agree.  The  letter  continues : — 

"  I  think  it  a  great  honour  we  have  the  opportunity  of  showing  our  loyalty  to  our 
Great  Emperor  by  the  sacrifices  of  our  body,  and  by  the  favour  that  is  accorded  to 
us  of  being  present  on  the  field  of  battle.  Have  no  anxiety  about  my  illness.  If  my 
desire  is  fulfilled,  what  is  gained  by  anxiety  ?  It  is  noble  for  us  to  be  allowed  to 
sacrifice  our  bodies  for  our  King.  If  we  die  on  the  battle-field  in  the  service  of  our 
King,  that  is  equal  to  entering  'heaven.  And  if  I  am  to  die,  then  what  does  it  matter 
whether  I  fall  sick  and  wounded  by  a  bullet  or  sword  on  the  field  of  battle  ?  Having 
shown  my  loyalty  and  my  anxiety  for  the  Great  Emperor  to  be  victorious,  I  will 
return  to  my  country — in  either  case  a  good  fate.  If  I  am  to  die  for  the  sake  of  my 
Great  Emperor,  what  more  glorious  ?  Although  in  hospital,  my  spirit  yearns  for  the 
battle-field.  My  prayer  is  that  the  Great  God  will  quickly  make  me  well,  and  give  me 
the  opportunity  of  showing  my  loyalty." 

Those  are  noble  sentiments.  There  is  not  one  of  us  here  who  would  not  be  proud 
to  be  able  to  express  his  sentiments  in  the  language  I  have  just  read.  It  is  not 
confined  to  an  individual ;  I  believe  it  to  be  animating  the  greater  part  of  the  people  of 
India.  And  if  our  rule  in  India,  as  administered  by  men  like  our  lecturer,  has  sown 
a  seed  among  the  peoples  of  India  which  will  hereafter  ripen  unto  harvest,  those  who 
have  taken  part  in  that  administration  may  well  be  proud  of  their  work. 


INDIA  AND   THE   WAR.  453 

After  the  paper  the  following  discussion  took  place  : — 

SIB  THOMAS  HOLDEBNESS,  K.C.B.,  K.C.S.I. :  The  lecturer  has  given  us  a  very 
remarkable  story,  and  the  problems  he  placed  before  us  as  awaiting  solution  at  the  end  of  the 
War  are  in  the  mass  so  formidable  that  they  seem  almost  too  much  for  us  to  solve.  Given, 
however,  mutual  goodwill  and  forbearance  on  the  part  both  of  ruled  and  rulers,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  but  that  they  will  in  time  be  settled.  In  this  story  there  seemed  to  be  three 
stages.  First,  there  was  the  spontaneous  enthusiasm  which  swept  over  India  when 
war  was  declared.  From  all  accounts  the  feeling  was  almost  irresistible  that  the  Indian 
people  should  not  be  left  out  of  the  struggle.  There  may  have  been  a  question  at  first 
whether  it  was  wise  to  send  Indian  troops  to  Europe,  but  any  considerations  of  that  sort 
were  swept  aside  by  the  unanimous  demand  in  India  that  Indian  troops  should  go  to  Europe. 
The  second  stage  was  after  the  troops  had  reached  Marseilles  and  the  Front,  and  the 
heavy  fighting  had  begun.  The  feeling  in  India  was  then  that  of  calm  endurance, 
and  the  spectacle  India  has  presented  for  the  last  six  months  has  indeed  been  very 
remarkable.  There  has  been  as  great  a  truce  in  Party  politics  as  in  this  country, 
and  on  the  part  of  Indian  politicians  the  resolve  has  been  unanimous  to  support  the 
Government,  to  see  the  Viceroy  through,  and  to  bring  forward  no  contentious  matter. 
The  third  phase,  alike  in  the  army  in  France  and  in  India,  is  one  of  increasing  confi- 
dence that  the  War  is  going  well,  that  in  the  end  the  much-tried  troops  will  come  back  with 
their  laurels  to  India,  and  that  days  of  prosperity  and  peace  will  soon  return  to  that  country 
and  to  the  world  at  large.  Another  point  which  comes  out  vividly  is  the  splendid  loyalty 
and  generosity  of  the  Indian  Princes  that  has  been  manifested  in  innumerable  ways.  As 
an  instance  let  me  recall  the  famous  telegram  from  the  Maharaja  Scindia  to  the  Viceroy : 
"  I  place  all  my  resources  at  your  disposal."  This  the  Maharaja  followed  up  with  another  : 
"  My  troops  are  yours,  and  my  personal  services  are  yours."  Then  he  sent  a  third 
message :  "  Do  you  want  horses  ?  I  have  4,000  here."  And  ever  since  he  has  over- 
whelmed this  country  with  gifts  of  various  kinds.  He  is  only  one  among  many  Princes 
who  have  shown  the  same  spirit.  The  spirit  that  India  has  displayed  is  really,  as  far 
as  I  can  make  out,  the  result  of  a  system  of  rule  which  is  not  merely  a  rule  for  the 
sake  of  the  people,  but  a  rule  with  the  help  of  the  people.  The  people  in  a  gradual 
and  increasing  degree  have  been  associated  with  the  Government  in  governing  affairs, 
and  I  think  they  have  an  increasing  perception  that  the  British  Government  and  the 
development  of  their  country  under  its  guidance  are  matters  in  which  they  have  an 
ever-increasing  stake.  Conjointly  with  that  is  the  element  of  personal  loyalty  to  the 
Throne.  It  would  be  very  difficult  for  a  Republic  to  govern  India — the  American  Republic, 
for  instance.  The  personal  tie,  along  with  the  constitutional  methods  followed  in  India, 
has  brought  about  a  solidarity  of  feeling  through  which  we  may  hope  that,  as  years  go  on, 
a  greater  and  better  India  may  evolve. 

SIB  HABBY  STEPHEN  :  I  have  known  only  one  part  of  India,  and  that  for  a 
comparatively  short  time,  for  all  my  time  hi  India  was  spent  in  Calcutta;  and  when  I 
talk  of  India,  I  mean  in  fact  nothing  but  Bengal,  the  population  of  which,  by  the  way, 
is  a  trifle  larger  than  that  of  the  United  States.  The  Bengalee  is  from  some  points  of 
view  the  most  progressive  inhabitant  of  the  whole  of  the  sub-continent.  No  one  who 
has  been  in  any  degree  familiar  with  India  and  has  followed  Indian  events  can  fail  to  be  deeply 
impressed  with  the  loyalty  which  India  has  shown  on  the  present  occasion.  The  response 
made  to  the  call  of  the  Home  Country  is  magnificent,  and  such  as  at  all  events  to 
astonish  one  who,  like  myself,  has  not  the  honour  to  be  a  member  of  the  Civil  Service, 
and  has  never  been  associated  with  the  Government  in  any  department  of  administra- 
tion. But  there  is  another  side  to  the  question :  the  lecturer  has  pointed  out  the 
difficulties  that  will  arise,  and  those  difficulties  must,  I  am  sure,  be  most  present  to 
the  Rulers  of  India.  It  is  most  important  that  Englishmen  should  understand  some- 
thing  of  the  causes  which  have  given  rise  to  them.  The  lecturer  has  spoken  of  the 
people  of  India.  Now  what  we  have  heard  is  the  voice  of  the  Chiefs,  and  those  whom 
we  have  called  to  help  us  in  the  government  of  India.  But  we  have  always  been  told 


454  INDIA  AND   THE   WAR. 

— I  believe  truly — that  the  people .  of  India  is  essentially  dumb.  I  believe  the  greater 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  India  are  ready  to  follow  their  Chiefs,  and  those  who  are 
soldiers  are  devoted  and  loyal  soldiers,  but  the  great  bulk  of  the  people  do  not  do 
much  more  than  know  of  the  existence  of  this  War.  They  know  this  is  the  War  of 
the  Raj,  who  does  well  by  them,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  the  bulk  of  them 
otherwise  than  loyal  to  the  British  Raj,  in  the  sense  that  they  accept  his  rule.  But 
you  must  not  depend  upon  that  loyalty  for  any  great  and  permanent  assistance.  I  am 
talking,  not  of  the  Chiefs  and  men  of  intellect,  but  of  the  dumb  people  of  India.  I 
cannot  believe  they  have  really  been  much  moved  by  the  able  presentation  of  the 
British  case  for  the  present  War,  and  when  hereafter  we  find  that  is  the  case  I  ask  it 
may  not  be  supposed  they  are  going  back  on  anything  they  have  indicated  on  the 
present  occasion.  There  is  sedition  in  India.  Personally,  I  believe  there  will  continue 
to  be  what  we  call  sedition  in  India  for  any  time  we  can  contemplate  as  practical 
politics.  The  grant  of  a  Constitution  by  Lord  Minto  did  not  put  an  end  to  that 
sedition.  I  doubt  if  it  diminished  it.  The  King's  visit  did  not  put  an  end  to  it. 
The  present  outburst  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  the  more  important  people  will  not  put 
an  end  to  it.  And  do  not  suppose  our  friends  in  India  have  gone  back  upon  us  if 
sedition,  which  is  now  for  various  reasons  not  a  very  perceptible  matter,  at  some 
future  time  becomes  a  matter  of  considerable  importance.  One  other  point  is  this : 
the  lecturer  has  said  truly  that  this  War  will  not  leave  the  state  of  things  as  it  found 
it.  When  the  War  is  over,  what  will  happen  ?  The  position  will  be  essentially  altered. 
Where  can  we  meet  our  Indian  fellow-subjects,  and  how  ?  We  are  told  they  will 
expect  a  greater  share  in  the  administration  of  the  country.  Is  it  possible  to  give  it 
them  ?  I  do  not  know.  The  Legislative  Council  is  a  very  great  advance.  That 
Council  is,  no  doubt,  effective  in  giving  advice  to  those  who  are  the  real  Rulers  of 
India.  Are  they  of  use  in  being  leaders  of  the  Indian  people  ?  I  do  not  know.  I 
have  looked  upon  these  things^merely^as  a  spectator.  But  before  we  proceed  to  give 
increase  of  power  we  ought  to  be  able  to  form  some  opinion  as  to  how  far  they  are 
actually  leaders  of  what  we  may  call  the  Indian  People.  Various  demands  are  put 
forward.  There  is,  for  instance,  the  question  of  volunteering — a  question  which  not 
long  ago  arose  very  acutely  in  Bengal — the  volunteering  not  only  of  natives  but  of 
Englishmen.  No  doubt  the  Government  will  have  to  face  this  question  in  due  course. 
There  are  other  difficulties  which,  taken  in  the  lump,  look  overwhelming.  The  answer 
I  take  to  be  that,  throughout  the  history  of  the  English  connection  with  India,  there 
always  has  been  a  perpetual  supply  of  difficulties  of  that  sort.  It  is  because  we  have 
known  how  to  meet  them  that  we  have  succeeded  in  governing  India,  and  when  those 
difficulties  do  not  present  themselves,  then,  indeed,  the  work  of  England  in  India  will  be 
over. 

ADMIRAL  THE  HON.  SIB  EDMUND  FREMANTLE,  G.C.B.,  C.M.G. :  I  think  we  shall 
join  in  congratulating  the  lecturer  on  the  high  tone  and  far-seeing  nature  of  his 
address.  It  has  been  said  that  war  is  a  great  test  of  nations,  and  war  on  the  present 
scale  is,  indeed,  a  supreme  test  of  the  success  of  our  rule  in  India.  I  think  one  reason 
why  the  Kaiser  was  so  misled  was  because  he  is  an  autocrat.  Autocrats  want  to 
hear  pleasant  things.  Those  who  want  to  advance  their  interests  are  very  likely  to 
get  hold  of  smaller  matters,  exaggerate  them,  and  tell  their  Lord  and  Master  that 
all  is  not  well  "in  the  State  of  Denmark."  I  would  draw  attention  to  one  thing, 
and  that  is  that  our  hold  upon  India  depends  even  more  upon  the  justice  of  our 
rule  than  upon  the  army  which  won  us  that  great  Empire.  The  Germans  made  a 
great  mistake.  Of  course,  they  have  not  had  our  experience,  but  I  doubt  whether 
it  is  in  the  nature  of  the  Hun  to  deal  with  natives  as  they  ought  to  be  dealt 
with.  I  do  not  think  we  are  likely  again  to  hear  the  cry,  "  Perish  India ! "  On 
the  contrary,  we  must  cherish  India  as  the  brightest  jewel  of  the  British  Crown. 
We  must  expect  many  changes  after  the  War,  for  the  outlook  in  India  will  be  very 
different.  I  think  we  must  trust  to  that  splendid  body  of  men,  the  Indian  Civil 


INDIA   AND   THE   WAR.  455 

Service,  more  especially,  and  to  those  who  make  a  study  of  our  Indian  Empire,  to 
solve  the  problems  before  us. 

Mr.  ELLIS  T.  POWELL  :  If  there  is  one  topic  which  springs  more  conspicuously  out 
of  the  address  than  any  other  it  is  the  power  of  Personality  as  an  Imperial  factor. 
I  believe  the  whole  allegiance  of  India  at  the  present  time  is  centred  around  the 
British  Sovereign,  because  there  is  in  that  sovereignty  a  continuous  personality  from 
year  to  year  and  from  life  to  life.  Although  our  present  King  succeeded  to  an  enormous 
weight  of  responsibility  without  the  unique  experience  of  his  father,  or  the  illustrious 
record  of  his  grandmother,  he  has  gone  very  far  indeed  already,  and,  I  believe,  will 
ultimately  go  the  whole  stage  towards  justifying  this  confidence  of  the  people  of  India 
in  the  central  Imperial  personality.  It  is  round  Personality,  as  a  mystic  centre  of 
Empire,  that  the  affection  of  the  Indian  people  centres.  It  has  been  asked,  could 
a  Republic  administer  India  ?  No,  because  it  does  not  exhibit  continuous  personality 
at  the  centre  of  affairs,  and  affords  no  such  focus  for  Imperial  sentiment  as  does 
the  Ruling  Head  of  this  Empire.  I  discussed  that  point  three  years  ago  with  an  aged 
American  banker  at  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  and  he  said :  "  This  is  our  great  difficulty — 
our  presidents  pass  like  phantoms  across  the  political  stage.  There  is  nothing  permanent 
round  which  the  affection  of  the  people  may  centre.  Twice  in  our  history  we  have 
passed  through  great  crises,  and  the  men  were  forthcoming.  Is  the  next  great  crisis 
going  to  produce  an  equally  strong  personality  to  lead  the  American  people  ?  God 
knows  what  that  crisis  may  be,  or  whence  it  is  coming,  but  if  the  next  crisis  does 
not  throw  out  a  personality  strong  enough  to  lead  the  American  people  in  the  same 
way  as  Lincoln  or  Washington  led  them,  their  attention  will  be  forced  on  the  problem 
of  the  lack  of  continuous  personality,  and  where  will  it  end  ?  My  boy,"  he  said, 
"I  shall  not  live  to  see  it,  but,  if  these  circumstances  come  about,  you  will  live  to 
see  the  day  when  the  same  Flag  will  float  over  the  United  States  and  the  British 
Empire."  It  is  not  for  me  to  criticise  the  American  people ;  it  would,  perhaps,  be 
indecent  to  do  so.  But  we  may  doubt  whether  there  does  exist  at  the  present  time 
hi  the  American  Republic  a  personality  capable  of  fulfilling  the  conditions  that  my 
venerable  friend  laid  down.  But  we  have  that  personality  in  the  British  Empire,  and 
that  is  the  key  to  the  loyalty  of  the  Indian  people  in  the  present  crisis.  As  long  as 
we  are  wise  enough  to  focus  our  Imperial  sentiment  round  a  central  personality,  and 
give  to  it  whole-hearted  allegiance,  this  Empire  is  safe  and  will  move  forward  to  its 
destiny  uninterruptedly  and  irresistibly. 

SIB  FBAKCIS  YOUKGHTJSBAND  moved  a  cordial  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Chairman  for 
presiding. 

The  CHAIBMAN  :  I  should  like  to  say.  how  entirely  I  find  myself  in  agreement  with 
the  views  expressed  by  the  lecturer,  and  by  succeeding  speakers.  The  commencement 
of  the  War  found  a  set  of  relations  between  England  and  India  which  has  been  the 
long-continued  growth  of  many  decades.  You  can  never  go  back  to  these  conditions. 
They  have  changed  insensibly  in  the  last  nine  months,  and  the  wisdom  of  all  future  rulers 
of  India,  native  or  British,  must,  I  am  certain,  be  concentrated  upon,  so  adjusting  the  future 
relations  of  these  two  great  Empires  that  they  can  live  in  harmony  and  in  co-operation 
with  one  another.  These  two  countries,  with  different  languages,  religion,  and  outlook, 
which  some  strange  freak  of  fortune  has  associated,  must  live  side  by  side  in  harmony, 
looking  to  the  common  head,  animated  by  different  sentiments,  governed  by  different 
hopes,  but  equally  united  in  wishing  for  and  working  for  the  future  of  the  British 
Empire.  If  we,  in  this  country,  have  begun  to  recognise  these  facts,  and  if  happy 
chance  sends  those  who  can  carry  on  the  work  of  both  countries  to  the  same  end,  I 
believe  we  shall  accomplish  even  more  remarkable  results  than  we  have  achieved  in 
the  past. 


456 


THE  OPENING  OF  THE  BRISTOL  BRANCH  BUILDING. 

BRISTOL  is  indebted  to  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard  for  enjoying  the  distinction  of  being  the  first 
provincial  centre  to  possess  a  branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  While  he  held 
the  office  of  Sheriff  the  King  Edward  Memorial  was  in  process  of  construction,  and 
he  added  considerably  to  the  importance  of  the  undertaking  by  purchasing  a  house 
in  White  Ladies'  Road  which  formed  a  serious  obstruction.  Following  the  demolition 
of  the  premises,  he  determined  to  utilise  the  site  for  the  purpose  of  providing  a 
permanent  home  for  the  local  branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  which  he  had 
succeeded  in  establishing.  The  task  he  set  himself  was  by  no  means  a  light  one,  but 
he  has  brought  it  to  a  successful  conclusion,  and  on  May  18,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  Earl  Grey  (President  of  the  Institute)  open  the  handsome  block  of  buildings 
he  has  caused  to  be  erected.  Mr.  Lennard  is  a  staunch  Imperialist,  and  he  has  given 
adequate  expression  to  his  opinions  in  the  way  he  has  carried  through  his  scheme. 
Nothing  is  wanting  to  make  it  complete.  Every  detail  has  been  carefully  thought  out. 
Utility,  as  well  as  comfort,  has  been  considered,  and  provision  made  for  work  of  a 
practical  kind  being  carried  on  within  its  walls. 

In  many  ways,  and  with  pleasing  effect,  emblems  of  the  Empire  have  been  intro- 
duced as  ornaments  to  the  column  caps,  cornices,  and  leaded  glass  ;  while  "  Australia," 
"  Canada,"  "  India,"  and  "  Africa  "  are  carved  on  hemispheres  borne  by  figures  of  Atlas 
surmounting  panel  pilasters  at  the  principal  angles.  The  Royal  Coat  of  Arms  occupies 
a  prominent  position  in  the  pedimented  gable  over  the  staircase  window,  below  which 
a  label  panel  bears  the  inscription,  "  The  gift  of  Thomas  J.  Lennard  to  his  fellow- 
citizens." 

The  accommodation  includes  a  fine  reception-room  with  a  floor  area  of  nearly  800 
feet,  and  a  lecture-room  36  feet  by  22,  with  a  raised  platform  connected  with  a  retiring- 
room.  A  well-fitted  library  opens  on  to  a  balcony,  and  there  is  a  committee-room.  The 
staircase  is  massive  and  handsome,  and  all  windows  aie  filled  with  leaded  glass  ;  the 
furniture  and  library  fittings  being  designed  by  the  architect,  Mr.  Norman  G.  Bridg- 
man,  A.R.I.B.A.  Kitchens  for  supply  of  light  refreshments,  and  other  offices,  complete 
a  beautiful  and  convenient  building. 

Prior  to  the  opening  ceremony,  admission  to  which  was  confined  to  members  and 
a  few  guests,  Earl  Grey  was  entertained  at  dinner  in  the  Queen's  Hotel.  The  company 
included  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard,  who  presided  ;  the  Right  Hon.  Earl  Grey,  the  Lord  Mayor, 
Sir  Isambard  Owen,  Sir  Frank  Wills,  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  Messrs.  Martin 
Griffiths  (Hon.  Secretary),  Sidney  Humphries,  Palliser  Martin,  H.  L.  Riseley,  Fernley 
Gardner,  E.  J.  Wyndham  (Secretary),  N.  C.  Bridgman,  H.  W.  Seccombe  Wills,  Geo. 
Riseley,  Capt.  R.  Jebb,  Messrs.  Claude  B.  Fry,  S.  Hosegood,  Graham  Lennard, 
Ellis  T.  Powell,  Colonel  Gary  Batten,  and  Mr.  J.  R.  Boose. 

A  guard  of  honour,  drawn  from  sections  of  the  Bristol  Volunteer  Regiment,  was  on 
duty  at  the  Hotel.  It  numbered  100,  under  the  command  of  Mr.  J.  Clifford -Wing, 
and  was  inspected  by  Earl  Grey,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Gary  Batten.  The 
only  toast  proposed  at  the  dinner  was  that  of  "  The  King."  After  that  had  been 


OPENING  OF  THE  BRISTOL  BRANCH  BUILDING.    457 

heartily  drunk,  the  party  adjourned  to  the  principal  saloon  of  the  Institute,  where 
the  Lord  Mayor  (Alderman  Swaish)  presided  over  a  large  gathering. 

OPENING  CEREMONY. 

The  LORD  MAYOR,  in  opening  the  proceedings,  said  that  to  explain  the  reasons  for 
their  gathering  would  be  for  him  a  very  pleasant  topic,  but  they  were  all  fully  aware  of 
the  circumstances  which  had  called  them  together.  They  were  present  for  what  might  be 
called  a  house  warming.  They  were  all  mindful  of  the  generosity  and  public  spirit  of 
their  good  friend  Mr.  Lennard  (applause).  He  (the  Mayor)  had  been  trying  to  get 
some  borrowed  glory  in  connection  with  this  building.  He  had  something  to  do  with 
the  selection  of  Mr.  Lennard  as  Sheriff,  and  it  was  during  that  gentleman's  period  of 
office  that  the  idea  occurred  to  him,  quite  spontaneously,  to  provide  in  the  city  an 
institute  of  this  kind.  So  perhaps  he  might  claim  a  little  reflected  glory.  He  believed 
that  Earl  Grey  should  also  share  in  the  glory  of  this  institution ;  for  when  he  expressed 
the  wish  that  there  might  be  100,000  members  of  the  Colonial  Institute,  Mr.  Lennard 
considered  that  Bristol  might  provide  1,000  of  them,  and  the  idea  seemed  focussed  in 
the  splendid  energy  and  munificence  which  he  had  shown.  He  had  the  privilege  of 
going  over  the  building  a  few  days  ago,  and  he  thought  it  was  a  delightful  abode. 
It  was  not  so  large,  perhaps,  as  Mr.  Lennard  wished,  but  that  was  not  his  fault :  he 
fought  against  considerable  difficulties  in  the  hope  of  making  it  larger,  but  they  would 
all  agree  that  a  great  deal  had  been  done  within  a  limited  space.  The  situation  was 
one  of  the  most  delightful  they  could  wish,  and  the  citizens  of  Bristol  would  feel  very 
grateful  to  Mr.  Lennard  for  the  public  spirit,  the  patriotic  spirit,  and  the  generous 
spirit  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  provision  of  this  institute  (applause).  They 
cordially  welcomed  Earl  Grey  to  Bristol  (applause).  He  belonged  to  a  distinguished 
family,  and,  what  was  even  better,  he  was  greatly  distinguished  himself  (hear,  hear). 
Earl  Grey  was  particularly  welcome  from  the  fact  that  he  had  been  Governor- General  of 
Canada.  He  brought  home  to  their  minds  the  King's  Dominions  beyond  the  seas,  the 
men  of  which  had  vied  with  each  other  as  to  who  should  be  the  bravest  (hear,  hear). 
In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  opening  of  this  institution  was  of  greater  and  sweeter 
significance — they  recognised  themselves  not  only  to  be  subjects  of  the  King,  but 
brothers  all ;  and  when  the  present  terrible  conflict  had  ceased,  one  and  all  of  them, 
in  every  part  of  the  King's  Dominions,  would  clasp  hands  and  rejoice  that  the  British 
Empire  had  been  triumphant,  and  that  they  were  a  brotherhood  of  which  the  whole 
world  might  be  proud  (applause). 

Mr.  T.  J.  LENNARD,  who  was  accorded  a  hearty  reception,  read  letters  of  regret 
that  they  were  not  able  to  be  present  from  Colonel  Gibbs,  M.P,  and  Sir  Edward  James. 
He  had  a  very  simple  duty  to  perfo^n.  It  was  to  present  to  Earl  Grey  for  the  use  of  the 
members  the  freehold  site  and  the  trust  deed,  the  building  erected  upon  it,  the  furniture 
and  fittings — there  were  no  liabilities  (applause) — and  the  bank-book  with  a  credit  balance 
of  £725.  The  last  named  represented  650  members'  subscriptions.  Only  one  cheque  had 
been  drawn  by  the  Hon.  Treasurer  (Mr.  Geo.  Wills) :  that  was  for  the  proportion  due  to  the 
parent  institute.  There  was  no  merit  in  the  intrinsic  value  of  the  gift  that  lay  in  the 
emulation  of  their  noble  President's  work — the  desire  to  weld  together  Imperial  sentiments 
which  made  for  freedom,  and  which  in  the  present  time  of  testing  had  found  expression 
in  the  freewill  offerings  of  money  and  thousands  of  lives  from  all  parts  of  the  British 
Empire  (hear,  hear).  He  desired  to  mention  three  names — men  who  deserved  his 
gratitude — he  was  not  forgetting  the  splendid  rally  of  members.  First,  they  remembered 
and  appreciated  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden,  who  so  ably  represented  Earl  Grey  at  their 
inaugural  dinner ;  then  he  was  indebted  to  Mr.  Martin  Griffiths  for  a  great  deal  of 
correspondence  carried  through  by  him  with  the  Victoria  Rooms  Committee  and  in 
many  things  affecting  the  placing  of  the  institute  on  a  permanent  footing.  And  also 
their  appreciation  was  due  to  the  architect,  Mr.  Norman  Bridgman,  F.R.I.B.A.,  for  the 

2  H2 


458    OPENING  OF  THE  BRISTOL  BRANCH  BUILDING. 

artistic  building  which  he  had  been  able  to  r  place  upon  so  restricted  a  site  (hear,  hear). 
Three  presents  had  been  made  to  him  personally  which  he  must  mention.  Earl  Grey 
most  kindly  gave  him  the  copy  of  Sargent's  portrait  of  himself,  which  they  could  see 
next  to  His  Majesty.  One  of  his  brother  Savages  gave  him  a  beautiful  picture  which  was 
hung  in  the  Council  Room,  and  one  of  his  fellow  Masons  gave  him  the  clock  and  stand 
which  they  could  see  on  the  Lord  Mayor's  table.  It  was  fitting  that  Bristol,  with  its 
past  history,  its  geographical  position  as  the  gateway  of  the  West,  should  have  the 
honour  of  establishing  the  first  branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  He  had  been 
happy  to  render  some  service,  but  it  was  to  the  members  they  must  look  for  unselfish 
and  patriotic  work  (applause).  No  place  or  power  had  been  reserved  either  for  himself 
"or  any  other  official.  The  Institute  was  founded  absolutely  on  democratic  lines,  and 
his  earnest  hope  was  that  it  would  do  its  work  well,  would  pay  its  way  (without  doles 
or  grants),  would  accumulate  a  reserve  fund,  and  that  the  example  might  be  followed 
by  Liverpool,  Newcastle,  Glasgow,  and  other  great  centres  in  response  to  the  wish  of 
their  President,  Earl  Grey,  preserving  the  ideals,  diffusing  the  intelligence,  and  econo- 
mising the  resources  of  the  Empire  so  that  a  true  British  Imperial  Federation  might 
in  time  be  evolved  (applause).  He  concluded  by  announcing  that  the  Duke  of  Beaufort 
had  promised  to  take  the  chair  at  their  annual  meeting  in  that  room  on  May  31. 

EABL  GREY  ON  DOMINIONS'  LOYALTY. 

^  EABL  GREY,  who  was  cordially  received,  thanked  all,  and  especially  Mr.  Lennard,  for 
the  great  gift  he  had  made  to  the  Empire.      That  was  a  very  eventful  day  in  the 
history  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.      It  was  also  a  red-letter  day  in  the  history 
of    Bristol ;   for   Bristol  by  its    action    had    given  an   example  to  the  other  great  pro- 
vincial centres  oi    the  United  Kingdom  that   it   was  determined  not  to  allow  London 
to   be   the  sole   repository   of    Imperial    enthusiasm,   but    that    it  was    determined    to 
participate    with   the    Royal  Colonial  Institute  in  London  in  creating  influence  for  the 
well-being  of  the  Empire  at  large  (applause).    Mr.  Lennard  had  said  that  there  was  no 
liability,  but  he  ventured  to  contradict  him ;  for  when  Bristol  put  its  shoulder  to  the  wheel 
and  assumed  a  responsibility  of  the  kind  it  had  assumed  that  day  there  was  inevitably 
a  heavy  liability   upon  every  one  of    its    citizens.      It    rested    with    the    citizens    of 
Bristol  to  build  up  a  real  living  influence  in  the  history  of    our  country  (hear,  hear). 
He  congratulated  Mr.  Lennard  on  having  embellished  with  so  fine  a  building  the  most 
difficult  corner  of  the  most  important  centre  of  their  ancient  city  (applause).      When 
he  first  viewed  that  site  that  morning  it  occurred  to  him  that  he  must  have  been  a 
bold    man    to    make    so    much    out    of    the    very    difficult    opportunities    before    him 
(applause).    They  had  a  splendid  building,  well  arranged ;   the  scheme  of  its  decoration 
was  simple  and  dignified ;    and  he  would  be  greatly  disappointed  if    that   building  did 
not  become  the  home  of  an  influence  which  would  make  itself  felt  more  and   more    on 
the  life  of   Bristol,   and   perhaps  on   the  fortunes  of   the   Empire   at  large   (applause). 
There  was  great  significance  in  that  gift  to  the  Colonial  Institute.      It  was  a  declara- 
tion of  Bristol's  recognition  of  the  fact  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  patriotic  citizens  of 
Bristol  to  co-operate  with  the   Royal  Colonial  Institute  in   London  in  doing  what  it 
could    to  strengthen    and    fortify    the    Empire.      He   had    been    asked    to    tell    them, 
quite   shortly,   what   the    Royal   Colonial   Institute    was.      Briefly,    its    object    was    to 
stimulate   the   Imperial  spirit  in   every  part  of   the   world   where   there  were   subjects 
residing,  and  to  d<4  everything  that  could  be  done  to  promote  a  closer  union  of  the 
various  parts  of  the  Empire  with  the  Motherland  (applause).     The  question  why  the  work 
of  the   Institute  should   be  supported  was   best  answered  by  just  telling  two  obvious 
facts — firstly,  that  the  security  of  the  separate  parts  of  the  British  Empire  depended  on 
the  ability  of  the  Empire  as  a  whole  to  protect  each  separate  part  against  the  cupidity 
of  the  aggressor ;  and,  secondly,  the  ability  of  the  Empire  to  protect  its  separate  parts 


HMSTOL    BRANCH 

or  THE 

BSXL  COLONIAL,  INSTITU 


THE    BRISTOL   BRANCH    OF    THE    ROYAL    COLONIAL    INSTITUTE, 
OPENED    BY    EARL    GREY,    MAY    18,    1915. 


PORTRAIT    OF    T.    J.    LENNARD,    Esq. 


OPENING  OF  THE  BRISTOL  BRANCH  BUILDING.    459 

depended  on  the  character  of  the  Imperial  spirit  pervading  the  whole  (applause).  Once 
those  two  truths  were  realised,  it  followed,  as  the  day  the  night,  that  means  should  be 
provided  that  would  enable  Britons,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world  they  resided,  to 
fuse  their  dissipated  energies  in  a  common  medium  in  their  joint  endeavour  to  fortify 
and  strengthen  the  British  Empire  in  every  way  that  was  possible  (applause).  He  had 
often  wondered  why  the  Colonial  Institute  was  so  much  more  strongly  supported 
overseas  than  it  was  at  home.  It  had  been  his  invariable  experience  to  find  that 
there  was  a  more  passionate  loyalty  to  the  Empire  in  every  one  of  the  Dominions 
he  had  visited  than  was  visible  when  he  was  in  any  part  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
He  emphasised  the  value  of  teaching  British  children  about  the  glory  of  the  Empire, 
the  objects  for  which  it  existed,  and  the  duties  which  belonged  henceforth  to  every 
British  citizen — as  they  were  taught  in  Canada,  Australia,  and  New  Zealand,  where  the 
great  Empire  Day  festivals  imprinted  on  the  minds  of  the  children  and  their  parents 
what  a  privilege  it  was  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  great  British  Empire  (applause).  Ihe 
feeling  in  the  Overseas  Dominions  was,  he  said,  that  their  autonomy  and  security 
rested  upon  the  strength  of  the  Empire,  and  that  unless  the  Empire  was  strong  they 
had  no  feeling  of  security  for  their  future.  He  hoped  that  the  War  would  be  the 
means  of  bringing  a  little  of  that  spirit  among  the  people  who  were  doing  so 
splendidly  in  England.  He  felt  that  a  new  spirit  had  been  born  into  this  country 
(applause).  When  they  appealed,  some  time  ago,  for  an  increased  membership  of  the 
Colonial  Institute,  they  knew  that  the  day  of  trial  was  coming,  because  they  felt  that 
the  security  of  the  Empire  was  not  what  it  ought  to  be.  Unless  there  was  a  strong 
Imperial  spirit  and  sense  of  Imperial  consciousness  right  round  the  Empire,  and  every 
man  or  woman  who  joined  that  Institute  was  giving  expression  to  that  Imperial  spirit, 
whilst  every  man  or  woman  who  kept  out  had  something  to  answer  for  in  not  supporting 
to  the  best  of  their  ability  the  Colonial  Institute  (applause).  He  should  say  that  that 
Institute  was  going  to  give  to  the  citizens  of  Bristol  an  increased  width  of  outlook.  In 
practically  every  town  in  Canada  there  was  a  Canada  Club,  where  members  met 
regularly  and  heard  addresses  on  non-political,  non-sectarian  topics,  and  those  were 
creating  a  real  national  opinion:  not  a  narrow,  sordid,  mean  party  opinion  (hear,  hear). 
It  was  not  area,  it  was  not  possessions,  that  made  national  greatness ;  it  was  only 
service  and  sacrifice.  Judged  by  that  standard,  who  should  deny  the  claim  of  Canada 
to  the  title  of  great  ?  (Applause.)  Think  of  the  service  and  the  sacrifice  which 
Canada,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa  had  all  made  themselves  conspicuous 
for  since  the  War  broke  out.  He  knew  of  nothing  more  moving  in  the  history  of 
warfare  than  that  gallant  stand  of  the  Canadians  at  Ypres  the  other  day  (applause). 
He  also  spoke  of  the  bravery  of  the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  in  landing  and 
rushing  across  an  open  shore  in  the  teeth  of  a  murderous  fire,  and  said  he  did  not 
know  if  any  of  them  had  read  of  a  braver  exploit  in  arms  than  that.  He  thought  it 
was  one  of  the  finest  things  in  the  history  of  England  that  over  two  millions  of  men  in 
khaki  had  been  raised  by  voluntary  methods  in  order  to  take  their  place  in  the  field  ;  and 
they  must  not  forget  General  Botha  in  South  Africa,  who  sent  a  message  from  the 
capital  of  German  South- West  Africa,  not  triumphant  over  his  exploit,  but  appealing  to 
his  people  not  to  bring  disgrace  on  themselves  by  rioting  and  sacking  German  property. 
He  was  glad  the  Institute  had  so  many  lady  members,  for  there  was  no  movement 
destined  to  be  enduringly  successful  or  that  could  hope  to  reach  its  potential  capacities 
unless  it  had  the  whole-hearted  enthusiasm  of  the  women  of  England  behind  it. 
We  need  to  concentrate  the  whole  energies  of  the  nation.  Every  man  who  was 
not  privileged  in  being  young  enough  to  go  to  the  Front  should  give  his  influence,  and 
concentrate  his  thoughts  on  the  question — "What  can  I  do  to  help  my  country  to 
be  successful  in  this  great  War  ? "  Earl  Grey  concluded  by  saying  he  believed  the 
example  of  Bristol  in  founding  a  branch  of  the  Colonial  Institute  would  be  followed 
by  other  large  towns  in  the  provinces  (prolonged  applause). 


460    OPENING  OF  THE  BRISTOL  BRANCH  BUILDING. 

BRISTOL  AND  THE  COLONIES. 

SIR  CHARLES  LUCAS,  Chairman  of  the  Council  of  the  Institute,  said  he  was  glad  that 
his  first  words  in  his  present  office  were  in  connection  with  the  birth  of  their  first-born 
son.  He  thought  this  son  was  fortunate  in  the  place  of  its  birth  and  in  the  time  of 
its  birth.  So  far  as  the  place  was  concerned,  there  was  no  city,  not  excluding  London, 
whose  traditions  and  history  were  so  bound  up  with  the  overseas  work  of  the  country 
as  Bristol,  and  none  with  a  longer  record  of  enterprise  to  which  the  greatness  of  our 
race  was  due  (applause).  He  had  been  looking  up  the  old  chronicles  of  Bristol,  and 
had  read  of  its  natural  advantages  and  of  the  great  industry  of  its  citizens.  He 
thought  it  could  be  truly  said  of  Bristol  merchants,  "Seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in 
business,  he  shall  stand  before  kings "  ;  but  he  thought  the  kings  got  more  out  of 
them  than  they  got  out  of  the  kings  (laughter).  He  thought  the  story  of  the  English 
race  was  typified  in  the  Merchant  Venturers  of  Bristol.  From  the  New  World  which 
Bristol  discovered  came  many  good  things,  including  tobacco.  The  tobacco  industry  in 
Bristol  did  not  end  in  smoke.  If  he  had  time  he  would  like  to  take  a  bird's-eye  view 
of  the  subject.  The  history  of  the  tobacco  business  in  the  city  illustrated  the  truth  of 
the  old  proverb,  "Where  there  are  Wills,  there  are  ways  and  means"  (laughter  and 
applause).  In  colonising,  London  and  Bristol  went  hand  in  hand.  Newfoundland  was 
colonised  by  a  company  of  adventurers  and  planters,  led  by  a  Bristol  alderman,  John 
Guy.  That  night  they  were  a  company  of  adventurers  for  planting  a  new  colony,  and 
their  leader  was  a  Bristol  merchant — Mr.  Lennard  (hear,  hear).  So  much  for  the  place 
of  the  birth  of  this  first-born  son  of  the  Institute.  With  regard  to  the  time,  it  was 
a  time  of  national  crisis  and  of  war.  A  righteous  war  was  ever  a  fruitful  time,  a  time 
of  great  opportunities  offered,  a  time  of  great  beginnings  made,  and  a  time  when  great 
creative  spirit  was  called  forth.  It  was  a  time  of  common  danger,  a  time  when  all 
members  of  a  threatened  nation  and  race  resolved  to  dwell  and  to  strive  together  in 
unity.  Unity  was  the  aim  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  If  he  were  asked  how 
they  could  promote  unity  he  should  say  by  spreading  a  knowledge  of  their  brethren 
beyond  the  seas,  of  their  lands,  their  hopes,  and  their  aspirations.  The  English 
democracy  was  not  yet  awake  to  what  the  Empire  meant.  That  was  one  of  the 
advantages  they  would  derive  from  having  planted  this  branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  this  home  of  knowledge,  in  a  great  industrial  centre.  Many  of  the  working  men  of 
England  were  still  under  the  impression  that  the  Empire  was  the  luxury  of  the  few 
and  not  a  necessity  for  every  man,  woman,  child  of  the  country  (applause).  That 
was  partly  due  to  unwise  speeches  on  popular  platforms,  about  painting  the  map  red, 
instead  of  teaching  a  sane,  sober  sense  of  responsibility  for  a  great  heritage  won  by 
courage,  patience,  and  foresight.  He  also  blamed  the  schools  and  Universities  who  had 
not  put  in  a  foremost  place  Colonial  history.  He  earnestly  hoped  that  Bristol  University 
would  work  hand  in  hand  with  the  Institute,  and  would  put  Colonial  history  in  its  proper 
position.  Do  not  let  them  teach  what  we  got  from  the  Empire,  but  what  the  Empire  had 
done  for  the  good  of  mankind  (applause).  The  world  was  a  better  world  because  the  English 
went  beyond  the  seas.  If  all  the  nations  were  to  hand  in  their  accounts  that  night, 
it  would  be  for  her  overseas  work  that  England  would  be  mainly  appraised.  The 
recording  angel  would  say  she  had  brought  new  nations  to  birth,  had  made  rough 
places  smooth,  had  made  wildernesses  rejoice,  and  blossom  as  the  rose.  She  had  brought 
health  and  life  into  lands  desolate  by  disease ;  she  had  given  to  coloured  races  equal 
laws,  clean  justice,  and  the  priceless  blessings  of  peace.  To  teach  this  he  hoped  was 
the  work  of  the  Bristol  branch ;  might  it  be  fruitful,  and  the  forerunner  of  many  more 
branches  of  the  Institute  (applause). 

SIR  ISAJIBARD  OWEN,  Vice -Chancellor,  Bristol  University,  proposed  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  Earl  Grey,  and  remarked  that  when  the  War  broke  out  the  British  Empire  was  a  new 
machiae  which  had  not  been  fully  tested.  We  in  this  country  had  confidence  in  it, 
but  in  Central  Europe  there  was  absolute  belief  that  the  wheels  of  Empire  would  never 


AUSTRALIA'S   PRESENT  POSITION.  461 

be  got  to  go  round.  Ever  since  the  War  began,  the  wheels  had  been  running  softly, 
smoothly,  discoursing  harmonious  music  to  our  ears,  but  what  doubtless,  in  Central 
Europe,  sounded  like  the  shriek  of  an  aeroplane.  Iheir  guest  was  one  of  the  chief 
engineers  of  this  machine,  and  he  was  entitled  to  a  large  share  in  the  credit  of  its 
success. 

SIR  FRANK  WILLS  seconded  the  resolution,  which  was  carried  with  applause. 

EARL  GREY  having  briefly  replied,  the  Lord  Mayor  was  thanked  for  presiding,  upon 
the  proposition  of  Mr.  Sidney  Humphries. 

The  proceedings  were  terminated  by  the  singing  of  the  National  Anthem. 


AUSTRALIA'S    PRESENT    POSITION. 

ME.  F.  W.  YOUNG,  South.  Australia's  new  Agent  General,  was  the  guest  of  the 
Institute  at  a  City  luncheon  on  April  21,  1915.  Among  those  present  was  Lord 
Islington,  formerly  Governor  of  New  Zealand  and  now  Under-Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies. 

In  introducing  Mr.  F.  W.  Young,  Earl  Grey,  who  presided,  welcomed  the  guest 
of  the  occasion  as  the  representative  of  South  Australia.  Mr.  Young  thanked  the 
Council  for  the  compliment  paid  to  his  State  in  holding  the  luncheon,  and  said  he 
felt  greatly  honoured  by  the  fact  that  Earl  Grey  had  found  it  possible  to  preside  on 
the  occasion.  The  present  was  hardly  the  time  for  facts  and  figures.  He  felt  that  it 
was  a  moment  when  one's  remarks  must  have  some  bearing  on  the  war,  and,  after 
relating  one  or  two  incidents  indicating  that  culture  was  not  quite  dead  in  the  British 
subject,  he  passed  on  to  state  that  the  Kaiser  had  certainly  pressed  a  button  which  set 
up  an  electric  current  to  every  part  and  corner  of  the  Empire,  annihilating  all  spaces 
and  differences  and  making  us  one  whole  people.  Australia  shared  in  this  wonderful 
burst  of  pride  in,  and  affection  for,  the  Mother  Country,  realised  the  generosity  of  her 
cause  when  war  was  declared,  and  soon  gripped  the  true  issues  involved — the  exis- 
tence of  our  Empire.  Australia  valued  the  freedom  which  was  the  gift  of  a  generous 
Mother  Country,  and,  realising  to  the  full  the  true  meaning  of  the  Union  Jack  and  the 
value  of  the  Navy  which  had  permitted  her  to  peacefully  work  out  her  destiny,  had 
hastened  to  help  the  Mother  Country  in  this  frightful  war  in  all  possible  directions. 
Their  hearts  went  out  to  the  Belgians  and  others  whose  countries  were  so  wrongfully 
and  ruthlessly  invaded,  and  every  effort  had  been  made  to  mitigate  their  troubles. 

AUSTRALIA'S  STRONG  FINANCIAL  POSITION. 

The  war  found  Australia  in  an  exceedingly  strong  financial  position — her  gold 
deposits  were  something  over  forty  millions,  which  was  something  extraordinary 
for  a  population  of  less  than  five  millions.  Every  step  was  taken,  with  more  or  less 
satisfactory  results,  to  prevent  panic,  and  it  was  gratifying  to  know  that,  although 
the  drought  had  caused  a  complete  cessation  in  the  export  of  wheat — one  of  Australia's 
staple  products — and  whilst  the  wool  market  was  held  up  for  some  months  and  the 
metal  market  was  still  far  from  satisfactory,  yet  Australia  was  finding  it  possible,  by 
her  internal  credit,  to  maintain  substantially  a  normal  course  of  affairs  and  to  proceed 
in  the  development  of  her  resources.  This  was  no  doubt  partly  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  British  Government  had  generously,  by  a  loan,  enabled  the  Commonwealth  to 
meet  and  provide  for  military  expenses.  Australia  felt  sanguine  of  the  future.  An 


462  AUSTRALIA'S   PRESENT  POSITION. 

/ 

optimism  amply  justified  by  the  past  made  her  people  look  upon  the  severe  drought 
as  a  momentary  affair,  except  as  regards  the  permanent  lessons  which  it  taught  her, 
and  she  was  hopeful  of  contributing  largely  to  the  food  supply  out  of  the  next  harvest. 
In  South  Australia  rain  had  fallen  at  an  ideal  time  for  the  seeding  of  the  next  year's 
crop.  Although  the  wheat  production  of  Australia  might  not  be  very  large,  the 
exportable  quantity,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  a  considerable  factor  in  the  world's 
market.  Australia  was  also  one  of  the  few  countries  able  to  export  meat  in  any 
quantity ;  whilst  her  wool  not  only  commanded  a  high  price,  but  she  actually  con- 
tributed one-fourth  of  the  world's  supply.  In  metals,  the  Australians  were  large 
producers  of  gold,  whilst  they  supplied  the  world  with  one-fifth  of  its  requirements 
in  lead  and  zinc.  These  were  surely  enormous  proportions  for  her  all  too  small 
population. 

THE  FUTUBE  TRADE  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

Australia  felt  that  her  future  was  somewhat  different  to  that  of  this  country, 
which  had  to  continue  the  battle  long  after  peace  was  declared  in  a  world  of  dislocated 
markets  so  far  as  manufactured  goods  were  concerned.  As  regards  this  problem,  they 
were  all  concerned  in  it,  as  the  trade  supremacy  of  the  Empire  was  the  keynote  of  its 
material  greatness.  Before  the  trade  could  be  put  up  to  date  and  its  usefulness 
materially  extended,  he  felt  that  the  result  depended  in  the  main  on  the  merchants 
and  manufacturers  and  their  employees.  Greater  adaptability  was  required  on  the 
part  of  our  manufacturers  and  a  lesser  tendency  to  rely  upon  the  British  reputation 
of  the  past.  The  taste  of  the  consumer  must  be  studied  more  seriously.  Our  rivalry 
with  Germany  in  the  past  had  been  severe ;  but,  after  the  first  shock  of  defeat,  one  must 
expect  that  wonderful  nation  of  people  in  a  somewhat  impoverished  condition  to  be 
even  more  serious  rivals  in  the  future,  and  economically  by  necessity  they  would 
undoubtedly  put  up  a  great  fight  to  re-establish  themselves  in  the  markets  of  the  world, 
which,  for  the  moment,  were  lost  to  them.  In  this  commercial  fight  the  greatest  cor- 
diality and  effort  on  the  part  of  the  workmen  would  be  required,  and  it  seemed  to  him 
that  we  should  not  only  be  asking  the  men  to  meet  the  immediate  position  created  by 
the  war,  but  should  be  educating  them  as  to  the  necessities  of  the  future. 

PEACE  AND  THE  DOMINIONS. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Young  expressed  his  pleasure  at  the  statement  made  by  the 
Colonial  Secretary,  promising  consultation  with  the  Dominions  in  connection  with 
peace,  and  he  trusted  that  the  Government's  efforts  in  that  direction  would  not  suffer 
from  undue  delay.  He  felt  that  one  of  the  chief  tasks  of  statesmanship  to-day  was  to 
preserve  the  magnificent  feeling  of  unity  now  prevailing  throughout  the  Empire,  and 
that  every  effort  should  be  made  to  prevent  that  unity  being  impaired.  He  was  not 
urging  that  the  Dominions  should  obtain  all  that  they  might  ask  for,  but  that  they 
should  by  consultation,  understand  the  difficulties  of  peace  negotiations,  so  that  their 
countries  would  be  satisfied  that  they  had  not  been  unduly  overlooked.  Disappoint- 
ments would  be  much  reduced,  if  not  dissipated,  by  frank  consultations  between  the 
Imperial  and  Dominions  Ministers  in  person  before  peace  conferences  were  held. 

VOTE  OP  THANKS. 

Lord  Islington,  in  moving  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Young  for  his  very  able,  attractive, 
and  pointed  speech,  said  he  was  glad  of  this  opportunity,  because  he  wished  to  associate 
His  Majesty's  Government  and  the  Colonial  Office  with  this  cordial  welcome  to  South 
Australia's  new  Agent- General. 


468 


THE    BRITISH    INDUSTRIES    FAIR. 

To  the  Commercial  Intelligence  Branch  of  the  Board  of  Trade  the  greatest  credit  is 
due,  first,  for  the  admirable  conception  of  this  Fair,  and  secondly,  for  its  efficient 
organisation  in  an  extremely  short  time. 

The  point  which  is  of  most  interest  to  Fellows  of  the  Institute — namely,  in  what 
way  the  Fair  can  be  of  educational  and  commercial  importance  to  the  Oversea  Empire 
— has  been  the  subject  of  investigation  by  the  Trade  and  Industry  Committee.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  as  far  as  the  buyer  from  Oversea  is  concerned,  this  concentration  of  the 
cream  of  the  manufactured  products  in  a  particular  industry  is  immensely  valuable  for 
the  purposes  of  comparison  and  of  judicious  buying — that  is  to  say,  it  will  be  valuable 
if  the  Fair  is  to  become  an  annual  State-organised  Institution.  The  criticism  of  most 
of  the  exhibitors  who  were  questioned  was  directed  to  this  question  and  they  were 
unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  whole  practical  usefulness  of  the  exhibition  hinged 
upon  its  establishment  as  a  regular  annual  Fair,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Board  of 
Trade.  The  writer  was  assured  that  there  need  be  no  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  on  financial  grounds  as  exhibitors  were  perfectly  willing  to  pay  a  rent  for 
their  stands  on  a  basis  which  would  guarantee  the  return  of  any  necessary  outlay. 
What  they  chiefly,  and,  it  seems,  quite  properly  desire,  is  that  the  Fair  should  have 
the  enormous  advantage  of  being  held  in  the  name  of  the  Government  and  being 
subject  to  official  supervision. 

It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  an  annual  exhibition  based  upon  such  a  system 
would  speedily  attract  to  itself  the  best  of  all  that  is  produced  by  British  manu- 
facturers. At  the  present  Fair,  no  more  than  nine  industries  are  represented,  some 
great  branches  of  manufacture,  notably  the  motor  industry,  refusing  to  take  part 
in  it  on  account  of  their  own  already  admirably  organised  exhibition  ;  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  consistent  development  of  an  annual  Fair  would  compel  industries  at 
present  standing  aloof  to  come  into  the  movement,  because  they  could  not  afford  to 
stay  out  of  it.  One  initial  difficulty  to  be  overcome  is  the  fact  that  the  season  for 
exhibition  of  certain  types  of  manufactures  may  be  of  no  use  to  makers  of  other  species 
of  goods  and  a  suggestion  much  mooted  at  present  in  certain  commercial  circles  is  that 
there  should  be  a  Spring  and  an  Autumn  Fair,  there  being  quite  a  sufficient  number 
of  industries  to  support  adequately  each  of  these  ;  while,  in  addition,  such  an  arrange- 
ment, by  dealing  with  the  two  important  trade  seasons  would  be  able  to  include  the 
manufacture  of  every  important  line  of  goods.  The  point  of  view  of  the  Oversea 
buyer  is  not  only  of  special  interest  to  traders  in  the  Dominions  themselves,  but  is 
of  fundamental  importance  to  the  promoters  and  exhibitors  of  the  Fair,  for  the  Over- 
sea buyer,  British  or  foreign,  is  much  more  a  general  buyer  than  his  United  Kingdom 
confrere,  and  the  concentration  under  one  roof  of  the  best  work  of  all  the  important 
manufacturers  will  be  of  unparalleled  convenience  to  his  buying. 


464 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  :    MONTHLY  NOTES.* 

AUSTRALIA. 
Red  Cross  Fund. — Australia's  contribution  now  totals  £100,000. 

The  High  Court  and  Wheat  Acquisition  Act. — Considerable  controversy  has  been 
roused  by  the  judgment  of  the  High  Court,  which  unanimously  upheld  the  right  of 
the  New  South  Wales  Government  to  'pass  the  Wheat  Acquisition  Act,  whereby  the 
export  of  wheat  (in  some  cases  already  sold  and  in  transit)  was  prohibited,  and  all 
wheat  seized  is  taken  by  the  Government  and  paid  for  at  its  own  prices.  The  Act 
is  estimated  to  have  caused  a  loss  of  something  like  £250,000  to  sellers  in  Victoria 
who,  having  secured  the  New  South  Wales  wheat  at  a  certain  price,  resold  it  (on 
paper)  and  now  have  to  make  good  the  deficiency.  It  is  pointed  out  in  the  Melbourne 
Argus  that,  while  the  decision  may  be  good  law,  it  reveals  the  fact  that  any  State 
can  drive  a  coach  and  four  through  Article  92  of  the  Constitution,  which  was  believed 
to  have  secured  the  unity  of  Australia  for  trade  purposes. 

Scientific  Research. — The  Trustees  of  the  estate  of  the  late  Mr.  Walter  Hall 
(whose  widow  set  aside  £1,000,000  for  public  purposes)  are  endowing  with  £2,500  per 
annum  an  Institute  of  Research  in  Pathology  and  Medicine  in  connection  with  Melbourne 
Hospital. 

Tobacco-growing  in  Queensland.  —  Although  the  tobacco-plant  thrives  wherever 
it  is  sown  in  Queensland,  or  even  where  it  is  self-planted,  it  has  been  found  by  experience 
that  it  was  only  in  certain  districts,  in  certain  classes  of  soil,  and  under  certain  climatic 
conditions  that  the  most  perfect  qualities  of  the  leaf  can  be  developed.  The  district 
recommended  by  the  Government  for  the  culture  of  pipe  and  cigar  tobacco  are,  for 
the  former,  Texas  and  Inglewood,  on  the  southern  border  of  Queensland,  and  the 
coast  between  Bowen  and  Cardwell  in  the  north.  It  may,  of  course,  be  discovered 
later  on  that  there  are  other  districts  where  this  form  of  agriculture  may  be  pursued 
with  profit.  The  latter  kind  of  tobacco  has  thriven  in  the  northern  district  mentioned, 
and  growers  there  have  realised  from  £60  to  £100  per  acre  for  their  crops.  Cigar-leaf 
is  exclusively  grown  in  the  north.  The  value  of  an  acre  of  pipe  tobacco  may  be  set 
down  at  £30,  so  that  it  is  obvious  that  only  a  small  area  under  intense  cultivation 
is  needed  to  ensure  a  competence.  In  1911,  10,044,399  Ib.  of  manufactured  plug  and 
cut  tobacco  were  produced.  This  required  8,546,726  Ib.  of  leaf,  of  which  no  less  than 
7,339,611  Ib.  were  imported  from  abroad.  To  this  must  be  added  the  weight  of 
manufactured  tobacco  and  cigars  also  imported,  so  that  over  2,500,000  Ib.  more  must 
be  allowed  for.  British  New  Guinea  has  now  entered  the  field  of  competition  with 
cheap  coloured  labour.  In  1912,  eighteen  tons  of  leaf  were  made  into  cigars,  etc.,  in  that 
country,  and  the  reduced  cost  of  culture  and  manufacture  ensures  a  good  market  in 
Australia.  Under  the  Commonwealth  Counties  Act,  high  grade  cigar-leaf  received  a 
bounty  of  2d.  per  Ib.  for  five  years  if  grown  under  certain  conditions. 

Female  Immigration. — War  widows  have  shown  a  great  disinclination  to  emigrate 
from  Great  Britain  in  spite  of  special  offers  from  Sydney,  New  South  Wales.  The 
congregation  of  St.  James's  Church,  Sydney,  subscribed  £400  last  October,  and  sent 
it  to  the  Bishop  of  London  to  assist  war  widows  to  emigrate.  The  Bishop  passed 
on  the  task  of  finding  the  war  widows  to  the  Soldiers'  and  Sailors'  Families'  Association, 
who  widely  advertised  the  scheme.  They  had  not  a  single  application. 

The  emigration  of  domestic  servants  shows  a  slight  increase  on  former  years.     About 

*  Under  this  heading  will  be  found  from  time  to  time  notices  of  some  of  the  more  striking 
overseas  contributions;  but  the  universal  generosity  has  made  it  impossible  to  compile  each 
month  a  full  record.  The  recent  Government  Blue  Book  brings  overseas  gifts  up  to  March  1915. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE :    MONTHLY  NOTES.       465 

fifty  women  have  taken  advantage  of  the  offer  made  through  the  Queen's  Fund  to 
unemployed  women.  Of  a  party  of  seventy  women  who  sailed  last  Saturday  ten  were 
sent  out  by  the  Queen's  Fund.  They  paid  no  passage  money,  and  received  £1  for 
pocket  money  on  landing  and  a  trunk  full  of  clothes,  including  a  coat  and  skirt, 
waterproof,  and  boots.  In  the  first  six  months  they  will  have  to  pay  £2  to  the  immi- 
gration authorities  out  of  their  wages ;  but  after  that  their  monetary  obligations  cease, 
though  they  have  a  moral  obligation  to  remain  a  year  in  domestic  service. 

Male  emigration  to  Australia,  since  the  War,  has  been  at  a  standstill  owing  to  the 
statement  made  by  the  Australian  Government  on  August  6  that  no  men  of  military 
age  would  be  accepted  for  assisted  passages. 

SOUTH  AFKICA. 

Prospects  after  the  War. — There  is  no  reason  to  anticipate,  says  the  Cape  Times, 
any  such  period  of  leanness  after  the  present  War  as  followed  the  Boer  War.  Two 
"  luxury  "  industries  have  suffered — ostrich  farming  and  diamonds  (though  the  former 
has  recovered  slightly);  but  since  1904  the  steady  improvement  in  agriculture  and  stock 
breeding,  the  extension  of  railways  and  irrigation,  have  greatly  consolidated  the  position 
of  South  Africa.  The  maize  crop  which  in  1914  was  1,100,000  bags,  valued  at  about 
£440,000,  in  1915  will  be  about  double  that  amount,  and  the  price  has  risen  from 
8«.  to  10s.  (13/6)  per  bag.  The  difficulty  of  obtaining  carriage  at  a  reasonable  figure 
has  to  be  met ;  but  a  very  substantial  profit  should  accrue,  especially  if  the  present 
high  price  of  wheat  in  British  markets  induces  consumers  to  turn  their  attention  to 
supplementary  food  stuffs.  The  Johannesburg  Chamber  of  Commerce  has  forwarded, 
among  other  motions  to  be  put  at  the  forthcoming  annual  Maize  Conference  at  Cape 
Town,  one  to  the  effect  that  the  S.A.  Trade  Commissioner  should  be  asked  to  urge 
the  more  extensive  use  of  maize  in  Great  Britain,  pointing  out  the  various  uses  to 
which  it  is  put  in  America. 

Basutoland  and  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund. — The  European  residents  in 
Basutoland  collected  among  themselves  £1,835  for  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund. 

Bechuanaland  Protectorate. — The  veteran  Chief  Khama,  whose  wisdom  and 
ability  as  a  ruler  have  been  of  the  greatest  advantage  to  his  people  and  to  the  British 
Government,  sent  £817  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund  from  himself  and  the  Bamangwato 
people. 

CANADA. 

The  Flax  Supply. — The  formation  of  a  Canadian  Flax  Association  is  directly  due 
to  the  effect  of  the  War  on  the  European  flax  supply.  A  few  months  ago  the  outlook 
for  the  linen  industry  in  the  North  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  was  very  serious  indeed, 
and  a  prominent  manufacturer  went  to  Canada  for  the  specific  purpose  of  investigating 
crop  conditions  and  prospects  there.  In  the  meantime,  however,  this  season's  supply  of 
seed  for  sowing  purposes  has  been  practically  secured  from  Russia,  and  what  anxiety 
remains  is  concerned  with  next  year's  seed,  the  bulk  of  which  has  hitherto  been 
imported  from  the  Continent.  The  War  may  be  said  to  have  wiped  out  the  European 
flax  supply.  Over  large  areas,  few  crops  of  any  kind  can  be  sown  and  such  as  are 
put  down  will  naturally  be  for  food  purposes.  Belgium  exported  to  Great  Britain  in 
1913,  14,194  tons  of  flax  and  3,812  tons  of  tow.  In  addition,  Great  Britain  imported 
over  £1,200,000  worth  of  flax  yarn  spun  in  Belgium.  This  year  the  whole  Belgian 
export  of  flax  is  cancelled,  Germany  having,  as  reported,  seized  the  stock  of  fibre, 
yarns,  and  linen.  Moreover,  the  enemy  having  taken  possession  also  of  the  straw  of  the 
1913  crop,  held  in  reserve,  and  of  the  1914  crop  which  had  just  been  harvested  when 
war  broke  out,  and  by  preventing  any  sowing  this  spring,  has  ruined  the  Belgian  flax 
industry  for  some  time  to  come,  even  were  Belgium  restored  to  its  people  to-morrow. 


466       ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  :    MONTHLY  NOTES. 

It  is  not   clear   how  much    seed,   yarn,   etc.,   may   be   forthcoming"  from   Russia  in  the 

immediate   future,    but   the    shortage   may   be   considerable,    and   the   formation   of  the 

above  organisation  shows  that  steps  are  well  advanced  in   Canada  to  make  good  the 
deficiency  so  far  as  possible. 

A  New  Waterway. — The  new  Welland  Canal  will  probably  be  open  for  traffic 
during  the  season  of  1918  if  conditions  continue  as  at  present.  It  is  not  anticipated, 
however,  that  the  work  will  be  completed  at  that  time.  Fully  three  more  years  will 
be  required  for  the  purpose.  The  locks  on  the  new  canal  will  be  800  feet  long  by 
80  feet  in  breadth,  with  a  depth  of  water  30  feet  on  the  sills.  In  the  stretches  between  the 
locks  there  will  be  a  depth  of  25  feet  only  for  the  present. 

Canada's  New  War  Stamp. — The  war  tax  of  one  cent  imposed  on  each  letter  and 
postcard  posted  in  Canada  for  delivery  in  the  Dominion,  the  United  States  or  Mexico, 
and  on  each  letter  posted  in  Canada  for  delivery  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  British 
possessions  generally,  became  effective  on  and  from  April  15.  This  war  tax  is  to  be 
prepaid  by  the  senders  by  means  of  a  "  war  stamp,"  for  sale  by  postmasters  and 
others.  Wherever  possible,  it  is  requested  that  these  stamps  be  used,  but  ordinary 
postage  stamps  are  accepted.  In  the  event  of  failure  on  the  part  of  the  sender, 
through  oversight  or  negligence,  to  prepay  the  war  tax  on  each  letter  or  postcard,  as 
above  specified,  the  missive  will  be  sent  immediately  to  the  dead-letter  office.  It  is 
essential  that  postage  on  all  classes  of  mail  matter  be  prepaid  by  means  of  the  ordinary 
postage  stamps.  The  "war  tax  stamp"  will  not>-be  accepted  in  any  case  for  the 
prepayment  of  postage. 

Sugar  Refinery  in  New  Brunswick. — The  Atlantic  Sugar  Refinery,  Limited,  has 
begun  the  manufacture  of  sugar.  This  is  the  first  enterprise  of  the  kind  to  be  started 
in  New  Brunswick,  and  it  is  likely  to  prove  a  valuable  industrial  asset  to  the  city. 
The  General  Manager  says  the  new  refinery  is  one  of  the  best  in  the  world.  When 
working  at  its  full  capacity  it  will  turn  out  1,000,000  pounds  of  sugar  per  day.  About 
300  hands  will  be  employed.  The  raw  sugar  is  brought  from  the  West  Indies  by 
steamers,  and  is  landed  at  the  refinery  doors  without  any  extra  haulage. 

NIGEBIA. 

Loyal  Mohammedans. — Sir  Frederick  Lugard,  Governor-General,  has  forwarded  to 
the  Colonial  Office  interesting  evidences  of  the  loyalty  of  the  Mohammedans  in  every 
part  of  Nigeria.  There  are  five  million  Mohammedans  in  the  northern  states,  spread 
over  an  area  of  150,000  miles  from  Sokoto  to  Lake  Chad  and  southwards  to  the  rivers 
Benue  and  Niger.  The  Emirs  of  the  northern  province  placed  £38,000  at  the  Governor- 
General's  disposal  to  meet  expenses  and  losses  due  to  the  War.  Some  of  the  letters 
accompanying  these  gifts  are  of  peculiar  interest.  The  Emir  of  Bornu,  who  has  been 
of  great  assistance  in  furnishing  carriers,  transport,  food,  etc.,  quotes  the  Prophet:  "Those 
who  break  friendship,  kill  them  like  pagans.  If  you  kill  them,  perhaps  they  will  repent "  ; 
and  in  asking  that  some  money  subscribed  by  him  in  February  for  other  purposes  shall  be 
diverted  to  the  War,  suggests  that  part  of  it  should  still  go  to  the  schools  "  because  they  do 
good  for  my  country,  as  I  have  seen  in  the  case  of  my  own  sons."  The  Emir  of 
Bida  says :  "  We  desire  to  inform  you  that  we  follow  you  at  all  times  and  without 
hesitation  " ;  and  the  Emir  of  Jenraa,  with  "  a  small  amount  of  £40  from  our  Treasury," 
asks,  "  Of  our  little  we  hope  that  you  will  take  the  wish  and  make  it  great."  The 
Emir  of  Kontagora  sends  £200,  put  aside  for  improving  the  land,  stating  that  he  will 
do  this  at  his  own  charge.  The  Tripoli  Arabs  resident  in  Kano,  and  traders  in  every 
principal  town  of  Nigeria  unanimously  condemn  the  attitude  of  "  the  Sultan  of  Stamboul " 
and  express  their  satisfaction  with  British  rule.  One  small  community  near  Calabar, 
which  gets  a  living  by  fishing  in  Cameroons  waters,  sends  £40  as  a  thank-offering 
for  release  from  German  interference. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  :   MONTHLY  NOTES.        407 

THE  GOLD  COAST 

Prosperity. — The  prosperity  of  the  Gold  Coast  was  illustrated  by  the  recent  offer 
(gratefully  accepted)  of  £80,000  from  the  Treasury,  after  the  needs  of  all  urgent  public 
works  and  the  expenses  of  the  Togoland  Expedition  had  been  met.  In  addition  to 
this  the  privately  collected  war  fund  of  the  Colony  reached  £11,000  in  March,  and  the 
ladies,  European  and  African,  were  associated  in  a  fund  for  providing  comforts  for  the 
British  Indian  troops. 

THE  WEST  INDIES. 

Generous  Offers. — Apart  from  the  large  private  collections,  and  the  donations 
from  public  funds  in  every  island  for  the  Red  Cross,  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund  and  other 
war  purposes,  contributions  in  kind  were  made  of  a  very  practical"  nature,  such  as 
the  gift  of  arrowroot  from  St.  Vincent ;  cocoa,  oranges,  and  limes  from  Trinidad ;  grape- 
fruit, oranges,  preserved  fruits,  ginger,  sugar,  and  cigarettes  from  Jamaica;  fortnightly 
shipments  of  fruit  from  the  Bahamas,  regular  consignments  of  limes  from  Dominica ; 
guava  jelly  and  preserves  from  Montserrat  and  St.  Lucia.  The  Legislative  Council  of 
Dominica  also  presented  on  behalf  of  the  island  a  100  h.p.  Gnome  Vickers  gun- biplane 
to  the  Royal  Flying  Corps.  Antigua  was  anxious  to  vote  £2,500  for  greater  comforts 
for  wounded  sailors  and  soldiers,  raising  £1,500  by  special  taxation;  but  in  view  of  the 
needs  of  the  Presidency  and  the  possible  necessity  of  new  taxation  to  meet  them,  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  only  accepted  £1,000.  This  was  devoted  to  the 
St.  John  Ambulance  Brigade  hospital  at  Boulogne.  Barbados  gave  £20,000  to  war 
expenses,  and  over  £3,000  to  relief  funds.  British  Guiana  sent  rice,  sugar,  and  £13,000. 
Mr.  Harcourt,  in  enumerating  the  gifts  from  the  Caribbean  Colonies :  remarked  "  a  most 
remarkable  record  of  spontaneous  generosity  from  poor  islands,  which,  a  few  years 
ago,  were  in  receipt  of  financial  aid  from  the  British  Treasury." 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Help  for  Belgians. — In  addition  to  large  private  subscriptions,  the  Prime  Minister 
has  cabled  an  offer  of  £15,000  from  the  Consolidated  Fund  for  relief  of  distressed 
Belgians. 

Fruit  for  South  America. — The  Department  of  Agriculture  has  received  a  report 
on  the  prospect  of  New  Zealand  fruit  for  South  America,  from  which  it  appears  that 
a  good  market  can  be  found  from  mid-March  to  end  of  June,  after  which  North 
American  fruit  begins  to  arrive.  Complaints  were  made  as  to  the  packing  both  of 
Tasmanian  and  New  Zealand  Apples — North  American  fruit  is  beautifully  packed.  The 
agent  estimates  he  could  place  the  whole  exportable  supply  of  apples  suitable  to  Buenos 
Aires  requirements  at  about  9s.  per  case  c.i.f.  Quality  is  of  importance. 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

Women's  Gift  to  the  Troops. — The  women  of  Newfoundland  have  sent  to  the 
St.  John  Ambulance  Association  the  fifth  consignment  of  warm  clothes  and  comforts 
for  the  troops.  It  consists  of  about  forty  cases  and  barrels  filled  with  socks,  shirts, 
sweaters,  and  almost  every  kind  of  article  in  use  in  a  hospital. 

Working  under  the  direction  of  the  Newfoundland  centre  of  the  St.  John  Ambulance 
Association,  the  hon.  secretary  of  which  is  Mrs.  Cluny  MacPherson,  the  women  of  all 
classes  have  co-operated  in  the  supply  of  these  articles,  which  now  amount  to  scores 
of  thousands.  Most  of  the  socks  are  made  by  quite  poor  classes,  who  keep  sheep  for 
their  own  use,  but  who  since  the  War  have  not  only  given  the  wool  which  is  usually 
employed  for  their  own  garments,  but  have  themselves  made  it  into  socks.  One  old 
lady  of  eighty-two  has  made  eight  pairs  in  three  weeks,  while  the  peasants  reckon  they 
can  make  a  pair  a  day.  The  features  of  these  consignments  are  the  excellence  of  the 
material  and  work,  the  cleanliness  and  finish  of  all  the  articles,  and  the  perfection  of 
the  packing. 


468  DIARY   OF   THE   WAR. 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

April  27.  Fierce  fighting  in  Flanders.     Allies  make  good  their  footing  on  the  Gallipoli 

Peninsula  and  Asiatic  side  of  Dardanelles.     French  cruiser  torpedoed  in 

Otranto   Straits ;     t'OO   lives   lost.     Kussian   warships   bombard    outer 

forts  of  the  Bosphorus  ;    Turkish  warships  compelled  to  retire. 

,,     29.  Battle  on  the  Plain  of  Troy  ;  French  advance.     Allies  make  progress  on  th 

Yser,  and  check  German  offensive  at  Ypres.     Submarine  E  14  sinks 

Turkish  transport  in  Sea  of  Marmora. 

„     30.  German  air  raid  on  Ipswich  and  Bury  St.  Edmunds  ;    no  loss  of  life. 

Dunkirk  bombarded  by  enemy  ;   some  casualties. 

May      1.  Great  artillery  activity  in  region  of  Ypres  ;  Allies'  position  maintained. 

Two   German    torpedo-boats    and    one    Biitish    destroyer    sunk    off 

Holland. 

,,  2.  Geiman  invasion  of  Baltic  Provinces  carried  to  within  30  miles  of  Kiga. 
Union  Forces  in  German  South- West  Africa  continue  to  advance  north- 
wards ;  enemy  dispersed  near  Gibeon,  captures  of  prisoners  and  guns. 

„        3.  Renewed  German  attacks  on  Hill  60 ;    fierce  struggle.    Heavy  defeat  of 
Russian  Army  in  Western  Galicia.    Seven  British  trawlers  torpedoed 
E  14  sinks  Turkish  gunboat  in  Sea  of  Marmora. 

,,        4.  Allies  compelled  to  fall  back  and  form  a  new  line  near  Ypres,  owin 
to   German  use  of   asphyxiating   gasts.      French    advance  at  severa 
points.    Allied  forces  assume  the  offensive  in  Gallipoli  Peninsula,  and 
advance  into  interior     Russian  Army  defeats  Turks  in  Caucasus. 

„       5.  German  advance  on  Hill  60  ;  Allies  lose  ground. 

„        7.  British  liner  Lusitania  torpedoed  off  Irish  coast ;  over  a  thousand  lives  lost. 

„  9.  French  advances  south  of  Carency  and  towards  Loos  ;  captures  of  prisoners 
and  guns.  Germans  capture  Libau  on  Baltic  coast. 

„  10.  Fierce  fighting  round  Ypres.  Germans  continue  to  advance  in  Galicia ; 
Russian  line  broken.  German-air  raid  on  Southend,  Leigh-on-Sea. 
and  WestclifE.  E  14  sinks  large  Turkish  transport. 

,.  11.  French  capture  strong  position  of  Notre  Dame  de  Lorette,  and  advance 
at  several  points.  Germans  again  within  25  miles  of  Przemysl.  Russians 
driven  back  on  River  Stry. 

„  12.  H.M.S.  Goliath  torpedoed  in  Dardanelles  by  Turkish  destroyers.  Union 
Forces,  under  General  Botha,  enter  Windhoek. 

„  13.  French  capture  village  of  Carency,  after  severe  struggle  ;  over  a  thousand 
prisoners  taken  :  heavy  casualties.  E  14  runs  small  steamer  aground. 

.,      15.  British  troops  capture  strong  German  position  near  Richebouig  1'Avoue. 

,,  17.  British  advance  continues  ;  German  trenches  on  a  [ront  of  two  miles 
captured.  French  successes  in  region  of  Yser  Canal.  German  Zeppelin 
over  Kent  coast ;  bombs  dropped  on  Ramsgate. 

„     18.  Russian  forces  occupy  line  of  the  San  ;    heavy  fighting^in  Galicia. 


n 

; 


DIARY   OF   THE   WAR.  469 

May  19.  Russian  centre  broken  ;  enemy  cross  the  San  north  of  Przemysl  and  capture 
7,000  prisoners.  Allies  advance  in  Gallipoli  peninsula. 

„  20.  Mr.  Asquith  announces  in  House  of  Commons  the  reconstruction  of  the 
Cabinet  on  "  a  broader  political  and  personal  basis." 

„     21.  French  in  possession  of  Lorette  heights. 

„  22.  Terrible  railway  disaster  near  Carlisle,  collision  with  troop-train,  158  people, 
including  70  soldiers,  killed  and  300  injured,  besides  other  casualties. 

„  23.  Italy  declares  war  on  Austria.  Reported  weakening  of  German  offensive 
in  Galicia.  Poison  gas  used  there. 

„  24.  British  Army  reports  progress  east  of  Festubert,  and  French  near  Lorette. 
Chino-Japanese  treaty  signed.  Austrian  air-craft  drop  bombs  on  Venice 
but  are  driven  off  by  Italian  air-craft. 

„  25.  British  report  progress  north  of  La  Bassee.  Severe  German  attacks  under 
cover  of  gas  repulsed.  H.M.S.  Triumph  torpedoed  in  Dardanelles. 

„     26.  New  Coalition  Cabinet  announced. 

„  27.  H.M.S.  Majestic  torpedoed  in  Dardanelles.  Nearly  all  crew  saved. 
Auxiliary  steamer  Irene  blows  up  in  Sheerness  Harbour.  Zeppelin 
drops  bombs  on  Southend  ;  2  deaths.  Submarine  E  11  sinks  Turkish 
boat  with  guns  and  munitions,  torpedoes  supply-boat,  enters  Con- 
stantinople harbour,  and  fires  torpedo  at  transport. 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR  (Third  List). 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.  Additions  to  this 
list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary.) 

ALLAN,  J.  H.,  Captain,  9th  Lincolns,  ARCHER-SHEE,  M.,  M.P.,  Major,  19th  Hussars, 
BARRETT,  T.  BOEVEY,  Lieutenant,  17th  Brigade,  King's  Royal  Rifles ;  BETTINGTON, 
D.  R.  A.,  Base  Commandant,  Togoland  Field  Force ;  BROADMEAD,  H.  H.,  2 /5th  Somerset 
Light  Infantry;  CARTER,  W.  M.  E.,  Lieutenant,  9th  Yorks  and  Lanes;  COATES, 
W.  V.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  9th  (S.)  Batt.  Norfolk  Regiment;  CRAWFORD  and  BALCARRES, 
Rt.  Hon.  Earl  of,  R.A.M.C. ;  DA  VIES,  C.  D  VAUGHAN,  Lieutenant,  12th  Batt.  Welsh 
Regiment ;  DALE,  ANDREW,  Captain,  10th  Yorkshire  Light  Infantry ;  DE  TRAFFORD, 
C.  N.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  153rd  Brigade  R.F.A. ;  DICKSON,  J.  R.,  M.B.,  Lieutenant, 
R.A.M.C. ;  ECCLES,  L.  W.  G.,  Northern  Rhodesian  Rifles ;  ELLIOT,  LESLIE,  Staff 
Sergeant,  10th  Gordon  Highlanders;  FESTING,  A.  H.,  C.M.G.,  D.S.O.,  Major,  Royal 
Irish  Rifles  (killed  in  action) ;  FINCH,  FREDERICK  A.,  A.S.C. ;  FOUCAR,  GEORGE, 
Lieutenant,  Railway  Transport ;  FRANCIS,  CYRIL,  Captain,  10th  East  Surrey  Regiment ; 
HILLMAN,  V.  A.,  Major,  Commanding  2/3rd  R.F.A.  Battery;  HOME,  HENRY,  Hon. 
Lieutenant,  R.E.  (Services) ;  LEGATE,  J.  M.,  Lieutenant,  Commanding  Supplies,  South 
African  Force ;  LEAHY,  W.  J.,  Captain,  Horse  Transport  A.S.C. ;  LE  MESTJRIER, 
F.  N.,  Captain,  2nd  Batt.  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers  (killed  in  action);  LUCAS,  J.  W.  S., 
Major,  Australian  Field  Artillery;  MAY,  A.  W.,  Surgeon-Major,  Northern  Rhodesian 
Forces ;  MOORE,  T.  YORK,  Captain,  R.A.M.C.,  T.F. ;  MYLIUS,  S.,  Sportsmen's  Batt. 
Royal  Fusiliers ;  NEWMAN,  V.  CHESTER,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Marines ;  PALIOLOGUS,  A.  L., 
Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C. ;  PAWLE,  D.  W.,  Lieutenant,  Border  Regiment  (killed  in  action) ; 
PENFOLD,  H.  LASHMAR,  Lieutenant,  R.E. ;  SANGUINETTI,  W.  R.,  Lieutenant,  R.E. ; 
SIMPSON,  G.  A.,  R.H.A. ;  SMITH,  Rev.  E.  W.  (Chaplain) ;  WETTENHALL,  ROLAND  R., 
Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C. ;  WOOD,  T.  H.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  10th  Norfolk  Regiment. 


170  REVIEWS. 

REVIEWS. 

GERMANY  IN  AFRICA.* 

IT  is  a  bald  and  aged  commonplace  how  little  even  the  comparatively  well-informed 
South  African — let  alone  the  South  African  student ! — knows  of  the  German  colonies  in 
Africa,  "  Or  anywhere  else,"  the  reader  may  interject ;  nor  can  we  well  gainsay  him. 
The  welcomer  the  hour  of  enlightenment  for  him  and  all  of  us,  since  enter  Mr.  Lewin. 
This  author  tells  us  all,  withholding  nothing,  neither  information  nor  pertinent  advice. 
See,  in  the  latter  category,  in  the  astute  appendices,  certain  relevant  remarks  on  the 
co-ordination  of  Colonial  studies,  with  arousing  excerpts  from  Mr.  Louis  Hamilton — 
of  Berlin  University  alas  !  but  fas  est  doccri  ab  hoste  —  and  from  Mr.  Sidney  Low ; 
see,  in  the  first,  his  tables  of  statistics.  Mr.  Lewin  tells  us  all,  withholding  nothing. 
You  have  the  earliest  German  colonising  impulse  in  the  work  of  the  Hanseatic  League — 
twisted,  contrary  to  fact,  as  the  author  points  out,  to  serve  for  inspiration;  you  have  the 
plucky,  if  bull-headed,  ill-starred  Handelskompagnie  auf  den  Kusten  von  Guinea  of  the 
Elector,  which  was  actually  an  oversea  colony  in  West  Africa ;  side-shows  like  the 
Welser  Colony — in  Venezuela  that  was ;  and,  in  the  fullness  of  time  after  List  and 
Friedel  with  other  prophets  and  their  successor,  "  the  Father  of  German  Colonisation," 
Dr.  Febri,  dead  as  late  as  1891,  by  whom  even  the  long-recalcitrant  Bismarck  himself, 
with  his  continental  versus-overse&s  faith  and  bias  was  at  length  (in  some  sort)  converted. 

The  Thirty  Years  War  and  subsequent  wretchedness  and  penury,  made  a  beginning 
in  America  which  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  era  saw  more  seriously  taken,  the  early 
"  sixties "  in  the  last  century  confirmed,  and  the  early  "  eighties "  swelled  out  of 
recognition.  To  the  Cape  came  the  warriors  of  the  German  Legion  (including — let  the 
South  African  host  recall  him  with  delight — good  Colonel  Schermbrucker),  good  colonists, 
fathers  of  stout  British  subjects,  while  to  the  African  wilderness  penetrated  the  German 
explorers,  adventurers,  missionaries.  An  early  footing  or  interest  was  (oddly  enough) 
in  Namaqualand.  Writers  like  Moldenhauer  (1878)  pleaded  with  unsympathetic  officials 
for  the  establishment  of  something  like  a  German  chartered  company  in  Central  Africa. 

But  the  first  indication  of  any  serious  German  aspiration  was  Von  Weber's  movement 
outlined  in  an  article,  Mr.  Lewin  tells  us,  in  the  Geographische  Nachrichlen.  Nobody 
Britannic  bothered  about  it,  of  course,  but  only  Sir  Bartle  Frere,  man  of  the  sad  and 
noble  foresight ;  he,  just  before  his  own  recall  from  the  Cape,  warned  the  Colonial  Office. 
Briefly,  Weber  saw  the  German  game  of  promise  to  lie  in  fostering  a  Boer  rebellion,  but 
first,  in  flooding  South  Africa,  or,  at  least,  the  Transvaal,  with  unlimited  Teutons. 
Traders  were  to  penetrate  the  far  north  (which  would  have  embarrassed  the  future  of 
a  young  man  with  curly  hair  and  blue-grey  eyes  lately  from  Oriel  Coll.,  Oxford) ;  and 
Weber,  moreover,  was  intelligent  enough  to  conceive  of  a  great  port  at  Delagoa  Bay. 
This  indicates,  Mr.  Lewin  remarks  justly,  what  Germans  already  thought  of  and  strove 
for.  They  did  not  wish  very  well  to  Britain.  But  he  is  over-hard,  we  think,  on  the 
British  Ambassador  of  1880  for  pooh-poohing  Weber.  Lord  Odo  Russell  reflected 
a  world  strangely  unlike  the  later  Berlin,  and  a  Germany  and  Junkerdom  not  yet 
converted  to  Welt-Politik.  Even  Bismarck's  conversion  was  probably  incomplete  and 
fluctuating,  and  unlikely  to  be  penetrable  in  1880  by  the  son  of  a  great  and  ducal  Whig 
House.  Weber's  plan,  which  Lord  Odo  scouted,  did  not  indeed  materialise  ;  but  the  German 
Government  grew  sufficiently  in  earnest  and  had — like  the  cookery  books — "  another 
way."  On  April  9,  1883  at  Angra  Pequena  "  the  German  flag  was  raised  .  .  .  amidst 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  few  Germans  present."  That  was  the  beginning  of  it  all,  following 
how  much  intrigue,  and  the  prelude  to  how  much  more,  let  his  readers  learn  from 
Mr.  Lewin's  packed  informing  pages.  Considerations  of  space,  not  mental  disquiet 
answerable  to  that  modern  doctors  call  "  mal-assimilation,"  prevents  his  reviewer  duti- 

*  The  Germans  and  Africa :  Their  Aims  on  the  Dark  Continent  and  how  they  acquired  their 
African  Colonies.  By  Evans  I  ewin,  Librarian  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  With  an  intro- 
duction by  the  Right  Hon.  Earl  Grey,  G.C.M.G.  Cassell  &  Co.  1915. 


REVIEWS.  471 

fully  following  him.  We  think  the  author  ia  again  ov«r-judicial,  to  put  it  gently,  with 
Lord  Derby  and  the  Imperial  Government,  even  though  our  author  himself  admits, 
that  blame  may  be  equally  apportioned  between  the  Foreign  Office,  the  Colonial  Office, 
and  the  Cape  Ministers.  "  Greater  Britain  "  was  a  strange  word  and  doctrine  in  Downing 
Street  of  those  days,  as  Sir  Charles  Dilke  knew,  and  these  were  statesmen  of  their  time 
which  imperfectly  realised  the  British  Empire.  But,  in  truth,  we  have  heard  a  veteran  South 
African  minister  live  over  that  old  controversy  of  Germany  in  Africa,  ctouth-West  and  East, 
and  blame,  he  admitted,  must  be  borne  mainly  on  colonial  shoulders. 

It  was  an  ill-starred,  expensive  beginning,  and  was  to  tax  all  the  strength  and  shorten 
the  days  of  one  who  now  rests  in  the  Matoppos.  Thrice  did  he  intervene,  "  each  time 
with  signal  and  complete  success  ...  to  prevent  the  realisation  of  German  hopes." 
Thus,  in  his  introduction,  Lord  Grey,  modestly  describing  himself  as  happening  to  have 
been  brought  into  personal  contact  with  men  like  Rhodes  and  Frere  and  writing  (to 
recall  the  Scots  ambassador  to  Queen  Elizabeth  on  Queen  Mary's  dancing)  "  con- 
veniently well  for "  an  ex-Proconsul,  and  indeed  someth'ng  better.  Foiled  in  one 
great  objective,  over  what  is  now  Rhodesia,  thwarted  of  any  faintest  result  from 
certain  machinations  in  Zululand  and  from  similar  designs  in  South  Africa  passim, 
the  German  hold  in  Africa,  from  the  hoisting  of  the  flag  in  April  1883,  confirmed 
on  July  14,  1884,  by  Lord  Derby's  instructions  to  Sir  H.  Robinson,  has  gone  on 
and  generally  has  prospered.  Mr.  Lewin  gives  us,  so  to  say,  the  planting  of  each 
several  covert,  but  somehow  so  contrives  that  we  never  fail  to  see  the  wood  for  the 
trees.  Every  successive,  successful  step  in  the  south-west,  in  East  Africa — with  the 
designs,  thwarted  by  King  Leopold's  sagacity,  on  the  Congo — are  here  set  down ;  and  a 
chapter  entitled  "  Failures  and  Successes  "  strictly,  not  ungenerously,  sums  up  the  whole. 
Despite  the  early  muddles,  native  muddles,  Herero  rebellion,  the  Prussian  jack-boot 
and,  one  suspects,  a  strenuous  foretaste  of  the  Hun  triumphant  in  Flanders  A.D.  1914, 
with  all  the  rest ;  since  Herr  Demburg's  intervention  it  is  no  longer  merely  "  battle, 
murder,  and  sudden  death."  The  reviewer  remembers,  on  a  first  voyage  to  the  Capo 
in  1897,  his  innocent  inquiry  of  a  German  fellow  traveller  if  he  were  going  to  Damaraland.. 
and  the  Teuton's  horrified,  amused  rejoinder,  "  Not  likely,  when  I  can  get  into  a  British 
colony  !  "  On  a  considerably  more  recent  visit,  he  asked  a  dear  British  staff-officer 
just  returned  from  the  German  South-West,  what  he  had  found  there,  and  was  told  "  Oh. 
splendid  buildings  in  the  towns,  everybody  and  everything  official,  the  niggers  all 
salutin' — but  no  life,  nothing  doin'  !  "  Things  are  "  doin'  "  now,  it  seems,  or  were  before 
the  War.  "  Less  money,"  our  author  says,  is  spent  on  "  the  trappings  of  officialdom  "  ; 
the  spending  is  on  railways,  on  agricultural  and  experimental  work.  "  From  the 
scientific  point  of  view,"  German  colonial  enterprise  "  had  always  been  a  success " — 
like  too  much  else  Teutonic,  may  the  Briton  sorrowfully  admit.  "  The  plant "  of  the 
German  colonies,  so  to  call  it,  is  excellent,  and  good  luck  to  it.  If  the  Germans,  are 
not,  it  seems,  essentially  a  great  colonising  nation,  we  know  of  Another,  some  time 
established  on  the  same  continent,  with  quite  a  contrary  repute.  "The  German  firms" 
in  German  East  Africa — "  were  so  well  established "  that  all  British  competition  was 
excluded ;  and  here,  too,  we  descry  a  case  susceptible  of  change — this,  without 
disrespect  to  the  author's  implied  sermon  on  British  and  German  economic  methods. 
Fas  est,  etc.,  again. 

Mr.  Lewin  is  so  instructed  and  accurate  that  we  are  almost  relieved  when  he  says 
that  in  1877  Mr.  Rhodes  "  was  then  working  actively  for  the  expansion  of  British 
territory  towards  the  Equator."  That  is  a  premature  or  hyperbolic  statement,  perhaps. 
He  tends  occasionally  to  view  Imperialism  from  the  enlightened  recent  standpoint.  But 
enough,  only  a  grace  after  a  feast,  rich  in  instruction  and  enlightenment.  "The 
able  and  indefatigable  Librarian  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,"  as  Lord  Grey  calla 
him  (who  might  have  added  the  most  attentive  and  courteous  of  his  tribe),  has,  in 
a  good  hour,  produced  something  like  a  magnum  opus. 

CHARLES  BOYD. 
2  I 


472  REVIEWS. 

THE  ARYA  SAMAJ.* 

No  movement  in  modern  India  is  of  more  interest  or  is  more  likely  to  affect  pro- 
foundly  the  future  of  the  Indian  people  than  the  Arya  Samaj.  The  rapid  spread 
of  this  movement,  so  closely  connected  with  the  religion  of  the  Hindus,  is  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  evidences  of  the  spiritual  and  mental  awakening  that  is  character- 
istic of  the  last  two  decades  in  India.  The  Arya  Samaj  within  less  than  twenty 
years  has  become  a  potent  spiritual  factor  in  the  Punjab.  It  combines  what  may  be 
termed  a  Protestant  reformation  of  the  secular  abuses  and  legendary  accretions  of 
orthodox  Hinduism  with  a  simplification  of  Life,  a  revolt  against  the  intrusion  of 
Western  beliefs  and  ideas  into  Hinduism,  on  the  one  side,  and  against  the  traditional 
authority  of  the  Brahmins  on  the  other,  a  reform  of  the  educational  system,  and  an 
insistence  upon  the  development  of  an  independent  Indian  intellectual  life  and  thought. 
In  this  last  respect  critics  of  the  movement  have  seen  in  it  a  dangerous  tendency 
to  solidify  Indian  political  thought  upon  purely  national  lines ;  whilst  in  the  revolt 
against  Western  authority  in  thought  and  religion  missionaries  and  religious  teachers 
have  detected  a  danger  to  the  propagation  of  Christianity  upon  Indian  soil. 

From  whatever  point  of  view  the  Arya  Samaj  may  be  regarded,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  vigour  of  action  and  whole-hearted  belief  of  its  adherents,  who  now 
number  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million,  drawn  from  the  more  intellectual  and  progressive 
portion  of  the  Hindu  community.  Mr.  Lajpat  Rai's  book  upon  this  important  move- 
ment is  particularly  opportune  and  useful,  because  hitherto  there  has  been  little  in 
a  concise  form  to  which  the  reader  might  refer  for  information.  The  author  himself 
has  been  closely  connected  with  the  movement,  and  indeed  achieved  a  certain  political 
notoriety  in  connection  with  it  which  rendered  his  name  well  known  throughout  India 
and  even  in  this  country.  The  story  he  relates  is  one  of  peculiar  interest. 

In  the  Arya  Samaj  there  are  developed  and  put  into  practice  by  a  devoted  band 
of  disciples  and  followers  the  doctrines  and  teachings  of  Swami  Dayananda,  who 
initiated  this  movement  for  the  reform  of  Hinduism  upon  purely  Indian  lines.  It 
founder  was  particularly  opposed  to  the  contemporary  reform  movement  known  as 
the  Brama  Samaj,  or  Church  of  God,  founded  by  Raja  Ram  Mohun  Roy  and  Keshub 
Chunder  Sen,  which  attempted  to  reconcile  Western  ideas  with  Hinduism — and  failed. 
The  Arya  Samaj,  on  the  other  hand,  has  been  specially  successful  because  its  teaching 
is  dogmatic :  for  it  maintains  that  India's  own  sacred  books,  the  Vedas,  are  the  sole 
divine  revelation,  and,  moreover,  should  be  studied  by  the  people  and  not  through 
the  medium  of  the  Brahminical  caste.  In  this  respect  Swami  Dayananda  may  be 
regarded  as  the  Luther  of  modern  India. 

There  is  not  space  in  a  short  notice  of  this  important  book  to  deal  with  the 
subject  adequately.  The  fact  cannot  be  insisted  upon  too  strongly  that  the  Arya 
Samaj  is  the  most  important  contemporary  movement  in  India,  pregnant  with  possi- 
bilities of  good  and  evil,  likely  to  spread  with  great  rapidity  now  that  it  has  been 
firmly  established  amongst  those  who  really  count  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  country, 
and  certain  to  appeal  with  peculiar  force  to  those  who  desire  a  united  national  life, 
so  far  as  that  be  possible  in  a  country  of  diverse  creeds  and  religions.  Its  educational 
work  alone,  as  is  pointed  out  in  Mr.  Lajpat  Rai's  volume,  demands  our  closest  attention. 

*  The  Arya  Samaj :  An  Account  of  its  Origin,  Doctrines,  and  Activities,  with  a  Biographical 
Sketch  of  its  Founder.  Lajpat  Rai.  Post  8vo.  Portraits.  Pp.  xjcvi-305.  London :  Longmans, 
Green  &  Co.  1915.  18  oz.  5a. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  478 

ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE. 


NEW  APPOINTMENTS. 

THE  strain  which  overwork  has  caused  on  Mr.  Boose's  health,  coupled  with  the  marked 
success  of  his  tours  overseas,  has  decided  the  Council  to  offer  him,  in  lieu  of  the 
Secretaryship  of  the  Institute,  a  newly  created  appointment  of  Travelling  Com- 
missioner, in  which  he  will  devote  his  whole  time  and  energies  to  the  work  of  recruiting 
new  members  and  extending  the  activities  of  the  Institute  over  wider  fields.  This 
appointment  he  has  accepted,  and  thus  will  continue  in  a  new  sphere  his  life-long 
admirable  work  for  the  Institute. 

For  the  Secretaryship  thus  vacated,  the  Council  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
secure  the  services  of  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G.  Sir  Harry  brings  to  the  Secretariat 
high  character,  tactful  courtesy,  and  administrative  experience  gained  alike  in  the 
Colonial  Office  and  in  South  Africa.  He  will,  at  the  same  time,  act  as  Joint  Editor 
of  UNITED  EMPIRE  with  Mrs.  Archibald  Colquhoun,  and  the  Council  congratulate 
themselves  and  their  fellow-members  on  retaining  in  the  conduct  of  the  Journal 
Mrs.  Colquhoun's  literary  ability,  as  well  as  the  name  which  has  given  distinction  t» 
its  pages. 


BOOK    NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

Douglas,  George  M. — Lands  3  Forlorn :  a  Story  'of  an  Expedition  to  HearnJs  Coppermine 
River.  8vo.  Map  and  Illust.  Pp.  xv-285.  New,,  York  and  London :  G.  P.  Putnam 
&  Sons.  1914.  40  oz.— 16«. 

This  is  a  fascinating  book  and  will  be  read  with  deep  interest  by  those  who  are  acquainted 
with  the  celebrated  journey  of  Samuel  Hearne  to  the  Coppermine  River.  Mr.  George  Mellia 
Douglas,  accompanied  by  two  companions,  set  out  for  the  Arctic  regions  from  Edmonton  in 
May  1911,  and  followed  the  route  traversed  by  earlier  explorers  in  the  Canadian  Arctic,  viz. 
down  the  Athabasca  River  to  Lake  Athabasca,  thence  down  the  Slave  River  to  Great 
Slave  Lake,  across  the  lake  to  the  Mackenzie  River  and  down  this  mighty  waterway  to 
Great  Bear  Lake,  which  they  crossed  to  the  Coppermine  River  and  so  forward  to  the  Arctic 
Ocean.  They  were  obliged  to  winter  in  these  inhospitable  regions,  and  in  the  following  spring 
commenced  a  series  of  journeys,  the  main  object  of  which  was  to  determine  how  far  the 
stories  of  rich  copper  deposits,  along  the  shores  of  the  Arctic  Ocean,  were  correct.  The  three 
travellers  found  extensive  evidences  of  copper  deposits,  but  only  a  .thorough  survey  will 
demonstrate  whether  the  ore  occurs  in  workable  quantities.  This  volume  is  excellently 
illustrated  and  gives  a  very  good  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  Arctic,  portions  of  Canada. 

Crawford,  Lieut.-Colonel  D.  G.— A  History  of  the  Indian  Medical  Service,  1600-1913.  2  vols. 
Portraits  and  Illust.  8vo.  London  :  W.  Thacker  &  Co.  Calcutta  :  Thacker,  Spink  &  Co. 
1914.  80  oz.— 280. 

In  these  two  volumes  is  gathered  a  mass  of  information  regarding  the  Medical'  Service 
in  India,  of  which  much  is  interesting  and  not  a  little  entertaining.  Although  d  Colonel 
Crawford  modestly  states  that  his  work  has  no  pretensions  to  originality,  it  contains,  never- 
theless, a  great  deal  of  information  that  is  of  an  original  character  and  not  available  else- 
where. Unfortunately  the  volumes  do  not  appear  to  be  well  compiled,  but  in  spite  of  this  fact 
they  form  a  most  valuable  contribution  to  a  subject  that  has  never  been  adequately  treated 
and  of  which  the  interest  is  considerable.  It  is  only  of  comparatively  recent  years  that  the 
romantic  history  of  the  East  India  Company  has  been  thoroughly  appreciated.  Colonel 
Crawford  helps  us  to  realise  one  aspect  of  this  fascinating  story,  and  the  mass  of  information 
he  has  gathered  together  contains  many  romantic  episodes.  The  history  of  the  Indian  Medi- 
cal Service  is  brought  up  to  date,  and,  quite  apart  from  its  historical  interest,  should  form  a 
good  guide  for  those  who  wish  to  know  something  of  the  conditions  and  prospects  of  the 
service. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (13) : 

Sir  Duncan  Colvin  Baillie,  K.C.S.L,  Sir  John  W.  Wolfe  Barry,  K.C.B.,  LL.D., 
F.R.S.,  Lt.-Colond  P.  H.  Can-Ellison,  J.P.,  Archibald  B.  H.  Colls,  Colonel  Oliver 
Hawkshaw,  R.E.  (T.F.),  Israel  H.  Hersch,  M.A.,  William  F.  Joel,  Arthur  It.  Kelly, 
Rev.  Basil  Loney,  L.Th.,  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Lyveden,  Sir  George  Makgill,  Bart.,  T.  A.  Sladdht, 
F.R.I.B.A.,  Arthur  J.  Wairen. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (76) : 

AUSTRALIA.— Corn's  Asher,  L.R.C.S.,  L.R.C.P.,  Eric  P.  Blashki,  M.B.  C.M.  (Sydney), 
Walter  C.  C.  Cain  (Melbourne),  Capt.  M.  H.  Lowther  Clark  (Melbourne),  Clifford  A. 
England  (Richmond,  N.S.W.),  W.  E.  Giblin  (Papua),  Sir  David  Hardie,  H.D.  (Brisbane) 
Colonel  William  Holmes,  D.S.O.  (Sydney),  David  Lindsay  (Melbourne),  Edward  C. 
McAlpine  (Sydney),  Frank  Middows  (Sydney),  Hon.  Peter  Murphy,  M.L.C.  (Brisbane), 
Frank  H.  Shand  (Lower  Light,  SoutJi  Australia),  Robert  Thompson,  M.D.  (Brisbane),  Brian 
W.  Wibberky,  M.B.  (Adelaide). 

CANADA. — H.  Chesney  Boomer  (Toronto),  Claude  P.  Evans  (Brandon),  Major  Sydney  T. 
Medd  (Peterborough),  B.  E.  Kelley,  M.B.  (Peterborough),  William  C.  Myers  (Winnipeg), 
Henry  A.  Po  ell,  K.C.  (St.  John,  N.B.). 

NEW  ZEALAND.— Hon.*  Sir  James  Carroll,  K.C.M.G.,  M.P.'(Gieborne),  James  C.  Field 
[Gisborne).  John  M.  Gouldsmith  (Gisborne),  Samuel  G.  Raymond,  K.C.  (Christchurch), 
Cuthbert  Rutherford  (North  Canterbury),  Adam  E.  Smith  (Christchurch),  Frank  ^F.  A. 
Winch  (Timaru). 

SOUTH  AFRICA.— John  M.  K.  Chadwiclc(  Weenan),  Hugh  D.  Clinch  (Durban),  George  W. 
Dalgleish  (Orange  Free  State),  Rev.  Walter  Foss  (Durban),  Henry  L.  Good  (Kimberley) , 
John  L.  Hardy  (Johannesburg),  Arthur  May  (Durban),  John  Nettleton  (Nongome),  A.  H.  Oliver 
(Durban). 

CEYLON.— James  Moir.  FEDERATED  MALAY  STATES.— Eric  W.  Wilson  (Perak).  FIJI.— 
Rupert  S.  Griffiths.  HONG  KONG.— Herbert  R.  B.  Hancock.  RHODESIA.— Harold  Fletcher 
(Wankie),  Geoffrey  R.  Horbon,  J.P.  (Filabusi),  Frederick  P.  Rolfe,  A.R.S.M.,  J.P. 
{Filabusi).  STRAITS  SETTLEMENTS.— Walter  Makepeace  (Singapore),  Archibald  G.  H.  Smart 
M.B.  (Singapore).  UGAXDA.—Edunn  Taylor.  WEST  AFRICA.— Arthur  Borland  (Warri) 
Robert  G.  Bunting  (Freetown),  James  Clendinning,  B.Sc.,  A.M.I.C.E.,  Charles  R.  Millar 
(Tarkwa),  Sydney  C.  0.  Pontifex  (Calabar),  George  Taylor,  F.I.S.A.  (Onitsha),  E.  K.  W. 
Thompson  (Akuse).  ARGENTINE.— John  A.  Aird  (Buenos  Aires),  Charles  S.  Berry  (Buenos 
Aires),  Reginald  E.  Davis  (Buenos  Aires),  George  H.  Graham  (Buenos  Aires),  Herbert 
Gibson  (Buenos  Aires),  Harold  Hopwood  (Parana),  Henry  D.  Hyams  (Buenos  Aires), 
Arthur  Pendlebury  (Rosario  de  Santa  Fe),  Alexander  Ross  (Buenos  Aires),  James  W. 
Watson  (Buenos  Aires),  William  E.  Seward  (Buenos  Aires),  George  L.  S.  Wood  (Buenos 
Aires).  BRAZIL. — John  W.  Graham  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  H.  A.  Livings  (Rio  de  Janeiro), 
Cyril  L.  Stock  (Sao  Paulo).  MEXICO.— C.  H.  Lloyd.  PARAGUAY —Thomas  Fairbairn 
(ViUa  del  Pillar).  PERSIA.— William  R.  Ward  (Shiraz).  UNITED  STATES.— Charles  E. 
Bernays  (Chicago),  William  Hopkinson  (New  York),  Frank  J,  S.  Roberts  (Chicago). 
RUSSIA. — Percy  Cowderoy  (Apsheronskaya). 

Associates  (12) : 

,  Lady  Alington,  ^Mrs.  ^  ^Carr-EUison^lColonel  R.  R.  E.  Drake-Brockman,  Mrs.  Hugh 
Fraser,  Miss  A.  M.  Qardam,  Sir  H,  Rider  Haggard,  Miss  Frances  E.  Hawkins,  Mis 
Grade  Hearne  (Geelong,  Victoria),  Mrs.  W.  G.  Hearne  (Geelong,  Victoria),  Mrs.  Nc 
Trye  (South  Africa),  Miss  Agnes  M.  Wilson,  Lady  Wilson. 

Associates — Bristol  Branch  (11) : 

Rt.    Rev.   Bishop   Alfred   Clifford,    William    Powell   Guest,   Emmanuel   Harris, 
T.    H.   Lawes,   D.   Lenpold,   Crofton  J.   Phillips,   Edward  Phillips,   Stanley    W.   Phillips, 
James  0,  Pitt," H.  R,   Woodward,  Miss  A.  B.   Weir. 


APPOINTMENT  OF  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

Lieut.-General  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  Dr,  G.  R.  Parkin,  C.M.G., 
Frederick  Button,  Esq.  

It  will  greatly  facilitate  the  work  of  the  Institute  if  those  Fellows  and  Associates  who 
have  not  already  paid  their  subscriptions  for  the  current  year,  which  became  due  on  the 
1st  January,  will  kindly  do  so  either  direct  or  through  the  Honorary  Corresponding 

Secretaries  at  their  earliest  convenieno.fi. 


OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  recorded  with  regret : 
J.  Stewart  Tupper,  K.C.,  C.  Delaval  Cobham,  C.M.G.,  W.  S.  Cochrane,  Capt.  John 
Evans,  James  Cann,  Hugh  S.  Hughes  (killed  in  action),  Maurice  Daffarn  (killed  in 
action),  D.  W.  Pawle  (killed  in  action)  Hon.  Laurence  A.  Brodrick,  Sir  Robert  Weatherbe, 
Rev.  Russell  Finlay,  Capt.  F.  N.  Le  Mesurier  (killed  in  action),  J.  L.  Tillotson,  Murdoch 
Anderson,  Alexander  Beith,  Major  A.  H.  Festing,  C.M.G.,  D.S.O.  (killed  in  action), 
Conway  S.  Campbell-Johnston  (by  the  sinking  of  the  Litsitania),  Frederick  S. 
Hammond  (by  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania). 

ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  SESSION  1915. 

The  following  Paper  has  been  arranged,  and  subsequent  fixtures  will  appear  from 
time  to  time  in  the  notices  to  Fellows  : — 

1915. 

JUNE  8. — Dinner  at  7,  Meeting  at  8.30  p.m.  "  The  Outlook  for  National  Unity,"  by  Hon. 
Sir  JOHN  McCALL,  M.D.  The  Rt.  Hon.  LORD  SYDENHAM,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.I.E., 
will  preside. 

ANNUAL  CONVERSAZIONE. 

In  consequence  of  the  War  the  Annual  Conversazione,  which  is  usually  held  about 
the  end  of  June,  will  not  take  place  this  year. 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  Qd. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  7s.  6d.  each.  In  the 
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in  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine.— H.  W.  Pink,  W.  D.  Campbell.  Australia.— Arnold,,  E.  Davey,  W.  0. 
Hearne,  F.  C.  Faulkner.  British  East  Africa.— H.  B.'  Taylor,  F.  Sandbach  Baker, 
F.  J.  0.  Graham.  Canada. — Arthur  A.  Jones,  W.  E.  Steers,* Emerson  Nicholls,  Leon 
Melekov,  C.  N.  De  Trafford.  Ceylon.— If.  K.  Bamber,  Alfred ,  Lewis.  Malay  States.— 
J.  H.  Allan,  W.  E.  Sanguinetti.  Mauritius. — Capt.  J.  Wilson.  New  Zealand. — H.  E. 
Middleton.  Rhodesia. — C.  H.  Tredgold,  T.  Rudolph  Jackson.  Northern  Rhodesia. — 
Rev.  Edwin  W.  Smith.  Straits  Settlements. — H.  L.  Penfold.  West  Indies — W.  Cuddeford. 
West  Africa.— M.  T.  Marphy,  A.  H.  P.  Mode,  H.  J.  Speed,  P.  V.  Young,  Dr.  C.  H.  D. 
Ralph,' P.  G.  Murray- Jose,  Capt.  W.  B.  Stanley,  Dr.  W.  W.  Claridge,  W.  H.  de  Boltz, 
Lewis  Milton,  W.  Grahame  Cobb,  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  of  Sierra  Leone,  A.  H.  Bridgman. 

DEPARTURES. 

Australia. — S.  H.  Goode,  Sir  Alexander  MacCormick,  M.D.,  D.  Fell.  Bahamas. — 
W.  L.  Allardyce,  C.M.G.  British  North  Borneo.—^.  H.  Ryden.  Brazil.— tf.  L.  Wheatley, 

?.  H.  Sanders.  Canada.— J?.  Randolph  Bruce,  G.  de  C.  O'Grady,  C.  W.  Busk.  Ceylon.— 
Sir  Stanley  Bois.  Federated  Malay  States.— Capt.  A.  McD.  Graham,  G.  T.  Lachlan. 
Mauritius.— F.  E.  Barr.  New  Zealand.— L.  G.  Mackay,  C.  V.  Houston,  W.  D.  Buldle. 
Portuguese  East  Africa.— W.  C.  A.  Shepherd.  Rhodesia.— C.  M.  Fletcher.  Roumania.— 

'.  Russell.  Seychelles. — Chief  Justice  E.  R.  Logan.  Straits  Settlements. — R.  D.  Acton, 
Chief  Justice  J.  A.  S.  Bucknill.  South  Africa. — C.  F.  Wienand,  G.  Trollip.  West  Africa.— 
A.  S.  Fraser,  E.  G.  Stevens,  S.  Spencer  Davis,  F.  D.  Fowler,  L.  Lloyd- Roberts,  H.  M. 
Saunders,  Dr.  R.  Fleming  Jones,  J.  8.  Ross.  West  Indies.— Chief  Justice  Sir  Frederic 
Maxwell, 


T.  8.  COTTBBBLL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 
CAPT.  G.  CBOSFIBLD,  WAKBINOTOH. 
MARTIN  GRIFFITHS,  Esq.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
G.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.Q.,  PUBLBY. 
A.  B.  PONTTFBX,  ESQ.,  WIHCHBSTBB. 
GILBERT  PCBVIS,  ESQ.,  TOBQUAT. 
COUHCILLOB  HERBERT  SHAW,  NBWCASTLB-OH-TYHB. 
JOHH  SPEAK,  ESQ.,  EIBTOH,  BOSTON. 
PBOIBSSOR  R.  WALLACB,  EDIHBUBQH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  : — 
R.  B.  BBNNKTT,  Esq.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALOABT. 
A.  R.  CBBBLMAH,  Esq.,  E.G.,  MOHTBBAL. 
G.  R.  DTTHCAH,  Esq.,  POET  WILLIAM,  OHTABIO. 
Hon.  D.  M.  EBBBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C. 

R.  FlTZRAHDOLPH,  FBBDBBICTOH,  NBW  BBUH8WICK. 

Bra  SAHDFOBD  PLKMIHQ,  K.C.M.G.,  OTTAWA. 

CRAWFORD  GOBDOH,  Esq.,  WIHHIPBO. 

W.  LAWSOH  GBAHT,  Esq.,  EIHGSTOH. 

C.  FBBDBBICK  HAMILTON,  Esq.,  OTTAWA. 

EBHBST  B.  C.  HAHIHQTOH,  Esq.,M.D.,VicroBiA,  B.C. 

RBOIHALD  V.  HABBIS,  Esq.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 

LT.-COL.  B.  A.  C.  HOSMBB  VIBDBH,  MANITOBA. 

LT.-COL.  HBBBBBT  D.  HULMB,  VAHOOUVBB,  B.C. 

CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIBSOH,  PBTBBBOBO,  OHTABIO, 

LBOHABD  W.  JUST,  Esq.,  MONTBBAL. 

L.  V.  KIBB,  R  BO  15  A. 

JOHN  A.  McDouoALL,  Esq.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J.  McKiNERY,  BABSAHO,  ALBBBTA.       [TABIO. 

J.  PBBSOOTT  MBBBITT,  Esq.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 

T.  J.  PABKBS,  Esq.,  SHBBBBOOKB,  QUBBBO.  [TABIO. 

LT.-COL.  W.  N.  POHTOH,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  OH- 

Lr.-CoL.  8.  W.  RAT,  POBT  ABTHUB,  ONTARIO. 

M.  H.  RICHBT,  Esq.,  DANVILLB,  QUBBBO. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

F.  M.  SCLANDKRS,  Esq.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  8.  SCOTT,  Esq.,  HAMILTON. 

JOHH  T.  SMALL,  Esq.,  K.C.,  TORONTO. 

C.  B.  SMYTH,  Esq.,  MBDICINB  HAT. 

H.  L.  WBBSTBB,  Esq.,  COOHBAHB,  ONTARIO, 

8.  J.  WILLIAMS,  Esq.,  BBBUH,  OHTABIO. 

COLOHBL  A.  J.  WlLKBS,  E.C.,  BRANTFOBD,  ONTARIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  : — 
J.  W.  BARRETT,  Esq.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  HBLBOUBHI. 
MAJOR  HBHBY  BREW,  BALLARAT.    F.  W.  CBOAKBB, 
Esq.,  BBBWABBIHA,  N.S.W.     W.  L.  DOCKBB,  Esq., 
SYDHBT,  N.S.W.  C.  EABp.Esq.,  NBWOASTLB,  N.S.W. 

ElHOSLBT  FAIRBRirOB.ESQ.,  PlHJABBA.W.  A.       H.  C. 

MACFIB,  Esq., SYDHBT.  N.S.W.  J.  N.  PABKBS,  Esq., 
TOWNSVILLB.  HBBBEBT  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HOH.  W.  F.  TAYLOB,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBAHB. 
HON.  A.  J.  THTHHB,  M.L.C.,  BBISBAHB.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  Esq.,  ADBLAIDB,  S.A.  ABTHUB  C.  TBAFF, 
Esq.,  MBLBOUBNB, VIOTOBIA.  D'ABCY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORBIS  MILLER,  Esq.,  Ho  BART. 
W.  P.  DOBSOH,  ESQ.,  LAUHOBSTOH.  FBAHK  BIDDLBS, 
Esq.,  FBBHAHTLB,  W.A.  B.  H.  DAEBYSHIBH,  Esq., 
PBBTH,  W.A.  E.  N. WBSTWOOD,  Esq.,  POST  MORESBY. 
Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  Esq. 
(Acting),  PALUBBSTOH  NORTH,  COL.  HOH.  JAMBS 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUHBDIH.  LBOHABD  TRIPP,  Esq., 
WELLINGTON.  HOH.  SIB  CHARLES  C.  BOWBN, 
E.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AHD  BASIL  SBTH-SHITH,  Esq., 
CHBISTCHUBOH.  HOH.  OLIVER  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AHD 
DAVID  S.  WTLIB,  Esq.,  F.R.C.S.,  NBW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.D.DouQLAsMcLBAn,  Esq.,  AHD  PATRICK  MCLEAN, 
Esq.,  NAPIER.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  Esq.,  W.  J. 
NAPIER,  Esq.  AHD  PROFESSOR  F.  P.  WOBLBT, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  Esq.,  J.P.,  AHD  CAPT.  J. 

R.    KlBK,    GlSBOBHB.        COLIN     C.     HuTTON,    ESQ., 

WAHOAHUI.    C.  H.  TBipp,Esq.,TnfABU. 
Union  of  South  Africa  : — 

CAPB    or    GOOD    HOFB:     HARRY     GIBSON,    Esq., 
CAPBTOWH.  PBBOT  P.  FRANCIS,  Esq.,  POST  ELIZA- 

BBTH.      JOHH     POOLBT,     ESQ..  J.P.,    ElMBBBLBT. 

DAVID  RBBS,  Esq.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MA  JOB 
FBBDK.  A.  SAUHDBBS,  P.R.C.S.,  GBAHAMSTOWR. 
MAX  SOHHBHBBBO,  Esq.,  VBTBUBO.  F.  WALSH, 
Esq.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CARNARVON.  J.  P.  WASSCNQ, 
Esq.,  MOSSBL  BAT.  THE  VHN.  ABOHDBAOOH  A.  T. 
WIBOMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  POBT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL  :  G.  CHUBTOH  COLLINS,  Esq.,  DURBAN. 
DACBB  A.  SHAW.ESQ.,  PiBTBBMABrrzBtTBO.  E.  W. 
,  ESQ.,  BosronBLi,o. 


DABD    BANK   CHAMBERS,   COMMISSIONER  STBBBT, 
JOHANNESBURG.       P.   C.    STUBBOCK,     Esq.,    10 
GBHBBAL    MINING   BUILDINGS,     JOHAHHBSBUBO. 
8.  C.  A.  COSSBB,  Esq.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WARDEN.  Esq.,  BUBHOS  AIRES. 
W.  B.  HARDING  GBKBN,  Esq.,  BAHIA  BLAHOA. 
Bechuanaland :  W.H.W.MuBpHY.Esq.,FBAnoi8TowH. 
Bermuda  :    HOH.  HBHBT  LOCKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :   G.  C.  IBVINO,  Esq.,  SAHDAKAH. 
Brazil :   CHARLES  O.  EBHTOH,  Esq.,  Slo  PAULO. 

HBNBY  L.  WHBATLBY,  Esq.,  Rio  DB  JANEIRO. 
British  East  Africa:  ALBUNDERDAVIS.KSQ., NAIROBI. 

MAJOR  E.  H.  M.  LBGOBTT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :   R.  H.  FBBOUSOH,  Esq.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFEED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :   W.  Huson  ROBINSON,  Esq.,  AHTOFAQASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J.  B.  HOLMES,  Esq.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDOH  BENNETT,  Esq.,  ALBXAHDBIA. 

E.  B.  BBBTT,  Esq.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPBHTBB,  Esq.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LAHCB  COHLAT,  Hsq., 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUOHB  BBOUOH,  Esq.,  LL.B.    IPOH. 
France  :  SIB  JOHH  PILTBB,  PARIS. 
Gambia  : 

Germany  :  R.  MBLVILLB,  Esq.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  Esq. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  Oca  AN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony  :  CAPT.  C.  H.  AMBRAOB,  C.M.Q. 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  8.  CBAYXH,  Esq.,  M.IHST.,  C.B.  ACCRA. 

MAJOR  C.  B.  D.  O.  RBW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J.  M.  PHILI  EVITZ,  Esq.,  GROKINGHN. 
Hong  Kong  :   HOH.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  B.  B.  ENGLISH,  Esq.,  BOMBAY. 

B.  VIYIAN  GABRIEL,  Esq.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 

H.  N.  HUTCHIHSOH,  Esq..I.C.S.,  LAHORE.       [GOH< 

GBOBOB  H.  OBMBBOD,  Esq.,  M.Inat.C.B. ,  CHITTA- 

JAMBS  R.  PEARSON,  Esq.,  C.I.B.,  I.C.S..  MBBBUT. 
Malta : 

Mauritius  :   GBOBOB  DICKSON,  Esq.,  POBT  Louis. 
Mexico  :  C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  Esq.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 
Newfoundland  :   HOH.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHI'I 
New  Hebrides:  His  HONOUR  JUDGE  T.RROSBBY.VI 
Nigeria  :   A.  R.  CANNING,  Esq.,  NABAQUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUHLOP,  Esq.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  Esq.,  ZUHQBBU. 

R.  G.  8.  MILLER,  Esq..  ZAEIA.  [ROI 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOOK,  ESQ.,  Limi 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWIBBHB. 

A.  C.  HATTER,  Esq.,  FORT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :   A.  M.  D.  TUBHBULL,  Esq.,  ZOMBA,  / 
Panama :    CHARLES  F.  PEEBLES,  Esq. 

Peru  :   R»v.  ARCHIBALD  NIOOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLBY,  Esq.,  BULAWATO. 

F.  W.  POSSBLT,  Esq.,  WANKIB. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  Esq.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBUBY. 
Samoa  :  COLOHBL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  R.  M.  0'  BHIBN,  C.M.i 
Solomon  Islands  :    F.  J.  BABHBTT,  Esq.,  TULAOI. 
Sierra  Leone:  HOH.  B.  0.  JOHHSOH.M.L.C.,  FBEBTOWB. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BRYANT,  Esq.,  PBHAHO  ; 

B.  NUHH,  Esq.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :   ALLISTBB  M.  MILLBE,  Esq.,  MBABANB. 
Uganda    Protectorate :    GBOBOB    D.   SMITH,  Esq., 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 

United  States  :   DB.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 
ALLBYHB  IRELAND,  Esq.,  NEW  YOBK. 

West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JAOKMAH,  Esq.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HABOOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  Esq.,  E.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HOH.  J.  J.  NUHAH,  GEORGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  Esq.,  BELIZE,  BRITISH  Ho»- 

FBAHK  CUHDALL,  Esq.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA.  [DUBAI. 

HOH.  MB.  JUSTICE  F.  H.  PABKBB,LBBWABD  ISLANDS, 

A.  H.  NOBLB,  Esq.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PBOFBSSOB  P.  CABMODT,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POBT  01 
SPAIN,  TRINIDAD. 

HOH.  D.  S.  DB  FBBITAS,  M.L.C.,  GBIHADA,  WTKD  • 

WABD  ISLANDS. 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  ?.  S.  BABDO. 


UNITED    EMPIEE 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUKNAL 

VOL.  VI  JULY  1915  No.  7 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


INTO  BATTLE.* 

THE  naked  earth  is  warm  with  Spring, 
And  with  green  grass  and  bursting  trees 

Leans  to  the  sun's  gaze  glorying, 
And  quivers  in  the  sunny  breeze  ; 

And  Life  is  Colour  and  Warmth  and  Light, 
And  a  striving  evermore  for  these ; 

And  he  is  dead  who  will  not  fight ; 
And  who  dies  fighting  has  increase. 

The  fighting  man  shall  from  the  sun 

Take  warmth,  and  life  from  the  glowing  earth  ; 

Speed  with  the  light-foot  winds  to  run, 
And  with  the  trees  to  newer  birth ; 

And  find,  when  fighting  shall  be  done, 
Great  rest,  and  fullness  after  dearth. 

All  the  bright  company  of  Heaven 
Hold  him  in  their  high  comradeship, 

The  Dog-Star  and  the  Sisters  Seven, 
Orion's  Belt  and  sworded  hip. 

The  woodland  trees  that  stand  together, 
They  stand  to  him  each  one  a  friend ; 

They  gently  speak  in  the  windy  weather  ; 
They  guide  to  valley  and  ridge's  end. 

The  kestrel  hovering  by  day, 

And  the  little  owls  that  call  by  night, 

Bid  him  be  swift  and  keen  as  they,— 
As  keen  of  ear,  as  swift  of  sight. 

*  [These  verses,  which  seem  to  us  to  embody,  more  than  any  others  we  have  seen,  the  brave  spirit, 
the  joy  of  life  and  the  calmness  in  face  of  death  which  characterise  our  fighting  men,  are  reprinted 
by  courtesy  of  The  Times  from  its  issue  of  May  28.  They  were  given  to  the  editor  by  the  mother 
of  "  a  young  soldier  serving  in  Flanders  ".  On  the  same  day  appeared  the  notice  of  the  death  from 
wounds  of  Captain  Julian  Grenfell,  the  son  of  Lord  Desborough.  The  sonnet  (whose  authorship  is 
unacknowledged)  appeared  a  few  days  later. — ED.] 


478  JULIAN   GRENFELL. 

The  blackbird  sings  to  him,  "  Brother,  brother, 
If  this  be  the  last  song  you  shall  sing 

Sing  well,  for  you  may  not  sing  another ; 
Brother,  sing  ". 

In  dreary  doubtful  waiting  hours, 
Before  the  brazen  frenzy  starts, 

The  horses  show  him  nobler  powers  ; 
0  patient  eyes,  courageous  hearts  ! 

And  when  the  burning  moment  breaks, 
And  all  things  else  are  out  of  mind, 

And  only  Joy-of-Battle  takes 

Him  by  the  throat,  and  makes  him  blind, 

Through  joy  and  blindness  he  shall  know, 
Not  caring  much  to  know,  that  still 

Nor  lead  nor  steel  shall  reach  him,  so 
That  it  be  not  the  Destined  Will. 

The  thundering  line  of  battle  stands, 
And  in  the  air  Death  moans  and  sings ; 

But  Day  shall  clasp  him  with  strong  hands, 
And  Night  shall  fold  him  in  soft  wings. 

Flanders,  April  1915.  J.  G. 


JULIAN  GRENFELL. 

BECAUSE  of  you  we  will  be  glad  and  gay, 
Remembering  you,  we  will  be  brave  and  strong ; 
And  hail  the  advent  of  each  dangerous  day, 
And  meet  the  great  adventure  with  a  song. 
And,  as  you  proudly  gave  your  jewelled  gift, 
We'll  give  our  lesser  offering  with  a  smile, 
Nor  falter  on  that  path  where,  all  too  swift, 
You  led  the  way  and  leapt  the  golden  stile. 
Whether  you  seek  new  seas  or  heights  unclimbed, 
Or  gallop  in  unfooted  asphodel, 
We  know  you  know  we  shall  not  lag  behind, 
Nor  halt  to  waste  a  moment  on  a  tear ; 
And  you  will  speed  us  onward  with  a  cheer, 
And  wave  beyond  the  stars  that  all  is  well. 

British  Expeditionary  Force,  France. 


479 

EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

"  THE  word   '  Coalition '  has  not  a  pleasant  savour  in  the  vocabulary  of  British 
politics.      It  is  connected,  as  in  the  notorious  and  classical  case  of  Fox  and  Lord 
North,  with  associations  of  faction,  intrigue,  personal  rivalries,  and 
.  antipathies,  to  which  it  was  widely,  and  perhaps  justly,  believed 

^OJ  the  national  interests  were  sacrificed.     On  a  lower  plane,  as  in 

Government.  the  case  of  the  so_caiie(i  « Ministry  of  all  the  Talents ',  in  1806, 
and  perhaps  to  a  lesser  degree  in  the  case  of  the  Ministry  of  Lord  Aberdeen  in  1853, 
the  name  '  Coalition,'  recalls  ill-assorted,  and  in  the  results  more  or  less  ill-starred, 
arrangements  which,  with  the  best  intentions,  were  proved  by  experience  to  be  lacking 
in  practical  efficiency.  .  .  .  But  it  appeared  to  me,  and  I  believe  with  equal  clearness 
to  those  with  whom  I  have  been  before,  and  probably  shall  be  again,  in  sharp 
antagonism  on  the  main  issues  of  domestic  policy,  that  a  unique  national  exigency 
demanded  from  all  of  us  something  more — actual  and  visible  co-operation,  unreserved 
and  whole-hearted  concentration  upon  a  single  purpose,  shared  and  pursued  by 
men  of  every  section,  of  every  party,  of  every  political  creed." 

In  these  words  Mr.  Asquith,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  June  14 
explained  his  position  and  policy.  The  Coalition  Government  of  1915 
has  now  to  justify  its  existence,  and  we  are  entitled  to  hope  that  it 
will  do  so.  Public  attention  is  chiefly  directed  to  the  new  Ministry 
of  Munitions,  with  Mr.  Lloyd  George  at  its  head.  A  special  interest 
attaches  to  the  appointment  of  a  "  Canadian  born  "  in  the  person 
of  Mr.  Bonar  Law  to  the  Colonial  Office;  while  the  tact  and  ex- 
perience of  Mr.  Balfour  are  so  generally  recognised,  even  by  his 
political  opponents,  that  his  appointment  to  the  difficult  position  of 
civil  head  to  the  Navy  has  been  received  with  universal  satisfaction. 
Mr.  Chamberlain  is  admirably  qualified  by  his  experience  at  the 
Treasury  and  his  work  on  the  Indian  Financial  Commission  for  the 
post  of  Secretary  of  State  for  India,  and  Lord  Selborne  brings  prac- 
tical knowledge  as  a  landowner  and  administrator  to  the  Board  of 
Agriculture.  Mr.  McKenna  has  already  made  his  mark  as  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer. 

THE  firstfruits  of  the  new  Munitions  Department  is  the  report 
presented  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George  of  the  result  of  his  conferences  with 

munition  makers    throughout  the    country,  which    is 
Munitions.  ,     ,.   ,  .     ,,  A          mi      ^  ,1,1         •  ±  • 

embodied  in  the  new  Act.     Ihe  first  notable  point  is 

adherence  to  the  voluntary  and  non-military  system.  There  is  to  be 
no  compulsion.  The  second  is  the  striking  position  occupied  in  the 
scheme  by  the  Trades  Unions,  who  are  to  co-operate  in  recruiting  a 
mobile  body  of  voluntary  skilled  workers.  These  are  to  be  engaged 
for  a  term  of  six  months  and  to  work  where  needed  by  Government,  in 

2  K2 


480  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

what  are  known  as  "  controlled  establishments  ".  The  third  point  is  the 
power  of  Government  to  declare  any  munition  factory  a  "  controlled  " 
establishment,  in  which  the  workers  sign  a  contract  and  the  employers 
are  limited  as  to  profits.  Strikes  and  lock-outs  are  declared  illegal, 
arbitration  is  compulsory  ;  breaches  of  contract  and  offences  by 
ordinary  munition  workers  are  to  come  before  a  Munitions  Court 
(on  which  employers  and  employed  are  represented)  and  may  be 
punished  by  fine,  no  appeal  being  allowed.  Special  courts  will 
deal  with  refractory  workmen.  There  is,  of  course,  a  savour  of 
martial  law  about  these  provisions ;  but  in  the  main  the  whole  Bill 
enhances  the  importance  and  dignity  of  labour,  and  especially  of 
the  Trade  Unions.  The  greatest  source  of  misgiving  centres  in  the 
lack  of  loyalty  to  their  Trade  Union  leaders  which,  before  now,  has 
characterised  certain  departments  of  labour.  The  obligation  lies  on 
Trade  Unions  to  abolish,  for  the  time,  the  regulations  as  to  output 
and  employment  of  unskilled  and  female  labour,  which  have 
operated  disastrously  in  handicapping  the  productivity  of  the  works. 
This  is  the  principal  concession  made  by  Labour,  and  upon  its  con- 
scientious fulfilment  much  depends.  The  necessity  for  bringing 
coal  miners  and  other  workers,  either  by  their  own  act  or  by  legislation 
under  similar  regulations  is  also  recognised.  Finally  the  Department 
is  prepared  to  control  the  metal  supply. 

THE  second  question  which  thinking  people  are  asking  is  how  the 
new  Government  proposes  to  raise  men  for  our  armies.  All  who  are 
interested  in  the  question  should  read  Mr.  F.  S.  Oliver's 
"  Ordeal  by  Battle  ",  which  puts  in  clear  language  many 
facts  which,  while  they  have  probably  been  advanced  before,  have 
never  been  more  succinctly  stated.  While  he  summarises  with  admir- 
able lucidity  the  causes  underlying  the  War,  he  is  specially  interesting 
on  the  vexed  question  of  "  compulsion  ".  The  present  supply  of 
men  may  be  sufficient  for  the  moment,  and  the  quality  is  excellent ; 
but  few  people  who  approach  the  subject  without  strong  prejudice 
would  be  prepared  to  say  that  the  voluntary  method  has  proved  either 
economical  or  just.  It  is  wasteful  to  take  skilled  men  from  munition 
factories  or  shipbuilding  works  and  then  try  to  draft  them  back 
again,  as  is  now  being  done  by  Government.  It  is  extravagant  to 
enlist  men  between  the  ages  of  thirty -five  to  forty  who  are  practically 
all  married.  It  is  unjust  to  take  advantage  of  the  more  highly 
developed  sensibility  of  individual  citizens  to  place  upon  their  shoulders 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  481 

a  burden  which  ought  to  be  distributed  over  the  whole  community. 
The  strongest  argument  in  favour  of  the  voluntary  system  has  always 
been  the  superior  morale  of  men  thus  recruited ;  but  in  the  teeth  of  the 
splendid  fighting  qualities  of  our  Allies,  and  the  even  more  remarkable 
spirit  displayed  by  their  citizens  who  are  not  actually  in  the  firing  line, 
this  argument  savours  of  self -righteousness.  Moreover,  in  the  sacrifice 
of  the  best  and  bravest,  as  was  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Harold  Cox  (a  recent 
convert  to  compulsory  service),  we  may  pay  too  high  a  price  for  this 
hypothetical  advantage. 

THE  most  convinced  supporter  of  National  Service  must,  however, 
be  prepared  to  examine  the  question  in  the  light  of  immediate  needs 
and  circumstances  ;  and  there  are  many  who  see  a 
danger  in  swapping  horses  while  crossing  the  stream. 
Professor  Spenser  Wilkinson,  for  instance,  although  a 
convinced  advocate  of  universal  military  training,  does 
not  believe  that  this  is  a  time  in  which  radical  changes  in  the  system 
are  practicable.  The  need  of  the  moment  is  to  provide  the  War  Office 
continuously  with  the  number  of  men  which  they  require  and  which 
they  are  in  a  position  to  equip  and  train.  What  these  numbers  are 
remains,  for  reasons  of  State,  an  official  secret ;  but  both  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  and  Mr.  Churchill  have  recently  stated  that  recruits  are  obtained 
"  well  ahead  "  of  equipment.  This  is  done,  however,  by  an  expensive 
and  strenuous  campaign,  by  increasing  the  age  limit  to  forty  and 
lowering  the  height  standard.  With  the  speeding  up  of  equipment 
for  which  we  hope  and  with  the  prospect  of  a  long-continued  drain 
on  our  manhood  we  are  bound  to  ask  if  any  other  system  could  be 
introduced,  even  at  this  eleventh  hour,  which  would  be  more  regular, 
more  just,  and  more  economical  ?  Inter  alia  the  last  virtue,  which 
is  being  urged  upon  the  individual  citizen,  is  one  which  Government 
might,  with  advantage,  take  more  prominently  into  all  its  own  con- 
siderations. The  Government,  influenced  no  doubt  by  the  trend 
of  public  opinion,  has  now  gone  so  far  as  to  sanction  the  immediate 
formation  of  a  national  register  of  men  between  certain  ages.  The 
ostensible  advantage  of  such  a  register  would  be  that  at  a  given 
moment,  when  the  call  is  made  for  so  many  men,  those  of  any  special 
age  may  be  called  upon  to  present  themselves  and  the  exact  number 
needed  selected  without  further  ado.  Exemptions  would  be  granted 
on  the  merits  of  individual  cases.  Probably  the  intention  will  be 
announced,  when  the  Bill  is  introduced,  to  use  the  register  only  in 


482  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

certain  contingencies.  People  who  deplore  the  moral  loss  of  any 
departure  from  strict  voluntarism  might  ask  themselves  if  there  is 
not  also  a  loss  of  national  dignity  and  self-respect  involved  in  the 
sensational  posters  and  emotional  appeals  that  are  apparently  necessary 
to  fan  the  flames  which  feed  our  voluntary  army  ? 

THE  general  reception  of  the  new  War  Loan  indicates  that,  in 
the  opinion  of  those  best  able  to  judge,  it  is  both  courageous  and 
ingenious.  The  greatest  novelty  is  the  provision  for 
the  small  investor,  who  is  permitted  to  provide  "  silver 
bullets/'  even  to  the  small  amount  of  five  shillings,  towards  carrying 
on  the  great  War.  There  has  not  been  time  at  the  moment  of  going 
to  print  for  any  detailed  discussion ;  but,  apart  from  the  general  satis- 
faction expressed  as  to  the  main  provisions,  the  most  interesting 
point  is  that  holders  of  the  previous  War  Loan  and  of  Consols  can 
convert  them  into  the  new  stock  at  a  higher  rate  of  interest  if  prepared 
to  take  an  equal  amount  of  the  War  Loan.  These  conversions  are 
not  permitted  for  the  sake  of  converting,  but  to  induce  people  to  put 
up  more  money,  which  they  must  do  to  secure  the  privilege  of  con- 
version. The  security  is  undeniable  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
investment  will  be  an  extremely  popular  one.  The  monetary  resources 
of  the  British  Empire  are  proving  ample,  even  for  the  unprecedented 
strain  which  has  been  put  upon  them. 

THE  appointment  by  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture 
and  Fisheries,  Lord  Selborne,  of  a  Committee  on  Food  Production, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Lord  Milner,  is  an  excellent 
step  in  the  direction  of  national  organisation.  The 
principal  task  will  be  to  ascertain  the  possibilities  of  increased  food 
production  within  the  British  Isles  and  to  recommend  such  steps  as 
may  seem  necessary  or  possible  on  the  part  of  Government  to  promote 
that  increase.  It  is  clear  that  the  mere  bestowal  of  advice  upon  the 
general  public  will  not  be  sufficient  to  secure  that  economy  of  our  food 
products  which  is  necessary.  It  has  been  pointed  out  by  many  writers 
that  the  principal  danger  of  our  position  from  the  economic  point  of 
view  is  the  fact  that  we  not  only  have  to  provide  capital  for  our  Allies 
but  are  continually  paying  out  in  gold  for  the  consumption  of  articles, 
mainly  of  food,  of  which  a  proportion,  at  all  events,  might  be  raised 
in  our  own  country.  The  German  regulations,  so  far  as  one  can  judge, 
have  proved  satisfactory  in  tiding  them  over  until  the  next  harvest. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  483 

Great  Britain  has  started  so  late  on  her  campaign  that  it  is  the  har- 
vest of  1916  to  which  her  attention  must  now  be  directed,  and  all  that 
can  be  said  is,  "  Better  late  than  never  ".  What  she  and  other  wheat- 
importing  countries  have  to  face  is  the  fact  that  their  demand  will  be 
as  great,  in  some  cases  greater,  while  the  supply  from  Russia  and 
Austria-Hungary,  the  only  wheat-exporting  countries  in  Europe,  must 
be  less.  Against  this  can  be  set  only  an  increase  of  some  5,000,000 
quarters  in  Canada.  Australia  has  had  a  bad  harvest.  What  the 
Argentine  can  do  remains  to  be  seen.  The  shortage  of  meat  is  no  less 
certain  to  be  progressive ;  for  armies  in  the  field,  including  those  of 
France,  are  now  consuming  more  meat  than  they  did  as  civilians. 
Lord  Milner's  exceptional  powers  of  foresight  and  his  grasp  of  essentials 
will  be  invaluable  in  this  important  work. 


THE  principal  feature  of  the  Western  campaign  is  the  successful, 

if  somewhat  slow  process  of  "  nibbling  "  by  the  French,  culminating, 

after  a  battle  lasting  without  respite  for  a  couple  of 

Territorials    weeks  in  considerable  successes  north  of  Arras,  notably 

j    4-Vio 

w  at  Souchez.     The  British  line  has  also  made  a  slight 

Campaign  advance,  and  the  Belgians  have  crossed  the  Yser 
towards  Dixmude.  Still,  nothing  sensational  has 
occurred,  and  nothing  seems  likely  to  occur.  It  becomes  more  and 
more  obvious  that  only  an  overwhelming  superiority  in  high  explosives 
and  artillery  generally  can  achieve  more  than  trifling  advantages  in  the 
present  type  of  warfare.  The  casualty  list  shows  that  trench  fighting, 
as  now  developed,  is  even  more  expensive  than  the  attacks  and  retreats 
of  an  earlier  period.  The  honours  of  the  month  may,  perhaps,  be 
given  to  the  13th  London  Battalion,  the  Kensington  Territorials, 
who  played  a  foremost  part  in  that  storming  of  the  German  position 
on  May  9,  which,  it  is  said,  did  not  accomplish  what  was  intended 
because  of  the  lack  of  high  explosives,  but  certainly  relieved  pressure 
elsewhere  and  gave  the  Germans  a  hot  time.  No  forces  have  displayed 
more  sterling  qualities  than  the  Territorials,  and  eleven  battalions  of 
the  London  Regiment  have  had  the  honour  of  mention  in  dispatches. 
The  General  commanding  the  4th  Division  rode  out  to  address  all  that 
remained  of  the  Kensingtons.  "  By  your  splendid  attack  and  dogged 
endurance  on  May  9  you  have  won  imperishable  glory  for  the  13th 
Battalion.  It  was  a  feat  of  arms  surpassed  by  no  battalion  in  this 
great  War."  So  much  for  our  citizen  soldiers ! 


484  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

SENSATIONAL  rumours,  probably  arising  from  the  rapid  fall  in 
wheat,  were  current  during  the  middle  of  June  as  to  the  advance 

in  the  Dardanelles.     They  were,  of  course,  stimulated 
fL     -  by  Mr.  Winston  Churchill's  speech,  predicting  that  the 

first  victory  of  the  War  would  be  at  Constantinople. 
The  French  Government  report  gives  a  far  truer  perspective,  in 
enumerating  the  many  difficulties  which  intervene  between  the  allied 
forces  and  their  objective.  A  vivid  description  of  the  New  Zealanders 
in  action,  which  we  publish  this  month,  gives  an  idea  of  the  initial 
difficulties,  and  they  are  not  diminished  as  the  Allies  advance  along 
the  Peninsula,  meeting  better  prepared  troops  and  defences.  At  the 
same  time  progress  has  been  steady  ;  the  landing  of  stores  and  reserves 
is  now  easily  accomplished,  and  the  allied  troops,  having  reached 
the  ridge  of  the  Peninsula,  are  no  longer  commanded  on  every  side 
by  enemy  artillery,  though  they  are  enfiladed  from  at  least  one 
direction.  Achi-Baba,  the  Turkish  stronghold  on  the  ridge  which 
has  next  to  be  taken,  is  described  .as  a  second  Gibraltar.  Trench 
warfare,  of  the  same  character  as  that  in  France  or  Belgium  has  no) 
become  the  order  of  the  day,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose 
that  progress  can  only  be  made  when  a  superiority  in  ammunition 
is  secured.  A  Turkish  revolution  might  hasten  matters,  but  it  is 
more  possible  than  probable. 


THE  past  month  has  seen  a  strong  German  offensive  on  the  Eastei 
front,  which  has  achieved  a  relative,  but  far  from  absolute,  success. 

The  German  advance  against  the  Kussian  armies  ii 
i  ,e.  .  Galicia  has  been  carried  out  with  the  usual  energ 

Camt)aien       an(^  thoroughness  of  the  Teuton  arms,  but  there  car 

be  little  doubt  that  it  was  dictated  by  political  rathe 
than  military  considerations.  Galicia  and  Bukowina  are  not  Germ? 
provinces,  and  the  misfortunes  of  her  Allies  do  not  keep  Berlin  awal 
o'  nights.  Moreover,  the  new  armies  which  Germany  has  raig 
and  equipped  during  the  winter  were  openly  declared  to  be  destine 
for  the  Western  campaign  :  the  French  and  British  lines  were  to  b< 
broken,  Calais  and  Paris  seized,  and  the  definitive  decision  of  the 
War  (which  the  German  press  declares  is  already  won)  was  to  b< 
sought  in  the  West.  But  this  attractive  programme  has  had  to  be 
changed.  Early  in  the  spring  the  Russian  advance  over  the  Carpathians 
led  Hungary  to  talk  of  a  separate  peace  and  of  national  independence. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  485 

Now  Germany  cares  nothing  for  Magyar  feelings,  but  a  great  deal  for 
the  Magyar  harvest,  and  something,  perhaps,  for  the  military  qualities 
of  the  Hungarian  army,  which  has  taken  part  in  many  a  hot  encounter 
since  the  war  began,  and  Germany  simply  could  not  afford  to  see  the 
Hungarian  harvest  seized  by  Russia,  and,  incidentally,  Budapest  fall 
to  her  enemies. 

THE  new  armies  which  were  to  have  annihilated  the  Allies  in  the 
West  were  therefore  diverted  to  the  East.     Before  their  tremendous 

weight  the  Russians  slowly  fell  back.     Their  advance 
®     „ a     L   into   Hungary   was   recalled   across   the   Carpathians  ; 

Western  Galicia  proved  untenable,  and  the  fortress  of 
Przemysl,  already  in  ruins  when  the  Austrians  surrendered  it  in 
March,  was  evacuated  by  the  Russians.  Jaroslav,  a  stronghold  of 
the  second  class,  was  also  given  up,  and  the  Germans  pressed  forward 
towards  Lemberg,  the  capital  of  Galicia,  which  fell  to  Russia  within 
a  month  of  the  outbreak  of  war  and  was  retaken  on  June  23.  Russia 
is  now  making  a  stand  on  the  Dniester.  The  German  offensive  was, 
therefore,  superficially  successful,  but  it  succeeded  in  the  same  way  that 
Von  Kluck  succeeded  in  the  march  on  Paris,  or  Von  Hindenburg  in 
the  march  on  Warsaw — that  is  to  say,  it  pushed  the  enemy's 
armies  back,  covered  a  great  deal  of  ground,  made  a  fine  show 
of  success  in  the  bulletins  of  the  great  General  Staff,  and  led 
to  rejoicings  in  Berlin.  But  the  only  way  to  win  in  war  is  to 
destroy  or  capture  or  defeat  your  opponent's  army,  and  this  the 
Germans  have  in  no  case  succeeded  in  doing.  The  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas  has  fallen  back  in  Galicia  as  General  Joffre  fell  back 
in  France  ;  it  is  merely  a  question  of  time  and  a  suitable  oppor- 
tunity before  he  resumes  the  offensive.  And  meantime  Germany 
is  steadily  losing  men  at  a  greater  rate  than  her  enemies, 
while  on  neither  front  has  she  the  power  of  bringing  them  to 
their  knees.  She  plants  her  blow  at  her  opponent,  and  it  hits 
the  air.  A  few  of  the  wiser  military  critics  in  Berlin  have  seen 
this,  and  issued  warnings  of  the  difficulties  ahead,  but  the  people 
as  a  whole  are  still  Hindenburg-mad.  The  expectations  that  Russia 
would  act  like  a  "  steam-roller  "  have  been  more  literally  fulfilled 
than  was  imagined,  for  a  steam-roller  does  not  roll  straight  on,  but 
backwards  and  forwards.  Little  doubt  exists  that  the  backward  roll 
is  due  to  lack  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  that  need  supplied,  the 
advance  may  begin  again. 


486  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

So  far  all  the  honours  in  the  Austro-Italian  campaign  are  with 

our  Ally.     She  has  succeeded  in  establishing  herself  on  important 

heights  in  the  Alpine  country  on  her  northern  frontier, 

e  a  mn  an(j  -g  engage^  m  securing  the  passes  which  would  be 
the  natural  line  of  advance  for  an  invading  army. 
This  she  can  only  do  by  severing  the  railway  communications.  On 
the  north-east  frontier  she  has  advanced  into  Austrian  territory, 
and  by  seizing  Gradisca  and  Monfalcone  has  cut  one  line  of  communi- 
cation with  Trieste,  which,  however,  is  still  linked  up  with  Vienna 
by  the  main  line  via  Laibach.  Monfalcone  has  also  an  important 
dockyard  in  which  warships  were  building.  Once  Trieste  is  isolated, 
a  siege  may  be  long,  but  the  end  cannot  be  in  doubt,  for  Italy  can 
draw  help  from  her  Allies  for  an  attack  on  the  sea-front.  Trieste, 
however,  is  said  to  be  surrounded  with  the  latest  type  of  defences.  The 
Austrian  Navy  have  scored  a  success  by  sinking  an  Italian  submarine, 
and  have  also  bombarded  by  gunboats  some  Adriatic  towns.  Venice, 
with  all  its  glories,  lies  so  near  Trieste  and  Pola  that  anxiety  for  its 
safety  must  be  felt ;  and  in  this  connection  it  is  sinister  to  notice  a 
statement  in  the  German- Austrian  press  to  the  effect  that  St.  Mark's, 
Venice,  and  Milan  cathedral  are  being  utilised  as  wireless  stations. 
One  remembers  similar  remarks  about  the  cathedral  at  Keims. 

A  MARKED  improvement  has  to  be  recorded  in  the  situation  in 
Irak  Arabi — to  give  its  proper  name  to  the  Turkish  province  in 

which  the  campaign  for  the  defence  of  our  interests 
e  I1  in  the  Persian  Gulf  is  being  fought.  The  dispatch 

of  an  expeditionary  force  to  these  regions,  immediately 
after  the  declaration  of  war,  found  the  Turks  unprepared  for  serious 
resistance.  We  were  able  to  advance  with  comparatively  little 
opposition  up  the  Shatt-el-Arab  to  Busreh  and  Kurna.  There  were 
good  reasons  against  a  further  advance  up  the  Tigris,  and  the  expedition 
settled  down  to  consolidate  the  territory  already  won.  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  the  Turks  under  German  instruction  had  been  sending 
reinforcements,  with  guns,  to  Southern  Mesopotamia.  These  were 
known  to  be  on  their  way,  but  the  only  course  open  to  the  British 
forces  was  to  strengthen  their  positions  and  await  the  enemy.  The 
attack  was  delivered  in  the  second  week  of  April,  and  was  directed 
not  only  against  Kurna,  at  the  (nominal)  junction  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates,  and  Busreh,  but  also  against  Ahwaz  on  the  Karun  Kiver 
in  Persian  territory.  In  all  three  places  the  enemy  was  defeated ; 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  487 

at  Shaiba  near  Busreh,  where  the  main  attack  took  place,  the  Turks 
were  completely  routed  and  have  not  put  in  an  appearance  in  this 
region  since.  At  Kurna  and  Ahwaz  they  were  driven  off,  but  took 
advantage  of  our  unwillingness  to  follow  up  in  pursuit  to  maintain 
themselves  at  some  distance  from  our  positions,  with  a  view  to  harassing 
our  forces  as  opportunity  offered. 

As  the  presence  of  the  Turks  in  our  immediate  neighbourhood 
created  an  intolerable  situation,  besides  encouraging  the  Arab  tribes 
in  their  hostility,  it  became  necessary  to  deal  effectively 
with  them.  A  combined  naval  and  military  attack  was 
th  T"  1  launched,  in  the  early  morning  of  May  31,  against  the 
enemy's  positions  a  few  miles  north  of  Kurna.  At 
the  same  time  a  second  column  advancing  from  the  Karun  Eiver 
undertook  to  drive  the  remnants  of  the  Turks  out  of  Persian  territory. 
The  success  of  the  attack  from  Kurna  was  rapid  and  complete.  After 
a  brief  resistance  the  enemy  fled,  and  they  appeared  so  demoralised 
that  a  small  force  was  sent  hurriedly  ahead  on  board  a  steamer  and 
a  few  small  launches  to  keep  in  touch  with  them.  When  this  force 
reached  Amara,  on  June  3,  the  whole  garrison  surrendered,  to  the 
number  of  over  a  thousand,  and  we  also  made  prisoners  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  Turks  fleeing  before  the  Karun  River  column,  who 
entered  Amara  unsuspectingly  shortly  after  its  occupation.  The 
whole  country  from  Amara  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  including  the  region 
between  the  Turkish  frontier  and  the  Karun  River,  has  now  been 
cleared  of  the  enemy.  Amara  is  more  than  a  third  of  the  distance 
to  Baghdad,  and  the  success  of  these  recent  operations  opens  up  the 
interesting  speculation  whether  an  advance  on  the  latter  town  might 
not  prove  an  easier  undertaking  than  was  anticipated.  It  is  evident 
that  the  Turkish  forces  both  in  Mesopotamia  and  in  Armenia  are 
feeling  the  pressure  of  the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles. 

A  SUMMARY  of  the  operations  which  have  taken  place  in  East 
Africa  during  the  months  of  March,  April,  and  May  confirms  what 
East  Afr'  was  a^rea^7  known  from  the  official  silence  enveloping 
this  theatre  of  the  War  that,  for  the  time  being,  we  are 
contenting  ourselves  with  guarding  the  frontier  and  dealing  with 
German  attempts  to  invade  British  territory.  It  is  a  policy  which 
need  not  have  been  interrupted.  In  the  meantime  the  blockade 
of  the  German  East  Africa  coast  continues,  and  there  are  indications 


488  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

that  its  effects  have  begun  to  be  felt.  During  the  three  months  under 
review  the  major  part  of  the  enemy's  activity  has  been  developed  in 
the  region  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  but  as  the  result  of  several  small 
engagements  the  Germans  have  lost  ground,  while  casualties  have 
been  more  or  less  equally  divided.  An  attack  on  a  patrol  in  Northern 
Rhodesia  on  May  17  was  driven  off  with  the  loss  of  a  German  officer 
and  nine  natives.  Attempts  continue  to  be  made  to  blow  up  the 
Uganda  railway,  which  naturally  offers  a  tempting  objective  to 
the  enemy.  In  two  instances  the  line  has  been  damaged,  but 
only  to  a  small  extent.  Provided  we  see  to  it  that  the  strength  of 
our  force  in  East  Africa  is  maintained,  and  that  too  severe  a  task  is 
not  imposed  upon  them  by  the  extent  of  country  they  have  to  guard, 
there  can  be  little  need  to  embark  upon  any  formidable  campaign  for 
the  conquest  of  German  East  Africa. 

A  DISTINCT  landmark  has  been  reached  in  military  operations 
in  the  Cameroon  with  the  surrender  of  Garua,  a  town  on  the  Benue 
River   some   fifty    miles   from   the   Nigerian   frontier. 

w         "^  was  one  °^  ^e  ^rs*  places  t°  be  occupied  by  the 
Africa  Nigerian  forces  after  the  declaration  of  war ;    but  on 

August  30  the  Germans,  having  been  strongly  reinforced, 
recaptured  it.  Since  that  date  it  has  remained  in  the  enemy's  hands, 
and  until  May  no  serious  operations  seem  to  have  been  undertaken 
in  this  part  of  the  colony.  As  Mora  in  the  extreme  north  was  taken 
quite  early  in  the  campaign,  the  fall  of  Garua  means  that  a  not  unim- 
portant part  of  the  Cameroon  is  now  clear  of  the  enemy.  The  chief 
operations,  however,  are  being  carried  on  in  the  centre  of  the  colony 
by  a  joint  Anglo-French  expedition  under  General  C.  M.  Dobell. 
Here,  as  in  South- West  Africa,  our  forces  will  probably  have  to  force 
an  engagement  upon  the  fugitive  Germans  before  they  abandon 
the  unequal  struggle.  Since  the  capture  of  Windhoek  difficulties 
connected  with  supplies  are  understood  to  have  delayed  the  move- 
ments of  the  Union  forces.  Now  they  are  reported  advancing  along 
the  Swakopmund-Grootfontein  railway  and  have  occupied  Omaruru, 
and,  still  later,  Kalkfeld  on  the  road  to  Grootfontein.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  sweeping  movement  in  progress  will  achieve  sufficient 
success  to  spare  both  the  colony  and  the  opposing  forces  the  misery 
and  uselessness  of  a  protracted  campaign.  Meanwhile  the  conquered 
and  occupied  portions  of  what  was  German  South- West  Africa  are 
being  brought  under  the  Union  jurisdiction. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  489 

THE  bestowal  of   the  V.C.  for  a  feat  of   exceptional  bravery  on 
Flight   Sub -Lieu  tenant  Warneford,    K.N.,    was    an    honour    which 
.  the  whole  Flying  Corps  appreciated,  and  which  was 

Aerial  V.C.  we^  deserved.  Lieutenant  Rhodes-Moorhouse,  the 
and  the  first  "aerial  V.C./'  received  that  honour  post- 

Imperial  humously.  Lieutenant  Warneford  enjoyed  it  for  only 
Air- fleet.  a  few  Drief  days.  On  June  4,  on  a  Morane  monoplane, 
he  attacked  a  Zeppelin  at  a  height  of  6,000  feet,  and  succeeded  in 
dropping  bombs  which  caused  the  airship  to  explode  and  fall  to 
the  ground,  where  it  burnt  for  some  time.  Lieutenant  Warneford's 
monoplane  turned  upside  down  with  the  force  of  the  explosion,  and 
although  he  was  able  to  right  it,  he  had  to  make  a  forced  landing 
in  enemy  country.  With  great  good  luck  he  was  able  to  restart  his 
engine  and  returned  safely.  The  tragic  sequel  to  this  daring  exploit 
was  the  death  of  the  young  airman  from  an  accident  when  flying 
above  the  Paris  aerodrome.  The  machine  was  seen  to  cant,  and 
he  and  his  passenger  were  thrown  out  and  killed.  In  answer  to 
questions  in  the  House  of  Commons  as  to  our  supply  of  aeroplanes 
Mr.  Tennant,  Under-Secretary  of  State  for  War,  said  that  the 
expansion  in  the  air  service  had  not  been  less  in  proportion  to 
that  of  other  arms.  Where  we  had  before  one  pilot  we  now  have 
ten,  while  the  general  rate  of  expansion  was  five  to  one.  Possibly 
this  method  of  reckoning  may  not  be  taken  as  very  satisfactory,  since 
Mr.  Tennant  himself  admitted  the  very  slender  provision  of  air-craft  and 
men  with  which  we  started,  in  stating  that,  at  the  moment  of  mobilisa- 
tion there  was  but  one  Central  Flying  School,  which  could  train  only 
twenty  pupils.  Now  there  are  eleven  schools,  with  accommodation 
for  two  hundred  pupils.  Unlike  other  branches  of  military  or  naval 
work,  flying  can  be  quickly  acquired  by  those  with  aptitude.  Lieu- 
tenant Warneford  only  learnt  to  fly  in  February  last.  The  recent 
visits  of  Zeppelins  to  our  shores  certainly  lead  us  to  hope  that  an 
ample  supply  both  of  men  and  machines  is  being  provided,  for  while 
the  Zeppelins  in  fourteen  visits  have  done  no  damage  of  military  im- 
portance, killing  only  fifty-six  civilians,  yet  in  a  crowded  island  like 
ours  it  is  difficult  to  throw  bombs  from  any  altitude  without  hitting 
something,  and  our  only  protection  is  in  the  vigilance  and  activity  of 
our  own  air-craft.  The  proposal  that  each  state  and  province  in  the 
empire  should  contribute  to  an  Imperial  Aircraft  Fleet  is  now  being 
actively  pursued  by  the  Overseas  Club,  and  a  number  of  promises  have 
been  secured. 


490  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  trial  of  Christiaan  de  Wet  on  a  charge  of  high  treason  by  the 

Special  Court  at  Bloemfontein  has  resulted  in  his  conviction  on  all 

but  two  counts  of  the  indictment,  with  a  sentence  of 

Rebellion        six  years'  imprisonment  (without  hard  labour)  and  a 

South  to          &ie  °f  £2'°00'     ROCC°  de  Villiers>  and  Wessel  Wessels 
•  f  •  (ex-member  of  the  Union  Defence  Council)  have  been 

sentenced  to  lesser  terms  and  smaller  fines,  while  Conroy 
and  Nicolaas  Serfontein  are  to  serve  four  years'  imprisonment  without 
a  fine.  These  sentences  do  not  err  on  the  side  of  severity,  but  are 
probably  adequate. 


IN  a  note  on  General  Botha's  campaign  published  last  month, 

we  made  a  brief  reference  to  the  great  loss  sustained  by  South  Africa 

and    the    Empire,    through    the    accidental    death    of 

Two  Brave      ^  Q.eorgre  Farrar,  who  had  rendered  invaluable  services 
JYE6H 

as  Quartermaster- General  to  the  Union  forces.    Further 

advices  from  South  Africa  go  to  show  that  he  probably  fell  a  victim 
to  his  strong  sense  of  duty,  for  when  the  fatal  collision  occurred  after 
dark  upon  the  railway,  he  was  pushing  forward  from  Kuibis  to  Brak- 
wasser  to   establish    a    supply  depot,  from   which   to   dispatch    his 
transport  along  a  good  high-road.     "  But  for  his  keenness,"    says 
the  correspondent  of  the  African  World,  "  he  would  doubtless  have 
waited  for  daybreak  and  safe  travelling."       The  sad  occurrence  has 
cast  a  gloom  over  the  whole  of  South  Africa,  and  particularly  on  the 
Kand,   where  his  unaffected  disposition  and  sterling  qualities  had 
won  him  universal  liking  and  respect.    The  funeral  ceremony  on 
his  estate  of  Bedford  Farm,  near  Johannesburg,  was  attended  by  a 
vast  concourse  representing  all  classes  of  the  community.     The  death 
from  wounds  received  in  the  fighting  at  the  Dardanelles  of  Brigadier- 
General    Bridges,    who    commanded   the  Australian  contingent,  and 
whose  portrait  appeared  in  a  recent  number  of  this  journal,  has  not 
attracted  so  much  general  attention,  but  in  him  also  the  Empire  has 
lost  a  no  less  worthy  son.     Born  in  1861,  he  completed  his  education 
at  the  Royal  Military  College  at  Kingston  in  Canada,  and  served  in 
the   South   African   War    1899-1900.      Two   years   later   he   became 
A.Q.M.G.  of  the  Commonwealth  forces  in  Australia,  Chief  of  Intelligence 
in  1905  and  of  the  General  Staff  in   1909.    In  the  following  year 
he    was    appointed    Commandant    of    the    Royal    Military     College 
at  Duntroon,  and  came  over  with  the    Australians  last  winter   to 
Egypt. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  491 

AN  interesting  discussion,  of  by  no  means  purely  academic  interest, 

has  long  been  waged  round  the  use  of  the  word  "  nation  ".     What 

constitutes  nationality  ?     Oneness  of  race  or  language, 

Nationalism.   un^y   of    religion,    common    traditions,    or    common 

.  , .        interests  ?    The  American  nation,  for  instance,  has  none 
Imperialism.  ,1       «    • 

of  these  ;    nor   have  the   fewiss,  a   most    united   little 

nation,  any  such  homogeneity.  Belgium  is  no  nation  in  this 
academic  sense,  yet  her  people  have  given  the  uttermost  proof 
of  true  nationhood.  At  a  recent  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute  Sir  John  McCall  raised  the  question  in  connection  with 
the  British  Dominions  beyond  the  seas,  and  expressed  the  view 
that  the  growth  of  the  idea  of  a  distinct  nationality  in  the 
Dominions  is  dangerous  to  continued  Imperial  unity.  Subsequent 
speakers  disagreed  with  this  view ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  question 
is  mainly  one  of  terminology.  If  by  "  nation  "  we  necessarily  mean 
a  self-contained  and  self-centred  political  unit,  then  very  few  of  the 
readers  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  would  wish  to  see  it  applied  to  the  Dominion 
peoples.  Probably  that  is,  strictly  speaking,  the  sense  in  which  the  term 
has  been  applied  in  past  history ;  but  the  British  Empire  has  created 
a  record,  instead  of  following  established  models.  The  Roman  Empire 
was  entirely  different  in  structure  and  in  evolution  from  our  own. 
Even  in  the  United  Kingdom  we  find,  very  strongly  developed,  a  sense 
of  nationality  in  the  dwellers  in  one  part  of  these  islands  which  does  not 
interfere  with  a  wider  sense  of  patriotism  and  citizenship.  Take,  for 
instance,  the  blend  of  Scottish  patriotism  with  loyalty  to  the  Union  and  a 
sense  of  pride  in  and  responsibility  for  the  whole  Empire — here  there  are 
three  degrees  of  national  self -consciousness,  one  within  the  other,  a  verit- 
able trinity,  one  and  indivisible,  and  yet  each  with  its  particular  quality. 
Best  of  all  definitions,  however,  is  the  well-known  epigram"  The  Empire 
is  my  country — Canada  is  my  home  " .  On  such  lines,  and  with  a  steady 
trend  towards  practical  co-operation  in  matters  which  affect  relations 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  the  growth  of  national  consciousness  and  of 
imperial  responsibility  may  be  coeval.  There  is  every  sign  that  this  has 
been  the  case  in  the  last  twenty  years  of  British  Empire  history. 

PRESSURE  from  without  unifies  more  rapidly  than  any  other  agency. 
This  is  being  strikingly  exemplified  to-day  in  the  German  Empire. 
Th  B  t  Those  who  knew  Germany  best  were  at  first  inclined 

Unifier  *°  Believe  that  the  South  Germans,  a  people  tempera- 

mentally different  from   the   Prussians,  and  hitherto 
hostile  to  them,  would  raise  difficulties  in  this  Berlin-manufactured 


492  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

war.  There  is,  on  the  contrary,  every  evidence  that  the  inter- State 
jealousies  which  were  so  striking  a  feature  of  German  political  and 
social  life,  have  disappeared  like  magic.  The  war  of  1870  created 
a  German  nation ;  the  war  of  1914  is  consolidating  it.  In  universal 
service,  suffering,  and  sacrifice,  the  peoples  of  Germany  forget  every- 
thing but  the  common  goal.  That  their  perspective  is  warped,  and 
their  morality  bankrupt,  is  due  to  a  long  preparation  of  their 
minds  on  vicious  lines  towards  a  definite  end ;  but  it  is  possible  to 
learn  from  the  enemy.  Britons  must  achieve  the  unification  of  their 
Empire  through  freedom  and  variety,  not  through  subservience  and 
concentration.  They  must  follow  the  genius  of  their  race.  But  now 
that  their  civilisation  of  liberty  is  at  grips  with  this  huge  machine,  it 
is  evident  that  the  only  way  to  meet  the  peril  is  to  close  up  the  ranks. 
Germany  is  unifying  the  British  Empire ;  and  the  union  of  free  men 
is  more  powerful,  both  politically  and  ethically,  than  the  discipline 
which  comes  merely  from  blind  obedience ;  but,  as  Mr.  Oliver  says  in 
the  book  already  mentioned,  barbarism  has  before  now  conquered 
civilisation.  Trust  in  God — but  keep  your  powder  dry.  In  other 
words,  it  is  impossible  to  fight  organisation  and  concentration  merely 
with  good  intentions  and  high  ideals.  Men  must  at  times  surrender 
liberty  in  order  to  preserve  it. •"" 

SIR  JOHN  McC ALL'S  address  centred  mainly  in  his  advocacy  of  a 
convention  to  be  summoned  by  the  Imperial  Government  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  War,  to  consider  a  scheme  for  closer 
rganic  union  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Dominions. 

The  personnel  of  the  convention,  as  sketched  by  the 
lecturer,  seems  to  us  too  large  and  of  a  too  Pentecostal  variety,  com- 
prising as  it  did,  besides  the  most  prominent  statesmen  of  both- 
indeed  of  all — parties  in  the  United  Kingdom,  the  premiers  ane 
opposition  leaders  not  only  of  the  dominion  parliaments,  but  alsc 
of  the  state  legislatures,  leading  members  of  the  senates,  representatives 
of  India  and  Egypt  and  of  the  Crown  Colonies  as  well  as  a  numbei 
of  jurisprudents  and  ex-proconsuls  without  powers  of  voting.  But 
the  composition  of  the  convention  is  not  the  essential  feature  of  the 
scheme ;  what  is  vital  in  it,  is  the  recognition  of  the  principle  that 
for  any  real  advance  in  the  direction  of  imperial  unity,  it  is  useless 
to  rely  upon  the  evolution  of  existing  institutions,  imperial  con- 
ferences, imperial  defence  committees  and  the  like,  but  that  a  con- 
stituent convention  to  be  succeeded  by  a  creative  act  is  a  necessity. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  493 

The  weighty  and  experienced  speakers  who  took  part  in  the  discussion , 
though  they  differed  widely  as  to  details  and  especially  with  regard 
to  the  powers  of  the  final  assembly,  all  favoured  the  holding  of 
some  such  convention,  Sir  Charles  Lucas  alone  desiring  that  it  should 
be  preceded  by  a  Royal  Commission,  and  Lord  Sydenham  undertook 
to  bring  the  matter  without  delay  before  the  executive  of  the  British 
Empire  League,  of  which  he  is  the  chairman.  This  he  has  since 
done  ;  and  the  Council  of  the  Institute,  at  its  last  meeting,  received  and 
accepted  an  invitation  from  the  League  to  nominate  three  members 
to  a  joint  committee  of  seven  (including  a  chairman  presumably 
representative  of  both  bodies)  to  consider  and  report  on  Sir  John 
McCall's  proposal. 


WITH   considerable   intervals   for   reflection   the   interchange   of 

Notes  between  the  United  States  and  Germany  continues.     The  first 

Note  from  President  Wilson  asked  firmly  but  mildly 

The  United     ^at  some  guarantee  should  be  given  as  to  the  safety 
States  and         ,  ,.  ,  .  ,  , ,        ,      , 

Germanv  neutral  passengers,   which   could   only    be   accom- 

plished if  German  methods  of  submarine  warfare  were 
changed.     Germany  replied  by  an  ingenious,  albeit  impertinent,  change 
of  venue.     Did  the  United  States  know  that  the  Lusitania  was  armed, 
and  carried  ammunition  and  Canadian  soldiers  ?     If  so,  did  that  not 
modify  the  situation  ?     The  United  States  replied,  through  President 
Wilson,  with  studious  moderation  and  politeness,  but  reiterated  its  first 
demand.     Will  or  will  not  Germany  conduct  her  marine  warfare  by 
the  established  code,  whereby   only   forcible  resistance  or  flight  is 
held  to  justify  the  forfeit  of  life  of  crews  and  passengers  of  merchant 
ships  ?     Incidentally  it  seems,  from  German  writing  on  the  subject 
of  the  Lusitania,  that,  while  the  lie  as  to  her  being  armed  is  studiously 
put  forward,  the  fact  that  she  was  given  no  notice,  nor  summoned  to 
surrender  is  carefully  concealed.     This  looks  as  if  the  stomachs  of  the 
German  people  as  a  whole  are  not  as  strong  as  those  of  the  merchants 
of  Tientsin  referred  to  in  another  note.     Germany's  answer,  it  is 
understood,  will  suggest  compromises  dependent  on  a  modification 
of  the  food  blockade  by  Britain,  but  differences  of  opinion  have  arisen 
on  the  question  in  high  quarters.     Senator  Bryan,  who    caused  a 
sensation  by  resigning  his  position  as  Secretary  of  State  rather  than 
sign  President  Wilson's  second  note,  has  thrown  the  weight  of  his 
celebrated  oratory  into  a  peace  campaign. 

2L 


494  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

MR.  BRYAN  has  enjoyed  for  many  years  a  peculiar  position  in 
American  politics.  He  is  described  as  a  "  hot  gospeller"  of  politics, 
a  John  Bright  in  moral  passion  without  .Bright's  in- 
^  tellectual  force.  His  principal  characteristic  seems  to 
be  the  gift  of  a  kind  of  oratory  which  is  peculiarly  telling  in  such 
raw  communities  as  are  found  in  some  parts  of  the  American  West 
and  Middle  West.  His  name  will  be  for  ever  associated,  in  connection 
with  the  bimetallism  controversy,  with  the  phrase  "  crucified  on  a 
cross  of  gold  ".  He  also  represents  an  extreme  section  of  the  American 
equivalent  of  what  used  to  be  called  the  "  Nonconformist  conscience  ". 
His  apologists — and  many  Americans  do  not  feel  particularly  proud 
of  him  just  now — are  saying  that  he  is  honest,  and  it  is  true  of  such 
characters  that  they  are  frequently  sincere  and  self -believing.  In 
any  case  he  is  inaugurating  in  a  public  manner  and  on  a  large  scale 
a  campaign  in  favour  of  peace,  and  it  is  certain  that  when  the  moment 
arrives — and  it  may  not  be  far  off — that  Germany  is  prepared  to 
make  peace  on  terms  favourable  to  herself,  the  section  of  American 
opinion  swayed  by  Mr.  Bryan  will  work  hand  in  hand  with  the  agents  of 
Germany  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  Allies.  Probably  also  the 
division  of  opinion  in  the  United  States  may  encourage  Germany  to 
believe  she  can  use  America  as  a  lever  to  secure  some  concessions  in  the 
British  scheme  of  blockade.  In  this,  however,  she  is  mistaken.  Having 
permitted  Germany  to  provision  and  supply  herself  for  the  first  months 
of  war,  Britain  has  now  purchased  wisdom.  The  most  striking  result 
of  recent  German  intrigues  in  America,  however  (including  the  expen- 
diture of  £20,000  on  an  advertisement  urging  workmen  on  munitions 
to  "  down  tools ")  is  the  offer  of  Mr.  Charles  Schwab,  himself  of 
German  origin,  to  place  the  Bethlehem  steel  works,  which  Germany 
had  tried  to  buy,  entirely  at  the  disposal  of  France,  "  out  of  affec- 
tionate and  devoted  feelings  to  that  country  ".  In  school-boy  phrase, 
this  is  a  "  nasty  one  "  for  the  Kaiser. 

THE  mobilisation  of  the  Empire's  resources,  not  only  in  men  but 
in  materials  for  equipment,  and  especially  in  munitions,  is  one  of 
the  needs  of  the  moment.    Each  of  the  Dominions, 

Hke  the  H°me  Countl7>  has  now  realised  tne  fact  that 
Dominions  a  Difficult  ^as^  ^°  dislodge  the  enemy  lies  ahead,  and 

that  only  by  co-ordinating  and  bringing  into  line  all 
our  Imperial  potentialities  can  there  be  any  shortening  of  the  period 
of  hostilities  and  a  certainty  of  ultimate  victory.  The  Dominions  are 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  495 

showing  a  real  desire  to  furnish  munitions,  and  in  Canada,  where 
considerable  plant  has  been  laid  down  and  some  large  orders  for 
Russia  and  France  as  well  as  Britain  have  been  filled,  dissatisfaction 
is  now  expressed  at  the  contracts — or  rather  lack  of  contracts — placed 
for  certain  forms  of  explosives.  A  regrettable  controversy  as  to 
who  is  to  blame  for  this  state  of  affairs  reveals  faults  on  both  sides, 
but  the  main  point  is -that  Canadian  resources  have  not,  so  far,  been 
fully  utilised.  The  appointment  of  Mr.  D.  A.  Thomas,  an  experienced 
man  of  business,  to  investigate  on  behalf  of  the  Munitions  Department 
the  state  of  affairs  both  in  Canada  and  the  United  States,  will 
probably  clear  up  the  difficulties.  Meanwhile  Sir  Thomas  Shaugh- 
nessy,  President  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  has  been  on  a 
special  mission  to  Great  Britain,  likewise  concerned  with  the  provi- 
sion of  all  kinds  of  war  material.  Australia,  again,  is  setting  to  work  to 
organise  the  manufacture  of  munitions,  a  committee  of  State  experts 
assisted  by  business  men  having  been  convened  on  the  subject.  One 
thing  is  certain  about  this  War  :  it  is  possible  to  have  too  few  shells 
and  guns  ;  it  is  impossible  to  have  too  many. 

THE  alarming  and  continuous  rise  in  the  prices  of  meat  both   at 
home  and  in  the  Dominions  is  probably  but  a  foretaste  of  what  must 
be  experienced  in  the  near  future.     The  demands  of 
Meat  >  the   enormous  numbers  of  men  under  arms  and  in 

•*?B  training  entirely  falsify  all  ordinary  estimates,  and 
Dominions  ^e  Pr°klem  from  a  domestic  standpoint  is  still  further 
complicated  by  the  increased  demands  which  are  the 
result  of  the  greater  monetary  resources  of  certain  industrial  classes 
at  present  profiting  from  the  abnormal  requirements  for  labour  and  the 
higher  wages  secured.  An  important  development  is  the  entry  of 
France  into  the  meat-buying  markets.  Hitherto  there  has  been 
little  or  no  opening  for  chilled  or  frozen  meat  in  France,  but  she  is 
now  feeding  her  soldiers  on  a  scale  more  nearly  approximating  to  our 
own,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  once  foreign  meat  gets  a  foothold 
in  her  market,  the  demand  will  steadily  increase.  In  certain  of  the 
Dominions  the  authorities  are  being  urged  to  control  local  supplies 
and  fix  prices,  which  have  risen  considerably  owing  to  the  unusual 
requisitions  for  Imperial  purposes.  From  the  statistics  given  in 
the  first  War  Number  of  this  Journal,  it  may  be  gathered  that  over 
60  per  cent,  of  our  meat  supplies  are  furnished  from  home  stock.  But 
of  the  remaining  40  per  cent,  imported,  less  than  one-fifth  of  our  beef 

2  L  2 


496  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

is  supplied  from  lands  under  the  Flag,  although  about  four-fifths  of 
our  imported  mutton  and  lamb  comes  from  Australia  and  New  Zealand. 
South  American  supplies  are  not  controlled  by  British  firms,  and 
patriotic  motives  cannot  there  be  appealed  to.  But  there  seems  no 
reason  to  doubt  that,  as  an  authoritative  writer  in  The  Times  on  the 
subject  recently  concluded,  "  the  greater  part  of  our  necessary  supply 
of  imported  mutton  and  lamb  might  be  obtained  from  the  Common- 
wealth ".  There  is  also  South  Africa  in  the  field,  and  particularly 
Rhodesia,  where,  however,  the  tsetse-fly  and  the  difficulty  of  trans- 
portation stand  in  the  way  of  stock-raising  on  a  scale  resembling  that 
of  the  Argentine.  As  far  as  natural  resources  go  some  parts  of  Rhodesia 
as  a  stock-raising  country  are  as  fine  as  any  in  the  world. 

THE  Council  has  just  taken  another  new  departure,  which  we 

are  convinced  will  have  far-reaching  effects.    As  Lord  Grey  announced 

in  answer  to  an  inquirer  at  the  Annual  Meeting,  a 

Imperial         sub-committee  has  for  some  time  past  been  considering 

Studies  •  . 

-     ,  the  question  of  extending  the  lecturing  activities  of 

the  Institute,  and  it  has  recently  presented  its  report. 
The  main,  if  not  the  whole,  burden  of  this  part  of  the  Institute's  work 
has  so  far  fallen  upon  Mr.  Garrison,  and  while  retaining  his  services 
for  the  popular  lectures  on  Empire  subjects,  in  which  he  has  achieved 
such  remarkable  success,  it  is  now  proposed  to  broaden  and  deepen 
the  basis  of  our  educational  efforts.  This  will  be  accomplished  by 
linking  up  to  the  Institute  the  Imperial  Studies  movement  connected 
with  the  University  of  London,  and  embarking  on  a  lecturing  campaign, 
not  only  in  the  metropolitan  area,  but  also  in  some  of  the  larger 
provincial  centres.  For  this  purpose  Dr.  A.  P.  Newton,  of  King's 
College,  to  whose  energy  and  ability  (as  well  as  to  the  ripe  experience 
of  our  chairman,  Sir  Charles  Lucas)  the  movement  owes  much  of  its 
satisfactory  progress,  has  been  appointed  Organiser  of  Imperial 
Studies  lectures  for  the  Institute.  Operations  will  be  commenced 
in  the  autumn  at  Bristol,  where  the  University  and  our  new  local 
Branch  will,  it  is  hoped,  join  hands  in  establishing  the  first  course 
of  such  lectures.  Later  on  similar  arrangements  will  be  made,  as 
occasion  serves,  in  other  large  university  towns  ;  but  the  next  step 
is  the  selection  of  a  panel  of  highly-qualified  lecturers,  and  thanks 
to  the  admirable  organisation  of  the  Imperial  Studies  movement  we 
learn  that  this  is  already  in  sight.  Quod  felix  faustumque  sit ! 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  497 

CONGKATULATIONS  to  the  China  Association  for  their  successful 
ventilation  of  the  question  of  trading  with  the  enemy  in  China.     It  will 

be  a  surprise  to  many  people  to  realise  that  German 
Trading  merchants,    despite    a    violent    anti-British   campaign 

all  over  the  Far  East,  and  despite  the  machinations 
China  which  nearly  led  to  serious  trouble  in  Singapore  and 

made  their  expulsion  from  that  place  and  from  Hong 
Kong  necessary,  have  hitherto  carried  on  a  flourishing  trade  with 
British  goods  in  China.  There  was  nothing  in  the  Trading  with  the 
Enemy  Act  to  prohibit  such  transactions  between  British  firms  and 
German  traders  living  in  neutral  countries,  or  in  countries  where, 
chiefly  owing  to  British  enterprise,  extra-territorial  rights  obtain. 
The  principal  opposition  to  prohibition  came  from  Manchester.  Th« 
arguments  put  forward  in  favour  of  trading  with  enemies  in  China  are  : 
first,  that  our  Allies  have  not  prohibited  their  nationals  from  such 
trade  ;  second,  that  British  goods  already  shipped  under  German 
marks  would  lose  their  market ;  and  third,  that  British  firms  alone 
could  not  cope  with  the  volume  of  British  trade  with  China.  As 
to  the  first  point,  France  has  recently  prohibited  trade  with  the 
enemy  in  China  ;  the  action  of  Japan  is  still  uncertain.  As  to  the 
second,  buyers,  if  they  could  not  get  British  goods  under  German 
marks,  would  soon  replace  them  with  those  under  British  marks  ; 
and  third,  the  branches  of  the  China  Association  confidently  assert 
that  the  British  firms  can  cope  with  the  trade,  particularly  at  a  time 
when  freight  is  so  difficult  to  arrange.  The  Germans,  after  all,  are 
comparatively  newcomers  in  the  field.  Information  as  to  their 
methods  of  trade,  of  a  remarkable  character,  is  promised  by  the  China 
Association  as  soon  as  their  investigations  are  complete ;  and  mean- 
while their  efforts  are  rewarded  by  the  announcement  that  all  trade 
with  the  enemy,  in  China,  Siam  or  Morocco  is  henceforth  prohibited. 
Representations  were  also  made  by  the  Shanghai  Chamber  of  Commerce. 
It  seems  outrageous  that  German  merchants  in  China  should  profit 
by  Great  Britain  and  Japan's  mastery  of  the  seas  to  carry  on  "business 
as  usual,"  while  they  are  capable  of  celebrating,  as  they  did  at  Tientsin, 
by  an  all-night  revel,  such  German  "  victories  "  as  the  sinking  of 
the  Lusitania. 


49* 

NEW  ZEALANDERS  ON  SERVICE. 

FIRST  DAYS  IN  GALLIPOLI. 

IT  is  almost  as  difficult  to  separate  the  doings  of  the  New  Zealanders  in  Turkey 
from  those  of  the  Australians  as  it  is  undesirable  to  make  such  a  differentiation, 
for  the  co-operation  of  these  two  Dominions,  upon  which  the  future  of  British 
power  in  the  Pacific  so  largely  depends,  has  received  a  great  fillip  from  the 
fortuitous  brigading  of  their  troops  in  the  different  operations  of  the  War. 

In  more  than  one  part  of  the  world,  and  in  circumstances  of  a  widely  different 
character,  the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  have  been  working  together 
in  a  manner  which  few  could  have  anticipated  a  year  ago,  and  much  more 
closely  than  they  ever  operated  during  the  Boer  war.  New  Zealand's  first  and 
most  obvious  undertaking  when  war  broke  out  was  to  fall  upon  Samoa  and 
root  out  the  German  colony  which  had  established  itself  there  to  the  annoyance 
of  all  oversea  Britons  in  the  Pacific.  She  had  her  soldiers  ready  within  a  fort- 
night of  the  declaration  of  war,  but  the  Pacific  was  dominated  by  two  great 
German  cruisers,  the  Scharnhorst  and  Gneisenau,  to  which  New  Zealand  could 
oppose  only  the  third-class  cruiser  Pyramus,  with  an  armament  of  eight  4-inch 
guns.  Large-heartedly  she  launched  her  little  force  of  1,200  infantry  in  trans- 
ports under  the  protection  of  the  Pyramus,  to  seek  at  New  Caledonia  the 
essential  convoy  of  the  Australian  battle-cruiser  Australia  and  the  French 
cruiser  Montcalm  ;  and  with  this  protection  the  force  took  peaceful  possession 
of  German  Samoa.  That  incident  of  co-operation  had  a  considerable  effect 
on  the  subsequent  months  of  New  Zealand  policy. 

New  Zealand's  main  force,  again,  had  to  postpone  its  departure  for  the 
seat  of  war  until  Australia  and  Japan  could  furnish  a  suitable  escort,  and  the 
armada  which  set  sail  from  Albany  across  the  Indian  Ocean  was  again  a  com- 
posite New  Zealand  and  Australian  force.  Another  chance,  the  entry  of 
Turkey  into  the  War,  threw  the  New  Zealanders  and  Australians  down  in  the 
Egyptian  desert  together,  where,  under  the  shadow  of  the  Pyramids,  they  trained 
assiduously  all  the  winter  for  the  greater  work  ahead  of  them. 

When  the  operations  against  the  Dardanelles  were  resumed  in  April  with  a 
sufficient  military  force,  Sir  Ian  Hamilton  had  under  his  orders  a  full  brigade 
of  New  Zealand  infantry — already  blooded  in  the  repulse  of  the  Turkish  invasion 
on  the  banks  of  the  Suez  Canal — and  the  New  Zealand  artillery,  as  well  as 
Army  Service  Corps,  Engineers  and  the  requisite  medical  services.  The  mounted 
infantry  wished  to  take  part,  but  the  affair  as  yet  was  a  matter  for  infantry 
only  ;  and  although  two  regiments  of  New  Zealand  mounted  rifles  then  volun- 
teered to  serve  on  foot  with  their  comrades,  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe. 

The  ground  at  Gallipoli  was  broken,  as  all  the  world  knows,  by  the  landing 
of  the  Australian  infantry  on  the  narrow  beach  at  the  foot  of  Sari  Bair  in  the 
raw  dawn  of  Sunday,  April  25.  The  operation  was  carried  out  with  a  coolness 
and  dash  that  were  the  admiration  of  all  the  fine  troops  by  which  it  was  wit- 
nessed, and  the  deeds  of  that  Sunday  will  rank  amongst  the  finest  records  of 
the  war. 


NEW   ZEALANDERS   ON  SERVICE.  499 

It  was  a  New  Zealander,  Lieut.-Commander  B.  C.  Freyberg,  of  the  Boyal 
Naval  Division,  who  swam  ashore  from  one  of  the  transports  the  previous  night 
and  lit  flares  on  the  beach  in  order  to  draw  the  fire  of  the  Turks  and  disclose 
their  position — an  act  for  which  he  has  since  received  the  D.S.O.  But  the 
enemy  forbore  to  fire,  and  kept  secure  until  the  following  morning  the  secret 
of  their  positions.  The  landing  was  intended  to  be  a  surprise,  but  the  moon 
set  late  and  the  dark  outlines  of  the  transports  were  fatally  silhouetted  against 
the  sky  long  before  they  arrived  off  the  landing  beaches.  The  impetuous 
charges  in  which  the  Australians  scoured  the  country  and  seized  ridge  after 
ridge  to  the  north  and  east  are  now  matters  of  history.  Their  gallantry  carried 
the  Australians  beyond  the  limits  of  safety,  and  by  the  time  the  New  Zealand 
infantry  were  landed  in  support,  the  Australians  were  occupying  a  wide  front 
against  the  Turks  with  a  dangerously  attenuated  line,  their  left  resting  on  the 
sea  some  miles  north  of  Gaba  Tepe. 

The  New  Zealanders  landed  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  forenoon — the  Auck- 
land battalion  first,  then  Canterbury,  Otago,  and  Wellington.  During  the  days 
which  they  had  spent  in  the  roadstead  at  Lemnos  they  had  practised  over  and 
over  again  climbing  down  the  ships'  sides  and  embarking  in  the  lighters  and 
destroyers  in  which  they  were  to  be  taken  to  the  beach.  When  the  time  came, 
there  was  no  hitch  in  this  operation.  The  intensity  of  the  rifle  fire  from  the 
shores  had  been  reduced  by  the  bayonet  work  of  the  Australians  amongst 
the  scrub.  The  chief  trouble  now  was  from  the  shrapnel  which  the  Turks 
were  concentrating  on  the  landing  beaches  from  their  batteries  placed  all  over 
the  hills  to  the  eastward  and  south-eastward  and  from  the  fort  of  Gaba  Tepe, 
where  guns  of  light  calibre  travelling  on  rails  defied  all  attempts  at  location 
by  the  aeroplanes. 

Sitting  in  the  lighters,  after  the  destroyers  had  cast  off,  was  a  severe  trial 
for  these  troops  ;  but  the  discipline  they  had  received  in  their  months  of  training 
in  Egypt  had  finished  them  off  as  hardened  soldiers  and  they  behaved  splendidly. 
The  lighters  grounded  with  very  few  casualties  and  the  New  Zealanders  at 
once  sprang  into  the  water  and  waded  ashore,  without  waiting  for  orders.  In 
a  few  seconds  they  reached  the  beach,  grounded  their  packs  and  fixed  bayonets. 
There  was  no  waiting  to  form  companies  or  platoons.  The  ground  was  so  steep 
that  it  was  impossible  to  advance  in  formation.  It  was  distinctly  an  opening 
for  the  "irregular"  qualities  of  the  oversea  soldiery;  shrapnel  was  bursting 
freely  over  the  landing  place,  and  a  big  shell  which  fell  into  the  midst  of  a 
Punjab  mountain  battery  emphasised  the  warning  that  this  was  no  place  for 
delay.  So  many  men  in  each  company  had  been  told  off  as  water-carriers, 
and  they  at  once  shouldered  their  water-cans  and  started  off  up  the  steep  ridge 
facing  the  beach. 

As  General  Birdwood  wrote  afterwards  :  "  Had  commanding  officers  waited 
to  form  up  their  commands,  as  they  normally  would  have  done,  we  should 
probably  never  have  captured  the  position  at  all,  which  great  dash  alone  was 
able  to  take."  Probably  no  troops  ever  displayed,  throughout  a  long  trying 
day,  more  dash  and  elan  than  the  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  did  on  that 
first  day  in  Callipoli. 


500  NEW   ZEALANDERS   ON   SERVICE. 

The  hills  rose  sheer  from  sea  level  in  a  series  of  steep  ridges,  all  closely  covered 
with  short  scrub.  In  such  a  terrain  the  New  Zealanders  were  quite  at  home, 
but  it  was  no  place  for  close  formation  or  for  soldiers  who  had  to  rely  too  much 
on  their  officers.  Each  man  had  to  fend  for  himself,  and  he  was  a  lucky  officer 
indeed  who  at  any  time  was  able  to  assemble  half  a  platoon  at  a  time  for  another 
rush  forward.  Although  the  Australians  had  been  over  the  ground  very 
thoroughly  there  were  still  numerous  concealed  snipers, and  the  New  Zealanders 
delighted  in  their  bayonet  chases  whenever  one  was  raised  out  of  the  scrub. 
The  orders  were  to  support  the  hard-pressed  left  of  the  Australians  and  they 
had  not  advanced  far  from  the  beach  when  they  met  already  the  devoted 
ambulance  bearers  struggling  down  to  the  beach  with  their  sad  freights.  The 
Australians  had  been  retired  to  a  safer  position  and  were  digging  themselves 
in,  very  short  of  ammunition,  and  the  order  was  passed  down  to  the  beach 
for  the  bearers  to  bring  back  cartridges  and  water  on  their  stretchers.  Mean- 
while the  engineers  of  both  brigades  were  improving  the  tracks  to  the  front 
trenches,  to  the  north,  and  rigging  wireless  stations  on  the  beach  to  connect  with 
headquarters,  which  were  still  on  the  ships. 

Two  New  Zealand  battalions  went  forward  to  support  Australia  on  the  left, 
the  other  two  lying  in  reserve.  Gradually  the  pressure  increased  on  the  centre, 
and  the  Otago  battalion  was  hurried  round  in  support.  It  was  after  midday 
and  the  Turkish  batteries  had  taken  up  their  new  positions  and  were  gradually 
getting  the  ranges  of  the  British  trenches.  To  get  to  the  centre,  the  New 
Zealanders  had  to  pass  up  a  deep  valley — already  grimly  named  Hell  Gully— 
which  was  commanded  at  a  dozen  spots  by  the  fire  of  concealed  machine  guns. 
Their  casualties  were  heavy ;  but  they  reached  the  advance  position  and  lay  down 
under  what  natural  cover  they  could  find,  waiting  for  the  night.  All  through 
the  afternoon  they  underwent  the  severest  of  all  trials — lying  still  under  shell 
fire  without  the  power  of  hitting  back.  Over  and  over  again  a  restless  New 
Zealand  private  would  talk  of  charging  with  the  bayonet,  the  form  of  war  in 
which  the  oversea  soldier  thoroughly  delights.  But  it  could  not  be.  Well  they 
knew  that  far  in  front  of  their  line,  where  the  hidden  snipers  were  keenly  watching 
for  the  least  sign  of  movement,  lay  the  bodies  of  many  Australian  dead  and  the 
wounded  who  had  been  murdered  and  mutilated.  There  was  nothing  for  it 
but  to  lie  still  and  wait  for  the  cover  of  darkness  to  dig  themselves  in.  Towards 
evening,  the  Turks  got  the  range  accurately  and  shell  burst  freely  over  the  New 
Zealanders,  whose  devoted  stretcher-bearers  were  constantly  under  fire  and 
were  of  course  a  desired  target  for  the  German-led  enemy. 

With  the  night  came  some  respite  from  sniping,  and  the  New  Zealanders, 
with  Australians  on  the  right  and  left,  dug  themselves  in  securely.  Again 
and  again  the  Turks  would  creep  forward  with  irregular  volleys  towards  the 
trenches  ;  but  the  bayonets  of  the  Southern  Cross  were  ready,  and  no  single 
assault  was  pushed  home.  By  morning  the  position  was  secure  and  the  lines 
of  communication  to  the  landing  beach  were  complete.  The  northern  front  of 
the  Australasians  on  the  slopes  of  Sari  Bair  was  able  henceforward  to  resist  all 
attacks.  A  few  days  later,  indeed,  the  trenches  presented  the  appearance  of 
the  best-designed  trenches  in  Flanders. 


NEW   ZEALANDERS   ON   SERVICE.  501 

Every  day  the  men  did  something  to  improve  their  defences  and  make  their 
surroundings  more  comfortable.  Food  and  water  were  now  coming  without 
interruption  from  the  beach,  and  the  sorely  pressed  medical  services  had 
evacuated  the  bulk  of  the  wounded  to  Alexandria  and  Malta. 

The  work  of  the  New  Zealand  machine-gun  sections  was  admirable,  and  a 
well  deserved  decoration  appeared  amongst  the  Birthday  Honours  for  Captain 
J.  A.  Wallingford,  the  well-known  Bisley  marksman,  who  has  been  with  the 
New  Zealand  forces  for  the  last  year  or  two.  During  the  first  few  days  ashore 
they  were  constantly  scouting  in  search  of  Turkish  positions,  and  for  suitable 
posts  for  their  own  guns  on  the  precipitous  sides  of  the  ridges.  The  New 
Zealand  artillery  also  bore  themselves  gallantly  throughout  a  trying  time. 
Two  guns  of  the  Auckland  howitzer  battery  were  landed  on  the  beach  early 
on  Sunday  morning  and  taken  to  positions  on  the  left,  close  to  the  sea.  The 
remainder  of  the  first  battery  came  ashore  later  in  the  day  and  was  soon  in 
action.  The  sound  of  our  own  guns  replying  to  the  Turkish  fire  was  a  great 
relief  to  the  nerves  of  the  New  Zealanders. 

On  Sunday,  May  2,  the  position  being  quite  secure,  the  Otago  battalion 
was  withdrawn  from  the  front  trenches  towards  the  beach  with  the  object  of 
advancing  through  Hell  Gully,  to  take  up  new  trenches  in  advance  of  the  Austra- 
lians. The  engineers  had  gone  ahead  and  prepared  the  track  for  the  advance, 
fixing  a  stout  rope  in  the  hillside  at  its  steepest  point,  to  assist  the  men  to  the 
top.  There  was  to  be  a  general  advance,  if  possible  ;  and  nothing  was  left 
undone  which  might  tend  to  its  success. 

The  Otago  battalion  formed  up  in  the  evening,  700  strong,  and  proceeded  up 
Hell  Gully  towards  its  goal.  For  awhile  the  movement  was  not  observed  in 
the  darkness,  but  delays  occurred  which  upset  the  plans.  When  the  rope  was 
reached,  it  seemed  as  if  the  long  queue  of  waiting  men  would  never  get  to  the 
top.  Laden  with  packs,  they  clambered  up  the  hillside  in  single  file.  About 
fifty  men  were  clinging  to  the  rope  at  a  time,  and  it  swayed  to  and  fro  awkwardly. 
As  each  platoon  reached  the  crest  of  the  ridge  the  men  opened  out  and  lay 
flat  on  the  ground  with  fixed  bayonets.  At  last  all  had  reached  the  summit 
and  advanced  to  the  new  position.  They  had  no  sooner  moved  than  the  Turks 
discovered  them.  The  New  Zealanders  rushed  forward  to  get  into  cover  and 
simultaneously  the  Turkish  machine  guns,  set  thick  along  the  front,  opened  fire. 
The  stream  of  lead  clipped  the  tops  off  the  scrubs  as  with  a  pair  of  shears.  The 
New  Zealanders  could  do  nothing  but  lie  low  to  avoid  the  fire,  for  to  advance 
in  the  darkness  would  have  been  foolhardy.  With  bayonets  fixed  they  lay 
flat,  awaiting  an  attack  or  relief  from  their  supports.  To  have  retired  would 
have  been  even  more  costly  than  to  stay,  so  they  waited  for  the  dawn.  Messages 
were  sent  back  to  headquarters  asking  for  help  ;  but  the  hours  dragged  on 
slowly.  Gradually  the, flashes  of  the  Turkish  rifles  worked  round  the  flank, 
while  bomb-throwers  approaching  in  front  were  able  to  throw  in  devastating 
hand  grenades. 

At  last  the  order  came  to  retire.  The  position  was  being  enfiladed  and  could 
not  be  held.  Leaving  the  dead  behind,  but  carrying  their  wounded,  the  gallant 
Southerners  slowly  and  laboriously  evacuated  the  position.  Some  distance  in 


502  NEW   ZEALANDERS   ON   SERVICE. 

the  rear  lay  the  reinforcements  of  the  Koyal  Naval  Division,  and  behind  them 
the  trenches  of  the  Australians,  hitherto  the  front  line.  Back  to  the  head  of 
Hell  Gully  the  battered  remnants  of  the  battalion  worked  their  way,  and  with 
the  dawn  they  re-formed  on  the  beach.  Out  of  700  men  only  250  answered  the 
roll-call  in  the  morning.  There  were  many  acts  of  individual  gallantry,  especially 
in  saving  the  lives  of  the  wounded,  and  the  commanding  officers,  Major  Moir 
and  Major  Turnbull,  greatly  distinguished  themselves  by  their  reckless 
bravery. 

One  detachment  of  about  sixty  men  found  themselves  in  well  protected 
trenches  and  dug-outs  only  fifty  yards  from  the  Turkish  parapet ;  and  they 
remained  there,  subsisting  on  the  iron  ration,  for  two  days.  When  eventually 
the  stragglers  were  all  in,  the  battalion  had  about  half  its  strength  of  effectives. 

Two  or  three  days  were  spent  in  resting  and  refitting  on  the  beach.  Though 
shrapnel  was  still  bursting  freely,  the  soldiers  found  the  comparative  quiet  quite 
restful  and  enjoyed  refreshing  swims  in  the  sea.  A  few  nights  later,  under  cover 
of  the  darkness,  the  remains  of  the  New  Zealand  brigade  embarked  on  board  a 
small  flotilla  of  destroyers  and  proceeded  along  the  coast  to  the  southward. 
Before  dawn  they  landed  at  Cape  Helles  and  were  pushed  forward  to  reinforce 
the  29th  Division  (British  regulars)  which  were  advancing  determinedly  but 
terribly  slowly,  against  the  entrenchments  in  front  of  Krithia  and  Achi  Baba. 

The  New  Zealand  ranks  were  filled  up  as  far  as  possible  by  the  reinforcements 
which  had  since  come  forward  from  Egypt.  The  surroundings,  too,  were  new 
and  pleasing.  Instead  of  the  parched,  scrub-covered  ridges  of  Sari  Bair,  the  over- 
sea soldiers  now  lay  in  beautiful  fields  of  grass,  spangled  with  poppies,  daisies, 
and  buttercups.  For  the  first  time  they  were  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  splendid 
British  regulars  and  with  the  French  ;  there  were  no  random  snipers  now  to  play 
on  the  nerves,  and  with  renewed  spirit  the  New  Zealanders  entered  upon  this 
fresh  phase  of  the  stubborn  war  of  extermination  which  is  being  waged  for  the 
gates  of  Constantinople.  In  the  middle  of  May,  the  mounted  infantry  had  their 
wish  gratified  by  being  sent  to  the  front  as  infantry  ;  and  now  practically  the 
whole  of  the  original  strength  of  the  New  Zealand  contingent  (8,000)  has  been 
launched  against  the  Turks.  The  casualties  have  been  great — probably  one- 
fourth  of  the  whole  strength, — but  the  temper  of  the  people  of  New  Zealand 
has  only  hardened  in  the  cause  to  which  they  have  set  their  hand. 

The  blood  which  has  flowed  in  Gallipoli  does  not  represent  nearly  the  whole 
sacrifice  of  New  Zealand.  Our  young  men  are  scattered  widely  through  the 
British  Army  and  Navy,  and  rarely  a  week  passes  but  some  fresh  young  lives 
are  laid  down  for  England.  A  Ehodes  scholar,  an  airman  V.C.  (Lieutenant 
Khodes-Moorhouse),  and  a  tennis  champion  are  already  gathered  in,  and  they 
merely  represent  the  class  of  men  that  New  Zealand  is  freely  offering  in  the 
Empire's  great  struggle.* 

GUY    H.    SCHOLEFIELD. 

*  A  young  New  Zealander  of  special  promise,  Mr.  J.  H.  Allen,  son  of  Colonel  Allen,  Minister 
for  Defence  (and  corresponding  secretary  R.C.I.),  was  killed  at  the  Dardanelles  about  June  21.  He 
was  in  England,  and  had  just  been  called  to  the  Bar  after  a  brilliant  career  at  Cambridge. 
He  joined  the  O.T.C.  and  was  given  a  commission  in  the  3rd  Woroesters,  who,  by  a  singular 
coincidence,  are  also  fighting  on  the  Gallipoli  peninsula. — ED. 


508 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST    AND    PRESENT. 

IV. — THE  SOCIETY  OF  COMPARATIVE  LEGISLATION. 

THE  foundation  of  the  Society  of  Comparative  Legislation  arose  out  of  a  paper 
which  the  present  writer  read  at  the  Imperial  Institute  on  November  8,  1894. 
This  paper  directed  attention  to  the  difficulty  then  experienced  of  obtaining 
satisfactory  information  about  the  course  of  legislation  in  different  parts  of  the 
British  Empire  and  in  foreign  countries,  and  made  some  suggestions  as  to  the 
expediency  of  taking  steps  towards  devising  and  organising  provision  for  better 
information  on  this  important  subject.  The  reading  of  the  paper  led  to  a 
conference  which  was  held  at  the  Imperial  Institute  in  the  following  month 
(December  19,  1894),  was  presided  over  by  the  late  Lord  Herschell,  then  Lord 
Chancellor,  and  was  attended  by  several  distinguished  and  influential  persons — 
great  lawyers,  great  administrators,  agents-general,  ambassadors  and  other 
representatives  of  foreign  countries.  The  object  of  the  conference  was  to 
consider  the  best  means  of  furthering  the  study  of  comparative  legislation, 
as  suggested  in  the  paper,  and  the  following  resolutions  were  passed  : — 

Moved  by  the  Lord  Chancellor  (Lord  Herschell),  seconded  by  Sir  Eobert 
Herbert,  G.C.B.  :— 

(1)  That  it  is  expedient  to  establish  a  Society  of  Comparative  Legislation,  with 
the  object  of  promoting  knowledge  of  the  course  of  legislation  in  different  countries, 
more  particularly  in  the  several  parts  of  Her  Majesty's  Dominions,  and  in  the  United 
States. 

Moved  by  Lord  Hobhouse,  K. C.S.I.,  seconded  by  Sir  Eaymond  West, 
K.C.I.E.  :— 

(2)  That,  for  this  purpose,  a  council  be  formed  with  instructions  to  nominate 
an  executive  committee  charged  with  the  duty  of  preparing  a  constitution  for  the 
Society,  and  of  indicating  the  best  mode  of  carrying  out  its  objects. 

Moved  by  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England  (Lord  Eussell  of  Killowen), 
seconded  by  Mr.  (now  Sir)  Thomas  Raleigh  :— 

(3)  That  the  Lord  Chancellor  (Lord  Herschell)  be  the  first  President  of  the  Society. 
These  resolutions  were  the  origin  of  the  Society.     Some  further  explanation 

of  its  objects  was  afterwards  supplied  by  a  statement  which  was  prefixed  to 
the  first  number  of  the  Society's  journal. 

It  was  explained  that  the  objects  aimed  at  were  both  practical  and  scientific. 
The  Society  was  intended  to  be  of  service  to  legislative  bodies,  practising 
lawyers,  jurists,  and  students  of  sociology. 

To  jurisprudence  the  Society  would  apply  the  comparative  method  of 
investigation,  which  had  already  proved  fruitful.  It  would  gather  together, 
spitomise,  and  arrange  materials  now  scattered  through  many  periodicals,  or 
to  be  found  only  in  official  documents  of  which  few  libraries  contain  copies,  and 
it  would  otherwise  endeavour  to  promote  the  study  of  comparative  law.  Chief 
imong  its  aims  would  be  the  collecting  of  information  as  to  the  statute  law  and 
the  forms  and  methods  of  legislation  in  the  British  Empire  and  the  United  States. 


504     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT. 

It  was  pointed  out  that  in  France,  Germany,  and  America,  similar  associa- 
tions existed,  and  that  it  had  long  been  a  matter  of  surprise  that  no  such  society 
had  been  formed  in  the  British  Empire,  with  its  great  variety  of  legal  systems.  In 
India,  where  English,  Hindu,  and  Mohammedan  law  coexist,  and  have  affected 
each  other,  and  where  ancient  customs  of  interest  to  the  legal  historian  are 
still  observed,  and  in  our  colonies,*  dependencies,  and  possessions,  in  which 
French,  Roman-Dutch,  and  Spanish  law  subsist,  would  be  found  a  vast  field 
for  the  work  of  a  Society  of  Comparative  Legislation.  In  extent  and  variety, 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council  as  a  Court  of 
Appeal  was,  remarked  this  statement,  unequalled.  In  a  single  year  it  might 
be  called  upon  to  consider  questions  of  constitutional  law  of  moment  to  all 
civilised  countries,  cases  dependent  on  Hindu  or  Mohammedan  law,  on  texts  of 
the  Digest,  on  the  Ordonnances  of  Louis  XIV.,  on  the  Coutume  de  Paris  or  other 
portions  of  the  old  customary  law  of  France  before  the  Eevolution,  or  on  the 
ancient  customs  of  Normandy.  It  was  somewhat  remarkable  that  there  should 
not  have  long  ago  been  founded  a  society  for  the  scientific  study  and  com- 
parison of  the  very  diverse  laws  brought  before  the  Appellate  Court  of  the 
Colonies  and  Possessions  of  the  British  Empire. 

The  statement  went  on  to  say  that  the  benefits  which  might  be  counted  on 
from  the  labours  of  the  Society  were  both  direct  and  indirect. 

In  the  British  Empire  were  some  sixty  legislatures  ;  in  the  United  States 
nearly  fifty.f  Each  of  them  was  occupied  with  much  the  same  problems. 
The  same  questions  as  to  criminal  law  and  the  administration  of  justice,  capital 
and  labour,  marriage  and  divorce,  patents  and  literary  property,  the  regulation 
of  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  education,  railways,  companies,  merchant 
shipping,  and  mercantile  law  generally,  came  from  time  to  time  before  the  British 
and  Colonial  Parliaments,  and  the  legislatures  of  the  States  of  the  American 
Union.  Experiments  as  to  similar  subjects  were  being  made  by  more  than  a 
hundred  legislatures  in  English-speaking  countries. 

It  was  not  uncommon,  on  the  introduction  of  measures  into  Parliament,  to 
refer  to  the  laws  of  other  countries.  At  present,  the  results  of  foreign  experi- 
ments were  only  imperfectly  and  casually  brought  to  the  notice  of  those  who 
might  profit  by  them  ;  and  enactments  might  be  proposed  and  adopted  in  one 
English-speaking  community  in  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  similar  measures 
had,  after  trial,  been  abandoned  or  modified  in  another.  Much,  it  was  conceived, 
might  be  learned  with  advantage  both  as  to  the  substance  and  as  to  the  form  of 
legislation,  and  many  mistakes  might  be  avoided,  if  precedents  derived  from 
the  experience  of  other  countries  were  collected  and  studied. 

English-speaking  races,  continued  the  paper,  show  a  tendency  towards  unity 
in  law.  Our  Colonies  borrow  the  principle  and  form  of  many  statutes  from 
England — the  United  Kingdom  also  borrows  from  the  Colonies.  But  the  open 
and  avowed  adoption  of  statutes  gives  no  complete  idea  of  the  extent  of  assimila- 
tion. Underneath  differences  of  phraseology  will  be  found  a  tendency  to  approx- 

*  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  present  distinction  between  Dominions  and  Colonies  had 
not  then  been  drawn. 

f  These  numbers  have  since  been  increased. 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT.     505 

imation,  even  in  colonies  and  possessions  where  the  English  common  law  never 
prevailed.  The  Eoman-Dutch  law,  for  example,  in  both  South  Africa  and 
Ceylon,  has  been  modified  by  the  introduction  of  elements  borrowed  from 
English  statute  and  common  law. 

Very  often  the  local  differences  are  unimportant  and  accidental.  In  the 
United  States  were  some  forty-seven  *  different  systems  for  conducting  civil 
litigation ;  but  for  the  most  part  they  were  based  on  the  New  York  Code,  the 
English  Common  Law  Procedure  Acts,  and  the  Judicature  Acts.  "  While 
nearly  every  one  of  these  divers  systems  is  founded  upon  one  or  the  other  of  two 
models,  and  conforms  to  its  model  in  all  substantial  particulars,  probably  no  two 
of  them  are  alike  in  every  respect."  In  some  Colonial  statutes  relating  to 
procedure,  it  is  stated  that,  "  unless  it  is  otherwise  provided,"  the  procedure  shall 
be  regulated  by  the  practice  in  the  Superior  Courts  of  England. 

The  tendency  towards  unification  of  mercantile  law  was  specially  noted. 
English  mercantile  law  is  already  to  a  large  extent  the  law  of  all  English-speaking 
countries.  On  this  subject  the  same  rules  are  acted  upon,  the  same  decisions 
and  text-books  are  cited  with  respect,  in  all  courts  of  the  British  Empire  and  in 
the  United  States.  The  statutory  modifications  of  the  Lex  mercatoria  here  and 
elsewhere  are  similar.  The  Indian  Contract  Act,  embracing  sale  of  goods, 
indemnity  and  guarantee,  bailment,  agency  and  partnership,  is  framed  upon 
English  decisions  and  statutes.  Our  Colonies  and  several  States  of  the  American 
Union  have  passed  similar  statutes,  altering  the  law  to  meet  the  necessities  of 
modern  commerce.  The  Factors  and  the  Companies  Acts  are  cases  in  point ; 
they  are  reproduced,  generally  with  slight  modifications,  in  colonial  legislation. 
In  the  Cape  Colony ,f  where  Eoman-Dutch  law  was  the  basis,  the  Legislature, 
by  a  single  Act,  incorporated  a  large  part  of  the  commercial  law  of  England 
(Act  8,  1879).  There  was  still,  however,  much  diversity  in  the  law  relating  to 
bankruptcy.  In  some  parts  of  the  British  Empire,  no  bankruptcy  law  proper 
existed.  In  the  interest  of  commeice  few  legal  reforms  could  be  more  beneficial 
than  the  adjustment  and  determination  of  rights  in  bankruptcy  and  the 
administration  of  bankrupt  estates  throughout  the  Empire  according  to  the 
same  principles. 

There  was  a  time  when  it  seemed  that  Koman  law  might  become  the  law 
of  the  world.  In  the  early  part  of  this  (the  nineteenth)  century,  the  tendency 
in  countries  engaged  in  codifying  their  law  was  to  take  the  Code  Civil  of  France 
as  a  model.  This  was  no  longer  the  case.  In  recent  times  the  tendency, 
especially  as  to  commercial  legislation,  is  to  approximate  to  English  law.  It 
has  spread  almost  as  widely  as  the  English  language  or  literature. 

It  might  be  expedient  that  the  Society  should,  in  the  first  instance,  deal 
chiefly  with  statute  law.  This  would  not  however,  be  the  sole  work  of  the 
Society.  As  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  (Lord  Eussell  of  Killowen)  pointed  out  at 
the  conference  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Society,  the  statute  law  of  a 
country  cannot  be  understood  without  reference  to  the  common  law  on  which 
it  is  based  and  which  it  was  intended  to  correct. 

Use  would  be  made  of  those  who  are  interested  in  different  parts  of  com- 

*  Probably  now  more.  f  Here,  too,  the  date  of  the  statement  must  be  borne  in  mind. 


506      KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

parative  jurisprudence.  In  India  alone,  which  is  at  once,  to  cite  Sir  Henry 
Maine's  language  "  the  great  repository  of  verifiable  phenomena  of  ancient 
usage  and  ancient  judicial  thought",  and  the  scene  of  the  most  interesting  modern 
experiments  in  legislation,  was  a  limitless  field  for  work  such  as  the  Society 
ought  to  promote.  There  ancient  and  modern  codes  coexist.  In  customs  and 
usages  still  observed  are  legal  conceptions  of  which,  in  the  Western  world,  are 
only  obscure  traces  ;  and  the  meeting  of  several  diverse  systems  of  law  have 
given  rise  to  problems  akin  to  those  which  in  the  decline  of  the  Eoman  Empire 
arose  from  the  contact  of  law  with  the  customs  and  law  of  other  states. 

Little  could  be  done  without  co-operation  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire.  It 
was  intended  to  establish  branches  in  the  different  Colonies  and  British  posses- 
sions, and  from  those  branches,  valuable  suggestions  might  be  expected.  It  was 
desirable  to  enlist  the  aid  in  particular  of  the  Governors,  Chief  Justices  and 
Judges  of  our  Colonies,  of  the  Inns  of  Court  and  Incorporated  Law  Societies, 
and  of  the  Bar  Associations  and  Statutes  Eevision  Commissions  in  the  United 
States. 

These  were  the  general  objects  at  which  the  Society  aimed.  In  what  way, 
and  to  what  extent,  have  these  objects  been  attained  ? 

The  first  few  years  of  the  Society's  existence  were  occupied  with  preliminary, 
tentative  and  exploratory  work  :  conferences  were  held  ;  committees  were 
formed  for  dealing  with  special  branches  of  work  ;  active  steps  were  taken  for 
obtaining  co-operation  in  different  parts  of  the  British  Dominions,  in  the  United 
States,  and  in  other  foreign  countries. 

At  the  instance  of  one  of  the  committees  thus  formed,  Lord  Herschell,  as 
President  of  the  Society,  addressed  in  August  1895,  to  Mr.  Chamberlain,  the 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  a  letter  enclosing  a  series  of  questions  re- 
specting the  common  and  statute  law  of  the  several  Colonies,  the  methods  of 
legislation,  the  publication,  revision  and  consolidation  of  statute  law,  and 
matters  connected  therewith.  These  questions  *  were  transmitted  by  Mr. 
Chamberlain  to  the  respective  Colonial  Governments  and  elicited  in  reply 
some  information  of  great  value  and  interest  which  was  published  in  the  Society's 
journal,  f 

On  behalf  of  another  committee,  Mr.  (now  Sir  John)  Macdonell,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  then  President  of  the  Incorporated  Law  Society,!prepared  a  set  of 
questions  on  the  modes  of  legal  remuneration  in  contentious  matters.  These 
questions  were  translated  into  foreign  languages,  circulated  in  Europe,  in 
different  parts  of  the  British  Dominions,  and  in  the  United  States,  and  formed 
the  basis  of  a  valuable  paper  which  Sir  John  Macdonell  published  in  an  early 
number  of  the  Journal. 

A  still  more  laborious  task  which  the  Society  undertook  was  to  supply  an 
account  of  the  course  of  legislation  throughout  the  British  Empire.  The  task 
was  both  difficult  and  ambitious  ;  but,  thanks  to  the  help  of  friends  in  different 
parts  of  the  world  and  to  the  zeal  and  indefatigable  labours  of  the  editors  of  the 

*  They  are  to  be  found  in  vol.  i.  of  the  Society's  journal. 

f  A  summary  of  this  information  is    to    be    found  in  chapter  ix.   of  the  present  writer's 
book  on  Legislative  Methods  and  Forms. 


• 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      507 

Society's  Journal,  and  of  the  colleagues  whom  they  have  called  to  their  assistance, 
it  has  been  accomplished.  For  every  year  since  1895,  the  Society  has  brought 
out  in  its  Journal  a  summary  of  current  legislation,  published  as  soon  as  possible 
after  sufficient  time  had  elapsed  for  collecting,  tabulating,  digesting,  and  sum- 
marising the  materials  required.  A  beginning  was  made  with  the  work  of  the 
several  British  legislatures,  some  sixty  in  number,  and  the  survey  has  been 
extended  to  the  United  States,  where  there  are  some  fifty  or  more  legislatures, 
and  also  to  the  continent  of  Europe.  But  of  course,  in  dealing  with  foreign 
countries,  it  has,  for  reasons  which  will  be  obvious,  been  found  impossible 
to  make  the  review  as  regular,  systematic,  or  complete  as  in  dealing  with  legis- 
lation of  the  British  Empire. 

The  summaries  of  British  legislation  for  the  decennial  period  1898-1907, 
will  be  found  collected  in  a  useful  work  of  four  volumes  entitled  the  "  Legislation 
of  the  Empire  ". 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  anyone  who  has  not  attempted  the  task  can 
realise  the  enormous  labour  involved  in  collecting  and  digesting  the  great 
mass  of  legislative  material  with  which  the  Society  has  had  to  grapple.  What 
the  Society  desired  to  do,  was  not  merely  to  compile  a  dry  list  or  register 
of  enactments,  but  to  bring  out  the  features  of  novelty,  importance,  and 
general  interest  in  each  new  law.  But,  in  order  to  do  this  properly,  one  ought 
to  have  some  acquaintance  with  the  previous  state  of  the  law  and  the  history 
of  legislation,  and  with  the  influences,  interests,  arguments,  and  currents  of 
opinion  which  have  been  brought  to  bear  on  the  subject-matter  of  legislation. 
And  the  facts  ought  to  be  presented  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  give  rise  to  charges 
of  partiality,  prejudice,  or  captious  criticism.  In  short,  the  Society  wanted 
an  army  of  competent  and  impartial  experts,  marshalled  and  controlled  by 
exceptionally  able  editors.  Of  course  the  Society  has  not  realised,  and  did  not 
expect  to  realise,  its  ideals  ;  but  it  has  done  what  it  could  with  the  persons  and 
materials  at  its  disposal,  and  it  has  succeeded  in  doing  a  piece  of  work  which 
experience  has  proved  to  be  of  great  practical  value,  which  has  been  much 
appreciated  throughout  the  British  Empire,  and  which  has  reflected  the 
greatest  credit  on  the  zeal,  energy,  and  industry  of  the  editors  of  the  Journal  and 
their  staff. 

Judging  from  the  experience  which  the  Society  has  obtained,  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  interest  which  was  shown  in  its  work  at  the  com- 
mencement has  in  any  way  abated.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  every  reason 
to  believe  that  it  has  increased  and  is  likely  to  increase.  As  has  been  said 
above,  the  Society  arose  from  a  recognition  of  the  need  of  better  information 
about  the  course  of  legislation  in  different  parts  of  the  world.  Does  that 
need  continue  ?  Is  it  still  felt  ?  To  these  questions  there  can  be  but  one 
answer.  Everyone  who  has  had  anything  to  do  with  the  British  House  of 
Commons  must  have  been  struck  with  the  steady,  continuous,  growing  demand 
for  information  of  this  kind.  It  reveals  itself  in  the  debates  of  the  House, 
in  questions  to  Ministers,  and  in  requests  for  returns — questions  and  requests 
which  throw  an  enormous  burden  on  the  departments  of  the  executive  govern- 
ment. Take  some  of  the  most  prominent  subjects  of  the  day — licensing,  educa- 


508        KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

tion,  the  care  of  children,  the  treatment  of  old  age.  The  British  Government 
is  overwhelmed  with  requests  for  information  about  the  laws  which  are  in 
force  or  have  been  proposed  on  these  subjects  in  the  different  parts  of  the 
British  Dominions  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

These  requests  come,  not  merely  from  Westminster,  but  from  other  parts 
of  the  British  Empire,  and  from  foreign  countries  ;  and  the  supply  of  answers 
to  them  occupies  a  great  and  increasing  part  of  the  time  of  the  several  depart- 
ments of  the  Government.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  any  aid  which  they 
could  obtain  in  the  performance  of  this  onerous  task  would  receive  a  most 
hearty  welcome.  The  Society  of  Comparative  Legislation  has  therefore  every 
encouragement  on  this  ground  to  continue  this  branch  of  its  work,  and  to  extend 
it  so  far  as  means  will  suffice. 

After  sundry  experiments  it  became  apparent  that  the  activities  of  the 
Society  would  be  most  usefully  concentrated  on  the  production  of  its  Journal, 
and  it  is  to  the  energy  and  ability  of  the  editors  of  the  Journal  and  their  staff 
that  the  vitality  and  utility  of  the  Society  are  mainly  due.  The  first  editor 
of  the  Journal  was  Mr.  Albert  Gray,  and  it  was  under  his  editorship  that  the 
numbers  constituting  the  first  two  volumes  appeared.  Then,  at  the  end  of 
1898,  a  new  series  was  started  under  somewhat  different  arrangements,  and 
under  the  joint  editorship  of  Mr.  (now  Sir  John)  Macdonell  *  and  Mr.  Manson, 
who  have  now  been  the  editors  for  more  than  sixteen  years.  The  editors  have 
wisely  taken  a  broad  and  liberal  view  of  the  scope  and  objects  of  the  Society, 
and  have  invited  and  obtained  important  contributions  bearing,  not  merely 
on  the  special  subjects  of  legislation,  but  on  other  topics  interesting  to  jurists 
and  statesmen.! 

It  will  be  recognised  that  the  Society  has,  in  the  course  of  its  existence, 
done  much  useful  and  important  work.  The  difficulties  with  which  it  has  had 
to  contend  are  serious.  Its  scope  is  extensive  and  ambitious,  the  work  which 
it  has  undertaken  is  laborious,  and  it  is  carried  on  by  zealous  men  who  do  the 
work  for  the  love  of  it,  and  whose  services  are  unpaid  ;  for  the  financial  means 
of  the  Society  are  wholly  inadequate  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  its  objects 
in  the  manner  in  which,  and  to  the  extent  to  which,  it  would  be  desirable  to 
carry  them  out.  The  Society  has  received,  and  continues  to  receive,  most 
valuable  assistance  in  the  way  of  encouragement  and  co-operation  from  some 
of  the  Government  departments,  such  as  the  Colonial  Office  and  the  India 
Office,  and  from  Indian  and  Colonial  governments.  It  also  gets  some  pecuniary 
contributions  from  those  departments  and  governments,  and  from  some  private 
individuals  and  societies  who  are  interested  in  its  work.  But  it  depends  almost 
entirely  on  unpaid  voluntary  exertions.  It  has  no  endowments,  and  no  wealthy 
individuals  at  its  back.  Still  it  has  existed  and  worked  for  more  than  twenty 
years,  and  there  is  ample  ground  for  believing  that  it  will  be  able  to  carry  on 
and  extend  its  work. 

*  Professor  of  Comparative  Law  in  the  University  of  London. 

f  A  complete  set  of  the  Journals  of  the  Society  from  its  foundation  has  just  be«n  presented  to 
the  library  of  the  Institute  by  Sir  Walter  Murton,  C.B.,  one  of  our  Fellows. — ED 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.     509 

A  short  time  ago,  in  the  course  of  some  lectures  delivered  at  the  Columbia 
University  in  the  City  of  New  York,  I  took  occasion  to  refer  to  the  work  of  the 
Society,  giving  as  my  reason  for  doing  so  my  knowledge  that  similar  work  was 
being  carried  on  by  similar  organisations  in  the  United  States.  I  pointed  out 
that  work  of  this  kind  depends  entirely  on  the  co-operation  and  mutual  help 
of  many  men  and  many  minds  in  many  different  states  and  countries.  Those 
who  are  engaged  or  interested  in  such  work  in  England,  in  the  United  States, 
in  different  parts  of  the  British  Dominions,  and  in  foreign  countries,  ought  to 
know  all  about  each  other,  and  about  the  work  in  which  they  are  severally 
engaged,  and  ought  to  help  each  other  in  what  is  really  an  international  work 
in  every  possible  way,  by  supplying  information,  by  indicating  paths  of  inquiry 
which  may  be  usefully  pursued,  by  subscribing  to  each  other's  journals  or  other 
organs — indeed,  by  every  available  form  of  co-operation,  for  it  is  by  co-operation 
alone  that  their  labours  can  be  economised  and  applied. 

I  went  on  to  say  that  anyone  who  glances  through  the  summaries  of  current 
legislation  to  which  reference  has  been  made  above,  and  is  able  to  detach  his  mind 
from  their  arid  details  and  concentrate  it  on  their  general  features,  cannot  fail 
to  be  struck  with  one  thing.  He  will  observe  that  the  great  civilised  nations 
of  the  world  are  all  busily  engaged,  under  different  conditions  and  by  different 
methods,  in  pursuing  objects  which  are  similar  and  often  identical.  They  are 
all  attempting,  with  imperfect  vision  and  with  stumbling  steps,  to  advance, 
so  far  as  it  can  be  advanced  by  legislation  and  administration,  the  cause  of 
humanity  and  civilisation,  to  make  their  laws  more  intelligible  and  more 
rational,  to  make  better  provision  for  those  who  are  unable  to  help  themselves. 
They  have  much  to  learn  from  each  other,  from  their  experiments,  from  their 
failures,  from  their  successes.  That  is  one  lesson  to  be  derived  from  this  survey 
of  legislation.  There  is  another.  The  more  we  know  about  each  other,  the  more, 
especially,  that  we  direct  our  attention  to  those  aims  and  objects  which  unite 
instead  of  dividing  mankind,  the  more  we  endeavour  to  understand,  appreciate, 
and  sympathise  with  the  common  work  in  which  we  are  all  engaged,  the  less 
we  are  likely  to  be  influenced  by  those  suspicions  and  prejudices,  bred  of  ignor- 
ance, which  are  the  most  fertile  causes  of  discord  and  of  war.  The  knowledge 
which  it  is  the  object  of  the  English  Society  of  Comparative  Legislation  and  of 
similar  societies  elsewhere  to  provide  and  to  organise  is  knowledge  which  makes 
for  progress,  and  makes  for  peace. 

Since  these  words  were  spoken  the  dreams  of  the  world's  peace  which  were 
then  widely  entertained  have  been  rudely  shattered.  But  shattered  also  is  the 
delusion  that  by  forcibly  imposing  the  supremacy  of  any  one  type  of  civilisation 
the  welfare  of  humanity  is  to  be  advanced.  Unity  in  diversity  is  the  principle 
on  which  the  British  Empire  is  based.  On  the  wise  and  generous  recognition  of 
differences  in  race,  creed,  language,  social  and  economic  conditions,  laws,  and 
institutions,  the  unity,  stability,  and  vitality  of  our  Empire  depend,  and  it  is  to 
the  intelligent  and  sympathetic  study  of  these  differences  that  the  efforts  of  the 
Society  of  Comparative  Legislation  are  directed. 

C.  P.  ILBERT. 
2  M 


510 


"  ALL  PRISONERS  AND  CAPTIVES 


"  I  SURROUNDED  thim,  to  be  sure,"  said  Pat  in  the  Peninsula,  when  asked 
how  he  single-handed  had  captured  several  prisoners.  It  is  well  to  find  a  gleam 
of  humour  somewhere  to  smile  at  in  the  mass  of  miserable  details,  for  among  all 
the  chances  and  changes  of  war  the  hardest  lot  Pate  has  to  deal  is  that  of  prisoner. 
Penalty  hangs  bard  on  the  heels  of  those  who  have  failed  to  make  good.  And 
it  is  misfortune  that  may  befall  not  the  incompetent  nor  the  coward  only  : 
far  from  it — they,  by  virtue  of  their  vices,  may  escape  while  better  men  are 
worsted.  A  Gustavus  Adolphus  through  the  very  rashness  of  his  bravery  may 
find  himself  in  the  enemy's  hands.  A  Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion  may  break  that 
heart  behind  the  prison  bars.  Moreover  this  mischance,  this  evil-happening, 
may  lurk  in  wait  at  any  time,  at  any  period  of  a  career.  John  Nicholson  as 
an  ensign,  Napoleon  at  the  close  of  a  life  of  world-conquest,  ate  the  prisoners' 
bread  of  sorrow  and  drank  their  waters  of  affliction — terribly  little  bread  and 
criminally  bad  water  has  it  often  been.  Truly,  the  histories  of  war  hostages 
and  captives  make  for  the  most  part  very  sorry  reading.  Panic-bred  massacre, 
unpardonable  incompetency,  cases  of  maltreatment  by  individuals  callous, 
vicious,  nervously  overstrained,  are  for  the  finding  in  all  too  sad  a  number ; 
but  for  coldly  calculated  brutality  and  deliberate  ill-treatment  to-day's  Apostles 
of  Kultur  need  fear  no  rivals  in  their  own  line,  although  in  stark  cruelty 
Chinese  methods  may  come  first.  In  the  light  of  subsequent  and  recent  events 
one  can  only  interpret  German  gifts  of  chocolate  and  cigars  ten  years  ago  to 
the  Japanese  prisoners  of  war,  en  route  from  Russia  by  Hamburg,  as  a  desire 
to  annoy  Muscovite  neighbours  rather  than,  as  Ariga  imagined,  any  demarche 
pleine  d'humanite. 

There  is  a  simple  directness  about  savage  methods  where  war  is  frankly  of 
the  kill  or  be  killed  pattern.  "  Dans  mon  pays  pas  de  prisonniers,"  a  Belgian 
Congolese  remarked ;  "  Coupe !  Mange !  "  *  But  the  very  fact  that  the  prisoner 
is  in  the  near  future  to  furnish  a  succulent  dish  for  his  captors  protects  him  often 
from  previous  ill-treatment ;  bruised  and  starved  he  would  figure  less  desirably 
in  the  menu.  Again,  if  slavery  be  his  ultimate  fate,  his  worth  as  an  efficient  slave 
limits  bad  usage  to  some  extent  at  least.  Once  the  value  of  the  human  chattel 
was  recognised  war  captives  had  an  increased  importance.  Quarter  to  the 
beaten  foe  was  no  longer  a  matter  of  personal  whim,  it  was  a  question  of  profit 
or  loss.  Even  in  the  last  century  financial  considerations  saved  many  lives 
after  Major-General  Vincent  in  1813  offered  ten  dollars  for  every  American 
prisoner  brought  in  alive  by  the  Indians.  When  it  became  a  question  of  choice 
between  dollars  or  scalp  the  dollars  "  had  it ".  Prisoners  throughout  the  Middle 
Ages  were  marketable  goods,  tempting  investments  for  speculative  purposes : 
so  when,  in  the  heat  of  battle,  Charles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  was  killed 
by  the  Seneschal  of  St.  Die — who  failed  to  recognise  him — the  thought  of 
the  immense  ransom  thereby  lost  was  too  poignant  a  grief,  and  the  Seneschal 

*  The  Spectator,  June  12,  1915. 


-ALL   PRISONERS   AND   CAPTIVES ."         511 

died  of  a  broken  heart.  The  system  offered  many  provocative  possibilities. 
Disputes  over  ownership  were  by  no  means  uncommon.  Charles,  Count  of 
Dampmartin,  as  the  Letter  Book  of  the  Black  Prince  testifies,  surrendered  and 
pledged  himself  thrice  to  as  many  diverse  captors  at  the  battle  of  Poitiers. 
More  tragic  was  the  fate  of  Count  John,  brother  of  the  Ehingrave,  when  taken 
prisoner  at  Marienverder.  "  Sirot's  men  took  him,"  the  historian  writes,  "  but 
the  Polanders  attempted  to  rob  them  of  their  capture,  in  expectation  of  a  large 
ransom.  In  this  tumultuous  contest  the  poor  young  nobleman  was 
unfortunately  killed."  *  Outside  the  gates  of  Bussiere,  du  Guesclin — who, 
when  captured  in  his  turn,  set  a  value  of  100,000  livres  on  himself — as  he  could 
not  decide  between  the  rival  claimants  for  five  hundred  English  prisoners, 
settled  the  matter  then  and  in  subsequent  cases  by  simply  consigning  the 
prisoners  to  death.  So  war  was  waged  in  medieval  days,  and  bloody  page 
succeeds  on  bloody  page. 

Not  that  the  last  hundred  years  have  less  horrors  to  show,  in  fact  they  would 
seem  rather  to  compare  badly  with  the  preceding  century.  Much  has  been 
written  concerning  the  fate  of  prisoners  in  the  Napoleonic  wars.  It  is  true  that 
on  both  sides  sufferings  were  great,  as  needs  must  be  when  thousands  of  men 
are  cut  off  hi  their  prime  from  all  share  in  practical  life ;  lodged  perforce  in 
crowded  quarters  ;  compelled  to  intimate  association  with  chance-sent  com- 
rades ;  condemned  to  long  years  of  inaction,  day  succeeding  day  in  dull  waste 
of  utter  monotony.  This  is  the  fate  of  all  prisoners.  The  particular  sufferings 
in  both  French  and  English  prisons  were  largely  due,  not  to  the  inhumanity  of 
the  gaolers,  but  to  the  prevalence  of  gambling  that  led  men  to  wild  excesses  of 
vice  and  folly.  Bedding,  clothes,  food  itself,  would  be  sold  to  permit  indulgence 
of  this  passion.  Fifty  thousand  pounds  a  year  were  lost  by  the  English  prisoners 
at  Verdun  over  the  Faro  bank  and  Eouge-et-Noir  tables  ;  and  Dartmoor's 
awful  story  of  the  "  Eomans  ",  scavenging  and  naked  savages,  touches  the 
ghastliest  depths  of  human  ruin  and  depravity.  But  in  the  war  as  war  both 
sides  fought  like  gentlemen.  To-day  we  fight  a  people  who  have  no  word  for 
gentleman  and  act  up — or  down — to  their  vocabulary. 

Quarter  in  war  waged  against  savage  peoples  is  frequently  but  a  foolhardy 
business.  In  the  Sudan  fighting  the  enemy,  untroubled  by  any  altruistic 
scruples,  if  not  killed  would  kill.  A  wounded  Dervish  could  and  would  ham- 
string horses  and  stab  any  imbecile  Englishman  whose  philanthropy  was 
stronger  than  his  caution.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Eusso-Japanese  war 
apprehension  existed  that  one  Japanese  ruse  would  be  to  sham  wounded  and 
then  attack  from  behind.  Italy  made  like  excuse  for  the  panic-prompted 
slaughter  in  Tripoli.  Ill-treatment  of  prisoners  has  most  often  occurred  where 
discipline  is  slack,  where  troops  are  least  under  control  of  any  responsible 
Government  and  leader.  Bashi  bazouks  in  Europe,  Guerrillas  in  the  Philippines 
— and  elsewhere — fired  and  slew.  The  Filipinos  killed  both  Spanish  and 
American  prisoners  simply  to  prevent  their  rescue.  Bashi  bazouks  took  none. 
But  on  the  blood-stained  cockpit  of  South-Eastern  Europe  the  passionate  hatred 

*  Harte,  History  of  Gustavua  Adolphus,  vol.  i.  p.  179. 

2  M  2 


512          ''ALL   PRISONERS   AND   CAPTIVES ." 

bred  of  centuries  of  wrong,  tyranny,  and  persecution,  blazed  out  in  retributive 
action  in  the  wake  of  war.  Christian  retaliated  on  Mussulman  for  past  injuries, 
Turk  murdered  Bulgar  or  was  himself  the  victim.  Villages  flared  in  smoke  and 
flame  to  the  heavens  ;  men  fell  dead  by  the  road  and  field-side  ;  women  and 
children,  massacred  and  mutilated,  lay  among  the  smouldering  ruins  of  their 
homes.  Officially  Turk  accused  Eussian,  and  Eussian  Turk.  If  Eussia  cannot 
clear  herself  of  killing  wounded  in  the  Crimea,  "  after  making  all  fair  allowance 
for  error  and  venial  rage,"  *  Turkey  cannot  explain  away  such  evidence  as 
Major  Brackenbury's  account  as  an  eye-witness  of  the  Shipka  Pass  after  its 
capture  by  Gourko.  The  Turkish  prisoners  were  carefully  guarded.  "  They 
had  no  Eussian  wounded  to  attend  to — not  one.  Every  man  who  had  fallen 
under  the  fire  of  the  Osmanli  the  day  before,  when  the  attack  had  been 
repulsed,  lay  in  that  other  group,  headless  and  hideously  mangled.  Their 
living  bodies  had  been  subject  to  torture  and  mutilation  of  the  most  insulting 
kind.  Their  comrades,  men  of  the  same  race  and  even  of  the  same  brigade, 
looked  on  the  awful  spectacle,  turned  away,  and  with  mingled  wrath  and  grief 
in  their  hearts  washed  theVounds  of  the  men  who  had  done  that  terrible  deed. 
This  is  no  hearsay  tale.  I  saw  it."  f 

It  is  naturally  the  object  of  any  belligerent  to  show  up  their  adversary  in 
the  worst  possible  light.  Subsequently  it  becomes  the  province  of  the  historian 
to  disentangle  the  mass  of  confused  testimony  and  arrive  as  near  as  may  be  at 
approximate  truth.  Napoleon,  on  the  eve  of  Waterloo,  roused  the  passions 
of  his  men  by  the  cry  "  Soldiers  !  let  those  among  you  who  have  been  prisoners 
of  the  English  describe  to  you  the  hulks,  and  detail  the  frightful  miseries  they 
have  endured  "  ;  but  he  mentioned  none  of  the  causes  contributory  to  that 
misery,  nor  did  he  refer  to  the  sufferings  of  English  prisoners  at  Bitche  and  in 
the  subterranean  dungeons  of  Maubeuge.  Wellington  might  with  equal  justice 
have  made  a  like  appeal.  In  nothing  is  evidence  more  flatly  contradictory 
than  in  all  that  deals  with  the  vexed  questions  of  prisoners  and  their  treatment. 
There  is  to  start  with,  unless  it  be  civil  war,  racial  and  ^radical  divergence  of 
standard.  "  The  crimes  of  Chatham,"  sings  Kipling,  are  '  chaste  in  Martaban  ". 
Cold  rice  and  a  salted  prune  may  satisfy  the  ascetic  palate  of  a  Japanese, 
who  would  have  no  use  for  bortsch  and  caviare,  but  to  the  flesh-eating 
Eussian  such  fare  would  have  meant  starvation.  Superficial  evidence,  more- 
over, is  not  only  valueless,  it  is  mischievous  ; s  witness  the  notorious  case  of  young 
George  Borrow's  reminiscences  of  dogs  refusing  to  touch  the  meat  thrown  away 
by  the  French  prisoners  at  Norman  Cross.  On  the  face  of  it  this  would  seem  a 
most  damning  indictment  of  English  official  treatment  of  imprisoned  enemies 
during  the  Napoleonic  struggles  ;  but  the  explanation  that  the  meat  had  been 
boiled  with  herbs  and  strong  seasoning  to  make  the  bouillon  preferred  by  the 
consumers  to  any  "  ros  bif  "  puts  the  matter  very  differently.  Quite  other  is 
such  a  terrible  record  as  shown  by  the  pencilled  diary  in  the  Testament  of  an 

*  Kinglake,  Invasion  of  the  Crimea,  vol.  v.  p  461. 
f  Hozier,  The  Russo-Turkish  War,  vol.  ii.  p.  537. 


"ALL   PRISONERS   AND   CAPTIVES ."          518 

Anderson ville  prisoner.  "  March  26  :  No  rations  to-day.  March  27  :  Eations 
not  served  till  3  o'clock.  .  .  .  April  1 :  No  rations  issued.  April  2  :  Rations  issued 
at  5  P.M.,  meal  and  mule  flesh.  .  .  .  April  10  :  No  meat.  .  .  .  July  3  :  No  rations. 
July  4 :  Eations  full  of  maggots ;  had  to  be  thrown  away."  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  Confederate  troops  themselves  were  suffering  great  hard- 
ships. Jackson's  men  marched  on  "  half-rations  of  green  corn  ",  Lee's  troops 
are  described  as  "  ragged  scarecrows,  .  .  .  covered  with  vermin."  The  rations 
for  March  27  are  given  as  "  18  oz.  of  flour  and  4  oz.  of  indifferent  bacon  ".* 
Also  it  was  the  Northern  States  who  refused  to  exchange  prisoners.  None  the 
less  Andersonville  under  the  rule  of  Wirz  is  a  terrible  example  of  the  evils 
inseparable  from  conditions  that  place  appalling  power  in  the  hands  of  a  man 
who,  probably  from  the  very  fact  that  he  is  not  employed  at  the  Front,  may  be 
judged  to  be  in  bad  health  or  otherwise  incapacitated.  Wirz  paid  with  his 
life  for  crime  or  incompetency — even  he  found  some  defender. 

By  leaving  Federal  prisoners  to  suffer  in  Southern  prisons  the  Union  Govern- 
ment made  the  privations  of  their  own  men  into  a  weapon  of  offence  against 
their  enemy.  The  North  had  men  in  plenty  to  fill  up  the  depleted  ranks,  the 
South  lacked  substitutes  for  the  prisoners  in  Federal  hands.  Bad  as  the  prison 
commissariat  might  be,  yet  it  was  a  sensible  drain  on  the  deplenished  stores 
of  the  Confederacy.  With  the  same  object  in  view  the  French  Government 
a  century  ago  would  have  left  French  prisoners  in  England  naked  and  starving 
if  by  so  doing  the  financial  burden  on  England  could  be  increased.  Nor  must 
it  be  forgotten  that  "  to  force  the  enemy's  population  into  a  state  of  mind 
favourable  to  submission  "  is  the  third  of  the  "  three  principal  objects  in  carrying 
on  war  "  as  laid  down  by  Clausewitz.  With  this  object  in  view  the  Teuton 
has  specialised  in  "  frightfulness  ",  a  very  different  affair  from  the  doings  of 
maddened  and  ill- controlled  soldiery.  Blood  aboil  in  the  frenzy  of  the 
actual  battle  works  action  impossible  in  cooler  moments,  but  it  is  not  on  the 
battle-field  that  German  barbarity  is  most  notoriously  displayed.  It  is  not 
casual  but  organised.  Prisoners  and  their  treatment  may  be  a  weighty  factor  in 
working  up  public  sentiment.  To  encourage  his  own  people  Napoleon  marched 
his  Eussian  prisoners  through  village  and  town  again  and  again,  like  supers 
in  a  pantomime.  The  German  War-Lord  has  deliberately  spread  his  camps  of 
prisoners  widely  over  the  country,  so  that  the  tangible  evidence  of  German 
success  may  be  visible  to  as  large  a  number  of  citizens  as  possible.  The 
civilised  world  prides  itself  on  progress,  on  amelioration  'of  conditions,  but 
the  methods  of  the  "  Strafers  "  to-day  are  the  methods  of  the  Bosches  in  1870-1 
intensified.  No  excuse  offers  of  panic,  lack  of  control,  indiscipline,  for  such 
acts  as  the  refusal  of  German  Eed  Cross  workers  to  give  even  water  to  British 
Army  doctors  captured  when  tending  German  as  well  as  British  wounded,  and 
the  killing  of  officers  and  men  after  capture.^  The  Mahdi  tortured  his  prisoners 
to  make  them  confess  where  treasure  was  hidden,  the  Teuton  does  it — though 
his  methods  vary — in  an  orgy  of  maniacal  hate.  "  Si  nous  avions  soupgonne 
tous  ces  tourments  de  la  captivit&,  mille  fois  nous  aurions  du  preffrer  nous  fairs 

*  Henderson,  Stonewall  Jackson,  vol.  ii.  pp.  128,  205,  382.  f  Cd.  7817,  p.  33. 


514  THE   BALKAN  SITUATION. 

tuer  a  Wissenbourg !  "   cried  a  captain  of  Zouaves  imprisoned  in  1870  at 
Ingolstadt.* 

It  is,  indeed,  a  sad  story — man's  inhumanity  to  man,  lit  only  with  flashes 
of  heroism,  tales  of  chivalry  on  the  part  of  captors  as  well  as  captured.  In  the 
twentieth  century  we  might  have  expected,  if  not  the  chivalry  displayed  by 
Great  Britain  in  the  Boer  War  and  Japan  to  her  Eussian  captives,  at  least  a  strict 
sense  of  decency  from  our  enemy.  The  experiences  of  Major  Vandaleur  and 
many  others  confirm  the  view  that  so  long  as  any  object  is  to  be  served  humanity 
and  decency  go  to  the  wall.  It  suited  the  German  Government  to  present 
their  people  with  the  spectacle  of  wretched  and  haggard  British  prisoners. 
Once  in  camp  they  may,  if  lucky,  suffer  no  actual  violence,  but  still : 

"  There  are  9,000  very  miserable  men  in  the  camp  for  prisoners  of  war  at 
Doberitz,"  writes  an  American  visitor.  "  The  chief  item  in  their  bill  of  dis- 
content is  the  monotony.  They  have  nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  to  do. 
It  is  true  they  are  vermin-ridden.  They  have  no  way  of  keeping  themselves 
clean.  Some  of  them  are  not  warmly  clothed.  They  could  bear  with  all  these 
things  if  only  they  had  something  to  do." 

"  They  sing",  said  the  guard.     "  They  sing  '  Tipperary'." 

"  One  wouldn't  think  they  would  feel  like  singing  ",  was  the  comment. 

"It  is  something  to  do ! "  said  he. 

There  is  the  tragedy  in  half  a  dozen  lines — add  insufficient  food  and  you 
get  the  whole  picture.  And  these  men  are  young,  active,  in  the  flood-tide  of 
spirits  and  energy.  And  they  have  nothing  to  do.  The  strife  and  onrush  is 
over.  The  dead  sleep  more  calmly  but  no  more  inactive,  ineffective,  than  they 
who  yet  are  numbered  among  the  quick.  They  faced  death  unflinching,  they 
face  now  the  harder  portion,  nothing  to  do — nothing  but  wait.  Wait  with 
stiff  lip  and  gallant  bearing  under  blow,  insult,  strain  hunger-deepened  ; 
defeated  but  undaunted  sing  "  Tipperary  "  as  reply  to  curse  and  jeer  ;  while 
"  the  British  morning  exercise  is  the  wonderment  of  the  guard  ".t 

And  the  interminable  days  go  on ! 

D.  H.  MOUTRAY  BEAD. 


THE    BALKAN    SITUATION. 

THE  tangle  of  Balkan  politics  has  even  yet  not  been  unravelled  by  the  shrewd 
fingers  of  diplomacy  or  cut  by  the  sharp  scissors  of  war.  The  Near  East  still 
trembles  on  the  brink  of  intervention,  while  Australians  and  New  Zealanders 
fight  for  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Byzantine  Empire — a  calling  in  of  the  new 
world  to  redress  the  balance  of  the  old  that  might  make  old  Isaurian  and  Por- 
phyrogenitus  turn  in  their  tombs.  More  than  once  this  last  ten  months  it 
has  seemed  that  the  die  was  cast,  and  this  or  that  minor  Balkan  State  had 
made  its  terms  with  this  side  or  that  of  the  Great  Powers  ;  but  then  have 

*  Guers,  Les  Soldats  franyais  dans  les  prisons  d'Allemagne,  p.  75. 
t  Austin,  My  Experiences  as  a  German  Prisoner,  p.  87. 


THE  BALKAN   SITUATION.  515 

come  delays,  excuses  for  delays  from  anxious  onlookers,  further  negotiations, 
more  comings  and  goings  of  diplomats  and  changes  of  unstable  Ministries,  and 
finally  the  only  thing  that  has  been  decided  has  been  the  decision  to  do  nothing. 
It  is  these  things  that  make  the  impatient  Western  European  begin  to  realise 
how  interminable  is  that  jungle  of  discordant  ambitions  which  is  called  the 
Near  Eastern  question. 

So  far,  it  must  be  admitted,  the  Germans  have  had  the  best  of  it.  Delay 
is  all  to  their  advantage,  since  it  is  unlikely  that  any  of  the  Balkan  States 
would  intervene  to  help  the  Teutonic  Empires  or  Turkey,  and  the  most  they 
can  hope  for  is  a  timid  and  enforced  neutrality.  The  Balkan  States  know  their 
destiny  should  Germany  win  the  war  :  it  would  be  vassalage,  political  and 
economic  dependence  on  Berlin,  control  of  their  industry  and  even  of  their 
social  aspirations  by  the  Prussian  bureaucrat  and  commercial  traveller  and 
commissionaire.  The  little  kingdom  of  Serbia  knows  what  that  would  mean 
from  her  experience  of  the  tyranny  of  Vienna  and  Budapest  of  recent  years. 
But  Viennese  bureaucracy  has  just  that  touch  of  inefficiency  which  makes 
it  bearable ;  the  bureaucracy  of  Berlin  has  a  completeness  which  makes  it 
almost  intolerable  even  to  Germans  if  they  are  not  Prussians. 

It  may  be  asked,  then,  why  did  not  the  Balkan  States  seize  their  opportunity 
to  strike  a  blow  at  the  Power  which  menaces  them  ?  There  are  two  reasons 
for  their  refusal  or  delay.  (1)  They  are  jealous  of  each  other.  (2)  They  were  not, 
or  are  not,  convinced  that  Britain,  Prance,  and  Eussia  would  win,  and  it  would 
be  bad  business  for  the  smaller  people  to  be  on  the  weaker  side. 

We  may  take  the  second  reason  first,  unflattering  as  it  is  to  our  vanity. 
The  Balkan  States,  it  must  be  remembered,  know  little  directly  of  England 
and  nothing  of  the  British  Empire  ;  what  little  news  they  have  got  in  their 
newspapers  has  come  largely  from  German  sources.  Balkan  statesmen  have 
remembered  the  admirable  part  which  British  diplomacy  played  in  the  Balkan 
settlement  after  the  war  of  1912  ;  but  they  have  also  been  aware  that  Britain 
was  not  a  great  military  power,  and  the  statesmen  of  the  Near  East  are  the 
least  likely  men  in  the  world  to  realise  the  effect  of  sea-power.  Whatever 
else  the  British  Navy  may  do,  it  cannot  steam  up  the  Danube  or  bombard 
Budapest. 

At  the  outbreak  of  war  they  were  equally  sceptical  regarding  the  military 
power  of  France.  They  had  heard  of  scandals,  political  influence  in  military 
circles,  unreadiness,  shortage  of  equipment,  and  they  knew  that  there  was 
nothing  of  this  in  the  German  Army.  They  knew  that  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary  together  could  at  a  pinch  put  between  twelve  and  fifteen  million 
armed  men  in  the  field  before  they  were  beaten — and  it  was  possible  that  some 
of  those  millions  of  men  might  be  thrown  against  any  Balkan  State  that  decided 
to  throw  in  its  cause  with  the  Allies. 

On  the  other  hand,  they  knew  the  military  power  of  Eussia.  But  when 
Eussia  was  conquering  Galicia  the  Balkan  States  were  not  ready  ;  when  she 
was  overrunning  Hungary  they  believed  it  was  too  late  ;  now  that  Eussia 
has  retreated  from  Hungary  and  given  up  the  greater  part  of  Galicia  they  have 


516  THE   BALKAN   SITUATION. 

an  apparently  convincing  demonstration  of  the  strength  of  the  Germany  Army. 
It  needs  some  courage  to  enter  the  arena  when  the  German  Army  is  almost 
on  the  frontier  of  the  Balkans. 

These  were  the  cruder  reasons  which  compelled  a  passive  attitude.  The 
more  subtle  reasons  lay  beneath  the  surface.  It  is  true  that  every  Balkan 
State  desires  to  see  the  Turk  driven  out  of  Europe,  and  Constantinople,  the 
ancient  mother  of  civilisation  in  those  countries,  restored  to  Christendom. 
But  each  State  was,  and  is,  jealous  of  the  other.  The  Balkan  League  broke 
down  immediately  after  the  first  Balkan  war  ;  it  has  never  been  restored. 
Each  Balkan  State  has  territorial  ambitions  inconsistent  with  those  of  its 
rival ;  each  desires,  in  the  Biblical  phrase,  to  remove  its  neighbour's  landmark. 

It  may  be  worth  while  to  summarise  these  ambitions,  the  bulk  of  which 
have  now  become  an  open  secret.  Koumania,  the  most  advanced  State  in 
the  Near  East  and  in  many  ways  the  most  powerful,  wishes  to  expand  on  the 
West  as  far  as  the  Eiver  Theiss,  which  runs  practically  due  north  and  south 
from  the  Carpathians  to  the  Danube  and  cuts  the  Kingdom  of  Hungary  almost 
in  two.  By  this  readjustment  Transylvania,  a  beautiful  alpine  country, 
as  well  as  some  of  the  most  fertile  plains  in  Hungary,  would  fall  to  Rou- 
mania.  The  population  in  this  district  is  mainly  Roumanian  in  sympathy, 
apart  from  the  ruling  Magyar  caste  ;  it  has  urged  Roumanian  intervention 
and  will  not  feel  that  its  political  destiny  is  assured  until  it  sends  representatives 
to  Bucharest.* 

The  consummation  of  this  ambition  can  obviously  only  be  achieved  by 
active  intervention  on  the  part  of  Roumania,  since  it  would  wipe  half  Hungary 
off  the  political  map  and  therefore  seriously  diminish  the  territory  and  the 
fighting  strength  of  the  Dual  Alliance.  But  this  ambition  of  Roumania,  which 
is  inconsistent  with  the  integrity  of  the  Dual  Alliance,  also  brings  her  into 
diplomatic  conflict  with  two  of  the  Entente  Powers.  Her  designs  in  the  north 
infringe  on  the  attractive  little  mountain  country  of  Bukowina,  to  which  Russia 
has  also  a  claim,  while  Serbia  in  turn  claims  the  trans-Danubian  section  of 
Hungary  in  the  south.  If  Germany  wins  Roumania  will  get  nothing,  not 
even  gratitude  for  non-intervention,  since  her  neutrality  has  taken  on  an  un- 
friendly cast  at  times  ;  if  the  Entente  wins,  Serbia  is  assured  of  a  strip  of 
land  which  will  give  her  both  shores  of  the  Danube  and  place  Belgrade 
(which  lies  on  the  south  bank  close  to  the  junction  of  the  Theiss  with  the 
Danube)  some  distance  from  the  frontier.  This  must  spoil  Roumania's  plan 
of  a  natural  frontier  formed  by  the  Rivers  Theiss  and  Danube. 

While    Roumanian    ambitions    are    not    likely    to    be    achieved    in    full 

*  "  In  some  districts  the  landed  proprietors  are  all  Magyar  though  the  population  is  Rouman 
or  Wallach,  and  this  beautiful  country  is  rent  with  dissensions  as  to  race  and  language  .  .  .  there 
are  no  fewer  than  six  distinct  races  (Szeklers  [early  Magyar  settlers],  Saxons,  Moldo-Wallachians 
[Roumans],  Jews,  Armenians,  and  Gypsies),  five  languages  (Magyar,  German,  Rouman,  Greek, 
and  Tzigane),  and  five  religions.  .  .  .  The  nationalist  movement  centres  in  the  Rouman  popula- 
lation,  stimulated  by  the  renascence  and  prosperity  of  the  Roumanian  kingdom  to  which  they 
belong.  .  .  .  They  keep  up  an  entirely  voluntary  system  of  elementary  schools  in  opposition  to 
the  State  schools,  where  the  language  is  Magyar." — Tht  Whirlpool  of  Europe,  pp.  147  et  «eq., 
by  Archibald  and  Ethel  Colquhoun. 


THE   BALKAN   SITUATION. 


517 


whichever  side  wins,  even  a  partial  fulfilment  is  inconsistent  with  neutrality, 
yet  she  hesitates  to  abandon  neutrality.  The  Germans  ascribe  her  hesitation 
to  the  fact  that  she  is  a  Latin  State  struggling  in  a  sea  of  unfriendly  Slavdom, 
but  the  other  Latin  Powers  of  Europe  have  co-operated  with  the  Slavs  against 
the  Teutons  in  this  war,  and  the  Germans  have  therefore  deceived  themselves 
in  their  summary  of  the  situation.  Eoumania  has  no  racial  quarrel  with  the 
Slavs,  and  her  Latin  sympathies  have  been  touched  by  the  intervention  of 
Italy  in  the  critical 
hour  of  the  war,  and 
for  Eoumania  too 
the  hour  has  now 
come,  since  the 
enforced  retreat  of 
Kussia  from  Hun- 
gary would  make 
the  military  co- 
operation of  Eou- 
mania of  far  greater 
value  than  seemed 
possible  six  weeks 
ago.  If  she  inter- 
venes now,  before 
the  Dual  Alliance 
have  strengthened 
their  economic 
position  by  the  in- 
gathering of  the 
Hungarian  harvest, 
Eoumania  will 
exert  considerable 

influence  on  the  fortune  of  the  war.     But  for  States,  as  for  individuals,  th« 
hour  sometimes  strikes — and  passes. 

Bulgaria,  the  near  neighbour,  occasional  friend  and  more  usual  rival  of 
Eoumania,  has  also  her  ambitions.  The  statesmen  of  Sofia  are  not  noted  for 
the  modesty  of  their  claims,  and  at  the  present  moment  Bulgaria  desires  strips 
of  territory  from  all  her  neighbours — Eoumania,  Serbia,  Turkey,  Greece. 
She  is  aiming  at  the  frontiers  she  could  probably  have  obtained  at  the  end 
of  the  first  Balkan  war,  had  she  not  thrown  away  her  gains  in  the  disasters 
of  the  second.  In  particular  she  claims  the  strip  of  territory  given  up  to  Eou- 
mania in  1913  in  the  name  of  the  balance  of  power ;  she  has  also  certain  claims, 
which  could  perhaps  be  enforced,  in  Thrace.  In  the  troubled  region  of  Mace- 
donia the  Serbo-Bulgarian  treaty  of  1912  assigned  certain  districts  definitely 
to  Bulgaria  and  marked  out  a  contested  zone,  the  ownership  of  which  was 
to  be  settled  by  the  arbitration  of  the  Czar.  Bulgaria  now  demands  that 
the  whole  of  this  latter  region  shall  be  made  over  to  her. 


THE  "  ROUMANIAN   SBNTINBL  m  A  SEA  OF  SLAVS  ". 


518    IMPRESSIONS   FROM   AN   OUTPOST   OF   EMPIRE. 

From  Greece  she  demands  the  districts  of  Kavalla,  Drama,  and  Serres, 
the  second  lying  north  of  Kavalla  and  the  third  west  of  that  region.  Now, 
a  few  months  back,  M.  Venizelos,  the  Grecian  leader  who  has  triumphed  at 
the  recent  elections,  was  ready  to  consider  the  cession  of  Kavalla  as  the  price 
of  reconstructing  the  Balkan  League  and  in  return  for  generous  compensations 
in  Asia  Minor.  The  Balkan  League  has  not  yet  been  reconstructed,  Greece 
has  obtained  nothing  in  Asia  Minor  because  she  has  remained  neutral  in  the 
Dardanelles,  and  Bulgaria  demands  more  than  Greece  has  ever  been  prepared 
to  consider. 

Greece  also  has  her  ambitions,  both  in  Asia  Minor  and  in  Turkey.  Her 
people,  voting  for  M.  Tenizelos  a  fortnight  ago,  voted  for  the  fulfilment  of 
those  desires  ;  but  national  destinies  are  not  fulfilled  in  the  ballot-box  in  war 
time.  Had  Greece  joined  with  Britain  and  France  in  the  opening  of  the  attack 
on  Constantinople  she  would  have  had  a  legitimate  claim  to  a  great  share  in  the 
spoils  of  victory  ;  but  she  remained  neutral,  and  her  position  as  a  bargainer 
with  the  Entente  Powers  has  undoubtedly  been  prejudiced  by  the  active  inter- 
vention of  Italy.  Every  neutral  who  enters  the  arena  diminishes  the  chances 
of  reward  for  those  that  remain  outside.  Even  now,  after  a  decisive  general 
election,  it  would  be  folly  to  reckon  on  a  speedy  intervention  by  Greece. 
M.  Venizelos  has  a  majority,  but  he  is  not  yet  in  power  ;  even  when  he  becomes 
Prime  Minister,  the  illness  or  the  obstinacy  of  the  King  may  stay  his  hand. 
The  King  of  Greece  is  notoriously  pro-German,  and  in  a  country  like  Greece 
with  single-chamber  government,  the  influence  of  the  Crown  in  politics  is  always 
direct  and  frequently  decisive. 

The  rival  claims  of  the  three  States — the  Triple  Attente,  as  they  have 
been  humorously  nicknamed — are  not  inspiring  of  respect  or  admiration, 
and  a  complete  account  of  the  bargaining  and  bartering  of  the  past  year 
would  probably  disabuse  those  innocent  souls  who  anticipate,  if  not  a  new 
heaven,  at  least  a  moderately  new  earth,  from  this  war.  Perhaps,  after  all, 
there  are  certain  advantages  in  secret  diplomacy. 

A.  WYATT  TILBY. 


IMPRESSIONS    FROM    AN   OUTPOST    OF    THE    EMPIRE. 

IF  a  traveller  were  asked  to  sum  up  in  brief  his  impressions  of  the  East,  he  might 
well  express  them  in  the  one  word  "  vividness  "  ; — the  sun  is  so  scorching — the 
sea  so  sparkling  blue — there  are  such  fresh  green  trees — such  brilliant  flowers 
("  Flame  of  the  Forest  "  is  one,  and  it  is  as  burning  and  beautiful  as  its  name) — 
and  all  Europeans  are  so  spotless  and  bestarched  in  dazzling  white.  Then  the 
natives  of  every  race  are  in  bright  colours  and  picturesque  costumes,  making  one 
realise  how  much  England  misses  by  having  lost  a  national  dress  for  her 
peasantry.  Malays  wear  striped  sarongs  (a  kind  of  skirt)  and  long  winding 
scarves — cerise  edged  with  gold  is  a  great  favourite  ;  unfortunately  the  women 
are  rather  apt  to  think  that  high-heeled  French  shoes  are  a  suitable  finishing 


IMPRESSIONS   FROM   AN   OUTPOST   OF  EMPIRE.    519 

touch  on  gala  days.  Chinese  amahs  (ehildren's  nurses)  wear  neat  trousers  and 
long  coats  of  shiny  black  linen,  and  their  hair  is  thickly  greased  and  fastened 
with  large  gold  pins. 

Indian  moneylenders — large  important-looking  men,  with  shaved  heads  and 
faces  smeared  with  chalk — are  lightly  swathed  in  diaphanous  white  muslin  with 
no  apparent  fastenings.  Klings  (road  labourers)  are  almost  as  their  Maker 
created  them,  and  look  like  lithe  bronze  statues  in  the  sun  ;  and  the  rick- 
shaw-pullers (several  shades  lighter  in  colour  and  much  more  muscular)  wear 
dilapidated  straw  hats  and  running  shorts  of  butcher-blue — not  a  dandified 
dress,  but  since  the  abolition  of  pigtails  fashion  concentrates  for  them  on  the 
head.  Most  of  them  carry  a  comb,  and  a  tin  lid  to  serve  as  a  looking-glass, 
and  they  adjust  their  hair  to  an  Algy-like  propriety  as  they  sit  waiting  for  their 
masters.  But  it  is  not  only  colour  and  sunshine  and  movement  that  give  the 
sense  of  vividness — it  is  partly  due  to  the  restlessness  of  a  cosmopolitan  place, 
and  partly  to  the  feeling  that  everyone  is  living  at  full  pressure.  Business 
hours  are  long  ;  there  are  no  week-ends  away,  and  very  few  holidays,  and  the 
motto  of  life  seems  to  be,  "  Work  hard  and  play  hard,  and  keep  as  fit  as  you 
can  until  your  next  long  leave,  and,  as  soon  as  you  can,  make  enough  money 
to  go  back  to  England  for  good  ". 

Unconsciously  the  Eastern  carelessness  of  life  influences  everyone — the 
doctrine  of  "  Here  to-day  and  gone  to-morrow,  and  it  does  not  much  matter 
whether  you  are  alive  or  dead  ".  It  leads  inevitably  to  a  thoughtless  atmo- 
sphere of  living  entirely  in  the  present,  and  it  is  rather  apt  to  deaden 
sympathies,  until  they  are  aroused  by  such  a  bolt  from  the  blue  as  fell  in 
August  1914.  Then,  indeed,  there  was  a  sudden  break  in  the  gay  round  of 
games  and  dancing  and  entertaining,  though  the  very  name  of  war  seemed 
incongruous  in  the  midst  of  so  much  natural  peace  and  loveliness. 

The  first  few  weeks  were  tense  with  breathless  excitement  and  business 
anxiety,  and  then  the  recall  of  the  regular  troops  and  their  officers,  the  eager 
rush  of  many  young  men  to  enlist,  and  the  belated  arrival  of  outward  mails  with 
their  news  of  a  transformed  England,  brought  home  the  realisation  of  the  grim 
fact  that  everyone  had  friends  or  relations  involved  in  the  death-struggle  of 
Europe.  The  feeling  that  this  was  no  time  for  games  led  to  the  formation  of 
several  local  Volunteer  corps  (to  take  the  place  of  the  regulars  in  the  event  of 
any  native  rising)  and  the  short  hour  of  daylight  after  office  hours  presented 
a  strange  picture  on  the  green — Englishmen  of  all  ages,  shapes,  and  sizes  solemnly 
"  forming  fours  "  and  learning  the  intricacies  of  the  rifle  before  the  puzzled  and 
amused  audience  of  mixed  nations  which  throngs  an  Eastern  port. 

And  at  last,  when  the  first  enthusiasm  had  died  down,  and  the  need  for 
any  such  preparation  seemed  most  remote,  danger  threatened  from  the  very 
quarter  which  should  have  been  a  source  of  defence — the  Indian  regiment 
stationed  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town. 

The  recent  withdrawal  of  British  troops  and  the  occasion  of  a  public  holiday 
(Chinese  New  Year)  formed  the  opportunity  for  the  outbreak.  Many  Volunteers 
had  spent  the  holiday  in  distant  parts  of  the  Colony,  and  returned  at  night 


520    IMPRESSIONS   FROM  AN    OUTPOST    OF   EMPIRE. 

to  find  the  town  in  an  uproar,  with  the  Englishmen  hastily  collecting  at  the 
Drill  Hall  to  fetch  their  arms  and  ammunition,  and  the  women  and  children 
gathering  from  the  outlying  residential  districts  into  central  places  of  safety. 
It  was  difficult  to  realise  at  once  what  the  report  really  meant.  "  The  Sepoys 
have  mutinied  and  are  marching  on  the  town  " — and  the  wildest  rumours 
were  afloat  on  that  first  night,  both  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  rebels  and  the 
numbers  of  their  victims.  There  were  eight  hundred  men  in  the  regiment, 
and  by  breaking  into  the  guard-room  they  had  secured  some  twenty  rounds 
of  ammunition  apiece,  so  that,  if  the  leaders  had  not  quickly  become 
demoralised  and  uncertain  of  purpose,  there  would  have  been  small  chance 
for  any  Europeans. 

But  it  is  at  times  like  this  that  the  British  spirit  best  rises  to  the  occasion, 
and  one  feels  most  proud  of  one's  country.  The  problem  was  tackled  with 
masterly  promptitude ;  the  authorities  quickly  summoned  the  naval  aid 
which  saved  the  situation,  and  every  Englishman  in  the  place  slipped  into 
his  niche  as  an  active  helper — calm,  courageous,  and  cheerful — most  of  them, 
moreover,  absolutely  in  their  element  and  enjoying  every  moment.  Khaki- 
clad,  dirty  and  unshaven,  far  from  the  liquid  consolations  of  baths  and  iced 
drinks,  of  which  Eastern  life  is  usually  so  lavish,  they  scoured  the  country 
after  the  rebels,  cooking  and  washing  up  their  own  greasy  meals,  sleeping  on 
bare  boards  and  unprotected  from  the  ravages  of  mosquitoes,  all  rank  and 
position  and  personal  comfort  forgotten  in  face  of  the  common  danger. 

The  anxious  wives,  placed  in  swarming  mobs  upon  boats  in  the  harbour 
for  safety,  really  had  the  worst  of  it,  with  very  little  food,  only  the  clothes  they 
stood  up  in,  and  the  nameless  dread  of  what  might  be  befalling  their  menfolk 
on  shore  to  add  to  their  miseries.  Here  again,  with  very  few  exceptions,  a 
spirit  of  unselfishness  and  helpfulness  prevailed,  and  the  tension  was  relieved 
by  many  humorous  episodes.  Dainty,  fragile  little  women  in  their  best  frocks, 
just  as  they  were  snatched  away  from  peaceful  bridge-parties,  were  reduced  to 
eating  rice  with  their  fingers,  and  drinking  beer  straight  from  the  bottle  ;  one 
plaintive  whisper  was  heard  :  "  Well,  I  never  thought  I  should  come  to 
sharing  a  mattress  on  deck  with  five  other  women,  two  of  whom  I  have  been 
avoiding  for  years  !  "  One  of  the  few  grumblers,  fallen  to  pieces  in  mind  and 
body,  with  her  hair  streaming  and  tears  coursing  down  her  cheeks,  kept  moaning  : 
"  I  can't  help  it,  because  I  love  my  husband  so  much  !  "  The  retort,  in  a  dry 
Scottish  voice  :  "  Well,  you've  a  queer  way  of  showing  it !  "  found  an  echo  in  the 
hearts  of  the  many  more  self-controlled,  but  no  less  troubled,  wives.  The  relief 
from  the  strain  was  intense  when  word  came  from  the  shore  that  British  troops 
had  arrived,  and  that  the  mutineers  were  in  hand.  The  reaction  led  to  some 
strange  statements  both  of  exaggeration  and  of  belittlement  of  the  prowess 
of  the  civilians — "  My  husband  was  so  splendid  that  he  surrounded  sixty 
of  the  rebels  single-handed  !  " — "  Mine  was  so  useful  to  the  Colonel  that 
he  got  promotion  three  times  in  one  day  !  "  And  then  a  quiet  little  voice  : 
"  Well,  I'm  afraid  mine  spent  his  time  sneaking  by  the  back  way  into  the 
Club  in  case  he  might  get  enrolled  as  a  Special  Constable  !  " 


THE  OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL  UNITY.         521 

Gradually  the  excitement  subsided,  and  people  were  able  to  return  to  their 
own  homes,  as  the  insurgents  surrendered  or  were  captured,  and  normal  life 
could  safely  be  resumed. 

Long  weary  weeks  of  court  martial  inquiry  followed,  and  there  were  several 
gruesome  days  when  condemned  mutineers  were  tied  up  to  stakes  outside  the 
walls  of  the  gaol,  and  were  publicly  shot — a  trying  duty  for  young  volunteers, 
but  the  thought  of  the  cold-blooded  murder  of  their  comrades  and  of  so  many 
civilians  stiffened  their  nerve  in  carrying  it  out.  Then  came  the  day  of  the 
dignified  and  impressive  Memorial  Service,  when  vast  silent  crowds  assembled 
in  the  sunny  cemetery,  and  the  last  military  honours  were  paid  over  the  flower- 
covered  graves  of  those  who  had  fallen.  And  finally,  gratitude  for  personal 
safety  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  Colony  found  expression  in  a  Thanksgiving 
Service  at  the  Cathedral,  where  the  circumstances  and  surroundings  combined 
to  make  it  an  abiding  memory  of  beauty. 

It  was  like  a  kaleidoscope  of  swift  impressions — with  the  gleaming  white 
pillars,  the  striking  scarlet  patches  of  the  Bishop's  robes  and  of  the  flowers  on 
the  candle-lit  altar,  the  pathetic  brown  eyes  of  the  little  Eurasian  choir-boys, 
the  open  doorways  and  windows  with  vistas  of  the  shady  avenue  of  angsenna 
trees,  and  beyond  them  the  mysterious  harbour  alive  with  the  shipping  of  many 
nations — all  bathed  in  sunshine  ;  and  then,  within  an  hour,  the  sudden  darkness 
and  wonderful  stars  of  a  tropical  night. 

There  is  a  natural  recoil  in  the  British  spirit  from  things  emotional  or  painful. 
The  amusing  side  of  the  whole  episode  is  uppermost  now  wherever  two  or 
three  Englishmen  are  gathered  together.  The  community  is  back  at  games  with 
its  accustomed  earnestness,  but  the  time  of  stress  and  danger  in  the  Colony  is  not 
forgotten,  nor  are  the  lives  of  those  who  are  gone  ;  and  the  knowledge  of  having 
passed  through  a  big  experience  together  has  cemented  the  feelings  of  comrade- 
ship and  friendliness  which  add  so  much  to  the  charm  of  life  in  the  East. 

EDITH  WELLWOOD. 


THE  OUTLOOK  FOR  NATIONAL  UNITY.* 

By  the  Hon.  Sir  JOHN  McCALL,  M.D.,  LL.D.  (Agent-General  for  Tasmania). 

I  HAVE  been  moved  to  prepare  this  paper  by  some  friends  with  whom  I  have  dis- 
cussed the  future  of  our  Empire.  An  Australian  of  unquestionable  loyalty  to  the 
Empire  gave  me  rather  a  shock  recently  by  speaking  of  Australia  as  a  nation,  and 
this  impelled  me  to  write,  as  I  felt  it  was  necessary  that  some  one  should  point  out 
the  danger  national  unity  in  our  Empire  would  be  in  if  even  strong  Imperialists  saw 
no  objection  to  speaking  of  our  Dominions  as  nations.  Though  the  idea  of  Australia 
and  Canada  being  nations  did  not  lessen  my  friend's  imperialism,  I  felt  sure  the  general 
acceptance  of  the  idea  of  separate  nations  within  the  Empire  must  in  the  end  lead 
to  dreams  of  real  separation.  I  am  aware  the  problem  requires  the  nicest  handling. 

*  Paper  read  at  a  Meeting  of  (he  Royal  Colonial  Institute  on  Tuesday,  June  8,  1915,  The  Right 
Hon.  Lord  Sydenham,G.C.S.L,  O.C.M.Q.,  6.C.I.E.,  in  the  Chair. 


522        THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL  UNITY. 

No  one  could  be  more  anxious  to  foster  the  various  individualities  of  the  Overseas 
Dominions  than  I  am,  and  for  my  own  part  I  recognise  a  difference  in  the  individuality 
of  even  the  different  States  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  all  the  States  contribute  some- 
thing to  the  individuality  and  ideals  of  the  typical  Australian.  The  consideration 
of  Australia,  Canada,  South  Africa  and  New  Zealand  as  separate  nations  raises  other 
problems,  and  I  am  convinced  that  the  conception  of  any  of  these  Dominions  as  a 
nation  is  dangerous  alike  to  the  Dominions  and  the  Empire  to  which  they  are  now 
proud  to  belong.  Let  us  examine  this  conception  of  nationality  a  little  more  closely. 
The  term  "  nation  "  necessarily  means  a  distinct  people.  Creasy  has  pointed  out  that 
even  the  English  did  not  become  a  nation  until  the  thirteenth  century.  Before  then 
the  elements  were  not  properly  fused  and  blended  together.  By  nationality,  Creasy 
tells  us,  is  meant  the  joint  result  of  unity  as  to  race,  language,  and  institutions.  It 
was  only  when  English  superseded  Norman  and  Saxon  as  the  mother  tongue  of  our 
race,  when  the  Great  Charter  was  secured,  when  the  Houses  of  Parliament  were 
summoned,  and  our  legal  system  assumed  its  distinctive  features,  that  our  nationality 
arose.  These  are  the  very  things  of  which  the  people  in  our  Dominions  Overseas 
should  be  and  are  most  proud.  It  is  their  great  glory  that  they  with  the  people  of 
this  country  are  joint  heirs  to  the  language  of  Chaucer  and  Shakespeare,  and  the 
liberties  secured  by  the  Great  Charter  ;  we  from  the  Dominions  claim  to  have  as 
much  interest  in  Westminster  Abbey  as  the  English,  and  I  for  one  am  not  willing  to 
throw  these  things  into  the  melting-pot,  and  give  up  my  right  to  be  called  British  in 
the  hope  that  some  better  thing  may  arise.  British  nationhood  is  good  enough  for 
me  and  I  hope  also  for  those  who  hear  me  read  this  paper.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  present  Prime  Minister  dealt  in  his  address  to  the  last  Imperial  Conference 
with  this  question  of  the  significance  of  the  British  Empire.  Mr.  Asquith  found 
its  essential  characteristics  in  two  things  :  first,  in  the  reign  of  Law.  Wherever  the 
King's  writ  runs  it  is  the  symbol  and  messenger  not  of  an  arbitrary  authority,  but 
of  rights  shared  by  every  citizen,  and  capable  of  being  asserted  and  made  effective 
by  the  tribunal  of  the  land  ;  the  second  was  the  combination  of  local  autonomy — 
absolute  and  unfettered — with  loyalty  to  a  common  head.  For  my  part  I  desire 
to  preserve  this  local  autonomy  untouched,  but  I  desire  no  less  to  preserve  the  validity 
of  the  King's  writ  and  the  loyalty  to  a  common  Crown. 

In  the  discussion  of  the  general  problem  of  the  future  of  the  British  Empire,  it 
must  never  be  forgotten  that  the  question  is  not  what  rights  of  self-government  shi 
be  taken  from  the  Overseas  Dominions,  it  is  rather  what  rights  shall  be  given  to  thei 
— rights  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  their  own  shores,  rights  to  defend  their  trade  routes, 
rights  to  defend  their  joint  Imperial  heritage.  In  this  Royal  Colonial  Institute  we 
have  talked  freely  of  Canada,  Australia,  South  Africa,  and  New  Zealand  as  great 
sub-nations.  I  think  we  should  go  no  further  than  this.  To  speak  of  the  Dominiot 
as  nations  is  stretching  the  meaning  of  the  word,  and  will  only  lead  to  a  national  feeling 
tending  to  encourage  the  idea  of  separation,  and  I  feel  sure  that  at  the  moment  no 
important  section  in  any  of  the  Dominions  has  any  such  desire.  Never  has  the  idea 
of  union  been  more  strongly  implanted  or  been  more  pregnant  with  possibilities  for 


THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY.         523 

Imperial  good  than  the  present  time.  I  recognise  that  at  this  time  the  help  given 
to  the  Empire  would  be  as  freely  given  by  Australia  if  we  had  even  greater  freedom 
than  we  have,  or  even  if  we  had  complete  separation.  This  willingness  to  help  the 
British  Empire  would,  I  am  sure,  remain  the  same  if  we  separated  from  it  so  long 
as  the  bulk  of  our  population  is  derived  from  British  stock.  What  would  occur  if 
under  some  misconception  of  true  nationalism  one  of  our  Dominions  should  secure 
that  absolutely  independent  government  which  would  entitle  it  to  rank  as  a  nation  ? 
It  would  probably  become  the  favourite  emigration  field  for  unfriendly  foreign 
countries.  These  would  naturally  not  understand  the  sentiments  at  the  back  of  the 
political  change,  and  would  see  only  the  breaking  away  from  the  British  connection. 
The  incursion  of  a  large  body  of  alien  immigrants  into  a  new  nation  would  in  turn 
cause  British  emigrants  to  be  diverted  to  one  of  the  Dominions  which  remained  within 
the  British  Empire.  In  time  what  we  now  call  the  foreign  element  would  either 
absolutely  control,  or  at  any  rate  influence,  the  legislature  of  that  new  nation,  so  that 
if  the  Empire  from  which  the  new  nation  had  separated  came  into  collision  with  a 
foreign  country  there  would  be  no  certainty  of  such  assistance  for  the  old  Empire 
as  is  now  freely  given.  No  further  proof  of  this  is  required  than  the  present  attitude 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  for  in  spite  of  the  unfortunate  cause  of  its  separation 
and  opposition  to  its  Independence,  there  is  over  there  a  strong  sympathy  with  the 
British  in  the  present  war  among  the  population  descended  from  the  British.  Who 
doubts  but  that  the  policy  of  the  American  Government  is  influenced  by  the  fact 
that  in  the  States  there  are  some  8,000,000  Germans  and  2,000,000  Austrians  ?  It 
is  not  many  years  since  some  leading  statesman  in  the  Mother  Country  thought  it 
would  not  be  a  bad  thing  if  the  Colonies  separated  and  set  up  house  for  themselves ; 
the  trade  advantages  of  the  connection  has  now  converted  them  all,  and  the  small 
"  cut  the  painter  "  party  in  our  Dominions  has  disappeared.  We  want  to  secure 
one  nationality  for  the  people  of  the  British  Empire  so  far  as  that  is  possible,  and 
practically  all  the  best  people  of  this  Empire  are  clear  in  their  minds  that  it  will  be 
best  for  all  that  this  should  be  maintained.  Every  Australian,  New  Zealander  and 
Canadian  or  South  African  must  realise  how  objectionable  it  is  to  hear  of  the  fool 
from  either  Dominion  visiting  the  homeland,  deliberately  shutting  his  eyes  to  the  great- 
ness of  this  country  and  criticising  it  in  a  way  that  only  makes  an  exhibition  of  his 
own  ignorance.  I  do  not  deny  that  there  are  many  matters  that  leave  the  old  land 
open  to  criticism,  but  I  do  claim  that  such  criticisms  can  be  made  in  a  way  that  would 
not  be  objectionable  to  those  criticised.  On  the  other  hand,  I  am  sure  leading  people 
from  the  outer  part  of  the  Empire  have  reason  to  complain  of  the  silly  remarks  often 
made  in  public  places  by  those  untravelled  and  ill-informed  Britishers  who  base  their 
opinions  of  the  residents  of  Greater  Britain  on  what  they  have  heard  from  one  of 
the  bounders,  to  whom  I  have  referred,  who  visit  this  country  and  have  failed  to  realise 
that  we  are  one  people  of  the  same  nationality. 

Only  a  few  weeks  ago  a  friend  was  staying  in  a  seaside  hotel  where  a  number  of 
officers  were  also  staying.  One  of  these  gentlemen  wearing  the  King's  uniform  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  Australians  and  New  Zealanders  were  awful  people  and  as 


524        THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY. 

bad  as  Americans — whatever  that  means.  Here  then  we  had  a  man  belonging  to  a 
class  who  should  have  known  better,  practically  denying  us  the  same  nationality 
as  is  claimed  by  the  people  of  this  country.  As  he  had  no  knowledge  of  Australians 
and  New  Zealanders  he  might  have  been  satisfied  to  take  the  opinions  of  those  leading 
statesmen  who  have  visited  the  distant  portions  of  the  Empire  either  as  representatives 
of  His  Majesty  or  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  knowledge  of  the  great  countries  pre- 
sided over  by  King  George  instead  of  talking  in  the  loose  and  offensive  way  he  did. 
Now  that  we  have  the  promise  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  that  the 
Dominions  will  be  consulted  when  the  terms  of  peace  come  to  be  considered,  the 
longest  step  has  been  taken  towards  national  unity,  and  this  promise  is  warmly  appre- 
ciated in  all  the  Dominions.  By  keeping  together  we  will  have  that  union  which 
means  strength,  and  this  is  just  as  important  to  Australia  and  the  other  Dominions 
as  it  is  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland ;  we  want  all  the  strength  possible  for  defence. 
It  has  been  shown  that  a  country  like  ours  that  has  thrown  its  doors  open  to  Germans 
on  the  same  terms  as  our  own  people  is  not  free  from  attack  ;  our  success  and  wealth 
make  us  an  object  that  excites  the  envy  of  a  half-civilised  people  like  the  Germans, 
who  suffer  themselves  to  believe  that  because  they  have  some  able  men  they  are  all 
cultured,  and  that  they  are  the  only  people  competent  to  rule  the  world.  I  say  we  want 
the  strength  for  defence  ;  that  is  the  principal  purpose,  but  in  view  of  all  the  circum- 
stances leading  up  to  the  present  war  we  must  remain  strong  to  prevent  the  military 
party  in  Prussia  ever  being  successful  in  the  future.  Whatever  our  strength  may  be 
it  must  be  used  only  in  the  interests  of  all  peoples,  and  thus  we  will  add  further 
strength  by  obtaining  the  sympathy  of  all  countries  who  desire  to  live  at  peace  with 
the  other  peoples  of  the  world. 

Now  up  to  this  point  I  feel  we  are  of  one  opinion ;  further,  I  think  we  will  all 
agree  that  the  many  papers  read  to  the  members  of  this  Institute  by  distinguished 
men  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire  go  to  prove  that  there  is  a  strong  and  growing  feeling 
that  we  should  have  a  closer  union  than  the  existing  one  to  provide  for  national  defence, 
if  not  also  for  trade  defence.  As  to  whether  this  is  a  proper  time  to  consider  such  a 
question  there  may  be  a  difference  of  opinion,  but  I  hope  very  little  time  will  be  wasted 
on  that  aspect  of  the  case.  Several  papers  on  Imperial  Federation  have  been  read 
recently,  and  no  doubt  the  war  has  led  to  special  consideration  being  given  to  the 
subject,  and  in  not  a  few  cases  opinions  have  changed.  At  the  present  moment  it 
is  of  special  interest ;  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  widespread  Empire  men 
from  all  parts  are  taking  a  share  in  the  war,  and  one  gathers  from  general  conversations 
that  there  has  been  a  strongly  expressed  feeling  that  the  whole  Empire  should  have 
a  say  in  the  making  of  war  as  well  as  the  making  of  peace.  How  can  this  union  be 
secured  without  putting  too  tight  a  rein  on  young  democratic  Dominions  ?  Moreover 
there  are  certain  countries  practically  within  the  Empire  which  do  not  rank  as 
Dominions,  but  which  to  my  mind  should  be  consulted  before  any  final  decision  as  to 
Imperial  union  is  decided  upon — I  mean  India  and  Egypt.  I  know  that  fresh  diffi- 
culties arise  directly  these  countries  are  mentioned,  difficulties  due  to  the  fact  that 
one-fifth  of  the  whole  of  mankind  are  of  Indian  birth  or  citizenship ;  there  may  be 


THE   OUTLOOK   FOR  NATIONAL   UNITY.         525 

terms  on  which  the  Indian  and  Egyptian  people  would  elect  to  remain  permanently 
a  part  of  the  British  Empire.  I  do  not  offer  an  opinion  on  the  Indian  or  Egyptian 
problems.  Were  I  proposing  a  definite  scheme  I  should  be  glad  to  omit  the  con- 
sideration of  these  problems  as  I  am  personally  quite  unqualified  to  deal  with  them. 
But  to-night  I  am  not  called  on  to  touch  this  difficulty  ;  I  am  suggesting  something 
very  different.  I  suggest  there  should  be  a  discussion  by  an  Imperial  Convention 
(consisting  of  qualified  people)  of  the  essentials  of  Imperial  union  rather  than  the 
sifting  of  particular  possibilities.  There  is,  for  example,  the  question  as  to  the 
authority  of  the  Government  of  the  United  Kingdom  in  such  matters  as  the  conduct 
of  foreign  policy,  the  conclusion  of  treaties  and  the  declaration  of  war.  Can  the 
responsibility  of  an  Imperial  Government  subject  to  an  Imperial  Parliament  in  these 
matters  be  shared  by  the  whole  Empire  while  preserving  the  local  autonomy  which 
Mr.  Asquith  showed  to  be  a  cardinal  feature  in  the  British  Imperial  system  ?  The 
great  war  has  brought  this  question  into  prominence.  Lord  Milner,  speaking  from 
this  platform  last  March,  suggested  that  the  thoroughgoing  espousal  of  the  Imperial 
cause  by  the  Overseas  Dominions  imposed  a  new  obligation  upon  the  Mother  Country. 
Though  terms  of  peace  were  not  suitable  subjects  for  public  discussion,  they  were  a 
necessary  subject  for  reflection  among  our  statesmen,  and  when  reflecting  upon  them 
our  statesmen  could  hardly  fail  to  realise  the  necessity  of  an  exchange  of  views  with 
the  statesmen  of  the  Dominions  which  are  one  and  all  so  deeply  concerned  in  the 
settlement.  But  Lord  Milner  said  more  than  this  ;  he  pointed  out  that  the  Dominions 
had  been  involved  in  the  most  terrible  and  momentous  experience  which  could  befall 
a  people — a  great  war,  without  having  had  any  share,  any  control  or  voice  whatever 
in  the  policy  which  led  to  that  result.  He  went  on  to  say  this  was  absolutely  un- 
sound, and  in  the  long  run  impossible.  It  was  contrary  to  all  traditions  and  most 
deep-seated  political  instincts  of  our  race.  For  my  own  part  I  feel  that  this  illogical 
and  absurd  condition  of  things  should  continue  no  longer.  The  only  question  is, 
how  should  a  change  towards  better  Imperial  conditions  be  brought  about  ?  At 
some  discussions  I  have  attended  in  this  country,  where  cut-and-dried  schemes  have 
been  submitted,  they  have  generally  been  criticised  by  all  the  speakers  following 
the  submission  of  the  scheme,  and  the  conclusion  has  been  arrived  at  "  that  that 
would  never  do."  When  we  proposed  Federation  in  Australia  to  enable  us  to  have 
effective  defence  and  inter- colonial  free  trade,  our  principal  difficulties  were  varied 
tariffs  from  Free  Trade  in  one  Colony  to  moderately  high  Protection  in  the  other  States, 
and  local  jealousy  as  to  where  the  Capital  should  be.  In  the  case  of  an  Imperial 
Federation  permitting  each  part  to  manage  its  own  local  affairs,  including  the  im- 
position and  maintenance  of  its  own  tariff,  and  with  no  other  centre  putting  up  a 
claim  to  be  the  Capital  City  against  London,  we  dispose  of  what  were  our  initial  diffi- 
culties. Though  I  do  not  wish  to  open  up  very  debatable  matter  here,  I  venture 
to  think  that  the  financial  aspects  of  an  Imperial  Federation  will  be  the  difficulty 
to  be  surmounted,  but  neither  it  nor  any  other  I  can  think  of  will  be  insurmountable, 
or,  indeed,  anything  like  as  difficult  as  the  solution  of  the  question  of  Australian 
Federation.  I  recognise  that  as  this  proposed  Federation  covers  a  large  number 

2N 


526        THE  OUTLOOK  FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY. 

of  countries  separated  by  great  distances,  it  will  be  the  first  of  the  kind  statesmen 
have  had  to  consider.  The  aim  of  such  a  Federation  is  to  preserve  the  nationality 
of  our  Empire,  to  secure  its  proper  defence  and  full  control  of  sea  trade  routes  so 
that  under  no  possible  set  of  circumstances  can  our  inter-imperial  trade  be  disturbed  ; 
the  importance  of  this  is  being  fully  demonstrated  in  the  great  struggle  we  are  now 
engaged  in. 

I  admit  there  are  difficulties,  but  I  do  not  wish  to  raise  them  all  here.  What  I 
want  to  put  before  you  is  a  claim  that  they  should  be  considered  by  those  responsible 
for  the  government  of  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire,  with  the  best  assistance 
available,  to  suggest  a  scheme  by  which  this  can  be  secured,  and  to  request  you  to 
ask  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  in  conjunction  with  the  Executive 
of  the  British  Empire  League  if  they  approve  of  my  scheme  to  press  the  British  Govern- 
ment as  the  legislative  representatives  of  the  predominant  partner  to  take  steps  to 
bring  it  about  at  the  earliest  opportune  moment.  Though  I  have  said  I  do  not  wish 
to  raise  very  debatable  matter  which  will  have  to  be  considered  by  the  proposed 
convention,  I  do  wish  to  indicate  a  way  out  on  some  of  the  most  difficult  questions 
it  will  have  to  solve. 

Representation  and  revenue  are  the  two  subjects  put  forward  as  the  stumbling- 
blocks  by  most  of  those  I  have  heard  discuss  the  question  of  an  Imperial 
Parliament.  Whatever  body  may  be  set  up  to  control  the  destinies  of  the  Empire 
in  its  foreign  relations  and  defence  must  have  revenue,  and  if  this  is  to  be 
obtained  by  taxation,  as  it  must  be  in  a  full  federation,  it  goes  without  saying  that 
all  parts  must  be  represented.  There  should  not  be  so  much  difficulty  over  this 
question  of  representation  as  many  people  think.  I  have  often  heard  it  said  that 
on  a  population  basis  the  United  Kingdom  would  have  such  a  large  proportion  of 
the  members  that  the  other  parts  of  the  Empire  would  be  practically  powerless.  In 
a  joint-stock  company  where  one  person  holds  more  than  half  the  shares,  as  a  rule 
he  is  not  allowed  to  absolutely  out-vote  all  the  other  shareholders  ;  he  has  to  submit 
to  a  scale  of  voting  which  allows  a  large  voting  power,  but  not  necessarily  enough 
to  out-vote  all  the  others  combined.  Now  it  seems  to  me  that  the  adoption  of  this 
idea,  by  which  a  concession  would  be  made  by  the  most  populous  country,  could  be 
made  to  meet  the  case ;  whilst  it  would  retain  a  strong  representation,  it  would  not 
be  overwhelming.  The  scale  of  voting  is  allowed  in  municipal  voting  based  on  the 
value  of  property  owned  by  the  voter,  and  in  many  parts  of  the  Empire  the  largest 
landholder  only  has  the  same  voting  power  as  the  smallest,  so  that  there  should  be 
no  possibility  of  the  convention  failing  to  get  over  the  difficult  question  of 
representation. 

The  real  difficulty  in  my  opinion  will  arise  in  deciding  what  taxation  powers  are 
to  be  given  to  the  new  Parliament.  I  am  sure  it  would  be  impossible  to  get  all  parts 
of  the  Empire  into  a  union,  if  this  convention  decided  that  they  should  have  what 
I  will  call  overlapping  taxing  powers — that  is  to  say,  the  right  to  draw  revenue  from 
the  same  sources  as  the  local  parliaments.  This  was  done  in  Australia,  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution,  believing  that  the  Commonwealth  would  have  more  than  enough 


THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY.        527 

revenue  from  Customs  duties,  which  they  of  course  had  to  collect  and  control,  to  secure 
inter-state  Free  Trade,  devoted  their  great  ability  to  the  question  of  deciding  how  the 
surplus  Customs  revenue  should  be  divided  among  the  States,  and  it  was  argued 
that  the  Supreme  Parliament  should  have  the  right  to  impose  any  form  of  taxation, 
as  in  the  case  of  a  great  emergency  there  might  be  no  Customs  duties  collected.  Now 
we  have  the  Commonwealth  imposing  taxes  on  land  and  collecting  probate  duties. 
As  some  of  the  States  derive  a  part  of  their  revenue  from  these  sources  but  at  different 
rates,  and  in  one  State  there  is  no  land  tax,  it  will  be  seen  that  taxation  is  made 
unequal  in  different  parts  of  the  Commonwealth.  I  think  if  the  Constitution 
of  the  Commonwealth  had  to  be  re-drawn  that  it  would  be  decided  to  give 
the  Commonwealth  and  States  each  their  own  sphere  of  taxation.  The  possibility 
of  defining  the  sources  of  revenue  for  the  Imperial  Parliament  should  be  carefully 
considered. 

The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  has  recently  stated  that  residents  of  this  country 
own  investments  out  of  the  country,  foreign  and  colonial,  to  the  value  of  £3,000,000,000, 
giving  an  income  of  £100,000,000  per  annum  ;  here,  then,  is  one  amount  that  should 
be  released  from  local  taxation  and  made  available  for  the  defence  tax,  and  to  this 
can  be  added  the  income  tax  on  all  incomes  enjoyed  by  residents  in  other  parts  of  the 
Empire  from  investments  outside  the  country  in  which  they  are  domiciled.  Further, 
all  incomes  from  shipping  business  should  be  made  available  for  taxation  by  the  body 
responsible  for  its  protection,  with  special  impositions  on  ships  trading  to  the  Empire 
bat  not  owned  by  citizens  resident  within  its  borders.  These  items  might  be  found 
sufficient  to  give  all  the  revenue  required,  and,  if  so,  I  think  they  might  fairly  be  given 
up  to  the  new  Imperial  governing  body.  I  have  long  held  that  the  income  tax  paid 
by  people  who  simply  reside  in  one  part  of  the  Empire,  and  draw  their  incomes  from 
another  part,  should  be  ear-marked  for  defence  and  looked  upon  as  a  contribution  from 
the  part  where  the  income  is  actually  earned.  To  do  what  I  propose,  viz.,  to  so  ear- 
mark all  external  incomes  whether  from  within  or  without  the  Empire  is  an  extension 
of  that  idea.  I  mention  this  not  to  obtain  a  discussion  on  it  to-night,  but  to  indicate 
that  the  convention  might  be  able  to  arrive  at  some  method  of  raising  revenue  without 
having  co-ordinate  taxing  powers  with  all  the  separate  legislatures  of  the  Empire. 
My  proposal  is  that  a  Convention  be  called  together  by  the  King  or  the  Imperial 
Government  at  the  time  of  the  next  Imperial  Premiers'  Conference,  not  necessarily 
at  the  Peace  Conference  suggested  by  Lord  Milner  and  now  promised  by  Mr.  Harcourt, 
which  might  not  be  a  convenient  time,  but  the  sooner  it  can  be  called  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  war  the  more  certain  it  will  be  to  meet  with  success.  I  suggest  that 
those  to  be  invited  to  attend  the  Convention  should  be,  in  addition  to  representatives 
of  each  important  party  in  the  Parliament  of  this  country,  the  Prime  Ministers  and 
Leaders  of  the  Opposition  of  the  Dominions  Parliaments,  together  with  two  others 
to  be  selected  by  them  each  from  his  own  party,  and  a  representative  from  each  party 
in  the  Senate,  the  Premiers  and  Leaders  of  Opposition  in  each  State  and  Provincial 
Parliament,  a  representative  from  each  Crown  Colony  who  together  with  such  repre- 
sentatives of  India  and  Egypt  as  may  be  decided  upon  by  the  Indian  and  Colonial 

2  N2 


528         THE   OUTLOOK  FOR  NATIONAL   UNITY. 

Offices  in  conjunction  with  the  Council  of  India  and  other  councils  interested.  I  would 
further  provide  for  the  representatives  of  the  Imperial  Parliament  and  the  Dominions 
Parliaments  to  have  the  right  to  select  and  invite  to  the  Convention  such  high  authori- 
ties on  constitutional  law  in  their  respective  countries  as  they  may  deem  wise,  whether 
such  gentlemen  were  members  of  Parliament  or  not.  Further,  ripe  judgment  and 
great  ability  would  be  brought  to  the  Convention  by  the  inclusion  of  some  of  our 
experienced  ex- Viceroys,  Governors-General,  and  Governors.  Such  a  Convention 
could  include  practically  all  the  leading  legislative,  constitutional,  and  administrative 
talent  of  the  Empire.  This  Convention  should  meet  in  private  and  consider  all  the 
problems  in  connection  with  a  federation  for  the  purpose  of  defence,  and  at  the  same 
time  be  free  to  make  suggestions  for  legislative  powers  in  other  directions.  If  a  satis- 
factory scheme  is  evolved,  it  should  then  be  submitted  for  approval  to  the  Imperial  and 
Dominions  Parliaments  and  the  various  councils  represented  at  the  Conference  or  by 
referendum  to  the  electors.  I  propose  the  inclusion  of  authorities  on  constitutional 
law  so  that  the  best  assistance  may  be  available,  and  so  that  it  will  be  possible  to 
include  prominent  men  who  have  gone  out  of  politics,  but  who  had  much  to  do  in 
connection  with  the  preparation  of  the  Commonwealth  Act  of  Australia  and  the  Act 
of  the  Union  in  South  Africa.  It  would  not  be  necessary  that  these  invited  members 
should  vote,  indeed  it  might  be  well  that  they  should  not.  I  propose  that  the  State 
and  Provincial  Parliaments  should  be  represented  not  only  because  many  of  them 
have  had  long  political  experience  in  their  various  Parliaments,  and  it  will  be  well 
to  have  the  benefit  of  their  mature  judgment,  but  in  addition  they  would  be  invaluable 
to  share  with  the  Dominion's  representatives  the  advocacy  of  any  decision  arrived 
at  by  the  Convention  when  the  same  comes  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  acceptance. 
The  proposal  that  the  meetings  should  be  held  in  camera  is  made  so  that  difficulties 
found  in  considering  any  of  the  problems  discussed  may  not  be  made  known  to  enemy 
countries,  and  so  that  the  greatest  freedom  from  party  restraints  should  be  enjoyed 
by  the  delegates,  and  I  might  add  that  it  would  enable  the  Convention  to  get  through 
the  work  in  a  reasonable  time.  I  believe  such  a  Convention  as  the  one  suggested  will 
be  able  to  agree  on  what  is  best  for  the  Empire,  and  the  knowledge  that  those  best 
qualified  to  settle  the  matter  have  so  decided  will  satisfy  most  of  us  even  if  it  has 
to  recommend  something  short  of  an  Imperial  Parliament,  always  providing  it  ensures 
effective  defence  as  well  as  a  complete  and  unified  nationality.  It  may  be  the  Con- 
vention will  decide  that  we  are  better  to  go  on  as  we  are  going,  or  it  may  be  it  will 
favour  setting  up  a  sort  of  "  half-way  house  "  in  the  form  of  a  Federal  Council  so  as 
to  allow  of  the  more  complete  federation  developing  by  a  process  of  evolution.  We 
tried  that  method  in  Australia,  but  unfortunately  the  most  populous  State  remained 
out ;  many  of  us  believe  that  if  New  South  Wales  had  joined  the  Council,  we  would 
have  secured  Australian  federation  years  earlier,  and  the  work  of  the  Council  might 
have  ensured  us  a  better  Constitution. 

All  I  ask  is  that  a  properly  constituted  Convention  should  give  the 
Empire  the  benefit  of  its  best  judgment  at  a  time  when  all  citizens  are  prepared 
to  listen. 


THE   OUTLOOK  FOR  NATIONAL  UNITY.         529 

Before  the  Paper : 

The  CHAIKMAN  (Lord  Sydenham,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.I.E.,  P.R.S. :  I  do  not 
think  Sir  John  McCall  needs  any  introduction  from  me.  He  comes  to  us  as  the  honoured 
representative  of  the  beautiful  little  island  in  the  South  Pacific,  which  more  than  any 
part  of  the  Empire  which  I  have  visited  resembles  the  Mother  Country.  It  may  be 
thought  that,  preoccupied  as  we  all  are  by  the  anxieties  and  efforts  of  the  present 
war,  it  is  premature  to  discuss  such  a  subject  as  is  before  us  to-night.  But  I  do  not 
take  that  view.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  question  is  one  which  grows  ever  more 
important  and  ever  more  difficult  to  solve.  It  is  a  question  which  ought  to  be  solved 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  especially  in  view  of  the  circumstances  of  this  war,  and 
I  think  we  ought  to  prepare  ourselves  by  study  and  thought  to  find  an  immediate, 
satisfactory,  and  permanent  solution. 

After  the  Paper : 

The  CHAIRMAN  :  We  have  all  listened  with  interest  and  profit  to  a  very  thoughtful 
Paper  dealing  with  a  subject  vital  to  the  future  of  our  Empire.  Sir  J.  McCall  has  well 
expressed  what  has  long  been  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  all  of  us  who  understand  the 
position  which  our  Empire  holds  in  the  world,  and  the  high  ideals  of  justice,  freedom, 
and  progress  for  which  that  Empire  has  always  stood.  "  We  want,"  he  says,  "  to 
secure  one  nationality  for  the  people  of  the  British  Empire  so  far  as  that  is  possible." 
That,  I  am  sure,  is  what  we  all  most  ardently  desire.  It  is  to  help  towards  that  end 
that  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  the  British  Empire  League  were  founded.  Nationality 
is  not  easy  to  define.  Inherited  racial  characteristics,  sentiment,  common  aims  and 
aspirations,  the  consciousness  of  mutual  needs  and  even  geographical  and  physical 
conditions,  all  go  to  the  making  of  nationality.  We  know  that  a  distant  part  of  our 
Empire  might  lose  its  nationality  and  set  up  an  independent  nationality  of  its  own. 
History  shows  plainly  that  that  may  happen.  The  colonies  of  Ancient  Greece  threw 
off  allegiance  to  the  Mother  Country,  and  were  frequently  at  war  both  with  her  and 
with  each  other.  The  colonies  of  North  America  broke  away  from  the  Mother  Country 
on  what  we  know  was  great  provocation,  and  they  laid  the  foundations  of  a  new 
nation  across  the  Atlantic.  But,  as  we  all  know  now,  owing  to  the  great  influx  of 
people  of  many  other  nations,  full  and  complete  nationality  in  the  best  sense  of  the 
word  has  not  yet  been  attained  by  the  American  people,  and  that  is  just  what  Americans 
are  painfully  realising  at  the  present  moment.  The  test  of  true  nationality  is  unity 
of  heart,  of  effort,  and  of  sacrifice  at  a  time  of  great  common  emergency.  Judged  by 
that  test,  surely  the  British  Empire  in  its  hour  of  danger  and  difficulty  has  shown 
nationhood  in  the  highest  form  by  its  splendid  rally  to  the  flag.  Some  thirty  years 
have  passed  since  I  had  the  honour  of  serving  side  by  side  with  Australian  troops  in 
the  Sudan,  when  for  the  first  time  they  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Mother  Country. 
I  realised  what  that  experience  meant ;  and  in  a  little  book,  written  a  few  years  later, 
I  predicted  what  would  happen  at  a  time  of  supreme  national  need,  and  exactly  what 
has  happened  now.  When  this  terrible  war  was  forced  on  Europe,  we  were  not 
prepared,  as  we  all  know,  but  we  were  better  prepared  in  August  last  than  ever 
before  in  our  long  history,  and  we  shall  never  forget  that  the  Navy,  at  least,  was 
fully  prepared — that  the  Navy  has  acted  up  to  the  most  brilliant  traditions  of  its 
history,  and  is  now  showing  itself  master,  not  only  of  the  sea,  but  of  the  air.  When 
this  war  is  over  and  won  by  the  Allies,  as  it  will  be,  we  shall  see  that  the  Navy  was 
the  basis  of  our  success.  We  shall  also  remember  that  only  one  of  the  ten  belligerent 
States  now  involved  was  equipped  at  all  points,  and  had  elaborately  prepared  for  the 
cataclysm  which  it  intended  to  bring  about.  When  we  consider  what  that  means,  we 
may  well  be  thankful  that  the  situation  is  as  we  see  it  to-day.  There  was  a  crisis  in 
August  last,  when  the  gallant  Belgian  Army  nobly  sacrificed  itself  in  gaining  time  for 
the  Allies.  There  was  another  crisis  in  September,  in  averting  which  our  devoted 
troops  played  a  supremely  important  part.  And  now,  every  part  of  the  Empire — the 
great  Dominions,  India,  and  all  the  small  communities — is  sharing  to  the  utmost  in 


530         THE   OUTLOOK  FOR  NATIONAL  UNITY. 

the  dangers  and  sacrifices  of  the  war.  The  latest  news  from  Australia  is  that  the 
Government  is  considering  how  to  send  more  men  to  follow  the  shining  example  of 
their  brethren  who  have  fought  with  such  splendid  gallantry  in  the  Gallipoli  Peninsula. 
For  the  first  time  we  are  all  absolutely  united  as  a  nation  in  defending  not  only  our 
own  rights  and  our  own  honour,  but  the  rights  and  honour  of  other  nations  against 
foul  aggression  inspired  by  the  most  ruthless  ambitions.  When  this  war  has  ended, 
nothing  can  be  as  before.  England  as  we  know  it  will  have  passed  away.  The 
whole  Empire  will  change  in  its  outlook  and  conditions.  Straight  before  us  will  lie 
the  problem  of  national  reconstruction  and  consolidation,  in  which  every  member  of 
the  Empire  must  share.  We  shall  not  only  have  to  heal  the  wounds  and  to  restore 
the  economic  wreck  which  the  tyranny  of  a  German  caste  has  brought  about,  but  we 
shall  have  to  make  quite  certain  that  never  again  shall  the  progress  of  humanity,  the 
rights  of  small  nations,  and  the  sanctity  of  international  bonds,  be  shattered  by  th« 
attempt  of  one  nation  to  subject  mankind  to  its  brutal  domination.  If  we  all  realise 
this,  as  I  am  sure  we  shall,  the  outlook  for  Imperial  unity  will  be  brighter  than  ever 
before.  Writing  under  the  title  "  Wanted  an  Imperial  Conference,"  in  the  first  number 
of  the  Empire  Review  more  than  fourteen  years  ago  and  dealing  with  the  lessons  of 
the  South  African  War,  I  pointed  out  that  "  Where  the  German  Empire  is  now 
strongest,  we,  with  infinitely  superior  resources  of  all  kinds,  are  unquestionably  weakest." 
I  pleaded  hard  for  the  organisation  required,  and  drew  the  moral  that  "  No  definite 
progress  can  be  made  without  calling  together  an  Imperial  Conference."  Some  twelve 
years  earlier,  in  1889,  I  stated  that  one  of  our  main  difficulties  in  accomplishing 
this  necessary  organisation  was  that  we  possess  "  a  constitutional  system  framed  to 
suit  the  requirements  of  a  compact  homogeneous  state — some  amplified  Belgium  or 
Switzerland — not  to  administer  the  affairs  of  a  world-wide  Empire."  That,  I  think,  is 
just  what  Sir  J.  McCall  means,  though  he  has  not  put  it  so  bluntly  as  I  did ;  and 
now  that  I  am  old  I  should  not  put  it  so  bluntly  as  I  did  twenty-six  years  ago. 
We  have  to  create  a  constitution  of  a  federal  character,  in  which  absolute  freedom  in 
domestic  matters,  complete  local  autonomy,  will  remain  to  every  part  of  the  Empire 
which  possesses  it.  But  all  matters  of  national  concern — foreign  policy,  defence  policy, 
inter-imperial  trade  and  communications  policy — must  be  dealt  with  by  a  separate 
and  an  Imperial  body.  That  is  the  ideal,  as  the  lecturer  says,  at  which  we  must  aim. 
And  I  suppose  that  many  of  us  have  schemes  which  we  think  practicable.  Sir  J. 
McCall  most  wisely  has  not  given  us  too  many  details  of  his  scheme,  but  he  indicates 
the  two  main  difficulties — representation  and  finance.  I  will  add  a  third,  and  that  is 
the  self  -sacrifice  which  must  be  made  by  every  unit  of  the  federation  to  meet  the  ends 
of  the  federation  as  a  whole.  Those  are  the  three  main  difficulties,  and  I  believe  they 
can  be  overcome.  His  substantive  proposals  are  that  the  whole  question  should  be 
discussed  by  an  Imperial  Convention  "  consisting  of  qualified  people  " — a  most  important 
condition — and  that  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute  in  conjunction  with  the  British  Empire 
League  should  use  all  their  influence  to  bring  about  such  a  Convention.  I  am  certain 
this  meeting  will  unanimously  endorse  these  proposals.  I  am  quite  sure,  also,  the  Council 
of  the  Institute  will  take  up  this  vital  question,  and  I  myself  undertake  to  lay  the 
whole  matter  before  the  executive  of  the  British  Empire  League  this  week.  This  war 
has  brought  bitter  sorrow  to  thousands  of  our  people  throughout  the  world,  and  losses 
which  can  never  be  made  good.  We  must^  bear  and  share  not  only  the  anxiety  and 
sacrifices  of  the  present,  but  those  perhaps  greater  anxieties  of  the  future,  when  the 
artificial  economic  conditions  which  the  war  has  created  will  abruptly  end.  Out  of 
the  gigantic  evils  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  humanity  by  a  nation  which  has 
lapsed  into  barbarism  we  must  hope  that,  under  God's  guidance,  some  good  may  come. 
For  the  British  people  there  could  be  no  greater  good  than  that  we  should  be  enabled 
to  face  the  unknown  future  not  only  united  in  heart,  but  prepared  and  organised  as  a 
mighty  whole  to  play  a  worthy  part  in  maintaining  the  liberties  and  securing  the 
onward  and  upward  progress  of  mankind. 


THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL  UNITY.        531 

The  Right  Hon.  Sir  EDMUND  BARTON,  G.C.M.G. :  I  echo  with  emphasis  the  words  of  the 
Chairman  when  he  told  us  that  the  address  is  replete  with  food  for  thought.  The  handling 
of  the  subject  was  such  as  one  might  expect  from  a  man  of  Sir  John  McCall's  experi- 
ence and  ripe  judgment.  Of  course  we  cannot  all  agree  upon  every  detail  on  a  subject 
of  this  kind,  but  in  anything  I  may  say  I  hope  I  may  not  be  regarded  as  in  any 
way  an  adverse  critic.  The  lecturer  has  taken  exception  to  some  of  the  Dominions 
calling  themselves  nations,  apprehending  that  the  use  of  that  term  might  lead  to  a 
desire  for  separation.  I  cannot  bring  myself  to  agree  in  that  particular,  and  a  reference 
to  the  history  of  the  various  Dominions  will,  I  think,  serve  to  dispel  the  fear.  You 
know  how  they  all  began — how  self-government  was  granted  little  by  little,  and  you 
know  also  how  every  extension  of  self-government  has  been  accompanied  with  an 
advance  in  gratitude  on  the  part  of  the  Dominions  and  in  closer  adhesion  to  the 
Empire.  I  therefore  ask  him  to  abate  somewhat  his  dread  on  that  score,  because  if 
in  their  pride  at  the  status  they  are  reaching  the  Dominions  think  and  call  themselves 
nations — and  they  may  be  right — he  will  find  that  nevertheless  they  recall  and  keenly  recog- 
nise the  generous  grants  of  autonomy  on  the  part  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  he  will 
see  that  as  they  have  advanced  in  autonomy,  so  also  has  cohesion  within  the  Empire 
increased.  If  they  declare  that  they  are  nations,  you  may  be  perfectly  sure  that 
any  word  of  that  kind,  however  seriously  spoken,  is  spoken  entirely  in  consonance  with 
the  intimate  and  loving  friendship  they  bear  the  land  of  their  fathers.  Sir  John 
MoCall  has  quoted  Creasy 's  dictum  that  by  nationality  is  meant  the  joint  product  of 
race,  language,  and  institutions.  If  that  be  so,  the  attempt  to  make  the  Empire  one 
nationality  must  fail  unless  it  be  limited  to  the  Dominions  of  British  origin  and  race. 
For  the  Empire  consists  of  many  races,  of  diverse  religions  and  of  different  stages  of 
civilisation — peoples  of  totally  different  standards  of  thought  and  ethics  in  many  direc- 
tions. It  would  be  necessary  under  that  definition  to  confine  your  Empire  to  the 
people  of  the  Dominions,  because  outside  their  limits  you  find  in  India  and  elsewhere 
peoples  who  cannot  be  ranged  with  us  in  the  matter  of  race,  of  language,  or  of  institutions. 
It  eeemi  to  me,  for  that  and  for  other  reasons,  that  to  lay  too  much  stress  on  the 
use  of  the  word  "  Nation,"  or  upon  those  things  which  the  word  "  Nation "  connotes, 
is  unnecessary,  and  that  indeed  its  wisdom  may  be  questioned  as  being  calculated 
to  lead  to  a  notion  of  nationhood  within  the  Empire  exclusive  of  important  parts. 
But  the  real  subject  of  Sir  John  McCall's  excellent  discourse  was  the  future  of  the 
Empire — its  joint  action  when  this  war  is  over,  leaving  this  Empire  intact,  as  of  course 
it  will  be.  He  has  proposed  that  there  should  be  a  Convention  in  the  first  instance 
for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  terms  of  a  closer  union  of  the  Empire.  While  I 
agree  that  such  a  Convention  would  be  a  highly  desirable  thing,  I  should  like  to  say 
first  that  I  thought  he  hit  the  nail  on  the  head  when  he  said  that  the  very  fact  of 
the  joint  action  of  the  Dominions  with  this  kingdom  in  the  greatest  war  of  history 
indicates  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  they  must  not  only  be  consulted  as  to 
the  terms  of  peace,  as  we  are  told  they  are  to  be  (on  which  subject  I  think  they 
would  propose  very  effective  means  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a  war),  but  also 
on  future  questions  likely  to  imperil  the  Empire's  peace.  That  is  a  most  difficult 
question,  but  one  cannot  help  seeing  the  justice  of  the  proposal.  If  the  people  of  the 
Dominions  are  in  future  wars  to  risk  everything  in  the  cause  of  the  Empire,  they  must 
have  some  voice  in  guiding  its  action.  Such  a  right  will  in  all  reason  be  accorded 
to  free  men  if  they  are  expected  to  give  joint  service  in  the  field,  though  they  give 
their  service  now  ungrudgingly.  How,  then,  is  this  to  be  done  ?  At  present  there  is 
no  such  consultation,  as  we  know,  so  far  at  least  as  international  policy  is  concerned.  We 
also  know  that  very  prompt  action  is  required  on  occasions  when  the  integrity  of  the  Empire 
is  threatened  or  the  honour  or  good  faith  of  this  kingdom  is  involved.  For  this  reason 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  Empire  and  the  decision  of  questions  'of  peace  and  war  have 
been  left  entirely  to  a  central  body  representing  this  kingdom  only.  It  may  be  said 
that  they  undertake  this  duty  as  trustees  for  the  whole  Empire.  So,  in  a  sense,  they 


532          THE   OUTLOOK   FOR  NATIONAL   UNITY. 

do.  But  trusteeship  is  something  undertaken  on  behalf  of  those  who  have  not  yet 
attained  to  a  stage  of  maturity  or  who  are  by  reason  of  their  particular  status  pre- 
sumed to  be  incompetent  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  Trusteeship,  therefore,  is  not  an 
appropriate  power  to  exercise  over  those  who  have  so  grown  up  in  the  family  of 
peoples  that  they  fight  by  your  side.  There  must,  then,  be  some  sort  of  consultation 
before  as  well  as  after  joint  action.  But  that  action  must  still  be  taken  with  the 
necessary  promptitude.  What,  therefore,  you  require  is  some  authority  which  can  act 
with  promptitude  and  which  at  the  same  time  can  act  with  the  concurrence  and 
consent  of  the  peoples  within  the  Empire.  That  cannot  be  done  under  present  circum- 
stances. It  happened  most  fortunately  that  when  the  crisis  came  some  ten  months  ago 
the  causes  of  the  war  were  such  as  to  commend  themselves  to  every  reasonable  person 
within  the  Empire.  But  that  may  not  always  be  so.  The  justice  and  the  necessity 
of  declarations  of  war  are  generally  more  debatable  than  that.  And  therefore  questions 
which  determine  the  foreign  policy  of  the  country — I  am  not  speaking  of  such  matters  as 
representation  at  the  different  Courts  and  so  forth — must  sooner  or  later,  and  sooner  rather 
than  later,  if  we  are  to  act  together,  be  determined  by  some  authority  in  which  the  nations 
or  peoples  of  the  Empire  will  have  confidence  not  merely  because  they  trust  its  wisdom,  but 
because  it  is  in  part  their  own.  You  can  only  do  that  by  establishing  some  Council,  which 
in  the  first  instance  at  least  should  be  advisory.  The  difficulties  of  time  and  distance 
are  so  enormous  that  the  best  men  in  the  outlying  parts  of  the  Empire  would  at 
present  be  unable  to  become  representatives  in  an  Empire  Parliament.  And  you  must 
have  the  best  men.  There  is  not  a  large  leisured  class,  for  instance,  in  any  dominion. 
The  best  men  could  not  attend  session  after  session  and  year  after  year  in  a  Parlia- 
ment at  such  a  sacrifice  of  time,  for  they  are  seldom  men  of  fortune.  It  seems  to 
me,  therefore,  that  you  must  give  up,  for  a  time  at  least,  until  the  difficulties  of  time 
and  distance  are  very  much  reduced,  the  idea  of  popular  representation  at  some 
central  seat  of  government  of  the  Empire.  But  you  can  do  something  which  would 
be  of  material  value  in  keeping  the  Empire  together,  by  having  some  sort  of  Council 
which  in  its  relation  to  the  various  parts  of  the  Empire  would  be  advisory,  which 
would  not  determine  finally,  but  which  would  make  recommendations  which  might  be 
carried  by  cable  to  the  uttermost  ends  of  the  Empire.  These  recommendations  should 
come  before  the  several  authorities  or  bodies  each  entitled  to  speak  for  its  own  part 
of  the  Empire,  and  be  discussed  on  their  merits.  Thus  you  would  preserve  that 
autonomy,  of  which  you  have  no  wish  to  divest  the  free  democracies  of  the  Empire. 
You  may  trust  them  to  face  their  duty.  If  there  were  a  permanent  as  distinguished 
from  a  merely  casual  authority  to  discuss  these  questions — an  authority  that  was 
nevertheless  only  advisory — the  recommendations  of  that  authority  to  the  various  parts 
of  the  Empire  would  be  weighty  and  respected ;  but  if  you  attempted  to  make  it 
representative  it  would,  under  present  circumstances,  be  doomed  to  failure. 

I  think  the  holding  of  such  a  Convention  as  is  suggested  a  very  good  thing.  Let 
each  part  of  the  Empire  appoint  representatives,  after  a  conference  of  Premiers  has 
determined  the  number  of  representatives,  and  let  these  representatives  discuss  the 
terms  of  the  future  relations  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  the  various  parts  of  the 
Empire.  That  could  be  done  without  very  great  difficulty.  The  Premiers'  Conference 
could  determine  the  number  of  representatives,  who  could  then  be  chosen  by  any  such 
method  as  commended  itself  to  the  various  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  could  lay  down 
the  principles  on  which  some  permanent  authority  could  be  constituted.  The  member- 
ship of  such  a  Convention,  acting  once  for  all  and  not  meeting  like  a  Parliament  year  by 
year,  might  attract  the  best  men.  If  you  tried  to  do  much  more  I  think  you  would  fail. 
One  has  only  to  think  of  the  chaos  from  which  we  are  beginning  to  emerge,  to  realise  that 
an  authority  out  of  which  some  organisation  may  be  expected  to  be  evolved  would 
be  a  great  boon  to  us  in  future  trouble.  In  all  these  matters  we  are  moved  by  only 
one  thought,  which  was  well  expressed  by  Sydney  Smith  in  a  passage  lately  quoted 
by  Mr.  George  Russell :  "  How  noble  it  is  to  govern  in  kindness,  and  to  found  an 
Empire  upon  the  everlasting  basis  of  justice  and  affection  ! " 


THE   OUTLOOK  FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY.         533 

The  Right  Hon.  Sir  FREDERICK  POLLOCK,  Bart.,  said  that  the  fellowship  of  the 
Empire  in  war  must  lead  to  some  form  of  closer  union  in  its  component  parts,  the 
question  being  of  what  kind  that  union  shall  be.  Is  it  to  be  a  tight  or  a  loose  con- 
federation ?  The  school  of  publicists  who  thought  the  Empire  could  be  maintained 
under  the  normal  supremacy  of  the  Crown  as  a  mere  alliance  of  independent  partners 
may  be  considered  extinct.  On  the  other  hand  the  time  did  not  seem  ripe  for  a  real 
Federal  constitution.  Before  the  Imperial  Conference  of  1907  it  was  clear  that  all 
that  anyone  ventured  to  suggest  was  a  kind  of  advisory  council,  and  even  that  was  not 
favourably  viewed  by  Canada.  He  said  twenty  years  ago  that  a  council  with  advisory 
powers  was  the  most  we  could  hope  for  and  did  not  see  much  prospect  of  getting 
farther  at  present.  But  such  a  council,  if  composed  of  the  right  people,  would  soon 
be  recognised  as  a  body  whose  advice  could  not  be  disregarded.  Indeed  it  was  exactly 
such  a  development  which  a  certain  school  of  politicians,  especially  in  Canada,  feared. 
They  would  no  more  submit  to  a  majority  in  the  Empire  than  to  Downing  Street. 
He  protested  against  the  statement  that  the  Dominions  were  not  consulted  about  the 
war.  Their  Premiers  (or  several  of  them)  had  been  invited  to  attend  a  Committee  of 
Imperial  Defence  and  had  therefore  the  opportunity  for  understanding  the  situation 
far  better  than  most  well-informed  people  in  England  outside  the  Government.  Their 
constituents  had  the  same  means  of  information  open  to  them  as  the  British  public. 
He  emphasised  the  point  that  the  Dominions  will  be  specially  interested  in  the  future 
of  the  German  colonies.  He  thought  that  when  we  come  to  work  out  things,  far 
simpler  machinery  will  be  adequate  than  that  usually  decreed  by  constitution  makers. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  elaborate  details  before  one  is  sure  of  driving  power.  Defeat  in 
the  war  would  make  a  tight  and  formal  union  absolutely  necessary,  but  he  hoped 
we  should  get  it  in  a  more  satisfactory  and  honourable  manner. 

Dr.  G.  R.  PABKIN,  C.M.G.,  said  that  there  were  only  one  or  two  points  in  this 
interesting  Paper  to  which  he  fe1*  called  upon  to  refer.  He  thought  almost  everybody  was 
asking  himself  what  ought  to  be  done.  What  is  the  next  step  to  be  taken  when  this 
war  is  over,  so  far  as  our  Empire  is  concerned  ?  We  shall  be  confronted  with  one 
difficulty  from  the  fact  that  this  is  a  world-conflict.  The  vastness  of  the  interests 
concerned  is  so  far-reaching  that  there  is  scarcely  a  single  nation  in  the  world  which 
will  not  be  concerned  in  the  settlement.  Anyone  who  looks  at  the  Balkan  Peninsula, 
for  instance — anyone  who  looks  at  the  other  countries  engaged  in  this  war — knows 
that  the  settlement  when  the  time  comes  will  be  something  like  a  rearrangement  of 
a  jig-saw  puzzle,  if  we  are  to  secure  conditions  which  will  prevent  the  possibility  of 
war  in  the  future.  Hence  one  great  difficulty  lies  before  us.  Our  statesmen  will  be 
so  absorbed  in  settling  the  affairs  of  the  many  nations  concerned  that  the  tendency 
will  be  to  forget  or  to  postpone  the  enormous  questions  which  lie  before  our  own 
Empire.  Another  circumstance  should  be  borne  in  mind.  He  had  watched  the  Colonial 
Conferences  which  have  been  held  within  our  memory  and  which  have  marked  such 
a  wonderful  progress  in  the  development  of  our  Imperial  relations.  There  has  always 
been  one  difficulty  connected  with  them.  There  ,was  represented  in  them  only  the 
political  party  in  the  Mother  Country  or  the  political  party  in  each  of  the  Colonies 
that  happened  to  be  dominant  at  the  time,  with  the  result  that  you  had  only  one 
half  of  the  thought  and  brains  of  the  Empire  turned  on  the  consideration  of  tl^  great 
questions  before  those  Conferences.  In  the  earlier  Conferences  the  Colonial  Secretary 
presided — a  man  who  was  simply  a  member  of  one  party  in  the  State.  In  the  last 
great  Conference  we  made  an  advance,  for  the  Prime  Minister  of  this  country  presided 
over  the  gathering.  We  now  have  an  entirely  different  proposition  before  us,  and  the 
opportunity  for  a  further  advance.  This  is  not  a  war  in  which  mere  political  parties 
are  engaged.  In  this  centre  of  the  Empire  we  have  had  to  call  upon  the  ablest  men 
of  all  parties  to  unite  in  order  to  deal  with  the  problems  before  us.  To-day  in  Canada, 
Australia,  and  South  Africa,  both  principal  parties  are  agreed  in  throwing  every  energy 


534          THE  OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY. 

into  the  conduct  of  the  war.  The  question  is,  Are  we,  wh?n  the  war  is  over  and  the 
affairs  of  the  Empire  demand  settlement,  going  again  to  fall  into  the  Party  system — 
a  system  which  not  long  ago  brought  us  to  the  verge  of  Civil  War — that  has  hitherto 
dominated  our  affairs  ?  He  did  not  believe  that  was  possible.  He  believed  that  when  a 
Convention  is  called,  that  Convention  should  be  called  and  presided  over  by  the  King 
himself,  and  should  be  composed  of  men  of  both  parties  from  every  country  of  the 
Empire — Leaders  of  the  Government  and  of  the  Opposition  alike,  and  he  thought 
that  the  ideas  which  Sir  John  McCall  had  so  forcibly  brought  forward  were  ideas  which 
might  be  impressed  on  everybody  in  this  country  and  in  the  Colonies.  Men  like 
Sir  Robert  Borden,  the  Prime  Ministers  of  New  Zealand  and  Australia,  and  General 
Botha  should  indicate  to  the  Government  of  this  country  that  they  are  prepared  to 
bring  the  best  men  of  both  sides  to  represent  them  when  the  settlement  of  this  question  arises. 
Such  a  step  would  profoundly  influence  opinion  here.  Another  question  is  that  of 
giving  to  the  Dominions  a  voice  in  the  making  of  war  as  well  as  of  peace.  It  is  the 
most  difficult  of  all  problems.  But  there  was  one  thing  he  would  point  out.  The  whole 
of  what  may  be  called  modern  civilisation,  the  whole  of  what  constitutes  international 
relations  and  law,  have  been  challenged  in  this  war.  The  very  first  principles  upon 
which  nationality  exist  have  been  challenged  as  never  before,  and  the  things  which 
have  to  be  settled  are  more  clearly  outlined  than  ever  before.  The  question  whether 
international  law  or  the  possession  of  might  by  one  State  is  to  control  the  world  is 
the  great  question  to  be  settled.  It  seems  possible  to  get  the  voice  of  even  the  most 
widespread  Empire  on  this  fundamental  question.  It  surely  would  be  possible  by 
means  of  a  somewhat  more  open  diplomacy  and  by  some  outlining  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  national  action,  of  those  principles  for  which  we  are  prepared  to  fight 
under  any  circumstances,  to  secure  common  agreement  throughout  the  Empire.  Our 
minds  are  being  prepared  to  take  a  larger  and  truer  national  outlook.  We  are  at  the 
very  supreme  moment  of  human  history.  When  this  war  is  over  we  shall  be  living  in 
a  new  world,  in  which  new  principles  have  to  be  evolved  or  old  ones  consolidated. 
We  shall  be  approaching  questions  with  different  minds.  There  was  probably  no  one 
present  who  had  not  dearest  friends  or  relatives  engaged  in  this  great  conflict — who  was 
not  almost  afraid  to  hear  the  postman's  knock  or  to  open  the  papers  in  the  morn- 
ing. We  are  undergoing  a  supreme  trial  of  our  spiritual  strength  and  fortitude. 
Looking  back  to  the  last  4th  of  August,  he  recalled  the  lines : 

"  Comfort,  content,  delight 

The  Ages  slow-born  gain, 
They  shrivelled  in  a  night : 

Only  ourselves  remain 
To  face  the  naked  days 

In  silent  fortitude." 

We  are  going  to  come  out  of  this  war  with  a  different  differentiation  between  what 
is  small  and  what  is  great,  and  perhaps  we  are  not  going  to  be  controlled  by  the 
petty  sides  of  party  politics  so  much  as  before.  Our  nation  will  be  in  a  position  to 
rise  to  great  ideals.  It  is  such  ideals  which  have  fixed  nationality  more  even  than 
race,  language,  and  religion.  Take  the  Swiss.  They  are  one  of  the  most  concentrated 
peoples  in  Europe,  but  they  differ  entirely  in  race,  language,  and  religion.  They  are 
French,  German,  and  Italian,  and  yet  they  are  one  of  the  most  united  peoples  in  the 
world  because  they  have  ideals  of  nationality  which  hold  them  together.  We  must 
cultivate  great  and  noble  ideals  of  nationality.  We  are  going  to  come  out  of  this 
war  with  one-fourth  of  the  whole  world  for  which  we  are  responsible.  No  such  respon- 
sibility was  every  placed  before  on  the  shoulders  of  any  nation.  We  are  bound 
rise  to  the  height  of  that  responsibility.  And,  in  view  of  the  national  ideals  in  whia 
we  believe,  we  want  to  bind  ourselves  together  to  defend  not  only  our  own  nationality, 
but  the  civilisation  which  has  been  the  growth  of  ages.  That  is  the  business  which 


us 

: 

ch 


THE   OUTLOOK   FOR   NATIONAL   UNITY.         535 

is    before    us,    and   will    be    before   any   great   Imperial   Conference  called   for   national 
settlement  after  the  war. 

Mr.  W.  BASIL  WORSFOLD  said  that  he  agreed  with  the  general  purport  of  the  Paper 
but  not  with  some  of  the  opinions  subsequently  expressed.  Two  of  the  speakers,  while 
agreeing  that  the  Dominions  must  in  future  have  some  part  in  the  making  of  war 
as  in  the  making  of  peace,  said  that  we  must  not  endeavour  to  bring  about  the  one 
thing  which  will  make  it  possible  for  the  Overseas  British  to  do  this.  Sir  Frederick 
Pollock  had  said  that  because  certain  Prime  Ministers  (in  1909  and  1911)  were  told 
certain  things  by  British  ministers,  that  all  citizens  of  the  Dominions  knew  what  were 
the  lines  of  our  foreign  policy.  But  this  was  not  so.  The  Prime  Ministers  were  told 
in  confidence,  and  could  not  inform  their  constituents,  and  if  they  had  done  so  the 
latter — the  general  body  of  Overseas  British — would  have  been  powerless.  The  individual 
citizens  cannot  take  part  in  the  management  of  the  Empire  except  by  their  votes,  and 
therefore  how  can  you  give  them  any  share  of  control  except  through  a  Cabinet- 
making,  revenue-raising,  Imperial  Parliament  ?  He  suggested,  with  reference  to  the 
proposal  of  Sir  J.  McCall  of  a  conference,  that  the  Imperial  Conference,  which  is 
bound  to  meet  before  long,  should  pass  a  resolution  affirming  that,  in  view  of  the 
enormous  changes  brought  about  by  the  war  the  future  safety  and  well-being  of  the 
Empire  can  only  be  secured  by  the  creation  of  a  genuine  representative  Imperial 
authority,  and  a  second  resolution  pledging  themselves  to  ask  their  respective  legislatures 
to  appoint  delegates  to  an  Imperial  convention.  Are  we  going  to  let  slip  this  unique 
opportunity  for  securing  Imperial  administrative  union,  which  may  never  come  again  ? 

Mr.  A.  P.  POLEY  disagreed  with  the  last  speaker,  but  was  in  favour  of  the  Convention 
suggested  by  Sir  John  McCall,  however  it  might  be  called.  It  should  pass  a  series  of 
resolutions  to  be  considered  overseas  to  thresh  out  the  question  whether  an  advisory 
Council  or  Imperial  Parliament  was  possible.  India  must  be  included  and  possibly 
Egypt.  He  thought  the  Imperial  Advisory  Council  might  consist  of  a  member  from 
each  Dominion  Cabinet  with  representatives  of  India  and  Egypt.  Such  a  council 
could  be  safely  entrusted  with  the  great  questions  of  peace  or  war,  and  through  it 
the  Dominions  could  be  kept  in  touch  with  questions  of  foreign  policy. 

Sir  CHARLES  P.  LUCAS,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G. :  I  will  now  ask  you  to  give  a  hearty 
vote  of  thanks  to  the  lecturer.  I  thank  him  for  my  own  part  because  he  has  been  so 
practical.  When  I  think  over  the  subject  of  United  Empire  my  head  is  as  full  of  good 
intentions  as  the  road  to  a  certain  hot  place,  but  I  find  the  very  greatest  difficulty 
in  coming  to  any  practical  conclusion,  and  I  think  we  owe  a  peculiar  debt  to  our 
lecturer  because  he  has  put  us  on  the  way  to  doing  something  practical.  I  would 
suggest  that  this  movement  and  the  subject  of  this  discussion  should  be  kept  wholly 
apart  from  the  settlement  of  the  terms  of  peace.  Immediately  peace  is  signed,  I  hold 
that  we  should  begin  to  do  something — that  we  should  strike  while  the  iron  is  hot, 
but  having  begun  we  should  go  very  slowly.  It  is  desirable,  on  the  one  hand,  that 
people  should  become  accustomed  to  the  fact  that  practical  steps  are  being  taken, 
and  on  the  other  that  no  final  decision  should  be  taken  until  we  are  in  completely 
normal  times  again.  I  suggest  that  immediately  after  peace  a  Royal  Commission 
should  be  appointed  to  consider  and  report  whether  a  Convention  should  be  held  to 
discuss  a  constitution  for  the  Empire,  and  if  so,  on  what  lines  such  a  Convention  should 
be  constituted.  If  you  gave  two  representatives  on  this  Commission  to  each  of  the 
self-governing  Dominions  and  two  to  India,  and  had  three  for  the  United  Kingdom, 
including  the  chairman,  you  would  have  fifteen.  Half  of  these  should  be  either 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  or  constitutional  lawyers,  and  half  laymen.  The  chair- 
man, I  think,  should  belong  to  the  Mother  Country,  and  of  the  three  members  representing 
the  Mother  Country,  one  should  have  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  constitution  and 
history  of  the  United  States.  Lord  Bryce  would  be  an  ideal  member  from  this  point 


536  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

of  view.  Assuming  that  a  Convention  is  recommended  and  called  together,  its  work 
would  be  to  draft  a  scheme  for  a  future  organisation  of  the  Empire.  That  scheme 
would  be  sent  out,  and  all  the  legislatures  would  sit  in  judgment  upon  it.  This  will 
take  time,  but  that  in  my  opinion  is  an  advantage.  This  is  the  biggest  job  to  which 
we  have  ever  put  our  hands,  and  provided  that  you  begin  at  once,  by  going  slowly, 
the  work  will  come  out  better  at  the  end.  I  do  feel  that  the  most  practical  thing, 
immediately  peace  has  been  settled,  is  to  have  some  sort  of  commission  to  decide 
what  kind  of  Convention,  if  any,  should  be  called,  for  I  am  sure  we  shall  get  to  work 
quickest  in  that  way. 

Sir  JOHN  McCAix  briefly  responded,  and  proposed  the  customary  vote  of  thanks  to 
the  Chairman,  which  was  acknowledged  by  Lord  Sydenham. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE   NOTES. 

AUSTRALIA. 

Increased  Taxation. — The  expenditure  entailed  by  the  war  has  rendered  necessary 
certain  increases  in  taxation,  but  it  is  proposed  to  raise  the  additional  revenue  required 
by  means  of  customs,  land-tax,  and  death  duties,  the  incidence  of  the  tarifi  being  cast 
on  Protectionist  lines.  The  Government  does  not  intend  to  interfere  with  State  sources 
of  income  more  than  can  be  helped,  and  does  not  propose  to  adopt  a  Federal  income 
tax.  When  the  Budget  estimates  were  framed,  it  was  expected  that  Australia  would 
not  send  more  than  30,000  or  40,000  troops  to  Europe,  but  further  contingents  have 
since  been  offered  and  accepted,  and  it  is  probable  that  another  £3,500,000  will  be 
required  over  and  above  the  present  estimate,  on  behalf  of  the  Expeditionary  Forces 
from  Australia,  to  the  end  of  the  financial  year.  A  loan  of  £24,500,000  on  account 
of  the  war  has  been  received  from  the  British  Government,  and  it  has  been  further 
agreed  to  lend  the  Commonwealth  an  additional  sum  of  £3,500,000  with  which  to 
continue  important  public  works. 

War  Measures. — Senator  Pearce,  Minister  for  Defence,  has  introduced  a  Bill  to  amend 
the  War  Precautions  Act,  thereby  giving  the  defence  authorities  more  stringent  powers. 
Amongst  other  things  it  establishes  their  right  to  requisition  any  factories  or  workshops, 
or  their  output,  for  munition  supplies.  Where  a  court-martial  proves  that  an  offence 
has  been  committed  with  the  intention  of  assisting  the  enemy,  the  offender  shall  be 
liable  to  the  penalty  of  death. 

Australian  Base  Depot. — It  has  been  found  necessary  to  establish  a  Base  Depot  in 
England  for  Australian  troops,  to  which  convalescent  soldiers  will  be  sent  prior  to  being 
drafted  for  further  service.  Sir  Newton  Moore,  K.C.M.G.,  Agent-General  of  Western 
Australia  and  Lieut. -Colonel  of  the  Australian  Light  Horse,  has  been  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  Depot,  which  is  situated  at  Weymouth. 

Accelerated  Steamship  Service  between  Australia  and  America. — The  Commonwealth 
Government  is  considering  proposals  for  an  improved  steamship  service  between  Sydney 
and  San  Francisco,  the  idea  being  to  provide  an  accelerated  subsidised  service  which 
will  reduce  the  journey  between  Sydney  and  London  by  four  days.  An  offer  has  been 
made  by  one  of  the  companies  to  build  two  20-knot  vessels.  It  is  calculated  that, 
under  this  arrangement,  mails  will  reach  London  in  twenty-four  or  twenty-five  days, 
and  that  the  journey  to  the  Western  ports  of  America  will  be  reduced  by  three  or 
four  days. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Hospital  in  London. — It  is  hoped  that  the  New  Zealand  Auxiliary  Hospital,  which  is 
being  established  at  Mount  Felix,  Walton -on -Thames,  will  shortly  be  ready  for  occupa- 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  537 

tion.  The  house  stands  in  a  park  of  twenty  acres,  and  has  large  rooms  suitable  for 
hospital  wards.  There'  will  also  be  a  detached  isolation  hospital,  operating  theatre, 
X-ray  room,  &c.  Dr.  Bernard  Myers,  the  eminent  New  Zealand  physician,  is  to  be 
medical  officer  in  charge,  and  a  number  of  New  Zealanders  have  offered  their  services 
for  work  in  any  capacity.  The  Committee  intends  to  appoint  fifteen  nurses,  and  it 
is  hoped  that  everyone  on  the  staff  will  hail  from  the  Dominion.  The  hospital  will 
contain  about  110  beds,  and  wounded  New  Zealanders  will  be  sent  direct  from  the 
hospital-ships  in  which  they  arrive  from  the  Dardanelles.  The  total  funds  so  far 
collected  have  reached  £8,181. 

CANADA. 

Canada  and  the  War. — Up  to  the  present  nearly  56,000  officers  and  men  have  been 
dispatched  overseas  by  the  Canadian  Government.  It  is  anticipated  that  by  July  1 
the  number  will  reach,  approximately,  70,000.  More  than  five  hundred  nurses  have 
also  gone.  The  recruiting,  enlistment,  and  organisation  of  additional  forces  is  steadily 
proceeding,  and  this  is  all  the  more  necessary  by  reason  of  the  heavy  casualties  which 
have  been  sustained  by  the  Canadian  Division  during  the  past  weeks  in  the  fighting  at 
Langemarck  and  the  vicinity.  The  Provincial  Government  of  Ontario  has  decided  to 
make  the  following  offer  to  the  War  Office :  To  establish  and  maintain  in  England  a 
hospital  of  a  thousand  beds  for  the  treatment  of  Canadians,  and  to  provide  six  motor- 
ambulances  to  be  sent  to  France.  The  hospital  will  consist  of  ten  cottages,  containing 
a  hundred  beds  each,  and  will  cost  £20,000. 

Help  from  the  Universities. — Laval  University  has  made  an  offer,  which  has  been 
accepted  by  the  Dominion  Government,  of  a  thousand  beds  in  the  hospitals  for  wounded 
soldiers.  The  Applied  Science  Department  of  McGill  University  has  given  its  entire 
equipment  for  the  manufacture  of  tools  for  shell  making,  and  all  graduates  not1  other- 
wise employed  in  Government  services  will  be  called  upon  to  carry  out  the  work. 

Prisoners  of  War. — There  are  now  some  700  Canadian  soldiers,  apart  from  officers, 
known  to  be  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany.  The  Canadian  Red'  Cross  Society  has 
organised  a  department  to  deal  with  the  matter  of  supplying  comforts  to  these  men. 
The*  names  of  prisoners  and  of  their  place  of  internment  are  carefully  recorded,  and 
monthly  parcels  containing  clothing  and  other  necessaries,  and  fortnightly  parcels  of 
food,  are  dispatched  to  each  man. 

The  Empire  Club  of  Canada. — The  Empire  Club  of  Canada  at  Toronto,  which  is 
affiliated  to  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  has  recently  concluded  a  winter  session  remarkable 
for  the  series  of  addresses  which  have  been  given  by  leading  politicians,  University 
professors,  and  ecclesiastics.  Sir  Robert  Borden,  Sir  George  Foster,  Hon.  Arthur 
Meighen,  Hon.  C.  J.  Doherty,  and  N.  W.  Rowell,  Esq.,  M.P.,  all  delivered  addresses, 
and  the  note  of  unity  and  enthusiasm  in  the  Empire's  cause  resounded  on  every  occasion. 
The  volume  of  the  proceedings  for  1914-15  will  be  most  valuable  as  a  record  of  con- 
temporary opinion.  There  were  not  quite  so  many  visitors  from  overseas  as  usual 
this  session,  so  that  Sir  Douglas  Mawson's  visit  was  particularly  welcome.  Dr.  Albert 
Ham,  a  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  has  been  elected  President  for  the 
ensuing  year,  and  another  Fellow,  Rev.  Alfred  Hall,  is  rendering  service  to  the  Club 
as  Hon.  Editor. 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

Financial  Effects  of  the  War. — The  statement  of  the  Finance  Minister,  on  the 
presentation  of  the  Budget,  regarding  the  military  position  of  the  Province,  has 
effectually  made  the  people  of  the  Colony  realise  what  this  war  means,  even  to  a 
country  which  has  so  far  escaped  any  direct  evidence  of  the  far-reaching  effects  of  the 
struggle.  In  September  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature  was  called  to  provide  for 
the  Colony"s  participation  in  the  war,  and,  in  order  to  secure  a  war  revenue,  it  was 


538  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

decided  to  reimpose  the  taxes  on  tea,  sugar,  pork,  and  salt  beef  which  had  been 
removed  eighteen  months  before,  and  in  addition  to  this,  death  duties  were  levied  for 
the  first  time,  and  also  stamp  duties  in  the  form  adopted  in  Canada  and  America. 
These  measures  have  not  had  the  desired  effect,  however,  as  for  the  ten  months  ending 
April  30  the  revenue  dropped  behind,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  prospect  of  it  showing 
any  substantial  improvement  until  after  the  war.  The  Government  has  decided  not 
to  attempt  any  further  increases  in  taxation,  except  to  provide  that  kerosene  and 
gasoline  be  made  dutiable  as  other  articles  are.  This,  together  with  some  trifling  other 
changes,  will  provide  about  $100,000  of  additional  revenue,  though  it  is  not  expected 
to  sensibly  affect  the  Colony's  general  financial  standing.  It  is  the  intention  of  the 
Government  to  do  nothing  further  until  next  session,  when,  if  necessary,  another  loan  can 
be  raised  to  meet  accruing  obligations.  The  estimated  expenditure  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  1916  is  quoted  at  about  $4,200,000,  but  this  statement  does  not  take  into 
account  the  Colony's  expenditure  with  regard  to  the  war.  Newfoundland  is  now  main- 
taining on  active  service  1,500  soldiers  and  1,000  sailors,  and  the  outlay  on  this  account 
will  total  $1,000,000  up  to  the  end  of  December.  Next  year,  in  all  probability,  there 
will  be  a  similar  outlay  to  be  met,  the  mere  interest  charges  on  which  will  mean  an 
addition  to  the  annual  expenditure  of  about  $80,000. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. 

Imperial  Service. — The  Union  Government  is  considering  the  question  of  the  formation 
of  units  from  the  volunteers  for  service  in  Europe,  German  East  Africa,  and  elsewhere ; 
but  until  the  campaign  in  German  South-West  Africa  has  been  brought  to  within 
sight  of  a  successful  conclusion,  it  is  unlikely  that  the  Government  will  be  in  a  position 
to  make  a  definite  announcement  on  the  subject.  Any  steps  taken  will  be  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  Imperial  military  authorities  and  subject  to  the  conditions 
mutually  agreed  upon. 

Meat  Market. — The  Trade  Commissioner  for  the  Union  of  South  Africa  recently 
stated  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  future  of  South  Africa  as  a  meat -exporting  country  is 
assured.  Good  progress  has  been  made  during  recent  years,  South  African  beef  being 
considered  equal  to  any  on  the  European  markets.  The  export  trade  has  been  care- 
fully studied,  and  it  now  only  remains  for  farmers  to  discover  which  types  of  cattle 
are  best  suited  to  particular  districts. 

EAST  AFRICA. 

Transport  Service  into  Mid- Africa. — The  final  link  in  the  railway  and  river  line  of 
communication  between  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  and  Lake  Tanganyika  has  been  com- 
pleted. Ocean-going  vessels  can  go  up  as  far  as  Matadi  (eighty-five  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river) ;  thence  a  railway  of  260  miles  runs  to  Stanley  Pool,  and  from  there  the 
river  is  navigable  again  to  Stanleyville,  a  distance  of  1,000  miles.  In  this  way — the 
river  being  used  whenever  possible — a  line  of  communication  has  now  been  established 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  to  Dar-es -Salaam  on  the  east  coast. 

German  Attempt  on  the  Uganda  Railway. — According  to  official  intelligence  from 
Nairobi,  the  Germans  again  made  an  attempt  on  the  Uganda  Railway  at  mile  192, 
on  April  28.  A  mixed  train  with  travellers  and  mules  was  attacked,  but  the  engine 
driver  declined  to  stop,  and  increased  the  speed  of  his  engine.  A  culvert  on  the  line 
was  damaged,  and  two  natives  were  killed  and  five  wounded.  On  May  1  the  whole 
length  of  Anglo-German  frontier  was  quiet,  except  for  small  patrol  affairs.  In  Uganda, 
a  small  German  cattle -raiding  party  looted  200  beasts,  but  lost  thirty  men  killed  and 
wounded.  The  latest  reports  state  that  European  foodstuffs  are  becoming  scarce  in 
German  East  Africa. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  539 

NIGERIA. 

The  Work  of  the  Nigerian  Marine. — A  correspondent  of  the  Institute,  now  serving 
in  the  Expeditionary  Force  in  the  Cameroon,  sends  the  following  account  of  the  work 
done  by  the  Nigerian  Marine  as  auxiliary  to  H.M.S.  Cumberland,  Challenger,  and  Dwarf  : 
"  At  the  commencement  of  the  operations,  early  in  September  last  year,  the  Nigerian  Marine 
fitted  out  a  flotilla  consisting  of  six  small  craft,  in  addition  to  the  Governor's  yacht, 
Ivy,  which  acted  as  parent  ship.  The  flotilla  proceeded  to  the  Cameroon,  where  it 
met  the  Cumberland  and  Dwarf,  and  was  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  former. 
Practically  all  the  mine-sweeping  operations  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  up  to  Duala 
were  carried  out  by  the  flotilla,  working  under  cover  of  the  Dwarfs  guns,  and  at  night 
the  small  craft  were  used  as  patrol  boats.  As  most  of  the  boats  had  only  one  officer 
in  charge,  these  men  were  working  night  and  day,  practically  without  relief  and  in 
most  trying  circumstances,  during  the  initial  stages.  Later  on  they  were  used  in  survey- 
ing and  patrolling  in  creeks  and  other  rivers  in  the  country  and  in  convoying  troops 
to  distant  points.  Guns  from  the  Cumberland  were  mounted  on  the  Ivy,  and  the  work 
of  surveying  the  channel  in  the  Duala  river,  laying  buoys,  superintending  the  blowing 
up  of  a  series  of  wrecks  that  had  been  sunk  in  the  channel,  and  preparing  the  way  for  the 
Challenger  to  get  up  within  striking  distance  of  Duala,  was  carried  out  mainly  by  the  officers 
of  the  Ivy,  which  has  been  doing  warship  work  practically  ever  since."  As  no  mention  has 
been  made  in  any  of  the  reports  of  the  Cameroon  campaigns  of  the  work  of  the 
Nigerian  Marine,  we  have  great  pleasure  in  publishing  this  description  from  the  pen  of 
an  eye-witness. 

INDIA. 

Export  Of  Food  to  Jeddah. — In  consequence  of  the  high-handed  act  of  the  Turkish 
authorities  in  Jeddah,  in  seizing  a  cargo  of  food  supplies  intended  for  the  use  of 
pilgrims  in  the  Hedjaz,  the  Government  of  India  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  stop 
the  export  of  food  supplies  from  India  to  Jeddah.  It  has  since  been  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  Government  that  this  stoppage  of  supplies  is  causing  great  distress  among 
pilgrims  and  innocent  residents  in  holy  places.  In  spite  of  the  risk  of  cargoes  again 
being  misappropriated  by  the  Turkish  authorities,  and  contrary  to  the  usage  of  war, 
H.M.  Government  has  again  authorised  the  export  of  supplies  sufficient  to  meet  the 
wants  of  these  unfortunate  people. 

Local  Autonomy  in  India. — The  declared  policy  with  regard  to  local  autonomy, 
as  laid  down  by  the  Governor-General  in  Council,  constitutes  the  most  important 
advance  in  local  self-government  in  India  adumbrated  since  the  issue  of  Lord  Ripon's 
famous  resolution  in  1882.  The  general  conclusion  reached  is  that  local  self-government, 
so  far  as  hitherto  tried  in  India,  has  been  beneficial  on  the  whole,  and  that  the 
further  development  of  it  is  desirable  on  the  lines  laid  down  by  the  Royal  Commission 
on  Decentralisation,  and  under  such  conditions  as  the  Provincial  Governments  may 
consider  advisable  in  their  respective  areas.  Village  committees  are  to  be  encouraged, 
in  order  to  revive  an  ancient  form  of  local  autonomy  which  has  suffered  decay  from 
the  great  economic  and  administrative  changes  wrought  by  the  developments  of  British 
rule. 

EGYPT. 

Surplus  Wheat. — In  a  communication  from  the  Egyptian  Minister  of  Agriculture, 
attention  is  directed  to  the  fact  that  there  will  be  a  large  quantity  of  wheat  available 
for  export.  Of  late  years,  owing  to  the  cultivation  of  cotton  proving  more  remunera- 
tive, only  sufficient  wheat  has  been  grown  to  satisfy  local  consumption,  and  in  ordinary 
circumstances  no  surplus  has  been  available  for  export.  This  year,  however,  owing 
to  the  reduction  of  the  area  under  cotton  and  a  corresponding  increase  in  the 
production  of  food  grains,  a  considerable  quantity  of  wheat  will  be  available,  and 


540  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE   NOTES. 

attention  is  being  directed  in  Egypt  to  the  importance  of  creating  and  meeting  a 
permanent  demand  for  Egyptian  wheat  abroad.  The  Egyptian  Government  has  not  yet 
sanctioned  the  export  of  wheat  from  Egypt,  but  it  is  generally  anticipated  that  this 
permission  will  be  accorded.  The  new  crop  is  now  being  harvested,  and  the  Govern- 
ment has  already  authorised  one  of  the  largest  Alexandria  shipping  firms  to  make  a 
small  trial  shipment  of  the  new  season's  wheat  to  London,  and  another  to  Liverpool, 
with  a  view  of  testing  the  English  markets.  Should  the  prices  obtained  be  sufficiently 
attractive  to  encourage  an  export  business,  regular  supplies  of  Egyptian  wheat  may  be 
looked  for,  when  once  the  restrictions  on  its  export  are  removed. 

HONG  KONG. 

Gifts  of  Aeroplanes  from  Overseas. — It  is  the  intention  of  the  Overseas  Club  to 
provide  an  Imperial  air-craft  flotilla,  and  the  scheme  is  meeting  with  a  ready  response. 
The  Central  Committee  has  received  by  cablegram  a  sum  of  £4,500  from  the  Shanghai 
and  Hong  Kong  Banking  Corporation,  on  behalf  of  the  Colony,  with  which  to  purchase 
two  of  the  latest  type  of  100-h.p.  gun-mounted  biplanes  complete,  with  quick-firing 
guns,  at  a  cost  of  £2,250  each.  Two  aeroplanes  from  overseas  have  been  presented 
already  to  the  Royal  Flying  Corps,  and  several  more  have  been  promised.  H.M.  the 
King  has  expressed  his  interest  in  the  scheme,  and  Lord  Kitchener,  in  acknowledging 
the  gift  of  the  biplane  "  Overseas  No.  1  "  wrote :  "  I  understand  that  you  are  hoping 
to  obtain  a  gift  of  an  aeroplane  from  each  part  of  the  Empire,  and  I  sincerely  wish 
you  success  in  your  efforts." 

WEST  INDIES. 

Contingents  for  the  War. — It  is  now  officially  announced  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment has  consented  to  receive  contingents  from  Barbados,  British  Guiana,  Jamaica,  and 
Trinidad,  for  service  at  the  front.  "  In  the  early  stages  of  the  war,"  says  the  West 
India  Committee  Circular,  "  the  offer  of  men  from  the  West  Indies  was  declined  on  the 
ground  that  they  would  best  be  serving  the  Empire  by  undertaking  the  responsibilities 
of  home  defence.  But  this  was  when  predatory  German  cruisers^  were  still  afloat  in 
the  Western  Atlantic.  Since  then  conditions  have  altered,  and  the  risksj  of  a  raid 
on  the  Islands  or  Guiana  being  remote,  the  earlier  decision,  which  caused  bitter  dis- 
appointment, has  been  reversed.  Nothing  was  needed  to  stimulate  the  loyalty  which 
permeates  all  classes,  creeds,  and  races  in  the  West  Indies ;  but  without  doubt  the 
acceptance  of  the  proffered  contingents  will  have  caused  great  enthusiasm  throughout 
our  oldest  group  of  colonies,  whose  residents  have  been  longing  to  '  do  their  bit '  in  the 
great  struggle." 

BRITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC. 

R.C.I,  in  Buenos  Aires. — Mr.  H.  R.  Poussette,  the  Canadian  Government's  Trade 
Commissioner  for  South  America,  was  the  guest  of  the  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute  at  a  luncheon  at  the  Plaza  Hotel,  Buenos  Aires,  on  May  4,  prior  to  his 
departure  for  England  in  order  to  take  up  a  commission  in  Kitchener's  Army.  The 
gathering  was  a  large  one,  and  was  marked  by  a  strong  spirit  of  imperialism.  Mr. 
Poussette,  in  an  admirable  address,  dwelt  on  the  subject  of  imperial  unity.  He  was 
glad  he  had  been  the  means  of  bringing  together  so  many  Fellows  of  the  R.C.I.,  and 
he  thanked  them  for  the  high  honour  they  had  paid  him  and,  through  him,  the 
Canadian  people.  He  considered  that  the  progress  made  by  the  local  branch  was 
nothing  less  than  extraordinary,  as,  instead  of  the  handful  of  members  they  had  a 
few  years  ago,  they  now  numbered  some  five  hundred.  He  appealed  to  the  Fellows  to 
be  true  to  the  principles  for  which  the  Institute  stood,  i.e.  the  closer  knitting  together 
of  the  Empire.  He  said  they  should  work  to  promote  a  sense  of  brotherhood  amongst 
Britishers,  so  that  the  problems  which  would  arise  in  the  future  might  be  more  easily 


DIARY   OF   THE   WAR.  541 

Bolved.  He  asked  that  they  should  try  to  make  Britons,  from  whatever  part  of  the 
Empire  they  might  come,  feel  at  home  in  Argentina,  and  that  they  should  do  all 
they  could  to  promote  and  encourage  British  trade,  in  order  to  assist  the  Empire  to 
sustain  the  heavy  load  which  this  war  would  place  upon  her  shoulders.  Probably  the 
function  was  the  most  solemn  and  important  ever  held  by  the  local  branch  of  the 
Institute.  Among  the  many  points  of  interest  raised  during  the  proceedings  was  the 
semi-official  statement  that  Argentina's  quota  to  the  volunteers  raised  for  the  defence 
of  the  Empire  had  reached  a  total  of  five  thousand.  Empire  Day. — The  following  telegram 
was  received  by  the  R.C.I,  branch  in  Buenos  Aires  from  Earl  Grey,  on  Empire  Day : 
"  President  and  Fellows  send  fraternal  greetings ;  hearty  congratulations  Argentina's 
patriotic  efforts." 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

May  28.  Further  French  successes  in  area  between  Lens  and  Arras  ;  Germans  defeated 

near  Souchez,  over  400  prisoners  taken  and  some  guns.     Brilliant  French 

air-raid    into  Germany,  bombs  dropped  on  military  factory.     Russian 

victory  on  the  San  ;   Germans  advance  at  other  points  on  Galician  front. 

Turks  defeated  in  Gallipoli  Peninsula. 
„       29.  French  occupy  Ablain.     Przemysl  almost  surrounded  by  Austro-German 

armies.    Italian  invasion  of  Trentino  progresses,  town  of  Ala  captured. 

Allied  forces  in  Cameroon  capture  strong  position  at  Njok. 

„      30.  Italian  air-raid  on  Pola  (Austrian  naval  base),  bombs  dropped  on  arsenal. 
„      31 .  British  forces  deliver  successful  attack  north  of  Kurna  (Persian  Gulf),  capture 

prisoners  and  guns.     Russian  successes  at  three  points  on  Galician  front, 

7,000  prisoners  taken.     Italian  destroyers  shell  docks  at  Monfalcone, 

causing  serious  damage. 
June    1.  Zeppelins  over  Ramsgate,  Brentwood,  and  outlying  districts  of  London. 

Violent  fighting  north  of  Arras  ;  French  capture  sugar  refinery  at  Souchez. 

Austrians  drop  bombs  on  Bari  and  Brindisi. 
„       2.  Allies  make  progress  in  "  The  Labyrinth."     Germans  deliver  unsuccessful 

attack,  using  poisonous  gas,  against  Russian  lines  defending  Warsaw. 

Italians  cross  the  Isonzo  ;    their  warships  destroy  signal  and  wireless 

stations  on  island  of  Lissa.     Transport  torpedoed  by  British  submarine 

in  Sea  of  Marmora. 
„       3.  Allies  lose  ground  near  Givenchy.    Germans  capture  Przemysl.     British 

forces  in  Persian  Gulf  occupy  Amara. 
„       4.  Turkish   positions  in  southern   area   of   Gallipoli  Peninsula  (Achi-Baba) 

attacked  ;   Allies  advance,  but  later  forced  to  abandon  some  of  ground 

won ;  ultimate  result — 500  yards  gained  along  front  of  about  three  miles. 
„       6.  French  gains  near  Neuville  and  in  "  The  Labyrinth."     Russians  driven  back 

across  the  Stry.    Russian  Fleet  in  Baltic  sinks  several  German  transports. 

Zeppelin  over  East  Coast ;   45  casualties. 
„       7.  Zeppelin  shelled  in  mid-air  and  destroyed  between  Ghent  and  Brussels  by 

Lieut.  Warneford.     German  airship  shed  at  Evere  set  on  fire,  Zeppelin 

2  O 


542  ROLL  OF   HONOUR. 

destroyed.      In   Galicia,   Germans   across  the  Dniester   40  miles   from 

Lemberg.     Report  of  successful  British  attack  on  Sphinxhaven  (German 

post  on  Lake  Nyasa) ;    German  armed  vessel  destroyed. 
June   8.  Desperate  fighting  near  Arras,  French  advance  continues. 
„       9.  Sinking  of  German  submarine  officially  announced.      Italian  air-raid  on 

Fiume  ;  bombs  dropped  on  dockyards  and  armament  factory. 
„     10.  Two   British   torpedo-boats   sunk   off   East   Coast.    Russians   prepare   to 

evacuate  Lemberg.     Italians  occupy  Monfalcone. 
„     11.  Russians  administer  check  to  Austro-German  advance  ;    enemy  repulsed 

all  along  Dniester,  losing  guns  and  about  9,000  men.    Garua  (German 

station  in  Cameroon)  surrenders  unconditionally  to  Anglo-French  force. 
„     13.  French  capture  railway  station  at  Souchez,  and  more  trenches. 
„     14.  Severe  fighting  on  Eastern  frontier  ;  Germans  deliver  massed  attacks  against 

Russians  on  the  Bzura.     Italians  take  two  more  passes  in  Carnic  Alps. 
„      15.  Karlsruhe  bombarded  by  Allied  air-squadron.    Allies  make  slow  progress. 

Zeppelin  raid  on  north-east  coast ;   56  casualties. 
„     17.  Important  French  gains  in  neighbourhood  of  Souchez.     In  Vosges,  French 

capture  Steinbruck  and  heights  commanding  valley  of  Fecht. 
„     18.  Russians  retreat  slowly  before  German  army  advancing  on  Lemberg.    Italian 

victory  on  Monte  Nero  ;    Hungarian  battalion  annihilated.     Austrian 

warships  raid  towns  on  Italian  coast ;  railway  damaged. 
„     19.  Sir  John  French  reports  some  advance  at  Festubert. 
„     20.  French  report  continued  successes  all  along  line.    Fierce  struggle  raging 

before  Lemberg. 

„      21.  Germans  cross  Dniester  in  force.     Battle  for  Lemberg  continues. 
„      22.  French  successes  in  Alsace  and  Lorraine.     Russians  fail   to  hold  line 

before  Lemberg.     Fierce  fighting  in  Gallipoli. 
,,      23.  Lemberg  evacuated  by  Russians  and  entered  by  enemy. 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR  (Fourth  List}. 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.     Additions  to 
t  his  list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary). 

BELL,  HUGH,  Nyasaland  Field  Force ;  BIGGS,  E.  K.,  Lieutenant,  2/3rd  West  Lanes. Brigade, 
R.F.A. ;  BIBD,  FEED.  D.,  M.D.,  Australian  Imperial  Force ;  BLASHKI,  ERIC  P.,  M.B.,  Lieu- 
tenant, R.A.M.C. ;  BOWSER,  H.  A.,  Lieutenant,  R.G.A.  ;  DBS  FRESNES,  G.  LE  SUEUR,  Lieu- 
tenant, A.S.C.  ;  EDWARDS,  E.  W.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Queen's  Regiment ;  GARRAD,  E.  V., 
2nd  Lieutenant,  14th  (S.)  Battalion,  Royal  Fusiliers ;  GRAHAM,  GEORGE  H.,  3/14th  London 
Scottish ;  HANNAY,  HARRY,  Lieutenant,  5th  Battalion,  K.O.S.B.  ;  HAY,  Avoirs  B.,  Major, 
3rd  Battalion,  K.O.S.B.  ;  HUME,  W.  J.  P.,  Captain,  5th  Battalion,  Royal  Sussex  Regiment ; 
IBBOTSON,  HENRY,  2nd  Lieutenant,  3rd  Liverpool  Regiment ;  JEANS,  S.  R.,  Captain,  Wilts 
Regiment ;  JOHNSON,  PERCY  CLARKSON,  2nd  Lieutenant,  8th  (Ardwick)  Battalion,  Manchester 
Regiment ;  JTTDSON,  DAN,  Major,  1st  Rhodesian  Regiment ;  LANGFORD,  W.  H.  (Institute 
Staff),  16th  Middlesex  Regiment ;  LATHBURY,  E.  B.,  Captain,  R.A.M.C. ;  LEE,  C.  A.,  Captain, 
llth  Regiment  Light  Horse,  Australian  Imperial  Force  ;  MANNING,  OSWALD,  2nd  Lieutenant 
llth  (S.)  Battalion,  South  Lanes.  Regiment ;  MANSFIELD,  ERNEST,  Sportsman's  Battalion, 


BRISTOL   BRANCH   ANNUAL   MEETING.          543 

Royal  Fusiliers ;  MATTEI,  C.,  L.R.C.P.,  Captain,  1st  Australian  Stationary  Hospital ;  MID- 
DLETON,  H.  E.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  12th  (S.)  Battalion,  Essex  Regiment ;  MILLER,  R.  G.  S., 
Nigerian  Land  Contingent ;  MOIB,  JAMES,  Lieutenant,  10th  Battalion,  Royal  Irish  Rifles  ; 
MYATT,  A.  E.,  Captain  and  Adjutant,  31st  Battalion,  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ; 
NICHOLL,  W.  H.,  1st  Rhodesian  Regiment ;  OEE,  HAROLD,  Captain,  A.M.C.,  3rd  Canadian 
Mounted  Rifles  ;  PAGET,  OWEN  F.,  M.D.,  Captain,  A.A.M.C. ;  PARSONS,  RICHARD  E.,  Captain 
R.E. ;  PATERSON,  R.  W.,  Lieut. -Colonel,  Fort  Garry  Horse,  C.E.F. ;  PLOWMAN,  T.  G. 
({Institute  Staff),  R.E.  Signal  Service ;  SCOTT,  N.  D.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Queen's  Regiment ; 
SIMPSON,  R.  M.,  M.D.,  Lieut.-Colonel,  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force ;  SMITH,  J.  NOEL, 
Lieutenant,  Oxon  and  Bucks  Light  Infantry ;  SMITH,  L.  CECIL,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Junior 
O.T.C.  (St.  Paul's  School  Contingent) ;  STREADER,  R.  A.  (Institute  Staff),  llth  County  of 
London  (T.F.) ;  SUGARS,  J.  C.,  2/4th  East  Anglian  Brigade,  R.F.A.  (T.) ;  SYBRAY,  JOHN, 
Lieutenant,  1st  Rhodesian  Regiment;  TURNER,  H.  M.  STANLEY,  M.R.C.S.,  Major  Com- 
manding Falkland  Islands  Defence  Force ;  WHITAKER,  H.,  Lieutenant,  R.E. 


BRISTOL  BRANCH  ANNUAL  MEETING. 

THE  annual  general  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  Bristol  Branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute  was  held  on  May  31  at  the  new  building  in  White  Ladies  Road,  Clifton.  The 
Duke  of  Beaufort  presided,  and  amongst  those  present  were  Sir  E.  B.  James,  Sir  Frank 
Wills,  Messrs.  G.  A.  Wills,  T.  J.  Lennard,  Sidney  Humphries,  H.  W.  Seccombe  Wills, 
Palliser  Martin,  James  Baker,  Martin  Griffiths  (hon.  secretary),  Alderman  G.  Pearson, 
the  Rev.  C.  P.  Way,  Messrs.  Henry  Fedden,  C.  P.  Billing,  J.  T.  Francombe,  A.  N. 
Price,  C.  Wells,  Lewis  Way,  D.  Laing,  J.  Heming,  E.  R.  Norris  Mathews,  Graham 
Lennard,  P.  J.  Smith,  W.  H.  Watkins,  E.  Crichton,  A.  0.  Townsend,  and  E.  J.  Wynd- 
ham  (secretary). 

The  hon.  secretary  read  the  report,  which  set  forth  the  facts  as  to  the  foundation 
of  the  branch  and  the  gift  of  the  building  by  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard  which  were  fully 
chronicled  in  the  last  number  of  UNITED  EMPIEE.  The  hon.  secretary  also  reported 
the  appointment  of  five  committees — the  General  Purposes  Committee  (Mr.  Sidney 
Humphries,  chairman),  the  Library  Committee  (Sir  Isambard  Owen,  chairman), 
the  Finance  Committee,  and  the  House  and  Social  Committee,  the  Duchess  of  Beaufort 
presiding  over  the  last.  An  Empire  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  is  to  be  constituted, 
and  an  Emigration  Committee  as  soon  as  it  is  called  for.  The  membership  amounts  to 
664,  which  it  is  hoped  shortly  to  raise  to  1,000,  and  the  bank  balance  is  £746  10s.  3d., 
of  which  a  proportion  will  be  paid  to  the  parent  institute.  The  report  continues  : 
During  the  autumn  and  winter  sessions  it  is  intended  to  arrange  for  lectures  on  Empire 
matters,  and  if  possible  to  arrange  for  educational  lectures  to  juniors,  which  have 
proved  very  useful  and  instructive  elsewhere.  It  must  be  remembered  that  this  is  a 
pioneer  branch,  and  we  have  only  just  commenced  business,  so  to  speak.  Of  necessity 
the  work  must  be  perfected  step  by  step,  and  your  Council  will  welcome  any  sugges- 
tions which  may  be  of  use  for  the  successful  furthering  of  the  interests  of  the  branch. 

Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard  (chairman  of  Council),  in  moving  the  adoption  of  the  report, 
spoke  of  the  ideals  and  aims  underlying  the  work  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  and 
the  special  opportunities  afforded  to  the  Bristol  branch.  Mr.  Wills  seconded  the 

202 


544  THE  R.C.I.    AMBULANCE   CAR. 

adoption  of  the  report,  and  Mr.  James  Baker  proposed  the  appointment  of  the  following : 
Patron  President,  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Beaufort ;  Vice-presidents,  the  Right  Hon. 
the  Lord  Mayor,  the  Right  Hon.  Lewis  Fry,  P.O.,  Sir  Charles  Cave,  Bart.,  Sir  W.  H. 
Davies,  M.P.,  Sir  Edward  James,  Sir  Isambard  Owen,  Sir  George  White,  Bart.,  Sir 
Prank  Wills,  and  Colonel  G.  A.  Gibbs,  M.P. ;  Council,  Mr.  T.  J.  Lennard  (chairman), 
Colonel  H.  Gary  Batten,  Messrs.  Claude  B.  Fry,  Fernley  Gardner,  S.  Hosegood, 
S.^Humphries,  Dr.  J.  E.  King,  M.A.,  Messrs.  G.  PaUiser  Martin,  George  Riseley,  H.  W. 
Seccombe  Wills,  the  Hon.  Cyril  A.  Ward,  M.V.O.,  Mr.  E.  R.  Norris  Mathews,  and  Major 
Chas.  C.  Savile  ;  hon.  treasurer,  Mr.  George  A.  Wills ;  hon.  secretary,  Mr.  Martin 
Griffiths. 

Alderman  Pearson  seconded,  and  the  resolution  was  carried. 

The  proceedings  terminated  with  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Duke  of  Beaufort  for 
presiding  and  a  tribute  to  the  value  of  the  work  done  by  the  Duke  and  Duchess  in 
Bristol  and  its  neighbourhood. 


THE  R.C.I.  AMBULANCE  CAR. 

IT  may  not  be  generally  realised  that,  owing  to  the  demand  for  ambulance  cars  at 
the  Front,  the  wounded  in  London  have  frequently  to  be  conveyed  to  and  fro  in  very 
unsuitable  vehicles.  This  beautiful  ambulance  car  was  the  gift  of  Mr.  Warwick  of 
Hyde  Park  Square  for  the  use  of  the  wounded  in  London,  and  it  is  managed  and 
maintained  by  Mr.  Smetham  Lee  (Hon.  Sec.  of  Mr.  Garrison's  War  Lectures  Com- 
mittee) and  an  Advisory  Board,  on  which  the  Institute  is  represented. 

During  the  past  five  months  the  London  Service  Ambulance  Car  has  travelled 
over  1,300  miles,  and  has  carried  hundreds  of  wounded  soldiers,  conveying  them  from 
and  to  tne  various  stations  and  hospitals,  and  also  to  convalescent  homes.  The  field 
of  its  usefulness  has  been  very  wide,  extending  from  Ramsgate  to  Baling,  and  from 
Reigate  to  the  London  Great  Northern  Hospital. 

The  patronage  accorded  to  this  work  by  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  has  been  of 
great  service,  and  is  a  practical  demonstration  of  what  the  Fellows  of  the  Institute  can 
do-  With  the  exception  of  the  chauffeur,  all  the  workers  have  given  voluntary 
service,  and  their  efforts  have  been  notably  successful. 

There  nas  been  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  chauffeur  owing  to  so  many  efficient 
men  having  gone  to  the  Front,  but  the  car  has,  notwithstanding,  been  in  constant 
use.  The  Secretary  of  St.  Thomas's  Hospital  writes  :  "  We  could  have  used  it 
more  had  it  been  available.  We  are  particularly  grateful  for  the  way  in  which  every- 
thing has  been  done,  and  for  the  most  attentive  and  courteous  behaviour  of  the 
chauffeur  in  charge."  We  have  to  note  with  some  regret  that,  in  spite  of  our  utmost 
endeavours,  we  are  still  left  with  a  deficit  of  £38,  which  we  are  hoping,  with  the  help 
of  friendly  sympathisers,  to  wipe  out. 

Any  Fellow  desiring  to  make  a  donation  towards  the  upkeep  of  the  car  can  do 
so  through  the  Secretary  of  the  R.C.I.,  who  will  be  pleased  to  acknowledge  such 
subscriptions.  A  full  list  will  be  printed  in  our  next  issue. 


THE    CAR,    AND    SOME    WHO    HAVE    USED    IT. 


THE    CAR    IN    USE. 


To  /ace  ^>.  544. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  545 

OBITUARY. 

The  Right  Hon.  the  EARL  OF  JERSEY,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G. — The  death  of  Lord  Jersey 
removes  from  public  life  a  figure  known  and  loved  in  more  than  one  part  of  the 
Empire.  A  great  landowner  and  the  possessor  of  a  famous  name  and  historic  posses- 
sions, a  partner  in  Child's  bank,  and  a  leader  in  many  kinds  of  social  work,  he  was 
appointed  Governor  of  New  South  Wales  in  1890,  an  experience  which,  though  lasting 
only  two  years,  coloured  the  whole  of  his  after  life.  The  popularity  of  Lord  and  Lady 
Jersey  in  New  South  Wales,  at  a  period  of  some  internal  disturbance  and  distress, 
was  due  to  their  unique  combination  of  public  and  personal  qualities,  and,  it  may  be 
added,  to  a  simplicity  and  directness  of  character  all  the  more  attractive  when  allied, 
as  in  their  case,  with  genuine  dignity.  Lord  Jersey  revisited  New  South  Wales  twelve 
years  later,  and  the  heartiness  of  his  welcome  showed  how  warm  a  memory  he  had 
left  behind.  In  1894  Lord  Jersey  represented  the  British  Government  at  the  Ottawa 
Colonial  Conference,  and,  though  he  did  not  hold  any  subsequent  official  post,  he  devoted 
the  rest  of  his  life  mainly  to  promoting  in  a  variety  of  ways  the  interests  of  the 
Overseas  Dominions.  So  closely,  indeed,  was  he  associated  with  these  that  it  comes  as 
a  surprise  to  realise  that  his  connection  with  them  was,  with  the  two  exceptions 
mentioned,  entirely  non-official.  It  is  understood  that  he  refused  the  offer  made  of 
becoming  the  first  Governor-General  of  the  Commonwealth  on  the  ground  that  he 
could  do  more  useful  work  otherwise.  Lady  Jersey  is  President  of  the  Victoria 
League,  and  during  the  protracted  illness  which  preceded  her  husband's  death  a  great 
deal  of  work  devolved  upon  her  shoulders. 

Lord  Jersey  was  a  Vice-President  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  one  of  its 
most  ardent  supporters.  His  funeral  took  place  on  June  4,  at  Midleton  Stoney,  and  a 
memorial  service  was  held  on  the  same  day  at  St.  George's,  Hanover  Square,  at  which 
the  Institute  was  represented  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas  (chairman)  and  Sir  Harry  Wilson 
(secretary). 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

Union  with  Greece. — For  many  years  there  has  been  a  common  topic  for  discussion 
in  this  island,  of  which  the  heading  of  this  letter  is  the  title.  It  is  the  subject  of 
discussion  in  the  market-place  and  in  private  houses.  The  pros  and  cons  have  been 
recited  in  endless  detail.  Heated  expression  of  opinion  has  been  principally  confined 
to  the  towns :  the  villager  takes  no  particular  interest :  as  a  rule  he  is  too  contented 
with  his  lot  in  life  to  join  in  agitation. 

May  I  point  out  that  even  were  Britain  willing  to  cede  Cyprus  to  Greece,  that 
policy  is  now  impossible.  The  Allies  will  sooner  or  later  reconstruct  the  map  of  the 
Near  East.  France  in  Syria  will  not  allow  Famagusta  Harbour  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  a  country  whose  power  to  resist  aggression  is  small  and  whose  Queen  is  a  German 
by  birth.  Famagusta  in  the  hands  of  Germany  would  be  a  standing  menace  to 
Beyrout  and  Port  Said.  Hence  "  Union  with  Greece "  is  impracticable. 
Kyrenia,  GEORGE  L.  HOUSTOHN. 

Cyprus, 
May  28,  1915. 

The  Dominions  and  the  Peace  Settlement. — In  his  article  in  the  June  number  of 
UKITHD  EMPIRE,  on  the  above  subject,  Professor  Egerton  draws  attention  to  the 
desirability  of  consulting  the  Britons  overseas  in  the  final  apportionment  of  the  captured 
colonies  of  the  Germans.  There  are,  however,  other  questions  of  equal  if  not  greater 
importance  to  the  future  of  the  British  Dominions  overseas  themselves. 

Among  these  I  would  instance : 

{!)  Restrictions  of  immigration  against  Germans,  Austrians,   and  Turks. 

(2)  Limitations  of  citizen  rights  in  the  Dominions  to  such  people,  in  perpetuity 
or  for  a  limited  period. 


546  REVIEWS. 

(3)  Refusal  of  naturalisation  to  enemy  subjects. 

(4)  The  annulment  of  contracts  for  spelter,  ores,  wool,   and   other  primary  products 
entered  into  before  the  war  and  now  suspended  during  hostilities. 

(5)  Differentiation  of   tariffs   against  enemy  manufactures. 

(6)  Cancellation  of  enemy  patents  in  the  Dominions. 

On  each  of  these  and  other  questions  the  Governments  overseas  will  have  varying 
and  divergent  opinions,  and  each  will  desire  to  legislate  as  seems  best  for  their  own 
country. 

Considerable  difficulties  would  therefore  arise  if,  in  the  terms  of  peace,  after  making 
certain   provisions   or   limitations,    any   clause   were   inserted    declaring    that    these    and 
similar  questions  should  be  restored  to  a  status  quo  similar  to  that  before  the  war. 
33  Oriental  Street,  THOS,  E.  SEDGWIOK. 

Poplar,  E. 

Australia's  Stake  in  the  War. — In  his  most  interesting  paper,  "Australia's  Stake 
in  the  War,"  read  at  the  Whitehall  Rooms  on  March  24,  Dr.  Horsfall  said:  "The 
first  occasion  on  which  she  [Australia]  had  the  honour  and  privilege  of  service  was 
in  1885,"  &c. 

May  I  say  that  in  March  1884,  when  I  had  the  honour  of  assisting  to  take  out 
from  Portsmouth  to  Melbourne  a  squadron  of  three  small  warships  belonging  to  the 
Victorian  Government,  viz.  the  Victoria,  Albert,  and  Childers,  of  a  total  tonnage  of 
865  (the  tonnage  of  H.M.A.S.  Australia  is  19,200),  the  Melbourne  Government  ordered 
us  to  go  to  Suakin  and  place  their  fleet  at  the  disposal  of  Admiral  Sir  W.  Hewett, 
then  in  command  of  the  naval  force  assembled  at  that  place  during  the  operations 
in  the  Sudan. 

This  fact  may  be  of  interest  to  your  readers  throughout  the  Empire. 

Navy  League,  11  Victoria  Street,  S.W.,  HENBY  T.  C.  KNOX, 

May  6,  1915.  Late  Lieut.  B.N.,  Chief  Lecturer,  Navy  League. 


REVIEWS. 

GEORGE  ETIENNE  CARTIER.* 

IN  commemoration  of  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  Sir  George  Etienne  Cartier, 
Mr.  John  Boyd,  the  well-known  writer,  has  produced  a  book  which  gives  not  only  a 
picture  of  the  great  French  Canadian  himself,  but  also  of  the  times  in  which  he 
lived.  Mr.  Boyd  has  already  done  much  to  make  English  people  familiar  with  French 
Canadian  life,  and  it  is  difficult  to  think  of  anyone  more  fitted  for  the  task  of 
writing  the  life  of  George  Etienne  Cartier. 

It  is  curious  to  reflect  that  just  as  Louis  Botha,  who  is  now  showing  not  only 
loyalty  to  the  Empire,  but  also  great  ability  in  statesmanship  and  generalship  in 
South  Airioa,  formerly  bore  arms  against  the  British  Government,  so,  too,  Cartier 
took  part  in  the  brief  and  futile  rising  in  1837  which  led  to  Lord  Durham's  famous 
mission  and  report  on  conditions  in  Canada,  and  became  afterwards  Premier  of  United 
Canada  and  finally  one  of  the  Fathers  of  Confederation. 

He  was  a  typical  French  Canadian  and  as  such  is  particularly  interesting  from 
the  Imperial  standpoint.  At  the  age  of  forty-four  he  was  the  leader  of  the  French 
Canadians  and  Prime  Minister  of  the  United  Provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada ;  and 
he  did  more  than  anyone  else  to  bring  about  a  mutual  respect  between  the  two 
races.  A  true  Empire-builder,  Cartier  showed  his  foresight  when  the  question  of 
Confederation  was  first  raised.  Lord  Durham,  in  his  historic  Report,  contemplated 

*  Sir  George  Etienne  Cartier,  Bart.  His  Life  and  Times.  A  Political  History  from  1814  until 
1873.  By  John  Boyd.  The  Macmillan  Company  of  Canada,  Ltd.,  Toronto^ 


REVIEWS.  547 

the  gradual  Anglicising  of  French  Canada,  and  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  was  in  favour 
of  a  legislative  union  of  all  the  Provinces.  But  Cartier  took  the  sounder  view.  Though 
always  staunch  in  safeguarding  the  interests  of  his  own  people,  he  saw  that,  while 
the  two  races  could  live  side  by  side  amicably,  they  would  never  amalgamate,  and 
that  in  federation  lay  the  only  hope  of  a  permanent  union.  In  carrying  to  a  success- 
ful issue  his  hobby,  Cartier  had  to  contend  with  the  traditional  distrust  of  his  people 
of  their  neighbours  in  Upper  Canada.  He  set  his  face  against  the  "  Parti  National " 
by  whom  he  was  sometimes  bitterly  assailed ;  he  vehemently  opposed  annexation  by 
the  United  States,  which  was  practical  politics  in  his  day ;  and  it  was  very  largely 
through  his  influence  that  men  with  views  so  divergent  as  those  of  Macdonald  and 
George  Brown  were  found  acting  together  to  secure  Confederation.  The  fact 
that  we  find  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  the  great  Imperialist  of  the  Anglo-Canadians, 
sitting  in  the  same  Cabinet  with  Sir  George  Etienne  Cartier,  the  greatest  French 
Canadian  statesman  of  his  time,  reflects  great  credit  on  the  Imperial  sentiments  of 
both.  Politics  to-day  enter  so  much  into  Canadian  life  that  it  is  customary  to  regard 
the  Grand  Trunk  Railway  as  favoured  by  the  Liberals,  whilst  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway  is  looked  upon  as  the  Conservative  line.  It  is  curious,  therefore,  to  find  Cartier 
concerned  with  the  beginnings  of  both  lines.  He  was  statesman  enough  to  see  what 
railways  could  do  for  Canada,  and  he  was  as  enthusiastic  over  the  starting  of  one  line 
as  he  was  over  the  other ;  and  in  both  cases  was  reproached  for  his  support.  In 
Cartier's  broad  vision  a  railway  that  was  going  to  help  in  the  development  of  the 
country  was  not  a  question  of  politics  but  of  national  importance. 

It  is  interesting  to  remember  that  when  Cartier  came  to  London  in  connection  with 
the  question  of  Confederation  he  was  present  on  March  10,  1869,  at  the  inaugural 
dinner  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  at  which  he  was  the  guest  of  honour.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  Gladstone  paid  Cartier  a  striking  tribute.  "  I  rejoice  to  see,"  said 
the  great  British  statesman,  "  that  you  have  succeeded  in  securing  the  presence  here 
this  evening  of  representatives  of  the  great  British  family,  and  one  of  the  principal 
branches  of  that  family  is  represented  by  a  man  who  seems  to  be  a  legion  in  himself 
and  who  displays  no  less  warm  a  sympathy  for  the  country  to  which  he  traces  his 
race  and  the  traditions  of  his  people,  and  who,  superior  to  any  of  his  predecessors, 
is  eminently  fitted  to  represent  that  spirit  of  fraternity  which  should  unite  the 
English-speaking  nations  throughout  the  world." 

Sir  George  Etienne  Cartier  came  to  England  to  consult  a  physician ;  and  while  he 
was  here,  what  was  called  the  Canadian  Pacific  scandal  broke  out  suddenly.  This, 
no  doubt,  hastened  the  end  of  the  great  French  Canadian,  who  died  in  this  country. 

Mr.  Boyd's  book  is  a  valuable  addition  to  the  history  of  Canada  at  an  important 
epoch,  and  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  be  widely  read  in  this  country,  where  matters 
Canadian  are  not  always  seen  in  their  proper  light.  Especially  is  this  true  with  regard 
to  the  French-Canadian  element  in  the  population  of  the  Dominion. 

A.  B.  T. 

PAN-AMERICANISM. 

PROFESSOR  ROLAND  G.  USHER,  of  the  Washington  University,  St.  Louis,  has  attempted 
a  wide  survey  in  his  book  entitled  "  Pan- Americanism."  *'  Briefly,  in  his  volume  is 
discussed  the  effect  of  the  war  upon  the  future  of  the  United  States  and  especially 
in  connection  with  the  nebulous  theories  that  have  arisen  out  of  the  American  claim 
to  exercise  a  fatherly  control  over  the  Central  and  South  American  States.  Dr. 
Usher's  book  is  polemical  in  the  highest  degree.  With  the  main  thesis  that  the  future 
of  America  will  be  affected  profoundly,  whatever  be  the  result  of  the  war,  no  one  will 
be  disposed  to  quarrel.  It  is  evident  that  the  United  States  is  at  the  parting  of  the 
ways. :,  Old  theories  regarding  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  the  right  of  America  to  play 

*  Pan-Americanism  :  a  forecast  of  the  inevitable  clash  betiveen  the  United  States  and  Europe's 
victor.  By  Roland  G.  Usher.  8vo.  Pp.  xix.-466.  London:  Constable  &  Co.  1915.  26  oz. — 8s.  6d^ 


548  BOOK  NOTICES. 

a  paternal  role  with  regard  to  the  destinies  of  the  South  American  continent  will  have 
to  be  scrapped.  Older  theories  respecting  British  sea-power  may  undergo  a  change  not 
less  striking.  The  United  States  as  a  nation  is  confronted  in  fact  with  a  new  set  of 
circumstances  that  must  affect  every  aspect  of  public  policy  in  the  Republic  but  more 
especially  in  connection  with  her  relations  with  European  countries. 

In  the  first  portion  of  this  illuminative  monograph,  Dr.  Usher  discusses  with  much 
ability  the  effect  upon  American  policy  of  Great  Britain's  long  predominance  as  a 
sea-power,  and  on  the  whole  the  author  is  scrupulously  fair  to  this  country.  It  is 
Great  Britain,  and  Great  Britain  alone,  that  has  enabled  the  United  States  to  uphold 
in  the  face  of  Europe  the  extraordinary — at  least  from  a  geographical  point  of  view — 
body  of  doctrine  which  has  immortalised  the  name  of  President  Monroe.  We  cannot 
entirely  subscribe  to  Dr.  Usher's  opinion  that  "  with  it  the  victor  will  inevitably  clash," 
although  signs  are  not  wanting  that  the  doctrine  will  have  to  be  modified  to  meet 
changing  conditions  in  a  changed  world.  Dr.  Usher  recognises  fully  and  frankly  that 
to  British  sea-power  "  and  all  that  goes  with  it  our  whole  economic  fabric  has  been 
adjusted.  Upon  it  nearly  everything  depends.  We  have  never  known  any  other  con- 
ditions, and  have  had  no  serious  reasons  since  1815  to  desire  to  change  it "  :  and  he 
says  further  that  "  the  recent  growth  of  foreign  navies  has  caused  a  concentration  of 
English  ships  in  European  waters,  and  has  made  us  feel  it  desirable  to  strengthen  our 
navy  so  as  to  be  able  to  protect  ourselves  against  any  other  power  than  England. 
There  could  scarcely  be  a  more  striking  testimony  to  our  confidence  in  the  fairness  of 
England,  of  our  belief  in  the  strength  of  her  friendship  for  us,  and  in  the  firmness 
with  which  she  means  to  maintain  her  policy  of  defence."  But  he  sees  clearly  that, 
should  the  Allies  emerge  victorious  from  the  present  world-contest,  conditions  will  be 
changed  and  that  Great  Britain,  which  has  hitherto  felt  it  expedient  to  support  the 
United  States  in  an  unpopular  doctrine,  may  feel  disposed  to  adopt  another  attitude 
when  the  pressure  of  European  armaments  is  finally  removed.  This  view  is  worth 
careful  and  critical  attention  on  the  part  of  the  reader. 

On  the  other  hand,  Dr.  Usher  foresees  deadly  peril  for  the  United  States  should 
the  German  arms  prevail.  He  is  of  opinion  that  a  German  preponderance  on  land 
sufficient  to  compel  the  Allies  to  sue  for  peace  would  end  in  an  attempt  by  Germany 
to  challenge  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  which  for  so  long  has  cast  its  protection  over  a 
continent — rich  and  almost  inexhaustible  in  natural  resources — three  times  the  size  of 
the  United  States. 

The  conclusion  at  which  an  unprejudiced  observer  must  arrive  after  reading  Dr. 
Usher's  book  is  that  Pan- Americanism  exists  merely  by  sufferance.  It  has  neither  an 
economic,  ethnographical,  sociological,  nor  geographical  basis,  and,  so  far  as  the  South 
American  States  are  concerned,  scarcely  a  political  basis  either.  Nevertheless  the  idea 
of  a  great  American  preserve  in  the  Western  hemisphere  is  a  sufficiently  real  and  live 
ideal  to  be  worth  striving  for,  and  in  the  end  it  rests  with  the  United  States,  and  the 
preparations  that  are  made  against  certain  eventualities,  to  determine  whether  the 
idea  shall  ever  become  a  reality.  Dr.  Usher  sets  forth  this  issue  with  clearness  and 
writes  as  a  judge  rather  than  as  an  advocate.  For  this  reason  his  volume  should  be  read 
by  all  who  are  interested  in  what,  for  want  of  a  better  term,  may  be  called  American 
Imperialism. 


BOOK    NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

Lukach,  Harry  Charles. — The  City  of  Dancing  Dervishes,  and  other  Sketches  and  Studies  from 
the  Near  East.  Crown  8vo.  Dlust.  Pp.  xi-257.  London :  Macmillan  &  Co.  1914. 
20  oz. — Is.  6d. 

Those  whose  ways  have  taken  them  to  Turkey  or  to  Cyprus  cannot  fail  to  derive  keen 
pleasure  from  reading  Mr.  Lukach' s  sketches  of  life  in  the  Near  East.  Most  of  them  have 
appeared  in  different  newspapers  and  magazines,  but  we  are  glad  to  have  them  in  a  perma- 


BOOK  NOTICES.  549 

nent  form.  The  City  of  Dancing  Dervishes,  which  is  the  title  of  the  first  essay,  is  the  pre- 
sent Konia — the  Iconium  of  the  ancients  which  figured  in  the  legend  of  Perseus  and  the 
Gorgons,  and  where  halted  the  Ten  Thousand ;  now  the  headquarters  of  the  Meolevi  Order 
of  Dervishes.  Mr.  Lukach's  sketch  of  this  historical  city  is  quite  admirable,  as  indeed  are 
the  other  essays  in  this  interesting  volume. 

Hocken,  T.  M — The  Early  History  of  New  Zealand.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xi-280.  Wellington, 
N.Z.  :  John  Mackay,  Government  Printer.  1914.  14  oz. — 

New  Zealand  is  greatly  indebted  to  the  late  Dr.  Hocken.  Not  only  was  he  a  ripe  scholar 
deeply  versed  in  the  history  of  New  Zealand  and  in  the  story  of  the  Maories,  but  he  gathered 
together  a  valuable — and  indeed  unique — library  of  works  relating  to  New  Zealand  and  the 
South  Pacific  which  he  presented  to  the  Dominion.  This  collection  is  now  adequately 
housed  at  the  Otago  Museum,  and  forms  a  striking  evidence  of  the  extent,  variety,  and 
richness  of  the  literature  relating  to  New  Zealand.  Dr.  Hocken  was  himself  a  man  of  letters. 
His  Bibliography  of  New  Zealand  easily  ranks  as  one  of  the  best  bibliographies  of  colonial 
literature,  whilst  his  writings  upon  the  history  and  ethnology  of  his  adopted  country  are  of 
more  than  ordinary  authority.  The  present  volume  contains  a  number  of  lectures  delivered 
before  the  Otago  Institute,  which  form,  in  effect,  a  detailed  account  of  the  early  history  of 
the  Dominion. 

Hartill,  Marie. — Elementary  Course  jf  South'^  African  History  to  1820.  12mo.  Maps  and 
niust.  Pp.  xiv-182.  Cape  Town:  T.  Maskew  Miller.  1914. 

A  well-compiled  text  book  of  South  African  history  in  which  its  close  connection  with 
the  contemporary  history  of  Holland,  Britain,  and  France  is  admirably  shown.  The  illus- 
trations are  characteristic  and  well  chosen. 

Darnvala,  Pherozeshah  N. — The  Doctrine  of  Consideration  treated  Historically  and  Com- 
paratively. 8vo.  Pp.  lxvii-622.  Calcutta,  Sydney,  Winnipeg,  London :  Butterworth 
&  Co.  1914.  44  :oz.— 21s. 

This  is  a  monumental  and  exhaustive  work  on  a  very  interesting  legal  subject.  In  a 
foreword  by  Mr.  Justie  Beaman  it  is  stated  that  "  there  is  probably  no  other  legal  topic, 
except  Negligence,  which  lends  itself  so  kindly  to  scholarly  and  philosophic  treatment  .  .  . 
the  jurist,  the  student  of  comparative  law,  the  philosophic  analyst  of  legal  notions,  will 
accord  it  a  warm  welcome,  and  find  in  its  crowded  pages  remarkable  treasures  of  out-of-the- 
way  knowledge,  a  very  fascinating  and  complete  exposition  of  the  origin  and  growth  of 
our  present  Doctrine  of  Consideration,  conscientiously  worked  out  in  the  fight  of  history  and 
comparative  jurisprudence."  Dr.  Daruvala  treats  this  Doctrine  from  the  historical  and  com- 
parative point  of  view  with  special  reference  to  English  law,  but  his  survey  is  wide  and 
comprehensive,  and  embraces  a  study  of  the  Doctrine  under  Roman-Dutch  law  and  in  all 
countries  where  it  is  in  existence.  From  the  comparative  point  of  view  this  is  a  most 
valuable  treatise. 

Vittage  Folk-talet  of  Ceylon. — Collected  and  translated  by  H.  Parker.  Vols.  2  and  3.  8vo. 
London  :  Luzac  &  Co.  1914.  56  oz. — 12s.  each. 

The  first  volume  of  this  valuable  collection  of  folk-tales  has  already  been  noticed  in  these 
columns.  Over  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  tales  have  now  been  collected  and  published 
by  Mr.  Parker,  who  is  to  be  congratulated  on  making  available  so  rich  a  store  of  material 
for  the  use  of  the  student  of  comparative  folk-lore.  An  exhaustive  index  adds  greatly  to 
the  value  of  the  work. 

Lee,  Ida  (Mrs.  Charles  Bruce  Marriott). — The  Log-books  of  the  "Lady  Nelson"  with  the 
Journal  of  her  first  Commander,  Lieutenant  James  Grant.  8vo.  Maps  and  illust. 
Pp.  xiv-328.  London  :  Grafton  &  Co.  1915.  28  oz.— 10s.  6d. 

Mrs.  Marriott  is  an  enthusiastic  student  of  Australasian  maritime  discovery  and  haa  already 
written  one  volume — "  Commodore  Sir  John  Hayes,  his  Voyage  and  Life  " — that  ranks  high  as 
an  authoritative  work  in  the  history  of  marine  adventure.  In  the  present  volume  Mrs.  Marriott 
has  for  the  first  time  given  a  complete  account  of  the  part  played  by  the  Lady  Nelson  in 
the  exploration  of  the  Australian  coasts.  The  vessel,  whose  name,  according  to  F.  P.  Labillicre, 
should  have  been  immortalised  because  she  was  ' '  the  first  ship  that  ever  sailed  parallel  to  the 
entire  southern  coast  of  Australia,"  accomplished  many  important  missions,  and  "  while  she  wa« 
stationed  at  Sydney  there  was  scarcely  a  dependency  of  the  mother  colony  that  was  not  more 
or  less  indebted  to  her  either  for  proclaiming  it  a  British  possession,  or  for  bringing  it  settlers 
and  food,  or  for  providing  it  with  means  of  defence  against  the  attacks  of  natives."  Fortunately 
many  of  the  log-books  have  been  preserved,  whilst  Mrs.  Marriott  has  been  particularly  lucky 
in  finding,  through  the  aid  of  Mr.  Perrin,  the  Librarian  at  the  Admiralty,  the  charts  made  by  her 
second  commander,  Murray.  .  These  are  reproduced  in  Mrs.  Marriott's  book  and  are  of  special 
interest  to  students  of  Australian  cartography. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (7) : 

Hubert  Aldenhoven,  James  Balfour  Brawn,  John  Deviance,  Edward  F.  8.  Green, 
M.D.,  C.M.,  Martin  Hall,  Richard  C.  W.  NitschTce,  W.  Basil  Worsfold. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (59) : 

AUSTRALIA. — Max  Butler  (Melbourne),  Kenneth  C.  Macardle  (Goulbourn),  Owen  F.  Paget, 
M.D.  (Fremantle). 

CANADA. — Nicholas  W.  Lobb  (Quebec),  Thomas  Lynas  (Kenora),  Edgar  H.  Mansfield 
(Victoria,  B.C.). 

NEW  ZEALAND. — Hamiora  Hei,  LL.B.  (Gisborne),  Thomas  Jex-Blake  (Gisborne),  Joseph 
B.  Kells  (Gisborne),  Maurice  Mason  (Hastings),  Henry  White  (Gisborne). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — Richard  Baldwin  (Johannesburg),  Frederick  W.  Burch  (Uitenhage), 
Robert  J.  8.  Ennis  (Pretoria),  C.  W.  Mckenzie  Furniss  (Cape  Town),  Morgan  J.  Griffiths 
(Maritzburg),  Walter  L.  Perrins  (Port  Elizabeth),  John  Thomson  (Bechuanaland). 

INDIA.— William  H.  Wolff  (Bombay).  NYASALAND.— Ellis  J.  Evans.  RHODESIA.— John 
Hynd  (Bulawayo).  WEST  AFRICA. — Edmund  Hallatt  (Bromassie),  Robert  Hutton  (Lagos), 
John  L.  Popham  (Nigeria),  Capt.  A.  T.  Richmond  (Lagos),  Edward  J.  Speed  (Kano), 
Albert  E.  Turner  (Forcados),  Standish  J.  Watson,  M.B.  (Naraguta).  ARGENTINE. — John 

A.  Anderson   (Buenos  Aires),  Charles  E.    W.  Duley  (Buenos  Aires),  John  Forbes  (Charlone), 
Edward  E.  M.  Green  (Mendoza),  Robert  E.  Hallahan,  M.D.   (Buenos  Aires),   William  A. 
Harper   (Buenos  Aires),  Capt.  H.  W.  Harvey  (Buenos  Aires),  Francis  F.  Hawkins  (Buenos 
Aires),  Humphrey  H.   Hipwell  (Biienos  Aires),   Gordon  J.   Humbert   (Buenos  Aires),   Rev. 
William  M.  Laing   (Buenos  Aires'),  A.   N.   Linares   (Buenos  Aires),    Vernon  Lindop   (La 
Plata),    Alfred    H.    Lockhart    (Mendoza),    Peter    J.    Luhrs    (Trili),    William   McClymont 
(Buenos   Aires),   Charles   H.   Montgomery   (Buenos    Aires),   Norman    H.    Nimmo    (Buenos 
Aires),   George  B.   Pearson   (Buenos  Aires),    William   H.    Roberts    (Mendoza),    Joseph    A. 
Ranger   (Liniers),   A.    Wrench   Towse   (Buenos  Aires),   John    B.     Walker    (Buenos    Aires), 
Walter    Woodgate   (Buenos  Aires).      CHINA. — Herbert    P.   King    (Shanghai).      PANAMA. — 
S.  Harold  Salmon.     SIBERIA. — Robert  M.  Hodgson  (British  Consul,  Vladivostock).     UNITED 
STATES. — Samuel  B.  H.  Bravo  (Newton  Centre,  Mass),  Arthur  C.  Herbert  (Boston),  T.  V. 
Mortimore  (Brookline,  Mass),  G.  H.  Windeler  (Boston). 

Honorary  Fellow. — Richard  Harding  Davis  (New  York). 

Associates  (2)  : 

Miss  Mary  L.  Domville  (Lieutenant,  A.M.C.)  (New  Brunswick),  Mrs.  H.  H.  Hipwell 
(Buenos  Aires). 

Associates — Bristol  Branch  (50) : 

F.  Norton  Andrews,  A.  H.  Bradley,  E.  D.  Bennett,  F.  W.  Baber,  Mrs.  C.  H.  Bishop, 
Miss  P.  M.  Bishop,  Mrs.  Cleathers,  H.  T.  Chappell,  G.  H.  Clark,  Mrs.  Clark,  Miss 

B.  R.   Grossman,   Lady  Davies,   A.   Dowling,   L.   Dore,   R.G.A.,   T.   Evens,   Mrs.   Evens, 
J.   Freeman,  A.  D.  Fear,  A.   R.  P.  Fear,   Mrs.   S.  Humphries,   Capt.  B.  J.   Humphries, 
E.  J.  M.  Hopkins,  Mrs.  Hopkins,  A.  W.  Husbands,  H.  E.  Keeler,  B.  G.  King,  Capt.  E.  W. 
Lennard,   V.   W.  Letheren,  C.  B.  Loxton,  Mrs.  P.  Martin,  R.   W.  Mercer,  Mrs.  F.  Miles, 
H.   Mortimer,    W.   F.   Mumford,   F.   G.   Newton,   The   Right   Rev.    George    Nickson    (Lord 
Bishop  of  Bristol),  Mrs.  I.  C.  O'Leary,  J.  W.  Palmer,  E.  T.  Parker,  Mrs.  E.  K.  Phillips, 
H.  Reid,  Mrs.   W.  Taylor,   W.  K.  Thomas,   W.   W.   Woodhill,  E.  T.   Wedmore,  J.   Whiting, 
Rev.  E.  J.   Widdows,  Mrs.  E.  G.   Windus,   W.  T.   Wright,  E.   Wyatt. 

APPOINTMENT  OF  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

Right  Hon.  A.  Bonar  Law,  M.P.  (Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies),  Hon.  Thomas 
Mackenzie  (High  Commissioner  for  the  Dominion  of  New  Zealand),  Right  Hon.  Sir  Edward 
P.  Morris,  K.C.M.G.  (Premier  of  Newfoundland). 

APPOINTMENT  OF  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

Hon.  G.  F.  Earp,  M.L.C.,  Sydney,  N.S.W.  (joint  with  Mr.  H.  C.  Macfie),  Andrew 
Miller,  Calgary  (joint  with  Mr.  R.  B.  Bennett,  K.C.,  M.P.),  J.  S.  Niven,  M.D.  (London, 
Ontario),  G.  H.  Windeler  (Boston,  Mass.). 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
iii  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 

oircular.  letter,  retiort.  r,orrp.snnr>rlpmrrf>    ni«  Hnnu  merit,  nf  a.  ViiiKinpss    nViaranter 


The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  recorded  with  regret : 

KILLED  IN  ACTION. 

Capt.  W.  B.  Haddon-Smith,  Capt.  J.  R.  Innes  Hopkins,  Lieutenant  Charles  Murch- 
land,  Sec.  Lieutenant  Percy  C.  Johnson,  Sec.  Lieutenant  Harold  Percy  Clarke,  John 
Hugh  Allen,  Capt.  Eric  W.  Buckler,  Lieut. -Colonel  H.  C.  Becher,  Lieutenant  E.  J.  D.  Bussell. 

John  Hopkins,  H.  L.  Stables,  H.  E.  Campbell,  J.  W.  Langmuir,  A.  Ashdown 
Smith,  J.  Perrott  Prince,  M.D.,  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Jersey,  G.C.B.,  G.C.M.G., 
Henry  Grant,  H.  H.  Finch,  J.  Amory  Travers,  C.  H.  Ommanney,  C.M.G.,  T.  S.  Sword, 
Miss  M.  Agnes  FitzGibbon,  Sir  Charles  P.  Layard,  George  R.  Fife,  Henry  F.  C.  Fyers, 
H.  St.  J.  Tugman,  L.  A.  B.  Wade,  J.  Nelson  Williams,  S.  B.  Thorn,  C.  U.  Kingston, 
J.  H.  Marais,  Miss  Constance  Broadmead. 

BADGE  FOR  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

It  has  been  decided,  in  response  to  the  desire  of  Fellows  hi  various  parts  of  the  Empire, 
that  badges  of  Fellowship  and  Associateship  of  the  Institute  shall  be  issued  to  those  who 
may  desire  to  show  their  connection  with  the  work  in  which  the  Institute  is  engaged.  The 
Badge  will  consist  of  a  miniature  jewel  representing  the  crest  of  the  Institute  in  gold  and 
enamel  for  Fellows,  and  silver  and  enamel  for  Associates,  and  can  be  attached  to  the  dress 
or  watch  chain.  The  Badge  will  be  supplied  to  Fellows  and  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  3s.  each, 
or  in  the  form  of  a  brooch  for  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  4s.  each,  upon  application  being  made 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  o/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OP  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  It.  Gd. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  la.  6d.  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  Qd.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  Gd.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

%*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
io  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — H.  Whitaker,  0.  C.  de  J.  du  Vallon,  H.  R.  Poussette,  James  Brown, 
R.  J.  Flory,  W.  Hughes-Hallett.  Australia. — Mermyn  Minter.  Bolivia. — F.  E.  Burrowes. 
British  East  Africa. — Sir  Ralph  Williams,  K.C.M.O.,  Alex  Davis,  A.  M.  Champion. 
Canada. — Wm.  Cockfield.  Ceylon. — J.  8.  Stevenson.  Falkland  Islands. — Vere  Packe. 
Hong  Kong. — Dr.  Francis  Clark.  India. — J.  E.  Aspinwall,  Colonel  R.  N.  Smyth.  Mexico. 
— J.  M.  Whyte.  New  Zealand. — W.  F.  Rogers  Rowland,  Major  E.  A.  Belcher.  Nyasa- 
land. — T.  F.  Firr,  J.  L.  Maiden.  Rhodesia. — F.  H.  Derry,  W.  Ewing  Leckie.  South 
Africa. — Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Cornish,  H.  Standish  Ball,  Capt.  A.  J.  Crosby,  W.  Greenacre, 
H.  0.  Dickinson,  David  Pryde.  Straits  Settlements. — J.  C.  Sugars.  Uganda. — J.  P. 
ToUand,  Major  W.  A.  Burn,  H.  M.  T  arrant.  West  Africa.— M.  C.  Steedman,  E.  S. 
Doming,  E.  C.  Hodgett,  F.  W.  Chamberlain,  A.  J.  Goodwin,  Sir  Hugh  Clifford,  K.C.M.O., 
P.  H.  Lamb,  Dr.  J.  McConaghy,  E.  J.  Cameron,  C.M.G.,  J.  H.  Jeffers,  A.  W.  E.  Burge, 
K.  J.  Beatty,  Dr.  J.  P.  B.  Snell,  R.  G.  S.  Miller,  C.  W.  Welman,  R.  A.  Roberts, 
E.  M.  Bland,  C.  A.  Pickwoad,  H.  F.  Duncombe,  L.  J.  Muss,  Dr.  A.  C.  Parsons,  Capt. 
I.  Heslip,  G.  R.  Scovell,  E.  G.  M.  Dupigny,  Lieut.-Comdr.  L.  J.  Hall,  F.  J.  Dawson, 
Andrew  White,  Sir  E.  M.  Merewether,  K.C.V.O.,  Herbert  Wilson.  West  Indies.—/)/-. 
Irvine  K.  Reid,  J.  M.  Fleming,  Thomas  Fairbairn.  Zanzibar. — P.  Shearman-Turner, 
His  Honour  Judge  T.  S.  Tomlinson. 

DEPARTURES. 

Argentine. — C.  C.  Alexander.  Australia. — Prof.  M.  W.  MacCallum,  Dr.  G.  J.  Sly. 
Canada. — M.  Mclaughlin.  Ceylon. — F.  Eardley  Liesching.  Hong  Kong. — Dr.  G.  P. 
Jordan.  Northern  Rhodesia. — R.  Goring  Thomas.  South  Africa. — Hon.  Sir  Edward  J. 
Buchanan,  J.  P.  Robertson.  West  Africa. — D.  R.  A.  Bettington,  S.  A.  Dalton,  A. 
Claud  Hollis,  C.M.G.,  H.  A.  Prankerd,  Hon.  Mr.  Justice  R.  J.  B.  Ross,  R.  G.  Bunting, 
W.  C.  Pousty,  N.  G.  Frere,  A.  G.  Moreton,  T.  Walmsley,  H.C.  Hodgson,  Capt.  G.  Poole, 
L,  S.  Gruchy,  R.  W.  H.  Wilkinson,  M.  D.  Reece,  M.  T.  Morphy. 


- 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  :  — 
W.  H.  ALLEN,  ESQ.,  BEDFORD. 
THE  REV.  T.  S.  CARLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 
R.  CHKISTISON,  ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LINCS. 

T.  S.  COTTERELL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 

CAPT.  G.  CROSFIELD,  WARRINGTON. 
MARTIN  GRIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PURLEY. 
A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER. 
GILBERT  PURVIS,  ESQ.,  TORQUAY. 
COUNCILLOR  HERBERT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. 
JOHN  SPEAK,  ESQ.,  KIRTON,  BOSTON. 
PROFESSOR  R.  WALLU.CE,  EDINBURGH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  :  — 

R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALGARY. 

A.  R.  CHEELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL. 

G.  R.  DUNCAN,  ESQ.,  FORT  WILLIAM,  ONTARIO. 

HON.  D.  M.  EBERTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VICTORIA,  B.C. 

R.  FrrzRANDOLPH,  FBEDERICTON,  NEW  BRUNSWICK. 

SIR  SANDFORD  FLEMING,  K.C.M.G.,  OTTAWA. 

CRAWFORD'  GORDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG. 

W.  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 

C.  FREDERICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA. 

ERNEST  B.  C.  HANINGTON,  ESQ.,  M.D., VICTORIA,  B.C. 

REGINALD  V.  HAREIS,  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 

LT.-COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMER  VIHDEN,  MANITOBA. 

LT.-COL.  HERBERT  D.  HULME,  VANCOUVER,  B.C. 

CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIESON,  PETERBORO,  ONTARIO. 

LEONARD  W.  JUST,  ESQ.,  MONTREAL. 

L.  V.  KERR,  REGINA. 

JOHN  A.  McDouGAii,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON. 

CAPT.  J.  McKiNERY,  BASSANO,  ALBERTA.      [TARIO. 

J.  PRESCOTT  MERRITT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 

ANDREW  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALGARY. 

J.  S.  NIVEN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT. 

T.  J.  PARKES,  ESQ.,  SHERBROOKE,  QUEBEC.    [TAEIO. 

LT.-COL.    W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  ON- 

LT.-COL.  S.  W.  RAY,  PORT  ARTHUR,  ONTARIO. 

M.  H.  RICKEY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC. 

ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

Y.  M.  SCLANDERS,  ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ.,  HAMILTON. 
JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TORONTO. 
C.  E.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT. 
H.  L.  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  COCHHANE,  ONTARIO. 
S.  J.  WILLIAMS,  ESQ.,  BEELIN,  ONTARIO. 
COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES,  K.C.,  BRANTFOHD,  ONTAEIO. 
Commonwealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BAP.EETT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOURNE. 
MAJOR  HENRY  BREW,  BALLARAT.    F.  W.  CROAKER, 
ESQ.,  BREWARRINA,  N.S.W.    W.  L.  DOCKER,  ESQ., 
SYDNEY,   N.S.W.       C.  EARP,   ESQ.,   NEWCASTLE, 
N.S.W.    HON.      G.    F.    EABP,  M.L.C.,    SYDNEY. 
KINGSLEY  FAIBBEIDGE,  ESQ.,  PINJARRA.W.A.    H.C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ., SYDNEY, N.S.W.    J. N.  PAHKES, ESQ., 

TOWNSVTLLE.      HERBERT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 

W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOR,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BRISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNE,  M.L.C.,  BRISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ARTHUR  C.  TRAPP, 
ESQ.,  MELBOURNE,  VICTORIA.-  D'ARCY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER,  ESQ.,  HOBART. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  FRANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FREMANTLE,  W.A.  B.  H.  DARBYSHIRE,  ESQ., 
PERTH, W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  PORT  MORESBY. 
Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMERSTON  NORTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUHEDIN.  LEONARD  TRIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHARLES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SBTH-SMTTH,  ESQ., 
CHRISTCHUBCH.  How.  OLIVER  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.  D.DOUGLAS  MCLEAN,ESQ.,AND  PATRICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIER.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIER,  ESQ.  AND  PROFESSOR  F.  P.  WOBLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 
R.  KIRK,  GISBORNE.  COLIN  C.  HUTTON,  ESQ., 
WANGANUI.  C.  H.  THIPP,  ESQ.,  TEMABU. 
Union  of  South  Africa  :— 

CAPE  OF  GOOD  HOPE  :  HABRY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PERCY  F.  FBANCIS,  ESQ.  ,  POET  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLEY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KIMBEELEY. 
DAVID  REES,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MAJOB 
FEEDK.  A.  SAUNDERS,  F.R.C.S.,  GRAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX  SONNENBEBG,   ESQ.,  VRYBUBG.      F.   WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CARNARVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 
ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VEN.  ABCHDEACON  A.  T. 
WIHGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  PORT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL  :     G.    CHURTON    COLLINS,    ESQ.,    DURBAN, 
DACBE  A.  SHAW,  ESQ.,  PIETERMARITZBURG.    E.  W. 


Union  of  South  Africa :—  continued. 

ORANGE  FREE  STATE  :  MAJOR  K.  P.  C.  APTHORP, 
CRICHTON.  C.  A.  BECK,  ESQ.,  BLOHMFONTKIN. 

TRANSVAAL  :  W.  E.  FERRYMAN,  ESQ.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 
DARD BANK  CHAMBERS,  COMMISSIONER  STREET, 
JOHANNESBURG.  F.  C.  STURROCK,  ESQ.,  10 
GENERAL  MINING  BUILDINGS,  JOHANNESBURG. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSIER,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :  WM.  WARDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRES. 

W.  B.  HARDING  GREEN,  ESQ.,  BAKU.  BLANCA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MURPHY,ESQ.,FRANCISTOWN. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENRY  LOCKWARD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IRVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :    CHARLES  0.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 

HENRY  L.  WHEATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DE  JANEIRO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALEXANDERDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIROBI. 

MAJOR  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :  R-  H.  FERGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :  W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J-  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :   RISDON'BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.  B.  BRETT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CAEPENTEB,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  ESQ., 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHE  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.    [!POH. 
France  :  SIR  JOHN  PILTER,  PARIS. 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :   Louis  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  BERLIN. 

R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBUBG. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMTTH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMRTTAGE,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  INST.C.E.  ACCRA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  0.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PRILLEVITZ,  ESQ.,  GHONINGEN. 
Hong  Kong:   HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHORE.       [GONG. 
GEOBGE  H.  OBMEROD,  ESQ.,  M.lNST.C.E.,  CHITTA- 
JAMES  R.  PEARSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEEHUT. 

Malta  : 

Mauritius:     GEORGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  PORT  Louis. 
Mexico  :   C.  A.  HABDWICKE,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPICO. 
Newfoundland:    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
New   Hebrides  :  His   HONOUR  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY, 

VILA. 
Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NARAGUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ.,  ZUNGERU. 

R.  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  ZARIA.  [STONE. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,   LIVING- 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWERERE. 

A.  C.  HAYTEB,  ESQ.,  FORT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TURNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :  CHARLES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWATO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBURY. 
Samoa  :    COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,  LT.-COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BRIEN,  C.M.G. 
Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BARNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.O.JOHNSON,  M.L.C..FREETOWN. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BRYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANG. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTER  M.  MELLEH,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda  Protectorate  :     GEOBGE    D.    SMITH,    ESQ., 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 

United  States  :  DR.  G.  COOKE  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 
ALLEYNE  IRELAND,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK. 

G.  H.  WINDELEB,  ESQ.,  BOSTON. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HARCOURT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  3 .  J.  NUNAN,  GEORGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BRITISH  HON- 

FEANK CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  J  AMAICA.  [DURAS. 

HON.  MR.  JUSTICE  F.  H.  PARKER,  LEEWARD!SLANDS. 

A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PROFESSOR  P.  CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  PORT  OF 
SPAIN,  TRINIDAD. 

HON.  D.  S.  'DE  FREITAS,  M.L.C.,  GRENADA,  WIND- 
WARD ISLANDS. 


[C.  Vaitdyk,  Lid. 
GENERAL   THE    RIGHT    HON.    LOUIS   BOTHA,    COMMANDING    THE    SOUTH  AFRICAN   FORCES. 


UNITED    EMPIEE    « 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUENAL 

VOL.  VI  AUGUST  1915  No.  8 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 

EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  campaign  in  German  South-West  Africa  was  ended  on  July  9 
by  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  entire  German  forces,  as  the 

result  of  an  ultimatum  presented  by  General  Botha 
General  to  t^e  Qovernor  j)r  Seitz,  on  the  previous  day.  This 

Botha  s  .  i  i  T  -i_i 

Triumr>h  masterly  achievement  was  only  rendered  possible 

WTT  4-1^    —  -.-.I     nn.j    -------  J--  ---  .j,^^^^   ^t  ±i,~    TT^;~^ 

\ 

The  following  reply  from   General  Botha  has  been  received  5 

rough  the  Colonial  Office  as  we  go  to  press  :  —  * 

"  Please  convey  to  Council  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute  the 
assurance  of  my  great  appreciation  and  thanks  for  their 
kind  congratulations." 


w  t      _     »««._»•*«•—.  v~»  v        —-.«,-.      .      -w  —    -  —  —  .      —     -   —    --          —  —  _  __  _  .     _______     —•*-•          •—  •   —  —  —  —  ™"  —  7       —  —  —        -  --  -  -•-       ••—  •  —  — 

lieutenant,  General  Smuts  ;  and  congratulatory  telegrams  have  poured 
in  from  every  quarter.  The  Institute's  message  was  as  follows  : 
"  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  now  sitting,  sends  hearty 
congratulations  on  brilliant  results  achieved  by  yourself  and  the  brave 
troops  under  your  command  —  Grey".  When  the  Dutch  Voortrekkers 
left  the  country  of  their  birth,  and  passed  forth  from  under  a  Govern- 
ment now  admitted  to  have  been  lacking  in  sympathy  and  insight,  to 
form  a  new  State  in  a  wild  and  unknown  land,  their  first  act,  on  crossing 
the  Vaal  River,  was  solemnly  to  bind  one  and  all  together  by  the  terms 
of  the  Grondwet.  The  leaders,  forty  of  them,  sat  round  that  old  tree, 
hi  what  is  now  the  garden  of  the  Courthouse  in  the  town  of  Potchef- 
stroom,  Piet  Potgieter  at  their  head,  and  there  they  drew  up  the 
Constitution  under  which  they  and  their  children  after  them  were  to 
live.  Its  first  clause  was  that  every  man  was  bound  to  serve  the  State 
in  war.  They  adopted  as  their  national  motto  the  words  "  Eendragt 


[C.  Vandyk,  Lid. 
GENERAL   THE    RIGHT    HON.    LOUIS    BOTHA,    COMMANDING    THE    SOUTH   AFRICAN    FORCES. 


THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUKNAL 

VOL.  VI  AUGUST  1915  No.  8 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  campaign  in  German  South-West  Africa  was  ended  on  July  9 
by  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  entire  German  forces,  as  the 
result  of  an  ultimatum  presented  by  General  Botha 
to  the  Governor,  Dr.  Seitz,  on  the  previous  day.  This 
Triumph  masterly  achievement  was  only  rendered  possible 
by  the  rapid  and  unresting  advance  of  the  Union 
troops  in  spite  of  great  natural  obstacles,  and  by  the  Commander- 
in- Chief's  cleverly  devised  flanking  movements,  through  which  the 
enemy  were  completely  out- manoeuvred.  The  Germans  surrendering 
numbered  3,947,  of  whom  204  were  officers.  About  a  third  of  these 
belonged  to  the  regular  military  forces  of  the  Protectorate,  the 
remainder  being  reservists  and  police.  Thirty -seven  field  guns 
and  22  machine-guns  also  fell  into  General  Botha's  hands.  Thus 
there  is  added  to  the  British  Empire,  with  comparatively  little  blood- 
shed, a  colony  with  an  area  of  322,348  square  miles,  and  a  trade 
(export  and  import,  1912)  of  £3,700,000.  The  thanks  of  both  Houses 
of  Parliament  have  been  voted  to  the  victorious  General,  and  his  able 
lieutenant,  General  Smuts  ;  and  congratulatory  telegrams  have  poured 
in  from  every  quarter.  The  Institute's  message  was  as  follows : 
"  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  now  sitting,  sends  hearty 
congratulations  on  brilliant  results  achieved  by  yourself  and  the  brave 
troops  under  your  command — Grey".  When  the  Dutch  Voortrekkers 
left  the  country  of  their  birth,  and  passed  forth  from  under  a  Govern- 
ment now  admitted  to  have  been  lacking  in  sympathy  and  insight,  to 
form  a  new  State  in  a  wild  and  unknown  land,  their  first  act,  on  crossing 
the  Vaal  River,  was  solemnly  to  bind  one  and  all  together  by  the  terms 
of  the  Grondwet.  The  leaders,  forty  of  them,  sat  round  that  old  tree, 
in  what  is  now  the  garden  of  the  Courthouse  in  the  town  of  Potchef- 
stroom,  Piet  Potgieter  at  their  head,  and  there  they  drew  up  the 
Constitution  under  which  they  and  their  children  after  them  were  to 
live.  Its  first  clause  was  that  every  man  was  bound  to  serve  the  State 
in  war.  They  adopted  as  their  national  motto  the  words  "  Eendragt 

2P 


554  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

magt  maaJct " — Unity  makes  strength.  To-day  we  see  that  this 
motto,  cherished  all  through  his  life  by  General  Botha,  has  aided  him 
and  his  people  to  overcome  internal  troubles  and  to  defeat  the  outside  foe 
— the  first  complete  success  gained  by  the  British  Empire  in  this  war. 

A  LESS  pleasing  aspect  of  the  situation  in  South  Africa  is,  unfor- 
tunately, disclosed  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Nationalist  Congress  at 

Bloemfontein,  described  by  The  Times  Correspondent 
•^ke  .  as  an  "  orgy  of  racialism".  While  all  that  is  best  in 
p  ,  the  sub-continent  is  delighting  to  do  honour  to  General 

Bloemfontein.B°tha,  the  Herzogite  faction  holds  sullenly  aloof,  and 

is  organising  a  bitter  and  vindictive  campaign  against 
him,  in  view  of  the  forthcoming  General  Elections.  Whether  this  can 
be  deferred  under  the  constitution  seems  doubtful,  and  it  is  more 
probable  that  issue  will  be  joined  between  the  advocates  and  opponents 
of  the  "  two  streams  "  policy.  That  the  Government  will  lose  some 
seats,  especially  in  the  Free  State  and  the  Transvaal,  through  the 
artificial  alliance  between  Herzogism  and  Labour — both  of  which  have 
their  own  special  grievances  to  exploit — appears  to  be  inevitable  ; 
but  the  result  can  only  be  to  draw  more  closely  together  the  worthier 
Dutch  and  British  elements  of  the  population.  The  cleavage  of 
political  parties  would  thus  cease  to  be  on  purely  racial  lines ;  and  even 
if  the  example  set  by  the  Mother  Country  of  a  coalition  Government 
is  not  followed,  there  is  sure  to  be  an  increasingly  greater  solidarity 
between  the  loyalists  of  both  nationalities.  Time  alone  can  cure  the 
domestic  difficulties  of  the  Union,  and  the  less  interference  there  is 
from  ill-informed  outsiders  the  better  for  South  Africa.  To  suggest, 
as  some  have  done,  that  General  Botha  should  leave  his  post  at  Pretoria, 
and  come  to  Europe,  in  command  of  the  contingent  of  the  Union  forces, 
argues  a  grave  misconception  of  his  position.  His  foes,  for  the  present, 
must  be  those  of  his  own  household,  and  we  believe  he  will  beat  them 
as  soundly  as  he  has  beaten  their  German  allies. 

PRIVATE  letters  from  overseas   reveal  the  fact  that  men  whose 

only  source  of  information  is  the  press  are  almost  wistfully  anxious 

to  know  exactly  what  is  the  state  of  affairs  as  to  our 

Vhe  armies — their    strength,    the    reserves    behind    them, 

'  equipment,   hospital   provision,   and   so   forth.     They 

ask  anxiously  for  "  inside  information  "  on  these  points, 

but  the   answer   is  generally  found  in  the  old  stage  direction  "  Enter 

RUMOUR,  painted  full  of  tongues".     The  speeches  of  Ministers  do  not, 

as  a  rule,  cast  much  light — they  are  too  obviously  diplomatic.    Some 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  555 

clear  and  definite  facts  emerge,  however,  in  the  speeches  of  Lord 
Kitchener  and  others  at  the  Guildhall  on  July  9,  and  also  in  an  address 
on  the  working  of  the  National  Registration  Bill  by  Mr.  Walter  Long. 
Lord  Kitchener  explicitly  stated  that  "  the  time  has  come  when  some- 
thing more  [than  the  work  of  recruiting  committees]  is  required  to 
ensure  the  demands  of  our  forces  overseas  being  fully  met  .  .  .  there 
is  a  tendency  to  overlook  the  fact  that  these  larger  armies  require  even 
larger  reserves  ".  He  went  on  to  describe  the  Registration  Bill  as  the 
next  step,  which  will  enable  the  Government  to  note  the  men  between 
nineteen  and  forty  not  required  for  munition  or  other  necessary 
industrial  work,  and  he  added  :  "  Steps  will  be  taken  to  approach,  with 
a  view  to  enlistment,  all  possible  candidates  for  the  Army,  unmarried 
men  to  be  preferred  as  far  as  may  be  ".  Mr.  Long  answered  certain 
critics  who  had  said  that  the  Government  had  tied  its  own  hands  by 
the  statement  made,  in  introducing  the  National  Register,  that  it  did 
not  involve  compulsory  service.  He  declared  that  Government  had  left 
itself  entirely  free  and  would  not  hesitate  to  adopt  compulsion  "if  they 
believed  it  to  be  right  and  necessary  to  bring  the  War  to  an  end  " . 

MB.  WALTER  LONG  enjoys  a  reputation  for  honesty  and  straight- 
forward speech  which  his  handling  of  the  National  Register  has 
increased.  That  measure  is  a  compromise — compulsory 
registration  for  voluntary  service  —  and  has  the 
faults  as  well  as  the  advantages  of  all  compromises. 
It  has  not  caused  much  controversy,  and  by  a  compromise 
within  a  compromise  those  parts  of  Ireland  which  do  not  desire 
to  be  numbered  can  be  exempted.  It  is  for  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
to  decide  on  local  evidence  which  parts  are  anxious  to  take  their  stand 
with  the  rest  of  the  United  Kingdom.  For  the  rest  of  the  British  Isles 
registration  is  compulsory  on  all  persons,  male  and  female,  between 
fifteen  and  sixty-five.  The  ages  taken,  and  the  inclusion  of  women, 
are  part  of  the  compromise — they  are  incompatible  with  compulsion 
for  any  purpose.  In  order  to  take  the  "steps"  indicated  by  Lord 
Kitchener  a  fresh  list  of  men  of  military  age  must  be  compiled  from 
the  general  register,  and  this  again  must  be  classified.  After  this  is 
done  fresh  legislation  will  be  needed  if  anything  more  than  moral 
suasion  is  to  be  applied.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the  real  necessities 
of  the  nation  at  this  crisis  we  may  be  permitted  to  regret  that  the 
smaller  list  was  not  the  first  to  be  compiled  and  classified.  A  register 
of  the  whole  adult  nation,  male  and  female,  is  so  gigantic  an  affair 
that  it  must  take  more  time  than  can  really  be  afforded  at  ther.moment, 

2  p2 


556  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

and  when  it  is  complete  it  is  still  only  a  sort  of  national  "  Who's  Who  ". 
There  will  still  be  no  new  machinery  for  sorting  out  and  utilising 
the  voluntary  offers  in  their  endless  variety.  We  understand  that 
local  authorities  are  to  be  largely  responsible  for  compiling  the  registers, 
and  the  subsequent  utilisation  of  the  lists  (apart  from  the  rota  of 
men  of  military  age  which,  presumably,  will  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  military  and  munition-making  authorities)  must  also  depend 
very  largely  on  local  organisation. 

No  material  change  has  taken  place  on  the  Western  line  of  battle, 

though  rumour  continually  predicts  a  big  German  offensive  there. 

The  present  objective  seems  to  be  Verdun  rather  than 

l~e  Calais,   and  the  Crown  Prince's  army  has  had  some 

Western  ,,        A  .          Q. ^    T  ,       ,-,        ,  , 

Camrcaia-n       success   in   the    Argonne   region.     Sir    John    French  s 

last  published  dispatch,  dated  July  15,  covers  the  first 
use  of  gas  and  the  losses  due  to  it,  but  does  not,  of  course,  bring  the 
story  up  to  date.  He  mentions,  for  the  first  time,  the  presence  in 
the  field  of  some  divisions  of  the  New  Armies,  and  speaks  highly  of 
their  artillery,  which  has  been  relieving  in  the  firing  line  some  of  the 
regular  batteries  which  sorely  needed  a  rest.  A  private  letter  from 
one  of  these  new  batteries  gives  a  curious  view  of  German  tactics 
at  that  part  of  the  line.  They  are  throwing  away  ammunition  all 
the  time,  says  the  writer,  firing  wildly  and  without  range,  whereas 
the  British  guns  never  reply  without  a  definite  objective.  This 
squandering  of  ammunition  is  probably  intended  to  have  a  moral 
effect,  but  its  one  disadvantage,  from  the  Allies'  point  of  view,  is  that 
men  get  careless  of  danger  when  they  see  so  many  shells  which  do 
no  damage.  The  use  of  gas-filled  bombs  and  shells  is  apparently  a 
feature  of  the  present  phase  of  German  warfare ;  but  now  that  our 
men  are  prepared,  these  "  stink  pots  ",  to  use  the  mediaeval  name,  are 
rather  disturbing  than  deadly. 

SUCCESSFUL  advances  are  reported  on  the  narrow  front  which  is  all 
that  the  Gallipoli  peninsula  affords,  but  so  far  Achi  Bab  a,  the  fortress 
_,  which  bars  the  way  to  progress,  is  still  untaken.  The 

Dardanelles.  publication  of  Sir  Ian  Hamilton's  first  dispatch  gave, 
in  more  picturesque  language  than  official  documents 
usually  permit  themselves,  a  full  account  of  the  heroic — almost  madly 
heroic — actions  by  which  a  foothold  was  gained  on  the  peninsula.  Fresh 
elements  should  shortly  be  introduced  by  the  reported  shortage  of 
Turkish  ammunition,  freely  commented  on  in  Germany,  if  not  by  the 
intervention  of  Roumania  and  Greece.  The  former  Power,  it  appears, 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  557 

no  longer  permits  the  passage  of  German  arms  and  troops  through 
her  territory,  and  the  latter  is  declared,  by  one  of  her  own  ministerial 
papers,  to  be  simply  waiting  to  ascertain  what  position  her  troops  can 
take  which  will  best  secure  her  own  interests.  The  moment  is  obviously 
inauspicious  for  Roumania  to  do  more,  for  the  Russian  retreat  has 
uncovered  her  to  the  enemy ;  but  Greece  has  a  far  simpler  game  to 
play.  Incidentally,  the  Dardanelles  dispatches  have  revealed  the 
presence  there  of  some  thirty  British  ships,  just  as  other  dispatches 
show  us  that  a  British  gunboat  patrols  the  Danube  and  British  forces 
are  co-operating  with  Serbia. 

IN  the  Eastern  campaign,  Germany  has  made  a  still  further  advance 
during  the  past  month,  and  it  is  noticeable  that  her  troops  have  been 

assisted  to  a  very  material  extent  by  the  Austrian  armies, 
The  Eastern  ,  •  -,  ,  -.  £  ,,•  ,  ,, 

Cammie-n       which  seem  to  be  righting  better  now  than  at  any  previous 

period  since  the  outbreak  of  war.  The  Grand  Duke 
Nicholas,  owing  to  the  shortage  of  munitions,  has  had  generally  to 
retreat  along  the  long  line  which  he  holds  between  the  Baltic  and 
the  Bukowina,  and  the  offensive  of  the  Germans  has  been  directed — 
without  success — to  breaking  his  line.  At  the  moment,  the  attention 
of  the  world  is  fixed  on  the  great  enveloping  movement  by  which  the 
Germans,  having  crossed  the  Narew  on  a  front  of  forty  miles,  are  now 
making  a  semicircle  round  the  north  of  Warsaw  and  threatening 
its  communications  with  Petrograd.  Nevertheless,  the  strategy  of 
the  Grand  Duke  has  so  far  been  successful ;  for,  while  contesting  the 
advance  and  causing  heavy  losses  to  the  enemy,  he  has  avoided  con- 
clusive engagements  or  the  surrounding  of  his  armies.  The  allied 
troops  are  drawn  farther  away  from  the  strategic  base  of  their  own 
railway  systems,  and  the  immense  effort  involved  must  use  up  men 
at  a  terrible  rate,  to  say  nothing  of  munitions — and  Germany  has 
not  a  limitless  supply  of  either.  To  the  north  the  Germans  have  taken 
their  revenge  for  the  Russian  invasion  of  East  Prussia  by  themselves 
invading  the  Baltic  Provinces ;  a  large  country,  whose  population,  it 
must  be  remembered,  possesses  a  very  considerable  admixture  of  German 
immigrants  still  speaking  the  German  language  as  their  mother  tongue, 
and  quite  ready  to  sympathise  with  Germany  in  her  hour  of  apparent 
success.  There  appears  to  be  every  likelihood  that  the  German  armies 
will  attempt  to  seize  the  city  of  Riga,  a  port  of  considerable  wealth 
and  importance.  At  the  same  time  their  main  objective  still  remains 
the  city  of  Warsaw,  which  is  certainly  now  in  greater  peril  than  it  was 


558  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

even  during  the  Hindenburg  rushes  of  last  October  and  November. 
As  to  this,  one  can  only  await  events  and  remember  that  the  German 
predictions  of  victory  have  often  been  falsified,  and  that  even  though 
Warsaw  should  fall,  its  effect  would  merely  be  to  strengthen  the  purpose 
of  Russia. 

As  regards  the  complicated  questions  of  Balkan  politics,  the  past 
month  has  seen  no  great  movement.  The  neutrality  of  all  the  States 
still  continues,  but  Roumania's  attitude  has  taken  on 
Dne  Balkan  a  }egs  friencQy  tone  for  the  Allies  (German- Austrian) 
and  she  has  had  to  submit  to  the  indignity  of  receiving 
proposals  from  Austria  for  extending  her  territory  at  the  expense 
of  Russia.  Austria  offers  her  Bessarabia  and  a  certain  section  of 
Bukowina,  but  Roumania's  real  desire  is  of  course  Transylvania,  and 
this  Austria  cannot  or  will  not  concede,  since  the  Province  of  Tran- 
sylvania, which  is  largely  peopled  by  Roumanians,  is  one  of  the  most 
wealthy  districts  of  Hungary.  At  the  same  time  the  mere  fact  that 
these  proposals  should  have  been  made  by  Austria  to  a  neutral  is 
sufficient  evidence  that  the  possibility  of  Roumania's  intervention  on 
the  side  of  the  Allies  is,  to  say  the  least,  problematical.  Bulgaria 
has  received  from  Turkey,  in  the  control  of  the  Dedeagatch  railway, 
a  valuable  concession,  which,  although  it  is  stated  to  have  "  no  political 
significance  ",  looks  very  like  a  quid  pro  quo  for  non-intervention. 
Greece  still  requires  guarantees  from  the  Entente  Powers,  although 
the  fact  that  she  would  have  to  resign  a  slice  of  territory  to  Bulgaria 
should  be  more  than  compensated  by  the  promise  of  the  restoration 
to  her  of  the  Greek  Islands  and  the  Province  of  Smyrna.  If  Greek 
newspapers  are  to  be  believed,  her  intervention  is  simply  awaiting 
the  psychological  moment,  but  the  Press,  and  the  public  opinion 
which  it  voices,  are  not,  after  all,  the  controlling  factors  in  Greece. 

IT  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  Persian  Gulf  Expeditionary  Force  will 
not  seek  to  measure  the  interest  taken  at  home  in  its  operations  by 

the  scanty  information  of  its  movements  doled  out 
J;  ®  from  official  sources.  From  private  information  and 

Exr>edition  a^er  a  considerable  lapse  of  time  we  are  able  to  form 

an  adequate  conception  of  the  feat  of  arms  which  resulted 
in  the  rout  of  28,000  Turks  and  Arabs  on  the  occasion  of  their  attack 
on  our  Shaiba  position  last  April.  The  official  statement  gave  the 
usual  colourless  account,  and  the  last  dispatches  from  the  Gulf  are 
equally  brief  though  distinctly  encouraging.  It  may  safely  be  said  that 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  559 

the  Shaiba  fight  merits  a  special  niche  of  its  own  in  the  annals  of  British 
battles  both  on  account  of  the  excellent  handling  of  our  forces  and  for 
the  prowess  of  the  troops.  Since  that  date  an  advance  has  been 
made  to  Amara  on  the  Tigris,  and  the  work  of  consolidating  our 
position  in  the  territory  occupied  has  been  prosecuted  systematically. 
Moreover,  an  advance  has  also  been  made,  despite  weather  conditions 
of  a  most  trying  kind  (a  shade  temperature  of  113  degrees),  up  the 
Euphrates,  and  on  July  24  British  forces,  including  gun-boats,  attacked 
and  captured  Nasiryeh  with  casualties  of  between  300  and  400  and 
considerably  greater  loss  to  the  Turks.  This  campaign,  which  is 
being  conducted  by  the  Government  of  India,  may  have  an  important 
influence  before  long,  as  it  divides  the  Turkish  forces,  and  should 
Bagdad  be  reached  considerable  moral  as  well  as  material  damage 
will  be  inflicted  on  Germany's  ally. 

WE  are  familiarising  ourselves  with  the  reflection  that  the  War  must 
inevitably  alter  our  outlook  upon  many  things,  and  the  circumstances 

surrounding  the  visit  of  the  Prime  Minister  of  one  of 

Robert       QUr  Overseas  Dominions  is  a  case  in  point.     Sir  Robert 

Visit  Borden  is  always  assured  of  a  warm  welcome  in  England ; 

but  he  has  arrived  this  time,  during  the  progress  of  the 
War,  to  find  that  he  is  expected  to  move  amongst  us  no  longer  with  the 
aloofness  of  an  honoured  guest,  but  as  a  public  man  at  home.  His 
presence  at  a  Cabinet  meeting  indicates  a  subtle  change  in  the  rela- 
tionship between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Overseas  Dominions 
consequent  upon  the  War.  In  itself,  as  Lord  Milner  has  pointed  out, 
a  complimentary  seat  in  the  Cabinet  is  at  best  an  omen  ;  it  is  not  the 
real  thing  in  the  sense  that  it  really  represents  any  adequate  recognition 
of  the  importance  of  Canada  to  the  Empire.  But  the  fact  that  the  seat 
should  have  been  offered  now,  for  the  first  time,  proves  that  the  influence 
of  the  War  is  felt  before  there  has  been  time  for  modifications  of  the 
Constitution  to  be  effected. 

THERE  will  naturally  be  a  tendency  to  connect  this  change  in  the 

relationship  between  Canadians  and  ourselves  with  the  exploits  of  the 

Canadian  forces.     This  tendency  was  very  marked  in 

Im  <^aTRe^tlie  sPeeclles  deliyered  at  the  luncheon  given  by  the 

lationships.     Empire   Parliamentary   Association  in   honour   of   Sir 

Eobert  Borden,  when  Mr.  Bonar  Law  quoted  the  words 

of  the  Principal  of  one  of  the  Canadian  Universities  shortly  after  the 


560  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

Battle  of  Ypres  :  "  It  means  more  to  be  a  Canadian  to-day  than  it  meant 
a  week  ago  " .  Certainly  the  Empire  has  been  profoundly  stirred  by 
the  magnificent  display  of  tenacity  and  courage  given  by  our  Overseas 
forces  ;  but  we  should  like  to  think  that  it  is  our  changed  outlook 
on  things,  brought  about  by  the  War  and  representing  a  permanent 
attitude  of  mind  rather  than  a  passing  emotion,  which  is  to  produce 
the  ideal  co-operation  between  the  Dominions  and  the  Mother  Country, 
when  representatives  from  all  the  self-governing  units  of  the  Empire 
can  meet  in  some  form  of  a  truly  Imperial  Council. 

CANADA,  Sir  Robert  Borden  has  reminded  us,  has  sent  overseas 
up  to  the  present  time  nearly  75,000  men,  including  troops  which 

are  doing  garrison  duty  in  the  West  Indies.  Another 
z,ar  75,000  men  are  in  training  in  the  Dominion,  and  are 

Position  being  prepared  as  rapidly  as  possible  for  their  dispatch 

to  the  front  when  needed.  Their  place  in  turn  will  have 
to  be  taken  by  others  at  home.  But  Canada's  contribution  to  the 
War  is  not  restricted  to  contingents,  in  esse  or  in  posse,  for  the  front. 
War  orders  placed  in  Canada  by  the  Allied  Governments  are  now 
estimated  at  a  total  of  £80,000,000 ;  and  they  range  from  buttons  to 
submarines.  Orders  for  shells  and  explosives  for  the  British  Govern- 
ment amounted  two  months  ago  to  more  than  a  third  of  this  total.  As 
it  is  reckoned  that  the  annual  output  of  Canada's  factories,  working  at 
full  pressure,  would  be  a  little  under  £300,000,000  we  see  that  these  war 
orders  would  keep  the  entire  industrial  plant  of  the  Dominion  occupied 
for  about  three  and  a  half  months.  At  a  time  when  business  was  likely 
to  be  seriously  handicapped  by  the  outbreak  of  war,  on  the  top  of  an 
economic  crisis,  the  value  of  these  war  orders  to  Canada  cannot  be 
over-estimated.  On  the  other  hand,  they  would  of  themselves  afford 
no  adequate  compensation  for  a  general  dislocation  of  Canadian  trade. 
Fortunately,  however,  there  is  now  little  danger  of  this  dislocation 
taking  place.  The  economic  position,  since  we  last  touched  upon  the 
subject  in  these  pages,  has  shown  a  marked  improvement,  and 
Canada,  for  the  first  time  in  her  history,  is  becoming  a  creditor 
country.  Splendid  crops  are  anticipated,  and  it  is  noticeable 
that  the  acreage  under  wheat  is  25  per  cent,  in  excess  of  that 
harvested  last  year.  There  may  even  be  a  danger  that  the  crisis 
brought  about  by  land  speculation  will  have  been  checked 
too  soon  to  prove  an  adequate  corrective  to  national  and  personal 
extravagance. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  561 

Two  debates  in  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  have  enlightened 
the  country  as  to  the  export  of  cotton,  which,  as  is  now  common 
knowledge,  is  one  of  the  indispensable  materials  for 
certain  explosives,  and  for  the  first  eight  months  of  the 
War  was  freely  exported  to  Germany  via  the  neutral  countries  of 
northern  Europe.  It  is  of  no  use  crying  over  spilt  milk  or  inquiring 
why,  in  the  teeth  of  expert  advice,  this  state  of  affairs  continued  so 
long.  The  assumption  has  always  been  that  the  freedom  of  cotton 
was  the  price  Britain  paid  for  American  sympathy,  or  that  it  was  due 
to  our  fine  sense  of  international  honour.  At  present,  under  the  Orders 
in  Council  issued  in  March,  cotton  is  not  contraband,  that  is  to  say  it 
can  be  freely  shipped  from  one  neutral  country  to  another,  but  the 
British  Navy,  which  commands  the  seas,  exercises  the  right  of  search 
in  neutral  vessels,  and  while  confiscating  contraband  articles,  or  taking 
the  ships  to  be  dealt  with  by  Prize  Courts,  it  notes  the  destination  of 
cotton,  and  in  the  words  of  Lord  Crewe  "  as  far  as  possible  the  facts  are 
checked  " .  As  we  pointed  out  in  a  previous  note  this  places  the  respon- 
sibility, a  very  heavy  one,  on  the  captain  of  the  examining  ship,  and  it 
is  impossible  to  be  sure  that  the  final  destination  of  the  consignment  is 
correctly  stated.  Several  measures  have  been  proposed,  of  which  the 
one  which  seems  to  have  the  best-informed  support  is  that  cotton 
should  be  declared  contraband  and  the  exporters  compensated.  The 
cost  is  rather  loosely  estimated  at  £30,000,000  sterling.  The  forma- 
tion of  a  responsible  trust  company  in  Holland  is  said  to  have  secured 
that  cotton  shall  not  be  re-exported  from  that  country,  and  Lord 
Emmott,  as  President  of  the  War  Trade  Department,  stated  that  the 
figures  compiled  by  them  did  not  show  an  abnormal  import  into 
Holland,  Denmark  or  Sweden,  for  May  and  June  last,  though  he 
confessed  that  Norway's  share  was  still  abnormal.  There  remains 
the  fact  that  cotton  was  shipped  direct  to  Turkey  in  June,  and  that 
Greece,  in  the  same  month,  took  2,000,000  more  yards  of  cotton 
stuffs  than  in  June  1914.  Rubber  is  also  stated  to  be  leaking  through, 
and  it  is  urged  that  the  War  Trade  Department  is  not  careful  enough 
as  to  the  licences  it  grants.  Mr.  Asquith,  in  the  House  on  July  21, 
expressed  himself  as  dissatisfied  with  the  existing  state  of  affairs  as 
to  cotton,  and  spoke  of  the  "  vast  mass  of  considerations  "  which 
have  to  be  weighed.  That  Great  Britain  should  forbear  taking  any 
undue  advantage  of  the  supremacy  of  her  navy  to  the  detriment  of 
neutral  states  is  well.  We  want  to  make  war  like  gentlemen.  But 
the  sufferings  inflicted  on  millions  of  people,  neutrals  as  well  as 


562  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

combatants,  by  the  prolongation  of  the  conflict,  must  be  weighed  against 
the  material  damage  feared  by  a  relatively  small  section  of  neutral 
traders.  There  is  also  the  question  of  our  duty  to  our  Allies.  It  is 
a  question  of  proportion. 

MEANWHILE  the  well-informed  correspondents  of  the  London 
press  in  Washington  report  restlessness  and  dissatisfaction  on  the 

part  of  the  traders  of  the  United  States  at  the  very 
^  policy  which  was  intended  to  placate  them.  They 

Thinks  would  prefer,  as  has  been  said,  that  we  should  make 

cotton  openly  contraband  and  compensate  them  for  the 
losses  they  would  incur.  But  the  disadvantage  of  making  a  huge 
payment  in  gold  just  now  seems  also  disproportionate  to  the  gain, 
for  America  has  other  grievances.  Britain  values  her  friendship  and  has 
gone  to  great  lengths  to  secure  it,  but  her  first  job,  from  which  no 
side  issue  should  divert  her,  is  to  win  the  War.  If  it  is  hinted  that 
the  United  States  may  retaliate  by  limiting  her  supply  of  munitions 
—a  suggestion  seriously  made  in  The  Times — the  reply  is  that  to  do 
so  would  be,  in  nursery  language,  cutting  off  her  nose  to  spite  her 
face.  As  a  great  portion  of  the  United  States  press  is  under  German 
influence  and  control — and  the  German- American  is  one  of  the  most 
vocal  elements  in  society — too  much  importance  need  not  be  attached 
to  the  sentiments  expressed.  The  whole-hearted  affection  of  Chicago 
—that  semi-German  city — cannot  be  won  even  by  the  most  sym- 
pathetic treatment  of  the  meat-packers'  grievances.  It  must  always 
be  remembered  that  the  main  objects  of  German  propaganda  work 
in  the  United  States  have  been  to  bring  about  an  embargo  on  the 
export  of  munitions,  to  embroil  the  United  States  and  Britain  on  any 
possible  point,  and  to  inflame  the  Far  West  against  Japan.  Fortunately 
Germany  has  compromised  her  success  by  her  own  innate  brutality. 
The  Lusitania  correspondence,  in  which  the  last  document  was  an 
impertinent  flouting  by  Germany  of  the  whole  case  as  stated  by  the 
United  States,  has  reached  a  fresh  anti-climax  with  the  presentation 
of  another  "  firm  "  note  by  President  Wilson,  followed  by  the  sinking 
(the  same  day)  of  an  American  merchant  ship.  The  Republic  has 
failed  to  secure  for  its  people  the  right,  hitherto  conceded  by  all 
combatant  powers  to  neutrals,  to  travel  free  from  attack  in  unarmed 
vessels.  Failing  to  secure  this  elementary  right  from  Germany,  one 
would  have  thought  that  in  her  own  interests  she  would  aid  Great 
Britain  in  preventing  materials  for  munitions  from  reaching  Germany. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  563 

If  she  prefers  the  path  of  strict  neutrality — and  her  domestic  conditions 
make  any  other  extremely  difficult — let  her  at  least  refrain  from 
hampering  and  embarrassing  the  Power  on  whose  predominant  sea- 
power  alone  rests  her  chance  of  conducting  any  trade  at  all. 

IT  is  always  difficult  to  form  an  unbiassed  opinion  on  the  merits 
of  a  quarrel  which  involves  technical  details  with  which  the  average 

person  is  unfamiliar.  There  is  generally,  in  the  words  of 
St  "k  °'  ^  R°§er  de  Coverley,  much  to  be  said  on  both  sides ;  but 

the  apologists  for  the  South  Wales  miners  who  urge  this 
famous  judgment  were  obliged  to  admit  that  the  miners,  by  refusing 
to  follow  their  own  official  spokesmen,  put  themselves  in  a  false 
position.  The  Proclamation  of  the  Munitions  Act  was  applied  to 
the  coal  mining  industry,  thereby  making  strikes  illegal  and  punish- 
able by  fine  ;  but  the  men  refused  to  work  on  day-to-day  contracts  until 
the  dispute  could  be  settled,  as  they  were  advised  by  their  leaders.  It 
is  said  that  local  delegates,  agitators  and  union  officials  were  responsible 
for  this  contumacy ;  but,  whatever  may  be  the  cause,  it  was  deplorable 
that  a  body  of  men,  not  lacking  in  public  spirit  as  is  shown  by  their 
recruiting  record,  should  collectively  defy  their  Government  at  a 
moment  when  it  was  fighting  a  foreign  foe.  It  is  generally  believed 
that  the  men  themselves  felt  this,  but  were  misled,  and  in  any  case 
they  accepted  with  little  demur  the  mediation  of  their  countryman, 
Mr.  Lloyd  George,  compromised  on  their  claims  and  returned  to 
work  after  a  six  days'  absence.  The  real  moral  of  the  situation  seems 
to  be  that,  when  war  on  this  scale  is  being  waged,  the  ordinary  condi- 
tions of  bargain  which  govern  economic  relations  are  no  longer 
possible.  Germany  has  had  trouble  of  a  similar  kind,  though  of  a 
minor  character,  and  she  has  taken  over  her  coal  industry  by  a  simple 
announcement,  and  will  probably  follow  the  same  course  with  iron  and 
other  commodities.  Whether  or  not  a  less  drastic  course  will  be  effec- 
tive in  the  case  of  Britain  remains  to  be  seen.  The  mere  limitation 
of  coal  prices  at  the  pit  head,  as  fixed  by  the  new  Bill,  does  not  seem 
to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  trouble. 

UNITED  EMPIRE  makes  a  regular  appearance  in  the  fighting  line 

nowadays,  and  a  Fellow  wrote  to  us  the  other  day  that  the  contents 

_       of  their  mail  revealed  two  other  Fellows  to  him  in  his 

own  trench.    From  time  to  time  biographical  notes 

reach  us  of  our  Fellows  on  service,  which,  for  want  of  space,  are 

too  often  read  only  by  editorial  eyes.    They  frequently  reveal,  almost 


564  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

unconsciously,  the  spirit  which  has  made  our  British  race,  with  all  its 
faults  and  failings,  a  truly  Imperial  one.  Here,  from  a  country 
rectory,  comes  a  note  from  the  father  of  four  sons,  one  with  his 
regiment  in  India,  one  in  Sierra  Leone,  and  a  third  in  the  R.N.W. 
Mounted  Police  in  Canada — all  serving  their  country  but  charing 
because  their  earnest  desire  for  service  at  the  front  has  not  been 
gratified,  and  envying  a  lucky  brother,  who  "  has  been  in  and  about  the 
trenches  at  La  Bassee  and  Neuve  Chapelle  since  October  ".  What  the 
Imperial  services  would  do  without  the  sons  of  the  rectory  and  manse 
it  is  hard  to  think.  Or  again  comes  the  tribute  of  a  friend  to  one 
whose  name  appears  in  our  Roll  of  Honour — killed  in  the  Cameroon, 
aged  30.  Lieutenant  E.  J.  D.  Bussell,  we  read,  was  intended  for  city 
life,  but  elected  for  something  more  adventurous  and  after  a  few  years 
in  Canada  had  begun  work  in  Nigeria,  opening  up  trading  stations. 
He  volunteered  for  the  Togoland  expedition,  and  returning  safe 
went  on  to  the  Cameroon,  where  he  met  his  end.  Here  is  an  extract 
from  one  of  his  letters  home,  which  tells  its  own  tale.  "  Good-bye, 
Dad,  and  don't  get  too  stuck  up  because  you  have  three  sons  serving 
your  King  at  the  front.  I  know,  if  you  were  fit,  you'd  be  there 
yourself.  God  grant,  for  Mother's  sake,  that  we  all  pull  through, 
but  if  we  don't,  if  one  of  us  goes  under,  put  on  your  gala  clothes 
and  rejoice,  for  what  could  be  a  more  glorious  end  ?  '  Generations 
of  schoolboys  have  learnt,  in  the  history  of  heroic  ages,  to  kindle 
over  words  and  deeds  which  are  now  being  matched  every  day  ; 
and  the  great  confession  of  faith,  Pro  patrid,  is  no  less  sublime 
because  it  is  clothed  in  the  light  language  of  modern  slang. 

THE  result  of  the  second  British  War  Loan  was  highly  satisfactory. 

To  raise  nearly  six  hundred  million  sterling  without  any  pressure 

save  that  from   patriotic  impulse  is   sufficient  index 

Pile  AVsiT  .  . 

•r  of  the  determination  of  the  British  people  to  carry  on 

the  War,  although  it  is  now  known  that  the  members 
of  the  Government  were  more  than  a  little  anxious  as  to  the  applications 
during  the  first  few  days.  The  small  investor  took  some  time  to 
make  up  his  mind ;  the  big  investors  naturally  delayed  their  applica- 
tions until  the  last  possible  moment,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  applica- 
tion money  on  large  amounts  involved  considerable  sums.  The  one 
disappointment  about  the  loan  was  the  number  of  very  small  applicants ; 
but  these  may  increase,  as  the  Post  Offices  are  still  open  for  their  type 
of  business,  and  their  contributions  will  probably  be  received  for  the 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  565 

remainder  of  the  year.  But  in  spite  of  lavish  publicity  in  the  half- 
penny papers — the  Government  is  said  to  have  spent  the  best  part 
of  a  million  in  advertising — only  one  person  in  forty  has  bought  stock. 
Probably  the  idea  may  be  gradually  familiarised  to  the  working-man, 
who  may  invest  more  in  the  next  War  Loan,  which,  however,  is  a 
matter  that  will  hardly  concern  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
during  the  present  year. 

WITH  expenditure  at  the  rate  of  three  millions  sterling  a  day,  the 
funds  now  in  hand  or  to  be  paid  up  in  instalments  should  last  some 
twenty-eight  weeks — a  period  which  will  bring  us  to 
January  1916.  Even  if  the  War  should  come  to 
an  end  by  that  time — of  which  there  seems  little 
likelihood  at  present — the  Government  would  find  it  necessary  to 
float  another  loan,  for  the  colossal  expenditure  could  not  be  im- 
mediately reduced  without  disaster  and  distress.  There  would, 
however,  be  no  difficulty  about  raising  a  further  loan  in  some  months' 
time,  if  the  people  can  be  educated  in  the  need  for  economy  and  saving. 
Government  itself,  it  must  be  remembered,  did  not  understand  this  at 
the  beginning  of  the  War,  when  everybody  was  advised  to  spend  money 
freely  in  order  to  maintain  employment.  This  short-sighted  advice 
chimed  in  with  the  natural  tendencies  of  British  character,  which 
regards  economy  as  meanness.  The  increasingly  lavish  expenditure 
>f  the  Imperial  and  municipal  authorities  in  the  last  decade  cannot 
>e  checked  in  a  moment ;  but  it  must  be  carefully  revised,  and  it  is 
for  public  authorities  to  lead  the  way.  A  country  which  runs  a  war 
on  a  voluntary  system  necessarily  pays  more  than  one  with  compulsory 
military  service,  since  it  has  to  enter  the  open  wage  market  for  recruits, 
and  to  a  certain  extent  bid  against  the  private  employers  ;  but  there 
is  a  very  general  feeling  that  the  British  Government  has  been  unduly 
lavish,  and  even  played  the  spendthrift  with  the  national  resources. 
Some  rather  telling  examples  have  been  given  recently  of  economies  that 
might  be  made  in  the  Civil  Service,  while  payment  of  members  of 
Parliament,  whose  criticisms  are  perhaps  not  worth,  at  the  present 
time,  the  £400  a  year  which  the  State  pays  for  them,  might  be  dis- 
pensed with  without  any  loss  to  the  country.  In  addition,  many  of 
those  schemes  of  social  reform  which  involved  a  heavy  expenditure 
on  additional  salaries  before  the  War,  might  easily  be  curtailed  or 
even  done  away  with  altogether.  While  the  multiplication  of  com- 
mittees in  our  midst  is  not  an  unmixed  blessing,  the  committee  on 


566  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

retrenchment;  with  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  at  its  head,  has  a 
useful  field  in  the  civil  administration  of  the  country,  and  perhaps  will 
serve  a  double  purpose  if  it  re-establishes  the  Chancellor  as  the  jealous 
hoarder  of  money  instead  of  spender-in-chief. 

OF  the  financial  ability  of  the  United  Kingdom  to  carry  on  the  War 
for  a  prolonged  period  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever.    Wealth  is 
still  being  created  as  well  as  expended,  and  the  real 
problem  for  financiers  is  not  as  to  the  supply  of  money 
.p.  '          for  the  continuance  of  the  War  but  its  effect  on  other 

securities.  The  British  Government's  credit  is  the  best 
in  the  world,  and  its  rate  of  interest  therefore  lowest,  the  standard  on 
which  all  others  are  based.  When,  therefore,  the  British  Government's 
rate  of  interest  rises  from  2|  to  4|  per  cent.,  it  is  inevitable  that 
a  Colonial  Government's  rate  must  rise  in  proportion,  say  from  3i 
to  5 — and  the  industrial  securities  of  the  Empire  to  6  or  7.  (The 
company -promoter  may  yet  see  his  ideal  of  a  safe  6  per  cent,  realised.) 
Now  the  yield  on  existing  stocks  can  only  be  increased  by  a  steady 
shrinkage  in  capital  value,  and  that  is  what  we  shall  have  to  face 
during  the  twenty  years  after  the  War :  indeed,  the  process  may  be 
accelerated  after  the  War,  since  the  existing  minimum  prices  which 
now  give  an  unreal  inflation  to  capital  values  will  presumably  be 
then  abolished,  and  the  demand  for  fresh  capital  to  repair  the  [de- 
struction of  war  in  the  old  world  and  to  hasten  the  development  of  new 
countries  must  have  a  further  effect  in  raising  the  value  of  capital. 
Money,  of  course,  is  subject  to  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand  like  any 
other  material  commodity,  and  as  the  demand  will  certainly  exceed 
the  supply  for  the  greater  part  of  the  next  generation,  the  rate  of 
interest  is  scarcely  likely  to  fall  appreciably.  This  is  a  factor  of  con- 
siderable importance  in  the  future  development  of  the  British  Empire. 

A  MARKED  feature  of  our  foreign  trade  which  month  by  month  since 
the  beginning  of  the  War  has  been  steadily  growing  until  it  has  assumed 

a  serious  aspect,  is  the  excess  of  our  imports  over  our 
Our  Foreign  exp0rts.  While  it  is  fortunate  for  our  people  that  such 

ample  supplies,  especially  of  food  and  raw  materials, 
have  been  procurable  under  the  protection  of  the  Navy  and  through 
the  general  soundness  of  our  financial  and  commercial  position,  yet  the 
present  situation  and  the  immediate  outlook  give  occasion  for  con- 
siderable misgiving .  There  is  no  need  to  indulge  in  any  dismal  j  eremiads, 
but  the  facts  should  be  known  and  appreciated  in  all  their  bearings. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  567 

In  his  speech  at  the  Guildhall,  on  June  27,  Mr.  Asquith  quoted  the  figures 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  showing  that  for  the  first  five  months  of  the 
present  year,  as  compared  with  the  corresponding  period  of  last  year, 
our  imports  have  increased  by  £35,500,000,  while  our  exports  and 
re-exports  have  decreased  by  £73, 750, 000.  ' '  This  means  a  total  addition 
in  five  months  of  our  indebtedness  to  other  countries  of  nearly 
£110,000,000,  and  if  that  rate  were  to  continue  till  we  reached  the  end 
of  a  completed  year,  the  figure  of  indebtedness  would  rise  to  over 
£260,000,000."  The  official  returns  for  June,  although  they  have  one 
or  two  redeeming  features,  simply  emphasise  the  moral  of  the  Prime 
Minister's  figures.  Compared  with  June  of  last  year,  when  there  was 
no  war,  the  value  of  our  imports  during  the  month  has  gone  up  from 
£58,000,000to  £76,000,000,  and  our  exports  have  fallen  from  £40,000,000 
to  £33,000,000.  It  should  further  be  remarked  that  these  figures  do  not 
include  the  values  of  much  of  the  stores  and  munitions  of  all  kinds  which 
the  Government  is  purchasing  abroad  for  the  troops  at  home  and 
in  the  field  in  the  various  theatres  of  operations.  These  goods  are 
not  declared  at  the  Customs,  and  must  represent  a  very  large  and 
growing  sum.  Some  share  of  this  enormous  disproportion  is  due,  of 
course,  to  rises  in  prices  of  the  goods  imported  from  abroad.  At 
present  rates,  and  taking  the  figures  for  June  as  a  guide,  we  are  importing 
goods  for  consumption  in  various  ways  up  to  an  annual  total  of  over 
£900,000,000.  It  is  obvious  that  the  problem  of  payment  for  them 
in  the  present  state  of  the  world's  trade  and  finance  is  by  no  means 
an  easy  one. 

THE  most  satisfactory  method  of  meeting  the  bill— namely,  by 
increase  of  exports — is  unfortunately  almost  impossible  under  current 

conditions  or  any  that  are  likely  to  obtain  for  some 

aying  t  c      ^me  ^g^     Qur  export  trade  is  only  slowly  recovering 

Imports  ^os*  ground,  and  f°r  the  war  period  has  aggregated 

roughly  only  a  little  over  one  half  the  total  of  net 
imports.  With  the  prospect  in  view  of  a  continuous  adverse  trade 
balance,  and  a  probable  increase  in  our  financial  obligations  to  the 
Allies  and  our  Dominions,  it  is  necessary  to  review  the  measures  which 
might  be  suggested  for  redressing  the  balance ;  and  for  providing 
funds  for  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  war.  The  sale  of  foreign 
investments  or  property,  as  Mr.  Asquith  pointed  out  in  a  speech  on 
the  subject,  under  existing  conditions  is  strictly  limited  and  curtailed, 
and  in  any  case  would  leave  us  poorer  after  the  war  inasmuch  as 
"  the  income  we  now  receive  mainly  from  goods  and  services  from 


568  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

abroad  would  be  proportionately,  and  indeed  permanently,  reduced". 
Borrowing  abroad — a  second  expedient,  even  if  practicable  to  any 
extent  worth  consideration — would  leave  us  a  debtor  country  subject 
to  an  outward  drain  in  goods  and  services  for  payment  of  interest 
and  redemption  of  capital.  A  third  suggestion  which  Mr.  Asquith 
mentioned,  only  to  brush  it  aside,  was  that  payment  should  be  made 
out  of  the  gold  reserve.  "  We  cannot  impair,"  he  said,  "  the  basis 
of  the  great  system  of  credit  which  has  made  the  City  of  London  the 
financial  centre  and  capital  of  the  world."  Only  one  policy  remained, 
he  considered,  which  could  be  adopted  without  adding  permanent 
impoverishment  to  the  temporary  dislocation  and  destruction  of  the 
war — to  dimmish  as  much  as  possible  civil  and  private  expenditure 
and  to  increase  our  savings. 

THE  counterpart  of  this  position  is  occupied,  of  course,  by  the 
United  States,  whose  merchants  and  manufacturers  are  reaping  hand- 
some profits  on  the  purchases  made  not  only  by  ourselves 
Problem          but  also  by  the  Continental  countries.    The  end  of  the 
.         .  first  year  of  hostilities  will  probably  witness  a  trade  bal- 

Exchange.  ance  m  fav°ur  of  the  U.S.A.  of  no  less  than  £250,000,000, 
representing  the  excess  of  exported  over  imported 
goods.  This  difference  has  to  be  made  up  by  gold,  sale  of  securities,  or 
loans.  It  was  hoped  that  the  high  rate  of  interest  offered  by  the  War 
Loan  would  have  induced  considerable  investment  in  it  by  the  New  York 
bankers  ;  but  difficulties  in  respect  of  income-tax  payments,  and  other 
peculiarities  of  the  American  investor,  have  prevented  us  obtaining 
much  relief  by  that  means.  Reflecting  the  abnormal  trade  conditions 
the  present  low  rate  of  exchange  favours  the  shipment  of  gold ;  and 
the  extent  to  which  this  process  has  been  going  on  recently  has  caused 
considerable  apprehension  with  regard  to  our  gold  reserve,  which,  prior 
to  the  raising  of  the  War  Loan,  stood  at  a  lower  figure  than  at  any 
time  since  last  August. 

ANOTHER  incentive  to  economy  in  consumption,  especially  of 
meat,  was  indicated  by  Lord  Selborne  in  his  speech  in  the  House  of 

Lords  on  an  emergency  measure  for  the  Maintenance 
^e  of  Live  Stock.  Not  only,  as  he  pointed  out,  is  the 

-jyj1  m(  home  population  dependent  on  outside  sources  for 

more  than  one-third  of  the  necessary  supplies,  but 
our  troops  at  home,  in  France,  and  elsewhere  are  taking  such  an 
abnormally  large  proportion  that  there  is  danger  of  a  shortage  in 
the  amount  available  to  feed  the  civilian  population.  Although  our 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  569 

oversea  communications  are  undeniably  secure,  owing  to  the  vigil- 
ance of  the  Navy,  yet  the  toll  taken  of  our  mercantile  marine  by 
German  submarines  continues  steadily.  There  is  some  probability 
— despite  the  fact  that  the  U-boats  had  a  blank  record  in  the  week 
ending  July  25 — that  the  numbers  and  attacks  of  the  German  sub- 
marines may  increase.  Lord  Selborne  even  suggested  that  "  it 
would  not  be  the  fault  of  the  German  Government  if  they  failed  to 
deal  a  mortal  blow  at  our  carrying  trade,  and  especially  at  that  part 
of  it  which  brought  to  this  country  the  necessary  food  of  the 
people".  This  view  may  appear  exaggerated,  keeping  in  mind 
the  disparity  between  past  German  threats  and  performances  ;  but 
the  Minister  for  Agriculture  quite  properly  thinks  it  "  would  be  foolish 
not  to  acknowledge  the  existence  of  that  danger,  or  to  fail  to  calculate  the 
consequences  that  might  ensue  if  our  Navy  were  less  successful  in  their 
vigilance,  or  if  the  German  Navy  were  more  successful  in  attack  ". 

THE  vital  importance  of  increasing  Government  control  over  the 
supply  of  metals,  especially  of  such  as  are  required  for  the  production 
of  munitions,  has  become  more  and  more  apparent 

aS  the  montlls  of  hostilities  nave  rolled  by-  Tne  Minister 
^or  Munitions  is  empowered  to  control  the  metal  markets, 
and  steps  have  lately  been  taken  to  prevent  any  supply 
of  lead,  spelter,  antimony,  or  nickel  being  shipped  to  any  place  outside 
the  Empire.  At  present  a  special  permit  is  necessary  before  any 
metals  can  be  shipped  away  from  the  United  Kingdom.  Our  first 
business  in  placing  restrictions  on  trading  in  metals  is  to  satisfy  our 
own  requirements  and  those  of  our  Allies,  but  it  is,  perhaps,  equally 
important  to  prevent  supplies  from  reaching  Germany,  either  directly 
or  through  neutral  countries.  To  what  extent  Germany  has  been 
able  to  obtain  from  neutral  sources  much  needed  additions  to  her 
carefully  accumulated  stocks  is  a  matter  of  conjecture :  although 
in  many  quarters  it  is  believed  that  considerable  quantities  have 
remained  available  to  her  owing  to  our  hesitation  in  the  declaration 
of  contraband.  Meanwhile  it  is  certain  that  the  prices  of  the  principal 
metals  concerned — particularly  copper,  tin,  lead,  and  especially  spelter — 
have  risen  enormously.  The  last-named  stands  now  at  £105  per  ton 
as  against  £21  10s.  at  the  outbreak  of  war !  This  essential  metal  for 
the  production  of  munitions  has  long  been  almost  a  German  monopoly 
through  their  control  of  the  Broken  Hill  Companies.  Mr.  Hughes — 
the  Federal  Attorney- General — some  months  ago  introduced  a  Bill 
into  the  Commonwealth  Parliament  providing  that  existing  contracts 

2Q 


570  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

between  the  Companies  and  German  smelting  firms  should  be  cancelled. 
Although  the  measure  has  been  passed  in  Australia,  the  necessary 
powers  to  act  have  not  yet,  so  it  is  stated,  been  granted  by  the  Home 
Government.  It  appears  as  though  some  prompt  and  decisive  action 
is  needed  to  destroy  the  remains  of  German  influence  and  break  down 
the  metal  "  ring  "  which  she  helped  to  maintain. 

IT  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  monsoon  which  has  broken  throughout 

India  somewhat  later  than  usual  will  be  as  fruitful  in  producing  good 

results  in  the  Indian  harvest  as  that  of  last  year.    Prices 

Government  of  wheat  and  flour  in  the  WOIi&>&  markets  have  risen 

Wheat  gritty  during  the  year  owing  to  the  shutting  up  of  the 

exports  from  Russia,  the  failure  of  Australia's  harvest, 
and  the  generally  disturbed  conditions  of  trade  arising  out  of  the 
War ;  they  would  have  been  still  higher  had  not  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment taken  over  the  export  of  wheat  from  our  great  Eastern  Empire. 
The  Government  estimate  this  year's  crop  at  10,269,000  tons  (compared 
with  8,358,000  tons  for  1913-14),  and  anticipate  that  they  will  be  able 
to  ship  to  the  United  Kingdom  2,000,000  tons  before  the  end  of  next 
March.  This  is  a  very  high  estimate  to  make,  since  only  once  in  India's 
history  has  any  such  quantity  been  available  for  export — namely, 
in  1903-4,  when  2,150,000  tons,  or  over  22  per  cent,  of  the  total 
production,  were  shipped.  To  what  extent  this  supply  may  be 
further  supplemented  by  surplus  wheat  from  Egypt  is  uncertain, 
although,  if  export  is  permitted,  the  prospects  for  the  early  future 
are  favourable.  The  outlook  generally  for  wheat  supplies  is  more 
satisfactory,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  fall  in  wheat  prices  during  the 
past  few  weeks. 

A  GREAT  deal  of  ink  has  recently  been  poured  out  on  the  subject 

of  the  necessity  for  a  greater  utilisation  of  science  in  our  warfare. 

Apparently  the  idea,  so   far   as  the  newspapers   are 

r^e  concerned,  had  its  origin  in  the  discovery  that  German 

Mobilisation   i  i        .     •       i.    i    v          «  •  •          •  ,        55    •      ,1 

-  s  .  laboratories   had    been      organising   victory      m   the 

shape  of  poison  gases.  In  reality,  of  course,  the  British 
Dreadnought  and  the  French  quick-firing  gun  represent  a  higher 
level  both  of  technical  skill  and  of  scientific  achievement  than  the 
German  gas-cylinders,  which  (it  is  cheering  to  know)  not  infrequently 
turn  their  fumes  on  their  operators.  Still,  it  is  perfectly  true  that 
German  science  is  more  efficiently  organised,  just  as  it  is  more  heavily 
subsidised  than  our  own  for  State  purposes.  It  is  still  true  that 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  571 

the  British  scientist,  the  experimenter,  the  research  worker,  must 
usually  find  in  his  labours  their  only  reward.  Can  this  be  altered 
suddenly  by  the  stress  of  war  ?  Probably  not.  At  the  same  time 
the  stress  of  war  is  certainly  leading  our  scientists,  who  have  hitherto 
paid  most  attention  to  pure  science  (in  which  they  occupy  places 
second  to  none  in  the  world),  to  turn  their  attention  to  applied  science, 
in  which  Germany  and  America  have  hitherto  led.  Two  new  Govern- 
ment Committees  have  been  formed.  The  first  is  a  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council  advised  by  a  council  of  scientists,  and  its  function 
is  to  allocate  public  funds  as  voted  in  Parliament ;  the  second  is 
the  committee  on  Inventions,  over  which  Lord  Fisher  presides, 
presumably  to  examine  practical  proposals.  Then  there  are  the 
expert  committees  of  the  Royal  Society — altogether  science  is  being 
got  into  line.  Meanwhile  the  treatment  of  wounded,  and  the  sanitary 
precautions  against  disease  which  have  been  established  in  our  fighting 
lines  have  won  the  admiration  of  all  qualified  observers.  The  septic 
treatment  of  wounds,  preventive  inoculation — which  has  reduced 
the  risk  of  many  diseases,  including  tetanus,  to  a  minimum — and 
other  measures  never  before  attempted  in  warfare,  these  are  triumphs 
of  a  science  which  has  indeed  been  mobilised,  and  for  healing,  not 
for  destruction. 

BUT,  in  the  future,  when  our  professors  start  life  again,  relieved 
from  the  obsession  of  German  culture  and  efficiency,  a  good  deal 
might  be  done  to  put  British  science  on  a  more  secure 
and  popular  footing.     The  lesson  of  the  dyeing  industry 
need  not  be  forgotten,  and  in  this  connection  we  note  with  satisfaction 
the  establishment  by  British  Dyes  (Limited)  of  a  research  department 
under  the  headship  of  Dr.  G.  T.  Morgan,  F.R.S.,  and  including  Professor 
Raphael   Meldola   and   other   prominent   chemists.     We   may    even 
put  up  a  scientific  instead  of  a  blind  struggle  against  the  swamping 
of  English  markets  with  admittedly  inferior  German-made  goods. 
But  to  do  anything  of  this  sort  the  people  of  the  country  must  wake 
up  and  the  scientists  must  wake  up  too.     Why  should  we  be  handi- 
capped with  a  mixed  decimal  and  duodecimal  system,  which  is  even 
more  inconvenient  viewed  from  an  Imperial  point  of  view  ?     Why 
should  ordinary  English  people  go  on  using  an  arbitrary  measure  of 
temperature   invented  by   one   Fahrenheit   of    Danzig,   while   most 
scientific  men  and  nearly  all  other  nations  use  the  scale  invented  by 
the  Dane,  Celsius  of  Upsala?     A  Fellow  of  the  Institute  recently 
wrote  reproaching  us  for  reproducing  the  map  of  the  world  on  Mercator's 

2  Q2 


572  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

projection  —  Mercator  being  a  German,  one  Gerhard  Kremer. 
A  more  correct  form,  it  seems,  has  been  invented  and  approved 
by  many  competent  critics,  but  Mercator  holds  the  field.  Why 
should  electricity,  the  foremost  applied  science  of  the  day,  be  measured 
in  terms  so  grotesque  (and  so  uncertain  in  value)  as  kilowatts, 
amperes,  volts,  or  ohms?  There  seems  room  for  science  to  organise 
herself,  and  to  simplify  her  terms,  certainly  to  adopt  some  inter- 
national language,  as  a  first  step  to  becoming  the  admitted  handmaid 
of  so  notorious  an  ignoramus  as  that  collective  personality,  the  State. 

ONE  of  the  most  fruitful  developments  of  the  Institute's  activity 
has  recently  been  taking  place  in  the  U.S.A.    The  time  appeared 
to  the  Council  to  be  favourable  for  a  forward  movement 
Mr.  Harry       with  the  object  of  increasing  our  membership  in  that 
part  of  the  world,  where,  as  in  South  America,  there 


are  numerous  British-born  residents  who  have  retained 


their  British  nationality.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
the  Institute  had  honorary  corresponding  secretaries  only  in  New  York 
and  Chicago,  and  a  few  Fellows  in  both  these  cities,  with  others  here  and 
there,  rari  nantes  in  gurgite  vasto,  in  different  districts  of  the  great 
Republic.  At  the  invitation  of  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Harry  Brittain,  who 
enjoys  much  personal  popularity  in  the  States,  and  was  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Pilgrims'  Club,  as  well  as  its  President  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  left  England  on  a  special  mission  about  the  middle  of  April 
—  on  board  of  the  ill-fated  Lusitania  —  and  has  since  visited  some  of  the 
larger  centres  of  population  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  with  very 
satisfactory  results.  On  his  recommendation,  honorary  corresponding 
secretaries  have  been  appointed  in  Boston,  Santa  Monica,  Los  Angeles, 
and  San  Francisco,  while  meetings  have  taken  place,  and  considerable 
additions  to  our  list  of  Fellows  have  been  made,  in  all  these  places, 
as  well  as  in  Chicago  and  New  York,  where  Dr.  Cooke  Adams  and  Mr. 
Alleyne  Ireland  have  rendered  yeoman  service  to  the  cause.  When 
we  last  heard  from  Mr.  Brittain,  he  was  on  his  way  to  Portland  (Oregon) 
and  Seattle,  from  which  he  meditated  a  flying  visit  to  Vancouver 
and  Victoria,  to  encourage  the  brethren  in  British  Columbia,  before 
returning  to  the  East.  His  tour  has,  in  fact,  so  far  been  an  unqualified 
success,  having  regard  to  the  obvious  difficulties  involved  in  covering 
so  huge  a  tract  of  country,  as  all  who  knew  him  expected  that  it 
would  be.  We  look  forward  to  a  most  interesting  report  when  our 
energetic  reaper  returns  to  Northumberland  Avenue  "  bringing  his 
sheaves  with  him". 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  573 

WITH  Liberals,  Unionists,  and  Labourmen  combining  in  our  national 

Government,  a  spirit  of  coalition  seems  to  be  in  the  air.    In  our  own 

less  exalted  and  more  limited  sphere,  the  same  tendency 

m     .  is  happily  apparent.    We  have  for  some  time  past  had 

tTcUiT-citirisr  • 

Influences       a  Jom^  committee  of  the  Institute  and  the  Victoria 

League,  which  holds  meetings  at  regular  intervals  to 
discuss  matters  of  common  concern  to  both  bodies,  and  in  which  the 
Overseas  Club  and  the  new  Patriotic  League  of  Britons  Overseas  are 
informally,  but  efficiently,  represented  by  our  own  Councillor,  Mr. 
Evelyn  Wrench.  Now  we  learn  that  the  Bristol  Branch  of  the  Victoria 
League,  on  its  own  initiative,  at  a  meeting  held  on  July  13,  has  merged 
itself  in  the  local  branch  of  the  Institute  in  terms  which  are  satisfactory 
to  its  members.  As  we  mentioned  last  month,  the  overtures  made  to 
our  Council  by  the  Executive  of  the  British  Empire  League  for  the 
appointment  of  a  joint  committee  to  consider  Sir  John  McCall's 
proposal  for  a  convention  of  statesmen  after  the  War  to  propound  a 
scheme  for  closer  union,  were  at  once  cordially  responded  to.  The 
Committee  has  now  been  constituted,  with  Lord  Sydenham  as  Chair- 
man, the  Hon.  Sir  John  McCall,  the  Hon.  Thomas  McKenzie  and  Sir 
Gilbert  Parker,  M.P.,  representing  the  British  Empire  League,  and 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,  Dr.  George  Parkin  and  Mr.  Henry  Birchenough 
the  Institute.  The  meetings  of  this  important  Committee  will  take 
place  in  the  Council  Room  of  the  Institute  and  Mr.  Freeman  Murray 
and  Sir  Harry  Wilson  will  be  its  Joint  Secretaries.  This  co-operation 
is  as  it  should  be,  and  removes  the  risk  of  overlapping — that  bane  of 
philanthropic  and  patriotic  effort  in  our  queer  old  country,  where 
well-meaning  individualism  runs  rampant  to  the  detriment  of  national 
efficiency. 


THE  Institute  is  to  be  congratulated  on  the  persistence  with  which 

its  "  After  the  War  "  Committee  (to  give  that  august  body  its  shorter 

and  more  popular  title)  has  been  advocating  the  cause 

After  the        of  the  ex-service  man  for  some  months  past.     Appointed 

by  the  Council  in  March  last,  in  response  to  a  resolution 
Settlement.       J  .  .    *  . 

passed  at  an  informal  meeting  m  the  femokmg  Koom, 

at  which  Earl  Grey  presided,  it  has  held  several  meetings  and  collected 
a  great  deal  of  information  on  the  subject  of  land  settlement  both 
at  home  and  overseas.  On  July  22  a  deputation  from  the  Committee 
was  received  at  the  Colonial  Office  by  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Colonies,  and  the  Earl  of  Selborne,  President  of  the 


574  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

Board  of  Agriculture.  Lord  Sydenham  as  Vice-Chairman  of  the 
Committee,  in  the  regretted  absence  of  Earl  Grey  through  illness, 
introduced  the  deputation,  and  Mr.  Christopher  Tumor,  the  Hon.  Sir 
John  Traverner,  Sir  H.  Rider  Haggard,  the  Hon.  J.  G.  Jenkins,  Mr. 
G.  McLaren  Brown  and  Colonel  H.  E.  Rawson  spoke  on  their  behalf. 
Both  the  Ministers  made  sympathetic  replies,  and  were  thanked  by 
Lord  Sydenham  at  the  conclusion  of  their  remarks.  Several  other 
leading  members  of  the  Committee  were  present.  In  our  next  issue 
we  hope  to  give  a  full  report  of  the  proceedings.  Mr.  W.  A. 
Bulkeley -Evans,  12,  King's  Bench  Walk,  Temple,  E.C.,  Honorary 
Secretary  of  the  Institute  Standing  Emigration  Committee,  is 
Honorary  Secretary  of  the  "  After  the  War  "  Committee. 

ON  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling  of  a  bust  of  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain 
at  the  Guildhall,  Mr.  Balfour  delivered  one  of  those  felicitous  speeches 

which  deserve  a  place  beside  the  oratorical  gems  of 

r*     a   ^^    past  ages — not  for  any  rhetorical  appeal,  but  because 

Chamberlain  ^  summed  up,  in  brief  and  simple  language,  the  history 

of  an  epoch-maker.  With  some  other  statesmen,  said 
Mr.  Balfour,  it  is  difficult  to  isolate  one  particular  service  that  they 
have  done  and  place  it  to  their  credit ;  but  of  Mr.  Chamberlain,  more 
obviously  and  plainly  than  of  any  of  his  contemporaries  it  may  be  said 
that  his  special — though  by  no  means  his  only — work  was  "  the  building 
up  of  the  common  feeling  of  Empire  among  all  the  various  free  self- 
governing  Dominions."  And  the  speaker  pointed  out  that  this  great 
piece  of  Empire-building  took  fresh  and  unexampled  lines,  since  no 
previous  colonising  power  had  the  conception  of  Empire  which  is, 
even  now,  working  among  us  to  such  glorious  purpose.  It  was  the 
new  spirit,  breathed  by  Joseph  Chamberlain  into  the  close  atmo- 
sphere of  the  Colonial  Office,  which,  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century  blew  through  the  four  quarters  of  the  Empire,  and  that  spirit 
has  survived  the  mortal  who  sent  it  forth.  Even  in  the  midst  of  our 
life-and-death  struggle,  it  is  well,  as  Mr.  Balfour  said,  to  pause  to  draw 
inspiration  and  courage  from  great  examples  in  our  history ;  and  no 
one,  political  friend  or  foe  though  he  be,  can  deny  to  Joseph  Chamberlain 
in  highest  measure  those  qualities  of  courage  and  endurance,  of  tenacity 
and  imagination,  which  are  the  nation's  greatest  needs  at  this  critical 
moment. 


575 


OUR  FLYING  MEN. 

YOU'VE  camped  among  the  gipsy  winds  and  hunted  down  The  Bear, 
And  trampling  on  The  Scorpion  dragged  The  Lion  from  his  lair. 
Now  mount  your  white-winged  coursers,  a  sterner  war  to  ply 
With  the  eagles  gathered  in  the  East,  who  challenge  you  on  high, 
As  they  sail  on  the  gale;  for  the  kingship  of  the  sky. 

Your  watch  is  never  ending,  your  task  is  never  done, 
You  face  with  glance  unbending  the  javelins  of  the  sun. 
Scouring  the  burnished  roads  of  noon,  you  leap  his  bars  of  light, 
And  darkness  finds  you  flitting  on  the  bat-wing  hours  of  night. 
There's  no  homing  in  the  gloaming  for  our  Paladins  of  flight. 

With  forehead  raised  to  heaven  you  skirt  the  bloody  sign  of  Mars, 
Your  sentry  is  beyond  the  sun,  your  outpost  in  the  stars. 
Brave  Centaurs  of  the  sky  !    Your  range  has  never  found  its  goal, 
And  through  the  Infinite  you  fling  the  paths  of  your  patrol. 
You  are  warders  of  the  borders";  that  stretch  from  pole  to  pole. 

'Mid  the  dense  h'nes  of  battle-cloud  a  passage  you  have  hewn 
And  traversed  all  the  spaces  that  lie  behind  the  moon. 
Making  yourselves  a  fairway  down  fogbanks  white  as  snow, 
Circling  the  sun's  stairway,  you  heed  not,  as  you  go, 
The  rattle  of  the  battle  that  surges  from  below. 

Your  chargers  have  no  breastplate,  your  manhood  is  your  spear, 
Your  courage  is  a  cloak  that  scorns  the  panic  mail  of  fear. 
The  foemen  in  their  trenches  hear  the  throb  of  your  great  heart, 
And  in  terror  look  to  heaven  for  the  lightnings  that  you  dart. 
Up  drives  their  angry  hail  of  lead  with  unrequited  force, 
As  it  stings  through  the  wings  of  your  iron- bellied  horse. 
And  you  rock  at  the  shock,  but  still  you  hold  your  course. 

Like  white- winged  doves  of  the  olive  branch  we  see  you  drop  to  earth, 
And  the  drone  of  human  sorrow  is  changed  to  the  pipes  of  mirth. 
You  have  left  your  colours  flying  upon  the  rainbow's  crest, 
You  have  helped  to  lay  the  cross  of  peace  on  a  weary  people's  breast; 
We  shall  hold  them  as  a  token  that  the  floods  of  war  are  broken — • 
That  the  world  shall  be  at  rest. 

F.  G.  PENNEY. 


576 


THE  FIGHT  FOR  THE  DARDANELLES. 

DURING  many  months,  numerous  troops  from  the  United  Kingdom  and  from 
the  Dominions  have  been  fighting  for  the  control  of  the  little  peninsula  which 
dominates  the  Dardanelles.  They  have  fought  with  the  utmost  bravery  and 
determination.  The  losses  have  been  terrific.  Never,  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
have  greater  sacrifices  been  made  for  so  small  a  strip  of  country.  Never  has 
greater  heroism  been  shown.  The  fight  for  the  Dardanelles  will  live  for  ever  in 
the  world's  history.  It  is  an  epic  worthy  of  a  Homer. 

Not  unnaturally  many  people  in  England  and  the  Dominions  will  ask  them- 
selves :  Was  it  necessary  to  make  these  enormous  sacrifices  for  conquering  a 
little  strip  of  Turkish  territory  ?  Would  it  not  have  been  wiser  had  that 
large  number  of  troops  been  sent  to  France  and  Belgium  where  fighting  is 
comparatively  less  sanguinary  and  their  assistance  is  sorely  needed  ?  What 
are  the  Dardanelles  to  Great  Britain  and  the  British  Empire  ?  Questions  such 
as  these  are  asked  by  many,  and  they  require  a  full  and  frank  reply. 

Great  Britain  and  her  daughter  states  fight  for  a  twofold  purpose  :  they 
fight  for  victory  and  for  a  good  peace.  A  good  peace  is  as  important  as  victory. 
A  bad  peace  or  an  indifferent  settlement  after  the  War  would  merely  lead  to  a 
renewal  of  the  contest.  It  might  lead  to  a  greater  war  than  the  present  one. 

In  a  war  conducted  by  several  allied  Powers,  the  first  condition  for  obtaining 
victory  lies  in  absolute  unity  of  purpose.  Victory  cannot  be  achieved  if  France 
pursues  only  French  interests,  Eussia  Eussian  interests,  and  the  British  Empire 
British  interests.  The  Allies  must  work  hand  in  hand  for  a  common  purpose. 
All  would  be  lost  if  each  nation  should  follow  its  own  inclinations.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  the  attack  on  the  Dardanelles  was  amateurishly  planned  by  Mr. 
Winston  Churchill,  the  late  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty.  That  assertion  seems 
scarcely  correct.  As  the  co-operation  of  the  army  was  required,  Lord  Kitchener 
must  have  given  his  consent.  Moreover,  joint  military  and  naval  operations 
on  a  large  scale  require  the  assent  of  the  Cabinet.  It  is  therefore  beyond 
question  that  Mr.  Churchill,  Lord  Kitchener  and  the  Government  jointly 
decided  upon  the  Dardanelles  expedition. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  attack  on  the  Gallipoli  peninsula  was  rashly  under- 
taken by  some  person  or  persons  in  Great  Britain  against  the  wish  of  the  Allied 
Powers.  That  assertion  also  can  hardly  be  correct.  If  the  French  had  opposed 
the  attack,  they  would  certainly  not  have  sent  a  body  of  troops  to  the  east  of 
the  Mediterranean.  The  fact  that  they  sent  a  strong  expeditionary  corps  to 
the  Dardanelles,  although  they  have  not  too  many  troops  on  their  own  frontier, 
suffices  to  show  that  the  expedition  was  jointly  planned  by  England  and  France 
and  that  the  French  Government,  the  supreme  command,  attached  considerable 
importance  to  the  capture  of  the  peninsula. 

A  glance  at  the  map  will  show  why  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  that 
the  Dardanelles  should  be  taken.  Of  the  Allied  Powers,  Eussia  is  by  far  the 
strongest  in  men.  The  whole  of  the  Eussian  Empire  has  a  population  of  nearly 
180,000,000.  She  has  more  men  than  Germany,  Austria  and  Turkey  combined. 


THE   FIGHT   FOR   THE   DARDANELLES.          577 

On  the  basis  of  population,  Eussia  can  raise  by  far  the  largest  army  in  Europe. 
Her  action  will  therefore  be  of  the  highest  importance  to  secure  victory.  Eussia 
has  an  abundance  of  men,  but  she  undoubtedly  suffers  from  a  scarcity  of  arms 
and  machinery.  Her  industries  are  comparatively  little  developed.  Nowa- 
days wars  are  made  not  only  with  men  but  with  machines ;  and  the  more  highly 
developed  the  manufacturing  industries  of  a  country  are,  the  greater  will  be 
the  number  of  firearms  of  every  kind,  of  explosives,  projectiles,  etc.,  which  it 
can  produce.  Eussia  is  mainly — is  almost  exclusively — an  agricultural  country. 
In  ordinary  times  she  exchanges  her  grain,  meat,  hides,  timber,  oil,  and  other 
produce  for  foreign  manufactured  goods. 

Unfortunately,  Eussia  is  a  land-locked  country.  Her  harbours  in  the  north 
are  mainly  on  the  Baltic,  and  the  Baltic  is  absolutely  closed  by  Germany.  Her 
southern  ports  are  on  the  Black  Sea  and  approach  to  them  is  dominated  by 
Turkey.  Eussia  can  reach  the  sea  only  by  way  of  Archangel  in  the  north-west 
and  by  way  of  Vladivostok  in  the  extreme  east  of  the  gigantic  empire.  The 
harbour  of  Archangel  on  the  White  Sea  is  closed  to  shipping  during  half  the  year 
by  enormous  masses  of  ice.  Besides,  only  a  small  narrow-gauge  line,  which  is 
unsuitable  for  the  transport  of  large  quantities  of  goods,  connects  that  port 
with  the  centre  of  the  Empire.  The  port  of  Vladivostok  in  Eastern  Asia, 
close  to  Korea,  lies  far  away  from  the  battle-fields  of  Poland.  Transport  of 
war  materials  to  Eussia  by  way  of  East  Asia  is  extremely  cumbrous.  Much 
time  is  wasted,  and  the  Siberian  railway,  which  connects  European  Eussia  with 
the  Far  East,  is  probably  over-crowded  with  troop  trains  and  other  military 
transport. 

The  protracted  War  has  made  an  enormous  demand  upon  the  manufacturing 
industries  of  France  and  Great  Britain.  It  has  naturally  made  a  still  greater 
demand  upon  the  comparatively  backward  industries  of  Eussia.  Eussia  can 
raise  vast  quantities  of  men,  but  she  requires  the  assistance  of  her  Allies  not 
only  for  providing  arms  and  munitions  but  for  furnishing  her  with  machinery 
and  manufactured  articles  of  every  kind.  Numerous  ships  loaded  with  weapons 
and  ammunition  are  presumably  waiting  for  the  opening  of  the  Dardanelles. 
The  receipt  of  the  needed  war  material  will  enable  Eussia  to  strike  with 
vastly  increased  strength.  Hence  Great  Britain  and  France  were  bound  to  do 
their  utmost  to  come  to  Eussia's  aid. 

The  attack  upon  the  Dardanelles  was  not  only  in  the  general  interest  of 
the  Allies.  It  was  particularly  in  the  interests  of  Great  Britain  and  of  the 
British  Empire.  At  the  beginning  of  the  War,  Turkey  threatened  the  Suez 
Canal.  That  water-way  is  the  shortest  and  most  direct  connection  between 
the  Mediterranean  and  the  Pacific,  between  England  and  India  on  the  one  hand, 
and  between  England  and  Australia  and  New  Zealand  on  the  other  hand. 
The  best  defence  is  attack.  The  control  of  that  most  important  water-way  is 
of  vital  interest  to  Great  Britain  and  to  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  The  attack 
on  the  Suez  Canal  could  obviously  be  met  most  effectively  by  striking  at  the 
Dardanelles,  which  dominate  Constantinople — by  threatening  the  capital  of 
the  Turkish  Empire. 


578          THE   FIGHT   FOR   THE   DARDANELLES. 

As  I  stated  in  the  beginning,  Great  Britain  fights  for  victory  and  for  a 
good  peace.  To  obtain  victory,  it  is  most  important  that  Kussia  should  obtain 
all  the  arms  and  munitions  and  appliances  that  she  requires,  and  she  can  receive 
these  only  by  way  of  the  Dardanelles  and  of  the  Black  Sea.  For  the  sake  of 
a  good  peace,  it  is  equally  indispensable  that  Turkey  should  be  absolutely 
defeated  and  that  Great  Britain  should  have  an  important,  if  not  the  controlling, 
voice,  in  the  settlement  and  especially  in  the  rearrangement  or  disposal  of 
the  Turkish  territories. 

The  Turkish  Empire  occupies  undoubtedly  the  most  important  position 
in  the  world.  It  is  the  connecting  link  of  the  three  oldest  and  most  densely 
populated  continents.  It  is  a  bridge  which  connects  Asia  with  Europe,  and 
Europe  with  Africa.  A  powerful  army,  concentrated  in  Asiatic  Turkey,  can 
threaten  Eussia  in  the  south,  the  British  Empire  in  Egypt  and  Aden,  and  can 
attack  India  by  way  of  Persia.  The  Turkish  Empire  dominates  not  only  the 
Suez  Canal  but  the  whole  of  the  Bed  Sea  and  its  narrow  southern  outlet  near 
Aden.  It  dominates  the  Persian  Gulf. 

If  we  look  at  the  geographical  configuration  of  Asiatic  Turkey,  we  find 
that  it  forms  a  natural  fortress  of  the  greatest  strength.  Asia  Minor  is  sur- 
rounded by  lofty  mountain  ranges  which  rise  almost  sheer  from  the  sea.  Towards 
Egypt,  Asiatic  Turkey  is  protected  by  the  enormous  peninsula  of  Arabia,  which 
in  the  main  is  a  waterless  desert.  Towards  the  east,  towards  Bussian  Caucasia 
and  Persia,  Asiatic  Turkey  is  protected  by  enormous  mountain  chains  and 
deserts.  The  central  position  of  Turkey  enables  a  strong  power  occupying 
or  dominating  it  to  strike  rapidly  and  with  terrible  effect  either  at  Bussia  in 
the  south,  or  at  Egypt  in  the  west,  or  at  Persia  and  India  in  the  east. 

The  shortest  way  from  Berlin  to  India  is  that  via  Vienna,  Constantinople, 
and  Baghdad.  Germany  and  Austria  desire  to  subject  Serbia  to  themselves 
because  the  railways  running  from  Berlin  and  Vienna  towards  Constantinople 
go  through  the  tangle  of  the  Balkan  mountains  by  the  easiest  and  the  natural 
route,  by  the  Morava  valley,  which  is  situated  in  the  very  centre  of  Serbia. 
For  decades  Austria,  acting  in  harmony  with  Germany,  has  endeavoured  to 
subject  Serbia  to  herself ;  she  has  persecuted  that  little  kingdom  and  she  has 
at  last  made  war  on  her  because  she  stands  in  Austria's  way,  because  she 
dominates  the  gateway  which  leads  to  Constantinople  and  to  the  lands  beyond, 
which  form  in  truth  the  key  to  the  dominion  of  the  world. 

Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  have  in  the  past  acted  as  Turkey's  protectors 
because  they  wished  to  avail  themselves  of  that  country's  matchless  position 
for  subduing  Bussia  and  Great  Britain,  and  for  thus  conquering  for  themselves 
the  supremacy  of  the  world.  These  plans  of  world  dominion  will  be  shattered 
when  the  country  whence  three  continents  may  be  dominated  has  been  subdued, 
and  is  no  longer  under  Austro-German  control. 

Turkey  as  a  vassal  of  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  is  an  enormous  danger 
both  to  Bussia  and  to  the  British  Empire.  Asiatic  Turkey  is  a  naturally 
fruitful  land,  three  and  a  half  times  as  large  as  the  German  Empire,  yet  it 
contains  only  20,000,000  inhabitants.  With  good  government  Asiatic  Turkey 


THE   FIGHT   FOR   THE   DARDANELLES.          579 

would  once  more  flourish  very  greatly.  The  territory  where  the  most  civilised 
and  most  powerful  nations  of  antiquity  lived  might  once  more  become  densely 
populated.  Before  very  long  50,000,000  or  100,000,000  people  would  occupy 
the  provinces  which  may  be  said  to  be  the  keystone  of  three  continents.  If 
the  Germans  and  Austrians  should  dominate  Asiatic  Turkey  they  would  naturally 
develop  the  country  in  every  direction.  To  the  Baghdad  railway  would  be 
added  numerous  railways  connecting  the  centre  of  Asiatic  Turkey  with  south 
Eussia,  with  Egypt  and  with  Persia.  The  German-Turkish  railways  leading 
towards  the  Persian  frontier  would  no  doubt  "  on  economic  grounds  "  be 
continued  towards  India.  The  shortest  land  route  from  Europe  to  India 
would  be  dominated  by  Germany  and  Austria. 

Asiatic  Turkey  subsists  by  the  most  inefficient  exploitation  of  the  agri- 
cultural soil.  The  vast  mineral  resources  of  the  country  are  as  yet  quite  un- 
developed. If  Germany  and  Austria  should  continue  to  dominate  Turkey,  a 
populous  and  well-governed  Turkish  state  would  arise,  opened  up  by  well 
planned  strategical  railways  leading  from  the  centre  of  the  country  towards 
the  Eussian  and  British  frontiers.  Large  arsenals  would  be  created,  and  power- 
ful and  perfectly  equipped  Turkish  armies  under  German-Austrian  control 
would  be  constituted.  A  few  decades  hence  Turkey's  overlords  would  be 
able  to  hurl  at  any  moment  a  million  or  two  million  perfectly  equipped  men 
either  at  Egypt  and  north  Africa,  or  at  south  Eussia,  or  at  Persia  and  north- 
western India.  At  present  time  there  is  only  one  Germany  in  the  centre  of 
Europe.  Unless  Turkey  is  defeated  and  unless  the  Turkish  problem  is  satis- 
factorily and  permanently  solved  at  the  future  Peace  Congress,  there  will  be 
another  great  military  State,  another  Germany  in  the  centre  of  the  Old  World, 
threatening  the  British  Empire. 

If  we  assume  that  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  will  be  vanquished 
while  Turkey  remains  unconquered,  the  two  defeated  States  would  undoubtedly 
think  of  a  war  of  revenge  and  Turkey  would  be  their  natural  ally.  The  two 
monarchies  would  probably  keep  the  peace  for  two  or  three  decades,  but  mean- 
while they  would  strive  to  strengthen  Turkey  to  the  utmost  for  a  war  of 
revenge.  They  would  begin  by  developing  Turkey's  natural  resources  and  by 
building  purely  strategical  railways  ostensibly  for  the  sake  of  Turkey's  economic 
development.  In  two  or  three  decades  Turkey's  Asiatic  population  would  be 
doubled  or  more  than  doubled,  and  then  she  could  furnish  almost  as  large  an 
army  for  an  attack  upon  the  British  Empire  as  Germany  or  Austria-Hungary. 

At  the  future  Congress  of  Peace  not  only  the  European  frontiers  but  the 
frontiers  of  the  world  will  have  to  be  redrawn.  The  question  of  Constanti- 
nople and  the  question  of  Asiatic  Turkey  will  have  to  be  settled  and  the  latter 
seems  to  be  far  more  important  to  the  British  Empire  than  the  former.  While 
Asiatic  Turkey,  as  has  been  shown,  dominates  three  continents  and  threatens 
the  Suez  Canal,  Egypt,  the  Persian  Gulf  and  India,  Constantinople  merely 
dominates  the  Black  Sea,  and  the  Black  Sea  is,  after  all,  a  Eussian  lake. 

If  we  look  at  the  map  we  find  that  the  northern  shore  of  the  Black  Sea  is 
Eussian,  the  southern  Turkish,  while  the  western  shore  is  in  the  hands  of 


580         THE   FIGHT   FOR   THE   DARDANELLES. 

Roumania  and  Bulgaria.  Measured  by  length,  Russia  has  only  about  one  half  of 
the  Black  Sea  shore.  Measured,  however,  by  economic  importance,  Russia  is  easily 
and  pre-eminently  the  leading  Black  Sea  Power.  Heavy  goods  are  carried  more 
cheaply  by  water  than  by  land.  Russia's  timber,  grain,  etc.,  are  dispatched  chiefly 
by  way  of  her  great  rivers.  Russia's  agricultural  zone  lies  in  the  south,  in  the 
rich  black  earth  territory,  which  is  drained  by  her  huge  rivers  the  Dniester,  the 
Dnieper,  the  Don,  and  the  Volga.  The  last  named,  the  largest  river  in  Europe, 
flows  into  the  Caspian.  However,  it  approaches  the  River  Don  very  closely  near 
Tzaritzin  where,  before  long,  a  canal  connecting  the  two  will  be  made.  Thus  the 
river  Volga  will  be  given  a  second  mouth  in  the  Black  Sea. 

According  to  Broomhall's  Year  Book,  32,741,000  quarters  of  corn  were 
exported  from  the  Black  Sea  in  1910  and  1911.  Of  this  colossal  quantity  no 
less  than  27,978,000  quarters  were  Russian  while  the  remaining  4,891,000  quarters 
were  non-Russian  corn.  In  the  two  years  mentioned  about  five-sixths  of  the 
Black  Sea  corn  came  from  Russia.  The  corn  and  other  food-stuffs  produced 
for  export  in  the  east  of  Europe  naturally  go  to  the  densely  populated  countries 
of  the  west.  Roumania  and  Bulgaria  can  send  their  corn  and  meat  westward 
by  way  of  the  Danube  and  of  the  Aegean  Sea,  whereas  Russia  can  only  send  her 
food  exports  westward  via  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Dardanelles.  How  vast 
Russia's  Black  Sea  corn  exports  are  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  on  an  average 
they  are  as  large  as  the  gigantic  corn  exports  from  the  United  States  and  Canada 
combined. 

Russian  agriculture  is  still  very  primitive  but  it  is  rapidly  improving.  In 
course  of  time  the  production  of  her  black  earth  provinces  will  double  and 
treble.  Her  grain  exports  via  her  southern  rivers  and  the  Black  Sea  will  increase 
in  proportion.  From  year  to  year  the  freedom  of  trade  by  way  of  the  Bosphorus 
and  the  Dardanelles  will  therefore  become  more  important  to  Russia,  and  her 
imports  will  increase  at  a  similarly  rapid  rate.  From  year  to  year  Russia's 
predominance  in  the  Black  Sea  trade  will  grow. 

Ever  since  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great  Russia  has  tried  to  obtain  the  control 
of  Constantinople  and  of  the  narrows  which  connect  the  Black  Sea  with  the 
Mediterranean.  Careful  study  of  Russian  history  reveals  the  fact  that  their 
greatest  statesmen  have  striven  to  acquire  Constantinople,  animated  not  so  much 
by  ambition  as  by  the  dread  that  a  hostile  Turkey  might  block  Russia's  access 
to  the  sea.  The  fear  of  Russia's  most  far-seeing  statesmen  has  at  last  come 
true.  Russia  is  far  more  closely  blockaded  than  Germany.  Vast  stores  of 
Russian  grain  which  are  required  by  the  English,  French,  and  Italian  peoples 
are  rotting  in  the  country  because  Turkey  has  closed  the  Dardanelles.  At  the 
same  time  Russia  cannot  receive  the  manufactured  goods,  the  weapons,  and  the 
war  material  which  she  needs  and  must  receive  from  abroad.  It  is  intolerable 
that  a  great  State  like  Russia  should  not  have  free  and  easy  access  to  the  sea, 
that  practically  her  whole  sea-borne  trade  should  be  stopped  by  a  nation  of 
barbarians  at  Germany's  bidding. 

The  Russian  people  have,  through  their  representatives  in  the  Duma,  unani- 
mously demanded  that  Russia  should  obtain  the  control  of  the  Bosphorus  and 


THE   FIGHT   FOR   THE   DARDANELLES.          581 

the  Dardanelles  after  a  victorious  war,  that  that  gigantic  empire  should  never 
again  be  placed  into  so  humiliating  a  position  as  that  which  it  occupies  at 
present.  The  Eussian  people  demand  the  control  of  the  Bosphorus  and  the 
Dardanelles  because  Turkey's  action  has  gravely  disturbed  not  only  the 
economic  position  of  Eussia  but  her  financial  position  as  well.  Eussia  has 
borrowed  vast  sums  abroad  and  she  pays  the  interest  on  her  foreign  debt, 
rightly  considered,  not  in  gold  but  in  exports,  in  wheat,  hides,  timber,  etc. 
The  Eussian  taxpayers,  on  the  other  hand,  pay  their  taxes  apparently  in  money 
but  in  reality  in  produce.  The  farmer  sells  his  wheat  to  the  merchant  and 
pays  the  tax  collector  with  the  proceeds.  When  Eussia  cannot  export  her 
produce,  when  there  is  a  glut  of  food  in  the  country,  the  merchants  naturally 
do  not  care  to  buy  wheat  and  other  produce  from  the  peasants.  Besides, 
through  the  glut  of  unsaleable  produce,  prices  are  low.  Thus  Turkey's  action 
hi  closing  the  Dardanelles  against  Eussia  has  very  seriously  damaged  not  only 
Eussia's  military  position  but  also  her  economic  and  financial  position. 

The  facts  given  in  these  pages  show  that  the  attack  made  simultaneously 
by  British  and  French  troops  upon  the  Gallipoli  Peninsula  was  necessary  for 
relieving  Eussia  militarily,  economically,  and  financially,  and  for  enabling  her 
to  arm  as  perfectly  as  possible  her  immense  military  population  and  to  strike 
at  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  with  the  greatest  effect.  The  aim  in  view 
undoubtedly  compelled  France  and  the  British  Empire  to  make  a  great  effort, 
even  if  that  effort  should  be  extremely  costly  in  human  lives. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  opening  of  the  Dardanelles  will  not  merely 
lead  to  the  strengthening  of  the  Allies  by  enabling  Eussia  to  re-equip  her  army 
but  it  will  lead  at  the  same  time  to  the  weakening  of  the  German- Austrian  group. 
The  fall  of  Constantinople  would  have  a  great  moral  effect  upon  the  two  central 
empires.  It  would  very  greatly  weaken  their  military  strength  and  corre- 
spondingly increase  that  of  the  Entente  Powers.  The  large  forces  which  are 
fighting  at  present  at  the  Dardanelles  would  be  set  free  and  could  be  used  with 
the  greatest  effect  either  in  the  eastern  or  the  western  theatre  of  war.  The 
fallof  Constantinople  would  bring  about  the  fall  of  Turkey,  and  it  would  prob- 
ably cause  Eoumania  and  the  Balkan  Powers,  which  at  present  are  neutral,  to 
join  the  forces  of  the  Entente.  It  should  be  the  turning-point  of  the  war. 

The  loss  of  life  occasioned  by  the  attack  on  the  Gallipoli  Peninsula  has  been 
terrible  but  was  unavoidable.  Nature  has  made  that  peninsula  a  fortress  of  the 
greatest  strength,  another  Gibraltar,  which  has  been  improved  to  the  utmost 
by  the  art  of  the  soldier  and  of  the  engineer.  The  greater  the  cost  is,  the  greater 
will  be  the  glory  to  future  generations.  The  fight  of  the  British  Imperial  and  of 
the  French  troops,  the  conquest  of  positions  which  the  highest  military  authori- 
ties of  Germany  declared  to  be  impregnable,  and  the  glory  of  having  struck 
the  most  telling  and  the  most  decisive  blow  of  the  war  will  be  an  undying  cause 

I  of  pride  and  of  inspiration  to  all  men  of  the  Empire. 
J.  ELLIS  BARKER. 


582 


RHODESIA  IN  1915. 

"  AND  what  about  Ehodesia  ?  "  asks  that  dreary  person  The  Great  Traveller 
of  any  very  brilliant  dinner  party,  who,  having  once  been  to  the  Cape  for 
three  weeks,  in  the  governorship  of  Sir  Henry  Barkly,  has  been  an  authority  on 
South  Africa  ever  since.  Presently  to  him  deep  calleth  unto  deep  in  the  person 
of  the  ex-permanent  official  who  "  knew  dear  old  Ehodes  in  the  old  days,  before 
he  was  a  big  man  ".  He  did,  and  Mr.  Ehodes,  after  waiting  in  his  company 
for  thirteen  minutes  in  the  anteroom  of  the  C.O.,  said  at  length  "  What  d — d 
silly  questions  you  ask  !  "  and  said  no  more.  Ehodesia,  let  these  and  all  others 
mark  it  well,  is  in  1914-1915  holding  her  own,  and  that  is  much.  Her  character 
is  a  big  thing  to  preserve  and  to  live  up  to.  Mr.  Henry  Wilson-Fox's  admirable 
address  at  the  African  Society  dinner  the  other  night  contained  not  a  few 
enlivening  thoughts  and  expressions.  He  sees  the  position  of  the  youngest 
colony  in  the  public  heart  and  mind  as  rather  moral  than  material  .  .  .  "in 
the  subconscious  recognition  of  the  fact  that  Ehodesia  owes  its  foundation  and 
its  success  to  the  survival  in  our  times  of  that  heroic  spirit  which  led  the  adven- 
turers of  the  Elizabethan  age  to  regard  the  unknown  countries  of  the  world  as 
an  heritage,  and  which  is  to-day  saving  our  Empire  from  destruction  on  the 
plains  of  Flanders  andt  he  rocky  heights  of  Gallipoli  ".  Tally  ho  !  Mr.  Fox  : 
this  is  eloquence.  Eomance,  self-sacrifice,  personal  heroism  are  qualities 
Mr.  Fox  justly  claims  for  the  early  history  of  Ehodesia.  Unforgotten  be  the 
pioneers,  and  their  leader  the  brilliant  first  Administrator,  Archibald  Colqu- 
houn,  and  that  hero  of  the  Ehodesians,  best  beloved  of  South  African  (or  of  any 
other)  public  figures,  the  selfless,  unexampled  "Doctor,"  who  of  so  much 
Ehodesian  history  might  justly  say  with  pious  Aeneas  (but  that  would  never, 
even  to  remind  us  that  he  is  an  Hon.  LL.D.  of  Edinburgh,  no  less),  "  Quorum  pars 
magna  fui  ".  Behind  him,  behind  all,  looms  the  shade  of  the  great  Spirit 
which  broods  across  the  illimitable  lands  from  the  Matoppos,  great  in 
memory,  great  in  inspiration,  Fundator  nosier. 

"  Alive  he  was  the  land,  and  dead 
His  soul  shall  be  her  soul "... 

Among  other  things  the  late  Mr.  Ehodes  did  greatly  interfere  with  certain 
designs  of  Imperial  Germany  ;  and,  true  to  their  other  traditions,  it  is  fitting  that 
recent  or  present  Ehodesians  are  active  in  this  war.  Mr.  Fox  shows  a  bracing 
list  of  names.  He  cites  old  Ehodesians  hard  at  it.  And  so  good  Percy  Inskip 
commands  an  Army  Service  Corps,  does  he,  at  Harwich  ?  and  dear  "  old  Weston' ' 
is  with  his  regiment  in  Egypt  ?  And  Major  Frank  Johnson,  inimitably  hearty, 
inimitable  black  bull  among  men,  is  with  the  Sussex  !  And  Selous,  that  mighty 
hunter,  is  captain  in  the  Legion  of  Frontiersmen  in  East  Africa  .  .  . 

'  Nor  count  me  all  to  blame  if  I 
Conjecture  of  a  stiller  guest.'  .  .  . 


RHODESIA   IN   1915.  583 

Greatly  might  a  man  wish  to  scramble  (where  thou  and  I,  dear  "  Mac  ",  oft  have 
scrambled,  to  a  certain  open  place  in  the  immemorial  hills  and  stoop  down 
among  the  boulders  and  there  repeat  these  names  of  Rhodesians,  the  quick 
and  the  dead,  to  one  sleeping  there.  .  .  .  One  hears  him  say  as  before,  "  You 
must  all  follow  the  Governor  ",  and  again  "  for  candour  and  pluck,  he  wins  ", 
and  know  that  he  means  now,  as  in  his  dying  injunction,  "  H.E.,"  whom  men  call 
Lord  Milner.  .  .  .  Vixere  fortes,  &c.,  but,  man  for  man,  Mr.  Fox  seems  to  think 
the  young  Ehodesians  are  as  good  as  their  forerunners,  and  as  good  as  any  in 
Western  trenches.  The  only  pity  is  that  there  are  not  more  of  them.  It  is 
good  and  reassuring  news  that  "  since  the  outbreak  of  war  they  have  been 
clamouring  to  be  employed  in  Europe,  and  if  the  brake  had  not  been  to  some 
extent  applied  we  should  have  been  left  with  no  Civil  Service,  no  Police,  and  a 
country  without  any  fighting  population  ".  We  are  all  for  the  brake.  Probably 
the  silliest  suggestion  made  in  this  war  by  the  silliest  section  of  the  press  was 
that  General  Botha  should  be  hurried  from  Africa,  and  the  peculiar  fighting  in 
which  he  so  excels  and  has  so  gloriously  militated,  to  serve  in  Western  Europe. 
As  if  the  General  had  nothing,  even  now,  to  do  at  home  !  On  their  own  con- 
tinent the  Rhodesians  have  been  most  pertinently  and  well  employed.  Now 
5,000  are  under  arms — forty  per  cent,  of  the  adult  white  male  population — 
sorrow  that  that's  no  greater.  And  500  are,  in  fact,  serving  at  their  own 
danger,  in  Europe.  Germans  complain,  we  gather,  of  the  frightfulness  of  the 
Rhodesian  sniper.  In  Rhodesia  they  fight  most,  if  not  best.  Early  in  the  war 
the  Rhodesian  police  occupied  the  Caprivi  Stick,  which  Mr.  Wilson-Fox,  with 
great  command  of  his  temper  for  purposes  of  print — in  private  his  language  is 
perhaps  stronger — calls  an  "  inconvenient  "  German  salient.  That,  and  the  very 
north-east  corner  of  Northern  Rhodesia,  at  the  south  end  of  Lake  Tanganyika, 
are  points  where  German  and  British  possessions  touch.  For  the  first  of  which 
we  may  thank  the  diplomats,  who  kindly  admitted  the  Germans  to  the  navigable 
Zambezi.  The  second  discovers  a  long  frontier  to  be  defended,  partly  Rhode- 
sian, partly  of  Nyasaland,  partly  Belgian,  so  at  last  the  Belgians  and  Rhodesians 
are  comrades  in  arms.  North  Rhodesian  volunteers  are  of  ours,  and  those 
recruited  in  the  North  Charterland  Concession  amount  to  about  half  the  settlers 
of  that  progressive  district,  where  cotton  and  tobacco  flourish  exceedingly. 
Others  have  served  under  General  Botha,  others,  not  so  felicitously  if  gallantly, 
in  East  Africa.  In  the  north,  Colonel  Hodson,  of  the  North  Rhodesia  police, 
hath,  moreover,  repelled  the  Bosches.  A  colony  of  Men,  in  the  war  of 
1914-15  Rhodesia  plays  a  man's  part. 

It  is  possibly  a  comparatively  small  matter  if  in  such  days  a  new  country 
materially  falters.  Yet  Peace  hath  her  victories  no  less  renowned  than  War,  and 
in  the  forefront  of  her  bloodless  battles  it  is  desirable  to  mention  the  honour- 
able conduct  of  the  mealies.  Maize  seems  temporarily  to  have  ousted  tobacco, 
a  result  which,  for  excellent  reasons,  we  regret.  The  crops  estimate  for  1915  of 
the  Department  of  Agriculture  at  Salisbury  is  before  us  as  we  write,  and  the 
statisticians  are  hereby  provided  with  a  curtailed  table  which  accounts  faithfully 
for  the  estimated  crops  of  European  farmers.  Mealies  show  "  a  very  great  and 


584  RHODESIA    IN   1915. 

satisfactory  increase,  and  purpose  to  yield  not  less  than  1,006,624  bags  of  203  Ib. 
That  is,  of  course,  for  the  whole  of  Southern  Ehodesia  ;  Mashonaland  figures 
are  873,642  ;  Matabeleland  yields  133,882  bags.  The  report  adds  impressively 
that  in  Matabeleland  are  "  some  thousands  of  acres  from  which  the  yield,  though 
lost  as  grain,  will  be  turned  to  profitable  account  as  ensilage  ".  Kains  plagued 
the  Matabeleland  farmers  in  the  early  spring,  and  did  not  wholly  spare  the 
Mashonaland  brethren  :  especially  coming,  as  they  did,  after  several  seasons 
of  absolute  drought,  during  which  the  natural  tendency  had  been  to  desert  the 
higher  lands  for  the  lower  vlei-soil.  The  consequence  was  that,  in  almost  every 
instance,  the  whole  of  the  ground  intended  for  cultivation  was  reduced  to  a 
quagmire  which  was  utterly  inaccessible  to  the  plough  ;  or,  where  the  operation 
had  been  already  done,  to  the  weeder  and  cultivator.  Consequently  the  acreage 
reaped,  especially  in  Matabeleland,  is  considerably  less  than  was  actually  seen 
in  the  first  instance.  "  Bains,"  adds  the  official  prose-man,  "  rains  of  later 
March  and  early  April  (we  know  them)  partially  saved  the  situation ;  to 
crops  of  the  later  or  second  sowing,  rains  made  all  the  difference.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  temperature,  which  in  mid-May  was  well  below  freezing  point 
at  Salisbury,  caused  some  anxiety." 

Of  the  provinces,  Mazoe — a  favoured,  favourite  region  well  seen  by 
officials,  where  Mr.  Francis  Newton,  the  distinguished  Treasurer,  wisely  pitched 
an  early  camp,  and  has  renovated  friends  with  halcyon  Sundays — Mazoe  is 
given  as  easy  first  in  the  returns.  The  average  yield  per  acre  was  8- 6  bags,  the 
gross  347,564  bags  ;  Salisbury  came  next  with  251,351  bags,  or  6'7  to  the  acre  ; 
4  bags  an  acre  is  the  return  of  Hartley,  where  the  lions  roar  or  used  to,  the 
estimated  yield  being  83,916 ;  and  beautiful  Lomagundi  and  Umtali  give 
57,233  and  30,492  bags  respectively  in  the  gross,  or  an  average  yield  per  acre 
of  just  over  5  and  6'6  bags. 

But  the  blessed  word  here  is  not  Mesopotamia,  but  Export.  Khodesia  is  to 
export  maize  in  earnest.  Ten  thousand  over  the  half -million  bags  is  the  quantity 
estimated  as  available  for  this  purpose ;  but  the  actual  amount  to  be  sent  over- 
sea must  be  reckoned  less  in  conjunction  with  the  Agricultural  Department's 
direction  than  with  the  shipping  arrangements  and  freights. 

Thus  mealies  in  Ehodesia,  a  satisfactory  record  enough  ;  but  the  Ehodesian, 
at  least  thousands  of  miles  off  in  these  misty  and  Zeppelin-menaced  islands,  still 
pines  for  better  news  on  the  score  of  Ehodesia  tobacco.  Of  citrus  fruit  also  we 
should  have  liked  to  hear  later  and  encouraging  news,  since  Ehodesia  citrus 
fruit  is  grateful  to  the  palate  and  in  the  memory,  and  its  successful  cultivation 
seems  concerned  with  "  more  homes" — Cecil  Ehodes's  proverbial  dream.  The 
latent  objects  of  cultivation,  then,  indeed  are  things  that  matter.  On  these, 
on  their  evolution  and  on  that  of  the  latent  industries  dependent-  thereon,  the 
big  white  population  of  Ehodesia,  which  haunts  so  many  an  imagination,  has 
seemed,  in  some  minds,  condemned  to  tarry.  And  tobacco  recedes.  "  An 
enormous  falling-off  both  in  the  acreage  planted  and  in  the  anticipated  crop,  as 
compared  with  last  season,"  says  an  official  voice,  and  seems  actually  to  chuckle. 
Marandellas,  beautiful  Marandellas — where  at  the  store  by  the  station,  nice  women 


THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW   SPIRIT. 


585 


gave  you  such  capital  tea  (in  1909),  and  chatted  over  their  tea  about  Mrs.  Some- 
body's (a  neighbour's)  trouble  with  her  lions — even  Marandellas  has  gone  back 
on  her  tobacco.  "  The  decrease  in  the  area  under  tobacco  is  almost  exactly 
counterbalanced  by  the  increased  acreage  under  maize  " — is  it  ? — "  and  the  vast 
majority  of  individual  tobacco-planters  have  reverted  to  maize  growing  as  the 
better-paying  proposition."  "  Proposition,"  quotha  !  Their  taste  seems  to  one 
Ehodesian-in-the-heart  about  as  good  as  their  prose  style.  No  doubt  there  is 
some  good  reason  for  it  all ;  but  some  of  us  will  go  to  the  grave  protesting  that 
there  was  a  time  when  the  Khodesia  cigarette  might  have  robbed  the  best 
Turkish  and  American  of  their  place  in  affection  of  Europe.  Khodesia  cigarettes ! 
The  best  of  these  are  as  good  as  the  best  of  Turkish,  and  wholesomer  than  any 
uninteresting  Virginian.  They  would  no  doubt  have  to  be  kept  under  the 
direction  of  authority,  and  their  standard  jealously  safeguarded. 

A  murrain  on  the  circumstances  which  made  this  great  objective  impractic- 
able !  May  there  be  other  chances  given  a  wiser,  if  not  happier,  generation,  and 
Peace,  when  she  smiles  on  the  British  Empire  in  either  hemisphere,  inspire 
directors,  administrators,  and  private  citizens  to  such  feats  of  organisation  and 
co-ordination  as  shall  give  the  fruits  of  Ehodesia  their  full  scope,  fair  play ! 
And  the  peace-pipe,  for  some  of  us,  be  the  Ehodesian  cigarette  !  Follows,  in  this 
imperfect  season,  the  triumphant  record  of  the  maize : — 

CROPS   ESTIMATE  :    1914-1915. 
Estimated  surplus  of  Maize  available  for  Export,  510,000  bags. 


District. 

Maize. 

Tobacco. 

Acres. 

Estimated 
Yield  :  Bag  of 
203  Ib. 

Acres. 

Estimated 
Yield  in  Ib. 

Mashonaland         .          .          .          ... 

141,887 

873,642 

1,508 

621,345 

Matabeleland        

46,566 

132,982 

48 

22,430 

Grand  Totals  for  Southern  Rhodesia  . 

188,453 

1,006,624 

1,556 

643,775 

C.  W.  B. 


THE  DAWN  OF  A  NEW  SPIRIT. 


TO-DAY  it  is  hard  for  any  of  us  to  think  of  the  blessings  that  war  can  bring,  or 
to  look  beyond  the  narrow  circle  of  our  own  personal  grief  to  the  wide  horizon 
of  our  Empire's  destiny ;  and  yet,  in  this  hour  of  bitter  trial,  what  can  give  us 
higher  courage,  or  produce  a  purer  and  more  unselfish  patriotism,  than  this 
knowledge,  that,  set  against  our  own  individual  sorrow,  is  the  regeneration  of 
our  Empire's  life  ? 

2  B 


586  THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW   SPIRIT. 

In  the  Overseas  Dominions,  perhaps  even  more  than  in  England,  this  spirit 
of  regeneration  is  already  being  felt.  Prosperity,  as  is  frequently  the  case,  was 
fast  blinding  us  to  everything  beyond  our  own  success,  and  self-advancement, 
domestic  welfare,  not  wider  issues,  filled  and  dazzled  men's  minds.  But  now 
the  hour  has  come  when  we  have  been  forced  to  realise  that  we  are  not  separate 
and  independent  states  responsible  only  for  our  own  development,  but  integral 
parts  of  one  great  Empire,  that  our  destiny  is  indissolubly  bound  up  in  its  destiny, 
and  that  with  it  we  must  stand  or  fall.  A  great  wave  of  loyalty  has  swept 
across  our  Empire  from  sea  to  sea,  and  men  and  women  separated  by  leagues 
of  land  and  ocean,  speaking  different  tongues,  holding  different  faiths,  have 
on  a  sudden  been  united  into  one  people,  fired  by  a  common  ambition,  inspired 
by  a  common  enthusiasm.  Had  the  German  Emperor's  aim  been  to  strengthen 
the  ties  that  bind  the  Overseas  Dominions  to  the  Motherland,  he  could  have 
found  no  surer  means  of  doing  so  than  by  bringing  about  the  present  War, 
which  is  devastating  Europe  and  testing  modern  civilisation  in  so  fierce  and 
terrible  a  fire. 

We  all  know  that  nothing  calls  forth  the  best  qualities  in  a  human  being 
more  surely  than  a  feeling  of  responsibility,  and  it  is  the  same  with  nations.  It 
is  an  appreciation  of  their  responsibilities  in  this  present  War  that  has  stirred 
the  Dominions  to  their  very  foundations,  and  has  called  forth  such  a  spirit  of 
passionate  devotion  in  their  people.  For  the  first  time  in  their  existence  they  are 
aware  that  the  Mother  Country  needs  them,  that  the  Mother  Country  that  has 
stood  for  so  many  generations  between  them  and  all  dangers  is  now  herself 
threatened,  more  than  threatened,  that  her  very  life  is  imperilled,  and  that  it  is 
to  them  she  looks  now  that  her  hour  of  need  has  come.  And  they  are  ready  ! 
Manhood  has  come  at  last  to  England's  children — in  a  night  they  have  passed 
from  childhood  to  maturity.  To-day  they  realise  that  they  are  no  longer  puny 
infants  dependent  on  the  Motherland  for  protection  and  care,  but  sons  who  can 
go  forth  in  her  defence.  A  new  sense  of  duty  has  inspired  them,  and  a  finer  love 
than  they  have  ever  known  has  filled  their  hearts. 

Only  those  who  have  lived  all  their  lives  in  one  or  other  of  the  Overseas 
Dominions  can  understand  the  full  meaning  of  the  change  that  has  taken  place. 
It  is  a  change  that  has  been  wrought  in  the  hearts  of  individual  men  and  women. 
To  thousands  of  these,  patriotism  had  become  an  empty  word ;  now  it  stands 
for^all  that  is  most  true  and  noble  in  life. 

Thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  the  generation  who  were  men  and  women  in  the 
principal  Dominions  were  for  the  most  part  the  children  of  English  parents. 
They  had  grown  up  surrounded  by  English  influences,  and  England  had  always 
remained  "  Home  "  to  their  parents.  To-day  that  is  no  longer  the  case ;  the 
generation  who  are  men  and  women  are  largely  the  children  of  parents  born 
and  educated  overseas,  to  whom  England  is  as  unfamiliar  as  France  or  Germany. 
To  these  people  England  cannot  be  "  Home."  Australia,  New  Zealand,  or  Canada 
is  "  Home,"  but  not  England,  and  how  much  less  can  it  be  "  Home  "  to  their 
children!  To  each  succeeding  generation  England  has  grown  more  dim  and 
unreal,  and  as  England  has  grown  dim  and  unreal  other  influences  have  grown 


THE   DAWN   OF   A   NEW   SPIRIT.  587 

strong  and  vivid ;  and  so  gradually  the  ties  uniting  the  people  of  the  Overseas 
Dominions  to  the  Motherland  have  worn  very  fine. 

Under  these  conditions  it  is  not  strange  that  the  Overseas  peoples,  while 
retaining  the  same  fundamental  principles  and  rules  of  life,  have  all  developed 
along  markedly  divergent  lines.  This  individual  development  has  resulted  in  a 
wide  variety  of  manners  and  customs  which,  growing  more  pronounced  as  years 
advance,  has  tended  to  separate  the  people  of  the  different  Dominions  one  from 
another,  and  all  from  the  people  of  the  Motherland.  The  majority  of  English 
people  in  the  past  looked  down  upon  "  Colonials  "  and  frankly  despised  them 
for  their  lack  of  culture  and  refinement ;  the  "  Colonials  "  on  their  side  have 
retorted  by  ridiculing  the  English  for  their  worship  of  caste,  their  self-importance 
and  insularity.  This  spirit  of  mutual  criticism  was  doing  much  to  estrange 
the  people  of  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  was  thus  weakening  the 
precious  bonds  of  Imperialism. 

In  Canada,  this  feeling  was  growing  very  pronounced.  Everyone  has  heard 
of  the  too  common  Western  notice,  "No  Englishman  need  apply".  These 
words  sounded  a  warning  that  fell  for  the  most  part  on  deaf  ears  ;  Canadians 
were  too  busy  making  money  to  heed  their  true  significance,  Englishmen  were 
too  arrogant  to  weigh  them  and  read  their  meaning.  Less  than  eighteen  months 
ago,  a  young  Englishman  who  had  been  living  in  the  Middle  West,  said  to  me  : 
"  If  you  want  to  get  on  in  the  West,  the  less  you  say  about  being  an  Englishman 
the  better  ".  His  statement  may  have  been  exaggerated,  but  there  was  enough 
truth  in  it  to  furnish  food  for  reflection. 

This  attitude  towards  England  may  have  been  more  marked  in  Canada 
than  in  the  other  Dominions.  Geographically,  Canada's  position  exposes  her 
to  alien  influences  in  a  way  that  the  other  Dominions  are  not.  For  three 
thousand  miles  her  border  line  runs  parallel  to  that  of  the  United  States  ;  many 
of  her  towns  and  villages  are  practically  on  the  border,  and  it  is  idle  to  imagine 
that  Canadian  people  do  not  feel  the  influence  of  their  American  neighbours. 
American  literature  floods  Canada,  it  is  cheaper  and  more  abundant  than 
English  literature,  and  naturally  it  has  its  share  in  moulding  Canadian  ideas. 
New  York  is  far  more  familiar  to  the  average  Canadian  than  London,  and 
American  customs  and  manners  more  nearly  resemble  those  of  Canada  than 
do  the  English.  In  fact,  if  the  plain  truth  must  be  told,  the  majority  of  Cana- 
dians feel  more  at  home  in  American  than  in  English  society. 

I  know  that  to  many  people  what  I  have  said  will  appear  greatly  exaggerated. 
Unfortunately  neither  English  or  Canadians  are  aware  how  little  they  really 
know  each  other.  As  a  rule,  the  English  are  astonishingly  ignorant  of  actual 
conditions  in  Canada,  and  of  everything  touching  Canadian  life  and  thought ; 
on  the  other  hand,  most  Canadians  are  equally  ignorant  regarding  English 
life,  manners  and  customs.  They  seldom,  even  when  in  England,  have  an 
opportunity  of  mixing  much  with  English  people  or  of  knowing  them  at  all 
intimately.  This  is  unfortunate,  for  the  English,  perhaps  more  than  any  other 
people  in  the  world,  require  to  be  well  known  to  be  understood  or  appreciated. 
Even  were  it  not  for  this  state  of  things,  social  conditions  in  both  countries 

2  R  2 


588        KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

are  so  different  that  a  sympathetic  understanding  of  the  other's  point  of  view 
is  equally  difficult  both  to  the  English  and  the  Canadians. 

To-day  a  unique  opportunity  is  being  given  not  only  to  the  people  of  the 
Mother  Country  and  of  Canada,  but  to  all  the  different  peoples  of  the  British 
Empire,  to  learn  to  know  each  other  in  a  way  they  have  never  had  an  opportunity 
of  doing  before.  A  common  danger  has  drawn  us  all  together  ;  from  East 
and  West,  from  North  and  South,  our  sons  are  hurrying  to  fight  the  Empire's 
battles.  Fighting  side  by  side,  suffering  side  by  side,  they  must  learn  to  know 
all  that  is  truest  and  best  in  each  other,  and  (what  is  even  more  important) 
to  sympathise  and  bear  with  each  other's  weaknesses.  Already  they  have 
learnt  that  lying  behind  the  many  differences  of  custom  and  speech  are  the 
same  ideals  and  beliefs,  which,  stronger  than  any  differences,  bind  them  together 
in  the  powerful  bond  of  brotherhood.  Surely  this  knowledge  alone  is  worth 
the  sacrifice  we  are  making  to-day.  The  true  brotherhood  that  a  common 
suffering  has  brought  us  will  endure,  and  give  life  and  unity  to  our  Empire, 
long  after  we  ourselves  have  passed,  with  our  joys  and  sorrows,  beyond  the 
tumult  of  this  world's  strife.  Indeed  we  must  all — 

"  Have  faith  to  look  with  fearless  eyes 

Beyond  the  tragedy  of  a  world  of  strife, 
And  trust  that  out  of  night  and  death  shall  rise 
The  dawn  of  ampler  life." 

H.  M.  BOSWELL. 
(I.  of  Orleans,  P.Q.,  Canada.) 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST    AND    PRESENT. 

V. — THE  VICTORIA  LEAGUE. 

The  people  are  learning  that  this  Empire  was  not  made  at  a  stroke,  but  that 
it  has  grown,  that  it  has  developed — aye,  and  developed  not  without  a  scheme, 
but  developed  in  obedience  to  a  common  purpose  which  has  bound  together 
the  people  who  form  it.  It  was  not  made  with  hands.  It  is  not  written  in 
any  statute  booh.  It  rests  and  abides  deep  down  in  the  spirit  of  the  people — 
the  various  peoples — who  compose  it.  They  own  one  allegiance,  but  it  is 
an  alkgiance  based  on  services  freely  rendered.  They  live  in  one  spirit, 
and  that  spirit  is  the  spirit  of  liberty.  They  own  one  ideal,  and  it  is  the  ideal 
that  the  British  rule  shall  be  identified  in  the  most  distant  parts  of  the  earth 
with  justice  and  equal  treatment  between  man  and  man.  These  are  the  things, 
these  are  the  realities,  which  make  up  the  true  Imperial  spirit;  and  it  is 
because  your  League  is  bearing  its  part  in  making  these  things  known,  and  in 
educating  our  people  to  a  sense  of  how  priceless  a  heritage  is  theirs,  that  I 
second  the  Resolution  which  declares  it  worthy  of  confidence. 

THE  ET.  HON.  B.  B.  HALDANE,  M.P.,  1905. 

THE  Victoria  League  was  founded  in  May  1901 ;    among  patriotic  associations 
it  is  therefore  one  of  the  first  children  of  the  twentieth  century.    But  more 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT.     589 

noteworthy  at  the  present  time  is  the  circumstance  that  it  came  into  existence 
during  a  war  that  tested  the  solidarity  of  the  British  Empire  in  a  degree  only 
inferior  to  the  degree  in  which  that  solidarity  is  being  tested  to-day. 

Founded  at  such  a  moment,  it  was  imperative  that  the  League  should  have 
a  non-party  character,  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name  ;  and  so  well  has  this  character 
been  preserved  that  to-day  it  would  pass  the  wit  of  politician  to  determine, 
from  the  names  of  the  Executive  Committee,  what  is  their  collective  bias  in 
regard  to  any  party  question  of  the  last  few  years.  Membership  from  the 
outset  was  open  to  men  and  women,  but  the  first  Committee  was  composed 
solely  of  women.  It  was  appointed  at  a  preliminary  meeting  held  at  10  Downing 
Street,  the  house  of  the  then  Prime  Minister,  Mr.  Balfour,  who  is  to-day  a  Vice- 
President  of  the  League,  as  is  Mr.  Asquith.  As  regards  the  composition  of  the 
Committee  itself,  Mrs.  Alfred  Lyttelton  became  the  Hon.  Secretary  and  still 
continues  to  be  a  member,  while  Mrs.  Harcourt  is  one  of  the  recent  additions 
to  the  body.  In  the  same  way,  Lady  Jersey — the  President  of  the  League  and 
Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee — may  by  the  party  statistician  (now 
fortunately  at  a  discount)  be  balanced  against  Lady  Crewe,  and  Lady  Selborne 
be  placed  in  the  opposite  scale  to  Lady  Emmott.  But  in  actual  practice  it  is 
impossible  to  distinguish  between  the  mental  attitude  of  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  such  grounds  as  these.  Though  at  present  ten  of  the  twenty-three 
members  of  the  Executive  Committee  are  men,  and  though  throughout  the 
whole  scheme  of  organisation  of  the  League  men  have  an  equal  status  with 
women,  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  the  impartial  basis  of  the  work,  and 
its  notably  practical  character,  are  largely  due  to  the  unilateral  composition 
of^the  original  body. 

Shortly  after  the  foundation  of  the  Society  it  was  found  that  the  work 
needed  an  office  and  a  paid  secretary.  Two  rooms  were  rented  in  Dacre  House, 
near  Victoria  Street,  and  at  first  were  open  only  on  Tuesdays  and  Thursdays 
from  11  to  4.  As  time  went  on,  a  room  here  and  there  was  added,  until  in 
1908  the  central  work  was  transferred  to  the  present  six-roomed  office  in  Mill- 
bank  House,  Wood  Street,  Westminster.  From  a  secretary  and  one  assistant 
voluntary  helper  the  staff  has  grown  to  ten  paid  workers  and  five  honorary 
secretaries,  besides  several  members  of  the  League  who  give  occasional  help, 
while  the  hours  of  attendance  are  from  10  to  5.80,  except  on  Saturdays.  Anyone 
who  has  had  the  opportunity  of  becoming  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
clerical  work  of  the  office  will  have  been  impressed  by  a  courtesy  and  directness 
of  method,  as  well  as  by  a  dispatch  and  economical  conduct  of  the  work,  which 
taken  together  would  extort  the  admiration  of  any  business  house  and  be  the 
despair  of  most  Government  departments.  To  say  that  from  first  to  last  Miss 
Meriel  Talbot  has  organised  this  work  is  to  fcame  only  a  part  of  her  qualifica- 
tions for  the  post  of  secretary.  Her  vivid  interest  in  those  political  aspects 
of  the  growth  of  the  British  Empire  which  are  common  to  all  the  self-governing 
dominions,  and  her  rapid  understanding  of  the  separate  views  and  interests 
of  each  part,  made  her  far-flung  journeys  on  behalf  of  the  League  one  of  its 
strongest  foundations.  It  also  helped  to  bring  into  line  the  work  of  the  Allied 
Societies  overseas  with  that  which  is  being  done  in  the  home  country. 


590       KINDRED  SOCIETIES-PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

This  point  will  best  be  illustrated  by  an  extract  from  the  report  of  one  of 
her  tours.  "  I  received  several  requests  to  organise  the  Victoria  League 
as  such  in  Sydney,  but  it  seemed  wisest  to  work  with  the  existing  and  very 
similar  societies  rather  than  to  dissipate  efforts  by  multiplying  them  ;  accord- 
ingly, as  the  result  of  many  personal  interviews  and  a  general  meeting  of  the 
British  Empire  League,  at  which  the  whole  position  was  explained  and  the 
practical  work  of  the  Victoria  League  set  forth,  it  was  agreed  that  the  Men's 
Council  and  the  Women's  Branch  of  the  British  Empire  League  should  be 
reorganised  and  work  in  future  as  one  joint  organisation ;  that  after  this 
had  been  effected  the  Bush  Book  Club  should  come  in  as  a  Literature  Committee 
of  the  British  Empire  League,  and  the  League  as  a  whole,  when  reorganised 
on  the  lines  suggested  as  a  non-party  body,  should  represent  in  New  South 
Wales  the  Victoria  League."  In  this  proposal  Miss  Talbot  faithfully  interpreted 
the  wishes  of  the  Executive  Committee,  which  has  always  co-operated  as 
heartily  as  possible  with  the  governing  bodies  of  such  associations  as  the  Im- 
perial Order  of  the  Daughters  of  the  Empire  in  Canada  and  the  Guild  of  Loyal 
Women  in  South  Africa,  two  societies  which  were  founded  in  the  same  year 
as  the  League  itself.  And  even  when  the  overseas  association  is  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Victoria  League  it  remains  self-governing ;  in  no  sense  can 
it  be  regarded  as  a  branch  of  the  organisation  in  this  country.  Such  associa- 
tions, provided  they  remain  non-party  in  character  and  have  a  membership 
open  on  equal  terms  to  men  and  women,  receive  the  royal  patronage  which 
has  been  graciously  accorded  by  their  Majesties  to  the  Victoria  League  in 
Great  Britain.  At  the  present  moment  there  are  four  main  centres  of  the 
League  in  Australia  with  sixteen  local  branches,  and  eight  centres  in  New 
Zealand.  In  South  Africa,  upon  the  dissolution  of  the  Guild  of  Loyal  Women, 
an  association  open  alike  to  both  sexes  and  called  by  the  name  of  the  Victoria 
League,  has  in  most  of  the  provinces  replaced  the  Guild  itself ;  there  are  here 
four  chief  centres  and  twenty-one  local  branches. 

Now  as  to  the  principal  activities  of  the  League  from  its  start  to  the  present 
day.  The  earliest  request  for  practical  work  came  from  South  Africa,  where  our 
fellow-subjects  were  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  conflict  which  to  many  of 
them  represented  civil  war.  At  that  time  an  emissary  of  the  Guild  of  Loyal 
Women  of  Cape  Colony  was  in  England,  collecting  funds  in  order  that  the 
graves  of  those  who  had  died  in  the  service  of  their  country  might  be  cared 
for.  The  first  Sub-Committee  was  quickly  formed  to  aid  in  this  effort,  and 
shortly  afterwards,  in  response  to  other  requests  from  the  same  country,  special 
Committees  were  appointed  to  provide  extra  comforts  for  Dutch  women  and 
children  and  for  British  refugees. 

In  Great  Britain  itself  it  was  thought  to  be  of  the  first  importance  that 
the  League  should  help  to  spread  accurate  information  about  the  British 
dominions,  their  history  and  their  general  conditions.  The  newly-formed 
Education  Committee  considered  that  it  would  best  supply  an  existing  want 
by  directing  its  efforts  to  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  and  to  all  classes  of  society. 
Thus,  while  lectures  and  discussions  on  subjects  of  special  interest  to  those 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.     591 

already  possessing  some  acquaintance  with  conditions  of  life  in  the  oversea 
dominions  have  been  provided  in  London  and  elsewhere,  the  great  bulk  of 
the  meetings,  now  amounting  to  about  a  thousand  in  number,  were  arranged 
for  the  most  varied  and  widely  distributed  audiences  ;  how  various  may  be 
judged  from  the  following  list : — The  Gardeners'  Association  at  Bournemouth, 
the  Hollesley  Bay  Colony,  Cheltenham  Boy  Scouts,  Shop  Assistants,  Girls' 
Club  Associations,  Women's  Meetings,  Public  Libraries,  Adult  Schools,  the 
Co-operative  Union,  the  Workers'  Educational  Association,  the  Working  Men's 
Club  and  Institute  Union,  Teachers'  Conferences,  High  Schools,  and  Military 
Camps.  Special  attention  has  been  given  by  the  Committee  to  bringing  the 
League's  collection  of  lantern  sh'des  to  a  high  standard  of  excellence,  for  it  may 
be  said  with  truth  that  even  a  few  bad  pictures  give  an  inferior  flavour  to  the 
best-planned  lecture.  The  collection  now  amounts  to  over  3,400  slides. 

Another  branch  of  activity  of  the  Education  Committee  is  represented 
by  the  letters  passing  overseas  between  school-children  in  different  dominions 
of  the  Crown.  Of  schools  affiliated  to  the  League  in  Great  Britain,  or  con- 
nected with  it  for  correspondence  with  similar  schools  in  other  parts  of  the 
Empire,  there  are  now  some  500.  The  Committee  have  from  the  first  been 
careful  to  confer  with  the  educational  authorities  and  head  teachers  in  all 
matters  affecting  their  work. 

Other  developments  on  the  educational  side  have  become  so  important  as 
to  warrant  the  establishment  of  a  separate  Literature  Committee.  Under 
the  newspapers  and  magazine  scheme  of  this  Committee,  anyone  in  the  home 
country  willing  to  send  out  the  best  daily  or  other  periodical  literature  is  put 
into  touch  with  some  one  overseas.  This  often  leads  to  most  interesting  corre- 
spondence. Colonial  journals  are  in  like  manner  received  by  home  readers 
anxious  to  have  the  news,  and  to  understand  the  social  problems  of  other  British 
countries.  At  present  newspapers  are  being  sent  at  a  yearly  rate  of  156,000 
and  magazines  at  a  yearly  rate  of  3,200.  There  is  also  an  ever-increasing  demand 
for  school  libraries  in  South  Africa  and  Australia,  for  lending  libraries  in  North- 
West  Canada,  and  for  cases  and  parcels  to  individual  stations  and  settlers  in 
all  parts  of  the  world.  The  total  number  of  books  thus  sent  out  between 
1904  and  1915  is  66,561  ;  the  number  of  cases  of  magazines  shipped  to  Canada 
(each  case  containing  about  200)  is  356  ;  Minto  Libraries — also  to  Canada — 
60  ;  school  libraries,  chiefly  to  South  Africa,  about  400. 

Like  other  branches  of  the  League,  the  Hospitality  Committee  grew  out 
of  a  well-ascertained  need.  At  the  time  of  the  late  King  Edward's  coronation 
the  Executive  appointed  this  Committee  to  arrange  for  a  welcome  to  some  of 
the  many  visitors  then  arriving  in  England.  From  that  small  beginning  the 
work  has  developed  until  visitors  now  call  every  day  at  the  London  offices  of 
the  League,  bringing  introductions  from  Victoria  Leagues  or  Allied  Associations 
in  the  other  dominions.  The  number  of  such  visitors  in  each  of  the  years 
1911  to  1914  ranged  from  1,200  to  1,500  ;  they  always  represent  the  most 
varied  interests,  so  that  to  deal  with  their  several  needs  demands  quite  special 
and  individual  care.  To  make  them  feel  at  home  in  the  Mother  Country, 


592     KINDRED   SOCIETIES-PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

and  to  enable  them  to  see  the  real  life  of  the  place,  as  well  as  to  afford  the 
opportunity  for  residents  here  to  meet  them,  Nare  the  objects  aimed  at  by  the 
Hospitality  Committee.  In  connection  with  this  side  of  the  League's  work, 
the  Ladies'  Empire  Club  was  opened  in  1902  in  a  few  rooms  in  Whitehall  Court. 
To-day  the  Club  has  a  large  house  in  Grosvenor  Street,  counts  a  membership 
of  1,050,  and  occupies  an  altogether  assured  position. 

The  Settlers'  Welcome  Committee,  established  in  1909,  grew  out  of  the 
kindness  and  hospitality  which  was  extended  to  members  of  the  Victoria  League 
of  Great  Britain  who,  in  their  turn,  visited  the  overseas  dominions.  Why, 
it  was  asked,  should  not  a  friendly  welcome  on  such  lines  as  these  be  secured 
for  any  settler  (not  only  members  of  the  League)  who  arrived  with  the  proper 
credentials  ?  This  was  the  question  that  the  Committee  set  itself  to  answer 
in  1909,  and  it  soon  became  clear  that  its  work  was  largely  to  consist  in  filling 
up  the  gaps  in  existing  organisations.  Quite  as  great  forethought  and  in- 
dividual care  are  necessary  in  these  cases  as  in  giving  assistance  to  visitors, 
though  it  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  Committee  is  not  concerned 
with  promoting,  directing,  or  advising  about  emigration,  nor  does  it  promise 
either  to  find  employment  for  the  settler  or  to  render  him  financial  assistance. 
Up  to  the  present  some  700  applications  have  been  dealt  with.  When  once 
the  settlers  land,  there  seems  to  be  no  limit  to  the  friendly  offices  of  the  members 
of  the  corresponding  Welcome  Committee  in  the  new  country,  and  this  friend- 
liness is  extended  to  all  classes  of  settlers  alike. 

Of  still  more  recent  formation  are  the  Art  Committee  and  the  Industrial 
Committee.  One  of  the  results  of  the  activities  of  the  former  body  has  been 
the  circulation  of  reproductions  from  the  Old  Masters  issued  by  the  Medici 
Society,  and  the  exhibition  of  these  representative  travelling  collections  in 
South  African  and  Australian  towns.  The  work  of  the  Industrial  Committee 
led  by  natural  steps  to  a  conference  with  delegates  from  the  oversea  dominions 
in  regard  to  such  subjects  as  Town  Planning  and  the  Care  of  Child  Life.  Mr. 
Harcourt  opened  the  Conference  at  the  Imperial  Institute  on  May  18  of  last 
year.  A  full  report  has  since  been  published  in  book  form. 

A  few  months  of  steady  but  uneventful  progress  may  be  left  unrecorded. 
Then  over  the  normal  work  of  the  Victoria  League,  as  of  all  societies  and  in- 
dividuals, swept  the  disintegrating  and  wasteful  forces  of  war.  To  the  needs 
of  the  nation  and  of  the  Empire,  as  these  were  discerned,  the  machinery  of 
the  society  was  quickly  adapted.  Some  of  the  former  activities  were  only 
intensified  ;  thus  the  number  of  lectures  grew  month  by  month,  and  were 
chiefly  directed  to  giving  accurate  information  about  the  causes  and  issues 
of  this  great  struggle  ;  the  demand  for  "  home  "  newspapers  made  by  British 
people  living  many  thousands  of  miles  from  the  seat  of  war,  and  hungry  for 
detailed  information  as  to  its  ebb  and  flow,  also  increased  greatly.  There  has, 
too,  been  a  steady  addition  to  the  circulation  of  "  Monthly  Notes,"  that  modest 
journal  of  the  League,  which  is  issued  at  the  price  of  a  halfpenny. 

But  other  agencies  had  to  be  set  on  foot.  A  special  Publications  Committee 
was  at  once  appointed  to  make  arrangements  for  pamphlets  and  leaflets  giving 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.       593 

accurate  information  of  the  same  kind  as  was  afforded  by  the  lectures.  About 
900,000  copies  of  these  publications  have  been  sold,  and  some  85,000  issued 
free,  making  a  total  circulation  of  nearly  a  million.  The  prices  of  the  pamphlets 
were  very  low,  ranging  from  \d.  to  2d.  Orders  were  received  from  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  British  Empire,  and  large  quantities  of  this  literature  found,  and 
are  still  finding  their  way  into  the  United  States  and  other  neutral  countries. 
Sir  Edward  Cook's  pamphlet  "  Why  Britain  is  at  War  "  has  been  translated 
into  nine  languages,  and  occupies  a  definite  place  among  documents  issued  in 
refutation  of  our  enemies'  Press  campaign. 

But  perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  of  work  in  war-time  has  been  the 
establishment  of  a  Club  for  men  of  the  Overseas  Forces.  It  had  been  found 
that  though  the  officers  were  made  members  of  existing  clubs  in  London,  and 
received  other  marks  of  hospitality,  the  men  themselves  were  much  in  need 
of  a  place  where  they  might  meet  one  another,  and  find  club  accommodation — 
a  house,  indeed,  that  they  might  look  upon  as  their  own  With  the  aid  of 
the  Ladies'  Empire  Club,  the  money  for  this  undertaking  was  rapidly  found, 
and  suitable  premises  at  16  Regent  Street,  Waterloo  Place,  S.W.,  were  rented, 
fitted  up,  and  staffed  for  the  purpose.  Sixteen  hundred  visitors  entered  the 
premises  in  the  course  of  the  first  five  weeks. 

In  the  foregoing  account  of  the  various  activities  of  the  Victoria  League 
scarcely  any  allusion  has  been  made  to  its  general  scheme  of  organisation  as  a 
society,  except  in  regard  to  the  complete  freedom  of  the  oversea  associations 
bearing  the  same  name.  Such  details  would  only  have  distracted  attention 
from  the  spirit  and  free  development  of  its  work.  It  may  suffice  to  say  now 
that  besides  the  Executive  Committee  (elected  on  a  democratic  basis)  and  the 
Council  of  the  League,  consisting  of  members  approved  by  that  Committee 
and  contributing  a  minimum  subscription  of  £1,  there  are  members  paying 
5s.  and  over,  and  associates  with  a  minimum  subscription  of  Is.,  besides  Junior 
Associates  and  affiilated  schools.  The  total  number  of  adherents  of  all  classes 
in  Great  Britain  is  6,500.  The  normal  income  of  the  year  is  derived  from 
these  sources,  but  the  Rhodes  Trust  has  for  some  years  made  an  annual  con- 
tribution to  the  funds,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  whenever  money  is  needed 
for  any  special  purposes  it  is  always  forthcoming.  Besides  the  Central  Office, 
with  its  Bureau  of  Information  accessible  to  all  oversea  visitors,  whether 
members  of  the  League  or  not,  there  are  twenty-six  branches  in  all  parts  of 
England,  each  with  its  local  secretary  and  its  own  financial  arrange- 
ments. Blackheath,  Harrow,  Weybridge,  Crowborough,  Bath,  Liverpool, 
Newcastle,  Edinburgh  are  typical  examples.  But  in  enumerating  the 
number  of  adherents,  resources,  and  centres  of  activity  connected  with  the 
League,  the  oversea  associations  should  by  no  means  be  left  out  of  account. 
These  associations,  increasing  continually  both  in  number  and  efficiency,  without 
any  direct  impulse  or  control  from  the  central  body,  are  a  striking  testimony 
to  the  practical  enthusiasm  aroused  by  the  ideals  for  which  they  stand. 

The  work  of  the  branches,  and  suggestions  made  by  them  for  central  effort, 
are  brought  to  a  focus  in  the  Branches  Committee  ;  such  suggestions  being 


594  LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF  THE  WAR. 

either  passed  on  to  the  Executive  Committee,  or,  if  relating  to  machinery,  to 
the  Organisation  Committee.  The  energy,  promptitude,  and  sureness  of  action 
of  the  League  are  largely  due  to  its  appropriate  organisation  and  to  its  secretary, 
but  a  certain  gaiety  of  atmosphere  in  the  Executive  Committee,  and  its  decisive 
yet  wisely  tolerant  attitude,  are  characteristic  of  the  President,  whose  influence 
is  felt  in  every  part  of  the  society. 

E.  B.  SARGANT. 


LIGHTS  AND  LESSONS  OF  THE  WAR.* 

By  Sir  GILBERT  PARKER,  M.P.,  D.C.L.,  LL.D.,  LittD. 

THIS  world-war  is  a  purgatorial  passage  through  which  mankind  is  moving  into  a 
new  existence.  Whatever  he  the  end,  whoever  the  victors,  the  active,  peopled, 
fighting,  organised  yet  disordered  world  of  our  knowing,  with  its  arbitrary  boundaries 
and  unregulated  ambitions,  will  never  be  the  same  again.  Many  of  the  old  landmarks 
political,  social,  economic,  will  be  obliterated.  The  new  evolution  may  be  swift  and 
sudden,  it  may  be  prolonged  and  gradual ;  but  it  is  certain  that  there  lies  before  us 
the  making  of  new  rules  of  international  conduct,  and  the  recasting  and  reforging  of 
national  policies  to  march  with  international  responsibility,  so  that  its  activity  may 
be  secured  and  its  will  enforced. 

In  this  there  would  be  nothing  extraordinary.  The  evolution  of  civilisation  has 
not  proceeded  in  an  even  ratio  of  continuous  growth.  It  has  been  marked  by  long 
pauses  and  short  sharp  paroxysms,  vast  convulsions  followed  by  advances  as  imper- 
ceptible as  the  movements  of  a  glacier.  But  the  novelty  of  this  revolutionary  moment 
is  that  we  are  conscious  of  the  greatness  of  the  impending  change  as  men  have  not 
been  before.  The  actors  and  spectators  in  the  decisive  scenes  of  the  huge  world- 
drama  of  the  past  never  realised  the  profound  effects  of  their  efforts  as  we  are  realising 
ours.  They  builded  or  destroyed  better  than  they  knew  ;  we,  though  we  may  not 
know  precisely  what  we  are  building  towards,  are  at  least  conscious  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  task  and  anxious  that  our  designs  shall  be  wise.  Wars  there  have  been  which 
blotted  out  civilisations,  but  centuries  passed  before  men  could  measure  their  import- 
ance. In  the  story  of  Columbus,  we  are  told  that  his  men  saw  fires  on  the  shore  the 
night  before  they  set  foot  on  the  new  land,  now  the  home  of  millions  of  our  race. 
Men  sat  beside  those  fires,  unconscious  of  what  was  to  befall  them  ;  unknowing  that 
within  a  few  hours  their  slow  but  sure  obliteration  would  begin,  and  their  control  of 
a  continent  pass  to  other  hands.  We  know  to-day  what  the  landing  of  Columbus  in 
Hispaniola  meant  for  mankind  ;  but  mankind  did  not  know  it  then,  nor  for  many  a 
generation  afterward. 

We  who  live  now  are  able  to  view  events  in  truer  perspective  than  those  of  older 

*  Paper  read  before  a  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  April  13,  1915,  Lt.-Gen.  Sir 
J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  in  the  Chair. 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          595 

times,  and  this  is  due  not  to  superior  intelligence,  but  to  wider  knowledge.  In  a  real 
sense  we  are  all  now  citizens  of  the  world.  With  the  history  of  most  remote  periods 
opened  to  us  by  modern  research,  by  the  achievements  of  science  and  the  use  of  elec- 
tricity, we  can  better  realise  the  fact  that  Europe  is  now  passing  through  one  of  the 
revolutions  of  progress  ;  that  doors  have  been  flung  open  on  new  horizons. 

Most  theories  of  the  books  and  the  schools,  most  judgments  of  independent  thinkers, 
have  been  demolished  by  this  war.  It  intrigues  the  mind  to  note  that  prophecy  has 
been  most  nearly  justified  where  the  prophets  had  the  least  to  guide  them — namely, 
warfare  at  sea.  The  devastating  effect  of  shell-fire,  the  prowess  of  the  submarine, 
the  employment  of  mines — these  have  been  displayed  in  the  contest,  so  far  as  it  has 
gone,  with  singular  fidelity  to  forecast.  This  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
factors  in  the  problem  were  fewer  and  more  susceptible  of  analysis  by  the  expert. 

It  has  not  been  so  with  the  land-war.  We  all  knew  that  the  old  methods  and 
measures,  that  the  tactics  of  Waterloo  and  the  Crimea,  were  obsolete ;  that  men  no 
longer  fired  on  one  another  at  bow-shot  distance  ;  that  the  glow  and  colour,  the 
clash  of  music  and  the  fluttering  of  banners  had  departed  from  the  battle-field.  We 
realised  that  the  modern  battle  was  invested  with  a  certain  mysterious  invisibility ; 
that  men  crawled  to  the  attack  in  scattered  lines,  dull  and  inconspicuous,  in  uniforms 
scientifically  coloured  to  elude  the  eye  :  yet  we  still  imagined  great  spaces  covered  by 
moving  hosts,  great  columns  wheeling  into  position  and  deploying  for  the  forward 
movement  against  distant  enemies.  The  South  African  war  taught  us  so  much,  and 
it  also  made  us  understand  that  modern  battles  do  not  necessarily  end  in  a  day  ;  that 
the  fate  of  a  nation  is  not  decided  on  a  Sunday  afternoon  ;  that  even  the  three  days 
of  the  battle  of  Leipzig  might  be  insufficient  to  decide  the  issue.  We  learned  that 
lesson  also  in  Manchuria.  We  did  not  grasp,  however,  the  astounding  fact  that  a 
battle  may  continue  day  and  night  for  weeks,  and  even  months,  without  a  decision 
being  reached.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  War  Lords  themselves,  the  men 
who  apply  their  powerful  intellects  to  the  lifelong  study  of  war,  really  foresaw  the 
developments  of  the  present  conflict  in  Eastern  and  Western  Europe. 

It  was  perhaps  generally  recognised  that  the  armies  of  to-day  must  be  very  large  ; 
that  they  would  be  enormously  greater  than  any  commanded  by  Marlborough  or 
Napoleon,  than  the  forces  fighting  in  1870  or  in  any  subsequent  wars.  Yet  one  of  the 
ablest  of  the  laymen  who  wrote  of  war — one  who,  more  than  all  others,  has  predicted 
the  future,  and  who  has  to  his  credit  the  most  accurate  forecasts  of  naval  warfare — 
was  emphatic  in  his  view  that  the  military  future  belonged  to  small  armies  scientifically 
handled.  The  millions  of  Russia,  France  and  Germany  were  so  much  adipose  tissue  ; 
the  military  nations  were  giants,  shaky  at  the  knees,  and  destined  to  be  knocked  out  by 
some  small,  scientific,  enterprising  and  active  antagonist.  Modern  weapons  and 
contrivances,  he  declared,  were  continually  decreasing  the  number  of  men  who  could 
be  efficiently  employed  upon  any  length  of  front.  He  doubted  if  there  was  any  use 
for  more  than  400,000  men  upon  the  whole  Franco-Belgian  frontier,  and  believed 
that  this  number  could  hold  the  frontier  against  any  number  of  assailants. 

Within  eighteen  months  this  theory  has  been  rudely  overthrown.    Probably  two 


596  LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

millions  of  men  have  been  fighting  night  and  day  since  September  upon  the  Franco- 
Belgian  frontier.*  The  fact  is,  no  one  realised  that,  under  modern  conditions,  battles 
would  become  practically  immobile.  The  main  principles  of  strategy  are,  no  doubt, 
much  the  same  now  as  they  have  ever  been,  but  the  tactics  which  supplement  and 
support  the  strategy  seem  to  be  revolutionised.  The  400,000  men  on  whom  Mr.  Wells 
depended  to  hold  France  against  the  attack  of  superior  force  could  obviously  only  do 
so  if  they  could  move  swiftly  and  secretly  from  one  threatened  point  to  another.  It 
was  in  such  manner  that  Napoleon,  in  perhaps  the  greatest  of  all  his  campaigns — that 
of  1814 — kept  the  allied  armies  at  bay  for  many  weeks.  So  far  as  speed  of  movement  is 
concerned,  the  armies  of  to-day  have  tactical  opportunities  of  which  Napoleon  never 
dreamed.  When  whole  army  corps  can  be  shifted  from  Antwerp  to  Warsaw  and  back 
again  in  a  few  days,  it  is  a  small  thing  to  fling  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  men  upon  some 
vulnerable  or  vital  position,  say  one  hundred  miles  away. 

But  the  value  of  military  movements  now,  as  always,  lies  less  in  their  speed  than  in 
their  secrecy.  To  deceive  one's  adversary  was  the  first  object  of  the  General ;  to  pene- 
trate the  deceptions  was  the  main  difficulty  of  his  antagonist.  Driving,  one  day,  to 
Strathfieldsaye  with  a  friend,  the  Duke  of  Wellington  amused  himself  by  guessing  the 
nature  of  the  ground  lying  behind  various  hills.  His  friend  remarked  on  the  astonishing 
accuracy  of  his  predictions,  on  which  the  Duke  replied,  "  The  art  of  war  consists  in 
knowing  what  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill ".  Napoleon  laid  it  down  that  correct 
information  was  the  most  important  factor  in  securing  victory.  In  the  day  of  such 
great  War  Lords,  information  was  not  easy  to  obtain,  and  commanders  had  to  depend 
largely  on  intuition.  All  that  is  changed  ;  tactics  have  been  stripped  of  their  mystery. 
The  time-honoured  plan  of  leaving  the  camp-fires  burning  while  the  army  retired  is  of  no 
avail  against  scouting  aircraft.  Flanking  movements — that  prime  device  for  achieving 
victory — are  made  all  but  impossible  when  sky-scouts  can  discern  the  movements  of 
men  and  trains,  twenty,  fifty,  a  hundred,  two  hundred  miles  behind  the  firing  line. 
Turning  movements  are  instantly  met  by  a  corresponding  transfer  of  troops  to  the 
threatened  point.  So  we  saw  the  Franco-British  attempt  to  turn  the  German  right 
near  Soissons  resolve  itself  into  a  parallel  development  of  the  opposing  lines  until  they 
reached  the  North  Sea,  where  further  progress  was  impossible.  Ensues,  therefore,  the 
astonishing  spectacle  of  a  continuous  battle -line  of  several  hundred  miles,  only  limited 
by  the  fact  that  geographical  and  physical  reasons  prevent  further  extension.  In  the 
Eastern  theatre  of  war  the  circumstances  are  much  the  same,  though  the  length  of  the 
front — from  the  Baltic  to  the  Danube — has  given  more  freedom  of  movement.  It 
would  seem  that,  if  the  old  tactical  principles  are  to  hold  good  in  future  wars,  continents 
not  countries  will  be  the  stage  of  the  operations. 

But  this  is  not  the  only,  or  perhaps  even  the  most  surprising,  reversal  of  our  military 
speculations.  We  have  more  or  less  clearly  understood  that  war  had  lost  some  of  its 
pageantry  ;  but  we  did  not  realise  that  it  has  lost  it  all.  We  knew  that  battles  were 
fought  at  long  range  between  forces  all  striving  for  invisibility  ;  but  we  still  saw  in  the 

*  The  forces  engaged  in  some  of  the  most  famous  battles  of  the  past  are  as  follows  : — Lule 
Burgas,  1912,  400,000;  Mukden,  1905,  701,000;  Sedan,  1870,  244,000  ;  Gravelotte,  1870,  301,000  ; 
Sadowa,  1866,436,000;  Waterloo,  1815,  217,000;  Leipzig,  1813,472,000. 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE  WAR.          597 

mind's  eye  a  battle  as  a  vast  living  picture,  lines  or  masses  of  men  moving  here  and 
there  slowly  or  swiftly  ;  batteries  whirling  into  position  ;  commanders  on  distant  hills 
watching  every  shift  of  the  gusts  of  war ;  mounted  orderlies  desperately  galloping 
here  and  there.  Battles  might  not  have  the  glow  and  colour  of  old  time — that 
was  understood  ;  but  they  were  still  to  be  stirring  scenes  full  of  motion,  of  life,  of 
death. 

How  different  is  the  reality !  Let  us  leave  the  base  to  visit  a  modern  battle-field, 
wearing  a  cap  of  darkness,  since  Generals  are  wanting  in  hospitality  for  intruding  and 
inquisitive  civilians. 

A  broad  plain  teems  with  life  and  movement.  There  are  tents  and  houses  over 
which  waves  the  Ked  Cross  flag  ;  long  strings  of  motor  omnibuses  and  wagons  move 
along  the  roads  ;  bivouacs  are  seen  whence  the  smoke  of  the  kitchens  eddies  upwards  ; 
regiments,  brigades,  divisions,  crawl  along  like  vast  serpents  ;  the  sun  shines  on  the 
lance-points  of  a  cavalry  squadron.  Along  the  railways  train  follows  train,  laden  with 
freight ;  at  the  depots  are  great  mountains  of  hay  and  straw,  and  hillocks  of  boxes 
branded  with  the  shamrock  ;  uncouth  mottled  monsters  go  puffing  along  the  line,  like  a 
dreadnought  on  wheels  or  the  grotesque  toy  of  a  schoolroom.  Here  are  hangars  such 
as  can  be  seen  at  Hendon  or  Brooklands  ;  outside  them  mechanics  are  mending 
aeroplanes,  while  the  aviators  stroll  about  waiting  for  their  turn  on  duty.  Forges  are 
blazing,  busy  hammering  goes  on  in  carpenters'  shops  ;  and  everywhere  is  the  noise  and 
stir  of  men  at  work.  Yet,  save  for  the  hospitals  and  the  soldiers  and  the  armoured 
trains,  and  a  strange  humming  in  the  air,  no  signs  of  battle  show.  It  is  a  scene  full  of 
interest — and  disappointment. 

Our  invisible  guide  quickens  our  interest  as  he  murmurs  "  Army  Headquarters," 
and  we  search  the  neighbourhood  to  find  the  place  where  dwells  the  man  who  holds  our 
destiny  in  his  hands.  There  is  a  chateau  on  a  neighbouring  hill — that  must  be  the 
place.  Not  so.  Commanders-in-Chief  do  not  select  conspicuous  dwellings,  nor  are 
they  anxious  to  let  the  world  know  their  address.  The  Headquarters  are  down  in  that 
little  town  yonder  in  a  small  and  unpretentious  house.  There  are  a  few  motor-cars 
in  front,  dingy  and  weather-beaten,  covered  with  mud  and  dust ;  for  war  is  all  dust 
or  mud ;  there  is  no  happy  medium.  No  gorgeous  staff  lounges  about ;  they  are 
far  too  busy  inside,  mostly  writing.  Through  the  windows  comes  the  constant  tap- 
tap  of  typewriters  and  the  jingle  of  telephone  bells.  One  can  see  just  such  a  scene 
any  day  in  a  stockbroker's  office  in  Copthall  Avenue,  save  that  these  clerks  wear  khaki, 
and  that  the  quiet  absorbed  man  in  the  inner  room  is  not  telephoning  orders  to  buy 
or  sell  shares.  So  much  for  army  pageantry.  In  the  actual  fighting  there  is  nothing 
spectacular  at  all. 

We  leave  the  Headquarters  and  move  on,  guided  always  by  the  dull  sounds  coming 
from  the  firing  lines.  As  we  get  nearer  the  sound  changes.  It  is  resolved  into  its 
component  parts — the  roar  of  the  heavy  guns  and  howitzers,  the  sharp  crack  of  the 
field  guns,  the  irregular  pip-pip,  pip-pip-pip,  of  the  mitrailleuse,  the  rifle  fire  like  the 
crackling  of  thorns  aflame.  Through  and  above  the  uproar  is  the  spiteful  zip  of  the 
rifle  bullets,  varying  from  the  crack  of  a  stock-whip  to  the  drowsy  drone  of  a  bumble- 
bee ;  the  whine  of  shrapnel  shell  and  the  rending  scream  of  large  projectiles.  On 


598          LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

every  side  are  shapeless  ruins  which  once  were  houses  ;  columns  of  smoke  rise  from 
stricken  cottages  ;  in  the  air  small  fleecy  clouds  of  shell-smoke  form  and  disappear ; 
and  here  and  there  in  the  fields  spring  up  masses  of  smoke,  black,  green,  yellow.  It 
is  the  battle-field  at  last. 

Within  our  range  of  vision  probably  fifty  thousand  men  are  hurling  death  at 
each  other,  but  never  a  man  is  to  be  seen.  A  few  aeroplanes  circling  overhead  are 
the  only  signs  of  life.  They  seem  like  vultures  scanning  a  desert  in  search  of  food. 
All  our  previous  ideas  of  battle  as  a  moving  picture  are  shattered.  A  rabbit-warren 
after  the  firing  of  a  shot  is  not  more  lonely  than  the  space  we  see.  The  battle-field  is 
indeed  a  rabbit-warren ;  for,  as  we  proceed,  we  find  the  fields  scarred  with  trenches  and 
every  trench  filled  with  men. 

There  is  nothing  new  in  the  use  of  the  spade  in  warfare.  The  Eomans  were  masters 
of  that  implement ;  it  has  played  its  part  in  all  the  great  sieges  of  history.  Ever  since 
the  breech-loader  supplanted  Black  Bess,  for  the  soldier  to  dig  himself  in  has  been  the 
common  practice  of  war.  In  this  conflict,  however,  trenches  have  become  subterranean 
barracks,  with  corridors  and  dormitories,  heated  by  stoves  and  not  devoid  of  furniture, 
with  living-rooms  and  back-offices.  They  are  places  where  men  not  only  fight  but 
live. 

So  far  as  a  layman  may  judge,  the  result,  as  a  whole,  has  been  confusion  to  all 
pre-war  calculations  and  expectations.  It  has  for  years  been  an  axiom,  of  ever- 
increasing  acceptance,  that  the  days  of  hand-to-hand  fighting  were  almost  at  an  end. 
A  recent  and  admirable  little  book,  by  a  distinguished  writer  of  authority,  says  that 
though  he  cannot  altogether  accept  the  theory  that  the  bayonet  is  now  quite 
superfluous,  he  believes  it  would  be  true  if  infantry  was  always  plentifully  supplied  with 
ammunition  ;  if  they  could  always  keep  their  organisation  intact,  would  remain  cool, 
and  could  never  be  taken  by  surprise.  This  makes  a  very  wide  demand  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  a  principle.  Even  in  its  modified  form,  the  theory  has  already  been 
disproved.  Throughout  the  war  the  bayonet  has  played  a  vital  part.  It  was  so  even 
in  the  first  days,  when  the  armies  were  still  in  constant  motion,  and  before  the  period 
of  entrenchment  had  begun.  As  the  campaign  developed  on  settled  lines  the  bayonet 
showed  that  it  had  once  more  come  into  its  own. 

The  very  causes  which  it  was  thought  would  make  fighting  at  close  quarters 
impossible  in  this  war  have  combined  to  make  it  necessary.  Against  modern  shell- 
and  rifle -fire  such  cover  as  the  surface-ground  provides  becomes  increasingly  inadequate. 
Aeroplanes  search  out  the  positions  and  indicate  the  ranges  with  deadly  precision. 
Advance  in  the  open  is  only  possible  in  very  loose  formation,  and,  even  if  the  men  get 
within  charging  distance,  they  can  bring  no  weight  of  numbers  to  bear  upon  the  enemy. 
When  it  is  attempted  by  frontal  attacks  in  close  order,  by  which  weight  alone  can  tell 
sufficiently,  the  punishment  is  terrific,  as  German  efforts  have  shown. 

To  escape  the  fire  of  the  guns  and  the  prying  eyes  of  the  airmen  the  armies  dig 
themselves  in,  and  become  immobile.  Then,  inevitably,  a  battle  assumes  the  form 
of  a  siege,  in  which  both  armies  are  at  once  besieged  and  besiegers.  Ensues  sapping 
and  mining,  line  after  line  of  trenches  dug  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  until  at  last 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          599 

the  hostile  lines  are  within  speaking  distance.  Instances  have  occurred  in  the 
campaign  on  the  Western  front  where  an  enemy  has  tunnelled  immediately  under  the 
shelters  of  opposing  forces ;  has  then  employed  terrific  shell  fire  upon  the  trenches, 
blown  them  up  at  the  same  time,  and  driven  a  wedge  into  the  line  held  by  a  brigade. 
Needless  to  say,  the  courage  and  address  needed  by  those  in  the  broken  line,  who  have 
seen  their  comrades  wiped  out  by  such  savage  means,  must  be  great.  To  the  credit 
of  the  British,  and  the  French,  when  it  has  happened  to  them — and  to  our  Indian  allies — 
the  morale  has  been  superb.  When,  however,  the  enemies  are  very  near  the  safety  is 
greater,  as  shelling  is  not  possible,  and  the  riflemen  are  then  no  longer  harassed  by  the 
"  Jack  Johnsons  "  and  the  "  coal  boxes  ". 

Even  rifle  fire  at  the  close  range  of  fifty  yards  is  reduced  to  a  minimum.  Now  and 
then  it  may  break  out  in  a  gusty  squall,  as  when  a  British  soldier  kindly  tells  the 
neighbouring  Germans  of  the  loss  of  a  ship,  and  is  called  a  liar  for  his  pains  ;  or  when 
some  French  wags  tantalise  their  hungry  foemen  by  trailing  sardine  tins  between  the 
trenches  ;  but  the  real  business  is  done  under  the  dim  stars  with  the  bayonet  and  the 
kukri  and  the  hand-grenade.  It  is  a  revelation  to  be  told  of  midnight  raids  by 
stealthy  Gurkhas,  of  trenches  taken  and  retaken  with  the  cold  steel ;  and  to  think 
how  often  we  have  been  assured  that  future  battles  would  be  decided  entirely  by 
scientific  tactics  at  long  distances.  As  a  fact,  science  has  destroyed  tactics ;  great 
weapons  of  precision  have  in  a  sense  and  in  certain  conditions  defeated  their  own 
purpose  ;  and  there  has  been  a  reversion  to  a  more  primitive  epoch  when  battles  were 
decided  by  the  stoutness  of  heart  and  strength  of  arms  of  individual  men. 

Time  was,  not  so  very  long  ago,  when  it  was  thought  that  the  human  element  was 
to  be  eliminated  from  war ;  that  men  were  to  be  assimilated  to  the  machines  which 
were  at  once  their  instruments  and  masters  ;  that  the  soldier  would  become  a  marching 
machine,  a  digging  machine,  a  firing  machine.  At  this  the  Prussian  militarists 
aimed  ;  their  training  made  for  it ;  but  the  system  has  had  the  effect  of  brutalising 
the  individual,  whose  personal  freedom  and  initiative  still  has  its  chance  in  the  after- 
math of  a  fight ;  when  man  becomes  the  machine,  bloody,  merciless,  a  monster  killing 
for  the  sake  of  killing. 

The  German  war-makers,  so  long  immured  in  their  laboratories  of  death,  drunken 
with  calculations,  must  realise  at  last  that  their  pawns  are  not  made  of  ivory ;  that 
actual  battles  are  not  merely  scientific  problems  to  be  worked  out  by  rule,  but  have 
their  intense  if  elusive  psychology.  It  is  a  happy  thing  for  us  to-day  that  France 
and  England  did  not  fall  into  the  form  of  error  which  has  controlled  Junkerdom ; 
that  some  saving  grace — perhaps  the  democratic  principle  working  through  our  own 
war-systems — made  them  realise  that  the  pawns  were  made  of  flesh  and  blood  ;  that 
they  were  men  and  not  machines,  not  mad  mastodons  of  Kultur. 

And  such  men !  Let  it  be  set  down  in  the  credit  balance  of  this  war — so  small 
in  discernible  good,  unless  it  be  found  in  the  stand  taken  against  the  obdurate,  the 
malevolent  mercenaries  who  would  destroy  the  world's  peace  for  that  gain  which  is 
got  by  the  sword — that  it  has  restored  our  faith  in  the  virility  of  man.  Of  late  years 
there  has  been  indeed  terribly  much  to  make  us  doubt  it.  To  all  appearance  the 


600          LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

world  had  grown  over-refined — not  with  the  refinement  of  high  thought  and  high 
endeavour,  but  with  the  finesse  of  being  and  doing  in  its  more  exhausting  forms  of 
soft  living  ;  of  love  of  pleasant  things  ;  of  delicate  nerves  ;  of  slackness  in  hard  duty  ; 
of  self-indulgence ;  of  delight  in  morbid  literature,  and  of  a  sickly  and  "  precious  " 
intellectuality  varied  by  outbursts  of  hysteria  even  more  depressing  in  what  it  boded. 
One  of  its  worst  signs  was  the  attitude  of  many  pacifists  of  the  sentimental  kind  who 
were  more  decadent  than  pacific ;  who  would  insist  that  because  England  had  had 
no  really  great  war  since  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  she  would  have  her 
luck  still,  and  that  luck  would  see  us  through  our  time.  We  were  to  let  things  slide — 
the  old  laissez-aller  policy,  and  all  would  come  right  for  us.  These  were  not  actively 
anti-national  people,  but  weak  wanton  folk  who  are  the  very  curse  of  the  democracy 
of  which  they  think  themselves  the  ornament. 

The  Kaiser  was  keen  enough  to  see  the  danger  of  all  this  kind  of  thing,  and  many 
years  ago  he  set  his  face  against  the  softer  virtues  ;  against  the  gentler  living  and 
feeling  which  belonged  to  Southern  Germany,  to  the  Germany  which  loved  Goethe 
and  Schiller  and  Lessing ;  lest  the  humaneness  and  kindliness  of  it  should,  with 
prosperity,  become  lassitude,  natural  inertia  and  the  weak  back  of  a  nation  of  Werthers. 
He  had  his  cure — the  good  old  Prussian  cure  :  brutality  to  be  called  robustness ; 
strong  drink  to  be  called  naturalness  ;  vice  to  be  called  vigour  ;  lasciviousness  to  be 
called  the  body  primitive  ;  and  savagery  to  be  called  strength.  In  his  acknowledged 
ambition  to  make  Berlin  the  heart  of  a  "  healthy  animalism",  he  knew  that  his  Prussian 
would  not  disappoint  him.  He  would  see  his  Berlin  a  capital  of  Corinthian 
irregularities  and  rough,  stout,  hard,  coarse-living  humanity ;  whereby  an  example 
should  be  set  to  the  rest  of  Germany,  which  he  was  Prussianising  in  other  ways,  restoring 
the  ancient  reputation  of  Prussia.  Duelling  should  be  kept  alive  and  encouraged, 
the  supremacy  of  the  soldier  who  represented  Force  should  be  established  socially, 
civically,  and  nationally  ;  physical  dominance  should  be  the  set  criterion,  and  the  man 
of  the  clanking  heel  should  be  the  cynosure  of  all  eyes,  the  captain  of  all  hearts. 
William  did  not  labour  in  vain.  He  produced  his  superman,  his  magnificent  blonde 
beast,  as  Nietzsche  had  told  him  to  do  ;  and  we  have  seen  him  at  work  on  his  path 
of  "  frightfulness  "  and  ghastly  inhumanity. 

Without  the  aid  of  such  desperate  antidotes  to  the  poison  of  softness,  however,  the 
men  of  the  more  western  nations,  and  the  "  Muscovite  "  also,  have  emerged  from  the 
dangers  of  a  period  of  too  ripe  living,  cool,  calm,  virile,  unboasting  in  success  and 
undismayed  by  failure ;  laying  aside  their  internal  feuds,  putting  away  their  luxuries, 
forgetting  their  fads,  and  facing  primal  realities  ;  men  going  out  to  die  with  a  smile, 
women  with  tearless  eyes  bidding  them  go  forth  to  do  their  duty. 

So,  for  England  and  her  Allies,  it  was  only  a  veneer  of  decadence  after  all.  Beneath 
it  lay  the  old  qualities  which  have  led  mankind  up  the  long  slopes  of  progress,  strong, 
hard,  rough  if  you  like,  but  touched  ever  by  a  greatness  of  soul  which  impelled  them 
to  great  purposes  in  the  day  of  trial.  Russia  has  banished  vodka,  France  has  prohibited 
absinthe,  England  has  prayed  her  men  (not  in  vain)  to  be  sober  in  the  field  of  war  ;  but 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          601 

the  trail  of  the  German  in  this  war  has  been  marked  by  bottles  sacked  from  civilian 
cellars,  while  chateaux  have  been  made  into  bodegas,  and  cottages  into  brothels  and 
shebeens. 

There  have,  of  course,  been  exceptions  to  the  picture  here  drawn  of  British  men 
in  this  day  of  war.  There  is  the  sentimental  theorist,  living  in  a  universe  of  his  own 
imagining,  unable  to  recognise  the  rough  facts  of  the  actual  world ;  he  who  thinks 
Utopia,  like  Venus,  will  rise  from  a  sea  of  resolutions.  There  is  the  political  Thersites, 
who  grubs  for  his  livelihood  in  a  midden  of  journalistic  garbage,  whose  irresponsibility 
easily  becomes  disloyalty.  There  is  the  intellectual  mountebank,  the  superman  of 
egotism,  who  achieves  the  notoriety,  which  he  mistakes  for  fame  and  on  which  he 
relies  for  subsistence,  by  belittling  every  aspiration  and  deriding  every  virtue  ;  who 
expends  his  ingenious  talent  in  devising  new  tricks  that  may  serve  to  keep  him  in  the 
glare  of  the  footlights.  There  are  the  slaves  of  gain, who  make  ignoble  profit  by  supplying 
the  enemy  with  the  means  to  destroy  their  fellow-countrymen  ;  there  are  alas  !  men 
who  still  put  their  appetites  before  their  duty  ;  there  are  degenerates  here  and  there 
who  satisfy  their  patriotism  by  watching  other  men  doing  what  they  will  not  do  them- 
selves. There  is  the  scum  on  every  pot  that  boils  ;  and  it  is  only  when  it  boils  that  the 
scum  is  discovered. 

It  is  not  the  least  of  the  things  to  be  set  to  the  credit  balance  that  we  are  finding 
out  the  real  nature  of  things  which,  in  peace-time,  eluded  analysis.  We  are  eliminating 
the  dross  from  the  true  metal ;  and  we  may  take  heart  in  seeing  how  great  is  the  pro- 
portion of  the  gold  to  the  dross.  Europe  to-day  bears  thousands  of  scars  witnessing 
to  man's  brutality,  but  she  exhibits  millions  of  monuments  to  the  majesty  of  men. 
Not  far  back  in  our  memory  an  ingenious  and  very  able  writer  declared  that  modern 
science  was  making  war  impossible.  In  the  terror  of  modern  inventiveness  he  saw  the 
dawn  of  universal  peace.  Militarism  was  defeating  its  own  ends  ;  there  would  be  no 
more  fighting,  because  flesh  and  blood  could  not  endure  against  the  new  engines  of 
war.  Since  M.  Bloch  wrote,  new  terrors  have  sprung  from  the  arsenals.  Guns  have 
been  invented  before  which  the  stoutest  fortresses  shrivel  into  fiery  dust ;  shells 
destroy  men  in  platoons,  blow  them  to  pieces,  bury  them  alive  ;  death  pours  from  the 
clouds  and  spouts  upward  through  the  sea ;  motor  power  hurls  armies  of  men  on 
points  of  attack  in  masses  never  hitherto  employed,  concealment  is  made  well-nigh 
impossible.  These  things,  however,  have  but  made  war  more  difficult  and  dreadful ; 
they  have  not  made  it  impossible.  They  have  only  succeeded  in  plumbing  profounder 
depths  of  human  courage  and  evoking  higher  qualities  of  endurance  than  have  ever 
been  seen  before. 

The  torch  of  valour  has  been  passed  from  one  brave  hand  to  another  down  the 
centuries,  to  be  held  to-day  by  the  most  valiant  in  the  long  line  of  heroes.  Deeds 
have  been  done  in  Europe  since  August  1914  which  rival  the  most  stirring  feats  sung 
by  Homer  or  Virgil,  by  the  Minnesingers  of  Germany,  by  the  troubadours  of  Provence, 
or  told  in  the  Norse  sagas  or  Celtic  ballads.  No  exploit  of  Ajax  or  Achilles  excels 
that  of  the  Kussian  Cossack,  wounded  in  eleven  places  and  slaying  as  many  foes. 
The  trio  that  held  the  bridge  against  Lars  Porsena  and  his  cohorts  have  been  equalled 

2S 


602          LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

by  the  three  men  of  Battery  L,  fighting  their  single  gun  in  the  grey  and  deathly  dawn 
until  the  enemy's  battery  was  silenced.  Private  Wilson,  who,  single-handed,  killed 
seven  of  the  enemy  and  captured  a  gun,  sold  newspapers  in  private  life  ;  but  he  need 
not  fear  comparison  with  any  of  his  ancient  and  radiant  line.  Who  that  cares  for 
courage  can  forget  that  Frenchman,  forced  to  march  in  front  of  a  German  battalion 
stealing  to  surprise  his  countrymen  at  the  bridge  of  Three  Grietchen,  near  Ypres  ?  To 
speak  meant  death  for  himself,  to  be  silent  meant  death  for  his  comrades  ;  and  still 
the  sentry  gave  no  alarm.  So  he  gave  it  himself.  "  Fire  !  For  the  love  of  God,  fire  !  " 
he  cried,  his  soul  alive  with  sacrifice  ;  and  so  died.  The  ancient  hero  of  romance, 
who  gathered  to  his  own  heart  the  lance-heads  of  the  foe  that  a  gap  might  be  made 
in  their  phalanx,  did  no  more  than  that.  Nelson  conveniently  forgot  his  blind  eye 
at  Copenhagen,  and  even  in  this  he  has  his  followers  still.  Bombardier  Havelock 
was  wounded  in  the  thigh  by  fragments  of  shell.  He  had  his  wound  dressed  at 
the  ambulance  and  was  ordered  to  hospital.  Instead  of  obeying,  he  returned  to  his 
battery,  to  be  wounded  again  in  the  back  within  five  minutes.  Once  more  he  was 
patched  up  by  the  doctor  and  sent  to  hospital,  this  time  in  charge  of  an  orderly.  He 
escaped  from  his  guardian,  went  back  to  fight,  and  was  wounded  for  the  third  time. 
Afraid  to  face  the  angry  surgeon,  he  lay  all  day  beside  the  gun.  That  night  he  was 
reprimanded  by  his  officers — and  received  the  V.C. !  Also  there  are  the  airmen,  day 
after  day  facing  appalling  dangers  in  their  frail,  bullet-torn  craft.  Was  there  ever  a 
stouter  heart  than  that  of  the  aviator,  wounded  to  death  and  still  planing  downwards, 
to  be  found  seated  in  his  place  and  grasping  the  controls,  stone-dead  ?  Few  eyes  were 
dry  that  read  the  almost  mystic  story  of  that  son  of  France  who,  struck  blind  in  a 
storm  of  fire,  still  navigated  his  machine,  obedient  to  the  instructions  of  his  military 
companion,  himself  mortally  wounded  by  shrapnel  and  dying  even  as  earth  was  reached. 

There  is  no  need  to  worship  the  past  with  a  too  abject  devotion,  whatever  in 
the  way  of  glory  it  has  been  to  us  and  done  for  us.  Chandos  and  Du  Guesclin,  Leonidas 
and  De  Bussy,  have  worthy  compeers  to-day.  Beside  them  may  stand  Lance-Corporal 
O'Leary,  the  Irish  peasant's  son.  Of  his  own  deed  he  merely  says  that  he  led  some 
men  to  an  important  position,  and  took  it  from  the  Huns,  "  Killing  some  of  their 
gunners  and  taking  a  few  prisoners  ".  History  will  tell  the  tale  otherwise  :  how  this 
modest  soldier,  outstripping  his  eager  comrades,  coolly  selected  a  machine  for  attack 
and  killed  the  five  men  tending  it  before  they  could  slew  round ;  how  he  then  sped 
onwards  alone  to  another  barricade,  which  he  captured,  after  killing  three  of  the  enemy, 
and  making  prisoners  of  two  more.  Even  officialism  bursts  its  bonds  for  a  moment 
as  it  records  the  deed :  "  Lance-Corporal  O'Leary  thus  practically  captured  the 
enemy's  position  by  himself,  and  prevented  the  rest  of  the  attacking  party  from  being 
fired  on  ". 

The  epic  of  Lieutenant  Leach  and  Sergeant  Hogan,  who  volunteered  to  recapture 
a  trench  taken  by  the  Germans,  after  two  failures  of  their  comrades,  is  reading  to 
give  one  at  once  a  gulp  in  the  throat  and  a  song  in  the  heart.  With  consummate 
daring  they  undertook  the  venture  ;  with  irresistible  skill  they  succeeded ;  killing 
eight  of  the  enemy,  wounding  two,  and  taking  sixteen  prisoners.  In  the  words  of 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          603 

the  veteran  of  Waterloo,  "  It  was  a  good  fighting  as  Boney  himself  would  have  made 
a  man  a  gineral  for  ". 

There  are  isolated  incidents  of  this  kind  in  every  war  ;  but  in  a  thousand  different 
places  in  France  and  Belgium  the  dauntless,  nonchalant  valour  of  Irishmen,  English- 
men, Scotsmen,  and  Welshmen  has  shown  itself.  Did  ever  the  Gay  Gordons 
do  a  gayer  or  more  gallant  thing  than  was  done  on  September  29, 1914,  on  the  Western 
front  ?  Thirty  gunners  of  a  British  field  battery  had  just  been  killed  or  wounded. 
Thirty  others  were  ordered  to  take  their  place.  They  knew  that  they  were  going 
to  certain  death,  and  they  went  with  a  cheery  "  Good-bye,  you  fellows,"  to  their 
comrades  of  the  reserve.  Two  minutes  later  every  man  had  fallen,  and  another 
thirty  stepped  to  the  front  with  the  same  farewell,  smoking  their  cigarettes  as  they 
went  out  to  die — like  that  "  very  gallant  gentleman,"  Gates,  who  went  forth  from 
Scott's  tent  into  the  blizzard  and  immortality.  Englishmen  can  lift  up  their  heads 
with  pride,  human  nature  can  take  heart  and  salute  the  future  with  hope,  when  the 
"Charge  of  the  Five  Hundred  "  at  Gheluvelt  is  recalled.  There,  on  the  Ypres  road  to 
Calais,  2,400  British  soldiers — Scots  Guards,  South  Wales  Borderers  and  the  Welsh 
and  Queen's  Eegiments — held  up  24,000  Germans  in  a  position  terribly  exposed. 
On  that  glorious  and  bloody  day  the  Worcesters,  500  strong,  charged  the  hordes  of 
Germans,  twenty  times  their  number,  through  the  streets  of  Gheluvelt  and  up  and 
beyond  to  the  very  trenches  of  the  foe  ;  and  in  the  end  the  ravishers  of  Belgium, 
under  the  stress  and  storm  of  their  valour,  turned  and  fled.  On  that  day  300  out 
of  500  of  the  Worcesters  failed  to  answer  the  roll  call  when  the  fight  was  over,  and 
out  of  2,400  only  800  lived  of  all  the  remnants  of  regiments  engaged  ;  but  the  road 
to  Calais  was  blocked  against  the  Huns  ;  and  it  remains  so  even  to  this  day.  Who 
shall  say  that  greatness  of  soul  is  not  the  possession  of  the  modern  world  ?  Did  men 
die  better  in  the  days  before  the  Caesars  ? 

Not  any  one  branch  of  the  service,  not  any  one  class  of  man  alone,  has  done 
these  deeds  of  valour  ;  but  in  the  splendid  democracy  of  heroism  the  colonel  and  the 
private,  the  corporal  and  the  lieutenant — one  was  going  to  say,  have  thrown  away, 
but  no  ! — have  offered  up  their  lives  on  the  altars  of  sacrifice  heedless  of  all  save  that 
duty  must  be  done.  We  live  ;  but  they  are  immortal. 

But  greater  than  such  deeds,  of  which  there  have  been  inspiring  hundreds,  is  the 
patient  endurance  shown  by  men  whose  world  has  narrowed  down  to  that  little 
corner  of  a  great  war  which  they  are  fighting  for  their  country.  To  fight  on  night 
and  day  in  the  trenches,  under  avalanches  of  murdering  metal  and  storms  of  rending 
shrapnel,  calls  for  higher  qualities  than  those  short  sharp  gusts  of  conflict  which  in 
former  days  were  called  battles.  Then  men  faced  death  in  the  open,  weapon  in  hand, 
cheered  by  colour  and  music  and  the  personal  contest,  man  upon  man  outright,  greatly 
daring  for  a  few  sharp  hours.  Now  all  the  pageantry  is  gone  ;  the  fight  rages  without 
ceasing  ;  men  must  eat  and  sleep  in  the  line  of  fire  ;  death  and  mutilation  ravage  over 
them  even  while  they  rest.  Nerves  have  given  way,  men  have  gone  mad  under  this 
prolonged  strain,  and  the  marvel  is  that  any  have  borne  it ;  yet  they  have  not  only 
borne  it,  they  have  triumphed  over  it.  These  have  known  the  exaltation  of  stripping 

2  S  2 


604          LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

life  of  its  impedimenta  to  do  a  thing  set  for  them  to  do  ;  giving  up  all  for  an  idea. 
The  great  obsession  is  on  them  ;  they  are  swayed  and  possessed  by  something  greater 
than  themselves  ;  they  live  in  an  atmosphere  which,  breathing,  inflames  them  to  the 
utmost  of  their  being. 

There  was  a  corner  in  the  British  lines  where  men  had  fought  for  days  until  the 
place  was  a  shambles  ;  where  food  could  only  rarely  reach  them  ;  where  they  fought 
up  to  their  knees  in  mud  and  water,  where  men  endured,  but  where  Death  was  the 
companion  of  their  fortitude.  Yet  after  a  lull  in  the  firing  there  came  from  some 
point  in  the  battered  trench  the  new  British  battle-cry,  "  Are  we  downhearted  ?  " 
And  then,  as  we  are  told,  one  blood-stained  spectre  feebly  raised  himself  above  the 
broken  parapet,  shouted  "  No  !  "  and  fell  back  dead.  There  spoke  a  spirit  of  high 
endurance,  of  a  shining  defiance,  of  a  courage  which  wants  no  pity,  which  exults  as 
it  wends  its  way  hence. 

We  are  indeed  learning  new  lessons  in  human  nature  ;  and  we  have  needed  them. 
We  have,  perhaps,  never  fully  gauged  its  illimitable  capacity  for  expansion  until 
now,  when  we  have  seen  it  measured  against  the  giant  engines  and  leviathan  forces 
of  modern  war.  Stage  by  stage,  as  the  art  of  destruction  has  developed  and  the 
perils  of  warfare  have  increased,  human  nature  has  shown  itself  able  to  adapt  itself 
to  the  new  conditions,  however  staggering  the  test.  M.  Bloch  argued  his  case  on  well- 
established  premises.  It  had  become  a  military  axiom  that  even  the  best  and  most 
disciplined  troops  could  not  be  expected  to  endure  more  than  a  certain  percentage 
of  slaughter.  The  Duke  of  Wellington  placed  the  limit  at  about  thirty  per  cent. ; 
and  that  was  a  high  figure  compared  with  the  casualties  in  even  the  greatest  battles 
of  the  last  two  centuries.  In  the  American  Civil  War  there  were  only  a  few  battles 
where  regiments  lost  as  much  as  seventy  per  cent,  of  their  strength,  and  the  world 
was  shocked  by  the  slaughter.  Such  losses  have  become  almost  commonplace  in  this 
war.  There  have  been  stories  of  German  regiments  reduced  from  three  thousand 
men  to  as  many  hundreds.  Our  own  losses,  of  which  we  can  speak  with  greater 
certainty,  have  sometimes  been  as  great,  as  in  the  record  of  a  certain  British  regiment 
which,  at  Mons,  had  only  eighty  men  left  unwounded  out  of  one  thousand.  Thes6 
eighty  men,  with  some  others  who  were  cured  of  their  wounds,  were  sent  to  another 
battalion  of  the  same  regiment  which  itself,  later,  lost  eighty  per  cent,  of  its  strength. 
The  survivors  again  became  the  nucleus  of  a  new  battalion,  which  was  fighting  in 
Northern  France  at  the  beginning  of  the  year.  In  it  were  men  who  had  gone  through 
all  the  fighting  from  Mons  to  the  Yser,  and  whose  cool  courage  fails  not  yet.  One 
of  these  men  wounded  and  in  hospital  said  to  a  friendly  inquirer,  "  I  was  at  Mongs,  I 
done  a  bit  up  along  o'  Wipers  [Ypres]  and  if  it  'adn't  bin  for  this  " — he  lifted  his 
wounded  arm — "  I'd  a'  got  over  to  Liegee  [Liege]  p'r'aps,  an'  'ad  a  look  raound !  " 
0  happy  warrior,  who  has  so  many  comrades  of  his  own  thinking  ! 

The  punishment  which  our  regiments  stand  without  flinching  is  amazing,  especially 
if  we  contrast  the  personnel  of  the  armies  of  to-day  with  those  tough  customers  that 
fought  under  Marlborough,  Frederick  the  Great,  or  Napoleon  ;  if  we  consider  how 
much  larger  a  proportion  of  our  soldiers  is  now  recruited  from  the  cities.  It  has  long 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF  THE   WAR.          605 

been  held  that  the  man  of  the  countryside  makes  the  better  soldier,  in  that  he  is 
the  most  inured  to  hardship  and  the  least  gifted  with  imagination — imagination 
is  held  in  wide  suspicion  in  the  British  Isles.  Its  superabundant  presence  in  the 
Celt  and  the  Gaul,  though  it  made  for  surprising  elan  when  things  were  going  well, 
was  supposed  to  make  those  fine  fighting  men  less  valuable  in  moments  of  trouble 
and  retreat.  We  were  constantly  told  to  look  to  the  patient  Moujik  or  the  stolid 
Turk  for  proof  that  lack  of  education  was  less  hurtful  than  excess  of  imagination. 
Yet  we  find  the  city-bred  soldiers  of  Britain,  France,  and  Germany  also,  as  enduring 
of  hardship  and  as  tenacious  of  purpose  as  the  country-bred  soldiers  of  Austria,  Russia, 
and  Serbia.  It  is  unfortunately  true  that  excessive  centralisation  in  England  has 
reduced  the  physique  of  all  too  great  numbers  below  the  military  standard ;  but, 
in  those  who  reach  it,  there  is  not  only  no  sign  that  capacity  for  soldiering  has  grown 
less,  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that  it  is  greater. 

It  is  no  disrespect  to  other  nations  to  say  that  the  world  has  never  seen  anything 
quite  like  the  Tommy  Atkins  of  to-day,  so  resourceful,  so  intelligent,  so  careless  of 
danger,  so  reliable  and  exact,  and  withal  so  good-humoured.  Yet  not  too  much  must 
be  said  in  his  praise  ;  for,  unconscious  of  any  extraordinary  merit,  he  dislikes  and 
distrusts  the  frontal  attack  of  the  eulogist.  If  you  have  bouquets  to  present  to  him 
you  must  approach  him  on  the  quarter.  Personally  he  is  a  modest  man,  professionally 
he  is  the  proudest  man  on  earth.  Letters  of  his  have  been  published  by  the  hundred, 
and  they  may  be  read  in  vain  for  boastful  account  of  any  exploit  of  his  own.  He  is  not 
reticent,  however,  when  his  regiment  is  mentioned  in  orders  ;  nor  is  he  backward  in 
expressing  his  view  that  the  British  Army  is  "  a  clinker  ". 

It  is  not  his  fellow-countrymen  alone  who  praise  the  British  soldier.  He  has  been 
extolled  in  the  highest  terms  by  our  Allies  who  fight  beside  him.  A  Russian  officer 
speaks  of  his  coolness,  his  doggedness,  his  constitutional  incapacity  to  submit  to  defeat. 
There  is  good  support  of  this  opinion  in  the  official  dispatches  themselves  which  tell, 
for  instance,  of  five  thousand  men  holding  off  a  force  of  over  eighty  thousand  for  several 
days.  Through  that  stubborn  valour,  acknowledged  by  all  the  world,  including 
the  enemy  also,  runs  a  vein  of  gaiety  which  has  made  the  French  describe  the  British 
soldiers  as  "  cheerful  devils  ",  together  with  a  curious  unsentimental  gentleness,  the 
natural  product  of  kindly  good  humour  and  unspoiled  nature. 

"  I  thought  I  had  a  heart  of  stone,"  wrote  home  a  soldier,  "  but  I  cried  my  heart 
out  all  night."  At  what  ?  At  the  sight  of  a  little  girl  dying.  Yet  he  had  seen  hundreds 
die,  had  himself  slain  men  without  a  pang  and  could  make  a  dry  jest  or  loosen  a  shaft 
of  irony  in  his  own  naive,  primitive  way,  in  appalling  scenes  of  horror.  He  may 
have  been  one  of  those  who  roared  with  laughter  when  a  comrade  sat  on  a  shell  which 
exploded  and  tore  his  nether  garments  to  ribbons. 

Tommy  Atkins  is  perhaps  unique  in  this,  that  to  him  everything  is  a  great  game, 
in  other  words,  a  thing  of  contest  and  of  skill.  "  This  show  "  he  and  his  officers  call 
some  stern  and  even  gruesome  battle-piece  from  which  the  actors  disappear  in  blood 
and  flame.  He  feels  deeply,  but  he  "  takes  shame  "  to  show  his  feelings.  He  is  a 
patriot,  but  his  patriotism  seldom  finds  vent  in  words.  It  was  a  splendid  thing,  as 


606         LIGHTS  AND  LESSONS   OF  THE  WAR. 

those  who  beheld  it  have  told  us,  to  see  a  German  column,  predestined  to  destruction 
by  its  antiquated  formation,  rolling  majestically  to  attack  and  singing  their  great 
battle-hymn,  "Deutschland  tiber  Alles  ".  Brave  battle-songs  were  sung  by  the  men 
of  North  and  South  in  the  American  Civil  War.  Tommy  Atkins,  however,  will  have 
none  of  these  ;  it  savours  too  much  of  "  Miss  Nancy  ".  So  he  marches  to  the  lilt  of 
"  Tipperary  ",  and  charges  as  if  going  into  a  football  scrimmage,  shouting,  "  Follow  it 
up  ",  and  "  Keep  your  eye  on  the  ball ".  He  is  an  odd  mixture — fierce,  yet  friendly ; 
crafty,  yet  simple  ;  remorseless  in  action,  yet  bearing  no  ill-will  to  his  foes.  It  would 
be  incredible  that  a  British  General  should  try  to  stir  him  to  action  by  circulating  a 
"  Song  of  Hate  ".  Were  he  to  do  so  he  would  be  regarded  with  an  alien  eye.  Tommy 
Atkins'  shrewd  and  observant  sense  is  strangely  acute,  grimly  amusing,  and  dramatically 
effective ;  it  is  artless,  yet  full  of  art.  Perhaps  the  best  epitome  of  modern  battle  with 
its  artillery  terrors  is  to  be  found  in  this  tense,  elliptic  description  of  a  wounded  fighter  : 
"  First  you  'ears  a  'ell  of  a  noise — and  then  the  nurse  says,  '  Try  and  drink  a  little  o' 
this ' !  " 

One  of  the  most  characteristic  bits  of  humour  of  the  class  from  which  Tommy 
Atkins  and  Jack  Tar  come  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  of  a  bold  and  bonny  gunner  on 
one  of  the  British  warships  which  fought  and  sank  the  German  ships  at  Heligoland.  A 
printed  copy  of  this  letter,  once  in  the  author's  possession,  has  disappeared ;  but  a 
sentence  which  is  the  occasion  of  the  reference  is  a  fixed  memory.  The  sailor-man 
graphically  and  simply  describes  the  fight,  as  though  making  a  brief  business  report ; 
without  brag,  without  mock  modesty,  and  in  a  spirit  of  comfortable  satisfaction.  After 
giving  the  details  of  the  preparations,  the  fighting,  and  the  rescue  of  the  German 
sailors ;  after  reporting  it  all — as  would  a  police-court  reporter  used  to  gruesome  scenes — 
the  ship  going  down,  the  struggle  of  the  Germans  in  the  water,  shot  at  by  their  own 
officers — he  suddenly  wound  up  by  saying,  "  We  cleared  up  what  we  could  see — and 
back  to  lunch  at  one  o'clock  \  " 

Good,  gallant,  human,  well-disciplined  Jack  Tar,  the  child  of  nature,  of  firm  friendly 
discipline,  and  of  his  country  ;  all  he  wants  is  a  first-class  ship  and  the  enemy  in  front 
of  him,  and  he  stands  where  Nelson  stood,  and  does  as  Nelson  did,  in  his  own  modern 
way.  And  how  well  his  officer  knows  him  !  They  are  both  of  a  piece.  That  officer  of 
one  of  the  ships  which  sank  the  Gneisenau,  the  Scharnhorst,  the  Leipzig  and  the  Niirn- 
berg  knew  what  he  was  doing  when,  being  told  that  the  enemy  was  in  sight,  coolly 
ordered  breakfast  for  the  men  and  a  pipe  afterwards  ;  and  then  opened  fire  with  a 
"  cool-headed  lot "  upon  the  foe  and  sunk  him.  It  is  a  companion -piece  to  the  story 
of  the  commander's  valet  who,  opening  the  door  of  his  master's  cabin,  said,  "  Enemy 
ships  sighted,  sir.  Will  you  have  your  bath  before  or  after  action  ?  "  Are  they  not 
pretty  pendants  to  the  story  of  Drake  and  the  game  of  bowls  at  Plymouth  ? 

One  of  the  best  portraits  lately  painted  of  Tommy  Atkins  is  to  be  found  in  a  January 
issue  of  the  Westminster  Gazette.  It  is  taken  from  a  letter  written  to  his  relatives  by 
a  young  Territorial  serving  in  France.  The  passage  is  as  graphic  in  its  phrases  as  it  is 
faithful  in  observation  : — 

They   are    men,    unpolished    in   the    smooth    self-deception    of    the    would-be  genteel, 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          607 

heavy  of  hand  but  big  of  heart,  who  do  a  kindness,  and  answer  thanks  with  a  mild 
cuss,  and  who  will  walk  through  Hell  to  help  a  "  pal "  and  curse  him  for  a  blank 
nuisance  whilst  they  do  it.  Here,  if  a  man  makes  a  mistake,  and  throws  out  of  gear 
a  convoy,  say,  the  rest  of  the  convoy  will  inform  him  in  no  uncertain  manner  what 
particular  brand  of  idiot  he  is,  his  probable  parentage  and  his  absolutely  certain 
destination  after  this  mortal  Life,  but  in  the  same  breath  they  will  get  him  out  of  his 
trouble  and  put  him  into  line  again.  Who  will  laugh  at  and  jeer  unmercifully  at  a 
man  whose  horse  has  thrown  him,  and  whilst  they  laugh  will  catch  his  horse  and  set 
him  thereon  and  tell  him  not  to  be  such  a  blankety  idiot  again.  In  the  various 
grades  of  life  in  which  I  have  mingled  I  have  never  met  this  spirit  before,  and  I 
shall  have  some  painful  surprises  when  peace  is  declared  and  I  become  once  more  a 
private  citizen. 

Is  our  soldier  of  to-day  a  new  product,  or  is  he  the  same  man  as  his  ancestors  of 
the  Napoleonic  wars  and  the  men  who  fought  at  Minden  ?  It  is  safe  to  say  that  in 
character  he  is  the  same  ;  he  has  only  changed  in  externals.  He  is,  however,  more 
intelligent,  more  alert,  perhaps  more  critical,  not  to  say  shyly  cynical,  almost 
certainly  more  gentle.  It  is  doubtful  if  he  could  do  the  ugly  work  of  Badajoz  and 
St.  Sebastian  ;  but  in  all  that  goes  to  the  making  of  a  man  he  has  shown  himself 
the  equal  of  all  his  naval  ancestors.  The  historian  of  the  future,  when  he  tells  the 
story  of  Mons  and  the  Marne,  the  Yser  and  the  Aisne,  will  be  able  to  say  with  Napier, 
"  And  then  was  seen  with  what  majesty  the  British  soldier  fights  ". 

But  when  we  praise  our  British  soldiers,  we  do  not  forget  that  bravery  is  not  a 
monopoly  of  our  own.  It  has  been  greatly  shown  by  men  of  every  race  in  this  war, 
and  in  a  rare  degree  by  the  men  of  those  small  nationalities  hated  and  despised  by 
modern  Germany.  Friend  and  foe,  those  who  have  done  the  wrong  and  those  who  are 
fighting  for  the  right,  have  proved  that  the  race  of  men  have  tough  fibre  still,  holding 
on  to  life  and  the  enemy  with  equal  tenacity. 

Great  figures,  too,  on  the  upper  levels,  have  emerged  from  the  fog  of  war,  great 
Generals  who  will  stand  beside  the  famous  captains  of  the  past — Joffre  and  French  and 
the  Archduke  Nicholas,  and  one  who  takes  his  place  in  the  Valhalla  of  very  perfect 
knights,  the  King  of  tortured  Belgium,  the  man  who  has  lost  everything  save  his  own 
indomitable  soul. 

One  other  thing  still  this  war  has  done  which  must  be  passed  to  the  credit  balance. 
Many  of  the  artificialities  of  existence  have  vanished  like  moving  mists ;  barriers  of 
class  have  been  broken  down  ;  the  rancours  of  creeds  and  parties  have  been  laid  aside  ; 
we  are,  for  the  hour,  back  again  in  an  age  when  all  were  for  the  State.  The  Kussian 
Eabbi  holds  the  crucifix  to  the  lips  of  the  dying  soldier  ;  Catholic  cure  and  Protestant 
parson  pray  side  by  side  above  the  common  open  grave  ;  France  in  her  agony  turns 
to  the  Church,  and  religion  once  more  ministers  to  the  State.  The  democratic  orator 
apologises  for  his  tirades  against  the  idle  rich,  the  rich  abjure  frivolity  and  level  down 
their  way  of  living  that  they  may  better  help  the  poor.  Old  grievances  of  employer 
and  employed  lose  their  stark  insistence  and  acuteness  in  the  knowledge  that  work 
to-day  is  work  for  the  Motherland. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  not  all  of  this  can  be  permanent.  When  the  war  is 
over,  normal  life  will  resume  its  ancient  course  of  individual  ambition  and  the  selfish 


608          LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR. 

quest  for  profit  and  pleasure  ;  but  a  great  lesson  of  selflessness  has  been  taught  us, 
and  some  of  it  will  find  its  way  into  the  nation's  life  for  its  eternal  good.  Again, 
and  all  too  soon,  there  will  come  the  clash  of  parties  and  the  jar  of  interests,  and  some 
estrangement  of  classes  too  ;  but  the  things  we  are  learning  will  be  burned  into  us  who 
have  seen  and  known  them,  too  deep  ever  quite  to  be  forgotten  ;  and  for  many  a  year, 
maybe  for  many  a  generation,  estrangement  between  the  many  sections  of  the  one 
people  which  we  have  proved  ourselves  to  be,  will  be  less  than  it  has  ever  been.  We 
have  seen  what  we  have  seen,  and  our  world  of  life  and  action  will  never  again  be  what 
it  was  before. 

"  O  woe  is  me,  to  have  seen  what  I  have  seen,  see  what  I  see ! " 

Yet  a  greater  work  than  we  have  ever  done,  a  bigger  thing  than  we  have  ever 
known,  lies  before  the  people  of  this  Empire.  Reconstruction,  rehabilitation  on  an 
enormous  scale,  and  under  changed  conditions  of  national  life,  will  call  for  all  the 
capacities  and  activities  of  which  we  are  capable.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  have  lived  in 
these  days  of  the  giant  things  ;  it  will  be  a  greater  still,  to  those  of  us  who  are  spared 
to  live  on  to  face  the  giant  tasks  of  to-morrow. 

This  war  has  taught  the  world  that  the  British  Empire  is  a  reality  ;  that  wherever 
the  flag  flies  the  spirit  of  responsibility  for  the  well-being  of  all  exists  and  manifests  itself 
in  the  hour  of  danger  as  in  the  days  of  peace.  This  war  has  taught  us  that  our  civilisa- 
tion must  crumble  and  disappear  unless  the  great  controlling  Powers  of  the  world, 
stedfastly  determined,  unite  in  a  common  agreement  to  enforce  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments. Humanity  has  been  staggered  and  shaken  ;  but  it  has  braced  itself  to  the  shock, 
and  it  will  prevail.  But  the  best  hope  of  the  best  mind  within  this  nation  must  dis- 
appear like  smoke  into  space  unless  the  best  will  of  all  men  in  the  nation  combine  to 
make  that  hope  a  living,  vital  thing. 

Our  hope  is  that  peace,  and  the  virtues  of  peace,  shall  establish  themselves  for  this 
Empire  and  for  the  world ;  but  the  hands  and  the  hearts  of  all  of  us  must  be  linked  for 
the  great  purpose,  and  into  the  meanest  mind  must  pass  something  of  the  spirit  of  a 
higher  nationality  and  a  greater  patriotism. 

After  the  Paper,  the  following  discussion  took  place : 

Hon.  J.  C.  WATSON  :  It  is  well  to  be  reminded,  I  think,  as  the  lecturer  has 
reminded  us,  that  the  views  which  many  people  entertained  as  to  the  degeneracy 
of  our  race  have  been  proved  by  this  war  to  be  absolutely  unfounded.  It  is  proved 
that  we  still  possess  all  the  virility,  all  the  old  virtues,  which  went  to  make  the 
British  Empire  what  it  is  to-day.  In  Australia,  there  is  only  one  mind  as  to 
what  ought  to  be  done.  It  ia  that  we  should  get  as  many  men  as  possible  equipped 
and  sent  to  the  front  in  the  shortest  possible  time.  Even  at  this  early  stage  of^  the 
war  we  are  justified  in  concluding  that  the  old  standard  has  not  been  in  any  way 
diminished — that  our  men  are  as  good  as  ever  they  were,  and  further — a  consideration 
which  appeals  to  me — coming  from  a  country  that  had  prepared  for  such  an  emergency 
by  adopting  compulsory  training,  the  war  has  shown  that  preparation  is  at  least  as 
necessary  to-day  as  in  the  time  when  Cromwell  advised  his  troops  to  trust  in  Pro- 
vidence but  keep  their  powder  dry.  That  preparation  seems  to  be  never  sufficiently 
adequate  unless  every  capable  man  in  the  community  is  trained  to  use  arms  when 
the  occasion  arises.  The  Millennium  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  while  we  may  ensue 


LIGHTS   AND   LESSONS   OF   THE   WAR.          609 

peace  and  do  our  level  best  to  arrive  at  agreement  amongst  nations  to  preserve  peace, 
I  still  believe  in  the  motto  "  keep  your  powder  dry  ". 

Mr.  RICHARD  REID  (Agent- General  for  Ontario) :  Canadians  are  justly  proud 
of  their  country,  proud  of  her  inexhaustible  resources  of  soil,  of  forest,  of  mine,  and 
prouder  still  of  the  men  she  produces.  Canada  has  no  more  worthy  son  than  the 
distinguished  lecturer  of  to-night.  His  name  is  written  high  on  the  scroll  of  fame 
in  many  spheres  of  service,  and  his  name  is  a  household  world  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific.  I  am  sure  we  have  all  thoroughly  enjoyed  the  literary  treat  he  has 
given  us  to-night ;  and  by  telling  us  that  the  address  is  the  concluding  chapter  of 
his  new  book,  he  has  stimulated  our  interest  and  created  a  keen  desire  to  read  the 
preceding  chapters.  This  war  has  taught  us  all  many  lessons.  To  Canadians,  especially, 
has  it  revealed  the  latent  power  of  men  and  money  in  our  young  nation.  But  it 
has  revealed  a  factor  more  striking  still.  We  feel  that  we  are  no  longer  a  mere  annexe 
to  a  great  house,  but  an  important  room  under  the  same  roof.  This  war  is  spoken 
of  in  Canada  as  "  our  war ! "  We  cannot  tell  even  yet  what  the  ultimate  results 
of  the  war  will  be,  as  between  Canada  and  the  Motherland,  but  this  we  know — we 
are  all  one  Empire  and  are  prepared  to  uphold  that  Empire  to  the  last  man.;  and 
to  the  last  coin  we  possess. 

EARL  BRASSEY,  G.C.B. :  We  are  met  under  the  auspices  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  and  the  very  few  words  which  I  shall  venture  to  address  to  you  will  naturally 
be  connected  with  those  objects  which  the  Institute  is  established  to  promote.  Among 
the  results,  and  I  hope  the  more  blessed  results,  of  the  awful  struggle  in  which  we 
are  engaged,  will  probably  be  a  demand,  a  most  justifiable  demand,  from  our  Daughter 
States  beyond  the  seas  to  have  some  share  in  guiding  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire. 
I  shall  welcome  their  association  with  the  Home  Government  for  various  reasons,  but 
not  the  least  because  I  firmly  believe  their  participation  in  our  councils  in  regard  to 
foreign  policy  will  be  for  peace.  I  feel  assured  that  the  concerted  action  of  the  Empire 
will  be  prompt  and  effective  whenever  any  member  of  the  Empire  is  threatened  with 
attack  or  invasion.  When  questions  arise,  as  they  must  arise,  relating  to  some  intricate 
question  of  the  balance  of  power  which  does  not  commend  itself  very  obviously  to 
every  part  of  the  Empire,  I  think  the  influence  of  the  Daughter  States  will  put  on  a 
brake,  and  will  in  that  way  be  valuable.  We  have  heard  from  Mr.  Watson  about  j  the 
boys  training  in  the  schools  in  Australia.  When  I  was  out  there,  I  was  very  much 
struck  with  the  value  of  the  system.  Every  boy  of  a  certain  age  in  the  public  schools 
was  put  in  uniform  and  regularly  drilled.  We  never  heard  a  word  of  objection  from 
a  single  parent  to  that  useful  discipline.  Of  ah1  the  recollections  of  five  happy  years  in 
Australia,  there  is  nothing  to  which  in  memory  I  recur  oftener  than  the  fine  display 
on  the  occasion  when  we  commemorated  the  Golden  Jubilee  of  Queen  Victoria.  There 
were  assembled  on  that  occasion  in  the  Exhibition  Gardens  at  Melbourne  no  less  than 
ten  thousand  boys.  I  had  the  honour  of  taking  the  salute  as  they  marched  past. 
On  my  right  hand,  all  wearing  medals,  stood  three  hundred  veterans  from  various 
parts  of  Victoria.  When  the  boys  had  marched  passed  and  re-formed,  the  three  hundred 
wheeled  to  the  front  and  marched  from  one  end  of  the  line  to  the  other.  They  were 
received  with  indescribable  enthusiasm.  The  boys  knew  they  were  the  heroes  of  past 
victories — they  were  determined  to  emulate  their  example,  whenever  the  country  called 
upon  them  for  their  services.  It  was  a  scene  of  happy  augury  for  some  future  time — 
for  such  a  crisis  as  that  through  which  we  are  now  passing. 

Dr.  GEORGE  R.  PARKIN,  C.M.G.  :  I  came  here  not  to  speak,  but  to  enjoy  the  great 
pleasure,  as  I  knew  it  would  be,  of  listening  to  my  old  friend,  Sir  Gilbert  Parker. 
I  knew  that  he  possessed,  perhaps  more  than  anyone  else  with  whom  I  am  acquainted, 
that  unusual  combination  of  the  dramatic  instinct  which  enables  him  to  see  and 
present  the  vivid  incidents  in  great  affairs  and  also  that  range  of  knowledge  of  the 
Empire  that  enables  him  to  take  broad  views  of  our  national  position.  He  is  one  of 
those  who  have  carefully  and  intimately  felt  the  pulse  not  only  of  Canada,  but  of 


610          LIGHTS   AND  LESSONS   OF  THE  WAR. 

Australia,  New  Zealand  and  South  Africa,  and  therefore  when  he  speaks  upon  Empire 
questions   he   speaks   as   one   having   authority. 

I  suppose  there  is  scarcely  anybody  in  this  room,  who,  in  this  war,  has  not  been 
called  upon  to  make  some  final  form  of  personal  sacrifice  through  relatives  and  friends 
and  those  nearest  and  dearest  to  him.  The  temptation  with  most  of  us,  when  we  talk 
of  the  war,  is  to  think  of  these  individual  concerns.  Sometimes  I  think  this  intense 
personal  interest  tends  almost  to  prevent  us  from  forming  a  conception  of  the  vast 
issues  which  are  involved.  It  is  important,  however,  that  in  an  Institute  like  this, 
which  lives  for  great  ideas  and  sees  this  war  bringing  to  a  culmination  purposes  which 
have  inspired  us  for  the  last  fifty  years,  that  we  should  get  our  minds  free  from  these 
intimate  private  interests  and  think  chiefly  of  the  issues  which  rise  far  beyond  them 
and  which  are  going  to  affect  our  nation  to  the  remotest  generations.  If  this  war 
results  in  the  way  we  hope  and  expect,  we  shall,  as  a  nation,  be  face  to  face  with 
a  most  astonishing  position — to  my  mind  the  most  perplexingly  difficult  position  any 
nation  has  ever  known  in  history.  In  the  first  place,  we  shall  come  out  of  the  war 
with  a  naval  supremacy  which  has  never  been  hitherto  known  in  the  world.  We  have 
cleared  from  the  seas  the  last  ship  of  the  enemy.  That  is  a  matter  of  congratulation 
for  us.  But  it  will  be  a  matter  also  for  very  serious  consideration  and  reflection  among 
all  the  other  nations  of  the  world.  Why  did  we  go  to  war  with  Germany — at  least 
what  is  the  thought  at  the  back  of  the  English  mind  which  in  some  ways  influenced 
us  in  making  that  great  decision  ?  We  knew  Germany  was  the  greatest  military  power 
in  the  world,  and  we  found  her  openly,  without  any  reticence  whatever,  affirming  also 
that  she  was  going  to  be  equal  to  the  greatest  naval  power  in  the  world.  If  you  get 
to  the  back  of  the  world's  thought — if  you  ask  why  the  nations  of  the  world  have 
risen  against  Germany,  you  will  find  it  is  because  of  that — because  of  her  determination 
to  dominate  the  world  by  being  both  the  greatest  naval  and  military  power  in  the 
world.  Now  let  us  look  at  our  own  position.  Besides  being  the  greatest  naval  power 
in  the  world,  we  are  also  going  to  be  a  great  organised  military  power,  with  possibly 
three  milh'on  trained  soldiers  at  our  command.  Put  these  things  together  and  couple 
them  with  this  further  fact — that  when  the  war  is  over,  if  we  succeed,  we  are  going 
to  stand  in  the  position  of  having  under  our  flag  about  one-quarter  of  the  world.  I 
would  be  the  last  to  think  about  that  in  terms  of  exultation.  Rather  it  causes  one 
to  feel  a  sense  of  intense  responsibility,  and  we  may  be  perfectly  sure  that  responsibility 
will  be  rubbed  into  us  in  ways  we  have  never  known  before.  How  are  we  going  to 
meet  it  ?  It  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  paths  any  nation  has  ever  had  to  face. 
The  war  has  taught  us  that  nothing  but  organised  strength  can  give  security  to  industry, 
commerce,  agriculture  and  all  the  arts  of  peace.  You  may  talk  pacificism  until  you 
are  blind ;  but  so  long  as  there  is  one  determined  military  nation  willing  to  make 
play  with  the  ideals  of  pacifists  and  their  action,  so  long  only  organised  and  superior 
strength  can  give  security  to  the  things  we  value  most.  Not  only  shall  we  have  under 
our  flag  one-quarter  of  the  world,  but  we  shall  from  that  very  fact  be  brought  up 
against  almost  every  problem  of  every  nation  of  the  world — problems  relating  not 
only  to  civilised,  but  to  the  less  civilised  parts  of  the  earth.  On  the  one  hand,  there- 
fore, we  have  to  organise  our  strength  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  us  protection ;  and 
on  the  other  we  must  absolutely  avoid  the  slightest  suspicion  that  that  organisation 
is  being  undertaken  for  purposes  of  domination — those  purposes  of  Germany  against 
which  the  world  has  revolted.  What  will  enable  us  to  grapple  with  this  situation  ? 
I  know  of  only  one  thing.  The  lecturer  has  spoken  of  the  millions  of  people  engaged 
in  the  long  battle-line.  •  But  after  all,  the  whole  of  that  vast  line  is  made  up  of 
individuals,  and  it  is  the  character  of  individuals  which  will  decide  the  future.  If 
this  war  does  not  make  every  individual  in  this  nation  watch  his  own  soul,  keep  it 
humble,  make  it  honest  and  true  and  fair  to  all  men  and  all  nations,  this  war  will 
have  lost  its  lesson.  Nothing  has  so  impressed  me  of  late  as  certain  facts  relating  to 
our  social  condition.  Look  at  the  slums  of  Liverpool,  or  Manchester,  or  London, 


WHAT  AUSTRALIA  THINKS.  611 

nourishing  the  drunkard,  the  vicious,  and  all  the  tribe  who  go  to  sap  the  foundations 
of  a  great  State.  If  we  do  not  turn  our  attention  to  conditions  such  as  these — turn 
the  united  wisdom  of  the  nation,  without  party  feeling,  to  improving  these  places  and 
to  strengthening  the  individual  character  of  the  millions  who  make  up  the  nation,  then 
I  say  we  shall  leave  our  great  position  in  the  world  unjustified — we  shall  have  missed 
one  of  the  great  lessons  of  this  war.  We  must  curb  luxury ;  overcome  idleness  in 
rich  and  poor  alike ;  cultivate  a  high  sense  of  duty — the  kind  of  duty  to  which  Mr. 
Watson  so  finely  referred — a  sense  of  duty  that  makes  every  individual  man  feel  he 
is  taking  his  part  and  doing  his  duty  by  the  State.  If  it  does  impress  that  senso 
of  civil  duty  and  responsibility  on  us,  the  war  will  not  have  been  in  vain.  We  are 
being  tried  in  fire.  It  is  only  the  pure  gold,  we  hope,  will  be  left.  It  can  only  be  by 
strengthening  the  character  of  the  nation  that  we  can  prove  our  right  to  Empire. 
It  can  only  be  by  proving  that  the  nation,  as  a  whole,  is  sound,  that  we  shall  deserve 
the  immense  place  we  hold  in  the  world. 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards) :  In  concluding  the  proceedings  I  would  like 
to  say  a  word  on  behalf  of  the  old  soldiers  of  days  gone  by,  men  who,  though  we 
may  not  perhaps  think  them  quite  so  good,  were  yet  nearly  as  good  as  those  we  have 
to-day.  It  is  only  those  who,  like  myself,  can  look  back  over  a  period  of  sixty  years 
of  service — who  have  lived  and  marched  with  the  Tommy  Atkinses  of  those  days — who 
can  speak  of  these  things,  and  I  can  assure  you  there  never  were  better  men  in  this 
country  than  the  great  mass  of  the  men  and  old  soldiers  of  those  days.  It  has  afforded  me, 
as  an  old  soldier,  intense  pleasure  to  hear  about  the  splendid  deeds  of  our  men  in 
this  war,  and  I  am  sure  you  will  join  with  me  heartily  in  giving  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Sir  Gilbert  Parker  for  his  magnificent  address. 

SIR  GILBEBT  PARKER,  M.P. :  I  am  profoundly  grateful  to  you  for  your  kind  atten- 
tion and  interest  and  also  to  the  speakers  who  followed  me,  every  one  of  whom  is 
a  man  of  mark  in  his  place  and  day.  I  am  grateful  also  to  the  Chairman,  the  more 
so  because  I  believe  this  will  be  almost  his  last  appearance  as  Chairman  of  the  Council 
of  this  Institute.  He  is  about  to  retire  after  a  long,  arduous,  and  highly  successful 
career — at  any  rate  he  is  due  to  retire  in  the  ordinary  course  of  things.  What  the 
will  of  the  Institute  may  be,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say ;  but  I  can  say  this,  that  within 
the  period  of  his  administration  the  Institute  has  taken  on  new  life  and  a  new  Imperial 
spirit,  and  that  its  membership  has  doubled.  Honoured  he  is  in  the  Institute,  beloved 
by  those  who  have  been  associated  with  him,  and  believed  in  because  of  his  intense 
honesty  of  purpose  and  his  patriotism.  Whether  he  continues  as  Chairman  or  retires, 
one  thing  we  know,  and  that  is  that  this  Institute  owes  him  a  great  debt,  and  I  am 
sure  we  must  be  glad  that  in  the  course  of  these  great  years  of  national  trial  he  has 
been  able  still  to  retain  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Council  of  this  Institute.  I  beg  you 
will  join  with  me  in  giving  to  him — a  good  soldier,  a  good  patriot  and  a  good  man — 
our  wannest  thanks. 


WHAT    AUSTRALIA    THINKS:    NO    TERMS   WITH   THE    ENEMY. 

AT  a  social  meeting  held  recently  at  the  Koyal  Colonial  Institute,  at  which 
many  well-known  Members  were  present,  Sir  Charles  Lucas  introduced  the 
Eight  Hon.  Sir  Edmund  Barton,  late  Premier  of  Australia,  and  invited  that 
distinguished  Australian  to  say  a  few  words  to  the  gentlemen  assembled. 

Sir  Edmund  Barton  kindly  consented,  and  in  an  informal  manner  made 
a  most  interesting  utterance  on  the  War — more  particularly  from  a  Colonial 
standpoint. 


612  WHAT   AUSTRALIA   THINKS. 

In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said  that  in  this  supreme  issue,  which  really 
meant  to  us  Empire  or  no  Empire,  it  was  the  plain  duty  of  every  one  to  do  his 
utmost  to  assist  in  the  struggle,  which  must  only  end  one  way — defeat  of  the 
enemy.  He  instanced  how  Colonies  could  help  the  Motherland  in  the  great 
task  of  making  armaments.  Typical  of  such  possibilities  was  one  which  had 
casually  come  to  his  notice.  He  understood  that  the  stocks  of  rifles  were 
mostly  made  of  Italian  walnut.  Due  to  the  great  demand  for  this  wood,  it 
was  probably  becoming  scarce.  Now  before  he  left  Australia  he  happened 
to  visit  the  Small  Arms  Factory  at  Lithgow,  N.S.W.  There  he  learned  from 
the  manager  that  he  had  been  experimenting  with  local  woods  with  a  view 
to  finding  one  which  could  take  the  place  of  this  walnut.  The  manager  believed 
that  he  had  found  one  which  would  stand  every  test.  Surely  it  was  possible 
for  Australia  to  supply  this  wood  to  the  Mother  Country.  Her  powers  of 
turning  out  rifles  were  limited,  but  she  might  be  induced  to  supply  the  wood 
itself  in  quantity.  Canada,  he  believed,  had  a  great  variety  of  timbers,  and  it 
would  be  worth  while  to  inquire  whether  any  of  them  could  be  profitably 
utilised  for  this  purpose.  He  only  mentioned  this  as  an  example  of  many 
things  that  might  be  done. 

With  regard  to  the  War,  he  had  come  across  a  few  in  England — a  very  few— 
who  would  advocate  a  patched-up  peace.  He  knew  of  no  such  opinions  in 
Australia.  If  peace  were  made  of  an  inconclusive  character  with  Germany, 
it  would  be  only  delaying  the  evil  day,  and  mean  renewed  effort  on  her  part 
to  carry  out  her  purpose  of  killing  the  Empire  of  Liberty.  Only  one  kind  of 
peace  was  possible — that  which  would  follow  the  utter  defeat  of  Germany. 
He  had  heard  it  said  that  it  was  not  wise  to  hold  out  for  such  terms  as  would 
humiliate  a  proud  nation.  He  did  not  agree.  Germany  had  humiliated  many 
proud  nations  in  her  day.  She  had  humiliated  Denmark,  then  Austria,  and 
afterwards  France.  Now  she  sought  to  humiliate  all  Powers  save  herself. 
She  deserved  humiliation  in  her  turn  ;  such  an  overthrow  as  would  prevent 
her  from  ever  attempting  to  repeat  this  crime  for  generations  to  come.  She 
should  be  made  to  pay  the  full  cost  of  this  War,  even  if  her  territory  were 
occupied  until  it  was  paid.  That  reminded  him  of  an  anecdote  of  a  judge  he 
knew  in  Australia.  He  had  a  culprit  before  him  convicted  of  rather  a  heinous 
crime.  Sentence  of  ten  years  was  passed.  The  prisoner  appealed  to  the 
mercy  of  the  Judge  and  told  him  it  was  impossible  to  serve  the  sentence,  as  he 
was  over  sixty-five  years  of  age.  "  Never  mind,  my  man,"  said  the  Judge, 
"  keep  a  good  heart  and  do  as  much  of  it  as  you  can."  Whether  that  Judge 
was  merciful  or  not,  that  was  the  way  to  serve  Germany.  If  she  were  not 
able  to  pay  the  whole  cost  of  the  War,  let  her  pay  as  much  as  she  could,  and 
let  her  be  put  under  proper  restraint  until  she  paid  all. 

The  speech  was  greeted  with  much  applause,  and  the  speaker  was  thanked 
by  the  Hon.  Sir  John  McCall  on  behalf  of  the  Members  present. 


613 


ROUND  THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

The  Dominions  and  the  Imperial  Loan. — The  British  Government  has  accepted  the 
patriotic  offer  made  by  the  Eastern  Telegraph  Company  to  telegraph,  free  of  charge, 
the  full  terms  of  the  Imperial  War  Loan  to  various  places  within  their  system.  Further 
steps  are  being  taken  to  insure  the  terms  of  the  prospectus  being  generally  known  in 
other  parts  of  the  Empire,  so  that  British  residents  in  the  Dominions  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  subscribing  to  the  Loan.  At  the  same  time,  their  attention  is  drawn  to 
the  fact  that  they  can  do  an  even  greater  service  to  the  Empire  by  lending  their 
resources  to  the  Governments  of  their  own  Dominions,  thereby  reducing  the  calls  made 
by  those  Governments  on  the  resources  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

AUSTRALIA. 

Naturalisation  in  the  Commonwealth. — It  is  the  intention  of  the  Australian  Govern- 
ment to  introduce  a  Bill  this  session  which  shall  amend  the  law  relating  to  naturalisation. 
The  main  object  of  the  measure  will  be  to  bring  the  Commonwealth  legislation  on  the 
subject  into  line  with  the  English  Act  which  came  into  operation  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year.  It  is  understood  that  the  Governor-General  will  be  empowered  to  grant  a 
certificate  of  naturalisation  to  any  alien  who  can  prove  either  that  he  has  resided  in 
any  one  of  His  Majesty's  Dominions  for  a  period  of  not  less  than  five  years,  or  that 
he  has  been  in  the  service  of  the  Crown  for  not  less  than  five  years  within  the  last 
eight  years  before  the  application.  Also,  he  must  be  of  good  character,  have  an 
adequate  knowledge  of  the  English  language,  and  be  prepared,  if  his  application  be 
granted,  either  to  reside  in  one  of  His  Majesty's  Dominions  or  to  enter,  or  continue  in, 
the  service  of  the  Crown.  One  of  the  features  of  the  Bill  will  be  that  naturalisation  in 
the  Commonwealth  will  cover  naturalisation  in  Great  Britain  and  those  Dominions 
which  decide  to  bring  their  legislation  into  line  with  the  Imperial  Act. 

The  Commonwealth  Bank. — It  would  be  difficult  to  overestimate  the  services  rendered 
by  the  Commonwealth  Bank  in  London  since  the  outbreak  of  war.  In  August  and 
September  last  ifc  granted  to  the  Australian  Government  overdrafts  of  £100,000  and  £130,000 
respectively,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  Minister  for  Defence,  also  arranged  to  provide 
funds  to  pay  for  the  purchase  of  horses  for  the  Expeditionary  Forces  throughout 
Australia,  pending  the  passing  of  a  supply  bill.  At  the  same  time  it  agreed  to  assist 
the  State  Governments  in  London  with  their  finance  arrangements.  Besides  assisting 
a  number  of  Australians  resident  in  England,  and  visiting  there,  the  Bank  continued 
uninterruptedly  to  negotiate  in  London  bills  on  Australia,  and  merchants  availed 
themselves  of  its  assistance  in  transferring  funds  to  London.  The  Bank  has,  on  behalf 
of  the  Treasury,  continued  to  redeem  Australian  notes  and  silver  in  London,  and  owing 
to  the  dispatch  of  the  Expeditionary  Forces,  this  phase  of  its  transactions  has  assumed 
comparatively  large  proportions.  At  the  same  time,  it  has  continued  to  deal  with 
applications  for  advances  from  constituents  throughout  the  Commonwealth  on  normal 
lines,  and  the  rate  of  interest  charged  on  ordinary  overdrafts  has  been  kept  at  6  per 
cent. 

Committee  of  National  Defence. — The  decision  of  the  Government  to  appoint  a 
Committee  of  National  Defence,  embracing  an  equal  number  of  members  of  both 
parties,  and  consisting  of  two  representatives  from  each  of  the  States,  has  met  with 
general  approval  and  satisfaction.  The  Government  is  also  organising  the  whole 
Commonwealth  by  means  of  a  system  of  national  registration  of  men  of  suitable  age 
for  defence  purposes. 

Customs  and  Excise  Returns. — Although  the  Commonwealth  was  very  seriously 
affected  during  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war,  the  latest  figures  indicate  a  good  recovery. 
The  Customs  returns  for  the  ten  months  of  the  current  financial  year  ending  April 


614  ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

last  showed  a  comparatively  slight  decrease  from  the  figures  of  the  previous  year. 
The  Prime  Minister  anticipated  a  reduction  in  the  Customs  and  Excise  revenue  of 
£717,069  for  the  year,  whereas  the  receipts  for  the  ten  months  are  only  £5,406  below 
last  year's  actual  total.  The  increase  is  accounted  for  largely  by  the  new  duties  on 
beer,  spirits,  and  tobacco. 

Queensland  Sugar  Crop. — The  Government  of  Queensland  has  decided  to  acquire 
the  whole  of  the  sugar  crop  for  1915  at  an  average  price  of  about  £18  a  ton.  The 
Commonwealth  Government  will  purchase  the  sugar  from  Queensland  at  cost  price, 
and  sell  to  the  community,  the  object  being  to  make  the  crop  available  to  the  public 
throughout  Australia  at  a  reasonable  price.  It  is  understood  that  the  money  involved 
in  acquiring  the  sugar  crop  is  over  £2,000,000. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Dominion  War  Loan. — A  Bill  has  recently  been  passed  unanimously,  authorising 
a  loan  of  £10,000,000  for  war  purposes.  It  was  stated  by  the  Minister  of  Finance 
that  the  war  expenditure  up  to  the  end  of  March  last  amounted  to  £2,300,000.  Since 
then,  it  has  xceedede  £300,000  a  month,  and  is  steadily  increasing. 

The  Maori  Contingent.. — The  Maori  Contingent  dispatched  some  months  ago  has 
been  doing  garrison  duty  at  Malta,  but  news  has  been  received  in  the  Dominion  that 
the  Imperial  authorities  consider  that  the  Maoris  will  be  fit  to  take  their  place  in  the 
firing  line  in  a  few  weeks'  time.  Reinforcements  will  be  required  therefore,  and  the 
Maoris  in  the  Dominion,  who  are  as  eager  as  ever  to  maintain  the  fighting  reputation 
and  traditions  of  their  ancestors,  are  welcoming  the  opportunity  for  further  enlistment. 

CANADA. 

The  C.P.R.  and  the  Russian  Government. — An  arrangement  has  been  made  whereby 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  will  represent  the  Russian  Government  in  providing 
through  freight  services  from  the  Dominion  to  Russia.  This  has  been  effected  through 
the  Trans-Siberian  Railway,  which  is  owned  and  operated  by  the  Russian  Government, 
and  the  Russian  Volunteer  Fleet,  which  is  an  auxiliary  of  the  railway ;  but  it  is  merely 
a  development  of  the  connection  already  existing  between  the  two  railways.  The 
C.P.R.  has  offices  both  in  Petrograd  and  in  Moscow,  being  the  only  American  railway 
which  is  a  member  of  the  Round-the- World  Conference,  of  which  the  executive  of  the 
Trans-Siberian  Railway  is  the  chief  element. 

Wheat  for  New  Zealand. — An  order  has  been  received  from  the  New  Zealand 
Government  for  one  million  bushels  of  Canadian  wheat,  to  be  shipped  at  an  early 
date.  This  will  be  the  second  wheat  supply  purchased  by  the  Department  of  Trade 
and  Commerce  for  the  Dominion  of  New  Zealand,  to  relieve  the  shortage  in  that 
country.  During  the  winter,  400,000  bushels  of  Canadian  wheat  were  shipped  to*  New 
Zealand. 

Doctors  and  the  War. — The  establishment  of  reciprocal  relations  between  councils 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  Province  of  Ontario  has  enabled  Ontario  physicians  to 
respond  to  the  appeal  for  volunteers  made  by  the  War  Office.  The  situation  has  been 
facilitated  further  by  the  announcement  that  the  Imperial  Government  will  accept 
any  medical  men  for  service  in  field  or  home  hospitals  who  are  approved  by  the 
Dominion  Government.  The  physicians  of  Peterborough  have  organised  a  base  hospital 
for  service  in  any  part  of  Europe,  including  Serbia.  The  equipment  will  be  provided 
by  the  Provincial  Government,  and  the  expenses  of  maintenance  while  on  active 
service  will  be  defrayed  by  the  citizens  of  Peterborough. 


ROUND    THE   EMPIRE   NOTES.  615 

Boots  for  the  Army. — Leading  boot  manufacturers  of  the  chief  towns  of  Eastern 
Canada  met  recently  at  Berlin,  Ontario,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  to 
deal  with  an  immense  order  for  boots  for  the  British  Army.  It  is  understood  that, 
providing  it  be  guaranteed  that  the  boots  will  be  manufactured  according  to  speci- 
fications, 2,000,000  pairs  will  be  turned  out  at  an  estimated  cost  of  £1,600,000.  This 
will  mean  that  10,000  pairs  of  boots  will  be  manufactured  per  day  for  a  period  of 
seven  months. 

Hudson  Bay  Railway. — The  Hudson  Bay  Railway  appropriation  for  1915-1916  is 
£1,100,000,  of  which  £400,000  is  for  terminals  and  harbour  work.  Up  to  March  31 
last,  the  expenditure  on  the  undertaking  amounted  to  nearly  £3,000,000  sterling. 
The  Dominion  Government  has  purchased  three  cargo  steamers,  and  has  also  chartered 
two  Newfoundland  sealers  for  the  Hudson  Bay  and  harbour  service,  while  an  order  has 
been  placed  recently  with  the  Canadian  Western  Lumber  Company  for  1,500,000  feet 
of  lumber  for  use  in  the  construction  of  the  railway  terminal  at  Port  Nelson.  Wireless 
communication  has  been  established  between  Nelson  and  The  Pas,  and  work  has  been 
proceeding  steadily,  though  to  some  extent  interfered  with  by  the  war. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. 

Union  Contingent. — The  Union  Government  has  received  an  official  reply  from  the 
Imperial  Government  gratefully  accepting  the  Union's  offer  of  some  heavy  artillery 
batteries,  and  the  services  of  an  Imperial  contingent  to  be  raised  in  the  Union,  the 
strength  of  which  will  depend  on  the  number  of  volunteers,  but  as  to  the  composition 
of  which  the  Imperial  Government  has  yet  to  arrange  certain  details.  It  is  not  possible, 
however,  for  the  Union  to  call  for  volunteers  until  the  Imperial  Government  is  in  a 
position  to  communicate  full  particulars  as  to  the  nature  and  composition  of  the  units 
required,  and  as  to  the  terms  and  conditions  of  service.  When  these  are  received 
volunteers  will  immediately  be  invited,  and  on  passing  a  medical  examination  will  be 
provisionally  enrolled  and  sent  to  places  of  concentration.  Preparatory  arrangements 
are  now  being  made,  but  beyond  this  nothing  further  can  be  done  until  the  Union 
Government  has  received  full  particulars  from  the  Imperial  Government. 

Wool  Trade. — The  Minister  of  Mines  and  Industries  recently  expressed  the  opinion 
that  South  Africa  possessed  the  two  essentials  for  the  establishment  of  a  wool  textile 
industry — namely,  the  raw  material  and  the  market  for  finished  articles.  Everything 
utilised  in  the  industry,  except  dyes,  can  be  produced  in  the  country,  so  that  nothing 
need  prevent  South  Africa  working  up  its  own  material  and  supplying  its  own  woollen 
goods.  Before  the  war,  about  £4,000,000  worth  of  wool  was  exported  annually  from 
the  Union,  while  woollen  goods  to  the  value  of  £500,000  were  annually  imported.  Now, 
however,  this  industry,  which  has  so  long  languished,  is  beginning  to  show  promising 
signs  of  activity. 

Butter  Exports. — Gratifying  reports  have  been  received  regarding  the  trial  shipments 
of  South  African  butter  to  England.  The  consignments  were  found  to  be  of  a  uniformly 
high  standard,  and  the  prices  obtained  were  equal  to  those  realised  for  the  best  Australian 
butter.  In  view  of  the  possibility  of  a  regular  export  trade  in  South  African  butter 
being  established  in  the  near  future,  farmers  will  do  well  to  guard  against  endangering 
the  reputation  of  South  African  butter  on  the  home  markets  by  supporting  the  flat- 
rate  principle  of  buying  cream  regardless  of  quality,  as  it  is  only  by  means  of  careful 
selection  and  grading  that  first-class  butter  can  be  made. 

WEST  AFRICA. 

Trade  Outlook. — It  is  evident  that  the  entire  business  system  of  Nigeria  has  become 
more  or  less  disorganised  since  the  outbreak  of  war.  Certain  new  outlets  for  trade  have 
been  opened  up  lately,  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  benefit  derived  from  these  will,  to 


616  ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

some  extent,  counterbalance  the  losses  experienced  by  the  closing  of  other  outlets. 
Importers  of  tropical  products  and  raw  materials  have  suffered  considerably,  and  are 
likely  to  continue  to  do  so  on  account  of  irregular  markets,  difficulties  in  delivery, 
and  heavy  additional  costs  occasioned  by  the  increase  in  freights  and  insurances,  and 
in  the  prices  of  coal  and  material.  With  regard  to  mining  in  Nigeria,  apart  from  the 
European  situation,  the  state  of  war  on  the  Cameroon  frontier  has  occasioned  a  temporary 
setback.  In  spite  of  the  present  stagnation,  however,  there  is  every  justification  for 
the  assumption  that,  with  the  situation  settled  in  West  Africa,  trading  there  is  likely 
to  expand  beyond  the  limits  hitherto  attainable. 


EGYPT. 

British  Hospital  at  Port  Said. — In  the  year  1886  a  British  hospital,  known  as 
"  The  Lady  Strangford  Hospital ",  was  established  at  Port  Said.  It  was  designed  merely 
as  a  temporary  hospital,  but  in  the  absence  of  a  better,  it  has  continued  to  do  good 
service  for  over  twenty-five  years.  Last  spring  the  Hospital  Committee  decided  that 
it  was  imperative  to  replace  the  old  building  with  one  of  a  permanent  and  up-to-date 
character,  better  suited  to  the  growing  needs  of  Port  Said.  The  Egyptian  Government 
gave  £1,000,  and  granted  a  free  site  in  a  suitable  position  facing  the  sea.  The  Suez 
Canal  Company  also  gave  £1,000,  and  with  donations  from  various  other  sources,  the 
Fund  has  now  reached  a  total  of  £11,000.  The  shell  of  the  main  building  and  the  out- 
buildings are  already  completed,  and  the  Committee  state  that  an  additional  £10,000 
would  serve  to  finish  and  thoroughly  equip  the  hospital.  A  number  of  cases  from  the 
Transports  and  the  Fleet  have  been  treated  at  the  old  building  since  the  outbreak  of 
war,  but  in  view  of  the  immediate  necessity  for  providing  further  accommodation  for 
wounded  soldiers  and  sailors,  it  is  felt  strongly  that  every  effort  should  be  made  to 
complete  the  new  hospital  without  delay.  The  Committee  earnestly  appeal  to  the 
generosity  of  readers  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  to  give  their  support  now,  so  that  the  British 
Hospital  may  be  in  a  position  to  respond  to  the  urgent  need  arising  from  the  war. 
Donations  should  be  sent  to  H.  Favarger,  Esq.  (Hon.  Treasurer  and  Secretary), 
2  Balfour  Place,  Park  Lane,  W. 

Mails  for  the  Orient. — The  Egyptian  Gazette  directs  attention  to  the  new  and  improved 
mail  service  from  London  to  the  East,  rendered  possible  by  the  fact  that  the  French 
Government  is  able  to  guarantee  "  right  through  "  delivery  to  the  steamers  at  Marseilles 
for  Bombay  and  places  beyond,  such  as  Ceylon,  the  Straits  Settlements,  Australia, 
and  New  Zealand.  Mails  will  be  landed  at  Bombay  for  distribution  for  the  Persian 
Gulf,  and  the  same  trains  will  carry  mails  for  Somaliland,  British  East  Africa,  and 
Zanzibar. 

INDIA. 

Trade  Conditions  since  the  War. — The  first  result  of  the  war  was  the  abrupt  cessation 
of  India's  considerable  trade  with  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary.  Imports  of  private 
merchandise  from  those  countries  during  the  year  1913-1914  represented  7  per  cent,  and 
2 -3  per  cent,  respectively  of  the  total  imports ;  while  of  the  exports  from  India,  Germany 
took  10'6  per  cent,  and  Austria-Hungary  4  per  cent.,  the  chief  items  being  food-grains, 
raw  cotton,  jute,  seeds,  hides,  and  skins.  The  shutting  off  of  the  export  trade  has 
proved  even  more  serious  than  the  closure  of  the  import  trade,  both  by  reason  of  its 
greater  value  and  because  the  removal  of  these  two  customers  for  exported  Indian 
goods,  concurrently  with  the  dislocation  of  trade  in  other  directions,  resulted  in  a 
reduction  in  the  demand  for,  and  in  the  price  of,  certain  important  commodities.  The 
war  also  involved  complete  stoppage  of  trade  with  Belgium  and  greatly  diminished 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  617 

trade  with  France.  The  dislocation  resulting  from  the  war  is  not  limited  to  the 
curtailment  of  particular  elements  of  Indian  trade,  but  extends  to  sea-borne  commerce 
as  a  whole,  especially  the  export  portion.  The  main  difficulties  are  not  only  those  of 
finance,  which  were  aggravated  by  the  general  disturbance  of  the  world's  exchanges ; 
one  of  the  most  serious  aspects  of  the  case  is  the  dislocation  of  shipping  arising 
primarily  from  the  necessity  for  requisitioning  vessels  for  purposes  of  military  transport. 
Bengal  has  been  greatly  affected  in  regard  to  jute.  Very  high  prices  were  realised  in 
the  preceding  year,  as  much  as  £6  being  obtained  for  a  bale  of  raw  jute.  A  record 
crop  was  grown  last  year,  and  prices  fell  as  low  as  £2  \s.  &d.  a  bale.  Difficulties  have 
also  been  experienced,  mainly  on  the  Bombay  side,  with  regard  to  cotton.  The  position 
was  unsatisfactory  when  war  broke  out,  previous  over-trading,  and  the  depression 
caused  by  the  banking  crisis  of  1913-14,  having  led  to  the  accumulation  of  stocks  of 
piece-goods  and  the  lock-up  of  capital  in  connection  therewith.  Then  came  the  war, 
and  with  it  the  cutting  off  of  large  markets  and  a  world  slump  in  the  price  of  raw 
cotton.  Another  staple  product  seriously  affected  is  the  ground-nut  crop  of  Madras, 
which  is  usually  largely  exported  to  France.  The  general  situation  has'  been  eased  to 
some  extent  by  the  recovered  security  of  Indian  waters,  and  there  are  also  welcome 
indications  of  increasing  confidence  and  trade  activity  in  India  itself. 

Alien  Enemies. — According  to  the  Pioneer  Mail,  the  European  Association  is  performing 
a  notable  public  service  by  drawing  the  attention  of  the  Government  of  India  to  the 
unsatisfactory  position  obtaining  in  the  country  with  regard  to  alien  enemies.  It  is 
generally  felt  that  action  in  this  matter  has  been  long  overdue,  and  that  the  present 
policy  of  tolerance  should  cease.  The  liberty  still  accorded  to  Germans  and  other  alien 
enemies,  and  also  the  manner  in  which  the  liquidation  of  German  firms  is  being  carried 
out,  are  causes  for  grave  apprehension.  Up  to  now,  the  procedure  with  regard  to  the 
liquidation  of  German  firms  has  left  those  firms  in  such  a  position  that  they  will  be 
able  to  recommence  trading  immediately  after  the  termination  of  the  war  and  the 
release  of  German  employees  from  confinement,  when  the  natural  ostracism  with  which 
they  will  inevitably  meet  will  cause  them  to  conduct  their  business  with  added  bitter- 
ness and  hostility  to  the  British  Government.  The  danger  is  a  very  real  one,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  it  can  be  effectively  met  except  by  the  elimination  of  all  German 
firms.  The  question  of  the  treatment  that  should  be  accorded  to  Germans  and  other 
aliens  who  have  become  naturalised  British  subjects  is  more  complicated ;  but  in  England 
these  have  proved,  in  many  cases,  to  be  the  worst  offenders,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  stern  measures  for  their  segregation  and  control  are  equally  necessary  in  India. 
It  goes  without  saying  that  the  Government  of  India  may  count  on  the  wholehearted 
support  of  every  loyal  section  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  prosecution  of  any 
measures,  however  drastic,  which  it  may  see  fit  to  adopt  in  dealing  with  the  alien 
problem. 

CEYLON. 

Riots  in  Ceylon. — It  appears  that  the  riotous  disturbances  in  Ceylon  were  more 
widespread  and  of  a  more  serious  nature  than  was  at  first  stated.  For  some  time 
past  the  rivalry  between  the  Sinhalese  and  Moor  (Mahomedan)  trading  communities 
has  been  growing,  and  very  little  was  required  to  bring  this  sectional  animosity  to  a 
head.  The  trouble  originated  at  Kandy,  but  before  it  could  be  adequately  dealt  with 
locally,  it  had  proved  to  be  the  signal  for  further  outbreaks  all  over  the  island.  Indeed, 
the  effect  was  so  widespread  that  coolies  left  the  wharves,  railway  employees  were 
missed,  business  places  were  closed,  and  markets  were  left  empty.  The  authorities, 
by  promptly  declaring  martial  law  in  certain  districts,  succeeded  in  quelling  the  riots, 
but  it  was  not  easy  to  restore  normal  conditions.  During  the  rioting  there  was  a 
wholesale  pillaging  of  shops  owned  by  Mahomedans,  who  practically  held  the  monopoly 

2  T 


618  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

of  the  sale  of  food-stuffs^to  the  working  classes.  This  resulted  in  a  serious  scarcity 
of  food,  the  rioters  themselves  being  the  class  most  largely  affected,  but,  in  spite  of 
this  further  complication,  the  latest  reports  show  that  the  authorities  have  the  situation 
well  in  hand. 

BRITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC. 

The  Meat  Trade. — The  report  of  the  British  and  Argentine  Meat  Co.  Ltd.  for  last 
year  shows  a  profit  on  trading  of  over  £67,000,  and  present  prospects  are  said  to  be 
encouraging.  After  the  outbreak  of  war  there  was,  for  some  weeks,  practically  a  cessation 
of  killing  in  the  Argentine,  owing  principally  to  the  breakdown  of  international  exchange 
and  the  consequent  inability  to  negotiate  drafts  on  London.  With  the  assistance  of  the 
British  Government,  however,  this  difficulty  was  soon  overcome,  and  work  on  a  reduced 
scale  recommenced.  The  main  reason  for  smaller  shipments  during  the  latter  months 
of  1914  was  the  shortage  of  refrigerated  tonnage,  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  several 
steamers  engaged  in  this  trade  had  been  sunk  by  the  enemy,  whilst  others  had  been 
taken  by  the  Government.  In  view  of  the  higher  prices  obtained  for  meat  since  the 
war  broke  out,  better  results  might  have  been  expected,  but  largely  increased  expenses 
have  had  to  be  met  in  connection  with  freightage  and  war  risk  insurance,  added  to 
which  the  cost  of  labour  has  risen  considerably. 

THE  PACIFIC  ISLANDS. 

War  Contributions. — The  Blue  Book  of  Overseas  contributions  to  War  Funds  makes 
it  clear  that  there  can  be  no  portion  of  the  Empire,  however  remote,  and  no  race 
under  the  British  flag,  which  has  not  made  some  sacrifice  for  the  War.  The  Solomon 
Islanders,  the  people  of  Tonga,  of  the  Gilbert  and  Ellice  Protectorate — even  the 
labourers  on  remote  Ocean  Island — have  sent  sums  which  appear  out  of  all  proportion 
to  their  financial  resources.  The  sum  raised  by  the  Gilbert  and  Ellice  Protectorate  by 
private  contributions  amounted  in  March  to  £2,000.  A  contingent  of  six  volunteers  for 
active  service  has  been  sent  to  join  the  New  Zealand  forces,  the  Protectorate  guarantee- 
ing their  expenses.  The  landowners  of  Banaban,  Ocean  Island,  who  are  comparatively 
rich  through  the  royalties  on  phosphates  paid  to  them,  unanimously  voted  £1,000  out  of 
those  royalties.  The  offer  of  a  native  regiment  by  Fiji  could  not  be  accepted,  but  a 
private  subscription  was  raised  to  pay  the  expenses  of  sixty  European  volunteers.  The 
New  Hebridean  Islands  vied  with  each  other  to  collect  a  contribution  for  the  Prince  of 
Wales's  Fund.  The  amount  raised  among  the  European  residents  of  these  scattered 
colonies  represents  a  considerable  amount  of  self-denial. 

NIGERIA. 

Question  in  Parliament. — Mr.  Joynson-Hicks  recently  asked  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies  in  the  House  of  Commons,  whether  his  attention  had  been  called  to  a 
lecture  delivered  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  on  October  27,  1914,  by 
Mr.  R.  E.  Dennett,  of  the  Forests  Department,  Nigeria,  in  which  he  suggested  that 
spirits  for  importation  into  Nigeria,  which  have  hitherto  been  produced  in  Germany, 
might  be  made  in  Great  Britain  ;  and  whether  he  will  take  steps  to  prevent  Colonial 
officials  from  encouraging  a  trade  which  has  been  condemned  by  international  agreement 
as  being  inimical  to  the  moral  and  material  welfare  of  the  native  population. 

In  reply  to  Mr.  Joynson-Hicks,  Mr.  Bonar  Law  said  :  "  I  have  examined  the  lecture 
referred  to,  which  seems  to  me  to  do  nothing  more  than  suggest  that  to  whatever 
extent  consumption  of  spirits  does  take  place  it  is  better  that  it  should  be  of  gin  made 
from  grain  in  the  United  Kingdom  than  of  potato  spirit  made  in  Germany.  I  see 
nothing  objectionable  in  Mr.  Dennett's  remark  ;  and  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that 
any  officials  have  encouraged,  or  propose  to  encourage,  this  trade." 


619 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

June  24.  Russian  retreat  continues  south-east  of  Lemberg. 
„     25.  French  air-raid  on  railway  station  at  Douai.     News  received  of  successful 

British  operations  in  East  Africa. 

„     26.  German  success  between  Ablain  and  Angres,  north  of  Souchez. 
„     27.  French  drop  bombs  on  Zeppelin  sheds  at  Friedrichshafen.     Russians  driven 

back  from  line  of  Dniester  to  Gnila  Lipa  ;  Germans  take  Halicz.     British 

gun-boat  Hussar  bombards  three  ports  in  Asia  Minor. 
„     28.  Successful  British  attack  in  Gallipoli  Peninsula. 
„     29.  Attack  on  Abercorn  repulsed  by  Rhodesian  and  Belgian  forces. 
July     1.  Violent  bombardments  on  Western  front ;    German  attacks  repulsed  east 

of  Metzeral  and  in  the  Argonne.     Leyland  liner  Armenian  sunk  by  German 

submarine  off  Cornish  coast. 
„       2.  Naval  action  between  Russian  and  German  warships  in  Baltic  ;    German 

minelayer  run  ashore,  and  German  battleship  sunk  by  British  submarine. 

Four  British  ships  reported  sunk  by  German  submarines  in  British  waters. 
„       4.  Germans  regain  positions  between  Meuse  and  Moselle.     Austro-German 

armies  continue  to  advance  between  the  Vistula  and  the  Bug.    Fierce 

fighting  in  Dardanelles  ;   British  positions  maintained. 
„       6.  Russian  rally  ;   enemy  defeated  near  Krasnik. 
„       7.  German  success  near  St.  Mihiel. 

„       8.  Italian  cruiser  torpedoed  in  the  Adriatic  by  Austrian  submarine. 
„       9.  British    gains    near    Ypres.      French    success    in    the  Vosges ;    Austrian 

reverse  in  South  Poland.     Campaign  in  German  South- West  Africa  ended  ; 

entire  German  forces  surrender  unconditionally  to  General  Botha.    Large 

Turkish  forces  reported  in  Aden  Hinterland  ;    British  troops  compelled 

to  fall  back  on  Aden.    Attempt  on  the  life  of  Sultan  of  Egypt. 
„     11.  French  lose  ground  to  south  of  Souchez.     Venice  again  bombarded. 
„     12.  Greater  German  activity  on  Western  front ;   enemy  reinforced.     Entente 

forces  in  Gallipoli  advance  slightly  in  region  of  Achi  Baba. 
„     13.  French  air-raid  on  Vigneulles.     Fierce  fighting  in  the  Labyrinth  and  in 

the  Argonne.     Renewed  German  offensive  east  of  Lemberg. 
„    14.  Enemy  advance  in  force  north  of  Warsaw  ;   Russians  retire  to  second  line 

of  defences.     Germans  capture  Przasnysz  for  third  time. 
„     16.  German  advance  on  Warsaw  checked,  but  enemy  reinforced  in  Baltic 

provinces.     News  received  of  capture  of  Ngaundere  (Central  Cameroon). 
„     18.  Fierce  attack  on  French  lines  near  Les  Eparges  ;  enemy  finally  repulsed. 

Italians  continue  to  advance  on  the  Cadore  frontier. 
„     19.  Battle  for  Warsaw  continues  :  Germans  advance  at  several  points  in  face 

of  strong  Russian  resistance.     Italian  cruiser  sunk  by  Austrian  sub- 
marines in  the  Adriatic. 
„     20.  Germans  occupy  Krasnostaw  and  advance   to  within  ten   miles  of  the 

Lublin-Cholm  railway.     Italians  successful  on  the  Lower  Isonzo. 
„     21.  British  success  at  Hooge  ;  also  in  Gallipoli. 
„     23.  Fierce  fighting  in  Alsace,  Galicia,  and  Isonzo  line. 
„     24.  Germans  advance  in  Baltic  province  and  cross  Narew  (Poland). 
;,     25.  British  defeat  Turks  and  take  Nasiryeh.     Defeated  Turks  also  fall  back  in 

Aden  hinterland. 
„     26.  French  success  in  Vosges.     Italians  occupy  Adriatic  island. 

2  T2 


620 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR  (Fifth  List}. 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.  Additions  to 
this  list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary.) 

ALLEN,  JOHN  HUGH,  13th  Worcester  Regiment;  BASKETT,  E.  G.,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
Oxon  and  Bucks  Light  Infantry ;  BELCHER,  E.  A.,  Major,  9th  Battalion  D.C.L.I. ; 
BREMER,  M.,  Lieutenant,  R.N.V.R.  Armoured  Cars  R.N.A.S. ;  BRIGHT,  WILLIAM  N., 
M.B. ;  BUCKLER,  ERIC  W.,  Captain,  3rd  Worcester  Regiment ;  BUSSELL,  E.  J.  D., 
Lieutenant,  Gold  Coast  Regiment,  W.A.F.F. ;  DA  VIES,  MERVYN,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
9th  Battalion  Devon  Regiment ;  DORRINGTON,  F.  M.,  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  ELLIS, 
A.  P.  B.,  Major,  S.A.M.C. ;  ELVEY,  C.  G.  S.,  West  African  Regiment  B.E.F.  Cameroons ; 
EWING,  ROYAL  A.  L.,  Lieutenant,  42nd  Royal  Highlanders,  C.E.F.  ;  GIMLETTE,  J.  D., 
M.R.C.S.,  Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C.  ;  HARDY,  H.  C.,  Lieutenant,  13th  Battalion  Hants 
Regiment ;  HA  WES,  C.  E.,  Lieutenant,  3rd  Training  Battalion  Imperial  Forces,  Egypt ; 
HEAD,  F.  J.,  Lieutenant  o/c  Telegraphs,  3rd  Nigerian  Regiment ;  HARRIS,  W.  DUCKETT, 
Captain,  South  African  Forces ;  HARRIS,  W.  KILROY,  Sub-Lieutenant,  Royal  Naval 
Division ;  HINE,  W.  H.  W.,  Lieutenant,  21st  Sherwood  Foresters ;  HYDE,  T.,  Nigerian 
Land  Contingent ;  LANDAU,  HENRY,  2nd  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  LENNARD,  E.  W., 
Captain,  6th  Battalion  Gloucester  Regiment ;  McDouALL,  P.  H.,  2nd  King  Edward's 
Horse ;  MACPHAIL,  R.  S.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  2/lst  London  Field  Coy.,  R.E.  (T.F.) ; 
MONTAGUE,  R.  H.  CROFT,  Captain,  3rd  Yorks ;  MURISON,  W.  J.  HOLT,  Captain,  48th 
Battalion,  C.E.F.  ;  MYATT,  A.  E.,  Captain,  21st  Alberta  Regiment ;  POULDEN,  G.  E.  L., 
Lieutenant,  R.E.S.  ;  REID,  J.  M.,  Captain  and  Adjutant  3/4th  Black  Watch ;  REYNOLDS, 
GEORGE,  Nigerian  Land  Contingent ;  RHODES,  J.  H.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  A.S.C. ;  SAUNDERS, 
J.  H.,  M.B.,  R.A.M.C. ;  STEWART,  H.  A.,  Major,  C.E.F. ;  THOMAS,  E.  N.,  Assistant 
Transport  Officer,  Nigerian  Regiment ;  VINT,  W.  P.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Royal  Irish 
Rifles  ;  WARREN,  F.  H.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  3rd  Battalion  Cheshire  Regiment ;  WINCHCOMBE, 
F.  A.  (Phil),  Australian  Army  Medical  Corps. 


ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  AMBULANCE  CAR. 

THE  following  donations  have  been  received  towards  the  upkeep  of  the  London  Service 
Ambulance  Car : — War  Lectures  Committee,  £20  ;  H.  C.  Eaton,  £10  ;  R.  D.  McLean, 
£5 ;  Dr.  F.  H.  Crowdy,  £3  3s. ;  W.  H.  Anderson,  £3 ;  Miss  Olding,  £2  2s.  ;  C.  P.  Hyman, 
£2  Is. ;  Mrs.  Belville,  £2 ;  Mrs.  Van  Someren,  Mr.  Robert  Reid,  £2  each ;  Finden 
Brown,  £1  10s. ;  Sir  H.  Wilson,  The  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  A.  Spicer,  Bart.,  M.P.,  George 
Binns  &  Co.,  J.  F.  W.  Galbraith,  Paul's  Ltd.,  Stewart  Buckle,  Publicity  Co.,  A.  S.  Bull, 
W.  H.  Garrison,  C.  W.  Graham,  E.  R.  Morris,  Dr.  W.  A.  Murray,  Dr.  F.  W.  Pennefather, 
H.  L.  Stokes,  W.  H.  Stucke,  N.  S.  T.  Trimingham,  £1  Is.  each ;  R.  Bewley,  Sir  Charles 
Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  Sir  J.  Page  Middleton,  J.  E.  Pounds,  Hieatt  &  Gregory,  R.  H. 
Huxley,  A.  Trieml,  £1  each ;  E.  P.  Will,  19s.  ;  A.  V.  Manning,  L.  Grant,  Chas.  G. 
Churton,  W.  H.  Harris,  Mrs.  E.  M.  Wells,  Cridlan  &  Sons,  10s.  each  ;  W.  J.  Sydenham, 
W.  Hawksworth,  Mr.  Allan,  Miss  Duckett,  Mr.  Brittain,  H.  O.  Soutter,  5s.  each  ;  Mrs. 
Boyd,  2s.  6d.  Further  donations  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary,  Royal 
Colonial  Institute. 


621 

REVIEWS. 

ARMAGEDDON  :    BEFORE  AND  AFTER.* 

SIB  GILBERT  PARKER  is  to  be  congratulated  on  the  success  with  which  he  has  accom- 
plished a  task  of  rare  difficulty, 

"  Though  old  the  thought  and  oft  expressed, 
'Tis  his  at  last  who  gives  it  best ; 
I'll  try  my  fortune  with  the  rest.'1 

Thus  (or  pretty  nearly  thus)  the  late  James  Russell  Lowell,  ambassador  and  man 
of  letters  ;  in  verses  (for  a  lady's  album)  which  we  cannot  verify,  having  some  time 
dislodged  Mr.  Lowell  from  certain  over-crowded  book-shelves  on  the  ground  of  his  not 
being  (habitually)  a  poet,  and  having  been,  it  is  now  alleged,  (habitually)  a  pro-Prussian. 
Out  upon  Mr.  Lowell  qua  poet  and  pro-Prussian !  But  his  lines  referred  to  seem 
pertinent  here  in  the  reviewer's  mind,  not  only  to  the  platitude  with  which  he  himself 
opens,  but  to  his  author's  achievement.  This  world  of  late  has  been  deluged  with 
war  books,  including,  not  least,  the  exposure  of  German  state  policy.  Sir  Gilbert  Parker 
treads  no  unhackneyed  ground.  Yet  such  is  his  grasp  and  force  and  eloquence  that 
his  publishers'  vaunt  and  foreword  seem  to  us  amply  justified.  The  causes,  the  policies, 
the  world-interests  involved,  the  heroic  Belgian  cause,  for  instance,  the  exceeding  ill 
and  dreary — morally  speaking — German  position,  the  "  lights  and  lessons  of  the  war," 
all  these,  and  no  mere  single  phase  or  aspect  of  the  whole  vast  confused  ground,  make 
up  this  author's  topic.  Yet  all  are  here  stoutly  "redd  up."  You  have  all  the  history, 
or  as  much  as  most  intelligent  readers  can  assimilate.  Charlemagne's  Empire,  outlined 
in  one  vivid  passage,  looks  over  the  centuries  at  William  the  Second's.  You  have  the 
contemporary  notes  and  thumb-nail  sketches  of  a  man  of  affairs  as  well  as  man  of 
letters,  great  part  of  whose  active  life  is  spent  in  the  din  and  centre  of  things. 

Years  of  reading  probably,  with,  it  may  be,  years  of  travel,  furnish  this  sufficient 
exposition  of  the  big  events  and  tendencies.  But  the  web  of  the  author's  history 
stretches  far  enough  to  include  the  deeds  of  Lance-Corporal  O'Leary,  and  contemporary 
observation  does  not  disdain  to  note  the  anxiety  on  a  British  Foreign  Secretary's 
features  in  the  House  of  Commons  last  August  3.  Thus,  among  its  competitors,  Sir 
Gilbert  Parker's  work  is  solitary.  The  general  reader,  if  tied  down  to  a  single  volume  of 
the  contemporary  war-library — happy  general  reader — can  probably  do  no  better  than 
hold  by  "  The  World  in  the  Crucible."  Gilbertus  contra  mundum,  in  fact. 

The  plan  of  the  book  is  sound.  Hah*  a  dozen  chapters,  at  least,  unfold  the  development 
of  German  absolutism.  There  is  the  remote  story  of  Prussia's  gradually  acquired 
pre-eminence  making  for  hegemony,  nor  does  the  author  underestimate  the  ancient 
paradox  that  the  Prussians  were  not  originally  Germans  at  all.  In  later  days,  you 
have  the  men  of  action,  before  Bismarck  and  after,  their  attendant  prophets,  philoso- 
phers, publicists — as  subordinate,  under  their  wide  foreheads  and  academic  glories, 
to  the  requirements  of  German  world -policy  as  the  inimitably  organised  reptilian 
Press.  Yet  a  little,  and  with  the  new  and  almost  miraculously  born  German  fleet, 
lo  !  the  new  German  Colonial  Empire,  and  adventures,  like  the  Bagdad  railway,  in  the 
South-East.  France,  Russia,  and,  more  remotely  when  the  political  weather  should 
warrant  it,  the  British  Empire  :  these  were  to  be  in  their  turn  the  victims  and 
objectives  of  this,  the  one  properly  organised  Empire's  ambition.  The  "  Day "  in 
which  German  naval  officers  proverbially  pledged  at  mess  drew  near.  That  national 
British  army,  which  certain  most  eminent  Berlin  merchants,  no  friends  fifteen  years 
ago  to  the  idea  of  war  with  England,  collectively  avowed  to  an  eminent  British  soldier, 
the  Reviewer's  friend,  to  be  the  one  practical  guarantee  of  peace  as  _against  Junker 

*  The  World  in  the  Crucible  :  An  Account  of  the  Origin  and  Conduct  of  the  Great  War.  By 
Gilbert  Parker.  London  :  John  Murray.  1915. 


622  REVIEWS. 

and  Pan-German  machinations,  did  not  materialise.  Britain's  land  forces,  on  the 
contrary,  were  reported  contemptible,  the  famous  fleet  inefficient  in  certain  weapons 
• — as  the  useful  submarine — and  perhaps  grown  stale.  Britain  herself  pronounced  effete, 
and  sure  presently  to  be  engaged  in  civil  war.  Sarajevo  supplied,  mysteriously  enough, 
the  longed-for  opportunity,  and  behold  !  Armageddon  and  all  the  rest. 

Here  was,  of  course,  an  enormous  theme  for  a  vigorous  and  vivid  expert  in  hia 
craft,  and  Sir  G.  Parker  has  certainly  not  missed  his  opportunity.  His  muse  is 
red-hot,  and  was  plainly  not  trained  for  her  task  and  ordeal  on  barley-water.  Ringing 
examples  of  his  prose,  marked  down  by  his  reviewer  for  quotations,  so  far  abound 
that  it  seems  safest  to  exclude  all.  The  atrocities  of  the  enemy  in  Belgium  and 
in  France  are  set  down  with  candour  and  apparent  exactness  of  detail,  but  they  are 
commented  on  in  sentences  of  fire.  Yet  our  author  is  sorrier  for  the  Germans, 
"doubtful  whether  the  picture  of  Germany  is  not  even  more  poignant  ...  a  great 
nation  justly  proud  of  what  it  has  accomplished,  parading  insistently  its  mental  and 
moral  excellence,  now  fallen  from  its  high  estate,  false  to  its  professions,  a  traitor 
to  the  world,  claiming  to  be  man  civilised,  and  proving  to  be  in  war  beast  uncivilised 
.  .  .  ambition  and  aggression  which  break  every  rule  of  man  ;  every  law  of  honour 
and  humanity  fettering  them ;  which  rely  not  on  valour,  but  on  the  fear  that  can  be 
inspired  in  the  helpless — these  are  the  crimes  which  torment  the  world  into  a  long 
and  deep  resentment."  There  are  far  stronger  examples  of  hard  hitting  in  these  pages,  but 
we  like  this  for  its  good  sense  and  a  comparative  restraint.  Sir  Gilbert  hits  many 
heads,  including,  we  rejoice  to  say,  our  own  respectable  British  skull — elsewhere  Britons 
are  perhaps  too  thoroughly  applauded — for  letting  down  the  fleet  and  for  other  idiot 
concessions  to  Germany.  He  outlines  the  character  of  William  II.  with  spirit,  and 
deals  faithfully  and  without  faltering  with  all,  or  at  least  most,  of  the  chief  German 
actors.  Irobably  the  critical,  if  any  here  there  be,  may  complain  of  a  certain  occasional 
full-fedness  of  style  amid  so  much  good  writing — of  a  certain  over-confidence  in  judg- 
ment. The  student  of  German  history  may  demur  to  the  inclusion  of  Hohenlohe 
among  the  Emperor's  "  puppets  " — Hohenlohe,  who  began  or  conceded  the  game  of 
German  world-power  so  long  ago  as  1850  in  his  youth,  who  did  more  in  days  of 
power  than  any  statesman  to  foster  the  doctrine  of  German  supremacy  at  sea,  whose 
dreams  were  embodied  in  the  new  fleet  and  naval  programme,  in  the  annexation 
of  Kiao-chau,  and  the  Bagdad  railway  project.  The  character  of  William  II.,  again, 
is  vigorous  work,  but  possibly  in  colours  over  hard  and  fast  On  people  and  events  Sir 
Gilbert  is  clear  and  definite  and  substantially  accurate,  well  based  as  so  many 
of  his  charges  against  the  enemy  are  on  facts  generally  confirmed  and  (on  the  best 
quality  of)  German  admissions.  But  this  is  compatible,  as  the  reader  perhaps  under- 
stands, with  a  certain  familiar  discomfortable  ghost  at  our  elbow,  gibbering  that 
"  things  aren't  so  simple  as  all  that,"  and  that,  even  if  they  were,  has  the  weaver  of 
so  active  and  distinguished  a  career  as  our  author's  had  time  and  opportunity,  by 
sufficient  personal  examination,  to  "  mak  siccar "  ?  It  jars  the  nerves  of  a  Celt  when 
William  II.  is  described  as  "  the  last "  Hohenzollen  Emperor.  There  are  passages  so 
confident  and  optimistic  that  one  is  thankful  for  the  note  of  hypothesis  on  which 
the  final  chapter  closes. 

Yet  our  author  we  conceive  remaining  calm  under  these  reflections,  trusting  to  the 
completeness  of  his  soaking  in  the  right  authorities  to  warrant  the  substantial  accuracy 
of  a  thesis  which  had  first  of  all  to  be  popular,  coherent  and  complete  in  outline,  and 
yet  as  arresting  in  detail  and  colour  as  he  who  runs  and  reads  must  admit  this 
volume  to  be.  "  Popularity  " — i.e.  the  need  of  gripping  the  largest  Anglo-Saxon  audience — 
and  it  is  an  open  secret  that  Sir  Gilbert  Parker,  since  the  War  began,  has  found  his 
own  particular  war-'  bit '  in  fighting,  through  a  proper  organisation,  the  battle  of  truth 
in  the  transatlantic  papers — "  popularity  "  may  account,  moreover,  for  any  lapses  in 
style.  Thus  when  our  author  writes  of  William  II.  (with  a  confidence  and  definiteness 
bien  entendu,  which  the  Empress  and  the  whole  Court  might  envy)  and  that  the 


REVIEWS.  623 

Emperor  was  "  a  spangler  from  the  beginning,"  we  like  not  "  spangler,"  and  suspect  it  to 
aim  at  the  taste  of  Bounderville,  U.S.A.  (that  vast  slap-up  centre  of  God's  universe) 
rather  than  to  reflect  the  taste  of  Sir  Gilbert.  But  a  truce  to  these  unluncheoned 
limitations.  A  difficult  and  a  patriotic  work  has  been  achieved ;  let  man  of  letters 
and  man  of  action  "divide  the  bun."  Of  the  congregation  of  readers,  the  many 
will  lap  up  these  pages  like  the  best  of  cool  and  summer  beverages ;  the  student, 
envying  the  vigour  and  eloquence  of  the  writing,  rub  up  therein  his  reading. 


ADVENTURES  IN  AFRICA. 

MB.  THOKNHILL,  the  author  of  this  interesting  book,*  has  already  displayed  his  literary 
ability  in  a  work  upon  British  Columbia,  which  attracted  considerable  notice  as  an 
able  account  of  pioneering  work  in  a  new  country.  The  present  volume  deals 
with  another  part  of  the  world,  less  known  to  English  readers  than  it  should  be, 
although  a  great  and  useful  work  is  there  being  done  quietly  and  unassumingly,  and 
mainly  by  Englishmen  and  Belgians.  The  district  in  question — the  Southern  Congo 
and  Katanga — is  being  rapidly  developed,  and  in  the  not  distant  future  when  the 
true  story  of  this  pioneering  enterprise  comes  to  be  written  it  will  appear  remarkable 
that  so  much  has  been  accomplished  in  this  wonderfully  rich  region  in  spite  of  the 
great  difficulties  of  transport  which  have  hindered  its  development.  Mr.  Thornhill 
gives  us  a  clear  idea  of  the  exploitation  and  development  of  this  portion  of  Africa, 
through  which  what  will  probably  be  the  first  trans-African  railway  is  now  being 
constructed,  and  he  alludes  to  the  various  questions  connected  with  the  development 
of  Belgian,  British,  and  Portuguese  territory  in  a  manner  that  strikes  the  attention. 
The  subjects  dealt  with  are  extremely  varied,  ranging  from  indenttired  labour  and 
practical  slavery  in  Angola — upon  which  Mr.  Thornhill  gives  some  arresting  information 
— to  that  dreadful  scourge  of  Central  Africa,  sleeping-sickness,  and  include  remarks 
upon  railways,  bridge-building,  and  general  engineering  questions. 

Mr.  Thornhill  is  a  true  pioneer,  and  he  fortunately  knows  how  to  weave  the  every- 
day incidents  of  travel  into  his  story  without  overburdening  the  narrative.  As  a 
result,  quite  apart  from  the  value  of  the  contents,  his  book  is  a  human  document 
of  peculiar  interest.  The  numerous  little  character-sketches,  conveying  just  the  right 
impression  of  the  personalities  engaged  in  the  development  of  the  Southern  Congo, 
are  written  with  a  sure  hand.  In  a  few  words  Mr.  Thornhill  manages  to  convey 
a  vivid  picture  of  men  and  methods,  and  of  the  difficulties  and  dangers  attending 
pioneering  work  in  Central  Africa.  His  account  of  Mr.  George  Grey,  brother  of  Sir 
Edward  Grey,  who  was  for  some  years  the  chief  representative  of  the  Tanganyika 
Concessions  in  the  Belgian  Congo  and  was  killed  three  years  ago  in  Uganda,  is  a  happy 
and  vigorous  sketch  of  one  whose  work  was  not  unworthy  to  rank  with  that  of  some 
of  our  greatest  pioneering  empire-builders.  We  recommend  this  book  to  those  who 
would  know  something  from  an  authentic  source  regarding  one  of  the  richest  districts 
of  Central  Africa — a  country  destined  in  the  not  distant  future  to  occupy  an  important 
position  in  the  economic  life  of  the  Dark  Continent  and  towards  which  the  Germans 
were  stretching  a  greedy  hand  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war. 


THE  BATTLE  GLORY  OF  CANADA. 

IN  this  little  book  t  Mr.  A.  B.  Tucker  relates  the  story  of  the  Canadians^at  the  Front 
from  their  landing  at  ...  to  the  Battle  of  Ypres.  It  is  a  glorious  and  heroic 
record,  and  will  be  read  with  a  feeling  of  pride  by  Britons  throughout  the  world. 
Mr.  Tucker's  book  is  mainly  founded  upon  personal  narratives  collected  by  the  author, 

*  Adventures  in  Africa  under  the  British,  Belgian,  and  Portuguese  Flags.  By  J.  B.  Thorn- 
hill.  8vo.  Pp.  ix-330.  Map.  London :  John  Murray.  1915.  26  oz. — 10s.  Qd. 

f  The  Battle  Glory  of  Canada:  Being  the  Story  of  the  Canadians  at  the  Front,  including 
the  Battle  of  Ypres.  By  A.  B.  Tucker.  Post  8vo.  Portrait.  Pp.  x-168.  London :  Cassell 
&  Co.  1915.  1*. 


624  REVIEWS. 

and  it  is  thus^bf  peculiar  and  sustained  interest.  It  will  form  a  not  unimportant 
record  of  the  work  of  the  Canadians  at  the  Front,  because  in  it  we  have  the  personal 
element  which  is  so  frequently  absent  from  works  dealing  with  military  operations. 
For  this  the  reader  will  be  grateful  to  Mr.  Tucker.  There  is  scarcely  a  page  in  his 
book  which  does  not  contain  a  living  picture,  for  the  narratives  are  related  in  the 
simple  and  vigorous  language  of  the  soldier.  In  the  beginning  of  this  book  there  is 
a  glaring  example  of  the  methods  of  the  Censor,  which  must  be  quoted  for  the  light  it 
throws  upon  the  mysterious  workings  of  the  official  mind.  "  At  length  the  looked-for 
day  of  departure  arrived,  and  early  in  October  a  fleet  of  ...  transports  left  Canada, 
and  .  .  .  were  brought  safely  to  ...  and  .  .  .  without  a  single  mishap.  The 
appearance  of  the  .  .  .  transports  in  ...  was  the  first  news  ...  of  the  Canadians' 
arrival."  The  blanks  represent  deletions  by  the  Censor.  It  is  to  be  presumed  that^the 
Germans  know  perfectly  well  at  what  ports  the  Canadians  landed,  the  number  of  the 
transports,  and  every  other  detail  connected  with  their  arrival.  Deletions  such  as 
these  must  add  such  a  zest  to  the  Censor's  office,  and  incidentally  they  create  a  fund 
of  amusement  for  the  reader. 


AN  EXTINCT  RACE  :    THE  BEOTHUCKS.* 

THIS  is  an  extremely  able  and  authoritative  work  upon  a  little-known  subject,  written  by 
one  who  has  devoted  forty  years'  study  to  the  question,  and  it  should  be  read  with 
the  greatest  attention  not  only  by  the  student  of  the  history  of  our  oldest  colony, 
but  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  origins  of  the  native  races  of  North  America. 
Mr.  James  P.  Howley,  the  talented  geologist  of  Newfoundland,  is  peculiarly  fitted  to 
undertake  a  book  of  this  nature.  His  long  association  with  Newfoundland  has  enabled 
him  to  learn  all  that  is  to  be  gleaned  regarding  the  extinct  race  who  at  one  time 
peopled  the  island,  and  to  become  thoroughly  acquainted  with  its  history.  A  perusal 
of  the  opening  chapters  will  convince  those  who  know  anything  about  the  subject 
that  Mr.  Howley  has  studied,  with  the  minutest  care,  the  many  authorities  who  have 
written  about  the  origin  of  primitive  man  in  America.  The  introduction,  describing  the 
various  theories  accounting  for  the  presence  of  man  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  prepares 
the  way  for  the  historical  and  ethnological  account  that  ^follows.  Briefly,  three  theories 
have  been  advanced.  That  most  generally  accepted  is  that  the  nomadic  tribes  of 
human  beings  found  in  America  by  the  early  explorers  crossed  to  the  continent  from 
the  north-eastern  coasts  of  Asia  by  way  of  Behring  Strait  or  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and 
gradually  spread  southwards.  Opposed  to  this  belief  is  the  ingenious  theory,  advanced 
by  Ignatius  Donnelly,  that  the  inhabitants  of  America  were  the  descendants  of  the 
highly  civilised  race  who  peopled  a  great  continent,  known  as  the  "  Lost  Atlantis," 
which  once  occupied  the  centre  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  disappeared  beneath  the 
sea]  in  some  great  cataclysm  of  nature.  Mr.  Howley,  however,  inclines  to  the  belief  that 
mankind  crossed  to  America  from  Europe  at  a  period  when  the  two  great  continents 
must  have  approached  in  their  northern  latitudes  much  nearer  than  they  do  to-day. 

The  Beothucks,  or  Red  Indians  of  Newfoundland,  have  been  extinct  for  many 
generations.  They  were  left  to  eke  out  a  miserable  existence,  and  finally  to  perish 
before  the  onslaughts  of  the  rough  fishing  population  and  of  errant  tribes  of  Indians 
from  the  mainland  ;  and  nothing  was  done  to  preserve  them  from  extinction  until  it 
was  too  late.  Mr.  Howley  goes  fully  into  the  history  of  the  Beothucks  from  the  first 
mention  of  these  interesting  people  by  the  earliest  explorers  to  the  death  of  the  last 
known  specimen  of  the  race,  and  his  book  forms  a  complete  ethnographical  and  historical 
record.  The  result  of  his  labours  is  embodied  in  a  handsome  quarto  volume,  which 
contains  a  great  deal  of  information  not  only  regarding  the  natives  themselves,  but  also 
concerning  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  Newfoundland. 

*  The  Beothucks  or  Red  Indians :  the  Aboriginal  Inhabitants  of  Newfoundland.  By  James 
P.  Howley.  4to.  -Portraits  and  Dlust.  Pp.  xx-348.  Cambridge :  University  Press.  London : 
C.  F.  Clay.  1915.  74  oz.— 21s. 


625 
BOOK  NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.). 

Brassey's    Naval    Annual,    1915.     Royal  8vo.     Pp.  vi-264.     London :    William  Clowes  &  Sons, 
1915.     30  oz.— 10s. 

The  new  edition  of  "  Brassey's  Naval  Annual "  is  a  volume  of  uncommon  interest  at 
the  present  juncture.  Nothing  is  included  that  may  be  of  use  to  our  enemies,  but  much  that 
will  be  of  interest  to  those  who  are  following  the  naval  operations  of  the  present  War. 
In  an  interesting  introduction  Lord  Brassey  shows  that  the  British  fleet  has  fulfilled  its 
essential  purpose  by  preserving  our  shores  from  invasion  and  enabling  us  to  send  our  Expedi- 
tionary Force  across  the  Channel,  whilst  a  most  able  and  illuminative  chapter  by  Commander 
C.  N.  Robinson,  describes  the  present  naval  position  and  the  events  that  have  led  up  to 
it.  The  third  section  by  Mr.  John  Leyland  is  a  clear  and  incisive  account  of  the  enemy 
navies  with  special  reference  to  German  naval  strategy. 

Tucker,  A.  B. — Canada  and  the  War.      (Oxford  Pamphlets).     12mo.     Pp.  18.     Oxford  :    Univer- 
sity Press.     1915. 

The  Oxford  Pamphlets  are  now  so  widely  recognised  for  the  information  they  affordj  about 
various  phases  of  the  War  that  it  is  almost  unnecessary  to  call  attention  to  any  special  number. 
Mr.  Tucker's  pamphlet,  however,  breaks  new  ground  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will  be  widely  read. 
It  is  a  clear  and  interesting  account  of  the  part  taken  by  Canada  both  in  organising  the  splendid 
contingents  of  troops  who  have  so  nobly  responded  to  the  call  of  the  Empire  and  in  making  other 
contributions  to  our  common  cause. 

Carnochan,  Janet. — History  of  Niagara.      Post  8vo.      Illust.   'Pp.  xiv-333.      Toronto  :   William 
Briggs.     Niagara-on-the-Lake  :   Miss  J.  :Carnochan.     1914.     24  oz. — 10*. 

Miss  Janet  Carnochan  is  well  qualified  for  the  preparation  of  a  book  dealing  with  the 
history  of  Niagara,  for  she  has  long  made  a  study  of  the  interesting  history  of  this  pioneer 
city  of  Ontario.  The  narrative  is  of  more  than  local  interest  as  Niagara  formed  a  miniature 
capital  in  the  early  days  and  was,  indeed,  the  first  capital  of  Upper  Canada.  As  a  border 
town  it  was  intimately  connected  with  the  war  of  1812.  Miss  Carnochan  leaves  nothing 
unrecorded,  and  her  volume  forms  a  complete  record  of  the  history  of  the  immediate  district 
and  contains  many  picturesque  details  of  the  political,  social,  and  religious  beginnings  of 
the  town  of  Niagara.  All  lovers  of  Canadian  history  are  under  a  debt  to  Miss  Carnochan. 

Crane,  Denis. — John  Bull's  Surplus  Children :    a  Plea  for  giving  them  a  fairer  Chance.     12mo- 
Illust.     Pp.    viii-200.     London :     Horace    Marshall    &    Son.     1915.     12    oz. — 2s.    Qd. 

One  of  the  most  pressing  problems  at  the  conclusion  of  the  War  will  be  the  utilisation 
and  disposal  of  "  John  Bull's  surplus  children."  It  is  only  too  probable  that  there  will  be 
thousands  of  children  thrown  upon  the  poor  rates  and  many  others  who,  having  been  in 
temporary  employment,  will  be  unable  to  take  up  any  suitable  occupation  in  this  country. 
For  instance,  at  the  present  time  over  3000  boys  are  being  employed,  at  good  pay,  upon 
special  work  at  Woolwich  Arsenal.  These  youths  will  almost  inevitably  have  to  seek  other 
employment  and  will  probably  drift  into  "  blind  alley "  occupations.  Mr.  Crane,  in  this 
thoughtful  and  well-argued  little  volume,  pleads  for  some  scheme  of  emigration  whereby 
these  children  may  be  placed  in  suitable  homes  in  our  Overseas  Dominions,  and  so  saved 
from  their  almost  inevitable  degradation  in  this  country.  The  emigration  of  poor  law  and 
other  children  is  so  obvious  a  remedy  that  it  is  almost  incredible  that  immediate  and 
comprehensive  steps  are  not  being  taken  to  initiate  a  system  of  inter-imperial  migration. 
This  book  is  commended  to  the  attention  of  the  thoughtful  student  who  realises  that,  apart 
from  all  questions  connected  with  the  operations  and  present  effects  of  the  War,  we  shall 
Boon  be  face  to  face  with  the  greatest  economic  crisis  of  our  national  history. 

Cundall,   Frank. — The  Mico  College,  Jamaica.     12mo.     Pp.  98.     Portraits  and  Illust.    Kingston, 

Jamaica  :   The  Gleaner  Company.     1914. 

Mr.  Cundall  gives  an  interesting  account  of  this  well-known  educational  establishment 
and  of  the  Mico  bequest  for  the  redemption  of  poor  slaves. 

Haydon,     Walter. — Canada    and    the    War.      12mo.      Pp.    92.     Bristol:     J.    W.    Arrowsmith. 

London  :    Simpkin,  Marshall  &  Co.     1915.     4  oz. — 6d. 

A  record  of  the  national  expression  of  loyalty  in  Canada  and  the  desire  for  service 
which  swept  across  the  Dominion  at  the  commencement  of  the  War. 


626 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN   ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (8)  : 

Commander  Sir  Lionel  Fletcher,  R.N.R.,  David  Jones,  Frederick  Lewis,  F.L.S.,  Douglas 
Halliday  Macartney,  John  Picton  Nelson,  Hugh  Reynolds  Rathbone,  Murray  Stewart, 
Robert  Summers  Stronach. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (71) : 

AUSTRALIA. — John  Cowling  (Papua),  Constantine  T.  C.  de  Crespigny  (Adelaide),  Frederick 
N.  Grimwade  (Melbourne),  Evelyn  V.  Knight  (Launceston).  Cyril  V.  Lansell  (Bendigo), 
Harold  E.  Snell  (Tasmania),  Kenneth  ffoulkes  Swanwick,  B.A.,  LL.B.  (Brisbane),  Edward 
J.  Wellsted  (Kalgoorlie). 

NEW  ZEALAND. — William  D.  Lysnar  (Gisborne),  Joseph  A.  Mackay  (Gisborne),  Lieut.- 
Colonel  M.  McCredie,  V.D.  (Gisborne),  Robert  G.  Sellar  (Hawera),  Edward  C.  Smith 
(Auckland). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — Frederic  B.  Andrews  (Cape  Town),  Anthony  Graham  (Victoria.  West), 
Henry  Lfindau,  B.A.,  David  T.  Mitchell,  M.R.C.V.S.  (Pietermaritzburg),  William  Osburn. 

BRITI:H  EAST  AFRICA.— Cyril  o.  Gilbert.   BRITISH  NORTH  BORN 20.— Malcolm  p. 

Anderson.    CEYLON. — Harry  W.  Hammoni,  Charles  B.  Lover.    FEDERATED  MALAY  SPATES. 
— John  D.  Gimleite,  M.R.C.S.,  L.R.C.P.  (Kelantan),  Richard  S.  Jervoise  (Parit),  Hon.  Arthur 
Payne-Gallwey  (Perak),  Marcus   Rex  (Taiping).     GAMBIA. — John  I.  Lauder.     RHODESIA. — • 
Clinton  C.  L.  Mackenzie  ( Wankie).     WEST  AFRICA.— .Horace  E.   Beardwell  (Port  Harcourt), 
Alfred  J.  Costin  (Naraguta),  Cecil  G.  8.  Elvey  (Cameroons),  William  E.  Severn  (Duala),  John 
D.  Sharman  (Kumassi),  Alfred  C.  Spenc.cr,  Reginald  S.   Wheatley  (Lagos),  G.  A.   Wileman 
(Port   Harcourt).     ARGENTINE. — Frank  L.  Beak   (Buenos   Aires),  John   G.  Bryant   (Buenos 
Aires),  John  P.  Crouch,  M.Inst.C.E.  (Rosario),  Sydney  G.  Follett  (Buenos  Aires),  Christopher 
Hartnett  (Buenos  Aires),  W.  H.  W.  Hine  (Rosario),  Alan  M.  Hudson  (Rosario),  Arthur  G.  Laugh- 
ton  (Buenos  Aires),  J.  H.  E.  V.  Millington- Drake  (Buenos  Aires),  William  Newbould  (Buenos 
Aires),  John  O'Conor,  M.D.  (Buenos  Aires),   William  H.  Orr  (Buenos  Aires),   T.  E.  B. 
Pcole  (Buenos  Aires),   Thomas  Sanderson   (Las   Toscas),   Ernest    W.   S.   Thomson  (Buenos 
Aires),    Harry    H.  Thornton    (Buenos    Aires),   Walter    H.   Whitworth    (Berutti).     BRAZIL. — 
F.  H.  Warren.     M3XICO. — George  Kemsley  (Minatillan).   UNI  ISO  STATES. — John  F.  Barbrick 
(Los  Angeles),  John  N.   Creed  ( Winnetka),   Harry  Davies  ( Wilmztts),  Sidney  A.   Heelings 
(Chicago),   Henry   Holland   (Chicago),   John    F.    C.    Holland   (Chicago),    Francis   M.    Hope 
(Los   Angeles),    John   N.    Kerr   (Los   Angeles),    Frederick    P.    Lee    (Santa    Monica,,    Cal.), 
Frederick  F.  Lloyd  (Chicago),  Edmund  Mitchell  (Los  Anjeles).  Edward  C.  Pic.khs  (Chiczjo) 
John  H.  Price  (Montana),  Harry  A.  Rose  (Chicago),  Judge  William  W.  Spinks  (Pasadena, 
Gal),  Humphrey  N.  H.    Woodcock  (Los  Angeles). 

Associates    (16) : 

Mrs.  Allan,  Miss  Ethel  J.  de  B  Bacon,  Miss  L.  A.  Brandon,  Rev.  John  H.  Harris, 
Mrs.  R.  W.  Hart,  Mrs.  William  Houghton,  Mrs.  Violet  Kemsley  (Mexico),  Miss  M. 
Maynew,  Mrs.  L.  Petro,  A.  J.  Robertson,  Mrs.  C.  E.  Robertson,  Mrs.  Sandham,  Mrs. 
Siluerston,  Mrs.  Stewart,  Mrs.  J.  St.  Joseph  (India),  Miss  Symonds. 


APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

J.  Norman  Kerr,  Los  Angeles,  California ;  Frederick  P.  Lee,  Santa  Monica,  California ; 
J.  B.  Whyte,  San  Francisco,  California. 


OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  recorded  with  regret  i 

KIT/LED  IN  ACTION. 
S.  H.  Cripps. 

F  Mrs.  David  Fell,  Capt.  W.  Raffles  Flint,  James  D.  D.  Mackay,  W.  J.  C.  Hannaford, 
Farquhar  P.  G.  McCrae,  Sir  C.  Frederick  Elaine,  J.  Godfrey  Marten,  Sir  Sandford 
Fleming,  K.C.M.G.;  Miss  K.  L.  Withers. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  eaoh  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


NOTICE   TO   FELLOWS.  627 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 


BADGE  FOR  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

It  has  been  decided,  in  response  to  the  desire  of  Fellows  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire, 
that  badges  of  Fellowship  and  Associateship  of  the  Institute  shall  be  issued  to  those  who 
may  desire  to  show  their  connection  with  the  work  in  which  the  Institute  is  engaged.  The 
Badge  will  consist  of  a  miniature  jewel  representing  the  crest  of  the  Institute  in  gold  and 
enamel  for  Fellows,  and  silver  and  enamel  for  Associates,  and  can  be  attached  to  the  dress 
or  watch  chain.  The  Badge  will  be  supplied  to  Fellows  and  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  3s.  each, 
or  in  the  form  of  a  brooch  for  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  4«.  each,  upon  application  being  made 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 

TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Becital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London."  Telegrams 
lor  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 


PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  FELLOWS. 

Messrs.  Maull  and  Fox,  of  187  Piccadilly,  London,  W.,  are  the  official  photographers  to 
the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  la.  6d. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRB  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  70.  6d.  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  Gd.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  Gd.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

%*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — E.  Stanley  Cults,  H.  D.  Hyams,  Dr.  K.  M.  Walker,  A.  W.  Mi.dachlon,  Hamilton 
Coffey.  Australia. — Henry  C.  Osborne.  Brazil. — C.  L.  Stock.  Canada. — G.  E.  Beams,  Capt. 
A.  E.  Myatt,  Capt.  W.  J.  Holt  Murison,  Capt.  H.  Orr,  M.B.,  F.  W.  Sumner.  Chili.— 
W.  P.  Vint.  Egypt.— E.  B.  Brett.  Fiji.— W .  Charles  Simmons.  Hong  Kong.— M ajor  H.  S.  P. 
Simon.  New  Zealand. — W .  E.  P.  Worsnop.  Mexico. — F.  W.  Green.  Rhodesia. — James  Barker. 
South  Africa. — D.  S.  Pargiter,  H.  K.  Kershaw.  Trinidad — Lieut. -Colonel  J.  H.  Cottens.  West 
Africa.— Hon.  Mr.  Justice  J.  E.  Green,  E.  V.  Collins,  Capt.  H.  T.  C.  Wheeler,  G.  W. 
Yates,  H.  Douglas  Allen,  Alex  T.  Watson,  Capt.  B.  W.  Macpherson,  W.  H.  Kingston,  T. 
Bowyer-Bower,  W.  P.  B.  Beat,  D.  W.  Ridsdale,  A.  H.  V.  Bobe,  L.  H.  Boilleau,  A.  C. 
Burns,  W.  T.  Kellock,  Sir  Frederick  D.  Lugard,  G.C.M.G.,  C.B. 

DEPARTURES. 

Argentine. — G.  M.  Comber,  C.  Seager  Berry.  Ceylon. — C.  W.  Booty.  Federated 
Malay  States. — H.  Rho'les.  Guatemala. — N.  Meadows.  New  Zealand. — W.  C.  Caccia  Birch, 
Henry  Wood.  Northern  Rhodesia. — C.  H.  Drew.  Rhodesia. — C.  H.  Tredgold,  Walter  Currie. 
South  Africa. — T.  Reunert,  W.  Greenocre,  F.  B.  Andrews,  C.  W.  M.  Furniss.  United 
States. — F.  B.  Vrooman.  West  Africa. — A.  L.  Caslellain,  A.  J.  Costin,  Dr.  E.  H. 
Tweedy,  Dr.  W.  F.  Macfarlane,  N.  C.  Duncan,  Dr.  J.  C.  Maxwell,  C.M.G.,  C.  R. 
Millar,  W.  G.  Cobb.  Zanzibar. — R.  Armstrong. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY 


United  Kingdom  :— 
W.  H.  ALLEN,  ESQ.,  BEDFORD. 
THE  REV.  T.  S.  CARLYON,  LL.D.,  BOURNEMOUTH. 
R.  CHRISTISON,  ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 

T.  S.  COTTEKELL,   ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 

CAPT.  G.  CROSFIELD,  WARRINGTON. 
MAKTIN  GRIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH. 
C.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PURLEY. 
A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER. 
GILBERT  PURVIS,  ESQ.,  TORQUAY. 
COUNCILLOR  HERBERT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. 
JOHN  SPEAK,  ESQ.,  KIRTON,  BOSTON. 
PROFESSOR  R.  WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  :  — 
R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALGARY. 
A.  R.  CREELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL. 
G.  R.  DUNCAN,  ESQ.,  FORT  WILLIAM,  ONTARIO. 
HON.  D.  M.  EBERTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VICTORIA,  B.C. 
R.  FITZRANDOLPH,  FREDERICTON,  NEW  BRUNSWICK. 
CRAWFORD  GORDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG. 
W.  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON. 
C.  FREDERICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA. 
ERNEST  B.  C.  HANTNGTON,  ESQ.,  M.D., VICTORIA,  B.C. 
REGINALD  V.  HARRIS,  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA. 
Lr.-CoL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMER  VIRDEN,  MANITOBA. 
Lr.-CoL.  HERBERT  D.  HULME,  VANCOUVER,  B.C. 
CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIESON,  PETERBORO,  ONTARIO. 
LEONARD  W.  JUST,  ESQ.,  MONTREAL. 
L.  V.  KERR,  REGINA. 
JOHN  A.  McDouoALL,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON. 
CAPT.  J.  McKiNERY,  BASSANO,  ALBERTA.       [TARIO. 
J.  PRESCOTT  MERRTTT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHERINES,  ON- 
ANDREW  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALGARY. 
J.  S.  NIVEN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT. 
T.  J .  PARKES,  ESQ.,  SHERBBOOKE,  QUEBEC.    [TARIO. 
Lr.-CoL.    W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,   ON- 
LT.-COL.  S.  W.  RAY,  PORT  ARTHUR,  ONTARIO. 
M.  H.  RICHEY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC. 
ISAAC  A.  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA. 

If.  M.  SCLANDERS,  ESQ.,  SASKATOON. 

C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ.,  HAMILTON. 

JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TORONTO. 

C.  E.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT. 

H.  L.  WEBSTER,  ESQ.,  COCHRANE,  ONTARIO. 

S.  J.  WILLIAMS,  ESQ.,  BERLIN,  ONTARIO. 

COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES,  K.C.,  BRANTFORD,  ONTARIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BARRETT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOURNE. 
MAJOR  HENRY  BREW,  BALLARAT.  F.  W.  CROAKER, 
ESQ.,  BREWARRINA,  N.S.W.  C.  EARP,  ESQ.,  NEW- 
CASTLE, N.S.W.  HON.  G.  F.  EARP,  M.L.C.,  SYDNEY. 
KINGSLEY  FAIRBRIDGE,  ESQ.,  PINJARRA,W.A.  H.C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  J .  N.  PARKES,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLE.  HERBERT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOR,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BRISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNE,  M.L.C.,  BRISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ARTHUR  C.  TRAPP, 
ESQ.,  MELBOURNE,  VICTORIA.  D'ARCY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER,  ESQ.,  HOBART. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  FRANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FREMANTLE,  W.A.  B.  H.  DARBYSHIRE,  ESQ., 
PERTH.W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  PORT  MORESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMERSTON  NORTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUNEDIN.  LEONARD  TRIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIR  CHARLES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMTTH,  ESQ., 
CHRISTCHURCH.  HON.  OLIVER  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.  D.DOUGLAS  MCLEAN, ESQ., AND  PATRICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIER.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIER,  ESQ.  AND  PROFESSOR  F.  P.  WORLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 
R.  KIRK,  GISBORNE.  COLIN  C.  HUTTON,  ESQ., 
WANGANUI.  C.  H.  TRIPP,  ESQ.,  TLMARU. 

Union  of  South  Africa  :— 

CAPE    OF    GOOD    HOPE  :      HARRY    GIBSON,    ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.    PERCY  F.  FRANCIS,  ESQ.,  PORT  ELIZA- 

BETH.   JOHN  POOLEY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KlMBERLEY. 

DAVID   REES,  ESQ.,  J. P.,  EAST  LONDON.     MAJOE 
FREDK.  A.  SAUNDERS,  F.R.C.S.,  GRAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX  SONNENBERG,   ESQ.,  VRYBURG.      F.    WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CARNARVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 
ESQ.  ,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VEN.  ARCHDEACON  A.  T. 
WIRGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  PORT  ELIZABETH. 
ATAL:     G.    CHURTON    COLLINS,    ESQ.,    DURBAN, 
DACBE  A.  SHAW,  ESQ.,  PIETERMARITZBURG.    E.  W. 
NOYCE.  ESQ..  BOSCOBELI.O. 
ORANGE  FREE  STATE:    MAJOR  K.  P.  C.  APTHORP, 


Union  of  South  Africa : — continued. 

TRANSVAAL  :  W.  E.  FERRYMAN,  ESQ.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 
DARD BANK  CHAMBERS,  COMMISSIONER  STREET, 
JOHANNESBURG.  F.  C.  STURROCK,  ESQ.,  10 
GENERAL  MINING  BUILDINGS,  JOHANNESBURG. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSIER,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :  WM.  WARDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRES. 

W.  B.  HARDING  GREEN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANCA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MURPHY,ESQ.,FRANCISTOWH. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENRY  LOCKWARD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IRVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :    CHARLES  O.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 

HENRY  L.  WHEATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DE  JANEIRO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALEXANDERDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIROBI. 

MAJOR  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :  R-  H.  FERGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :  W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J-  R.  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.   B.  BRETT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CARPENTER,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  ESQ., 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHE  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.    [!POH. 
France  :  SIR  JOHN  PILTER,  PARIS. 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :   Louis  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  BERLIN. 

R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMTTH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMRTTAGE,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  INST.C.E.  ACCRA. 

MAJOR  C.  E.  D.  0.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  CAPT.  G.  W.  R.  JENKINS. 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PRELLEVITZ,  ESQ.,  GRONTNGEN. 
Hong  Kong:    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHFNSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHORE.       [GONG. 
GEORGE  H.  ORMEROD,  ESQ.,  M.INST.C.E.,  CHITTA- 
JAMES  R.  PEARSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEERUT. 

Malta  : 

Mauritius:     GEORGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  PORT  Louis. 
Mexico  :   C.  A.  HARDWICKE,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPICO. 
Newfoundland:    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
New   Hebrides  :  His   HONOUR  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY, 

VILA. 
Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NARAGUTA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ.,  ZUNGERU. 

R.  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  ZARIA. 
Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,  LTVING- 

Lr.-CoL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWEBERE.  [STONB. 

A.  C.  HAYTER,  ESQ.,  FORT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TURNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :  CHARLES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBURY. 
Samoa  :    COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E..LT-COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BRIEN,  C.M.G. 
Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BARNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.O.JOHNSON,  M.L.C..FREETOWN. 
Straits  Settlements  : — A.  T.  BRYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANQ. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTER  M.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda  Protectorate  :     GEORGE    D.    SMITH,    ESQ., 

C.M.G. ,  ENTEBBE. 
United  States  :  DR.  G.  COOKE  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

ALLEYNE  IRELAND,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK. 

J.  NORMAN  KERR,  ESQ.,  Los  ANGELOS,  GAL. 

FREDERICK  P.  LEE,  ESQ.,  SANTA  MONICA,  CAL. 

J.  B.  WHYTE,  ESQ.,  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

G.  H.  WLNDELEH,  Esq.,  BOSTON. 
West  Indies  :  — 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HARCOURT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J .  J .  NUNAN,  GEORGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BRITISH  HON- 

FRANK CUND ALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON, JAMAICA.  [DURAS. 

A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PROFESSOR  P.  CARMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  PORT  or 
SPAIN,  TRINIDAD. 

HON.  D.  S.  DE  FREITAS,  M.L.C.,  GRENADA,  WIND- 
WARD ISLANDS. 


UNITED    EMPIKE 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUENAL 

VOL.  VI  SEPTEMBER  1915  No.  9 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  anniversary  of  the  declaration  of  war  finds  the  British  people 
sadder  and  wiser,  but  not  a  whit  less  confident  of  the  ultimate  result. 
There  is  only  too  good  evidence  that  neither  the  Govern- 
e  First  ment  nor  the  people  realised  the  full  gravity  of  the 
Anniversary  situation  at  first,  or  we  should  not  have  heard  so  much 
of  the  cry  "  business  as  usual  "  ;  but  that — as  is  said 
by  the  writer  in  an  Italian  paper,  whose  interesting  analysis  of  the 
British  position  we  publish  this  month — is  a  British  ch  aracteristic.  The 
British  nation  prepares  little,  and  is  slow  to  realise ;  but  once  in  a  fight 
it  is  bound  to  win  (says  our  foreign  friend),  because  of  its  unrivalled 
resources  and  tenacity.  The  Italian  writer  elevates  our  unpreparedness 
for  war  into  a  virtue,  as  proving  our  genuine  desire  for  peace ;  but, 
while  enjoying  this  disinterested  tribute  to  our  national  character, 
it  is  impossible  to  refrain  from  wondering  if  the  man  who  leaves  his 
door  unbolted  is  not,  in  reality,  encouraging  burglary  rather  than 
honesty.  In  any  case,  war- work  now  occupies  the  forefront  of  every- 
one's mind,  and  with  over  five  hundred  munition  works  under  control 
there  is  reason  to  hope  that  one  problem  is  in  course  of  rapid  solution. 
Another  of  equal — nay,  greater — importance  is  that  of  the  supply  of 
men. 

WHILE  few  people  outside  the  War  Office  are  in  a  position  to 
judge  whether  or  not  the  response  to  recruiting  has  been  equal  to  the 
The  Roval  s^ram  imposed  by  the  needs  of  the  new  armies,  and 
Colonial  while  the  necessity  of  supporting  the  Government  in 

Institute  and  whatever  measures  may  be  considered  by  them  to  be 
National  most  effective  is  strongly  and  widely  recognised,  the 
Service.  feeling  in  favour  of  a  more  equitable  distribution  of  the 

duty  of  National  Defence  has  been  growing,  coupled  with  the  view 
that  the  present  emergency  calls  for  a  practical  demonstration  that 

2  u 


630  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

the  nation  is  determined  to  throw  its  whole  weight  into  the  conflict. 
On  August  27,  at  a  special  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  the  following  resolution  was  unanimously  passed  and  has 
been  forwarded  to  the  Prime  Minister :  "  Bearing  in  mind  that  the 
fundamental  object  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  is  the  unity  of 
the  Empire,  and  in  the  conviction  that  they  are  expressing,  and  that 
it  is  their  duty  to  express,  the  feeling  of  the  vast  majority  of  their 
Members  both  at  home  and  overseas,  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute  desire  to  place  on  record  their  unanimous  opinion  that  at 
this  time  of  crisis  it  is  the  duty  of  every  efficient  person,  male  or  female, 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty-five,  to  place  themselves  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Crown  for  the  performance  of  such  service,  whether 
Military  or  Civil,  as  at  the  discretion  of  His  Majesty's  Government 
may  be  required  from  them  in  the  interests  of  the  State.  They  there- 
fore resolve  to  support,  by  all  means  in  their  power,  whatever  measures 
His  Majesty's  Government  may  think  fit  to  take  in  regard  to  National 
Service." 

No  one  who    was  privileged  to  attend  the  National  Service  of 
Intercession  at  St.  Paul's  on  August  4 — the  anniversary  of  the  out- 
break of  war — will  ever  forget  it.    The   huge  congre- 
rne  t  gation,  many  of  whom  had  been  in  their  seats  for  hours 

Anniversary  ^efore  ft  began,  the  presence  of  Their  Majesties  and 
St  Paul's  *^e  Queen-Mother,  together  with  the  great  officers 
of  Church  and  State,  the  representatives  of  the  over- 
seas Dominions,  the  Lord  Mayor  and  the  City  Fathers  in  their  scarlet 
robes,  and  large  numbers  of  wounded  men  in  the  now  familiar  blue 
uniform,  combined  with  the  sombre  splendour  of  the  vast  cathedral 
and  the  exquisite  chanting  of  the  choir,  to  produce  an  ineffaceable 
impression.  The  service  itself,  as  befitted  the  occasion,  was  brief 
and  simple  ;  and  the  address  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  on 
the  text  "  Watch  ye,  stand  fast  in  the  faith.  Quit  you  like  men. 
Be  strong  ",  dignified  and  unemotional,  yet  charged  with  the  deepest 
feeling,  gave  full  expression  to  the  nation's  unswerving  and  unconquer- 
able resolve.  The  singing  of  the  National  Anthem,  preceded  as  it 
was  by  the  long  roll  and  rattle  of  the  drums,  and  taken  up  by  thousands 
of  lusty  British  voices,  both  inside  and  outside  the  building,  was 
the  climax  of  the  whole  ceremony ;  and  all  hearts  were  turned  to 
the  slight  khaki-clad  figure  of  the  Sovereign,  who  stood  there,  with 
knightly  modesty,  embodying  the  might  and  majesty  of  the  Empire. 
God  save  the  King  !  God  save  us  all ! 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  631 

ANOTHER  "  memorable  scene  "  was  presented  by  the  great  meeting 
at  the  London  Opera  House  on  the  same  evening — the  most  important 
of  the  many  gatherings  promoted  all  over  the  Empire 
J:  by    the    Central    Committee     for    National    Patriotic 

-.Jg  - .  Organisations.    Lord    Crewe   was   the   chairman,  and 

in   his  opening  address   he  struck  the  note  of  quiet 
determination  to  be  rid,  for  good  and  all,  "  of  that  criminal  system 
of  aggression,  which  during  the  past  twelve  months    has  drenched 
the  world  in  blood  and  bathed  it  in  tears,"  repeated  in  various  tones 
by  the  speakers  who  followed  him.     Mr.  Balfour,  who  made  his  first 
public    appearance    as    head    of   the    Admiralty,    had    an    immense 
reception,  and  was  in  fine  fighting  trim.    He  expressed  his  unshaken 
confidence  as  to  the  ultimate  outcome  of  the  struggle,  which  he  based 
on  the  continued  miscalculations  of  the  enemy,  and  the  mutual  trust 
and  good  fellowship  existing  between  ourselves  and  our  Allies.     One 
very  characteristic  passage  in  his  speech  delighted  his  audience  beyond 
measure  :    "I  am  not  going  to  indulge  in  any  invective  against  our 
opponents.     I  suppose  that  their  rulers   have    deluded  themselves 
into  the  belief  that  Germany  and  the  Germans  were  so  great,  so  good, 
so  exceptional,  that  to  be  dominated  by  a  German  was  the  highest 
privilege  which  an  inferior  race  could  hope  to  enjoy  in  this  bad  world. 
But  we,  who  are  the  immemorial  champions  of  freedom,  can  take  no  such 
view."     Sir  Robert  Borden  spoke  eloquently  as  one  of  those  whom, 
in  a  graceful  comparison  with  the  proposer  of  the  resolution,  he  de- 
scribed as  the  "  younger  statesmen  "  of  Greater  Britain.    Referring 
to  Mr.  Balfour's  tribute  to  the  Navy,  he  said  :    "  We  of  the  overseas 
Dominions  realise,  as  much  as  you  realise,  that  the  pathways  of  the 
seas  are  the  veins  and  arteries  of  this  Empire  through  which  its  life- 
blood  must  flow.    If  these  are  stopped  or  interfered  with  in  any  way, 
the  Empire  cannot  continue  to  exist."     After  another  fine  allusion 
to  the  building-up  of  the  imperial  structure,  in  bygone  centuries, 
by  Celt,  Saxon,  Dane,  and  Norman,  each  in  turn  and  finally  all  in 
co-operation    lending  their  influence  to  our  national  life,  he  went 
on  to  say  :   "  The  Empire  is  something  greater  than  it  was  a  year  ago. 
Indeed  it  can  never  be  quite  the  same  again.    The  old  order  has  in 
some  measure  passed  away.     Once  for  all  it  has  been  borne  in  upon 
the  minds  and  souls  of  all  of  us  that  the  great  policies  which  touch 
and  control  the  issues  of  peace  and  war  concern  more  than  the  people 
of  these  islands."     The  cheers  which  greeted  this  pregnant  saying 
were  an  augury  of  that  closer  union  which  must  inevitably  be  the 
outcome  of  our  joint  adventure  in  war. 

2  u  2 


632  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

THE  Chairman  of  the  Central  Committee,  writing  to  the  papers 

shortly  after  the  meeting  just  described  (at  which  the  Institute  was 

represented    by    several     Councillors,    its    Secretary, 

The  National  Treasurer,  and  Travelling  Commissioner,  as  well  as  by 

^atr  a  party  of   Fellows   who   acted   as    stewards),  gave  a 

tions  Ar>TDeal  pic^ures(lue  description  of  the  "  many  thousand >J 
other  demonstrations  all  over  the  Empire,  at  which 
an  identical  resolution  to  that  acclaimed  at  the  Opera  House  was 
enthusiastically  passed.  By  cablegram  and  telegram  the  news  sped 
over  the  wires  to  London :  not  only  from  countless  centres  in  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  but  from  "  places  so  variously  remote "  (to 
quote  Mr.  Gust's  words)  "  as  Paris,  Petrograd,  India,  Jamaica,  Van- 
couver, Tasmania,  the  Fiji  Islands,  Wei-hai-Wei,  Newfoundland, 
Seychelles,  Sierra  Leone,  Halifax  (N.S.),  Blantyre  (Nyasaland), 
Gibraltar,  Cape  Town,  Johannesburg,  Sydney,  Penang,  Montreal, 
Mombasa,  Nukuolofa,  Barbados,  and  the  Windward  Islands  ".  This 
was,  indeed,  only  a  tithe  of  the  messages  received  at  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Committee,  whose  hope  that  this  wonderful  display  of 
unanimity  might  prove  to  be  "  of  national,  imperial,  and  inter- 
national value,"  was  surely  not  ill-founded.  If  the  Committee  had 
done  nothing  more  than  this,  they  would  have  earned  the  gratitude 
of  all  patriotic  Britons  ;  but  their  work  has  lain  in  many  other 
directions,  and  funds  are  needed  to  maintain  and  extend  it.  Any 
subscriptions  sent  to  the  Treasurer,  at  62  Charing  Cross,  S.W.,  will 
be  gratefully  acknowledged  and,  we  may  add,  will  be  usefully 
expended. 

THE  day  of  great  things  has  not  yet  come  in  the  western  theatre 
of  the  War ;  but  optimism  holds  confidently  to  the  opinion  that  the 

best  tactics  for  the  Allies  must  needs  be  to  stay  their 
__  e  hand  until  they  are  in  a  position  to  break  down  and 

Campaign  remove  once  and  for  all  along  the  whole  length  of  the 

line  the  present  apparent  impasse.  Some  ground 
for  this  confidence  is  to  be  found  in  the  attack  on  the  Hooge  position 
carried  out  on  August  9.  It  was  an  isolated  engagement  in  a  long- 
drawn  front  of  several  hundred  miles,  but  it  stood  out  in  many  parti- 
culars from  the  constant  swaying  to  and  fro  of  the  battle-line.  The 
advance  made  by  the  British  troops  amounted  to  500  yards.  As  at 
Neuve  Chapelle  there  was  the  preliminary  bombardment  of  the 
enemy's  trenches,  but  with  this  difference :  that  all  the  arrangements 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  633 

—the  co-operation  of  artillery  and  infantry  as  well  as  the  marksmanship 
of  our  gunners — were  characterised  by  absolute  scientific  accuracy, 
while  there  was  no  question  of  any  shortage  of  ammunition.  What 
can  be  done  in  one  place  can  be  done  elsewhere,  and  we  must  still 
hope  that  at  the  psychological  moment  the  success  of  the  Hooge  attack 
will  be  reproduced  simultaneously  along  the  whole  line  held  by  the 
French,  British,  and  Belgian  troops.  In  the  meantime  the  constant 
thrusts  serve  to  remind  the  enemy  that  any  weakening  of  his  line 
may  lead  to  disaster,  and  in  this  way  the  Allies  in  the  west  are  rendering 
what  assistance  they  can  to  the  Russians.  The  postponement  of  a 
decisive  effort  is  no  more  agreeable  than  the  enforced  retirement  in 
the  east,  but  we  must  school  ourselves  to  take  a  long-sighted  view 
of  the  course  of  the  War. 

THE  past  month  has  been  a  critical  one  for  Russia.  It  became 
evident  early  in  the  summer  that  the  Germans,  recognising  the 
impossibility  of  forcing  their  way  through  to  Paris, 
and  even  of  reaching  Calais,  after  their  failure  to 
break  the  British  line  at  Ypres  in  the  first  fortnight 
of  May,  intended  to  throw  the  major  part  of  their  military  power 
into  the  eastern  campaign.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  Austria 
—and  particularly  Hungary,  both  of  which  countries  were  extremely 
apprehensive  of  the  Russian  advance  through  the  Carpathians  last 
March — represented  their  claims  for  succour  from  Berlin  very 
strongly.  At  any  rate,  they  cannot  deny  that  Berlin  carried  out  to 
the  full  whatever  promise  of  assistance  Germany  was  then  persuaded 
to  give.  The  fall  of  Przemsyl  and  Lemberg  in  quick  succession  proved 
only  the  beginning  of  the  German  movement,  and,  from  early  in  July, 
it  gradually  became  clear  that  Warsaw  was  untenable.  The  Germans 
have,  therefore,  at  last,  after  a  year's  delay,  secured  one  of  the  alleged 
objects  for  which  they  went  to  war.  Indeed  they  have  obtained 
more,  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  whole  Russian  line  has  meant  the 
fa.ll  in  quick  succession  of  the  fortresses  of  Kovno,  Novo  Georgievsk, 
and  Brest -Lit  ovsk.  They  are  now  threatening  Riga,  and  possibly  intend 
to  strike  at  Petrograd,  while  an  offensive  in  the  south  towards  Kief, 
one  of  the  Holy  Cities  of  Russia,  has  also  been  anticipated.  The 
successes  of  the  Germans,  however,  which  have  been  obtained  by  sheer 
weight  of  artillery,  are  confined  to  territory,  towns,  and  plunder. 
They  have  not  succeeded  in  enveloping  any  of  the  Russian  armies, 
which  must  after  all  have  been  the  main  military  objective  of  the 


634  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

summer  campaign  ;  and  since  it  is  quite  clear  that  neither  the  morale 
nor  the  discipline  of  the  Russian  troops  has  suffered,  the  German 
success  is  only  relative  and  probably  transient.  That  they  have 
suffered  heavy  losses — which  competent  critics  put  as  high  as  50,000 
a  week — appears  certain,  considering  the  vast  number  of  men  engaged, 
and  the  great  amount  of  not  too  easy  country  that  has  been  covered. 
But,  since  this  military  advance  has  not  achieved  its  obvious  aim— 
the  crushing  of  the  enemy — it  is  clear  that  Germany  can  neither 
hold  the  territory  which  she  has  obtained  in  security  nor  yet  transfer 
a  large  number  of  troops  from  the  eastern  to  the  western  theatre  of 
war :  that  is  to  say,  she  is  besieged,  albeit  in  the  enemies' 
territory. 

THE  rumour  that  Germany  has  indirectly  offered  peace  terms  to 
Russia  at  once  indicates  her  own  interests  and  her  blindness  to  the 

spirit  of  her  enemies.  Germany  would  probably  be 
Ikan  qUite  as  ready  to  compromise  with  Russia — as  she  was 

with  France  some  months  ago — in  order  that  she  might 
be  free  to  turn  all  her  energies  to  attacking  Britain  ;  but  Russia,  like 
France,  has  taken  no  notice  of  this  typically  Teuton  insult.  This 
does  not  necessarily  mean,  however,  that  the  attack  on  Britain  will 
be  made  by  means  of  invasion.  German  politicians  are  convinced  that 
Britain  can  be  most  readily  attacked  in  the  Near  East,  and  they  have 
not  yet  forgotten  the  obiter  dictum  of  Bismarck  that  the  Suez  Canal  is 
the  spinal  cord  of  the  British  Empire.  Since  Germany  has  lost  her 
colonies  she  has  put  aside  for  the  time  her  African  ambitions  and 
concentrated  her  attention  once  more  on  the  foundation  of  a  Near- 
eastern  Empire  by  means  of  the  Bagdad  Railway.  To  effect  this 
of  course  Serbia  must  be  crushed,  Rumania  and  Bulgaria  bullied, 
and  Greece  persuaded  to  remain  neutral,  as  well  as  Turkey  being 
kept  in  her  present  state  of  vassalage.  The  last  month's  continuous 
comings  and  goings  and  intrigues  and  counter-intrigues  of  Balkan 
politicians  have  shown  that  the  game  of  diplomacy  has  not  gone 
altogether  in  favour  of  Germany  in  the  Balkans.  Bulgaria  has 
been  negotiating  both  in  Berlin  and  in  London  :  in  Berlin  for  a 
loan,  which  the  German  financiers  seem  to  have  proposed  to  pay 
in  German  paper  money — a  species  of  currency  for  which  neither 
Bulgaria  nor  any  other  neutral  has  any  use  ;  in  London  the  discussion 
has  gone  in  terms  of  territory.  Here  Bulgaria's  claims,  which  are 
considerable,  have  been  frankly  stated  as  comprising  a  restoration 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  635 

of  Macedonia  and  the  readjustment  of  her  frontiers  with  Rumania, 
Serbia,  and  Greece.  Guaranteed  these  things  she  would  enter  the 
War  on  the  side  of  the  Quadruple  Entente,  and  by  her  own  effective 
action  assure  herself  of  territory  on  her  southern  frontier  facing  Turkey. 
At  the  time  of  writing,  however,  Bulgaria  seems  to  incline  to  the 
path  of  neutrality. 

THE  principal  difficulty  in  the  way  of  meeting  the  aspirations  of 
the  other  Balkan  States  lay,  naturally,   in  Serbian  claims.    Finally, 

the  Powers  presented  a  joint  diplomatic  note  to  this 
A  Tangled      gallant  little  kingdom,  which  is   destined  in  any  case 

to  enlarge  its  boundaries,  suggesting  that  it  should 
concede  certain  territories  to  Bulgaria  as  the  price  of  that  country's 
assistance.  It  is  understood  that  the  Serbian  Ministry  was  not 
unwilling  to  concede  these  terms.  The  real  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
their  acceptance  was  the  Serbian  Army,  which  is  in  somewhat  sullen 
mood  owing  to  the  long  duration  of  the  War,  the  continued  hard- 
ships and  the  fact  that  its  peasant  soldiers  have  not  been  permitted 
to  visit  their  homes  for  the  harvest.  Their  discontent,  however,  is 
offset  by  the  fact  that  British  troops  are  assisting  the  hard-pressed 
army  of  King  Peter,  and  it  seems  probable  that  Serbia  would  in  the 
end  agree  to  render  Bulgaria  what  the  latter  demands.  Probably  the 
present  Bulgarian  attitude  is  merely  a  fresh  bid  for  better  terms. 
There  remain  Rumania  and  Greece  :  as  to  the  former  it  is 
practically  certain  that  an  understanding  has  been  arrived  at 
between  Bucharest  and  Sofia.  As  regards  Greece  the  position  is 
more  complicated.  The  illness  of  the  King  of  Greece,  which  has  been 
suspected  in  some  quarters  as  having  a  diplomatic  character,  has 
suddenly  vanished.  Parliament  has  been  summoned ;  the  late 
Premier  with  his  policy  of  neutrality  has  been  jettisoned,  and  M. 
Venizelos  has  been  sent  for  by  the  King.  It  is  known  that  he  has 
promised  to  form  a  ministry,  and,  as  the  strongest  politician  of  Greece, 
and  one  committed  in  advance  to  the  policy  of  a  Greater  Greece,  it 
is  considered  in  all  quarters  that  he  would  not  undertake  to  meet 
Parliament  as  Prime  Minister  unless  he  had  been  given  authority 
to  carry  out  his  own  policy,  which  is  that  of  intervention  on  the  side 
of  the  Entente.  Thus  do  matters  slowly,  but  apparently  surely,  lead 
towards  a  general  intervention,  of  the  Balkan  States  in  the  War  on 
the  side  of  the  Entente,  and  this,  when  it  happens,  may  be  decisive 
in  the  Dardanelles  Campaign. 


636  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

THE  slow  advance  of  the  Italians  in  the  difficult  mountain  country 

north  of  Venetia  has  been  unchecked,  and  it  is  clear  that  Austria, 

heavily  involved  with  Germany  in  the  colossal  campaign 

The  Italo-       against   Russia,    finds   it   difficult   to   spare   sufficient 

Austrian         troops  to  guard  her  Italian  frontier.     She  has  been 
Campaign.         \.    -,         \,  ,  i      i    ,1       •  •       .•-,      t  • 

entirely  unable  to  beat  back  the  rising  tide  of  invasion 

which  threatens  Trieste  by  way  of  Gorizia,  and  the  loss  of  Trieste  would 
be  a  blow  of  first-class  importance.  As  it  would  in  no  circumstances 
be  given  back  by  the  Italians,  it  would  mean  the  loss  for  Germany  and 
Austria  together  of  their  one  great  commercial  outlet  on  the  Medi- 
terranean when  peace  returns ;  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  War, 
it  would  give  the  Italians  an  additional  base  from  which  to  threaten  the 
Austrian  naval  base  at  Pola.  The  naval  operations  in  the  Adriatic 
have  produced  no  decisive  operations,  and  each  side  has  been  reluctant 
to  risk  the  loss  of  its  battle  fleet.  But  meantime  Italy,  which  has  large 
interests  of  its  own  in  Asia  Minor  and  perhaps  still  larger  ambitions, 
is  negotiating  with  the  Allies  as  to  assisting  in  the  Dardanelles  operations, 
and  her  long-looked-for  declaration  of  war  on  Turkey  has  now 
occurred.  There  is  clear  evidence  that  Turkey  has  been  acting 
against  Italian  interests  in  Tripoli,  where  the  Latin  colony  has  fallen 
back  from  the  conquered  territory  to  the  coast,  and  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  have  for  some  time  hardly  maintained 
even  the  semblance  of  diplomatic  "  friendliness  ".  After  all,  the  last 
war  between  Turkey  and  Italy  only  finished  three  years  ago. 

THE    Government's    intentions    regarding    the    problem    of    in- 
creasing  agricultural   production   have   now   been   announced.      By 
common  consent  it  is  admitted  that  steps    must  be 
taken  to  add  to  the  home  food-supply.     Meetings  to 
this  end  are  being  planned  on  a  large  scale  ;  everyone 
has  been  urged  to  "  do  his  bit "  in  the  matter;  but  the  whole  question 
is  for  the  present  left  to  the  domain  of  amateur  or  unorganised  effort. 
Two  committees  have  been  sitting  on  the  question— the  first  being 
the  Agricultural  Consultation  Committee  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  of 
which  Sir  Ailwyn  Fellowes  is  chairman.       It  is  understood  that  it 
has  made  recommendations,  but  these  have  not  been  made  public  as 
yet.     One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  President  of  the  Board  of  Agricul- 
ture was  to  appoint  a  second  strong  cgmmittee,  under  the  presidency 
of  Lord  Milner,  to  investigate  the  situation.     So  urgent  did  the  matter 
seem  to  the  members  that  within  a  little  more  than  a  month  after  the 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  637 

appointment  of  the  committee  an  interim  report  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  Government.  That  report  has  not  been  published, 
but  its  tenor  has  been  given  out,  and  Lord  Selborne,  in  replying  to  an 
influential  deputation  of  agriculturalists,  gave  reasons  why  its  principal 
recommendation — a  guarantee  to  farmers  of  a  minimum  price  for  extra 
wheat  grown — has  been  rejected  by  Government.  These  reasons  are 
not  very  convincing.  First  there  is  an  increase,  already  obtained ;  of 
500,000  acres  under  cultivation — not  a  very  startling  increase,  then 
the  "  superabundant  harvests  in  Canada  and  Australia "  (against 
which,  however,  one  must  put  an  undoubted  shortage  of  production  due 
to  war  in  other  belligerent  countries),  and  finally  an  expected  "financial 
stringency"  after  the  War.  As  to  the  latter  it  was  generally  supposed 
that  a  substantial  increase  in  wheat-production  would  be  an  alleviation 
of  financial  stringency,  and  the  agricultural  experts  who  advised  the 
committees  were  undoubtedly  keeping  economy  in  mind.  The  sug- 
gested minimum  was  well  below  the  prices  current  in  the  last  six  months, 
and  if  there  is  any  justice  in  the  contention  that  it  would  be  economi- 
cally sounder  for  Great  Britain  to  grow  a  larger  proportion  of  foodstuffs 
it  is  difficult  to  follow  the  financial  argument.  The  increase  of  stock  is, 
of  course,  also  influenced  by  cereal-production.  The  energetic  conduct 
of  the  Canadian  Government  in  stimulating  wheat-growing  has  been 
commented  on  in  our  columns,  and  Australia  is  not  behind  in  her 
attempt  to  produce  more  food;  but  it  is  generally  conceded  that 
the  Mother  Country  could  usefully  do  a  great  deal  more  for  her  own 
subsistence,  and  in  view  of  the  drain  of  money  out  of  the  British  Isles 
the  question  is  one  of  the  most  urgent. 

THE  sinking  of  the  White  Star  liner  Arabic,  on  a  voyage  from 
Liverpool  to  the  United  States,  although  fortunately  the  loss  of  life 

was  comparatively  small,  has  succeeded  in  bringing  once 

The  Position  more  to  a  head  the  simmering  indignation  of  Americans 

e  as  to  the  methods  of  German  submarine  warfare.     No 

gtates  notice  was  given,  and  the  ship  sank  in  ten  minutes ; 

the  saving  of  the  passengers  and  crew  being  undoubtedly 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  ship  carried  not  more  than  half  the  passengers 
for  whom  she  had  accommodation.  Germany  is  still  considering 
the  United  States'  Note,  reiterating  their  previous  statement  that 
further  disregard  of  the  right  of  neutrals  to  travel  in  unarmed  ships 
would  be  regarded  by  them  as  "an  unfriendly  act".  Since  no 
similar  violation  of  the  laws  of  warfare  had  taken  place  since  the 


638  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

Lusitania  crime,  America  had  begun  to  think  that  Germany  was 
accepting  the  spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  her  protest.  Berlin  is  "  climbing 
down,"  but  the  mere  concession  that  she  will  not  sink  merchant  ships 
without  warning  would  not  meet  the  American  claim  as  to  the  rights 
of  neutrals  to  travel  safely  in  unarmed  ships.  Whether  prudence 
will  apply  a  fire-extinguisher  to  American  indignation  or  not  remains  to 
be  seen.  As  has  already  been  said,  the  United  States  Government  has 
to  reckon  with  a  German  population  in  its  midst  which,  in  some  parts, 
outnumbers  the  native  born.  The  late  editor  of  this  Journal,  Archibald 
Colquhoun,  in  his  book  "  Greater  America  ",  and  other  writings  which 
had  a  wide  circulation  in  the  United  States,  frequently  drew  attention 
to  the  weakness  of  a  country  which,  despite  all  its  claims  to  be  "  a 
melting-pot",  was  trying  to  assimilate  alien  peoples  at  a  far  greater 
rate  than  the  increase  of  the  native  born.  Many  Americans  believed 
that  these  immigrants  shed  their  nationality  in  New  York  harbour 
and  became  "  good  Americans "  by  reciting  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, but  considerable  disquiet  is  now  felt  by  many  patriotic 
Americans  at  the  discovery  that  their  hyphenated  citizens  are 
Germans  first,  last,  and  all  the  time  where  national  interests  are 
concerned. 

THE  decision  of  Great  Britain  and  France  to  declare  cotton  absolute 
contraband  is  only  another  step  in  one  of  the  most  surprising  contro- 

versies  which  have  arisen  out  of  the  War.  In  justice  to 
Contraband  ^e  Government,  which  has  so  long  delayed  taking  this 

step,  it  must  be  remembered  that  their  argument  has 
been  that — since  the  Orders  in  Council  of  March,  at  all  events — every- 
thing that  was  compatible  with  international  law  was  done  to  prevent 
cotton  from  reaching  Germany,  and  the  actual  placing  of  cotton  on  the 
contraband  list  would  do  no  more.  Nevertheless  Mr.  Asquith  declared 
he  was  "  not  satisfied  "  with  the  results  of  the  cotton  blockade,  and, 
after  some  public  agitation  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  the  announce- 
ment has  been  made  that  henceforth  cotton  is  absolute  contraband,  and 
therefore  thatj  cargoes  of  it  taken  on  the  high  seas,  whose  ultimate 
destination  is  enemy  hands,  can  be  destroyed,  instead,  as  heretofore, 
being  subject  to  an  inquiry  by  a  Prize  Court  with  compensation  if 
seized.  But  cargoes  shipped  from  one  neutral  country  to  another 
do  not  come  under  the  heading  of  contraband,  and  it  is  through  neutral 
channels  that  Germany  gets  her  supplies.  Between  September  1914 
and  August  1915  the  excess  over  usual  cotton  imports  into  the  smaller 
North  European  States  was  nearly  as  great  as  Germany's  ordinary 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  639 

supply.  Steamers  may  set  out  from  one  Scandinavian  port  to 
another  with  consignments  of  cotton,  and  these  can  be  easily 
"  captured  "  by  Germany — to  describe  only  one  method  of  evading  the 
blockade.  The  principle  advantage  of  making  cotton  contraband  is 
that  under  the  Orders  in  Council  the  growers  and  shippers  did  not 
know  where  they  were.  Now,  at  any  rate,  the  situation  is  plain, 
and  the  world  knows  that  Great  Britain  is  in  earnest  in  the  effort 
to  deprive  Germany  of  this  indispensable  commodity ;  but  the 
inducement  to  take  risks  will  remain  and  the  chances  of  evading  the 
blockade  are  still  numerous. 

THE  question  of  compensation  to  the  American  grower  is  a  difficult  one. 
We  can  hardly,  as  some  have  suggested,  buy  up  the  crop  which  would 
have  gone  to  Germany,  or,  if  we  did,  the  payment  neces- 
sary (about  thirty  million  sterling)  would  still  further 
complicate  the  question  of  exchange  dealt  with  in  another 
note.  Then  if  we  stored  this  year's  supply,  we  should  be  faced  with  the 
difficulty  of  throwing  a  large  quantity  of  the  raw  material  on  the  market 
as  soon  as  war  is  over,  and  probably  thereby  unduly  depreciating  its 
value.  On  the  otherhand,  cotton  is  a  variable  crop — thisyear's  American 
output  is  said  to  be  4,000,000  bales  less  than  that  of  last  year— 
and  the  main  problem  has  always  been  to  secure  a  stable  supply. 
Cotton  is  one  of  the  few  raw  materials  that  can  be  stored  and  kept  for 
years  without  deterioration.  The  loss  of  the  German  and  Austrian 
markets  for  the  moment  will  be  set  off  against  increased  demands  in 
other  directions,  and  the  exhaustion  of  all  cotton  materials  in  Central 
Europe  must  lead  to  a  heavy  demand  there  as  soon  as  peace  is  secured. 
The  crux  of  the  question  lies  as  much  in  the  attitude  of  the  neutral 
(and  particularly  the  Swedish)  importer  as  in  that  of  the  American 
grower.  Sweden's  neutrality  is  a  fragile  and  uncertain  quantity,  for 
she  has  a  hereditary  feud  with  Kussia,  and  her  entrance  into  the 
conflict  would  produce  various  complications  and  would  probably 
make  neutrality  impossible  for  Norway  and  Denmark,  who  are 
strongly  pro-Entente  and  have  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain 
by  participating  in  the  conflict. 

THE  past  month  has  been  one  of  considerable  activity  at  the 

Dardanelles.     After  an  interval  which,  it  may  be  inferred,  was  devoted 

to  preparations  for  movements  on  a  larger  scale  than 

Dardanelles    n^ner*°'  landings  were  simultaneously  effected  at  three 

new  points.    Two  of  these  lay  to  the  north  of  Gaba 

Tepe,  the  original  landing  place  of  the  Australasian  contingents  ;   the 


640  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

third,  we  learn  from  a  Turkish  communique,  was  at  Karachali,  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Saros.  Subsequent  reports  have  dealt  solely 
with  the  results  of  the  first  two,  which  forestalled  a  Turkish  attack, 
but,  owing  to  an  unfortunate  delay  in  pressing  home  our  initial  ad- 
vantage, have  not  achieved  the  results  expected  of  them.  A  candid 
statement  issued  by  the  Press  Bureau  points  out  that  the  ground 
gained  and  held  is  of  great  value,  but  warns  the  public  against  sup- 
posing that  the  true  objective  has  been  gained,  or  that  further  serious 
and  costly  efforts  will  not  be  required  before  a  decisive  victory 
is  won.  We  shall  do  well,  however,  not  to  ignore  the  third  landing. 
If  successful,  it  ought  to  lead  to  the  complete  isolation  of  the 
Gallipoli  Peninsula.  Karachali  is  within  striking  distance  of  the 
neck  of  the  Peninsula.  A  cordon  across  the  land  at  this  point, 
together  with  the  activities  of  our  submarines  in  the  Sea  of 
Marmora,  ought  to  make  the  task  of  reinforcing  their  troops  on 
Gallipoli  a  very  difficult  one  for  the  Turks.  At  the  same  time  the 
head  of  the  Gulf  of  Saros  is  of  necessity  the  main  starting-point  for 
any  land  operations  against  Constantinople,  and  must  have  appealed 
to  our  military  authorities  as  a  useful  place  for  the  original  landing, 
if  the  necessity  for  the  direct  forcing  of  the  Straits  had  not  been  regarded 
as  paramount.  With  a  new  line  of  attack  which  avoids  the  Gallipoli 
Peninsula,  Italy,  who  has  now  declared  war  on  Turkey,  will  be  in  a 
position  to  render  valuable  aid  to  the  Allies  in  their  advance  on 
Const  an  tinople . 

FOR  the  moment  the  chief  significance  of  the  fresh  landings  on 

Gallipoli  Peninsula  seemed  to  lie  in  the  fact  that  it  implied  that  the 

^E^ean  Sea  had  been  cleared  of  German  submarines. 

/"*<      *  i 

jU(  Very  few  days  later,  however,  came  the  news  that  the 

transport,  Royal  Edward,  had  been  torpedoed  in  those 
waters.  Of  the  1,600  men  on  board — the  majority  reinforcements  for 
the  29th  Division — only  some  600  were  saved.  The  loss  of  valuable 
lives  is  grievous  ;  but  we  derive  consolation  from  the  reflection  that, 
in  spite  of  the  number  of  transports  that  have  sailed  the  seas  since  the 
beginning  of  the  War,  the  Royal  Edward  is  the  only  one  that  has  been 
lost  so  far.  For  the  Turks  the  incident  offered  some  compensation 
for  the  sinking  of  the  battleship  Hairredin  Barlarossa  by  a  British  sub- 
marine in  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  although  there  can  be  no  comparison 
in  the  relative  importance  of  the  two  losses.  But  neither  the  fierce 
fighting  on  Gallipoli  nor  naval  successes  are  likely  to  have  as  much 
bearing  on  the  future  course  of  events  in  the  Near  East  as  the  negotia- 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  641 

tions  now  in  progress  between  the  Quadruple  Entente  and  the  Balkan 
States,  which  we  discuss  elsewhere. 


No  report  of  the  progress  of  the  British  forces  in  Mesopotamia  has 
been  published  since  the  news  of  the  occupation  of  Nasiriyeh  on  the 

Euphrates.  In  the  meantime,  however,  it  has  become 
Th.8  Persian  ,  i  ,1  <•  •  -r»  • 

G  ,„  necessary   to   watch,   the    course  01   events  in  Persia, 

where  the  situation  is  not  altogether  satisfactory. 
Towards  the  end  of  July  a  regrettable  incident  was  reported  from 
Bushire.  The  presence  of  hostile  tribesmen  in  the  vicinity  had  been 
indicated  to  the  Residency  and  it  was  decided  to  send  out  Major 
Oliphant,  96th  Regiment,  and  Captain  Ranking,  Assistant  Political 
Officer,  with  a  mixed  patrol  of  infantry  and  sowars  to  reconnoitre. 
While  returning,  the  patrol  was  ambushed,  and  both  British  officers 
were  killed.  The  incident  would  seem  to  have  convinced  the  Indian 
Government  that  the  conditions  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bushire  left 
much  to  be  desired,  and  it  is  understood  that  steps  have  been  taken 
to  provide  that,  when  necessary,  reconnoitring  parties  shall  be  for  the 
future  strong  enough  for  all  emergencies.  From  time  to  time  reports 
of  the  activities  of  German  agents  in  Southern  Persia  have  reached 
this  country.  The  attitude  of  the  tribesmen  now  tends  to  prove  that 
Turco-German  propaganda  has  achieved  no  small  measure  of  success 
from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  frontier  of  Afghanistan.  Great  Britain 
has  a  useful  asset  in  the  present  Ameer,  but,  as  is  well  known,  he  is 
not  always  able  to  instil  his  own  friendliness  into  all  his  virile  subjects. 

RECRUITING   for  the  South  African  contingent — the   Springboks, 
as  they  will  be  called  in  affectionate  remembrance  of  the  famous 
football  team — has  gone  on  merrily  ever  since  the  con- 
clusion of  the  campaign  in  Damaraland,  and  none  can 

doubt  that  they  will  give  as  good  an  account  of  them- 
Contingent.  *  ^ 

selves  in  Europe  as  they  have  done  in  Africa,    i^rom 

the  old  "  Duke's"  (the  D.E.O.V.R.),  the  Imperial  Light  Horse,  the 
S.A.M.R.,  the  Transvaal  Scottish,  and  the  Natal  Mounted  Rifles, 
the  cry  is  still  "  they  come  ".  Sir  Charles  Crewe,  director  of  recruiting, 
and  a  doughty  leader  himself  in  times  not  so  long  gone  by,  has  stated 
that  enlistment  in  just  over  a  week  yielded  more  than  five  hundred 
men  daily,  or  a  battalion  every  two  days.  A  body  of  veterans,  many  of 
whom  were  wearing  six  medals  apiece,  recently  marched  through 


642  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

Cape  Town.  Meanwhile  hundreds  of  good  men  and  true,  not  content 
to  wait  for  the  formation  of  the  expeditionary  force,  have  been  coming 
to  England  "  on  their  own  ",  some  of  them  even  working  their  passage. 
The  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  contingent  is  to  be  Brigadier-General 
Lukin,  the  well-known  "  Little  General ",  who,  it  is  understood,  has 
seen  more  actual  military  service  than  any  officer  in  the  Union  Army. 
Zululand,  Basutoland,  the  Langeberg,  the  Boer  War,  the  German 
South- West  Campaign — he  has  known,  and  gained  distinction  in  them  all. 
We  said  last  month  that  General  Botha  "  had  other  fish  to  fry",  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  his  recent  speeches  in  Pretoria  and  Johannesburg, 
as  well  as  at  the  Parliamentary  Congress  at  Bloemfontein.  He  is  going 
to  fight,  so  he  tells  us,  "  as  never  before  ".  He  declares  that  he  stands 
exactly  where  he  did  five  years  ago,  when  the  people  of  South  Africa 
entered  into  their  solemn  agreement  of  union,  and  he  urges  both 
races,  Dutch  and  English,  to  eschew  the  pernicious  "  two-stream 
policy  ",  and  to  persevere  on  the  road  of  mutual  respect  and  co-opera- 
tion leading  to  true  harmony  and  peace.  The  Herzogites  are  fond 
of  texts,  as  was  President  Kruger  before  them.  We  will  give  them 
one.  "  Behold  how  good  and  joyful  a  thing  it  is,  brethren,  to  dwell 
together  in  unity." 

SOME  picturesque  details  of  the  capitulation  of  Garua  on  June  10 
are  given  in  a  memorandum  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies.  For  over  six  months  the  German  garrison, 
assisted  by  its  native  levies,  had  devoted  much  skill 
ameroo]  an(j  kar(j  work;  to  the  fortification  of  the  town.  By  a 
series  of  parallel  trenches  the  Anglo-French  force 
gradually  drew  their  investment  closer,  until  an  accurate  bombard- 
ment rendered  the  place  untenable.  The  capture  of  the  town,  which 
was  actually  effected  without  loss  of  life  on  our  part,  has  freed  the 
Nigerian  frontier  from  the  danger  of  further  raids.  Ngaundere,  the 
chief  town  in  the  south  of  the  northern  portion  of  the  Cameroon,  fell 
in  July.  Another  German  force  is  located  at  Mora  in  the  extreme 
north,  but  the  bulk  of  the  remainder  of  the  German  population  in 
the  colony  is  split  up  into  scattered  groups  in  the  south.  The  capture 
of  the  Cameroon  has  not  been  attended  with  the  glamour  attaching 
to  that  of  German  South- West  Africa.  The  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
the  allied  forces  in  the  northern  colony  were  of  a  different  order,  and 
were  not  to  be  overcome  by  genius  of  organisation  or  rapidity  of 
movement.  Within  a  year,  however,  the  resistance  of  the  enemy  in 
a  country  in  which  everything  was  in  his  favour  has  been  almost 
entirely  broken,  and  the  Cameroon  is  no  longer  German. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  643 

IT  is  characteristic  of  the  deliberate  way  in  which  some  of  our 
Imperial  interests  are  regulated  that  the  War  should  have  been  in 

progress  for  nearly  a  year  before  the  question  of  trading 

3hina  and       with  the  enemy  was  settled  in  regard  to  one  of  its 

ri^SJ  important  bearings.    In  spite  of  the  prominent  part 

played  by  British  trade  in  China,  our  commercial 
activity  there  labours  under  certain  anomalies  and  restrictions,  which 
the  War  has  thrown  into  strong  relief.  As  is  known,  a  number  of 
German  and  Austrian  firms  in  China  hold  the  agencies  of  British  manu- 
facturers. What  was  an  anomaly  in  peace  became  an  outrage  in  a 
time  of  war ;  but  it  was  not  until  June,  when  considerable  capital  had 
been  made  for  many  months  by  Germans  of  the  fact  that  they  were 
able  to  trade  in  British  staple  goods,  that  a  proclamation  was  issued 
making  trading  with  the  enemy  in  any  form  illegal.  The  embargo 
was  to  take  effect  on  July  26.  But  before  that  date  arrived  the  Board 
of  Trade,  acting  no  doubt  under  a  misapprehension,  appears  to  have 
decided  to  offer  no  objection  to  shipments  of  goods  being  made  to  enemy 
firms  up  to  July  26,  provided  that  they  were  in  respect  of  contracts 
concluded  before  June  25.  The  effect  of  such  a  decision,  if  put  into 
force,  would  have  been  to  enable  German  firms  in  China  to  obtain 
stocks  sufficient  to  last  them  until  the  end  of  the  War  and  so  to  escape 
the  penalties  which  British  control  of  the  sea  imposes  on  German 
trade.  Although  an  intimation  of  the  Board  of  Trade's  alleged 
intentions  reached  German  firms  in  China,  other  counsels  prevailed 
in  the  end,  and  necessary  restrictions  were  imposed  to  prevent  the 
proclamation  being  rendered  null  and  void.  The  incident,  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  will  have  served  to  raise  the  whole  question  of  British 
trade  and  German  competition  in  China,  and  will  pave  the  way  for 
the  removal  of  some  of  the  anomalies  and  disadvantages  under  which 
our  trade  laboured  in  the  past.  British  manufacturers  must  see  to 
it  that  their  agencies  are  not  given  into  German  hands,  while  British 
firms  in  China  must  not  allow  it  to  be  said  that  German  firms  make 
more  efficient  or  more  successful  agents. 


THE  echoes  of  a  controversy,  which  has  from  time  to  time  stirred 
our  Fellows  to  heated  expression,  have  recently  been  heard  in  some 

letters  to  The  Times  on  the  need  for  a  better  word  than 
u?£.  .  "  Colonial "  to  describe  our  overseas  kindred.  The 

Word"  Overseas  Club,  it  seems,  offered  a  prize  for  the  best 

name,  and  in  reply  got  a  selection  of  hybrid  words, 
of  which  "  Britonial "  is  a  favourable  sample,  and  "  Empirean " 


644  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

one  of  the  most  euphonic.  Not  one  has  the  slightest  chance  of  being 
adopted  by  popular  favour,  and,  "  so  far,  no  award  has  been  made  ". 
The  opportunity  to  win  fame  by  a  word  is  still  open,  and  the  need 
is  a  real  one.  All  the  arguments  against  "  Colonial "  were  well 
ventilated  when  the  proposal  was  made  to  change  the  title  of  the 
Institute,  and  at  the  end  some  of  the  very  people  who  might  have 
been  expected  to  resent  the  implications  of  that  name  were  found 
to  be  strongly  opposed  to  any  change.  Considerable  sympathy  will  be 
felt  with  the  Australian  who  intervened  in  The  Times  correspondence 
with  the  query,  "  What's  wrong  with  '  Colonial '  ?  If  the  word 
'  Colonial '  has  been  good  enough  to  make  history  and  win  glory, 
it  is  good  enough  for  us  Australians  to  keep  and  to  be  eternally  proud 
of  ".  It  may  be  a  matter  for  regret  that  no  name  more  truly  descriptive 
of  the  status  of  the  people  of  the  Dominions  has  arisen,  but  the  con- 
sequence is  not  that  the  Colonials  lose  dignity  by  being  so  termed, 
but  that  they  give  new  significance  to  the  old  name. 

WE  publish  in  this  issue  a  full  report  of  the  speeches  made  by  the 

deputation  of  the  Institute  "  After  the  War  "  Committee,  which  recently 

waited  upon  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies 

Soldiers  anci  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture.    There 

«n  ^  is,  fortunately,  no  need  to  labour  the  desirability  of 

Settlement.  «      •  ^   j         i  ^    i 

enabling  ex-berviee  men  to  nnd  employment  on  the  land 

after  the  War.  The  appointment  of  a  Committee  by  Lord  Selborne  to 
inquire  into  the  subject,  so  far  as  it  is  concerned  with  settlement 
in  England  and  Wales,  and  the  schemes  which  are  being  discussed 
in  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  indicate  that  those  in  authority  through- 
out the  Empire  are  alive  to  the  importance  of  a  question  which  goes 
beyond  mere  provision  against  unemployment.  Many  men  who  have 
exchanged  sedentary  occupations  for  the  open-air  life  of  active  service 
will  feel  loath  to  return  to  their  former  routine,  and  it  is  as  much  with 
the  idea  of  enabling  the  Empire  to  derive  the  greatest  benefit  from 
the  services  of  such  men,  as  for  the  purpose  of  coping  with  the  inevit- 
able problem  of  unemployment,  that  consideration  is  being  given  to 
land  settlement  projects.  The  dual  character  of  the  enterprise  offers 
the  first  obstacle  to  its  success,  for  it  is  obvious  that  a  scheme  which  is 
to  embrace  both  the  settler  from  choice  and  the  settler  faute  de  mieux 
must  be  sufficiently  elastic.  Then  there  is  the  danger  that  in  the 
absence  of  correlation  of  effort  there  will  be  considerable  wastefulness, 
while  the  rival  schemes  compete  with  one  another  in  the  same  market. 

IT  is  well  within  the  province  of   the  Committee  to  endeavour 
to  bring  about    the    fullest  collaboration  between   all  the  agencies 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  645 

which  may  take  it  upon  themselves  to  promote  land  settlement  for 
soldiers  and  sailors  after  the  War.  We  are  glad, 
Che  Need  therefore,  to  see  that  stress  was  laid  by  the  deputation 
upon  the  need  for  an  Imperial  Committee  charged  with 
the  task  of  correlating  all  settlement  schemes  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  The  problem  has  different  aspects 
in  its  presentment  in  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire.  As  it  affects 
Great  Britain  there  is  far  more  need  for  the  introduction  of  scientific 
organisation  than  there  will  be  in  the  overseas  Dominions,  where  the 
underlying  principles  of  successful  land  settlement  have  already  been 
acted  upon.  But  while  the  details  of  the  problem  will  have  to  be 
left  to  the  individual  countries,  the  function  of  the  central  advisory 
body  will  be  to  direct  from  the  source  the  stream  of  settlement  along 
channels  in  which  it  will  be  of  most  service  to  the  Empire  and  to  pre- 
vent the  stream  from  dissipating  itself  unavailingly  for  want  of 
adequate  preparation  of  the  channels  beforehand.  In  view  of 
the  recent  appointment  of  a  Departmental  Committee  as  above 
mentioned,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  spokesmen  of  the 
Government  would  take  the  wind  out  of  the  Committee's  sails  by 
making  any  definite  pronouncement.  The  value  of  the  suggestions 
made  by  the  deputation,  however,  is  admitted,  and  we  may  con- 
fidently count  upon  them  bearing  fruit  in  due  season. 

THE  unfavourable  state  of  the  American  exchanges  still  continues, 
and  threatens  to  become  even  more  acute.  The  serious  difficulties 
which  have  gradually  developed  in  the  financial  and 
commercial  world  during  the  past  six  months  must 
soon  compel  the  adoption  of  a  new  policy.  Hitherto 
our  excess  of  imports  from  the  United  States  have  in  the  main  been  paid 
for  by  transfer  of  gold  from  London  or  Ottawa  to  New  York,  aided  by 
the  sales  of  certain  American  securities.  Special  attractions  have  also 
been  held  out  to  American  investors  in  the  London  money  market ; 
but  the  result  has  been  disappointing,  largely  owing,  it  is  said,  to  a 
want  of  unity  of  aim  and  uniformity  in  method  by  the  banks  and 
the  Treasury,  but  also  to  certain  conditions  as  to  taxation  of  such 
investments  which  detract  from  their  advantages  to  the  American 
buyer.  It  is  to  the  interest  of  American  merchants,  as  well  as  our  own, 
that  sufficient  and  ready  means  should  be  available  for  payment 
for  the  immense  supplies  we  are  now  obtaining  from  across  the  Atlantic 
for  military  and  other  purposes.  The  present  conditions  of  exchange 
favour  the  shipment  of  gold  to  America,  which  does  not  need  it  for 
currency  purposes  and  is  beginning  to  fear  that  a  glut  of  gold  may  lead 

2  X 


646  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

to  inflation  of  prices ;  on  the  other  hand,  we  need  gold  as  the  basis  of 
our  credit.  Suggestions  have  lately  been  made  that  it  is  time  a  con- 
ference between  the  banks  and  the  Treasury  was  held  to  consider 
remedial  measures.  The  necessity  for  some  such  action  seems  to  have 
been  foreseen  early  in  the  present  year.  In  January  last,  the  Treasury 
published  the  text  of  an  important  resolution,  passed  by  representa- 
tives of  London  and  New  York,  to  the  effect  that  if,  during  the  War,  the 
state  of  the  exchanges  resulted  in  gold  being  exported  from  either  coun- 
try to  an  unreasonable  extent,  committees  should  be  appointed  in  each 
country  to  consider  plans  for  dealing  collectively  with  the  situation  by 
such  methods  as  might  seem  at  the  time  mutually  desirable.  This  proce- 
dure might  form  the  preliminary  step  towards  an  attractive  British  loan 
issue  in  New  York,  which  would  (without  any  disparaging  effect  on  the 
world's  estimate  of  British  credit)  enable  payments  tob  e  made  there  with- 
out recourse  being  had  to  the  ordinary  methods  of  the  exchanges  at  all. 

MEANWHILE,  the  importance  of  keeping  a  sufficient  gold  reserve  in 
Great  Britain  has  led  to  an  appeal  from  the  Treasury  to  bankers  and 

the  public  to  use  the  currency  notes  instead  of  gold.  The 
P n  d  t '  public  generally  did  not  take  unkindly  to  .paper  money 

in  the  first  few  months  of  the  War;  and  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  variations  of  practice  between  the  banks  themselves 
and  other  public  offices  in  paying  over  the  counter  has  led  to  a  relaxed 
official  hold  on  the  gold  coin.  The  appeal  now  made,  and  other 
measures  which  have  been  adopted  (e.g.  the  instruction  to  the  Post 
Offices  to  pay  out  only  in  paper  as  far  as  possible,  and  the  prevention 
of  gold  leaking  throughto  the  Continent),  may  do  much.  Subscriptions 
to  the  War  Loan  have  also  brought  in  some  gold  coin  from  private 
hoards.  Although  the  Allies  have  "pooled"  their  financial  resources, 
and  there  is  no  likelihood  of  any  positive  lack  of  the  standard  metal, 
it  is  all  to  the  good  that  gold  production  on  the  Rand  has  consistently 
expanded  since  war  broke  out.  Month  by  month  the  output  has 
exceeded  that  of  the  corresponding  period  in  1914 ;  and  it  is  probable 
that  even  the  record  of  £38,757,560  reached  in  1912  will  this  year  be 
beaten.  The  additional  yield  is  particularly  useful  at  such  a  time 
of  financial  stress,  when  it  is  imperative  that  our  gold  resources  should 
be  maintained  at  the  highest  possible  level. 

IN  his  address  to  the  Canada  Club  in  London,  Sir  Robert  Borden 

stated  that  up  to  the  present  moment  78,000  men  had  been  sent 

from  the  Dominion  as  her  contribution  to  the  fighting 

cience  ai        forces  of  the  Empire.    To  what  extent  the  progress 

of  the  War  would  depend  on  superiority  in  machine-guns 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  647 

and  ammunition  had  hardly,  he  said,  been  realised  in  the  early  months 
of  the  War  either  at  home  or  overseas.  But  it  is  now  recognised 
that  the  War  is  one  in  which  the  uses  of  applied  science  were  being 
turned  to  the  destruction  of  opposing  forces,  and  everything  is  being 
done  throughout  the  Empire  to  place  ourselves  on  at  least  an  equal 
footing  with  the  enemy  in  this  respect.  Allusion  was  made  in  these 
columns  last  month  to  the  various  committees  appointed  for  this 
purpose  at  home,  and  the  Dominions  are  busily  engaged  in  similar 
fashion.  At  the  September  meetings  of  the  British  Association, 
arrangements  have  been  made  for  discussions  on  various  phases  of  the 
war  struggle,  and  there  is  evidence  of  a  real  attempt  to  grapple  with 
some  important  questions  on  practical  lines.  As  an  indication  of  what 
is  being  actually  done  towards  immensely  increasing  the  output  of 
munitions,  the  Minister  for  Munitions  the  other  day  issued  a  statement 
showing  that  over  five  hundred  establishments  had  been  declared 
"  Controlled  Establishments "  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Act. 
This  will  mean  a  limit  to  war  profits  of  the  employers— the  excess 
going  to  the  National  Exchequer — the  suspension  of  any  trade  union 
rules  or  shop  customs  operating  to  restrict  output,  the  giving  of 
guarantees  regarding  wages  and  complete  restitution  of  old  conditions 
when  the  War  is  over,  and  the  erection  of  special  tribunals  to  ensure 
compliance  with  this  special  law.  It  is  now  an  open  secret  that 
without  this  reorganisation  we  could  not  have  kept  up  the  supply  of 
munitions  at  the  rate  demanded  by  modern  warfare;  but  the  day  is 
now  in  sight  when  the  munition-makers  will  have  overtaken  the  arrears 
of  their  task  and  when  they  can  assure  a  regular  and  ample  reserve  to 
meet  every  possible  contingency. 

ATTENTION  was  drawn  in  the  last  issue  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  to  the 
need  for  breaking  down  German  domination  over  the  metal  industries 

of  the  world,  and  especially  over  the  smelting 
German  ^  ^f  those  metals  which  are  essential  to  the  making  of 
Domination  munitions.  The  urgency  of  this  question  has  since  been 
I  d  st  ies  indicated  by  a  cablegram  from  Melbourne  to  the  effect 

that  the  Attorney-General,  Mr.  Hughes,  regards  the 
matter  as  "  supremely  important,  both  in  regard  to  the  prosecution 
of  the  War  and  the  future  of  British  industries".  The  only  solution 
is  the  destruction  of  German  influence  wherever  it  exists — a  policy 
which  the  Commonwealth  means  to  pursue  unflinchingly.  Particularly 
is  this  resolution  applicable  to  the  spelter  trade  and  zinc  company 
contracts.  Practical  steps  in  this  direction  have  been  taken  by  the 
formation  in  London  of  an  exceptionally  influential  Committee  to 

2X2 


648  EDITORIAL   NOTES  AND   COMMENTS. 

discuss  the  question  of  the  supply  of  spelter  in  all  its  bearings,  and 
to  bring  forward  recommendations  for  the  consideration  and  guidance 
of  the  Imperial  Government.  All  aspects  will  be  reviewed  by  the 
Committee,  which  comprises  representatives  of  consumers,  smelters, 
and  merchants  ;  while  the  wider  issues  have  been  safeguarded  by  the 
inclusion  of  such  members  as  Sir  George  Reid,  High  Commissioner 
of  Australia,  and  Sir  John  McCall,  Agent- General  of  Tasmania.  The 
problem  appears  to  be  of  a  dual  nature — to  secure  a  sufficiency  at 
more  reasonable  prices  for  the  manufacture  of  munitions,  and  secondly 
to  widen  the  area  of  supply  of  spelter,  which  is  also  necessary  for  brass 
work,  corrugated  iron,  and  numerous  other  metal  industries  in  peace 
times.  Even  prior  to  the  War  we  had  become  in  far  too  great  a  measure 
dependent  on  German  smelting  firms  for  our  supplies — an  error  on 
our  part  which  might  have  been  avoided,  which  has  proved  costly 
since  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  and  which  is  much  too  dangerous 
to  be  committed  again. 

SINCE  the  commencement  of  the  War  much  attention  has  been 

devoted  to  considering  the  possibility  of  a  wider  cultivation  of  such 

Empire  products  as  have  important  industries  dependent 

Nuts  and        on  them.     The  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  of  the 

Institute  have  been  working  in  this  direction  by  wav 
West  Africa.  .          * 

oi  inquiry,  advice,  and  propaganda.     It  is  the  more 

gratifying  therefore  to  record  that  Mr.  Bonar  Law  has  just  appointed 
a  Committee  under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Steel  Maitland,  Under 
Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  to  consider  the  actual  position  and  prospects 
of  the  West  African  trade  in  palm-kernels  and  other  edible  and  oil- 
producing  nuts  and  seeds,  and  to  make  recommendations  to  the 
Imperial  Government  for  the  promotion  in  the  United  Kingdom 
of  the  industries  which  are  dependent  on  them.  The  great  bulk  of 
the  trade  in  palm-kernels  and  copra  had  been  allowed  to  fall  into 
German  hands  ;  but  the  annihilation  of  their  overseas  commerce 
has  provided  an  opening  for  development  within  the  Empire  and  on 
a  good  business  basis.  Extensions  of  existing  factories  have  already 
been  made  in  the  United  Kingdom,  and  other  new  ventures  are  under 
contemplation. 

EVERY-DAY  experience  of  the  price  of  meat  has  persistently  drawn 
attention  to  the  shortage  in  meat  supplies  for  civilian  use  during  the 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  649 

past    few    months.     The    probability    that    meat    will   grow  scarcer 
and  dearer  in  the  coming  winter  gives   weight  to  the 
Canadian         arguments  of  the  deputation  from  the  Free   Import- 
a    H  ation  of  Canadian  Cattle  Association,  which  was  received 


Supplies.  a  ^ew  ^a7s  a§°  ^7  Sir  Robert  Borden  and  Lord  Selborne, 
Minister  of  Agriculture.  Sir  Robert  declared  that  on 
the  question  of  meat  supplies  he  was  unable,  being  a  Canadian  Minister, 
to  intervene  in  domestic  politics  as  the  question  raised  was  "  purely  one 
between  the  deputation  and  their  own  Government".  The  general 
interests  of  the  Dominion  in  the  matter  had  been  in  the  past  the  subject 
of  representations  to  the  Imperial  Government  ;  and  would  be  so 
again,  he  assured  them,  if  necessity  arose.  Lord  Selborne  is  reported 
to  have  stated  that  political  considerations  would  prevent  any  repeal 
of  the  Act  of  1896,  as  had  been  suggested  by  previous  speakers  who 
claimed  that  the  abnormal  situation  and  outlook  justified  the  abolition 
of  the  restrictions  imposed  by  it  on  the  importation  of  Canadian  cattle. 
Any  such  proposal  would  certainly  provoke  opposition,  and  the 
absolute  condition  of  the  existence  of  the  Coalition  Government  is 
that  no  contentious  legislation  should  be  introduced.  The  shrinkage 
in  meat  supplies  is  due  to  high  freights  and  to  the  enormous  require- 
ments of  the  armed  forces  ;  in  part,  also,  to  increased  American  demands. 
As  a  partial  and  temporary  solution  of  the  difficulty,  Lord  Selborne 
is,  however,  "  taking  steps  to  secure  a  larger  supply  of  animals  from 
overseas  for  slaughter  at  four  ports  ".  This  is  the  limit  to  the  Govern- 
ment's action  in  the  matter  at  present. 

ON  the  occasion  of  his  recent  visit  to  Bristol,  Sir  Robert  Borden, 
who  is  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute, 

visited  the  building  in  Whiteladies  Road  and  accepted 
Bristol  an  illuminated  address  presented  by  Mr.  Lennard.  In 

his  reply  to  this  he  wrote  :  "  My  visit  to  the  Bristol 
branch  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  was  most  interesting,  and  the 
Council  are  to  be  heartily  congratulated  on  the  splendid  accom- 
modation which  has  been  provided  for  the  members.  The  work  of 
the  Institute  commends  itself  most  warmly  to  all  who  have  at  heart 
the  welfare  of  the  Empire,  and  the  desire  to  promote  its  unity  and 
its  influence  for  good  throughout  the  world.  As  a  Vice-President  of 
the  Institute,  may  I  be  permitted  to  express  to  you  my  deep  apprecia- 
tion of  the  great  interest  which  you  have  taken  in  its  work,  and  of 
your  splendid  gift  to  the  Bristol  branch  ?  ''' 


650 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST    AND    PRESENT. 

VII. — THE  OVERSEAS  CLUB. 

'  Believing  the  British  Empire  to  stand  for  justice,  freedom,  order  and  good  govern- 
ment, we  pledge  ourselves,  as  citizens  of  the  greatest  Empire  in  the  world,  to 
maintain  the  heritage  handed  down  to  us  by  our  fathers.'1 

THE  Overseas  Club,  of  which  His  Majesty  the  King  is  the  Patron,  and  whose 
creed  is  expressed  in  the  words  which  stand  at  the  head  of  this  article,  was 
founded  just  five  years  ago :  to  be  exact,  on  August  27,  1910.  In  this  short 
period  the  society  has  enrolled  over  130,000  supporters,  and  its  influence  is 
felt  wherever  British  subjects  are  to  be  found. 

The  success  of  the  Overseas  Club  is  primarily  due  to  the  simplicity  and 
popularity  of  its  creed,  the  democratic  nature  of  its  constitution,  and,  last  but 
not  least,  the  publicity  which  it  has  received  in  the  columns  of  the  Overseas 
Daily  Mail  and  The  Times  weekly.  The  subscription,  which  varies  from 
branch  to  branch,  but  never  exceeds  5s.,  is  within  the  reach  of  all.  The  Over- 
seas Club  may  be  said  to  have  linked  up  the  "  man  in  the  street  "  in  various 
parts  of  the  Empire  for  the  first  time. 

The  four  chief  objects  of  the  Club  are  : — 

1.  To  help  one  another. 

2.  To  render  individual  service  to  our  Empire. 

3.  To  maintain  our  Empire's  supremacy  upon  the  seas. 

4.  To  draw  together  in  the  bond  of  comradeship  British  people  the  world 
over. 

H.E.H.  the  Duke  of  Connaught  is  Vice-Patron  of  the  movement,  Lord 
Northcliffe  is  the  President ;  while  among  the  Vice-Presidents  are  Lord  Grey, 
Lord  Bel  borne,  Lord  Bryce,  Lord  Gladstone,  Lord  Meath,  Lord  Buxton,  and 
Mr.  Bonar  Law ;  the  Premiers  of  Canada,  Australia  and  New  Zealand  ; 
General  Booth,  and  many  others  interested  in  Imperial  affairs. 

Among  those  serving  on  the  Central  Committee  are  one  or  two  members 
of  the  Council  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute.  The  Council  of  the  Institute 
has  from  the  outset  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  Overseas  Club  movement, 
and  during  the  past  year  the  Central  Committee  of  the  Overseas  Club  has 
held  many  of  its  meetings  in  the  Council  Chamber  of  the  Institute — a  privilege 
which  has  been  highly  appreciated. 

The  first  public  meeting  of  members  of  the  Overseas  Club  was  held  in  the 
Memorial  Hall,  Farringdon  Street,  on  June  27,  1911,  during  the  Coronation 
celebrations,  when  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  world  were  assembled  in  London. 
Over  250  members  of  the  new  league,  representing  every  section  of  the 
Empire,  were  present,  and  the  need  for  such  an  institution  as  the  Overseas 
Club,  to  be  organised  on  a  thoroughly  popular  basis,  was  emphatically 
expressed. 

So  rapid  was  the  progress  made  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  Club's 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      651 

existence  that  branches  were  springing  up  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  having 
but  a  slender  link  with  head-quarters  in  London.  Early  in  1912  the  Hon. 
Organiser  decided,  therefore,  to  visit  the  chief  towns  in  the  British  Dominions 
with  a  view  to  co-ordinating  more  closely  the  existing  branches  and  promoting 
new  ones.  Mr.  Wrench,  accompanied  by  Miss  Wrench,  left  London  in  the 
summer  of  1912,  and  during  a  tour  lasting  seventeen  months,  at  his  own  expense, 
travelled  some  64,000  miles  and  visited  nearly  100  Overseas  Club  centres  in 
Canada,  New  Zealand,  Australia,  the  Union  of  South  Africa,  and  Rhodesia, 
returning  to  London  in  November  1913.  In  the  course  of  this  tour  public 
meetings  were  held  in  practically  all  the  important  cities  in  the  self-governing 
Dominions.  Members  of  all  parties  in  His  Majesty's  Dominions — Liberal, 
Conservative,  Nationalist,  and  Labour — met  together  to  forward  the  move- 
ment. In  the  Town  Hall,  Melbourne,  at  one  of  the  most  successful  meetings 
ever  held  there,  Mr.  Andrew  Fisher,  Premier  of  the  Commonwealth  and  leader 
of  the  Australian  Labour  Party,  referred  to  the  Overseas  Club  as  the  "  greatest 
Club  in  the  world." 

The  task  of  forming  a  representative  central  organisation  was  undertaken 
by  Mr.  Wrench  at  the  end  of  1913.  Invaluable  help  was  rendered  by  the  then 
Colonial  Secretary,  Mr.  Harcouit ;  by  Lord  Grey,  who  all  along  had  taken  the 
greatest  interest  in  the  progress  of  the  movement ;  and  by  many  others.  At 
Mr.  Wrench's  instance  the  present  writer  became  the  first  chairman  of  the 
Central  Committee. 

The  need  for  London  club  premises  for  the  use  of  visitors  from  overseas  had 
long  been  felt,  and,  thanks  to  the  generosity  of  Lord  Northcliffe,  club-rooms  were 
opened  in  General  Buildings,  Aldwych,  W.C.,  on  Empire  Day  1914,  by  the 
then  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  Sir  T.  Vansittart  Bowater.  Among  those  who 
attended  the  opening  ceremony  were  Lord  Selborne,  Lord  Buxton,  Governor- 
General  of  South  Africa,  Lord  Emmott,  the  Under-Secretary  of  State  for  the  Col- 
onies, Lord  Meath,  Sir  George  Reid,  High  Commissioner  for  Australia,  the  Hon. 
Thomas  MacKenzie,  High  Commissioner  for  New  Zealand,  the  Agents-General 
of  practically  every  State  or  Province  in  Australia  and  Canada,  and  many 
others  interested  in  Imperial  affairs.  Enlarged  premises  are  being  opened  in 
the  same  building  next  month. 

Wherever  British  subjects  reside  overseas,  either  within  the  boundaries  of 
the  Empire  or  on  foreign  soil,  you  may  be  sure  of  finding  the  little  badge  of  the 
organisation  ("  O.S."  denoting  Overseas  Club.)  There  are  no  class  distinc- 
tions in  the  Overseas  Club  ;  it  is  one  vast  brotherhood  of  British  subjects 
pledged  to  maintain  our  Empire,  and  you  will  find  the  badge  being  worn  by  rich 
and  poor ;  by  the  Australian  born  and  the  "  new  chum"  ;  by  the  Canadian  United 
Empire  Loyalist,  whose  family  has  lived  in  North  America  for  250  years,  and  by 
the  emigrant  just  arrived  from  the  "  old  country  "  ;  by  the  Rhodesian  pioneer 
and  the  Capetown  bank-cleik.  That  little  emblem  has  meant  a  helping  hand 
given  to  thousands  in  the  past  four  years.  No  member  of  the  Overseas  Club 
need  ever  lack  a  friend. 

The  activities  of  the  scattered  branches  of  the  Club  are  extremely  varied 


652      KINDRED  SOCIETIES-PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

They  include,  in  addition  to  the  provision  of  suitable  premises  for  the  use  of 
local  members  : — 

Arrangements  for  welcoming  strangers,  and  providing  accurate  informa- 
tion concerning  the  district. 

Debating  clubs,  which  meet  weekly  or  monthly  during  the  winter  months, 
when  topics  of  the  day  are  discussed  (party  politics  and  religious  subjects 
excepted). 

Libraries  of  good  literature  bearing  on  Empire  problems. 

Prizes  for  marksmanship,  which  are  awarded  to  local  troops  of  Cadets 
(especially  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand). 

Every  branch  of  the  Overseas  Club  meets  at  least  twelve  times  a  year,  and 
a  point  is  made  of  holding  a  banquet,  concert,  or  patriotic  demonstration  on 
such  occasions  as  Empire  Day  (May  24),  the  King's  Birthday  (June  3),  Over- 
seas Club  Birthday  (August  27),  Trafalgar  Day  (October  21),  and  during  the 
Christmas  season. 

Local  national  holidays  are  also  celebrated  by  the  branches  of  the  Club — 
such  as  Dominion  Day  in  Canada,  Wattle  Day  in  Australia,  Dominion  Day  in 
New  Zealand,  and  Union  Day  in  South  Africa.  The  celebration  of  "these 
national  holidays  serves  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  there  is  nothing  incompatible 
between  local  patriotism  or  nationalism  and  the  purpose  of  the  Club. 

Every  branch  of  the  Overseas  Club  is  expected  to  have  a  correspondent 
branch  in  some  other  section  of  the  Empire.  Many  have  been  the  links  of 
Empire  of  this  kind  forged  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  Club  during  the 
past  five  years. 

Another  rule  is  that  at  every  meeting  of  members  of  the  Overseas  Club 
Tennyson's  four  lines,  which  have  been  chosen  for  the  Club  Motto— 

"  We  sail'd  wherever  ship  could  sail, 

We  founded  many  a  mighty  state, 
Pray  God  our  greatness  may  not  fail, 
Through  craven  fears  of  being  great." 

— are  to  be  repeated  aloud  by  every  member  present  standing  up,  or  sung  tc 
the  tune  of  the  Old  Hundredth.  At  the  conclusion  of  all  meetings  the 
National  Anthem  is  followed  by  a  new  verse  specially  written  for  the  Over- 
seas Club  : — 

"  Far  o'er  the  rolling  main 
Echoes  the  royal  strain, 

God  save  the  King  ! 
One  great  united  band, 
Pray  we  through  every  land, 
God  guard  our  Empire  grand, 

God  save  the  King  !  " 

There  are  many  who  believe  that  a  new  era  has  dawned  since  August  1014. 
Surely  one  of  the  chief  results  of  the  present  World  War  will  be  a  yet  closer 
drawing  together  of  the  bonds  which  unite  the  various  sections  of  the  British 


KINDRED   SOCIETIES-PAST   AND   PRESENT.    653 

Empire.  In  this  development  the  Overseas  Club  will  undoubtedly  play  a 
prominent  part.  Meanwhile,  together  with  elder  and  kindred  societies,  it 
may  fairly  claim  that  the  spontaneous  unity  of  the  Empire  in  this  great  crisis 
has  been  in  no  small  degree  the  fruit  of  its  past  labour. 

Members  of  the  League  have  been  living  up  to  their  creed  since  the  out- 
break of  war.  Many  thousands  have  joined  the  forces  and  are  serving  in 
Flanders  and  in  the  "  minor  "  war  areas,  in  German  South- West  Africa  ; 
in  the  Dardanelles  (if  that  can  still  be  called  a  minor  campaign)  ;  in  Egypt ; 
in  the  Cameroon  ;  in  British  East  Africa  and  in  the  Persian  Gulf ;  while  many 
Australian  and  New  Zealand  members  are  in  the  forces  which  are  at  present 
occupying  German  New  Guinea  and  Samoa.  Several  branches  of  the  Over- 
seas Club  have  had  to  suspend  operations  for  the  time  being,  practically  all 
the  local  members  having  joined  the  colours.  The  Central  Committee  itself 
has  had  to  co-opt  new  members  to  maintain  a  quoium. 

Eveiy  week  since  the  outbreak  of  the  War  members  of  the  Club  in  distant 
parts  of  the  world  have  arrived  at  the  London  Club-rooms  to  join  the  Colouis. 
No  better  instance  of  the  patriotism  of  Britons  overseas  could  be  furnished 
when  it  is  recollected  that  these  individuals  for  the  most  part  have  left  lucrative 
positions  and  have  journeyed  to  England  at  their  own  expense  to  serve  the 
Empire.  They  have  come  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  There  is  the  case 
of  a  planter  in  New  Guinea  who,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  has  let  his  coco-nut 
plantation  go  to  the  dogs,"  and  has  come  home  to  join.  The  manager  of  a 
large  estancia  in  the  Argentine,  although  forty  years  of  age,  "  chucked  every- 
thing "  to  place  his  experience  at  the  disposfl  of  the  War  Office.  An  insurance 
manager  in  Mexico  returned  to  England  after  twenty  years'  absence  to  obtain 
a  commission.  The  harbour- master  of  a  large  South  American  port  placed 
his  services  at  the  disposal  of  the  Admiralty.  To  quote  just  one  other  typical 
case  :  the  young  Scotsman  from  British  East  Africa,  who,  having  already  lost 
two  fingers  fighting  out  there,  has  now  come  home  to  go  out  to  Flanders  "  to 
have  a  further  smack  at  these  d d  Germans  ". 

The  many  members  of  the  Overseas  Club  who  have  been  unable,  for  various 
reasons,  to  join  the  Forces,  are  showing  their  sympathy  in  a  very  practical 
manner  by  subscribing  to  various  War  funds.  The  Club  inauguiated  a  fund 
to^  provide  tobacco  and  comforts  for  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  so  far 
over  £50,000  has  been  received  from  members  and  their  friends  over- 
seas. The  money  has  been  sufficient  to  provide  nearly  50,000,000  cigarettes 
and  ovei  eighty  tons  of  tobacco,  while  nearly  1,000,000  packages  of  tobacco 
have  been  puichased.  Every  subscriber  to  the  fund  receives,  saving  accident, 
a  postcard  from  the  recipient  in  the  trenches. 

The  members  of  the  Club  have  further  been  instrumental  in  establishing 
an  Overseas  Aircraft  Flotilla  as  a  mark  of  their  appreciation  of  the  skill  and 
daring  of  our  airmen.  The  Central  Committee  has  asked  each  section  of  the 
Empire  to  contribute  an  aeroplane.  Every  district  which  provides  £1,500 
can  have  an  aeroplane  called  after  it.  The  first  aeroplane  was  presented 
to  the  British  Government  on  Empire  Day.  Up  to  date  fifteen  aeroplanes 


654     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND    PRESENT. 

have  been  delivered  to  the  Boyal  Flying  Corps  and  several  more  have  been 
promised.  The  scheme  has  the  approval  of  the  Army  Council,  Lord  Kitchener, 
and  the  Colonial  Office.  His  Majesty  the  King  has  graciously  expressed  his 
gratification  at  the  success  of  the  appeal. 

Through  the  medium  of  the  Lonely  Soldiers'  Guild,  friends  overseas  have 
been  found  for  over  7,000  lonely  soldiers.  Direct  "  links  of  Empire  "  have 
thereby  been  forged  between  the  trenches  and  the  residents  in  the  Dominions, 
many  thousands  of  miles  away. 

Through  the  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretaries  of  the  Overseas  Club,  a 
large  number  of  inquiries  concerning  the  British  missing  have  been  made  through 
the  German  Red  Cross  Society  in  Berlin.  Already  a  number  of  British  officers 
and  men  who  had  been  missing  have  been  traced  by  this  means. 

Every  week  cases  of  clothing  and  gifts  of  money  are  received  at  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Overseas  Club  from  its  members  for  distribution  to  the  British 
and  Belgian  poor.  These  welcome  gifts  have  been  given  to  the  various  charit- 
able organisations  in  London—  such  as  the  Salvation  Army,  the  Church  Army; 
National  Society  for  the  Blind,  Belgian  Relief  and  W?r  Refugees'  Committees, 
etc.  The  gieatest  number  of  gifts  forwarded  by  any  one  branch  has  been 
received  from  Dunedin,  New  Zealand,  which,  in  addition  to  large  sums  of  money, 
sent  seventy  packing-cases  filled  with  comforts  of  all  kinds.  These  cases  were 
carried,  free  of  charge,  by  the  various  shipping  companies. 

To  counteract  German  propaganda  in  neutral  countries,  the  Central  Com- 
mittee has  distributed  over  125,000  pamphlets,  explaining  the  British  standpoint 
in  the  present  crisis.  A  feature  of  the  scheme  has  been  that  the  literature  is 
printed  in  the  language  of  the  country  in  which  the  recipient  resides.  The 
members  have  handed  these  pamphlets  to  their  neutral  friends  with  very 
gratifying  results.  Thus,  one  Englishman  in  California  wrote  : — 

"  I  gave  the  literature  you  sent  me  to  three  German  friends,  and  after  reading 
the  British  Government  statement  '  Great  Britain  and  the  European  Crisis  '  they 
openly  expressed  their  sympathy  with  the  Allies." 

The  Overseas  Club  possesses  800  Hon.  Corresponding  Secretaries,  and 
through  them  is  able  to  procure  information  concerning  local  conditions  in  all 
parts  of  the  world.  The  branches  of  the  Club  are  extremely  widely  scattered. 
The  largest  is  that  at  Melbourne,  Australia,  with  a  membership  of  between  two 
and  three  thousand,  and  possessing  commodious  club  premises  in  Flinders 
Street.  The  most  westerly  branch  is  at  Masset,  Queen  Charlotte  Islands  ;  the 
most  southerly  at  Port  Stanley,  Falkland  Islands  ;  and  the  most  easterly 
in  the  late  German  possession  of  Samoa,  in  the  Southern  Pacific,  now  occupied 
by  New  Zealand  troops. 

The  remarkable  success  of  the  Overseas  Club  in  the  five  years  of  its  existence 
has  again  demonstrated  the  strength  of  sentiment  which  unites  the  peoples  of 
the  Empire.  130,000  British  subjects  overseas,  men  and  women,  have  enrolled 
themselves  with  a  motive — not  simply  for  the  sake  of  joining  a  rapidly  growing 
movement,  however  laudable  its  aims,  but  because  by  so  doing  they  have  been 


WAR   AND   LAW.  655 

able  to  testify  their  belief  in  the  world-purpose  of  the  British  Empire.  Theirs 
is  that  inner  conviction  which  is  so  hard  to  put  into  words  ;  that  sentiment 
which  will  be  the  undoing  of  Bernhardi  and  other  apostles  of  Kultur  ;  an  innate 
faith  in  this  new  union  of  free  and  self-governing  peoples  "  that  is  so  mysterious 
as  to  have  in  it  something  of  the  divine  ". 

EICHARD  JEBB. 


WAR  AND  LAW. 

AN  old  Cornishman,  cross-questioned  after  his  initiation  about  Masonic  secrets 
by  a  curious  friend,  summarised  them  as  "  the  nearest  thing  to  nothing  ".  The 
lay  student  of  International  Law  is  tempted  to  describe  it  in  similar  phrase,  and, 
for  that  matter,  can  quote  in  support  of  so  flippant  a  definition  Eousseau's 
contention  that  the  laws  of  war,  failing  coercive  sanction,  are  no  more  than 
chimeras ;  or  the  dictum  of  Clausewitz  that  as  merely  "  self-imposed  restric- 
tions "  they  are  "  hardly  worth  mentioning  ".  *  To  the  legal  mind  such  opinions 
are  heresy  unspeakable.  International  jurists  have  piled  volume  upon  volume, 
and  though  an  occasional  uneasy  suggestion  peeps  forth  here  and  there  in  a 
preliminary  chapter  that,  as  the  Eeport  of  the  Eoyal  Commission  on  Food 
Supply  in  Times  of  War  confessed,  "  there  is  no  absolute  guarantee  behind 
international  law  to  insure  that  its  rule  will  be^enforced,"  natheless,  the  said  Law 
has  been  coded  and  criticised,  dissected  and  defended,  iterated  and  reiterated, 
discussed  and  sanctioned  at  Conference  and  Convention,  hedged  about  by  paper 
forms  and  wordy  ceremonies,  until  in  the  security  of  the  legal  library  and  council 
chamber  it  appeared  that  "  there  seems  no  prospect  of  any  revolutionary  change 
passing  over  it  "  f  for  in  this  enlightened  age  the  days  must  be  past  when  a 
Grotius  could  have  need  to  write,  "  I  saw  prevailing  throughout  the  Christian 
world  a  licence  in  making  war  of  which  even  barbarous  nations  would  have  been 
ashamed  ;  recourse  being  had  to  arms  for  slight  reasons  or  no  reasons  ;  and 
when  arms  were  once  taken  up,  all  reverence  for  divine  and  human  law  was 
thrown  away,  just  as  if  men  were  henceforth  authorised  to  commit  all  crimes 
without  restraint."  % 

Grotius  made  initial  error  in  the  assumption  that  the  presumed  Law  of 
Nature — upon  which  his  scheme  of  International  Law  was  chiefly  based — could 
not  change  because  it  had  for  foundation  human  nature  itself.  But  elemental 
human  nature,  that  alone  knows  not  change,  is  barely  removed  from  the  level 
of  the  brute  beast.  His  system,  however,  according  to  one  authority,  "  rests 
secure  upon  the  alternative  foundation  of  general  consent ".  §  Vattel,  more 
cautious,  spoke  of  "  the  just  regulations  which  ought  to  subsist  between  nations 
or  sovereign  states  ".  ||  And  with  that  "  ought  "  we  come  to  the  crux  of  the 
matter. 

*   Vom  Kriege,  i.  p.  2. 

f  Lawrence,  Principles  of  International  Law,  p.  53. 

$?De  Jure  belli  ac  pads,  §  28. 

§  Lawrence,  op.  cit.,  p.  64. 

||  Vattel,  The  Law  of  Nations,  p.  vi. 


656  WAR   AND   LAW. 

On  paper  it  is  acknowledged,  by  all  those  Powers  that  are  ranked  as  "  civi- 
lised ",  that  certain  usages  and  customs  of  war — decencies  of  the  battle-field, 
in  fact — certain  standards  of  humane  behaviour,  are  to  be  observed  and  main- 
tained in  the  conduct  of  operations.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  agreed — on  paper 
— that  there  are  actions  so  reprehensible  that  no  civilised  Power  would  permit 
its  troops  to  be  guilty  of  their  perpetration.  These  actions,  known  as  War 
Crimes,  in  the  British  manual  on  the  laws  of  land  warfare  are  grouped  under 
four  headings  :  (i)  Violation  of  the  recognised  rules  of  warfare ;  (ii)  Illegitimate 
hostilities  in  arms ;  (iii)  Espionage  and  war  treason ;  (iv)  Marauding.*  The  first 
includes  among  its  seventeen  sub-headings  the  use  of  poison  and  prohibited 
munitions,  the  killing  of  wounded  and  prisoners,  abuse  of  the  Eed  Cross,  ill- 
treatment  of  inhabitants  of  occupied  territories,  and  the  bombardment  of 
undefended  localities.  All  of  these  acts  stand  condemned  by  the  International 
Conventions  at  the  Hague  ;  they  are,  in  the  accepted  phrase,  illegal.  But  it 
is  one  thing  to  formulate  a  law  and  very  other  to  ensure  its  observance.  Hard 
words,  as  the  proverb  has  it,  break  no  bones.  Condemnations  break  no  offender. 
As  restraint  they  are  valueless  if  he  wishes  to  offend,  and  deems  himself  strong 
enough  to  be  able  to  do  so  without  eventually  incurring  more  material 
punishment.  The  vicious  circle,  in  short,  ever  returns  to  physical  force  as  the 
dominant  factor  in  human  intercourse  ;  for  a  legal  phrase  that  has  behind  it 
no  superior  potency  carries  little  weight  in  the  final  arbitrament  of  war,  which 
in  its  essence  is  an  appeal  to  strength. 

A  sovereign  head  of  the  Holy  Koman  Empire,  a  Papal  Pontiff  with  equal 
temporal  and  spiritual  powers,  could  impose  his  fiat  upon  jarring  nations 
and  determine  the  forms  and  ceremonies  of  war,  its  licence  and  its  limitations, 
just  so  long  as  he  was  able  to  back  his  decisions  with  more  than  wordy  threat. 
Once  any  supreme  power  has  vanished,  law  and  rule  possess  no  other  bond 
than  the  ephemeral  tie  of  consent.  No  paper  forms  can  secure  immunity  from 
disloyal  conduct  on  the  part  of  an  opponent.  A  nation  devoid  of  honour 
will  repudiate  them.  International  laws  become,  then,  a  matter  of  national 
honour  dependent  on  the  existing  codes  of  national  ethics.  Though  the  jurists 
may  dress  them  never  so  nicely  in  trappings  of  fine  words  and  "  ruffling  garb  " 
of  sounding  phrase,  at  bottom  these  fall  into  two  opposing  classes  :  on  the 
one  hand  we  get  the  "  Golden  Rule  ",  or  the  nearest  equivalent  thereto  com- 
patible with  a  warfare  of  any  sort,  and  on  the  other,  baldly  :— 

" .  .    .  the  good  old  rule 
.  .  .  the  simple  plan, 

That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 
And  they  should  keep  who  can." 

It  is  a  question  how  much  of  the  whole  matter  might  not  be  removed  from 
the  sphere  of  Law  and  acknowledged  to  be  within  the  realm  of  Ethics.  There 
is,  in  so  much  of  the  argument  that  has  waged — and  will  wage — over  Inter- 
national Law,  a  confusion  of  the  ideas  represented  by  the  words  law  and  ethics. 

*  Col.  J.  E.  Edmonds  and  L.  Oppenheirn,  Land  Warfare,  p.  95. 


WAR   AND   LAW.  657 

An  ethical  standard  is  indicated.  It  is  dubbed  law.  But  that  does  not  make 
it  so.  Laiv  presupposes  the  possibility  of  coercion  ;  failure  to  comply  entails 
punishment ;  defiance  invites  definite  reprisal.  Ethics,  on  the  other  hand, 
suggests  a  standard,  an  ideal  to  be  aimed  at,  right  to  be  encouraged,  wrong 
to  be  deprecated — but  no  coercive  force.  Yet  here  again  we  get  nothing  stable. 
It  is  a  truism  to  remark  that  morals  are  a  question  of  chronology  and  latitude. 
Nor  will  religion — in  its  widest  sense — offer  firmer  foundation,  for  not  all 
religions  count  human  life  as  sacred,  far  less  human  suffering  as  an  ill  to  be 
decried. 

There  is,  then,  no  permanent  basic  ground  for  international  ordinances  to 
be  gained  from  religion  or  ethics.  But  some  such  holdfast  must  of  necessity 
be  secured.  Though  Grotius  erred  in  certain  of  his  deductions  and  theories 
concerning  the  Law  of  Nature,  in  fact  he  touched  on  the  one  supreme  authority 
that  can  and  does  rule  human  fluctuations.  Natural  laws  alone  are  binding, 
for  Nature  imposes  her  own  punishments,  and  can  coerce  where  man's  potencies 
fail.  Her  processes  are  ruled  by  laws  immutable.  Chaos  is  inimical  because 
it  is  the  opposite  to  law,  is  prohibitory  to  progress.  It  can  therefore  never 
be  permitted  by  Nature  entirely  to  swamp  humanity.  So  man  makes  his 
codes  of  law,  builds  up  his  standards  of  international  ethics,  till  what  time 
a  stronger  or  more  ruthless  may  come  and  let  chaos,  seemingly,  loose  again 
upon  a  tortured  world. 

The  final  test,  therefore,  is  not  so  much  what  is  or  is  not  lawful,  but  what 
is  or  is  not  expedient.  That  Nature's  action  must  needs  be  lawful  was  the 
excuse  advanced  by  seventeenth-century  theorists  for  the  use  of  fire-  and 
smoke-balls.  Nature  wrought  darkness  ;  man  might  therefore  copy  her  example 
and  secure  it,  though  by  artificial  means.  "  Balls  which  cast  forth  so  great  a 
smoak  that  they  blind  whomsoever  they  come  near "  were  advocated  by 
Simienowicz  and  by  the  author  of  "  The  Compleat  Gunner  "  as  "  the  most 
lawful  way  that  one  may  follow,  because  it  shews  its  original  from  natural 
things,  and  we  may  believe  that  this  is  alwayes  sufficient  justice,  so  that  the 
wars  where  such  things  are  practised  be  not  unjustly  enterprised.  "*  With 
blissful  oblivion  of  this  moral  the  latter  writer  proceeds  next  to  discourse  on 
"  Stink  Balls  ",  which  "  are  made  to  annoy  the  Enemy  by  their  stinking  vapours 
and  fumes  disagreeable  to  Nature".  He  further  gives  directions  for  the 
manufacture  of  poisoned  bullets. 

Whatever  the  anonymous  writer  of  1672  may  have  thought,  the  consensus 
of  opinion  has  always  been  against  such  practices.  Simienowicz,  who  wrote 
in  1649,  though  he  considered  balles  a  fumee  et  a  puanteur  were  a  means  of 
guerre  loyal,  was  not  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  with  regard  to  poisoned  bullets 
and  the  fogs,  storms,  and  thick  mists  made  use  of  by  Cossacks  and  Tartars  in 
1644  at  Ochmatow.f  In  1675  we  find  les  Allies  conviennent,  avec  les  Franc,  ais, 

*  The  Compleat  Gunner,  p.  10.     Simienowicz,  "  The  Great  Art  of  Artillery"  p.  287. 

f  These  appear  to  have  been  natural  fogs  and  mists  from  marshy  lands,  but  the  Cossacks  and 
Tartars  being  suspected  of  practising  the  Black  Art  the  Polish  author  decided  they  were  produced 
by  supernatural  means.  Op.  tit.  p.  288. 


658  WAR  AND   LAW. 

qu'il  ne  sera  pas  fait  usage  de  balles  empoisonnfos.*  Further  arrangements  were 
usual  concerning  the  type  of  bullet  that  might  be  used,  tin  being  especially 
forbidden  as  material.  In  an  Italian  treaty  of  1690  it  is  expressly  noted  that 
bullets  are  not  to  be  made  of  any  metal  but  lead,  and  this  stipulation  occurs 
again  and  again  in  subsequent  treaties  and  cartels,  with — as  a  rule — the  addi- 
tional prohibition  of  the  use  of  "  ramm'd  bullets" — a  literal,  or  rather  phonetic, 
translation  of  Palk  ramate  or  Balles  ramies,  in  other  words  bar-shot — which 
the  Dutch  used  in  1672  at  the  seige  of  Maestricht.  The  cartel  or  treaty  between 
Leopold,  Emperor  of  Borne,  and  Louis  XIV,  in  1692,  expressly  states  nothing 
is  to  be  employed  which  is  forbidden  among  Christians  as  unlawful  to  be  used 
against  the  life  of  man  or  beast.  Ten  years  later  Louis  bought  the  secret  of 
Poll's  invention— un  feu  danger eux — in  order  to  destroy  it — Vaneantir — as 
contrary  to  the  droits  des  gens.  Putaneus,  in  his  "  Grundlehren  der  Artillerie  ", 
forbad  the  use  of  poisoned  bullets.  However,  Flemming  in  "  Le  Soldat  alle- 
mand  "  declared,  in  1726,  that  their  employment  was  une  question  de  politique. 
Wolff  argued  poison  was  permissible,  though  the  mass  of  authority  from  the 
days  of  the  ancients  agreed  with  the  Eoman  dictum,  Armis  bella,  non  venenis, 
geri  debere,^  and  Vattel  naively  summed  up  the  arguments  with  the  confession 
that  "  Besides,  if  you  poison  your  arms,  the  enemy  will  follow  your  example. 
And  thus,  without  any  advantage  to  yourself  on  the  decision  of  the  quarrel, 
you  will  render  the  war  more  cruel  and  horrible  ".  J 

In  his  presidential  address  to  the  Folklore  Society  this  year,  Dr.  Marett, 
speaking  on  savagery  in  war,  put  the  pertinent  question,  does  it  pay  ?  §  History 
at  least  has  no  hesitation  in  its  reply.  In  the  long  run  it  does  not.  Euthless 
barbarity  makes  for  no  durable  success,  else  had  the  Assyrian  wolf  never  been 
ousted  from  dominance  in  the  fold  of  the  nations.  After  every  period  of  indis- 
criminate savagery  comes  a  set-back,  a  return  to  more  moderate,  to  saner 
methods.  In  this  connection  another  point  emerges  from  the  welter  of  world 
struggles  :  tyranny  does  not  make  power,  but  success  may  breed  the  tyrant  ; 
moreover,  tyranny  and  cruelty,  like  fear  and  cruelty,  are  never  far  apart.  To 
give  a  national  and  an  individual  example  :  Eome,  before  her  zenith  was  reached, 
when  the  Fecials  were,  as  Vattel  puts  it,  "  the  interpreters,  the  guardians,  and  in 
some  sort  the  priests  of  the  public  faith,"  ||  made  war  with  a  measure  of  restraint, 
with  a  regard  for  law  and  custom  ;  but  imperial  Eome,  drunk  with  the  lust  of 
power,  drifted  from  her  previous  high  standing,  the  international  ideals  she  had 
herself  once  evolved  :  so,  too,  Henry  V,  fighting,  whether  professedly  or  no, 
to  impose  what  he  considered  to  be  a  superior  civilisation — or,  as  Germany  would 
say,  Kultur — on  a  country  that  preferred  its  own,  however  inferior  the  standard, 
started  with  more  humanitarian  sentiments  and  projects  than  later  he  could 
find  to  be  compatible  with  all  his  schemes  of  conquest.  In  August  1415,  before 

*  Meyer,  Manuel  Historique  de  la  Technologie  des  Armes  a  Feu,  p.  251. 

t  The  Saracens  would  not  allow  the  use  of  incendiary  projectiles  or  the  use  of  poison  to  destroy 
the  enemy  through  contaminating  wells  and  watercourses. 
}  Op.  cit.  pp.  537-8. 
§  Folklore  Journal,  March  1915,  p.  26. 
11  Op.  cit.,  p.  vi. 


WAR   AND   LAW.  659 

the  siege  of  Harfleur,  where  "  he  plaied  at  tenys  with  his  hard  gonne  stones  ", 
as  a  contemporary  chronicler  puts  it,  Henry  issued  as  a  Proclamation  the 
"  Statutes  and  Ordenances  .  .  .  made  at  trety  and  counseill  of  Maunt ".  * 
These  "  Ordenances  "  very  explicitly  forbid  desecration  or  robbery  of  "  Holy 
Churche  "  ;  killing  or  making  prisoners  of  women,  unarmed  priests,  or  children 
under  fourteen ;  and  include  rules  "  For  kepinge  of  the  Countre  .  .  .  that  no 
man  be  so  hardey  to  robe  or  pille  therein  after  that  the  peas  is  proclamyd  "  ; 
"  For  Prysoners  " — several  regulations — ;  "  For  women  that  lie  in  Gesem  "  ; 
and  against  waste  of  "  Vitaill ",  or  "  Eobinge  of  Marchantes  comyng  to  the 
Market  ". 

This  last  phrase  takes  one  back  to  prehistoric  warfare,  when  market  and 
trade  route  appear  to  have  been  at  least  partially  exempt  from  the  turmoil  of 
intertribal  strife,  and  recognised  as  necessarily  common  ground,  a  neutrality 
that  conferred  mutual  benefit  on  all  combatants.  How  and  when  questions 
of  contraband  arose  it  is  difficult  to  decide,  but  they  are  no  development  of 
modern  days.  The  actual  word  has  been  traced  first  to  an  Italian  charter  of 
1445  ;  in  England  it  makes  its  initial  appearance  in  the  treaty  of  Southampton 
in  1625.  The  subject  is  a  complex  one,  and  not  without  its  sentimental  confusion 
of  issues  to-day.  It  has  never  been  held  contrary  to  civilised  practice  for  a 
General  to  prevent  by  every  means  in  his  power  the  conveyance  of  provisions 
to  a  besieged  city.  Starvation  is  a  recognised  means  of  forcing  a  surrender. 
That  non-combatants,  women,  children,  sick  and  aged,  in  the  invested  locality 
will  suffer  with  the  combatant  garrison  is  one  of  the  tragic  outcomes  of  war. 
It  may  be  of  definite  value  in  securing  capitulation.  At  the  siege  of  Wessel, 
in  1671,  when,  as  the  Prince  de  Conde  relates,  the  women  of  the  town,  terrified 
at  the  progress  of  the  siege  works,  demanded  leave  to  quit,  they  were  told, 
"  He  could  not  think  o.f  depriving  his  triumph  of  its  greatest  ornament,"  a 
compliment  the  sufferers  could  hardly  have  been  expected  to  appreciate. 
"  His  calculation  ",  the  record  continues,  "  was  just ;  those  very  women 
prevailed  on  the  governor  to  surrender  at  the  end  of  three  days  ".f  Exactly 
a  hundred  years  later,  during  the  siege  of  Cracow,  the  commandant  of  the  castle 
offered  to  give  up  one  hundred  civilian  prisoners,  and  asked  permission  for  the 
clergy  and  their  attendants  to  leave.  Count  Suvorov  refused,  "  in  order  to 
increase  the  distress  of  the  garrison  by  so  many  useless  mouths  ".J  The  "  Green 
Curve  "  has  long  had  recognition  in  siege  warfare.  But  when  the  same  principle 
is  applied  on  a  larger  scale  there  are  sentiment-mongers  to-day  who  will  make 
outcry  against  sufferings  wrought  by  a  state  of  blockade,  which  is  simply  a 
comprehensive  naval  siege,  and  who  will  demand  that  food  at  least  be  permitted 
to  reach  the  non-combatant  inhabitants  of  the  enemy  country.  Setting  aside 
the  difficulty  of  differentiation  between  combatant  and  non-combatant,  and 
the  impossibility  of  preventing  such  supplies,  once  admitted,  reaching  both 

*  This,  with  the  sole  exception  of  the  1385  code  of  Richard  II,  is  said  by  Lt.-Col.  E.  Gunter  to 
be  the  earliest  existing  record  of  English  military  law.  Outlines  of  Military  Law,  p.  3. 

•f  Louis  Joseph  de  Bourbon,  Prince  de  Conde.     Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  the  Or  eat  Conde,  p.  174. 
J  Anthing,  History  of  the  Campaigns  of  Count  Alexander  Suwarow  Bymnikaki,  vol.  i.  pp.  89-90. 


660  WAR   AND   LAW. 

alike,  or  even  combatants  to  the  exclusion  of  non-combatants  in  extreme  cases, 
why  should,  as  a  matter  of  abstract  justice,  the  exclusion  be  permitted  in  the 
first  case  and  not  in  the  second  ?  From  the  days  when  Jews  and  Romans 
made  treaty,  in  Maccabean  times,  provisions  have  been  included  with  arms, 
ships,  and  money,  as  contraband  of  war. 

Indeed,  prohibitions  in  war,  be  they  of  methods,  munitions,  merchandise, 
or  manners,  are  no  new  thing  ;  nor  are  they  peculiar  to  the  nations  that  arrogate 
to  themselves  the  title  of  "  civilised  ".  Even  barbarian  warfare  has  its  taboos, 
its  ceremonies.  Among  the  Malays  the  Battaks  announce  war  by  a  cartel ; 
the  Ilongotes  of  North  America  send  arrows  or  sprinkle  the  road  with  blood. 
In  the  lowest  grades  of  humanity  there  are  restrictions — things  that,  in  popular 
phrase,  no  decent  fellow  would  do.  There  have  been,  and  there  must  always 
be,  rules  for  the  Great  Game,  else  would  confusion  ensue.  Discipline,  after 
all,  is  but  law  in  another  form.  But  in  the  matter  of  rules  mankind  has  "  sought 
out  many  inventions ".  A  possibly  less  self -deceiving  age  dubbed  them 
"  Articles  of  War  "  :  chivalry  and  Christianity  added  to  the  etiquette,  and 
brought  further  measure  of  humanity  into  the  business  ;  with  Grotius  we  get 
a  definite  attempt  to  range  them — customs,  usages,  etiquette,  and  the  dictates 
of  humanity — as  recognised  and  recognisable  law,  not  for  one  belligerent,  as 
Henry's  "  Ordenances  ",  but  for  all.* 

The  etiquette  of  mediaeval  warfare  was  no  mere  empty  ceremony.  Heralds 
in  the  days  of  chivalry  enquired  and  proclaimed  the  terms  of  combat.  The 
last  herald  to  announce  war  was  sent  to  the  Danes  in  1657.  Subsequently 
the  method  changed,  and  hostile  powers  prearranged  by  treaty  or  cartel  those 
matters  which  heretofore  had  been  the  province  of  the  herald — such  as  the 
ransom,  treatment,  or  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  later  the  treatment  of  wounded. 
From  these  cartels  much  may  be  gleaned.  For  instance,  the  treaty  between 
England  and  Spain  in  1630  ruled  that  prisoners  should  not  be  sent  to  the 
galleys — proof  enough  of  their  previous  hard  fate.  But  legislation  on  behalf 
of  these  unfortunates  of  war  is  of  earlier  origin.  Haroun  al  Raschid,  hero 
of  so  many  a  tale  that  it  is  almost  startling  to  find  him  a  real  historical  personage, 
in  the  year  797  made  treaty  with  the  Empress  Irene,  and  eight  years  after  with 
the  Emperor  Nicephorus,  for  the  exchange  and  ransom  of  prisoners.  They 
cried  quits,  or  sold  the  balance  to  the  adversary  instead  of  disposing  of  the 
prisoners  through  the  ordinary  channels  of  the  slave  mart.  Slavery  was  the 
portion  of  war  captives  for  century  after  century.  They  were  spoils  of  war. 
Gradually  life  and  freedom  became  a  definite  matter  of  purchase  ;  the  captive 
was,  actually,  merchandise ;  he  represented  potential  wealth  to  his  captor. 
By  slow  degrees  the  system  of  ransom  was  established  not  as  an  occasional 
favour  on  the  part  of  a  good-natured  or  broad-minded  conqueror,  but  as  a 
custom  of  war.  Even  as  late  as  the  Thirty  Years  War  exchange  was  looked 
upon  as  "  robbery  "  ;  and  if  a  prisoner  was  of  sufficiently  high  rank  he  might  be 

*  Maritime  law,  by  the  nature  of  things  more  easily  defined  and  controlled,  dates  back  to  the 
Rhodians.  The  earliest  codes  extant,  besides  a  fragment  of  the  original,  are  the  Laws  of  Oleron, 
dating  from  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  the  Costumbres  Maritimoa  of  the  fourteenth  century. 


WAR   AND   LAW.  661 

purchased — as  a  speculation,  or  for  purpose  of  reprisal,  or  other  weighty  matter 
of  state — from  the  individual  captor  by  the  latter's  superiors  ;  for  example, 
the  Emperor  paid  £4,000  to  Verdugo,  "  the  party  seizing  ...  in  order  to  get  the 
young  Prince  of  Anhalt  into  his  own  hands  ".*  But  by  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  more  liberal  views  were  permeating  the  nations.  By 
arrangements  made  at  Dunkirk,  in  1646,  the  prisoners  on  both  sides  were  to  be 
returned.  Nor  was  this  the  only  improvement.  Henry  V.'s  exemption  of 
women,  priests,  and  children,  grew  to  include  the  medical  staff  and  other  non- 
combatants.  The  cartel  of  1673,  between  France  and  the  Netherlands,  speci- 
fically notes  they  shall  be  freed  sans  ranyon.  Two  years  later  the  same  countries 
agreed  that  the  prisoners  were  to  receive  certain  moneys  outre  le  pain  de  munition  ; 
and  it  was  forbidden  to  deprive  them  of  their  clothes.  The  same  year — at  Stras- 
burg,  Prance,  and  Germany — settled  that  neither  sick,  wounded,  nor  medical 
staff  were  to  be  d6pouilUs.  More  detailed  rules  for  the  treatment  of  prisoners 
were  laid  down  in  the  cartels  of  16SO  and  1702.  This  last,  the  "  New  Cartel 
Between  the  Imperialists,  English,  Dutch,  &c.  of  the  one  part ;  and  the  Span- 
iards and  French,  on  the  Other  part,"  not  only  gives  the  elaborate  tables  of 
exchange  common  to  all  cartels  at  the  period — the  prices  varied  from  50,000 
livres  f  for  an  English  Commauder-in- Chief  to  forty  for  un  gentilhomme  du 
canon,  and  nine  for  a  soldier  or  pontonnier — but  includes  explicit  directions  as  to 
who  are  exempt  from  ransom,  how  difficulties  about  pay  are  to  be  settled,  what 
money  is  required  during  imprisonment  for  subsistence,  how  officers  are  to  be 
treated,  parole,  reciprocal  payment  of  expenditures  by  all  belligerents,  accounts, 
record  of  prisoners  taken  and  exchanged,  return  of  prisoners,  regulations 
concerning  small  parties  taken  in  arms — to  prevent  desertion  and  guerilla  tactics 
— the  care  of  wounded  and  sick,  the  lodgment  of  prisoners,  passports,  notifica- 
tion of  capture  ;  and,  further,  forbids  the  enlistment  of  prisoners  and  the  use  of 
prohibited  munitions.  Forty-one  years  later,  after  Dettingen,  definite  arrange- 
ments were  made  "  that  the  hospitals  on  both  sides  should  be  considered  as 
sanctuaries  ".J 

An  interesting  point  in  connection  with  capitulations  and  the  exchange  of 
prisoners  is  to  be  found  in  accounts  of  the  siege  of  Cracov.  When  Suvorov 
captured  the  castle,  part  of  the  garrison  consisted  of  French  soldiers.  But, 
at  the  time,  there  was  officially  no  war  between  the  powers  of  France  and  Kussia  ; 
therefore  it  was  ruled  "  no  exchange  of  prisoners  can  take  place  ",  and  according 
to  the  articles  of  capitulation  the  Frenchmen  had  to  "  surrender  themselves 
only  as  prisoners,  but  not  as  prisoners  of  war  ".  §  Another  thing  to  note  is 
that  in  nearly  every  case  of  cartel  or  treaty  it  is  agreed  that  prisoners  should 
not  be  retained  for  more  than  a  fortnight.  At  the  end  of  the  fourteen  days 
they  must  be  released,  even  if  the  total  sum  owing  as  ransom  were  not  paid. 
The  twentieth  century  has  not  entirely  dismissed  the  notion  of  sale  and  purchase. 

*  Harte,  History  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  vol.  i.  p.  xliii. 

f  Eleven  equalled  a  louis  d'or. 

$  Pringle,  Sir  John,  Observations  on  the  Diseases  of  the  Army,  p.  viii. 

§  Anthing,  op.  cit.  vol.  i.  pp.  102-3. 

2  Y 


662  WAR   AND    LAW. 

"  We  prisoners  are  their  assets,  their  gold  reserve,  their  pawns  and  chips  in 
the  game,"  wailed  the  anonymous  author  of  "  As  the  Hague  Ordains  ".  "  We 
are  as  good  for  exchange  and  quotations  as  bonds  or  gold.  Oh  !  God  !  to 
think  that  I — I  myself — my  own  poor  body  has  its  daily  market  value  in  this 
stock-gamble  of  nations  !  "  *  The  personal  gain  has  been  transferred  entirely 
from  the  individual  victor  to  the  State ;  for  war,  once  an  individual  matter, 
became  a  State  affair.  The  tendency  of  this  at  first  was  to  rule  out  the  non- 
combatant  in  operations  of  war  more  fully  even  than  previously  had  been 
the  case  ;  and  to  judge  by  the  cleaner  records  of  the  eighteenth  century  this 
resulted  in  humaner  warfare.  Fighting  was  the  concern  only  of  those  forces 
of  the  State — voluntary,  hired,  or  impressed  for  service — which  made  war  their 
own  particular  business — the  professionals.  On  paper  it  was  an  excellent 
development ;  and  the  civilian  immune  from  war's  alarms,  except  vicariously, 
had  the  privilege  of  criticising  in  safety — tempered  only  by  the  one  serious 
drawback  of  having  eventually  to  foot  the  bill  in  gold  that  the  soldier  had 
paid  in  blood.  But  it  cuts  both  ways.  La  guerre  n'est  pas  declaree  par  ceux 
qui  la  /ont.f  To-day  such  immunity  is  threatened.  We  are  learning  what 
not  only  the  discipline  and  mobilisation  of  an  army,  but  also  the  discipline  and 
mobilisation  of  a  people  mean.  As  von  der  Goltz  foresaw,  as  Alphonse  Seche 
in  "  Les  Guerres  d'Enfer  "  demonstrates,  war  is  ceasing  to  be  a  matter  of 
professional  combat  and  promises  to  be  more  and  more  not  only  an  engagement 
between  two  armies,  but  the  exodus  of  two  peoples. 

Space  forbids  further  inquiry  as  to  even  those  war  crimes  already  referred 
to,  far  less  entry  into  discussion  about  others,  or  the  examination  of  incidents 
during  the  campaigns  of  the  last  century  as  a  method  of  comparison  with  those 
done  during  the  past  year  and  in  the  doing  to-day.  Of  individual  war  crimes 
instances  can  be  gathered  from  all  wars ;  but  to  find  a  belligerent  that,  not  of 
misadventure,  not  in  the  passionate  on-rush  of  strife,  but  openly  with  organised 
and  deliberate  intention,  sets  aside  all  the  standards  of  "  civilised  "  warfare, 
the  pages  of  history  must  be  turned  for  such  dark  periods  as  the  wars  of  the 
Assyrians  of  old,  the  Thirty  Years  War,  or  the  chaotic  strifes  that  periodically 
have  rent  those  portions  of  Europe  and  Asia  we  term  the  Near  East.  The 
words  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who  "  ever  drew  a  line  of  partition  between  the 
man  of  service  and  the  ruffian  ",  1  are  as  grave  an  indictment  of  Teutonic 
methods,  then  and  now,  as  could  well  be  penned.  He  spoke  of  "  the  ravages, 
extortions,"and  cruelties  lately  committed  §  ...  and  that  .  .  .  persons  of  rank, 
birth,  education,  and  competent  incomes  have  been  guilty  ".  ||  In  the  same 
impassioned  speech  to  the  German  officers  in  his  army  he  declared,  "  this 
diabolical  practice  of  ravaging  and  destroying  lays  a  dead  weight ".  On  a 
previous  occasion  he  had  begged,  "  Let  us  not  imitate  our  ancestors  of  confusion, 
the  Goths  and  Vandals,  who,  by  destroying  everything  that  belonged  to  the 

*  As  the  Hague  Ordains,  p.  78. 

f  Enquete  dans  les  Balkans,  p.  xxi. 

j  Harte,  History  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  vol.  ii.  p.  55. 

§  "  In  Bavaria,  where  interrupted  successes  first  rendered  them  insolent,"  Ibid.,  p.  276. 

U  Ibid.,  p.  276-7. 


WAR   AND   LAW.  663 

fine  arts,  have  delivered  down  to  posterity  their  barbarity  and  want  of  taste, 
as  a  sort  of  proverb  and  bye-word  of  contempt  ".* 

Kultur ! 

"  Do  men  gather  grapes  of  thorns,  or  figs  of  thistles  ?  "  Germany  is  true 
to  her  record. 

"  Nothing  ",  writes  Colonel  Edmonds, "  is  more  demoralising  to  troops  or  more 
subversive  of  discipline  than  plundering."  f  But,  as  Bentwich  points  out, 
"  the  theoretical  inviolability  of  private  property  on  land  is  circumvented  on 
the  Continent  by  a  liberal  interpretation  of  the  necessities  of  war,  and  the 
German  staff-rules  actually  recognise  and  give  legal  validity  to  a  number  of 
harsh  practices  under  the  title  of  Kriegsmanier,  which  temper,  or  rather  whittle 
away,  the  law  of  nations  (Kriegsraisori)  on  the  ground  that  military  necessity 
brooks  no  restraint  ".f  The  plea  of  military  exigencies,  military  necessities, 
is  no  new  one  on  the  lips  of  German  casuists.  They  have  always  had  sophistries 
to  controvert  the  restrictive  tendencies  of  accepted  mitigations  of  war.  They 
have  gone  further  and  urged  success  as  plausible  excuse  for  outraging  humane 
conventions.  §  To  what  lengths  the  doctrine  has  been  carried  von  Bethman- 
Hollweg  displayed  when  he  made  his  callous  and  cynical  statement  in  the 
Eeichstag  on  August  4  last  year  :  "  We  are  now  in  a  state  of  necessity,  and 
necessity  knows  no  law."  ^f  The  justification  of  necessity  once  admitted,  law 
does  end — for  who  is  to  define  "  necessity  "  ?  By  the  standards  of  a  Bethman- 
Hollweg  the  offender  decides.  Which  is  absurd. 

What  is  to  be  the  conclusion  of  the  matter  ?  Are  we  to  admit  the  apostles 
of  Kultur  correct  in  upholding  the  doctrine  of  might  as  right  ?  Is  physical  force 
not  only  the  dominant  but  the  determinant  factor  in  human  affairs  ?  When 
nations  seethe  in  the  melting-pot  of  war  the  futility  of  paper  contracts  has 
received  ghastly  demonstration.  But  codes  of  law  have  their  value  for  neutral 
nations  in  that  they  supply  some  standard  whereby  rights  of  trade  and  transit 
may  be  in  a  measure  estimated,  and  the  danger  that  threatens  themselves, 
their  goods,  or  their  vessels — and  it  has  proved  such  danger  is  increasing,  not 
diminishing — may  be  adjudged,  and  a  portion  of  the  losses  inevitable  in  a 
state  of  war  may  be  avoided.  One  of  the  many  suggestions  that  have  been 
advanced  is  that  an  International  Law  Court  might  be  established  at  the 
Hague  as  a  central  administrative  Prize  Court.  In  such  a  war  as  the  one 
we  are  now  engaged  upon  this  would  be  of  no  greater  use  than  individual  Courts 
set  up  by  the  combatants.  Belligerents  as  the  parties  interested,  by  juridical 
principle,  could  not  sit  on  it.  Neutrals  would  practically,  if  not  theoretically, 
be  in  like  case  where  decisions  as  to  neutral  rights  were  concerned.  What 
remains  ?  The  Court  might  lay  down  a  thousand  laws  as  to  contraband  and 
neutral  trading,  but  how  would  it  enforce  them  ?  All  the  weightiest  tomes 
and  wordiest  diatribes  are  of  no  avail  when  one  is  up  against  elemental  passion 

*  Harte,  History  of  Owtavus  Adolphus,  vol.  ii.,  p.  225. 

f  Land  Warfare,  p.  88. 

J  Bentwich,  The  Law  of  Private  Property  in  War,  p.  18. 

§  Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege,  pp.  49-50. 

If  The  Times,  August  11,  1914. 

2  Y  2 


664  WAR   AND   LAW. 

and  raw  fact.  War  sweeps  away  the  trappings  of  peace-made  law,  and  only 
the  shell  and  the  bayonet  can  gainsay  its  verdicts.  :<  The  litigant",  said 
Professor  Cramb,  "  appeals  to  something  higher  than  himself,  while  no  free 
State  sees  anything  higher  than  itself."  *  It  needs  no  lawyers'  arguments  to 
prove  that  "  the  entire  world  has,  properly,  a  right  to  consider  whether  an 
alleged  grievance  is  a  justifiable  and  sufficient  cause  for  making  war.  It  has, 
further,  a  right  to  intervene  when  the  alleged  cause  is  unfounded  ".f  Legal 
splitting  of  hairs  is  a  weird  folly  to  the  plain  soldier.  Who  denies  the  right  ? 
And  of  what  matter  if  they  do  ?  What  value  lies  in  moral  sanction  without 
the  will  for  forceful  suasion  to  compel  the  acceptance  of  a  judgment  ?  Once 
the  will  to  intervene  exists  the  act  swiftly  follows — but  it  usually  takes  more 
than  an  abstract  theory  of  right  or  wrong  to  rush  a  nation  into  the  adventure 
of  war. 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  might  is  indisputably  the  dominant  factor.  But 
this  does  not  make  it  the  determinant  factor.  Superficially  it  may  appear  so, 
but  there  are  deeper  issues  and  influences  to  be  considered ;  for,  after  all,  physical 
force  itself  is  controlled  by  the  greater  values  of  spiritual  and  idealistic  forces — 
the  supremacy  of  the  mind.  Here  lies  the  ultimate  triumph.  So  that  Ethics 
in  the  final  assize  must  tell  for  more  than  Law,  because  Law  becomes  the 
servant  of  Ethics.  Conformity  to  the  rules  of  warfare  is  a  test  of  national  ideals. 
The  British  record  is  a  high  one  because  the  liberty-loving  Briton  is  first  of  all 
a  sportsman.  His  sense  of  fair  play,  and  appreciation  of  any  opponent  who 
puts  up  a  good  clean  fight,  make  him — from  General  to  last-joined  recruit— 
a  gentleman  on  the  battle-field.J  Of  his  own  initiative  he  would,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  avoid  committing  the  majority  of  war  crimes,  whether  International 
Law  condemned  them  or  not.  But  he  expects  reciprocal  treatment,  and  knows 
the  value  of  reprisal  if  forced  thereunto. 

During  the  Civil  War  in  America  the  Federal  States  professed  to  adopt 
Lieber's  "  International  Law  "  as  the  basis  of  action.  But  surely  the  lawyers' 
apotheosis  was  reached  when  Japan,  newly  admitted  into  the  comity  of 
nations,  attached  professors  and  diplomats — authorities  on  International 
Jurisprudence — to  the  Headquarters  Staff  in  the  Field,  to  advise  the  General 
Officer  Commanding  as  to  the  legality  of  any  action !  §  Yet  it  was  Bushido, 
not  knowledge  of  forms  and  ceremonies,  that  secured  the  victory  for  the 
island  empire.  And  that  idealism  which  inspired  her  one-time  enemy  is  alive 
in  Eussia's  struggle  to-day.  So  her  devastated  lands,  and  stricken  Belgium, 
the  trampled  fields  and  ruined  cities  of  northern  France,  our  own  slaughtered 

*  Cramb,  Germany  and  England,  p.  49. 

t  Phillipson,  International  Law  and  the  Great  War,  pp.  2-3. 

J  To  further  their  own  dishonest  ends,  German  officials  have  allowed  tales  to  be  spread  of  the 
bad  treatment  prisoners  receive  at  British  hands ;  yet  they  knew  well  that  British  methods  were 
of  a  different  pattern  from  those  which  they  show  to  our  unfortunate  compatriots  who  fall  into 
their  hands.  "  The  treatment  meted  out  to  us  by  the  British  officers  and  soldiers  ",  states  a 
German  officer  who  fought  with  the  Boers  and  was  taken  prisoner  after  Paardeberg,  "  was 
thoroughly  friendly  and  humane,  and  not  only  the  officers  but  also  the  Tommies  behaved  as 
perfect  gentlemen  towards  the  prisoners."  (German  Official  History  of  the,  War  in  South  Africa, 
p.  211.) 

§  Ariga,  La  Guerre  Russo-Japonaise,  p.  vi. 


IMPERIAL   STUDIES.  665 

women  and  children  at  seaside  resorts,  in  country  villages,  or  on  sunken 
vessels,  our  wounded,  our  mutilated  dead  and  murdered  prisoners,  stand  for  no 
mere  wastage  on  the  middens  of  war,  but  make  for  that  spiritual  influence  in 
the  world's  progress  that  on  one  far  day  will  usher  in — the  Golden  Age. 

D.  H.  MOUTRAY  BEAD. 


IMPERIAL  STUDIES. 

THE  Imperial  Studies  movement,  if  it  can  so  be  called,  originated  in  a  suggestive 
paper  which  was  read  by  Mr.  Sidney  Low  before  the  British  Academy  in 
November  1912,  and  in  which  Mr.  Low  urged  the  desirability  of  establishing 
in  London  a  School  of  Imperial  Studies.  The  question  was  taken  up  by  the 
University  of  London :  a  syllabus  was  prepared,  showing  the  Inter-Collegiate 
courses  on  subjects  of  Imperial  interest,  which  were  then  being  held  at  University 
College,  King's  College,  the  London  School  of  Economics  and  Political  Science, 
and  Bedford  College  ;  and  the  Senate  appointed  an  Imperial  Studies  Com- 
mittee, of  which  Lord  Milner  is  Chairman  and  Lord  Bryce  a  member,  and  on 
which  leading  men  from  the  administrative  and  teaching  staff  of  the  University 
sit  side  by  side  with  representative  men  from  outside,  who  have  special  know- 
ledge of  India  and  of  the  Overseas  Dominions.  A  standing  committee,  of 
which  Dr.  A.  P.  Newton  is  the  able  and  enthusiastic  Secretary,  carries  into 
effect  the  decisions  and  the  policy  of  the  General  Committee,  the  whole  being 
subordinate  to  the  authority  of  the  Senate. 

What  are  Imperial  Studies  ?  A  pamphlet  was  issued  by  the  University  of 
London  for  the  Session  1914-5  setting  out  the  courses  which  had  been  arranged 
under  this  heading  by  the  Colleges  of  the  University.  It  contained  a  short 
preface  on  "  The  Scope  of  Imperial  Studies  ",  and  in  the  preface  Imperial 
Studies  were  denned  as  "  A  specialised  study  of  the  past  and  present  conditions 
that  govern  the  life  and  development  of  the  communities  under  the  British 
Crown,  together  with  the  study  of  cognate  problems  ".  At  the  outset  of  the 
movement  the  criticism  was  made,  and  it  may  still  be  made,  that  knowledge 
is  one ;  that  any  particular  science  or  branch  of  study  is  one ;  that  it  is  at  once 
impossible  and  misleading  to  attempt  to  subdivide,  earmarking  some  studies 
as  Imperial  Studies  and  excluding  others.  But  the  criticism  does  not  hold 
water.  The  three  R's — reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic — are  indispensable  to  all 
knowledge ;  but  they  are  not  Imperial  Studies,  they  are  mere  machinery  for  any 
specified  science.  Some  sciences  or  branches  of  study,  such  as  pure  mathe- 
matics, have  on  the  face  of  it  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  Imperial  Studies. 
Others,  such  as  history,  obviously  come  into  the  category  of  Imperial  Studies, 
and  it  is  matter  of  common  sense  that,  while  the  student  of  the  Empire,  from 
a  historical  point  of  view,  must  start  with  some  general  knowledge  of  history, 
he  is  specially  concerned  with  the  history  of  the  Empire  and  its  component 
parts  :  that  he  deals  in  ancient  history  or  the  history  of  foreign  countries  only 
so  far  as  the  one  or  the  other  has  affected  or  provides  analogies  for  the  history 


666  IMPERIAL   STUDIES. 

of  the  Empire.  Medical  science  is  an  Imperial  study,  more  especially  in  respect 
of  tropical  medicine  and  the  research  into  the  causes  of  and  the  remedies  for 
the  diseases  which  are  prevalent  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Protectorates,  and 
which  vitally  affect  their  life  and  character.  Law,  as  an  Imperial  Study,  takes 
special  cognisance  of  the  constitutional  and  legal  systems,  in  all  their  rich 
varieties,  which  have  been  born  in  or  imported  into  the  King's  Dominions 
beyond  the  seas.  To  quote  again  the  preface  to  the  Imperial  Studies  pamphlet : 
"If  we  might  imagine  knowledge  as  divided  into  separate  classifications  or 
sciences  by  vertical  columns,  no  fresh  column  would  have  to  be  added  for 
Imperial  Studies,  but  they  would  appear  rather  as  a  horizontal  grouping 
stretching  across  all  the  columns." 

The  work,  which  has  so  far  been  done,  has  mainly  consisted,  on  the  one 
hand,  in  tabulating  and  co-ordinating  the  lectures  which  are  given  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  London  on  subjects  which  clearly  come  within  the  scope  of  Imperial 
Studies,  as  defined  above,  and  on  the  other  in  organising  special  series  of  public 
lectures.  These  lectures  have  mainly  had  a  bearing  on  the  present  War ;  they 
have  been  conspicuously  successful  in  attracting  large  audiences,  and  in  three 
cases  have  been  published  in  book  form  under  the  titles  "  King's  College  Imperial 
Lectures  ",  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Allied  Nations  ",  and  "  The  International  Crisis 
in  its  Ethical  and  Psychological  Aspects  ". 

But  at  present  we  are  only  on  the  threshold  of  the  undertaking.  Much 
remains  to  be  done  in  and  by  the  University  of  London  before  Imperial  Studies 
can  be  said  to  have  taken  the  status  in  the  University  which  is  their  due. 
Furthermore,  while  London,  as  the  centre  of  the  Empire,  is  the  natural  and 
obvious  centre  for  Imperial  studies,  while  no  other  city  in  the  Empire  is  or 
can  be,  in  the  matter  of  institutions,  libraries,  and  museums,  so  well  equipped 
for  the  purpose,  while  the  University  of  London  has  been  the  first  University 
to  take  the  movement  by  the  hand,  it  is  a  movement  designed  and  destined 
to  bear  fruit  throughout  the  United  Kingdom  and  throughout  the  Empire 
wherever  Universities  have  been  or  shall  be  called  into  existence. 

It  is  to  my  mind  inexplicable  why  the  British  Empire,  as  a  subject  to  be 
learnt  and  taught,  as  an  object  of  research,  has  been  kept  so  much  in  the  back- 
ground ;  why  its  conditions,  its  structure,  its  development,  of  surpassing 
interest  as  a  study  of  the  past  and  present,  of  surpassing  interest  from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  future,  have  been  by  the  great  majority  of  teachers  and  learners 
in  the  United  Kingdom  so  studiously  neglected.  What  do  nine  out  of  ten 
working  men,  or  what  did  they  before  the  present  War,  know  or  care  about  the 
Empire  ?  And  why  ?  Because  they  have  never  been  systematically  taught 
to  know  and  to  care.  What  evidence  have  the  old  Universities  given  of  placing 
the  study  of  the  Empire  anywhere  near  the  front  rank  in  their  curriculum? 
The  Chair  of  Colonial  History  at  Oxford  is  only  ten  or  eleven  years  old  ;  at 
Cambridge  there  is  none.  To  the  history  of  the  world  the  great  contribution 
of  England  has  been  her  work  beyond  the  seas,  and  yet  in  the  leading  universities 
of  Great  Britain  this  work  has  been  treated  as  of  comparatively  little  account. 
If  the  thinking,  teaching-men  in  the  old  country,  in  their  thinking  and  their 
teaching,  are  or  appear  to  be  indifferent  to  the  past  history  and  the  present 


IMPERIAL   STUDIES.  667 

development  of  the  great  British  provinces  beyond  the  seas,  how  can  it  be  ex- 
pected that  the  peoples  of  those  provinces  will  retain  their  interest  in  and  their 
reverence  for  the  old  country  ?  If  the  democracy  of  the  United  Kingdom  is 
not  given  sound,  sober,  thoughtful  teaching  about  the  Empire,  how  can  it  be 
expected  to  form  sound,  sober,  thoughtful  views  on  Imperial  questions  ?  There 
has  been  a  lying  spirit  abroad,  which  couples  with  Jingoism  any  teaching  in 
which  the  word  Empire  is  used  ;  and,  inasmuch  as  Jingoism  is  the  fruit  of  ignor- 
ance, this  wrong-headed  point  of  view,  by  making  for  ignorance,  indirectly 
encourages  Jingoism. 

It  is  high  time  that,  in  all  branches  of  knowledge,  the  question  should  be 
asked,  and,  if  possible,  effectively  answered,  What  bearing  has  this  study  or 
that  upon  our  common  heritage — in  what  way  can  it  be  handled  so  as  to  make 
the  heritage  more  fruitful  and  the  citizens  more  understanding-men  ?  That 
is  the  object  of  the  Imperial  Studies  Movement,  and  in  this  movement  I  hope 
and  believe  that  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute  will,  when  a  generation  has 
passed,  be  found  to  have  played  a  great  and  worthy  part.  We  are  making  a 
beginning.  The  Council  has  voted  a  sum  of  £125  for  work  in  the  last  six 
months  of  the  present  year,  Dr.  Newton  has  been  appointed  Secretary  for 
organising  courses  of  academic  lectures,  and  a  panel  of  lecturers,  whose  names 
are  given  below,  has  been  formed,  from  which  selection  will  be  made  to 
deliver  lectures  at  once  in  London  and  in  the  great  provincial  centres  of  the 
United  Kingdom.  Working  entirely  with,  and  proud  to  work  with,  the 
University  of  London,  we  intend  to  devote  our  energies  mainly  to  work  in 
the  civic  universities  outside  London,  and  we  have  a  twofold  object,  or 
rather  there  are  two  sides  of  the  same  object.  On  the  one  hand,  we  want 
to  promote  Imperial  Studies  in  the  provincial  universities  ;  on  the  other  hand, 
we  want  to  found  branches  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute  in  the  great 
cities  in  which  these  vigorous  young  universities  are  doing  their  work.  The 
generosity  of  Mr.  Lennard  has  placed  us  within  reach  of  achieving  our  aim  at 
Bristol.  The  fine  new  building  which  he  has  erected  and  equipped  as  a 
Colonial  Institute  stands  hard  by  the  University,  and  the  autumn  should  see 
the  first  of,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  many  series  of  lectures  for  which  the  Colonial 
Institute  and  the  University  will  combine  to  provide  a  common  platform. 

Bristol  was  the  cradle  of  British  overseas  enterprise,  and  it  is  altogether 
fitting,  and  of  the  best  omen  for  the  future,  that  the  first  branch  of  the  Eoyal 
Colonial  Institute  in  the  United  Kingdom  with  a  local  habitation  should  have 
been  established  at  Bristol.  No  city  in  the  Empire  offers  a  fairer  field  for 
research.  Increasing  attention  has  of  late  years  been  paid  to  records  bearing 
upon  the  infancy  and  childhood  of  the  British  Empire,  but  there  are  number- 
less original  documents  awaiting  excavation  in  the  cities  and  houses  of  Great 
Britain,  in  the  archives  of  companies  and  corporations,  on  the  bookshelves 
and  in  the  cupboards  of  private  families.  The  encouragement  of  original 
research  should  be  made  a  cardinal  feature  of  Imperial  Studies.  We  want  to 
avoid  vain  repetition,  to  keep  our  overseas  history  alive  by  constantly  going 
to  the  fountain-heads,  to  enrich  the  story  and  illustrate  it  from  new  material, 
to  verify  that  both  the  general  perspective  and  the  details  are  correct,  and 


668  IMPERIAL   STUDIES. 

very  especially  to  supplement  general  interest  with  local  interest,  crediting  not 
only  the  different  parts  of  the  Empire,  but  also  the  different  cities  and  county 
centres  with  their  special  contributions  to  the  great  sum  total. 

The  outcome  of  research  will  be  wider  and  better  assorted  knowledge  ;  and 
this  in  turn  should  produce  a  higher  class  of  Empire  text-books  than  most  of 
those  to  which  we  have  been  accustomed,  and  of  a  somewhat  different  type. 
At  present,  as  a  general  rule,  standard  histories  of  England  are  not  histories 
of  the  British  Empire,  though  a  section  here  and  a  chapter  there  take  the 
readers  across  the  seas.  On  the  other  hand,  histories  of  the  Empire  do  not 
treat — otherwise  than  incidentally — of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  text-books 
of  the  future  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  avoid  this  mutual  exclusiveness  ;  the 
British  Empire  will  no  longer  be  treated  as  an  appendix  to  Great  Britain, 
and  Great  Britain  will  be  treated  as  the  nucleus  of  the  Empire. 

The  importance  of  the  historical  side  of  Imperial  Studies  is  great  and  obvious, 
but  it  must  be  repeated  that  Imperial  Studies  enter  into  the  whole  realm  of 
knowledge.  Take  two  studies  as  widely  apart  from  each  other  as  law  and 
botany.  Can  anyone  find  a  richer  field  than  the  British  Empire  either  for  the 
constitutional  lawyer  or  for  the  botanist  ?  Can  anyone  doubt  the  immense 
gain  that  has  already  resulted  to  the  Empire,  and  will  continue  to  result,  from  the 
work  both  of  the  one  and  of  the  other  ?  Nor,  again,  must  it  be  supposed  that 
Imperial  Studies  are  needed  only  in  the  United  Kingdom.  They  are  needed 
most  in  the  United  Kingdom,  because  consciousness  of  the  Empire  is  weaker 
at  home  than  beyond  the  seas  ;  but  they  are  needed  in  all  parts  of  the  King's 
dominions,  and  assuredly  nowhere  is  the  movement  likely  to  find  a  heartier 
welcome  than  in  the  Overseas  Universities. 

C.  P.  LUCAS. 


PANEL  OF  LECTURERS  IN  IMPERIAL  STUDIES  OF  THE 
ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE. 

POLITICAL  SCIENCES. 

Prof.  W.  G.  S.  Adams,  M.A.    Fellow  of   All  Souls    College   and  Gladstone 

Professor  of  Political  Theory  and  Institutions  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 
John  Bailey,  M.A.    New  College,  Oxford. 
E.  Coupland,  M.A.    Beit  Lecturer  in  Colonial  History  in  the  University  of 

Oxford  and  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College. 
Prof.  H.  E.  Egerton,  M.A.    Fellow  of  All  Souls   College  and  Beit  Professor 

of  Colonial  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 
H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  F.B.A.    Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  of 

Sheffield  and  Fellow  of  New  College,  Oxford. 
W.  H.  Hadow,  M.A.,  D.Mus.     Principal  of  Armstrong  College,  Newcastle-on- 

Tyne,  and  late  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Worcester  College,  Oxford. 
Prof.  F.  J.  C.  Hearnshaw,  M.A.,  LL.M.,  LL.D.     Professor  of  Mediaeval  History 

in  the  University  of  London. 
Alex  Hill,   M.A.,   M.D.,   F.E.C.S.      Principal   of   University   College,    South- 


IMPERIAL   STUDIES.  669 

ampton,   late  Master  of  Downing  College,  and   Vice- Chancellor  of  the 

University  of  Cambridge. 
Professor  A.  B.  Keith,  M.A.,  D.Litt.,  D.C.L.     Professor   of   Sanskrit  in  the 

University  of  Edinburgh  and  late  Junior  Assistant  Secretary  to  the  Imperial 

Conference. 
Prof.  Eichard  Lodge,  M.A.,  Litt.D.,  LL.D.    Professor  of  History  and  Dean  of 

the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  the  University   of   Edinburgh,  late   Fellow  and 

Tutor  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 
Sidney  Low,  M.A.     Fellow  of  King's  College,  London,  and  Honorary  Lecturer 

in  Imperial  and  Colonial  History,  University  of  London,  King's  College. 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,   K.C.B.,   K.C.M.G.     Chairman  of  Council  of  the  Eoyal 

Colonial  Institute  and  late  Head  of  the  Dominions   Department  in  the 

Colonial  Office, 
H.  J.  Mackinder,  M.A.,  M.P.     Eeader  in  Geography  in  the  University  of  London 

and  late  Director  of  the  London  School  of  Economics. 
J.  Saxon  Mills,  M.A.    St.  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
Prof.  J.  H.  Morgan,  M.A.    Professor  of  Constitutional  Law,  University  of 

London,  University  College. 
Prof.  Earnsay  Muir,  M.A.    Professor  of  Modern  History  in  the  University 

of  Manchester. 
Prof.  A.  F.  Pollard,  M.A.,  Litt.D.    Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford,  and 

Professor  of  English  History  in  the  University  of  London. 
Prof.  E.  S.  Eait,  M.A.    Professor  of  Scottish  History  and  Literature  in  the 

University  of  Glasgow  and  late  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  New  College,  Oxford. 
Prof.  Sir  Walter  Ealeigh,  M.A.     Professor  of  English  Literature  in  the  University 

of  Oxford  and  Honorary  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 
Hon.  W.  Pember  Eeeves,  Ph.D.    Director  of  the  London  School  of  Economics 

and  Political  Science  and  late  High  Commissioner  for  New  Zealand. 
Prof.  A.  J.  Sargent,  M.A.    Professor  of  Commerce  in  the  University  of  London. 
A.  L.  Smith,  M.A.    Dean  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

H.  W.  V.  Temperley,  M.A.    Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge. 
Sir  Herbert  Warren,  K.C.V.O.,  M.A.,   D.Litt.,  LL.D.,   D.C.L.     President  of 

Magdalen  College  and  Professor  of  Poetry  in  the  University  of  Oxford, 

late  Vice- Chancellor  of  the  University. 
Prof.  C.  K.  Webster,  M.A.    Professor  of  Modern  History  in  the  University 

of  Liverpool  and  late  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 
A.  F.  Basil  Williams,  M.A.    New  College,  Oxford.    Late  Secretary  of  the 

Transvaal  Education  Department. 
Sir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G.    Secretary  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute,  late 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambiidge,  and  Colonial  Secretary  of  the  Orange 

Eiver  Colony. 

W.  Basil  Worsfold,  M.A.    University  College,  Oxford. 
A.  E.  Zimmern,  M.A.    Late  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  New  College,  Oxford. 
Organiser  : 

Arthur   Percival   Newton,    M.A.,    D.Lit.,    B.Sc.     Lecturer   on    Colonial 
History,  University  of  London,  University  and  King's  Colleges. 


670 

THE  ENGLISH  PEASANT  AND  THE  WAR. 

IT  is  hardly  possible  to  take  up  a  newspaper  to-day  without  being  confronted 
either  by  the  dreary  forecasts  of  some  melancholy  but  uninspired  Michaiah, 
prophesying  swift  dissolution  to  the  Empire  unless  his  own  particular  nostrum 
be  taken  without  delay,  or  by  the  platitudes,  almost  equally  dreary,  of  an 
optimistic  seer  who  out-Zedekiahs  the  son  of  Chenaanah.  For  the  moment, 
indeed,  the  latter  is  somewhat  out  of  favour,  and  this  is  well  for  us — seeing  that 
over-confidence  may  be  more  serious  than  needless  anxiety  in  its  results  ;  but 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  pessimism  which  a  considerable  section  of 
the  English  Press  has  seen  fit  to  adopt  is  doing  mischief  by  creating  abroad  a 
false  impression  of  the  attitude  of  our  people  towards  the  War. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  any  man  is  qualified  to  speak  with  certainty  as  to 
the  feeling  of  a  whole  country,  or  even  for  any  large  area,  since  none  can  so 
speak  from  personal  knowledge ;  and  it  appears  as  though  much  of  the  prevalent 
pessimism  of  the  Press  were  due  to  conclusions  drawn  from  fallacious  a  priori 
arguments  and  from  ill-sifted  evidence. 

Belying  upon  the  former,  some  writers  and  speakers  have  asserted  that 
our  rural  population  fail  to  realise  the  national  danger,  because  peasants  do 
not  gain  knowledge  and  enthusiasm  by  infection  as  do  people  in  more  densely 
populated  centres,  and  that  country  folk,  being  duller  witted  than  townsmen, 
are  more  difficult  to  rouse.  So  far  as  the  rural  districts  best  known  to  the 
writer  are  concerned,  there  is  little  truth  in  either  assertion ;  and  in  any  case 
there  is  another  and  very  different  side  to  the  picture.  Country  folk  are 
comparatively  free  from  the  danger  of  corruption  by  faddists  and  doctrinaires  : 
the  cheap  paradoxes  of  a  Bernard  Shaw,  or  Norman- Angellic  ineptitudes,  may 
have  a  disastrous,  if  temporary,  effect  upon  half-educated  neurotics  whose 
virility  has  been  sapped  by  the  vitiated  atmosphere  of  a  crowded  town  ;  but 
these  poisons  leave  the  sturdier  rustic  mind  unharmed — if  they  ever  reach  it — 
and  that  mind,  though  it  may  seem  to  move  slowly,  is  in  its  own  way  quite  as 
shrewd  as  is  that  of  the  town-dweller,  the  slowness  being  in  fact  that  of  expression 
rather  than  of  feeling  or  conviction.  The  countryman's  reticence  and  reluctance 
to  express  himself  or  advertise  his  feelings  may  easily  deceive  strangers  into  the 
belief  that  emotions  which  are  unrevealed  do  not  exist ;  and  thus  it  happens 
that  some  who  have  conducted  recruiting  meetings  in  the  villages  express 
disgust  at  the  poor  response  made  to  their  appeals.  At  such  a  meeting  held 
in  a  Herefordshire  village  last  autumn  only  two  recruits  came  forward ;  but 
within  a  few  weeks  some  thirty  more  had  enlisted — many  of  them,  as  it  were, 
secretly,  and  without  previously  mentioning  their  intention  to  any  one  save 
their  nearest  kin,  and  this  incident  no  doubt  has  parallels  in  many  other  places. 

We  are  told,  with  an  iteration  that  would  have  done  credit  to  the  importunate 
widow,  that  the  people  are  not  yet  awake,  and  in  these  remoter  districts  will 
not  even  read  the  newspapers ;  but  although  this  latter  point  is  to  some  extent 
true,  and  posters  with  sensational  headlines  are  nearly  unknown,  the  people 
perhaps  gain  more  than  they  lose  by  being  deprived  of  these  aids  to  distorted 
judgment ;  and  as  one  of  our  most  brilliant  military  writers  .has  recently 


THE   ENGLISH   PEASANT   AND   THE   WAR.        671 

reminded  us,  "people  packed  into  large  towns  are  always  more  nervous  and 
ill-informed  than  a  peasantry  " — one  of  the  chief  reasons  being  that  the  latter  is 
not  worried  and  disturbed  by  those  vague  and  conflicting  rumours,  mostly  false 
and  often  transparently  absurd,  which  afflict  the  more  credulous  town-dweller. 

But  although  agricultural  labourers  are  not,  as  a  class,  close  students  of  the 
daily  press,  their  knowledge  of  the  progress  of  the  War  will  often  surprise  anyone 
who  supposes  that  they  lack  interest  in  it.  Their  mastery  of  details  may 
not  be  great,  and  the  technical  terms,  which  pressmen  love  to  use  with  all  the 
glibness  of  a  novice,  may  puzzle  them  ;  but  their  knowledge  of  the  course  of 
events  and  their  grasp  of  the  main  issues  at  stake  proves  that  the  charge  of 
indifference  is  without  foundation ;  nor  has  undue  optimism  shown  itself  among 
them,  within  the  writer's  experience,  since  the  first  few  weeks  of  the  War.  Also 
it  is  worth  while  to  remember  that  the  inconvenience  caused  by  rising  prices 
is  by  no  means  counterbalanced  in  rural  districts  by  a  corresponding  rise  in 
wages,  yet  the  peasants  face  that  inconvenience  with  a  spirit  that  is  truly 
admirable. 

The  lack  of  trade  organisation  amongst  country  workers — which  lack  many 
of  us  deplore — is  supposed  by  some  critics  to  weaken  the  sense  of  fellowship 
and  so  to  act  adversely  to  the  growth  of  patriotism ;   but  here  also  there  is 
another  aspect  to  the  question.    Whatever  he  may  lose  through  this  cause  the 
agricultural  labourer  has  hitherto  escaped  the  taint  of  that  anaemic  cosmo- 
politanism which  poses  as  humanitarian  sentiment,  pacificism,  and  the  like; 
nor  is  he  affected  by  the  perverse  and  carping  spirit  which  delights  to  exalt 
every  country  but  his  own.     The  sturdy  individualism  of  the  peasant  is  no 
small  asset  to  the  nation  during  the  present  struggle  :    he  has  no  notion  of 
submitting  himself  to  be  moved  as  a  pawn  in  any  direction  that  may  be  deter- 
mined by  authority,  nor  will  any  power  make  him  consent  to  be  dragooned 
after  the  fashion  accepted,   and  apparently  welcomed,    by    machine-made 
Prussians.    Weighty  evidence  suggests  that  the  same  spirit  is  very  much  alive 
in  other  of  the  labouring  classes,  e.g.  the  fact  that  organised  bodies  of  workmen 
often  refuse  to  accept  direction  even  from  their  own  chosen  representatives. 
But  of  these  classes  the  writer  cannot  speak  from  recent  personal  knowledge ; 
he  is,  however,  convinced  that  the  agricultural  labourer  is  a  most  formidable 
enemy  to  all  who  attempt  to  regulate  his  life  after  a  fixed  pattern,  whether 
that  pattern  be  designed  by  the  State  or  by  any  lesser  authority,  and  herein 
lies  the  difference  between  Prussian  and  British  ideals,  the  conflict  of  which 
is  the  real  cause  of  the  War. 

On  the  other  hand,  recent  experience  tends  to  the  belief  that  patriotic  feeling 
is  so  strong  in  the  country  districts  that  a  great  majority  of  the  people  will 
gladly  submit  to  any  sacrifice  or  discipline  which  can  be  shown  to  be  necessary 
to  stability  and  the  general  weal.  Eeference  has  been  made  already  to  the 
fact  that  the  cost  of  living  is  high  and  the  rewards  of  labour  low ;  but  who  has 
heard  of  strikes  or  labour  unrest  amongst  our  agricultural  people  since  the 
War  began,  although  during  the  earlier  part  of  last  year  there  was  considerable 
agitation  for  better  conditions  of  life  amongst  them  ?  In  this  matter,  at  least, 
the  attitude  and  behaviour  of  the  peasants  of  England  has  been  in  creditable 


672       THE   ENGLISH   PEASANT   AND   THE   WAR. 

contrast  with  those  of  better  paid  workers  in  other  fields  of  industry.  The 
countryman  has  not  yet  learned,  and  may  he  never  learn,  to  cloak  trade  interests 
and  class-selfishness  under  the  guise  of  vague  and  high-sounding  terms  ;  his 
fellowship  is  the  fellowship  that  should  subsist  between  Briton  and  Briton,  not 
merely  a  disguise  for  personal  or  sectional  selfishness. 

The  readiness  to  submit  to  necessary  discipline  has  been  shown  again  and 
again  at  war  meetings  at  which  members  of  the  audiences  have  expressed  their 
willingness  to  support  compulsory  national  service,  whilst  hardly  a  voice 
has  been  raised  in  opposition  to  it.  The  often  quoted  phrase,  "  Let  them  come 
and  fetch  me,"  though  commonly  held  to  imply  ignorance  of  the  situation  or 
indifference,  represents  in  many  cases  an  attitude  altogether  different,  and 
a  large  proportion  of  those  who  thus  express  themselves  really  desire  that  a 
difficult  decision  should  be  taken  out  of  their  hands.  But  for  the  existence 
of  ties  of  which  their  critics  take  no  account,  these  men  would  have  gone  long 
ago,  and  gone  gladly,  to  the  nearest  recruiting  officer,  and  the  serious  situation 
produced  by  the  shortage  of  labour  in  agricultural  districts  is  sufficient  to 
show  not  only  that  large  numbers  have  already  enlisted,  but  also  that  those 
who  remain  have  not  an  excuse  merely  but  an  apparently  sound  reason  for 
being  civilians  still.  In  the  small  country  towns  the  choice  between  conflicting 
duties  is  even  more  difficult  than  in  the  villages ;  the  struggling  shopkeeper 
who  leaves  his  business  presents  all  his  custom  to  a  trade  rival,  and  that  business 
is  in  many  cases  subject  to  various  liabilities — it  may  be  run  on  borrowed 
capital  and  so  forth — in  which  event  the  choice  is  not  that  between  patriotism 
and  selfish  ease,  but  between  duties  of  different  kinds.  Such  illustrations 
might  easily  be  multiplied,  and  the  writer  has  come  across  many  instances  in 
which  decision  is  really  difficult,  and  has  heard  those  with  whom  that  decision 
must  rest,  so  long  as  the  voluntary  system  is  maintained,  express  an  earnest 
desire  to  be  relieved  from  the  responsibility  of  making  it.  But  although  the 
case  for  compulsory  service  is  strong,  and  experience  in  these  rural  districts 
shows  that  its  introduction  would  be  welcomed  in  many  quarters,  it  is  equally 
certain  that  some  of  the  opponents  of  voluntaryism  are  doing  infinite  harm 
to  the  cause  they  have  at  heart  by  the  methods  which  they  adopt.  Indirect 
compulsion  by  sneer  and  gibe  is  ineffectual  and  idiotic,  and  even  if  it  were 
successful  one  may  well  doubt  whether  it  could  be  considered  fair  or  legitimate  ; 
but  since  an  actual  example  is  more  instructive  than  any  theory,  it  may  be 
well  to  give  an  instance  showing  the  record  and  attitude  toward  the  War  of  the 
men  of  a  particular  district,  together  with  the  misinterpretation  of  that 
attitude  recently  published  in  a  well-known  Eeview.*  There  is  a  small  country 
town  lying  in  the  heart  of  an  agricultural  region  in  the  West  Country,  and 
therefore  very  far  from  the  centres  of  danger  and  excitement.  It  is  not  a  rich 
place,  nor  does  it  enjoy  any  local  advantages  such  as  might  make  it  specially 
martial  or  patriotic.  The  county  has  a  territorial  but  no  regular  regiment, 
and  possessing  no  sea-board  its  direct  interest  in  naval  matters  might  be  supposed 
to  be  slight.  Here,  then,  is  a  district  which  upon  a  priori  grounds  might  well  be 
marked  down  as  unfavourable  for  recruiting ;  and  indeed  a  writer  in  the  Eeview 

*  Saturday  Review,  June  19. 


THE   ENGLISH   PEASANT   AND   THE   WAR.        673 

to  which  reference  has  been  made  reproaches  this  region  with  the  failure  of 
its  men  to  respond  to  the  country's  call,  explaining  that  failure,  with  needless 
ingenuity,  by  saying  that  "  its  links  with  the  War  are  detached  ". 

Now  for  the  facts.  The  town  has  already  contributed  more  than  ten  per 
cent,  of  its  total  population  to  the  fighting  forces  :  it  is  denuded  of  most  of  its 
leading  professional  men,  of  many  of  its  tradesmen,  and  more  of  its  artisans. 
The  district  of  which  it  is  the  centre  has  sent  a  thousand  of  its  best  men  to 
serve  their  King  and  Country,  although  the  population  of  the  town  itself  is 
less  than  5000.  Large  sums  have  been  and  are  being  collected  for  relief  pur- 
poses ;  a  number  of  Belgian  refugees  and  a  well  equipped  hospital  are  main- 
tained by  the  people,  and  the  hamlets  round  about  have,  for  the  most  part, 
followed  the  town's  example.  Out  of  the  little  straggling  village  from  which 
these  words  are  written,  forty-seven  men,  out  of  a  possible  fifty-three  or  fifty- 
four,  have  gone  to  take  their  places  in  the  fighting-line.  Of  the  leading  land- 
owners, the  three  who  are  of  military  age  are  already  serving  or  have  served, 
and  the  other  two  have  their  sons  at  the  Front.  Both  the  licensed  victuallers 
are  now  non-commissioned  officers,  and  of  the  private  residents  who  are  too  old 
or  unfit  for  active  service,  not  one  is  abstaining  from  public  work. 

From  this  record  it  would  seem  that  our  links  with  the  War  are  many  and 
firmly  welded  and  they  have  been  strengthened  by  the  suffering  and  the  blood 
of  men  of  our  community  ;  how  then  can  it  be  that  the  sneer  of  an  ill-informed 
busybody  shall  strengthen  our  patriotism  or  help  any  national  cause  ?  There 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  district  mentioned  is  at  all  exceptional  in  its 
patriotism,  and  it  is  not  specially  favoured  for  the  growth  of  this  virtue  either 
by  position  or  other  circumstances ;  and  experience  here  shows  that  where  slack- 
ness and  selfishness  are  found  these  vices  flourish  not  amongst  genuine  workers, 
but  amongst  those  whose  occupations  in  normal  times  tend  to  idleness  and 
loafing — e.g.  men  who  pick  up_an  irregular  living  by  catering  for  pleasure- 
seekers  and  the  like.  There  is  no  more  encouraging  sign  of  the  vitality  of  our 
people  than  the  readiness  with  which  they  have  come  forward  at  this  crisis, 
and  the  cheerful  spirit  in  which  women  and  men  alike  face  the  discomforts, 
privations,  and  anxiety  incidental  to  the  War.  If  experience  here  is  typical  of 
that  gained  elsewhere,  the  charge  that  our  people  are  still  asleep  is  wholly  false, 
and  the  fact  that  it  is  made  with  such  persistence,  suggests  that  the  form  of 
sleep  which  constitutes  our  chief  peril  is  the  half -waking  nightmare  of  dyspeptic 
pressmen  ;  and  that  the  mournful  jeremiads  and  hysterical  adjurations  poured 
forth  daily  upon  the  heads  of  newspaper  readers,  may  be  less  the  result  of 
knowledge  and  insight  than  the  outcome  of  a  bewilderment  produced  by  childish 
nervousness  and  a  confused  habit  of  thought. 

This  is  no  time  at  which  to  look  at  events  through  rose-coloured  spectacles, 
but  a  distorting  mirror  also  has  its  drawbacks  ;  and  the  picture  of  this  country 
presented  by  certain  verbal  artists,  who  adopt  the  manner  of  distracted  cubist 
painters  and  depict  a  wild  chaos  of  unorganised,  incoherent,  and  futile  effort,  is 
thus  drawn  not  as  the  outcome  of  clear  vision,  but  as  the  by-product  of  a  morbid 
mental  obsession  combined  with  intellectual  myopia. 

ARTHUR  POTT. 


674 

AS    OTHERS    SEE    US. 

AN  ITALIAN  VIEW  OP  BRITISH  DOINGS. 

(The  following  is  a  free  translation  of  an  article  published  in  the  Italian  paper 
II  Secolo  on  August  4,  1915.  While  we  may  not  agree  with  all  the  statements 
made,  it  is  interesting  to  see  our  country  through  the  eyes  of  an  Italian  social 
democrat.) 

WHAT  are  the  English  doing  ?  This  is  the  question  which  many  people  are  asking 
in  these  days.  A  The  Russians  have  been  fighting  hard  for  a  year  and  are  now  under- 
going a  severe  test,  harassed  and  pressed  by  the  German  and  Austrian  forces.  The 
Turks  are  putting  up  a  strong  resistance  in  the  Dardanelles  and  on  the  Gallipoli 
Peninsula.  The  German  submarines  continue  their  insidious,  brigand-like,  inhuman 
work.  Everywhere,  on  land  and  sea,  on  all  the  fronts — except,  happily,  the  Italian — 
the  Central  Empires  seem  to  have  a  temporary  advantage.  And  our  public,  impres- 
sionable as  they  are,  are  preoccupied,  not  to  say  mistrustful.  How  will  it  all  end  ? 
The  public  would  like  to  be  reassured,  and,  impatient,  doubtful,  perplexed,  look  partic- 
ularly to  England.  What  are  these  English  doing  ?  What  is  the  meaning  of  their 
command  of  the  sea  ?  Where  are  the  armies  which  they  boasted  to  create  ?  Why 
have  they  been  so  long  in  realising  the  seriousness  of  the  situation  and  in  taking  action  ? 
To  these  questions,  which  the  anxious  public  are  continually  reiterating  in  a  tone  of 
disappointment,  diffidence  and  ill-humour,  it  is  our  duty  to  reply,  once  and  for  all, 
fully  and  confidently,  in  the  interests  of  truth,  of  justice,  and  of  the  Allied  cause. 

But  in  order  that  the  facts  and  the  arguments  which  we  shall  endeavour  to  adduce 
may  be  convincing,  it  is  necessary,  before  all  things,  that  the  public  should  throw  off 
a  curious  habit  of  mind — namely,  that  of  Judging  England  by  Germany. 

Germany  has  been  proved  to  have  been  very  strong  from  a  military  point  of  view, 
and  to  have  been  thoroughly  prepared  ;  she  had  calculated  everything,  she  had  fore- 
seen and  made  every  preparation  for  her  formidable  and  premeditated  attack.  Well, 
if  the  public  regret  that  England  had  not  done  likewise,  and  if  for  that  reason  they 
criticise  English  statesmen  and  the  English  people,  they  evidently  contradict  them- 
selves and  destroy,  unconsciously,  the  real  moral  ideal  which  upholds  and  ennobles 
the  Allied  cause.  In  other  words  :  if  the  public  condemn  the  perfect  preparation  of 
Germany,  because  it  reckoned  on  and  instigated  war,  they  cannot  consistently  and 
logically  condemn  England's  unpreparedness  because  it  counted  on  peace. 

If  we  say,  therefore,  that  England  was  unprepared  from  a  military,  moral,  and 
social  point  of  view,  let  us  say  so  to  her  honour  and  not  in  order  to  belittle  her  in 
comparison  with  her  rival.  Moreover,  in  saying  this,  we  shall  only  be  repeating 
the  verdict  of  history.  A  pre-eminently  commercial  country,  keenly  devoted  to  her 
customs  and  civil  rights,  jealous,  in  ordinary  times,  of  her  free  individual  development, 
England  has  never  prepared  for  war,  not  even  when  her  policy  tended  to  bring  it 
about.  Whenever  England  has  found  herself  at  war  she  has  always  muddled  through 
and  has  always  come  out  victorious,  owing  to  the  inexhaustibility  of  her  resources 
and  the  tenacity  of  her  people,  who  are  admirably  cool  and  collected,  and  who  stiffen 
with  adversity,  with  difficulties,  with  the  obstacles,  and  with  the  resistance  to  be 
overcome.  But  in  this  case,  it*may  be  said,  there  was  something  more  than  this  : 
she  was  conscious  of  her  unpreparedness  and  persisted  in  it.  Do  not  let  us  forget 
that  England  has  been  thrown  into  the  greatest  and  most  terrible  conflagration 


AS   OTHERS   SEE  US.  675 

known  to  history  just  at  the  moment  when  she  was  seeking  to  pursue  an  ideal  of 
international  peace  and  internal  reform.  Let  us  not  forget  that  for  the  last  decade 
she  .has  been  suppressing  at  home  military  tendencies  and  imperial  ambitions ;  that 
she  has  been  striving  against  Junkerism  in  her  own  house  and  against  the  truculent 
swagger  of  Welt-Politik  which,  in  1900,  at  the  time  of  the  Boer  War,  had  made  her 
feared  and  hated  by  all  as  Germany  now  is.  Do  not  let  us  forget  that,  whilst  her 
rival  was  nurturing  in  silence  a  dream  of  dominion  and  was  forging  for  herself  a 
magnificent  instrument  of  destruction,  she  was  wholly  intent  on  cherishing  a  dream 
of  equality  and  justice,  and  was  drafting  laws  for  the  reconstruction  of  her  social 
system  on  a  more  equal  and  democratic  basis.  Was  this  imprudent  ?  Was  this 
an  illusion  ?  Let  us  reflect  carefully  before  replying.  First  let  us  examine  the 
question  conscientiously — Italians,  French,  and  Belgians — because  it  is  useless  to 
hide  the  fact  that  an  affirmative  answer  to  these  questions  given  lightly  and  off- 
hand would  be  a  terrible  admission  to  make,  and  would  mean  the  condemnation  of 
democracy  of  the  past  and  of  the  future. 

Having  gone  thus  far,  having  realised  the  causes  of  England's  unpreparedness, 
which  in  the  judgment  of  history  will  serve  to  put  in  a  darker  light  Germany's  pre- 
parations, let  us  see  how  England  is  muddling  through  her  war ;  if  the  prevailing 
criticism  and  distrust  are  wholly  justified,  or  whether  what  England  has  done  and  is 
doing  should  not  be  considered  the  best  guarantee  for  the  triumph  of  the  cause  for 
which  we  too  are  fighting.  And  let  us  deal  at  once  with  her  position  on  the  seas  which 
the  public  have  some  difficulty  in  understanding  and  appreciating. 

The  English  fleet — the  sole  arm  of  defence  which  all  Governments,  all  parties,  at 
all  times,  have  always  kept  up  to  the  greatest  efficiency — is  mistress  of  the  seas.  This 
is  no  mere  phrase  ;  it  is  a  truth  which  all  the  German  submarines  and  all  the  sophisms 
of  the  lovers  of  Germany  cannot  shake.  It  is  a  gratifying  fact,  because  this  command 
of  the  seas  is  the  greatest  defence  of  all  us  Allies  and  is,  in  a  prolonged  war  like  this, 
the  most  dangerous  and  most  damaging  arm  that  supports  us  against  the  common 
enemy.  Eead  again  carefully  the  proclamation  which  the  Kaiser  issued  the  other 
day  to  his  people  and  you  will  find,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe  in 
a  brief  comment,  that  German  wrath  is  directed  first  and  foremost  against  the  English 
blockade  and  the  English  command  of  the  sea. 

But  what — the  general  public  ask — is  the  meaning  of  this  command  of  the  sea  ? 

It  means  that,  from  the  day  on  which  war  was  declared,  the  German  fleet — that 
is  to  say,  the  larger  units — has  not  dared  to  leave  the  banks  of  the  Kiel  Canal  and  the 
ports,  barred  by  mines,  of  Stettin  and  Wilhelmshafen ;  it  means  that  all  Germany's 
oversea  commerce  is  completely  stopped,  and  that  her  great  shipping  lines,  the 
Hamburg- America  and  the  North  German  Lloyd,  are  in  liquidation  ;  it  means  that 
Germany  can  no  longer  receive  by  ssa,  except  in  strictly  limited  quantities  and  clan- 
destinely, arms,  munitions,  foodstuffs  and  supplies  of  all  kinds ;  it  means  that  she 
has  been  unable  to  go  and  defend  her  colonies,  which  she  is  losing  one  by  one ;  it 
means  that  she  has  not  been  in  a  position  to  export  her  products  to  foreign  markets 
which  she  had  skilfully  acquired  by  many  years  of  feverish  and  profitable  activity, 
and  that  these  markets  are  now  invaded  by  her  commercial  competitors,  who  intend 
definitely  to  supplant  her? 

This  is  the  significance  of  the  command  of  the  sea  on  the  part  of  the  English  ; 
the  task  which  her  ships  constantly  perform  day  and  night  in  the  Channel,  in  the 
North  Sea,  in  the  Atlantic,  the  Pacific  and  the  Mediterranean  ;  the  blockade  which 
encircles  Germany  closer  and  closer,  which  isolates  her  from  the  whole  world  and 


676  AS   OTHERS   SEE  US. 

which  will  succeed  in  time  in  reducing  her  to  her  own  internal  resources,  which  are 
not  inexhaustible. 

The  magnitude  and  complexity  of  Great  Britain's  task  in  the  great  conflict  are 
so  evident  that  any  further  illustration  would  appear  to  be  superfluous  ;  but  in  order 
that  the  reader  may  be  convinced  of  its  vital  importance  to  the  cause  of  the  Allies, 
let  us  suppose  that  the  case  were  otherwise.  Imagine  what  would  have  happened 
if  England  had  remained  neutral,  and  what  the  German  fleet  would  in  that  event 
have  done.  Superior  to  tht  French  and  Russian  fleets  combined,  if  she  had  been 
able  to  put  to  sea,  she  would  probably  have  been  victorious  and  would  have  dominated 
the  seas,  landing  troops  in  Europe  and  in  the  Colonies,  capturing  and  paralysing 
enemy  traffic  and  intimidating  that  of  neutrals.  Possibly  the  War  would  have  been 
over  in  six  months,  but  Europe  would  have  been  under  the  heel  of  the  Kaiser. 

Let  us,  therefore,  be  grateful  to  the  British  fleet  for  the  inestimable  service  which 
it  has  rendered  and  is  rendering  to  all  the  Allies.  And  we  hope  that  it  may  continue 
to  fulfil  its  functions — essential  for  our  cause — with  good  luck  and  good  effect.  Nor 
must  we  be  affected  by  the  doings  of  the  submarines  ;  their  influence  on  the 
results  of  the  War  may  be  discounted ;  the  number  of  merchant  ships  they  sink  is 
insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  number  which  daily  enter  and  leave  British 
poils  (193  British  and  neutral  as  against  a  total  of  31,385  in  six  months).  They  do 
pecuniary  damage,  but  they  have  not  succeeded  in  establishing  any  blockade.  They 
destroy  the  lives  of  non-combatants  and  neutrals ;  they  break  every  convention, 
\\ritten  and  humane  ;  but  they  have  never  succeeded  in  seriously  upsetting  England's 
oversea  traffic,  much  less  in  prejudicing  the  efficiency  of  her  fleet. 

The  latter,  indeed,  has  had  and  will  probably  have  losses.  But  this  is  only  natural 
and  inevitable  when,  while  the  hostile  fleet  is  bottled  up  in  harbour,  her  ships  are 
constantly  at  sea,  exposed  to  all  the  insidious  machinations  of  the  enemy.  And  no 
one  better  than  Italians  can  judge  of  and  justly  appreciate  such  a  situation  since 
we  in  the  Adriatic,  like  the  English  in  the  North  Sea,  are  masters  of  the  waters 
and,  for  that  very  reason,  exposed  to  the  ambuscades  of  an  enemy,  who  is  not 
strong  enough  to  attack  us  in  open  battle,  but  who  is  sufficiently  subtle  and 
audacious  to  profit  by  our  need  of  holding  the  sea  and  to  molest  us  in  every 
possible  way. 

Ought  we,  then,  and  the  English  to  force  a  situation  which  will  solve  itself  in  time 
to  our  advantage,  by  undertaking  operations,  more  theatrical  than  effective,  in  order 
to  satisfy  the  public,  who  love  display  and  play  into  our  opponent's  hands  ?  We  may 
rightly  leave  this  question  to  the  decision  of  our  admirals,  who  know  the  situation  in  the 
present  naval  question,  and  who  will  enter  in  due  time  upon  their  plan  of  campaign. 
Do  not  let  us  ask  for  display  from  the  English  and  Italian  fleets,  who  have  a  much  more 
important  and  serious  duty  to  perform  than  that  of  bombarding  defenceless  enemy 
coast  towns. 

England  has  done,  then — and  is  doing — on  sea  neither  more  nor  less  than  was 
to  be  expected  from  her  known  and  proved  naval  superiority.  But  what  is  she 
doing  on  land  ?  Let  us  see. 

England  had  no  alliances  and  no  obligations.  Nor  did  the  understanding  with 
France  oblige  her  to  intervene.  This  understanding,  in  fact,  was  so  little  warlike  in 
character  that  for  some  years  there  was  a  strong  current  of  English  opinion  in  favour  of 
concluding,  had  it  been  possible,  a  similar  agreement  with  Germany.  On  several 
occasions  the  French  had  endeavoured  unsuccessfully  to  transform  the  Entente  into  a 
real  and  binding  alliance,  and  thus  to  obtain  from  England  certain  guarantees  of 


AS   OTHERS   SEE  US.  677 

eventual  military  co-operation.  England  always  refused.  She  would  not  adopt 
conscription.  Was  she  well  or  ill  advised  ?  Only  the  issue  of  the  present  War  can  say. 
But  it  is  enough  for  us  to  emphasise  this  fact  that  when  a  year  ago  the  French  and  the 
Kussians  found  themselves,  fortunately,  on  England's  side,  they  could  not  expect 
from  her  more  than  the  assistance  of  her  little  professional  army  of  200,000  men. 
England  gave  these  200,000  men  and  sacrificed  them  on  the  battle-field.  Only  a  small 
percentage  of  them  remains.  The  total  English  losses  hitherto  amount  to  330,995 
men.  They  have  everywhere  fought  like  lions.  And  in  the  famous  retreat  from 
Mons  to  Saint  Quentin  when,  having  lost  touch  with  the  French  troops,  they  had  to 
face  alone  forces  four  times  their  number,  they  taught  the  enemy,  who  affected  to 
despise  them,  to  respect  and  fear  them. 

But  this,  it  will  readily  be  understood,  was  not  sufficient.  In  her  own  interest, 
and  in  that  of  the  Allied  cause,  England  had  to  do  more.  And  it  was  then  that  Lord 
Kitchener,  in  September  of  last  year,  seriously  expressed  his  opinion  in  the  House  of 
Lords.  The  War,  he  said,  would  last  three  years.  The  first  would  be  a  year  of  prepara- 
tion, the  second  one  of  conflict,  and  the  third  would  witness  the  victory  of  the  Allies. 
But  he  must  have  men,  millions  of  men.  Well,  how  did  the  country  respond  to  his 
appeal  ?  The  country  responded  admirably  and  gave  Lord  Kitchener  the  men  he 
required.  In  improvising  this«new  army  there  have  been  delays,  mistakes,  a  want  of 
foresight.  But  all  is  explained  and  justified  when  you  consider  the  difficulty  and 
complexity  of  the  problem,  which  consisted  not  so  much  in  finding  recruits  and  officers 
as  in  providing  them  with  equipment,  arms,  and  ammunition. 

Now  this  has  mostly  been  done,  but  the  incredulous  still  ask :  Where  are  these 
English  soldiers  and  what  are  they  doing  ?  To  reply  to  this  question  would  be  to 
describe  the  magnitude  and  the  gravity  of  the  task  which,  on  land  also,  rests  upon  the 
British.  These  new  soldiers  are  everywhere,  because  England  is  fighting  everywhere. 
They  are  in  South  Africa  where  they  have  recently  wrested  from  the  Germans  the  last 
and  most  important  of  their  colonies  ;  they  are  in  Egypt,  in  the  Gallipoli  peninsula, 
in  Mesopotamia,  where  they  are  fighting  alone  or  with  the  French  against  the  Turks  ; 
they  are  in  India  and  in  the  other  colonies  which  they  have  to  garrison  and  defend  from 
dangers  internal  and  external ;  some  of  them  are  still  training  in  England,  and,  lastly, 
the  greater  number  of  them  are  in  France. 

In  France  ?  But  in  France  the  British  occupy  a  front  of  scarcely  thirty  miles  ! 
Yes,  but  everyone  knows — the  French  know  and  all  Italians  who  have  been  in  France 
know — that  behind  this  front  are  massed  from  700,000  to  800,000  British  soldiers 
and  that  the  French  coast  has  been  transformed  into  a  British  colony.  But  if  this 
is  the  case,  why  do  these  seven  or  eight  hundred  thousand  men  remain  inactive  and 
not  take  the  offensive  ?  Let  us  premise  that  the  conduct  of  the  campaign  in  France  is 
controlled  not  by  the  British  but  by  the  French.  It  is  the  duty  of  Joffre  to  give  French 
the  order  to  advance.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  believe  that  Joffre  is  delaying  on  account 
of  the  English,  now  that  they  have  been  abundantly  supplied  with  munitions.  It  is 
indeed  true  that  the  problem  of  munitions  has  been,  and  still  is,  partly  the  cause  of  a 
regrettable  delay.  But  this  problem  was  not  foreseen  and  has  arisen  from  the  aspect 
which  the  War  has  assumed.  What,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  has  happened  in  France  ?  To 
say  that  two  hostile  armies  have  entrenched  themselves  opposite  each  other  is  to  give 
no  idea  of  the  actual  facts.  The  two  armies  have  really  transformed  their  lines  into 
two  interminable  fortresses  which  no  manoeuvring  can  circumvent.  When,  in  early 
spring,  the  English  and  French  sought  to  destroy  the  enemy  fortresses,  they  found 
that  their  shrapnel  was  of  no  use  against  cement  and  armour-plated  shelters .  It  became 

2i 


678  AS   OTHERS   SEE   US. 

necessary  to  manufacture  high  explosives ;  for  only  lyddite  and  melinite  are  of  any 
avail  against  such  a  target.  The  English  were  slower  in  realising  this  fact  than  the 
French,  and  they  have  had  great  difficulties  in  replenishing  their  supplies.  But  now — 
thanks  particularly  to  the  activity  of  Lloyd  George — the  whole  of  England  is  engaged 
in  manufacturing  explosives. 

This,  then,  has  been  one  of  the  reasons  which  have  postponed,  and  still  postpone, 
the  Anglo-French  offensive ;  but  we  cannot  say  that  it  has  been  the  only  one.  We 
are  unacquainted  with  General  Joffre's  plan  of  campaign ;  but  since  he  can  rely  upon 
the  dash  and  valour  of  the  French,  English,  and  Belgian  armies,  we  must  wait  and 
continue  to  have  that  confidence  in  the  French  Commander-in-Chief  which  his  action 
has  hitherto  inspired. 

Our  arm-chair  strategists  ask  why  he  does  not  move,  now  that  Italy  also  has  entered 
the  lists.  We  may  reply  that,  great  and  valuable  to  the  Allied  cause  as  Italy's  inter- 
vention may  be,  it  does  not,  for  the  time  being,  from  a  military  point  of  view,  modify 
the  situation  in  France,  because  our  front  is  far  from  the  main  theatre  of  the  War, 
and  because  we  have  not  yet  to  deal  with  the  Germans.  Again,  our  strategists  inquire 
why  Joffre  does  not  move,  now  that  the  Russians  are  getting  the  worst  of  it  and  might 
recover  if  the  enemy  who  is  harassing  them  had  to  detach  a  portion  of  his  forces  from 
the  eastern  to  the  western  front.  We  may  reply  that*  this  is  too  simple  and  obvious 
a  suggestion  not  to  have  occurred  to  Joffre,  and  that  the  fact  of  his  not  advancing 
hitherto  may  be  attributed  to  reasons  unknown  to  us  but  which  are  evidently  for  the 
common  good. 

We  must  not  forget  that  the  trump  card  in  this  great  game  will  be  played  in  France 
and  that  great  will  be  the  responsibility  of  the  man  who,  although  possibly  from  the 
best  of  motives,  plays  it  at  the  wrong  moment,  compromising  in  his  haste  the  issue 
of  the  Allied  cause. 

Let  us  be  patient,  then,  and  confident,  like  the  British ;  although  by  being  so, 
we  may  incur  criticism  and  irony.  The  British,  it  is  said,  are  delightfully  unconscious  : 
come  what  may,  they  persist  in  declaring  that  they  are  certain  of  victory  and  that 
they  will  fight  to  the  end.  But  is  it  a  bad  thing  for  England  to  be  thus  pledged  to 
herself  and  to  the  world  ?  We  do  not  think  so.  Beside  the  French,  the  Belgians, 
the  Italians  and  the  Russians — more  sensitive  and  impressionable  in  character, 
more  easily  discouraged  and  more  sensible  to  criticism  and  pessimism — it  is  \\ell 
that  the  British,  with  their  imperturbable  serenity,  should  sound  an  encouraging 
note  of  confidence  and  steadfastness.  It  is  well  that  they  should  reiterate  daily 
that  the  War  must  end  in  the  victory  of  the  Allies  because  this  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  truth  of  which  \ve  must  all  be  persuaded  if  we  are  to  find  strength  for  new  and 
ever  greater  sacrifices.  We  may,  therefore,  leave  it  to  the  Germanophiles  to  be  ironical 
over  British  oratory,  and  we  may  ratt  er  admire  a  country  which  has  discussed  and 
is  discussing  the  War  openly  in  order  to  obtain  freely  from  the  conscience  of  the  people 
what,  from  a  military  and  servile  population,  the  Kaiser  can  obtain  with  a  wave  of  hia 
hand.  And  it  is  well  to  remember  this  when  we  lightly  speak  of  what  the  British 
are  and  are  not  doing.  Germany  is  a  type  of  the  perfectly  organised  State,  where 
the  individual  does  not  count ;  England,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  country  where  the 
State  does  not  exist  and  where  the  individual  is  everything.  This  accounts  for  much. 
It  accounts  for  the  fact  that,  whereas  in  Germany  everything  can  be  done  by  an 
Imperial  decree,  in  England  you  see  that  Asquith,  Lloyd  George,  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons  and  of  the  House  of  Lords,  have  to  tour  the  country  from  one 
town  to  another,  from  the  mine  to  the  cotton-mill,  either  to  induce  the  workmen  to 


AS   OTHERS   SEE   US.  679 

stop  striking,  to  work  overtime,  to  give  up  temporarily  certain  guarantees,  or  to 
organise  with  the  masters  the  manufacture  of  shells.  It  accounts  for  many  other 
things.  Of  all  the  countries  at  war,  Great  Britain  is  the  only  one  which,  in  spite  of 
this  exceptionally  critical  period,  has  preserved  and  respected  as  far  as  possible  her 
normal  liberties:  tho  sovereignty  of  Parliament,  the  political  control  of  the  Press, 
the  freedom  of  public  meeting,  of  speech  and  of  strikes.  Everything  has  been  said, 
and  has  been  allowed  to  be  said  ;  everything  has  been  dLcussed  openly,  from  the 
House  OL  Commons  to  the  market-place. 

Of  course,  as  compared  4with  Germany,  and  for  the  requirements  of  the  moment, 
England  has  suffered  and  is  suffering  from  her  civil  and  social  superiority.  But 
shall  we  blame  her  for  it  ?  Shall  we  Liberals  and  democrats  deplore  that  which  until 
yesterday  we  held  up  as  an  example  ?  Have  we  not  protested  and  are  not  we  striving 
to  affirm  in  the  name  of  a  civilisation  in  which  we  believe,  that  a  nation  should  be 
organised  for  peace  and  progress,  and  not  for  war  and  extermination  ? 

Besides,  England  probably  appreciates  at  this  critical  moment  the  supreme 
necessity  of  suspending  even  the  ordinary  course  of  her  liberties.  Desperate  ills 
demand  desperate  remedies.  A  few  days  ago  Lloyd  George  delivered  in  London  a 
speech  which  reflected  the  seriousness  of  this  internal  crisis  to  the  British  mind. 
"  War  ",  he  said,  "  is  like  fever,  and  the  rules  which  are  applicable  in  health  are  utterly 
unsuited  to  a  fever.  Restraints  which  would  be  irksome,  stupid,  and  unnecessary 
when  a  man  is  healthy,  are  essential  to  save  his  life  in  a  fever.  Let  Britain  be  beaten, 
discredited,  and  dishonoured,  but  let  no  man  say  that  any  Briton  during  the  War  was 
ever  forced  to  do  anything  for  his  country  except  that  which  was  pleasing  in  his  own 
sight.  Ah  !  victory  is  not  on  that  road  !...."  "  The  peril  is  a  great  one,  the 
peril  is  an  immediate  one,  but  if  the  democracy  of  Britain  rises  to  the  occasion  they 
will  once  more  triumph  over  all  the  forces  of  despotism  in  Europe !  "  This  too  is  our 
hope  and  our  conviction. 

The  British — like  the  French,  the  Russians,  and  Italians — have  their  faults  and 
have  made  mistakes.  At  the  outset  they  were  too  optimistic.  They  did  not  all, 
perhaps,  at  once  realise  the  gravity  and  the  immensity  of  the  War.  They  are  built 
like  this  ;  they  are  neither  intuitive  nor  impulsive.  They  are  slow  thinkers  ;  they 
will  not  be  hurried  ;  they  want,  each  one  of  them,  to  see  things  with  their  own  eyes 
and  to  use  their  own  judgment.  But  qualities,  which  in  the  first  phase  of  a  campaign 
may  have  been  productive  of  delay  and  disappointment,  become  highly  valuable  as 
the  campaign  develops,  because  the  British  are  tenacious,  indefatigable,  and  inflexible. 
It  is  they  who  will  say  the  last  word. 

In  the  meanwhile  let  us  give  them  their  due  for  what  they  have  already  accom- 
plished ;  for  it  is  they  who  have  hitherto  obtained  the  greatest  success  for  the  Allied 
cause  by  ridding  the  sea  of  the  Germans  ;  for  it  is  they  and  they  alone  who  have 
wrested  from  the  enemy  territories  which  will  count  not  a  little  when  the  time  comes 
to  discuss  the  terms  of  peace  ;  they  have  contributed  to  the  campaign  on  land  all  their 
available  forces  ;  they  have  advanced  millions  to  the  Allies  who  required  them ; 
finally,  they  have  given  to  this  War  an  ideal  and  spiritual  character  by  being  the  first 
to  denounce  militarism  as  opposed  to  peace,  world  domination  as  inimical  to  the 
principle  of  nationality. 


2  z  2 


680 


SOLDIERS  AND  LAND  SETTLEMENT. 

DEPUTATION  OF  THE  AFTER  THE  WAR  EMPIRE  SETTLEMENT  AND  RURAL  EMPLOY- 
MENT COMMITTEE  OF  THE  ROYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF 
STATE  FOR  THE  COLONIES  AND  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

THE  Right  Hon.  A.  Bonar  Law,  M.P.,  and  the  Earl  of  Selborne,  K.G.,  G.C.M.G. 
(who  were  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Anderson,  G.C.M.G.,  Mr.  H.  C.  M.  Lambert,  C.B., 
and  Mr.  T.  C.  Macnaghten  of  the  Colonial  Office,  and  Mr.  F.  L.  C.  Floud  of  the  Board 
of  Agriculture)  received  on  July  22  a  Deputation,  which  consisted  of :  The  Right 
Hon.  Lord  Sydenham,  G.C.S.I.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.I.E.  (Introducer) ;  Mr.  Christopher 
Turnor ;  the  Hon.  Sir  John  Taverner,  K.C.M.G. ;  Sir  H.  Rider  Haggard ;  the  Hon. 
J.  G.  Jenkins  ;  Mr.  G.  McLaren  Brown,  Colonel  H.  E.  Rawson,  C.B. ;  Sir  Harry 
Wilson,  K.C.M.G.  (Secretary  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute) ;  and  Mr.  W.  A.  Bulkeley- 
Evans  (Honorary  Secretary  of  the  Committee).  Several  other  Members  of  the 
Committee  were  also  present,  including  Sir  Ernest  Birch,  K.C.M.G.,  Mr.  Saxon  Mills, 
and  Mr.  Evelyn  Wrench. 

LORD  SYDENHAM  :  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  I  regret  that  Lord  Grey,  who  was  most  anxious 
to  be  here,  is  unable  to  be  present,  and  in  his  absence  there  devolves  upon  me  the  duty 
of  introducing  to  you  Mr.  Christopher  Turnor,  Sir  John  Taverner,  Sir  H.  Rider  Haggard, 
Mr.  J.  G.  Jenkins,  Mr.  G.  McLaren  Brown,  and  Colonel  Rawson,  all  of  whom  will  say 
a  few  words  with  regard  to  the  question  which  has  brought  us  here  to-day. 

The  Committee  of  the  Institute  which  we  represent  was  appointed  in  March  last 
in  order  to  consider  the  question  of  enabling  ex-Service  men  to  find  employment  on 
the  land  after  the  war.  We  have  held  many  meetings,  and  we  have  studied  the  subject 
as  far  as  we  could,  and  have  tried  to  get  into  touch  with  other  bodies  dealing  with 
analogous  matters.  The  subject,  of  course,  divides  itself  into  two  main  branches  ; 
the  first  is  the  question  of  employment  for  ex-Service  men  on  the  land  at  home,  and 
the  second  is  their  employment  on  the  land  overseas.  As  regards  the  first  point,  we 
know  that  Lord  Selborne  has  appointed  a  Committee,  and  we  venture  to  ask,  if  it  is 
not  too  late,  whether  it  would  not  be  possible  for  us  to  have  one  representative  on  that 
Committee  in  order  that  we  might  be  in  closer  contact  with  its  working.  But  if  that 
is  not  possible,  we  hope  we  may  be  able  to  give  some  evidence  before  that  Committee, 
and  to  make  any  suggestions  which  might  occur  to  us. 

As  regards  the  second  branch  of  the  subject,  that  is  perhaps  more  complex,  and 
certainly  more  delicate  than  the  first.  We  feel  strongly  that  it  can  only  be  dealt 
with  by  the  fullest  and  most  complete  collaboration  between  His  Majesty's  Government 
and  the  Governments  of  the  various  Dominions,  and  what  we  suggest  is  that  some 
machinery  should  be  set  up  as  soon  as  possible  to  bring  about  that  result,  so  that  there 
shall  be  co-operation  between  all  the  Governments  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word.  We 
wish  to  assure  you  that  our  Committee  will  do  anything  in  its  power  in  the  way  of 
helping  you  to  deal  with  these  important  problems. 

Mr.  CHRISTOPHER  TURNOR  :  Sir,  I  propose  to  deal  with  the  question  of  land 
settlement  entirely  from  the  point  of  view  of  settlement  in  the  United  Kingdom, 


SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT.  681 

and  I  think  I  may  assume  that  we  are  all  agreed  that  as  many  Service  men  as  is 
possible  should  be  settled  on  the  land  in  the  United  Kingdom.  But  it  is  more  the 
question  of  how  they  should  be  settled  that  I  should  like  to  deal  with,  because  we 
must  remember  that  at  the  present  moment  in  England  we  have  no  single  example 
of  satisfactory  land  settlement,  nor  have  we  observed  the  fundamental  principles 
which  are  necessary  to  success.  The  authorities  in  the  Dominions  have  concentrated 
their  attention  a  good  deal  more  on  the  creation  of  conditions  which  make  land  settle- 
ment possible,  and  their  terms  are  very  much  more  attractive  than  any  we  have 
to  offer  at  present  in  this  country.  The  underlying  principles  which  I  refer  to  are : 
(1)  settlement  in  groups  ;  (2)  access  to  capital ;  (3)  the  making  of  the  initial  years 
as  easy  as  possible  from  a  financial  point  of  view  ;  (4)  the  fullest  use  of  co-operation  ; 
and  (5)  the  immediate  provision  of  expert  guidance.  These  principles  have  been 
observed  in  practically  every  country  where  land  settlement  has  been  carried  out 
successfully,  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  here  they  seem  to  have  been  completely 
ignored.  With  us,  we  make  the  initial  years  for  the  small- holders  or  settlers  financially 
the  most  difficult  ones.  But  we  think  that  settlers  ought  to  have  the  first  two  or 
three  years  made  as  easy  as  possible.  In  many  cases  in  the  Colonies  that  is  done, 
and  they  do  not  have  to  pay  towards  any  sinking  fund,  and,  indeed,  in  some  cases 
they  do  not  pay  any  interest  at  all  during  the  first  two  or  three  years.  Of  course 
the  interest  accumulates,  and  is  added  to  the  capital,  but  the  terms  are  thus  rendered 
easier,  while  the  transaction  remains  a  sound  financial  proposition. 

Then,  sir,  I  think  a  great  mistake  is  made  in  this  country  in  supposing  that  only 
agriculturalists  can  become  successful  settlers,  and  that  every  settler  must  be  a 
practical  agriculturalist  possessed  of  agricultural  knowledge.  We  have  instances  in 
a  great  many  cases  of  settlers,  both  in  our  Colonies  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
who,  provided  they  have  a  sufficient  amount  of  intelligence  and  are  settled  under- 
proper  conditions,  have  succeeded  very  well  indeed,  though  they  have  never  been 
occupiers  of  land  before.  There  are  many  cases  of  that  kind  which  could  be  cited 
of  men  who  have  been  artisans,  and  who  have  had  no  previous  experience  on  the 
land  at  all.  Of  course,  in  such  cases  proper  guidance  is  far  more  necessary  than 
in  the  case  of  a  man  who  has  had  previous  experience.  I  feel  very  strongly  that 
the  question  of  ex-Service  men  is  one  which  is  placed  in  an  entirely  different  category 
from  the  question  of  ordinary  applicants  for  a  County  Council  holding  under  the 
Small  Holdings  Act,  and  that  the  only  satisfactory  way  of  settling  ex-Service  men 
on  the  land  is  by  means  of  some  special  body  to  be  appointed  for  the  purpose. 
Perhaps  such  an  appointment  might  take  the  shape  of  a  Land  Settlement  Commission, 
analogous  to  the  Development  Commission,  which  would  have  executive  powers  and 
be  responsible  to  the  Treasury.  But,  sir,  we  go  rather  farther,  and  we  do  hope  that 
the  opportunity  may  be  used  as  a  means  for  reviewing  and  reorganising  our  methods 
of  land  settlement  generally,  and  devising  methods  for  guiding  migration  to  those 
parts  of  the  Empire  where  population  is  most  needed.  We  clearly  recognise,  as  I  said 
at  the  beginning,  that  it  is  in  the  United  Kingdom  itself  that  closer  settlement  on  the 
land  should  be  strenuously  developed,  so  that  from  an  overflowing  agricultural  home 


682  SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT. 

population  the  Dominions  could  be  supplied  with  the  type  of  citizen  they  most  need. 
With  that  end  in  view,  if  we  could  have  a  Committee  which  would  be  advisory  and 
consultative  in  character,  and  could  review  the  situation  from  the  Imperial  point  of 
view,  and  aid  the  other  Commission  in  its  work  in  the  United  Kingdom,  I  think 
this  would  supply  very  complete  working  machinery.  As  an  English  agriculturalist, 
all  I  can  say  is  that  it  is  marvellous  to  see  how  strongly  our  Colonial  kinsmen 
feel  upon  the  question  of  land  settlement  to-day.  They  recognise  as  fully  as  any 
of  us  do  the  immediate  need  of  settlement  of  men  on  the  land  in  the  United 
Kingdom. 

The  HON.  SIR  JOHN  TAVERNER  :  Sir,  having  regard  to  my  official  relations  with  this 
Department  for  nine  years,  I  want  it  to  be  clearly  understood  that  my  connection 
with  the  Committee  is  in  no  way  to  be  regarded  as  reflecting  on  what  the  overseas 
Governments  were  doing  in  connection  with  land  settlement.  Rather  I  am  here 
to-day  to  say  that  from  my  experience  I  feel  strongly  that  the  Imperial  Government 
have  not  done  their  duty,  nor  are  they  doing  their  duty,  with  regard  to  land  settlement 
in  the  Empire.  I  should  like  you  to  understand,  speaking  particularly  for  Australia, 
where  we  have  97  per  cent,  of  British  people,  that  we  have  got  to  depend  on  the 
Mother  Country  for  sources  of  supply  if  we  are  to  keep  up  that  percentage  of  the 
British  population.  Speaking  from  my  experience  as  Agent-General,  my  natural 
inclination  on  arriving  here  was  to  go  through  the  Mother  Country  and  study 
her  land  policy.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  found  the  Government  had  no 
land  policy ;  I  found  that  agriculture  was  choked  for  the  want  of  some  policy, 
and  for  the  want  of  some  machinery  for  putting  people  on  the  land.  I  went  into 
the  subject  very  fully ;  I  induced  my  Government  to  allow  me  to  send  out 
a  number  of  boys  from  fourteen  years  of  age  up  to  eighteen  from  West  Ham 
and  different  parts  of  your  crowded  areas.  I  found  in  the  streets  and  by- 
ways fine  samples  of  boys  and  girls,  brought  up  under  a  pauperised  system, 
half-fed  and  half-clothed,  anxious  to  get  on  to  the  land.  I  found,  on 
the  other  hand,  thousands  of  acres  of  land  in  this  country  awaiting  settlement,  and 
I  thought  something  should  be  done  to  rescue  those  boys  and  girls  who  were  growing 
up  in  that  condition — boys  and  girls  to  whom  we  have  to  look  in  the  future  for  our 
soldiers  and  sailors  and  dairymaids,  and  to  whom  Australia  has  to  look  to  get  your 
surplus  population,  if  we  are  going  to  people  the  Empire.  I  got  the  consent  of 
my  Government,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  Poor  Law  officials  I  sent  out  batches 
of  twelve,  and  I  eventually  sent  out  about  five  hundred  boys  ranging  from  fourteen 
to  eighteen  years  of  age.  The  conditions  on  which  they  were  taken  were  these. 
The  Government  on  the  other  side  received  these  boys  and  placed  them  on  farms 
throughout  the  State  ;  the  farmers  kept  them  for  twelve  months  in  order  to  enable 
them  to  get  experience,  and  after  twelve  months  they  got  an  average  wage,  in 
that  way  we  were  building  up  a  very  good  'Class  of  agriculturists.  Now  that  is 
just  what  I  think  is  required  in  this  country,  and  it  is  exactly  the  direction,  in  my 
opinion,  in  which  we  should  endeavour  to  guide  our  energies,  and  to  get  homes  for 
these  boys  and  girls.  We  want  the  girls  for  milkmaids ;  we  want  the  boys  for 


SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT.  683 

farmers.     We  have  the  land,  and  eventually  these  young  people  will  be  able  to 
acquire  their  own  farms,  if  they  show  enough  energy  and  aptitude. 

Now,  sir,  we  have  thought  that  the  return  of  the  soldiers  after  this  unfortunate 
war  would  raise  serious  problems  for  the  Mother  Country,  and  not  only  for  the  Mother 
Country  but  for  each  of  the  Dominions  ;  for  there  are  several  sides  to  the  question, 
and  each  side  will  have  its  serious  aspect.  For  instance,  we  have  sent  from 
Australia  over  50,000  men,  and  will  send  100,000  if  they  are  required.  So  you 
will  find  that  each  Dominion  will  have  its  own  problems  in  resettling  the  men  they 
have  sent  to  help  the  Empire  at  this  critical  juncture.  And  in  this  country,  sir,  that 
position  will  be  intensified  when  we  have  a  million  or  more  men  landed  here, 
disbanded,  with  their  services  no  longer  required,  and  in  many  cases  with  their  old 
positions  no  longer  open  to  them.  My  secretary,  who  is  at  the  Front,  wrote  me  a 
few  weeks  ago,  and  said :  "  A  number  of  us  here  do  not  like  the  idea  of  going  back  to 
office  life.  Do  you  think  you  could  get  us  on  to  the  land  in  Australia  ?  "  Now  I 
am  certain  you  will  find  that  that  feeling  will  obtain  largely  after  the  outdoor  life 
in  the  trenches  and  elsewhere  which  these  men  have  been  living,  and  after  living 
that  life  these  men  will  be  a  very  desirable  class  to  put  on  the  land.  I  think,  there- 
fore, that  the  Government  of  this  country  should  endeavour  to  get  as  many  of  these 
men  on  to  the  land  here  as  they  possibly  can.  Speaking  for  the  Dominions,  I  am 
quite  sure  that  any  surplus  would  gladly  be  received.  At  the  first  meeting  of  the 
"  After  the  War  "  Committee  it  was  suggested  that  the  Government  might  refer  this 
question  to  the  Dominions  Royal  Commission ;  but  we  find  that  the  representatives 
of  the  Colonies  have  returned  home,  consequently  the  proposal  is  not  feasible. 
I  think  now  that  if  the  Government  could  see  their  way  clear  to  take  a  member  of 
this  Royal  Commission — and,  speaking  for  myself,  I  do  not  know  a  more  competent 
man  than  Sir  Rider  Haggard — and  to  send  him  round  the  Dominions  with  a  view 
to  ascertaining  in  what  way  we  could  bring  about  some  method  of  Imperial  co-operation 
it  would  lead  to  great  results.  Speaking  as  an  Australian,  we  do  not  want  to  tell  the 
Mother  Country  what  she  should  do,  and  I  do  not  think  the  overseas  Governments 
would  like  a  Committee  on  this  side  to  tell  them  what  they  should  do,  but  I  do  think 
a  good  feeling  would  be  brought  about  on  the  line  I  have  suggested.  I  trust  that  this 
Committee  which  Lord  Selborne  has  appointed  will  lose  no  time  in  getting  to  work 
on  this  important  question,  and  I  am  quite  sure  that  so  far  as  we  are  concerned, 
if  there  is  any  way  in  which  we  can  help  you  by  supplying  the  Committee  with 
evidence  or  otherwise  we  shall  be  only  too  pleased  to  do  it. 

SIB  H.  RIDER  HAGGARD  :  Sir,  I  do  not  propose  to  speak  on  the  question  of 
settlement  of  ex-soldiers  and  sailors  on  the  land  at  home,  because  a  Committee  has 
been  appointed  by  Lord  Selborne  to  report  thereon,  and  until  it  has  reported  it  is 
unnecessary  to  say  anything  on  the  matter,  excepting  this :  that  it  is  obvious,  to  us 
who  have  experience  of  these  problems,  that  only  a  certain  number  of  people,  under 
any  scheme  which  any  Committee  can  recommend,  can  be  settled  on  English  land.  It 
is  not  going  to  be  a  cheap  business,  and  I  think  if  you  were  to  say  that  roughly  it  would 
cost  £500  per  settler,  you  would  not  be  far  out  of  the  reckoning.  Then  there  remains 


684  SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT. 

the  difficulty  of  making  the  venture  pay,  except  in  places  where  the  land  is  of 
the  best  quality  and  the  small -holding  instinct  exists.  It  is  obvious,  as  Sir  John 
Taverner  has  told  you,  that  if  by  God's  mercy  we  come  safely  out  of  this  war 
there  will  be  an  enormous  number  of  men  who  will  wish  to  get  on  to  the  land 
in  this  way  or  that,  either  here  or  abroad,  and  that  of  these  a  great  number  of 
them  will  wish  to  go  to  one  or  other  of  the  Dominions.  Now,  Mr.  Bonar  Law, 
I  may  claim  to  speak  with  some  little  knowledge  on  this  subject,  because  it  so 
happens  that  during  the  last  three  years  I  have  travelled  round  most  of  the  Empire. 
I  have  been  through  India,  Ceylon,  and  Australasia,  including  New  Zealand  ;  I  have 
also  visited  South  Africa,  and  the  maritime  provinces  of  Canada,  as  well  as  New- 
foundland, and  during  that  time  I  did  my  best  as  an  agriculturist  to  keep  my  eyes 
open,  and  to  make  expeditions,  however  distant  and  remote,  to  see  any  district  or 
husbandry  that  would  be  instructive  or  useful.  I  should  like  to  say,  as  an  agri- 
culturist, that,  leaving  'out  the  tropics,  in  all  these  countries  there  are  marvellous 
openings  for  hard-working  men,  even  for  those  who  have  no  great  experience  in 
agriculture,  and  especially  is  that  the  case  in  those  lands  where  there  are  irrigation 
areas.  As  Lord  Selborne  will  know,  it  is  a  great  thing  for  a  small-holder  to  be  sure  of 
the  return  from  his  holding.  He  may  be  the  best  cultivator  in  the  world,  but  if  he 
gets  two  or  three  dry  years  he  is  ruined.  Now,  speaking  of  the  places  I  have 
visited,  in  New  South  Wales  the  land  is  marvellously  productive,  and  I  can  assure  you 
that  I  have  seen  vines  there  only  three  years  old,  on  which  the  grapes  were  so  profuse 
that  you  could  hardly  see  the  vine  itself.  That  is  because  the  land  is  so  fertile,  and  the 
supply  of  water  is  good.  And  what  I  say  of  that  area  I  can  say  of  other  irrigable 
areas  which  I  have  inspected,  in  Victoria,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  For 
instance,  in  South  Africa  there  are  districts  where  people  can  earn  a  good  living  under 
any  proper  scheme.  Where  land  is  cheap  and  irrigation  possible,  industrious  men 
ought  to  be  able  to  make  an  extremely  good  living.  The  Dominions,  no  doubt, 
will  have  to  provide  for  a  number  of  their  own  soldiers.  Also,  may  I  say  that  I 
thoroughly  agree  with  what  has  been  said  as  to  the  necessity  of  not  dictating  in  any 
way  to  the  Dominions,  and  of  rinding  out  what  the  views  of  the  various  overseas 
authorities  really  are.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  many  important  questions 
that  admit  of  general  consideration.  There  is  the  great  question  of  population  in 
the  Dominions,  which  is  what  they  need  more  than  anything  else.  Then  there 
are  the  interests  of  the  settlers  themselves  to  be  considered.  When  you  are 
settling  a  man  on  land,  what  you  have  to  look  at  is,  Will  he  be  able  to  make  it  pay  ? 
Will  he  be  able  to  make  a  living  out  of  it,  and  rear  his  family,  and  to  get  on  upon  it  ? 
Well,  I  say  without  fear  of  contradiction  that  there  are  prospects  of  success  in  all 
the  Dominions.  I  will  not  detain  you  any  longer,  except  to  remark  that  I  think  this  is 
a  matter  which  eminently  deserves  investigation.  You  may  answer  that  the  War  is 
still  with  us  ;  but  we  hope  one  day  it  will  come  to  an  end,  and  when  it  does  come  to 
an  end,  it  will  be  suddenly.  Then  there  will  be  floods  of  men  poured  on  to  your 
hands,  and  trouble  may  arise,  and  you  will  want  to  be  ready  with  your  scheme. 
You  cannot  be  ready  unless  you  prepare,  and  the  first  preparation  to  make,  it  seems 


SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT.  685 

to  me,  is  to  find  out  what  the  Colonial  Governments'  views  are  ;  what  terms  they 
have  in  view,  what  land  is  suitable,  and  what  facilities  they  can  give. 

Without  in  any  way  connecting  my  own  name  with  the  suggestion,  as  he  was 
good  enough  to  do,  as  Sir  John  Taverner  said,  I  think  it  would  be  a  good  thing  if 
someone  were  sent  out  to  approach  the  Colonial  Governments  in  a  friendly  way, 
and  discuss  matters,  inspect  any  lands  that  might  be  suggested,  and  make  a  report 
to  the  Home  Government.  Then,  of  course,  there  is  the  Dominions  Commission  to 
which  I  have  the  honour  to  belong ;  and  the  question,  if  thought  well,  might  be  referred 
to  them.  But  at  the  present  moment  our  Colonial  members  are  at  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  and  I  do  not  know  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  proceed  with  any  inves- 
tigation of  the  sort  in  their  absence,  or  whether  it  would  be  feasible  to  get  them 
together  again  at  the  present  time  ;  but  I  do  suggest  that  it  would  be  a  good  thing 
to  send  some  suitable  and  experienced  person  to  visit  South  Africa,  Canada,  and 
Australasia,  with  a  view  to  ascertaining  what  can  be  done.  In  the  Empire,  sir, 
there  are  various  places  where  they  would  be  glad  of  suitable  immigrants,  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  if  such  could  be  found,  it  would  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  Empire  as 
a  whole  and  also  to  the  ex-soldiers  who  were  given  the  opportunity  of  settling 
oversea. 

The  HON.  J.  G.  JENKINS  :  Sir,  I  shall  not  detain  you  very  long,  but  I  should  like 
to  say  a  word  in  reference  to  what  was  being  actually  done  in  some  of  the  Dominions 
overseas.  I  recognise  fully  that  the  conditions  in  the  old  land,  as  far  as  dealing  with 
settlement  on  the  land  is  concerned,  are  very  different  indeed  from  the  conditions 
in  a  new  country.  We  in  the  various  States  of  Australasia  practically  own  a  great 
part  of  the  land  that  has  not  been  settled.  I  mean  it  is  not  freehold  land — it  is  Govern- 
ment land,  and  in  dealing  with  settlers  on  that  Government  land  the  most  liberal 
terms  are  always  given — long  leases  with  a  right  to  purchase,  generally  speaking 
at  a  very  low  rent ;  and  not  only  are  liberal  terms  given  as  far  as  settlement  on  Govern- 
ment land  is  concerned  (and  I  am  speaking  now  practically  for  all  the  Australian 
States,  but  more  particularly  for  the  State  in  which  I  have  lived  for  nearly  thirty 
years,  and  with  which  I  have  had  a  great  deal  to  do  in  regard  to  political  life),  but 
when  it  was  found  that  a  great  amount  of  land  was  held  in  large  areas  under  grants 
or  by  early  purchase  we  adopted  a  system  of  repurchase  in  oider  to  settle  more 
people  upon  those  large  areas.  Taking  South  Australia  as  an  illustration,  we  have 
spent  some  millions  of  pounds  in  repurchasing  land  and  reselling  it  to  settlers. 
I  have  in  my  mind  a  station  which  we  purchased,  which  practically  had  as 
occupants  about  four  families  only.  At  the  present  time  there  are  from  50  to 
100  families  on  that  station,  all  of  them  making  a  good  livelihood,  or  a  population 
of  probably  nearly  1,000  people.  As  far  as  the  general  business  of  the  country 
is  concerned  with  regard  to  this  place,  it  has  largely  increased  ;  the  amount  of 
material  which  has  been  sent  over  the  Government  railway  has  been  greatly 
increased  ;  the  Customs  returns  have  also  been  considerably  increased,  which 
shows  the  practical  benefit  of  turning  these  large  areas  into  small  holdings.  I 
may  say  we  did  not  ask  the  new  settler  who  took  a  portion  of  the  land  to  pay 


686  SOLDIERS   AND  LAND   SETTLEMENT. 

the  whole  of  his  money  at  once.  During  the  time  I  was  Premier  we  amended  the 
Act  so  as  to  allow  a  man  from  twenty-one  to  forty-two  years  in  which  to  pay  for 
his  land,  charging  a  small  rate  of  interest ;  and  if  you  intend  to  have  a  successful 
settler  on  the  land  in  this  or  in  any  other  country,  I  maintain  you  must  have  a  small 
rate  of  interest  for  individuals  who  are  struggling  to  make  a  living  during  the  first 
few  years.  We  lent  to  them  through  our  State  Bank  Department  money  on  im- 
provement at  considerably  less  than  they  could  obtain  it  at  from  the  ordinary 
banks,  which  enabled  them  to  pay  off  a  portion  of  their  capital  with  the  interest  on 
their  land  during  that  long  period.  Besides  that,  we  adopted  a  system  of  what  is 
known  as  working  men's  blocks  in  close  proximity  to  our  large  cities  and  towns.  We 
piirchased  land  and  cut  it  up  into  blocks,  and  advanced  at  least  60  per  cent,  in  order 
to  enable  a  man  to  build  his  house  and  get  employment  and  start  work.  If  the  blocks 
were  not  large  enough  to  occupy  his  time  fully,  he  would,  as  a  great  many  of  them  do, 
spend  part  of  his  time  in  sheep-shearing  or  other  work,  and  then  during  the  time  he 
was  not  engaged  in  those  occupations  he  would  be  spending  it  on  his  own  block, 
working  to  develop  it.  This  system  has  been  a  decided  success,  and  I  may  say  that 
we  have  thousands  of  industrious  settlers  of  that  kind  with  small  places,  who  are 
living  on  their  own  land,  and  bringing  up  their  families  in  comfort.  I  might  say  in 
reference  to  this  repurchasing  scheme  that  individual  effort  is  essential  to  success. 
Although  as  a  Government  we  are  socialistic  to  a  certain  extent,  we  are  practical 
socialists,  because  our  socialism  is  of  a  business-like  character.  We  have  established 
a  Produce  Department,  and  if  requested  we  take  possession  of  the  produce  of  the 
small  grower  as  well  as  the  large  grower ;  we  have  his  meat  killed,  frozen,  shipped 
and  sent  to  this  country  for  him — not  for  love,  but  as  a  pure  business  transaction. 
I  may  say  that  this  plan  has  been  the  greatest  help  to  our  settlers,  both  small  and 
great.  We  have  also  agricultural  colleges  in  which  to  train  our  young  men.  We 
give  them  a  year's  education,  board  and  residence,  for  from  £30  to  £50  a  year ;  in 
this  way,  instead  of  using  all  the  capital  of  the  individual  before  he  is  able  to  go  on 
to  the  land,  we  allow  him  to  conserve  it  as  far  as  possible,  so  that  he  can  make  it  a 
success  when  he  is  upon  the  land.  As  far  as  the  land  is  concerned,  I  know  a  great 
part  of  Australia.  I  know  that  the  Government  has  just  started  the  first  lock  on 
the  River  Murray,  where,  generally  speaking,  there  is  sufficient  water  to  irrigate 
not  only  thousands,  but  practically  tens  of  thousands  of  acres  of  land  which  are 
available,  and  which  will  be  capable  of  carrying  a  very  large  population  indeed. 
Of  course,  I  am  only  referring  now  to  Australia,  but  the  same  thing  applies  to 
other  places.  The  great  object,  as  far  as  this  Empire  is  concerned,  must  be  production 
in  every  part  of  it,  and  to  assist  in  that  production,  the  more  people  we  get  on  to 
the  land  the  better,  and  the  greater  will  be  the  benefit  for  the  Empire  as  a  whole. 

Mr.  G.  MCLAREN  BROWN  :  Sir,  there  seems  very  little  to  be  said  which  has  not 
been  said,  and  therefore  I  will  not  detain  you  long.  In  common  with  everybody,  we 
recognise  in  Canada  that  after  this  war  is  over  there  will  be  a  vast  number  of  men 
who  will  only  be  content  with  an  open-air  life.  I  think  that  after  their  experiences, 
the  natural  longing  to  lead  an  open-air  life  can  be  understood,  and  I  think  that 


SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT.  687 

natural  longing  will  go  far  to  solve  the  home  problem — the  re-peopling  of  the  lands  of 
the  United  Kingdom.  But  after  all  the  needs  have  been  met  as  regards  this  country, 
there  will  still  be  vast  numbers  of  these  men  who  will  look  elsewhere  than  in  the 
United  Kingdom  for  their  future  homes,  and  I  think  the  important  point  to  be  con- 
sidered is  the  accurate  solving,  at  the  earliest  moment,  of  the  problem  of  the  settle- 
ment of  these  people,  so  that  when  the  time  comes  they  will  not  be  tempted  to 
settle  anywhere  outside  the  Empire.  Now  that  settlement  cannot  be  left  entirely 
to  the  propaganda  of  the  shipping  companies  or  the  efforts  of  the  transportation 
companies,  nor  to  individual  effort  however  strong,  however  well  organised.  These 
can  all  be  relied  on  certainly  for  very  valuable  support,  but  the  problem  is  of  too 
vital  importance  to  the  Empire  to  leave  it  there.  It  is  of  the  most  extreme  im- 
portance that  our  men  should  only  settle  within  the  Empire.  The  future  of 
the  people  of  these  islands  who  may  settle  in  the  overseas  Dominions  should  be  so 
absolutely  assured  that  there  will  be  no  doubt  about  it.  We  need  their  services 
in  the  arrangements  of  the  British  Empire  in  the  future  as  we  have  needed  them  in  the 
past.  There  is  one  point  which  must  have  struck  you,  gentlemen,  that  although  there 
will  be  this  vast  number  of  British  people  who  will  be  anxious  to  find  homes  after 
the  War  is  over,  we  must  also  be  prepared  in  the  Colonies  for  a  vast  alien  population 
who  will  turn  their  faces  towards  our  doors.  As  long  as  these  people  are  healthy, 
industrious,  and  capable  of  making  their  way,  you  may  be  certain  that  the  overseas 
Dominions  will  welcome  them. 

SIR  JOHN  TAVERNEB  :  I  question  that. 

Mr.  MCLAREN  BROWN  :  Nevertheless  it  is  true.  The  overseas  Dominions  will 
be  man-hungry  for  many  years  to  come,  and  if  the  future  of  the  Empire  is  your  con- 
sideration, then  you  will  agree  wich  me  when  I  say  that  under  those  circumstances 
the  Biitisb  element  throughout  the  Empire  should  not  decrease.  If  British  traditions 
and  British  civilisation  are  to  continue  in  the  future — and,  one  might  almost  add,  if  the 
British  language  is  to  continue  in  the  future — then  it  is  essential  that  you  should  have 
a  successful  British  people  wherever  the  British  flag  flies.  That  can  best  be  done  by 
the  strongest  and  closest  co-operation  of  all  the  Governments.  I  do  not  think  for 
one  moment  anybody  would  disapprove  the  formation  of  a  controlling  or  central 
body  here  in  London,  having  at  hand  the  most  expert  guidance,  to  deal  with  these 
matters,  because  I  think,  speaking  for  my  own  country — in  fact  I  am  sure — that  it 
would  welcome  the  formation  of  a  controlling  body  fully  representative  of  all  parts 
of  the  Empire,  composed  only  of  the  most  broad-minded  and  well-informed  men 
we  could  find  throughout  the  Empire,  men  who  have  but  the  one  dominant  idea, 
the  maintenance  of  our  Empire  and  the  continuance  of  our  race.  We  must  not 
forget  the  solving  of  this  problem,  though  beginning  here,  ends  overseas. 

COLONEL  H.  E.  RAWSON  :  Sir,  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  thoroughly  appreciates 
the  difficulties  attending  these  questions  which  we  have  brought  before  you  to-day, 
and  they  have  had  very  good  means  of  learning  these  difficulties,  because  they  have 
had  for  the  past  four  years  a  Committee  at  work  called  the  Standing  Emigration  Com- 
mittee, comprising  members  elected  by  fifty  of  the  Emigration  Agencies  in  the  King- 


688  SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT. 

dom,  who  are  not  necessarily  members  of  the  Institute.  That  Committee,  presided 
over  by  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  has  been  sitting  monthly,  and  has  kept  itself  in 
touch  with  these  questions  for  the  past  four  years  ;  and,  as  the  Deputy-Chairman  of 
the  Committee,  I  can  assure  you  that  we  are  convinced  that  the  moment  has  arrived, 
and  the  time  is  ripe,  for  co-operation  between  the  Home  Government  and  the  Govern- 
ments of  the  different  Dominions  in  this  matter.  It  has  been  a  long  uphill  course 
that  the  Committee  has  gone  through  to  get  the  matter  to  that  position,  but  without 
the  help  and  guidance  and  co-operation  of  the  High  Commissioners  and  Agents-General 
of  the  Dominions  we  feel  there  is  no  hope  of  attaining  to  anything  practical.  The 
Standing  Emigration  Committee  realises  that  the  word  ought  really  to  come  from  the 
other  side  to  this  side,  and  in  a  way  it  has  come.  The  Dominion  of  Canada,  four  years 
ago,  sent  a  Commissioner  over  to  visit  various  parts  of  Europe — this  country  among  the 
number.  The  report  of  that  Commissioner  was  published  officially ,  and  from  it  we  learned 
that  Canada  was  anxious  to  co-operate  with  the  authorities  not  only  of  this  country,  but 
even  with  those  of  other  countries,  who  were  willing  to  come  into  line  with  her  in  order 
to  bring  settlers  into  Canada.  The  report  elaborated  a  scheme  of  co-operation  by  the 
appointment  of  a  Central  Board  in  London  under  the  High  Commissioner,  and  indicated 
how  immigrants  into  Canada  were  to  be  distributed  to  the  various  provinces.  Canada 
manages  immigration  by  a  central  authority,  and  has  thus  shown  that  it  is  ready  and 
anxious  for  co-operation.  Australia  deals  with  it  a  little  differently,  because  it  leaves 
the  different  States  a  free  hand  to  pass  their  own  by-laws,  provided  they  do  not  inter- 
fere with  the  general  good  of  the  Dominion  of  Australia ;  so  that  in  this  case  we  have  to 
consider  what  the  views  of  the  different  States  of  Australia  are  in  dealing  with  emigra- 
tion from  the  Mother  Country.  But  the  States  show  that  they  are  ready  at  the  present 
moment  to  take  up  this  question  is  a  very  large  way  ;  and  when  I  say  they  are  ready, 
one  test  that  can  be  applied  is,  Are  they  ready  with  money  ?  It  is  an  expensive  matter, 
but  they  are  ready  with  money.  There  have  been  private  individuals  who  have  left 
as  much  as  £50,000  in  order  to  defray  the  cost  of  introducing  boys  into  one  State, 
and  the  trustees  of  the  fund  are  determined  to  spend  that  £50,000  within  seven  years, 
two  or  three  of  which  have  already  elapsed.  There  are  large  sums  available  ;  but  quite 
apart  from  money  there  is  the  good  will.  Taking  Western  Australia,  the  idea  was  to 
send  some  of  our  children  there.  Western  Australia  granted  1,000  acres  on  which 
to  introduce  children  into  the  State,  and  while  the  land  is  being  prepared,  those 
children  are  housed  on  farms,  doing  very  good  work,  and  very  kind  feeling  is  being 
shown  towards  them  by  a  Committee  with  a  Bishop  at  its  head.  Therefore,  sir, 
I  am  quite  sure  I  am  right  in  saying  that  Australia  is  ready  to  co-operate  in  this 
matter  ;  that  the  time  for  co-operation-  is  upon  us,  and  should  not  be  delayed.  The 
question  of  migration  within  the  Empire  does  not  affect  only  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
after  the  War,  but  it  affects  women  generally  as  well  as  the  widows  and  orphans.  In 
many  regiments  there  is  a  fund  for  looking  after  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
soldiers,  and  the  migration  of  the  latter  is  a  matter  worthy  of  consideration, 
especially  in  view  of  the  certainty  of  there  being  after  the  War  a  predominance  of 
girls  in  this  country.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  consider  the  wives  and  widows 


SOLDIERS   AND   LAND   SETTLEMENT.  689 

and  children  of  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  as  well  as  the  men  themselves.  The  practical 
point  I  have  to  suggest  is,  Can  the  Government  appoint  an  Advisory  Committee 
to  deal  with  these  questions,  which  will  call  on  any  of  us  who  have  appeared  before 
you  to-day  to  give  such  evidence  as  may  be  in  our  power  ?  We  are  ready  to  do  so, 
and  would  be  very  happy  to  do  it.  There  are  members  here  of  almost  every  one  of 
our  Dominions  who  would  be  glad  to  place  their  time  and  experience  at  your  disposal 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Empire. 

Mr.  BONAR  LAW  :  Gentlemen,  I  do  not  think  either  Lord  Selborne  or  I  came  into 
this  room  with  any  intention  of  giving  our  views,  but  we  came  with  the  intention 
of  hearing  any  suggestions  you  might  make,  and  giving  them  the  best  consideration  in 
our  power.  To  neither  of  us  is  the  subject  a  new  one  or  one  in  which  we  have  not  taken 
the  keenest  interest.  Some  of  the  speakers  have  spoken  as  to  what  the  tendencies  will 
be  after  the  War.  I  have  tried  to  forecast  as  clearly  as  I  could  what  will  happen  from 
the  point  of  view  of  labour  when  the  War  is  over,  but  I  think  I  should  be  very  foolish 
if  I  gave  any  indication  in  the  way  of  prophecy  as  to  what  my  views  are.  On  the  one 
hand,  take  the  position  of  labour  here  at  home.  Our  factories  are  all  busy  at  work, 
a  good  deal  of  which  will  stop  the  moment  the  War  is  over,  and  in  addition  to  that, 
the  men  who  are  now  righting  will  have  to  find  employment.  That  suggests  that  there 
will  be  at  once,  after  the  cessation  of  hostilities,  a  great  deal  of  unemployment  in  this 
country.  On  the  other  hand,  if  capital  is  available,  the  wastage  and  ravages  of  war 
have  got  to  be  made  good  For  shipping  and  shipbuilding,  for  instance,  and  other 
industries  in  the  same  position,  there  will  be  a  big  demand.  I  would  not  like  to  say 
that  in  my  opinion  it  is  at  all  certain  that  the  end  of  the  War  will  be  the  beginning  of 
a  period  of  unemployment  in  this  country,  but  I  think  the  temptation  to  our  people 
to  emigrate  will  be  very  great.  The  War  is  causing  prices  to  be  high  for  all  the  com- 
modities which  are  produced  in  the  Colonies,  so  that  the  Colonies  must  prosper,  and  I 
think  the  Canadian  representative  will  agree  that,  taking  Canada,  the  War  is  going  to 
bring  her  a  great  deal  of  development  and  increased  capital  from  the  higher  prices, 
and  it  is  almost  certain  that  there  will  be  a  great  demand  for  more  people  in  the  Colonies 
at  the  end  of  the  War.  Now  we  here  at  home  are  torn  in  two  ways.  We  certainly 
desire  to  see  the  British  Empire  everywhere  expand,  and  to  have  these  fertile  lands 
rilled  by  people  of  our  own  race.  On  the  other  hand,  I  do  not  think  any  of  us  would 
look  with  any  pleasure  at  the  prospect  of  a  very  large  number  of  the  men  who  are  now 
fighting  for  us,  men  who  are  the  very  best  of  our  population,  suddenly  leaving  the 
country.  The  problem  which  we  have  to  face — and  it  is  one  which  certainly  no  Govern- 
ment fails  to  take  an  interest  in — is  first  of  all  to  try  and  help  these  soldiers  to  find  the 
kind  of  employment  which  suits  them  best,  and  in  the  way  which  suits  them  best. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  do  wish  to  see  if  it  can  be  done,  if  it  is  better  all  round  that 
these  men  should  be  taken  overseas.  It  is  for  that  reason  that  Lord  Selborne  has 
appointed  the  Committee  to  which  reference  has  been  made,  which  is  doing  exactly 
what  you  wish  and  is  considering  the  subject  in  advance.  I  am  sure  the  subject  ought 
to  be  considered  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  overseas  Dominions  as  well  as  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  Government  here.  Colonel  Rawson  has  said  that  the  motive  power 


690  ROUND    THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

in  deciding  the  way  in  which  emigration  should  go  comes  largely  from  the  Colonies 
themselves,  and  depends  greatly  on  the  inducements  held  out.  Now  the  Canadian 
Government  has  already  appointed  a  Commission  to  go  into  this  very  subject,  and  I 
have  the  terms  of  reference  here,  which  I  will  read  :  "  In  connection  with  the  subjects 
above  alluded  to,  consideration  should  be  given  to  the  conditions  which  will  arise 
upon  the  conclusion  of  the  present  War,  and  to  the  resulting  opportunities  for  a  vigorous 
and  effective  policy  of  immigration."  I  have  no  doubt  the  other  Governments  of  the 
Empire  will  soon  be  considering  the  same  subject,  and  will  be  inclined  to  take  some 
steps  of  the  same  kind.  I  have  listened  to  the  many  pertinent  suggestions  which  have 
been  made,  but  I  am  sure  you  will  hardly  expect  me  to  say  anything  more  than  that 
we  shall  give  them  very  careful  consideration,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  the  subject 
is  one  with  which  I  and  Lord  Selborne  personally  have  as  much  sympathy  as  any 
member  of  the  Deputation,  and  we  shall  try  our  best  to  meet  the  views  and  wishes  of 
the  Deputation  which  we  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  to-day. 

LORD  SELBORNE  :  Gentlemen,  I  have  very  little  to  add  to  what  Mr.  Bonar  Law 
has  said.  He  has  covered  the  general  question  so  fully  that  I  will  confine  my  remarks 
to  that  aspect  of  the  case  which  more  nearly  concerns  the  responsibility  of  my  Depart- 
ment. I  am  afraid  my  answer  to  Lord  Sydenham  must  be  that  I  cannot  add  an 
additional  member  to  the  Committee  which  I  have  appointed.  I  have  been  very 
much  pressed  in  a  great  many  quarters  to  add  to  that  Committee,  but  I  am  afraid  it 
cannot  be  done.  There  has  been  already  a  great  difficulty  in  keeping  down  the  number 
to  even  its  present  members  ;  but  we  shall  welcome,  and  more  than  welcome,  any 
evidence  from  representatives  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  and  I  know  that  in  Mr. 
Christopher  Turner  and  Sir  Rider  Haggard  we  shall  have  really  excellent  experts  on 
this  question,  than  whom  none  better  exist,  if  I  may  say  so  in  their  presence.  There- 
fore we  shall  welcome  their  evidence  very  greatly.  Both  of  them  have  touched  on 
some  of  the  conditions  that  affect  the  settlement  of  men  on  the  land  generally,  and 
particularly  in  England.  I  can  only  say  that  I  am  alive  to  those  conditions  and  to  the 
truth  of  all  their  observations  not  only  from  my  general  knowledge  and  study  of  the 
subject  in  England,  but  from  the  fact  that  for  five  years  I  was  directly  and  solely 
responsible  in  South  Africa  for  the  carrying  out  and  maintenance  of  that  scheme 
of  settlement  which  was  inaugurated  by  Lord  Milner.  Therefore,  I  know  very  well 
the  justice  of  their  observations. 


ROUND  THE   EMPIRE  NOTES. 

AUSTRALIA. 

Australian  Losses. — Up  to  the  first  week  in  August,  the  Australian  casualties  in 
the  Dardanelles  amounted  to  2,610  killed  and  10,222  -wounded.  These  figures  do  not 
include  deaths  from  disease  or  accident,  nor  those  who  have  been  reported  missing. 
Personal  reports  from  the  Front  bear  out  the  statement  that  the  Dominion  troops  are 
well  fed  and  clothed,  while  the  care  of  the  medical  officers  has  reduced  disease  among 
them  to  very  small  proportions.  The  losses  are  sufficiently  heavy,  nearly  thirteen 
thousand  out  of  a  comparatively  small  body  of  men  in  some  three  months'  fighting. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  691 

Great  enthusiasm  accompanies  the  recruiting  campaign,  however,  and  throughout  the 
States  men  are  coming  forward  in  tens  of  thousands.  A  month's  work  in  Victoria 
alone  has  resulted  in  22,000  men  enlisting. 

Steamship  Lines  between  the  Dominion  and  Great  Britain. — Advantage  is  being 
taken  of  the  new  interchange  of  tickets  between  the  P.  &  O.  and  Orient  Companies  to 
incorporate  the  surtax  in  the  fares,  and  to  discriminate  in  the  rates  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  different  ports  of  Australia.  The  surtax  of  10  per  cent,  was  charged 
a  few  years  ago  to  meet  the  increased  cost  of  coal,  but  it  has  never  been  popular. 
Hitherto,  the  fares  to  Fremantle,  Adelaide,  Melbourne  and  Sydney  have  been  the  same, 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  there  is  a  difference  of  nine  days  between  the  arrival  of 
the  liners  at  Fremantle  and  their  arrival  at  Sydney.  The  fare  to  Fremantle  is  to  be 
reduced  to  £70,  while  the  fare  to  Adelaide  is  to  be  increased  to  £72,  that  to  Melbourne 
to  £74,  and  that  to  Sydney  to  £76.  Other  rates  for  the  first-class  and  those  for  the 
second-class  are  being  amended  in  the  same  way.  No  special  surcharge  has  been 
imposed  by  either  of  these  Companies.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  War,  the  P.  &  O. 
Company  has  carried  on  its  fortnightly  mail  service  to  Australia,  and  the  Orient  Line, 
with  its  smaller  but  excellent  fleet,  has  only  had  to  reduce  its  sailings  on  account  of 
the  requisitioning  of  its  ships  by  the  Government. 

Horse -Breeding  in  Australia. — The  suitability  of  the  climate  and  pastures  of 
Australia  for  the  production  of  serviceable  breeds  of  horses  has  long  been  recognised, 
but  still  there  are  immense  areas  not  nearly  so  heavily  stocked  as  they  might  be, 
and  also  many  miles  of  good  horse  country  unoccupied.  This  is  the  case  in  the 
Northern  Territory  where  thousands  of  horses  could  be  reared  cheaply,  the  natural 
grasses  and  the  abundance  of  good  water  being  impoitant  factors  in  economy  of 
production.  For  years  India  has  drawn  on  Australia's  resources  for  remounts,  and 
recently  the  War  authorities  have  had  representatives  in  Australia  buying  up  suitable 
stock.  The  action  of  the  War  Office  in  authorising  the  Board  of  Agriculture  to  arrange 
for  the  sale  of  mares  which  have  been  returned  from  the  Front  as  no  longer  suitable 
for  use  with  the  Expeditionary  Forces,  but  which  have  been  specially  selected  as  types 
suitable  for  breeding  purposes,  shows  that  increased  attention  is  likely  to  be  paid  to 
horse-breeding  on  account  of  the  demand  created  by  the  War.  It  would  seem  that 
capital  might  well  be  expended  in  ^Australia  in  establishing  horse-breeding  stations  on 
an  extensive  scale,  either  under  State  supervision,  or  by  private  enterprise.  We 
commend  this  idea  to  Sir  Hamilton  Goold-Adams,  the  Governor  of  Queensland,  and  any 
eminent  horse-lover. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Prosperity  of  the  Dominion. — It  will  fall  to  the  lot  of  Sir  Joseph  Ward,  as 
Minister  of  Finance  in  the  new  Coalition  Government,  to  deliver  the  annual  Budget 
statement  which  is  already  overdue.  The  trade  of  New  Zealand  during  the  past  year 
constitutes  a  record.  Farmers  have  done  exceedingly  well  owing  to  the  high  prices 
obtained  for  their  produce ;  but  there  is  likely  to  be  some  falling  off  in  the  production 
this  year  in  the  event  of  New  Zealand  sending  40,000  of  her  young  men  to  the  front, 
hich  it  is  anticipated  will  be  the  number  up  to  April  next.  The  financial  year  ended 

•ch  last  closed  with  a  surplus  of  £147,000,  this  being  the  twelfth  consecutive 
that  the  revenue  has  exceeded  the  expenditure.  Like  the  other  Dominions,  New 

land  has  been  receiving  money  from  the  Imperial  Government  for  war  purposes, 
but  it  is  possible  that  the  Coalition  Government  may  decide  to  follow  Australia's 
example,  and  issue  a  new  internal  loan  to  meet  the  continued  heavy  expenditure 
entailed  by  the  preparation,  equipment  and  maintenance  of  the  Expeditionary  Forces. 
Not  only  are  the  Australian  and  New  Zealand  troops  the  best  paid  of  any  taking  part 
in  the  war,  but  the  cost  of  conveying  them  to  the  base  of  operations  is  stated  to  be 


692  ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

three  times  as  great  as  the  cost  of  transporting  men  from  Canada  to  Great  Britain. 
Added  to  this,  a  new  Pensions  Bill  has  been  introduced,  increasing  the  scale  of  pensions 
to  disabled  soldiers.  A  couple  of  months  ago  the  Prime  Minister  said  that  the  country's 
prosperity  was  such  that  he  believed  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  a  War  tax  this 
year,  but  the  annual  interest  bill  is  mounting  up,  and  New  Zealanders  will  have  cause 
for  congratulations  if  this  can  be  met  simply  by  a  slight  increase  in  the  ordinary 
methods  of  taxation. 

CANADA. 

Government  Loan  in  New  York. — Through  the  agency  of  the  Bank  of  Montreal,  the 
Dominion  Government  has  obtained  in  New  York  a  loan  of  $45,000,000  or  approximately 
£9,000,000.  The  rate  of  interest  is  5  per  cent,  and  the  duration  of  the  bonds  is  aa 
to  part  one  year,  and  as  to  the  remainder  two  years,  but  holders  have  the  option  to 
convert  into  twenty-year  5  per  cent,  bonds.  This  achievement  calls  for  congratulation, 
since  it  provides  for  the  capital  expenditure  of  the  current  year  without  recourse  to 
the  London  market,  and  at  the  same  time  contributes  appreciably  to  the  correction 
of  the  exchange  difficulty. 

Copper  for  Shells. — It  is  announced  in  Ottawa  that  arrangements  have  been  com- 
pleted under  which,  for  the  first  time,  zinc  and  copper  required  for  the  manufacture 
of  sheila  will  be  both  produced  and  refined  in  Canada.  This  is  important,  as,  until 
now,  Canadian  manufacturers  have  depended  entirely  ior  their  supply  upon  American 
manufacturers  who  have  been  charging  excessive  prices  for  the  raw  materials. 

Supplies  for  the  Allies. — Consignments  of  tinned  salmon  are  being  sent  to  France 
from  the  Pacific  coast  of  Canada,  for  use  in  the  French  and  British  armies  as  alternate 
rations.  Canadian  bacon  in  large  quantities  is  also  being  supplied  to  the  provision 
depots  of  the  principal  bases,  while  tinned  iruit  from  the  Dominion  is  being  shipped 
in  small  quantities  as  an  experiment. 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

Record  of  Service  Rendered  to  the  Empire.— It  is  interesting  to  recall  what  New- 
foundland, the  smallest  autonomous  possession,  has  done  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  the 
British  Empire,  since  the  outbreak  of  war  just  over  a  year  ago.  The  week  war.  was 
declared  a  Patriotic  Association  was  formed  in  the  Colony,  and  the  Government  under- 
took to  increase  the  already  enlisted  Naval  Reserve  of  600  men  to  1,000  men,  and  to 
enlist  a  further  force  of  500  men  for  land  service.  Since  then  the  naval  force  has 
been  increased  to  1,204  men,  while  the  land  forces  number  a  battalion  of  1,500  men, 
now  in  England,  with  120  more  under  training  at  St.  John's,  the  latter  ready  to  be 
despatched  as  soon  as  another  250  have  been  enrolled.  From  a  Colony  of  250,000 
people,  with  a  substantial  emigration,  but  without  any  immigration  whatever,  this  is 
something  of  an  achievement.  The  naval  force  is  largely  engaged  in  patrolling  both 
the  North  Sea  and  the  Dardanelles,  while  the  land  battalion  is  in  training  with 
Kitchener's  Army,  and  is  expecting  to  proceed  to  the  front  shortly.  The  Colony  has 
also  raised  a  Patriotic  Fund  of  $100,000  with  which  to  assist  the  families  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  now  on  active  service,  and  the  women  of  the  Colony  have  sent 
$20,000  worth  of  comforts  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and  for  the  men  in  the  trenches.  An 
effort  is  now  being  made  to  raise  $22,000  for  the  purpose  of  providing  two  aeroplanes — a  gift 
from  the  Colony  to  the  Imperial  Air  Fleet — and  Messrs.  Reid  (railway  contractors) 
have  given  a  third  machine  which  is  to  be  presented  with  the  other  two. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. 

South  African  Hospital  Fund. — A  representative  committee,  under  the  presidency  of 
Viscount  Gladstone,  has  been  formed  to  collect  and  administer  a  fund  to  be  called  "  The 
South  African  Hospital  and  Comforts  Fund."  The  object  of  the  fund,  as  its  name 
implies,  is  to  establish  hospital  accommodation  for  the  contingent  shortly  coming  from 
South  Africa,  It  is  estimated,  in  tho  first  instance,  that  a  hospital  equipped  with  500  beds 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  693 

and  all  accessories  would  meet  the  case,  and  the  sum  of  £20,000  pounds  would  be  required 
for  this  purpose.  The  committee  will  negotiate  with  the  Red  Cross  Society  with  regard  to 
the  appointment  of  the  medical  and  nursing  staff,  the  cost  of  which,  together  with  that 
of  food,  medical  and  other  stores,  would,  it  is  expected,  be  borne  by  the  War  Office  and 
that  Society,  but  further  funds  will  be  required  for  defraying  the  cost  of  comforts  for  the 
troops,  for  possible  extensions  of  the  hospital,  replacement  of  worn-out  equipment,  and 
other  contingencies,  and  it  is  hoped  that  it  may  be  possible  to  raise  £50,000.  Some 
substantial  contributions  have  already  been  promised.  A  meeting  in  connection  with  the 
project  was  held  at  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  on  Thursday,  August  26. 

Labour  and  Gold-Output  in  the  Transvaal — The  Transvaal  gold  mines  have  come 
to  constitute  an  extremely  valuable  asset  in  these  times  of  stress.  The  latest  reports, 
which  include  the  month  of  July  last,  indicate  steady  progress,  the  total  for  the  last 
month  being  the  largest  reached  for  some  years.  It  is  satisfactory  to  find  that  the 
industry  has  not  suffered  to  any  appreciable  extent,  as  was  at  one  time  feared,  through 
the  campaign  in  South- West  Africa,  except  that  there  is  a  shortage  of  white  supervision, 
owing  to  the  large  number  of  employees  who  have  been  engaged  in  the  recent  fighting, 
and  have  since  enlisted  for  service  in  Europe  and  Asia.  The  supply  of  native  labour, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  been  substantially  augmented  lately.  This  gain  is  all  the  more 
welcome  since  it  is  usual  at  this  season  of  the  year  for  Kaffir  labour  in  the  mining  industry 
to  become  less  plentiful.  Altogether,  the  state  of  the  Transvaal  gold-mining  industry 
is  very  reassuring,  especially  at  a  time  like  the  present,  when  it  is  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance that  the  gold  resources  should  be  kept  at  the  highest  possible  level,  so  as  to 
meet,  without  great  difficulty,  the  adverse  trade  balances  resulting  from  the  exceptionally 
large  excess  of  imports  over  exports. 

Aeroplane  from  Rhodesia.— The  British  South  Africa  Company  has  received  a 
message  from  the  Administrator  of  Rhodesia,  asking  that  the  sum  of  £1,500  shall  be 
paid  over  to  the  Imperial  Government  for  the  purchase  of  a  70-h.p.  Renault  aeroplane, 
as  a  gift  from  the  people  of  Rhodesia.  It  is  requested  that  the  machine  may  be  named 
"  Rhodesia  No.  1."  Certain  Angoni  Chiefs  in  the  Fort  Jameson  district  (Northern 
Rhodesia)  have  subscribed  £32  Is.  as  an  expression  of  loyalty  to  the  King  Emperor, 
which  sum  they  request  shall  contribute  towards  the  cost  of  an  aeroplane  for  the 
British  Army. 

Steamship  Lines  Of  South- West  Africa. — The  shipping  companies  have  not  been 
long  in  taking  steps  to  serve  the  conquered  German  territory  in  South- West  Africa, 
Any  arrangements  that  may  be  made  for  calls  at  Swakopmund  and  Angra  Pequena 
(Luderitz  Bay)  will  be  in  the  nature  of  an  experiment,  dependent  for  its  permanence 
on  the  results  obtained.  The  Union-Castle  Steamship  Company  was  the  first  to  an- 
nounce that  it  was  contemplating  making  calls  at  the  newly  acquired  ports,  and  the 
Ellcrman  and  Bucknall  Company  and  the  Clan  Line  have  since  followed  suit.  Swakop- 
mund, which  is  situated  a  little  to  the  north  of  Walfish  Bay,  is  the  starting  point  of 
the  railway  which  penetrates  into  Damaraland  in  a  north-easterly  direction  as  far  as 
Grootfontein.  It  is  considered  that  eventually  this  line  will  be  continued  into  Rhodesia, 
and  that  the  oversea  import  and  export  trade  of  that  part  of  British  South  Africa 
will  be  largely  conducted  by  that  route  rather  than  by  way  of  Beira,  or  the  long 
haul  over  the  South  African  railways. 

EGYPT. 

Treatment  of  Enemy  Subjects. — Definite  steps  are  now  being  taken  with  regard 
to  the  question  of  the  treatment  of  enemy  subjects.  There  are  in  Egypt  a  number 
of  so-called  Austro -Hungarian  subjects  who  assumed  that  nationality  years  ago  when 
the  protection  of  some  foreign  Power  was  necessary,  and  many  of  these  have  taken 
advantage  of  the  proclamation  made  by  Russia  soon  after  the  outbreak  of  war,  to 

3  A 


694  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

claim  Russian  protection.  The  majority,  however,  have  retained  their  nationality,  but 
have  professed  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  Allies.  A  notice  has  been  issued  by 
General  Maxwell  stating  that  "in  view  of  the  possibility  of  stricter  measures  being 
put  into  force  with  regard  to  Austro-Hungarian  subjects  in  Egypt,  any  such  subjects 
who  desire  to  be  treated  exceptionally  owing  to  their  sympathies  being  Italian  or 
Russian  must  get  certificates  to  that  effect  from  the  Consulates  concerned."  This  will 
necessitate  a  definite  choice  being  made,  and  since  the  Russiin  and  Italian  Consulates 
will  only  grant  their  certificates  after  careful  investigation,  all  those  who  merely  express 
pro-Russian  and  Italian  sympathes  in  order  to  escape  the  treatment  meted  out  to 
enemy  subjects  will  be  exposed  at  once. 

INDIA. 

The  War  Loan — The  Loan  floated  by  the  Indian  Government,  which  was  only  for 
£3,000,000,  has  been  heavily  over-subscribed.  In  view  of  the  vast  hoarded  resources 
of  India  and  the  present  needs  of  the  Empire,  it  is  suggested  that  the  Imperial 
authorities  might  float  a  fresh  loan  there.  To  be  successful  this  would  have  to  be 
organised  so  as  to  reach  small  as  well  as  large  investors. 

Currency  Note  Reform. — A  simple  but  very  desirable  reform  in  connection  with  the 
circulation  of  Government  currency  notes  has  lately  been  sanctioned  by  the  Secretary 
of  State,  and  will  be  brought  into  effect  forthwith  by  the  Government  of  India.  In 
future,  all  notes  presented  at  a  Currency  Office  will  be  cancelled  immediately,  no  matter 
how  brief  the  period  of  circulation,  and  under  no  circumstances  will  any  be  re-issued. 
This  reform,  which  is  in  accordance  with  the  procedure  of  the  Bank  of  England,  will 
doubtless  add  to  the  popularity  of  the  paper  currency,  while  the  risk  of  forgery  will 
be  considerably  reduced.  It  is  stated  that  there  will  be  some  little  delay  at  the 
Bombay  Currency  Office,  owing  to  the  necessity  for  providing  additional  accommoda- 
tion for  the  increased  establishment  required  to  deal  with  the  greater  number  of  notes 
received  there,  but  at  all  other  Currency  Offices  the  new  system  will  come  into  force  at 
once, 

WEST  INDIES. 

Recruiting  for  the  War  Contingents. — Recruiting   for   the    proposed   West   Indian 
contingent   for   service   at   the   front   is   proceeding   apace.     In   Jamaica   the   necessary 
funds    are    being    raised    by    voluntary    subscription,    and    sufficient    money    has    been 
collected  to  pay  the  passages  to  England  of  some  hundreds  of  men.     More  than  enough 
recruits  have  already  been  secured  for  the  first  contingent ;  but  the  Governor,  Brigadier- 
General  Sir  William  Manning,  has  given  orders  that  recruiting  shall  continue  for  the 
present.     In    Barbados,    the   Legislative    Council   has   recommended   the    adoption   of    a 
vote  of  £2,500  to  pay  expenses  in  connection  with  recruiting,  passages,  &c.,  of  volunteers 
for  enlistment  in  Kitchener's  Army.     Here,  and  in  British  Guiana,  the  question  whether 
or  not  they  will  form  separate  units  is  still  undecided ;  but  it  is  hoped  that  arrange- 
ments will  be  made  for  all  West  Indians  to  serve  together  as  one  contingent,   or  as 
units  of  the  same  contingent.     The  present  age  limit  is  18  to  35  years,  height  not  less 
than  5  ft.  4  in.,  and  unmarried    men    are  at  present  preferred.     It  is  understood  that 
training  will  be  carried  out  in  the  United  Kingdom,  and  that  the  Imperial  Government 
will  take  over  the  contingent  on  its  arrival,  and  be  responsible  for  all  further  expenses, 
including  full  equipment.     In  Trinidad,  recruiting  has  not  yet  been  properly  organised ; 
but  it  is  probable  that   official  action  on  the  lines  adopted  in  the  neighbouring  colonies 
will  be  taken  shortly,   so  that   Trinidad   shall  contribute  its  full  share  of    volunteers. 
Many  important  details  still  remain  to  be  settled  in  connection  with    terms  of  enlist- 
ment, pay,  allowances,  pensions  for  disablement  &c.,  so  that  some  time  must  necessarily 
elapse  before  the  contingent  can  sail.     It  is  to  be  hoped,  therefore,  that  arrangements 
may  be  made  whereby  the  men  can  begin  their  preliminary  training  in  the  colonies, 
pending   their   departure,    as   it   will   doubtless    be    some    months    before   they   can(  be 
pronounced  fit  to  take  their  place  in  the  firing  line. 


DIARY  OF  THE   WAR.  695 

Sugar  for  Great  Britain.— It  is  generally  admitted  that  the  time  is  not  yet  ripe 
for  the  discussion  in  Parliament  of  such  a  question  as  the  future  of  the  British  cane- 
sugar  industry,  important  as  it  is,  but  nevertheless  those  intimately  concerned  in  the 
welfare  of  the  sugar-growing  Colonies  cannot  fail  to  look  forward  to  the  possibilities 
of  a  bright  future  should  preferential  treatment  for  British  sugar  be  secured  after  the 
War.  Sugar  factories  cannot  be  erected  in  a  few  days,  and  although  in  the  present 
state  of  the  money  market  it  is  improbable  that  capital  will  be  forthcoming  as  yet 
for  the  development  of  fresh  sugar-growing  areas,  a  good  deal  can  be  done  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  inauguration  of  new  schemes.  A  despatch  has  been  issued  by  the  West 
India  Committee  asking  the  Governments  of  sugar-growing  colonies -what  openings  there 
are  for  the  extension  of  the  industry,  and  the  replies  should  prove  particularly  useful. 
It  has  already  been  shown  that  in  British  Guiana  alone  more  than  enough  sugar  could 
be  produced  to  meet  the  annual  consumption  in  the  United  Kingdom,  given  favourable 
conditions  as  to  immigration  and  market  prices.  Nor  does  the  sugar  question  concern 
the  West  Indies  only.  It  has  been  officially  reported  that,  given  a  preference  in  the 
home  market,  the  area  under  sugar  could  be  very  materially  increased  in  Mauritius 
and  Fiji,  while  the  possibilities  of  Nigeria  as  a  source  of  sugar  supply  are  well  worthy 
of  careful  investigation, 

Hurricane  in  Jamaica. — It  is  reported  that  a  large  sum  of  money  will  be  required 
to  repair  the  damage  done  by  the  recent  hurricane.  The  Port  Antonio  section  of  the 
railway  has  been  partially  destroyed,  and  the  roads  in  places  will  require  to  be  relaid. 
Nearly  90  per  cent,  of  the  banana  crop  has  been  spoiled,  but  it  is  believed  that  the 
damage  done  to  food  crops  has  been  confined  to  a  small  area. 

BKITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  ARGENTINA  AND  BRAZIL. 

Red  Cross  Branch  in  Buenos  Aires. — It  is  proposed  that  a  Chief  Branch  of  the 
British  Red  Cross  Society  shall  be  formed  in  Buenos  Aires,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
centrating the  assistance  of  the  British  community,  and  at  the  same  time  providing 
practical  training  which  will  qualify  every  member  to  render  skilled  aid  in  case  of 
need.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  British  Admiralty  and  War  Office  have  officially 
recognised  the  British  Red  Cross  Society  as  the  organ  responsible  for  the  Red  Cross 
movement  throughout  the  Empire,  and  have  agreed  that,  in  time  of  war,  all  voluntary 
offers  of  assistance  shall  reach  them  only  through  this  Society.  All  expenses  in  con- 
nection with  its  formation  are  covered  by  subscriptions  already  received,  and  also 
working  expenses  for  the  first  six  months.  Some  time  must  necessarily  elapse  before 
complete  arrangements  can  be  made  for  holding  classes  and  examinations,  but  mean- 
time the  all-important  step  is  to  place  the  Society  on  a  solid  basis,  so  that  good 
work  can  be  done  without  loss  of  time.  It  is  further  intended  to  establish  branches 
throughout  the  country,  so  that  every  facility  may  be  given  to  those  who  are  too  far 
away  to  be  in  touch  with  the  Buenos  Aires  Branch. 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued), 

July  28.  Heavy  fighting  on  Narev  front ;   Germans  cross  Vistula  between  Warsaw 

and  Ivangorod. 

„    29.  French  aircraft  active.     Kussian  lines  broken  on  Lublin — Cholm  railway. 
„    30.  Germans  capture  trenches  from  the  British  near  Hooge.    Leyland  liner 

Iberian  sunk  by  German  submarine. 
„    31.  Eussians  evacuate  Lublin. 

Aug.    1.  German  advance  continues  north  and  south  of  Warsaw  ;   Cholm  occupied. 
Further  Italian  successes  on  the  Isonzo. 

3  A  2 


696  DIARY   OF   THE   WAR. 

Aug.  2.  Admiralty  announces  sinking  of  German  destroyer  in  North  Sea,  and  success- 
ful exploits  of  British  submarine  in  Sea  of  Marmora.  German  transport 
sunk  by  British  submarine  in  Baltic.  Australian  and  New  Zealand  Corps 
occupy  important  ridge  in  Gallipoli.  Italians  capture  Mount  Medetta. 

„       5.  Germans  enter  Warsaw.     Russians  evacuate  Ivangorod. 

„       6.  Attacking  movements  in  Gallipoli  began  at  Anzac  position  and  Suvla  Bay. 

„        7.  Russians  retreat  in  good  order.     Germans  driven  back  near  Riga. 

„  8.  German  fleet  delivers  attacks  at  entrance  to  Gulf  of  Riga  ;  everywhere 
repulsed.  British  patrol-boat  and  auxiliary  cruiser  India  sunk,  and 
German  armed  liner  blown  up  in  North  Sea. 

„  9.  British  advance  north  and  west  of  Hooge.  French  air-raid  on  Saarbrucken. 
British  destroyer  Lynx  mined  in  North  Sea.  Turkish  battleship  and 
gunboat  sunk  by  British  submarine  off  Gallipoli. 1 

„  10.  Another  British  landing  successfully  carried  out  in  Gallipoli ;  active 
resumption  of  British  offensive.  German  air -raid  on  east  coast ;  one 
Zeppelin  destroyed  by  French  and  British  airmen  off  Ostend. 

„  11.  Violent  bombardments  in  the  Argonne.  Austrian  submarine  sunk  by 
Italian  submarine  in  Adriatic.  Germans  deliver  desperate  attack  against 
Kovno  ;  Russians  hold  their  own.  More  British  gains  in  Gallipoli ;  severe 
fighting  continued,  French  battleship  silences  Asiatic  batteries. 

„     12.  Zeppelin  raid  on  east  coast ;   twenty-nine  casualties. 

„     13.  Rapid  German  advance  east  of  Warsaw  ;   Russians  rally  at  other  points. 

„     15.  Germans  reinforced  in  Baltic  Provinces.     Slight  advance  in  Gallipoli. 

„  16.  Germans  across  the  Bug  ;  Russian  centre  declared  broken.  English  north- 
west coast  towns  shelled  by  German  submarine. 

„     17.  Another  Zeppelin  raid  near  London. 

„  18.  News  received  of  sinking  of  large  British  transport  in  the  JUgean.  Germans 
capture  Kovno  after  stubborn  resistance.  Allies'  decision  to  declare  cotton 
contraband  officially  announced. 

K  19.  French  gains  in  Artois.  White  Star  liner  Arabic  torpedoed  off  Irish  coast. 
Severe  fighting  in  Gallipoli,  heavy  losses  on  both  sides.  British  submarine 
E  13  runs  aground  off  Danish  coast. 

„  20.  Enemy  capture  trenches  in  Artois  district.  German  fleet  in  Gulf  of  Riga}; 
battle  proceeding.  Fall  of  Novo  Georgievsk. 

„  22.  Russian  naval  victory  in  Gulf  of  Riga,.  German  cruiser  sunk  by 
English  submarine.  Turkish  transport  sunk  by  seaplane  in  Dardanelles. 
Holt  liner  torpedoed  by  German  submarine. 

„  23.  French  gains  in  the  Vosges.  Russians  evacuate  Osoviec. '  German 
destroyer  torpedoed  by  the  French  off  Ostend.  Allied  warships 
bombard  Zeebrugge.  Italy  declares  war  on  Turkey. 

„     25.  Fierce  fighting  in  Gallipoli  ;  further  heavy  casualties. 

„  26.  Brest  Litovsk  evacuated  by  Russians.  Great  air  raids  by  Entente  aviators 
reported.  German  submarine  sunk  by  British  aviator  off  Osfcend. 


REVIEWS.  697 

ROLL  OF  HONOUR  (Sixth  List). 

ANDREWS,  LESLIE  E.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  9th  Batt.  Royal  West  Surrey  Regiment; 
ARCHDEACON,  ALBERT,  2nd  Lieutenant,  3rd  Batt.  Royal  Warwickshire  Regiment ; 
BEAK,  F.  L.,  Artists'  Rifles ;  BICKERSTETH,  J.  B.,  1st  Royal  Dragoons ;  BLACKMORE, 
L.  A.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  South  Staffordshire  Regiment ;  CHEVENS,  H.  GLYN,  Captain, 
(Ordnance)  Union  Defence  Forces,  South  Africa ;  COOKE,  IAN  A.  S.,  Captain,  Adjutant 
and  Instructor,  School  of  Instruction,  Zeitoun,  Cairo  ;  DALGLEISH,  G.  W.,  Captain,  R.F.A. ; 
DERRY,  F.  H.,  llth  North  Staffordshire;  FETHERSTONHAUGH,  J.  E.  M.,  Captain,  R.F.A. ; 
HEWAT,  J.,  M.B.,  M.L.A.,  Lieut.-Colonel,  South  African  Forces ;  JERRIM,  E.  R., 
Lieutenant,  3rd  Nigeria  Regiment ;  LXJNT,  E.  L.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Royal  Marines ; 
MADIGAN,  C.  T.,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Engineers ;  MEILANBT,  H.  S.,  Lieutenant,  W.A.F.F. 
Cameroons  Expeditionary  Force  ;  MORLE,  A.  H.  P.,  Captain,  Royal  Engineers ;  Mossop,  A.  G., 
M.R.C.S.,  Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C.  ;  PATRICK,  JULIAN,  Princess  Patricia's  Canadian  Light 
Infantry ;  PENDLEBURY,  A.  G.,  13th  Battalion  Lancashire  Fusiliers ;  RADCLIFFE,  DOUGLAS  H., 
Captain,  Bang's  Royal  Rifles ;  RETALLACK,  J.  L.,  Captain,  48th  Batt.  C.E.F. ;  ROBERTS,  C. 
DUDLEY,  M.R.C.S.,  Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C.  ;  SAVAGE,  T.  COPELAND,  M.B.,  M.R.C.S.,  Major, 
New  Zealand  A.M.C.  ;  SHAW,  CECIL  A.,  Captain,  9th  Lancers;  SMITH,  I.  R.,  M.B., 
M.R.C.S.,  L.R.C.P.,  Lieutenant,  R.A.M.C.;  SPARKS,  R.  H.  AUSTIN,  Captain,  R.H.A. ; 
STARKEY,  TOM  R.,  Lieutenant,  Royal  Engineers ;  SUMNER,  A.  J.  LE  C.,  13th  Sherwood 
Foresters  ;  THOMPSON,  P.  CLEASBY,  Lieutenant,  W.A.F.F.,  Cameroons  Expeditionary  Force. 


REVIEWS. 

MR.  SLADEN'S  REMINISCENCES.* 

MR.  DOUGLAS  SLADEN  has  done  such  excellent  literary  work,  and  has  so  frequently 
added  to  the  gaiety  of  his  not  unappreciative  countrymen,  that  one  can  forgive  him 
almost  any  excess  in  literature — even  the  infliction  of  a  book  of  reminiscences  upon 
the  public.  Such  a  book  is  naturally  opened  with  fear  and  trepidation,  especially 
if  the  reader  has  any  cause  to  think  that  his  own  name  is  likely  to  figure  in  the 
plethora  of  celebrities  who  generally  flit  across  the  pages  of  a  chatty  biography.  But 
in  the  present  instance  Mr.  Sladen  has  spared  his  enemies,  and,  it  is  hoped,  pleased 
all  his  friends.  "Twenty  Years  of  my  Life"  is  a  thoroughly  readable  and  lively 
book  of  reminiscences  concerning  the  chief  celebrities  and  otherwise  who  have  had 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  Mr.  Sladen, 

Mr.  Sladen  is  himself  a  charming  and  always  interesting  companion.  His  latest 
book — not  the  last,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  of  a  series  of  most  successful  volumes — contains 
that  which  is  so  rare  in  books  of  this  nature,  a  good  deal  of  the  author's  individuality. 
To  many  people  Mr.  Sladen  was  first  known,  and  perhaps  feared,  as  the  editor  of 
"  Who's  Who " — that  admirable  yearly  compendium  of  solid  and  lively  fact  which 
is  now  one  of  the  indispensable  reference  books  in  every  household.  To  Mr.  Sladen 
is  due  the  distinction  of  making  this  publication  a  substantial  success.  It  was  he 
who  practically  gave  the  volume  its  present  form  and  introduced  the  many  interesting 
details — such,  for  instance,  as  the  Recreations  of  Celebrities,  which  always  interest  and 
never  cease  to  amuse  the  inquirer — which  first  lifted  the  book  out  of  the  rut  of  dead 
— and  dying — literature.  Unfortunately  Mr.  Sladen's  connection  with  the  venture  was 
of  short  duration,  but  it  bears  the  impress  of  his  happy  inspiration  to  the  present 
day. 

*  Twenty  Years  of  my  Life.  Douglas  Sladen.  8vo.  Portraits  and  illust.  Pp.  iii-365. 
London-  Constable  &  Co.  1915.  10«.  6d. 


698  BOOK  NOTICES. 

In  "  Twenty  Years  of  my  Life  "  Mr.  Sladen  has  fortunately  a  good  deal  to  tell 
us  about  himself  as  well  as  other  people.  But  the  chief  interest  of  his  book  consists  in  the 
many  amusing  anecdotes  of  persons  with  whom  he  has  come  into  contact.  It  will 
not  be  unfair  to  the  author  to  quote  one  or  two  examples.  Mr.  Sladen  tells  a  good 
tale  of  a  certain  A.D.C.  in  Canada  who,  "  taking  an  important  politician,  whom  he  should 
have  known  perfectly  well,  to  introduce  him  to  his  own  wife,  a  young  and  pretty  woman 
who  considered  herself  one  of  the  lions  of  Canadian  society,  said  'Mrs.  Um,  may  I 
introduce  Mr.  Um-Um  to  you  ?  '  She  looked  up  at  him  with  an  amused  smile,  and 
he  continued  quite  blissfully,  '  He's  a  stupid  old  buffer,  but  I'll  get  you  away  from 
him  as  soon  as  I  can  ! ' '  One  other  tale  in  connection  with  the  difficult  duty  of  editing 
"  Who's  Who "  may  be  repeated.  A  certain  Oxford  Don  thought  it  necessary  to  ask 
what  right  the  Editor  had  to  intrude  upon  his  privacy,  and  to  demand  that  his  name 
should  not  be  included.  "Dear  Sir,"  replied  Mr.  Sladen,  "if  you  had  not  been  head 
of  Blank  College,  no  one  would  have  dreamt  of  including  you,  but  since  you  are  you 
will  have  to  go  in  whether  you  like  it  or  not."  This  is  decidedly  a  book  for  war-time, 
for  it  deals  entirely  with  the  arts  of  peace. 


BOOK   NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

Chambers,    Major    Ernest    J. — The.     Unexploited    West.     8vo.     Illust.     Pp.    xv-361.      Ottawa 

Government  Printers.     1914.     24  oz. 

An  excellent  account  of  the  unexploited  regions  of  Northern  Canada,  containing  a  vast 
amount  of  information  concerning  their  resources,  climate,  soil,  and  agricultural  possibilities. 
The  whole  of  the  territories  west  of  Hudson  Bay  were  long  regarded  as  barren  and  impossible  lands, 
incapable  of  affording  any  sustenance  for  settlers.  The  opening  of  the  Peace  River  Valley 
and  the  Mackenzie  Basin  have  disproved  this  theory,  and  a  careful  study  of  Major  Chambers'a 
third  volume  on  Northern  Canada  will  dispel  any  lingering  belief  in  the  absolute  sterility  of 
Northern  Canada.  Major  Chambers  quotes  an  abundance  of  authorities  giving  practical 
information  about  the  great  Northland. 

Jack,   David   Russell.     History   of  Saint  Andrew's  Church,   Saint  John.    N.B.     8vo.     Portraits 

and  illust.     Pp.  v-407.     (St.  John,  N.B.  :    Barnes  &  Co.     1913. 

The  history  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  at  Saint  John,  New  Brunswick,  is  a  long  and 
interesting  one.  It  dates  from  the  year  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  band  of  American 
Loyalists  who  settled  at  Parr  Town,  the  present  city  of  Saint  John,  when  the  Presbyterians 
petitioned  Governor  Parr  for  a  grant  of  land  on  which  to  erect  a  church.  Mr.  Jack  has 
evidently  performed  a  labour  of  love  in  writing  the  history  of  the  church,  which,  although 
related  with  a  wealth  of  detail  that  will  only  interest  those  immediately  connected  with 
the  neighbourhood,  nevertheless  contains  a  good  deal  of  historical  information  of  more 
general  interest. 

Allen,   Gardner  W. — A  Naval  History  of  the    American    Revolution.     2  vols.     Post  8vo.     Illust. 

Pp.  xii-752.  Boston  and  New  York  :  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.  40?oz. — 12s.  Qd. 
During  the  American  Revolution  the  Americans  never  possessed  a  regular  naval  force 
capable  of  acting  offensively  against  the  British  in  any  effective  way,  and  the  naval  operations  were 
therefore  largely  in  the  nature  of  predatory  expeditions.  There  were  probably  more  than, 
two  thousand  American  vessels  employed  in  privateering  during  the  Revolution.  Neverthe- 
less, operations  of  considerable  interest  were  undertaken,  especially  during  the  New  Providence 
Expedition  in  1776,  the  naval  warfare  upon  Lake  Champlain,  the  Penobscot  Expedition  of 
1779,  and  the  operations  in  Chesapeake  Bay.  The  naval  history  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion is  admirably  related  by  Mr.  Gardner  Allen  in  the  above  book,  which  for  the  first  time 
gives  an  exhaustive  account  of  the  maritime  activities  of  the  war. 

Proceedings    of   the    Third    International    Congress    of   Tropical   Agriculture. — 8vo.      Pp.    xi-407. 

London :   John  Bale,   Sons,   &  Danielsson,   Ltd.     1914.     20  oz. — lOa. 

This  contains  an  abstract  of  the  papers  read  before  the  Congress,  and  the  discussions 
thereon. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  699 

Safroni-Middleton,    A. — Bush    Songs    and    Oversea    Voices.     I2mo.     Pp.   159.     London :    John 

Long,    Ltd.     1915.     10  oz.— 3s.  6d. 

Mr.  Safroni-Middleton' s  poems  are  of  more  than  ordinary  merit.  The  author  writes 
with  vigour  and  originality,  and  his  poems  are  unaffected  and  direct  in  their  appeal  to  the 
reader.  Mr.  Safroni-Middleton  promises  to  take  a  high  place  amongst  the  far  too  select 
company  of  good  Colonial  poets. 

Lewis,    J.    P. — Ceylon   in   Early    British    Times.     12mo.     Pp.    iv-108.     Colombo  and    London : 

Times  of  Ceylon  Co.     1915.     8  oz. — 4s. 

These  notes  of  past  phases  of  Ceylon  society  deal  mainly  with  the  lighter  side  of  things. 
Although  sketchy  in  character  they  are  of  more  than  ordinary  interest  because  they  illustrate 
manners  and  customs  in  Ceylon  when  the  British  first  established  themselves  in  the  island. 

Parsons,   Allan  C. — A  Hausa    Phrase  Book,  with  Medical  and   Scientific    Vocabularies.     12mo. 

Pp.  iv-164.     London :    Humphrey  Milford.     Oxford  :    University  Press.     1915.     10  oz. — 

7s.   6d. 

A  specially  well-arranged  and  useful  phrase  book,  divided  into  several  sections  containing 
sentences  likely  to  be  of  use  to  officials,  settlers,  and  travellers  in  Nigeria.  The  medical 
section,  with  the  vocabulary  of  medical  and  scientific  words,  is  a  new  and  most  useful  feature. 

Luke,  Charles  H. — The  War  and  the  Parting  of  the  Ways :  a  short  Study  of  the  Future 
of  the  British  Empire  in  relation  to  the  Great  War.  12mo.  Pp.  viii-115.  London: 
Sampson  Low,  Marston  &  Co.  1915.  6  oz. — Is. 

A  thoughtful  and  suggestive  little  book.  The  author  deals  with  British  trade  and  its 
opportunity,  the  Military  Position,  Politics  of  To-morrow,  the  Empire,  and  the  Social  Effect 
of  the  War.  The  first  section  is  worth  attentive  consideration,  particularly  in  connection 
with  the  official  attitude  towards  British  commerce  and  the  question  of  the  reorganisation  of 
the  Board  of  Trade. 

South  African  Who's  Who,  1915 :  an  illustrated  Biographical  Sketch  Book  of  South  Africans . 
4to.  Portraits.  Pp.  xxvii-645.  Cape  Town :  Ken  Donaldson.  London :  Baumgartner 
&  Co.  64  oz. — 21s. 

This  is  the  eighth  year  of  issue  of  this  useful  biographical  dictionary,  which  has  now  been 
enlarged  by  the  inclusion  of  particulars  of  some  of  the  chief  business  establishments  in  South 
Africa.  The  volume  is  profusely  illustrated  with  portraits  and  photographic  illustrations, 
and  forms  a  complete  guide  to  most  of  the  notabilities  in  South  Africa.  The  selection  of 
names  seems  to  have  been  well  and  judiciously  done,  although  there  are,  as  is  inevitable, 
some  omissions. 

Claudel,  Paul. — The  East  I  know.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xiii-199.  New  Haven :  Yale  University 
Press.  London  :  Humphrey  .Milford.  1914.  16  oz. — 5s.  Qd. 

Until  comparatively  recently  the  name  of  Paul  Claudel  was  quite  unknown  in  this  country, 
and  to-day  there  are  only  a  few  who  are  aware  of  the  existence  of  this  French  poet,  who  has 
at  length  "  spoken "  to  his  countrymen.  In  the  introduction  to  this  small  volume  of 
charming  word-pictures  of  life  in  the  East,  the  translators  state  that  "  to-day  writers  who  are 
by  no  means  young  rank  Claudel  with  the  small  company  "of  the  very  great :  Aeschylus, 
Dante,  Shakespeare,  Goethe."  This  is  praise  indeed,  and  probably  Claudel  himself  would  be 
the  first  to  deprecate  so  dangerous  a  eulogy.  Praise  of  this  nature  is  apt  to  be  deceptive 
and  to  discourage  the  reader,  who  desires  to  find  out  the  precise  charm  of  which  Claudel 
stands  convicted.  A  perusal  of  the  fifty  sketches  contained  in  "  The  East  I  know "  will, 
however,  convince  him  that  Claudel  is  a  true  poet,  with  a  rare  and  charming  insight  into 
nature  and  a  sure  command  of  language.  The  sketches  themselves  are  literary  gems,  and 
though  doubtless  they  lose  in  the  translation — for  who  can  translate  the  virile  and  nervous 
French  into  satisfactory  English  ? — they  will  appeal  to  all  who  are  able  to  appreciate  the 
art  of  saying  little  and  meaning  much,  and  to  understand  the  spiritual  vision  of  which  Claudel 
is  a  master. 

Fordham,  Sir  Herbert  George. — Studies  in  Carto- Bibliography,  British  and  French,  and  in 
the  Bibliography  of  Itineraries  and  Eoad-Books.  8vo.  Pp.  vi-180.  Oxford  :  Clarendon 
Press.  1914. 

The  information  contained  in  this  volume  represents  the  labours  of  sixteen  or  seventeen 
years,  and  is,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  the  first  attempt  to  deal  adequately  with  the  inter- 
esting topographical  literature  relating  to  the  itineraries  and  road-books  of  Great  Britain 
and  France.  The  revival  of  the  use  of  roads  owing  to  the  rise  of  cycling  and  motoring 
invests  a  study  of  this  nature  with  a  certain  posthumous  interest  and  honourable  dignity 
that  would  have  been  specially  pleasing  to  John  Leland  and  his  practical  successor  John 
Cary. 


/ . 


701 

EXHIBITION  OF  AUTOGRAPHS  IN  THE  LIBRARY  OF 
THE    INSTITUTE. 

A  VALUABLE  exhibition  of  autographs  is  now  on  view  in  the  Library,  some  of 
which  are  loaned,  while  others  are  the  property  of  the  Institute.  The  latter  form 
the  nucleus  of  what  will  become,  it  is  hoped,  an  important  collection  of  letters  and 
documents  written  or  signed  by  those  who  have  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  building 
of  the  British  Empire.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  Library  Committee  to  collect  and 
classify  such  documents,  and  they  appeal  for  the  active  co-operation  of  the  Fellows 
of  the  Institute  in  this  endeavour.  Many  of  our  Fellows  must  be  in  possession  of 
interesting  and  characteristic  letters  which  in  the  course  of  time  will  probably  be 
destroyed  unless  they  are  placed  in  some  public  collection.  Amongst  the  various 
items  to  be  seen  in  the  Library  are  letters  written  by  all  the  Prime  Ministers  of 
England  from  the  third  Duke  of  Portland  (1738-1809)  to  William  Ewart  Gladstone. 
These  include  a  letter  from  the  assassinated  Premier  Spencer  Perceval,  and  a  charac- 
teristic note  written  by  Disraeli — "  Alas,  I  have  been  engaged  for  some  time  to 
Mr.  Beaumont  for  the  4th.  I  deplore  it ! "  There  are  documents  signed  by  George  III. 
in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  and  also  in  1807,  just  before  his  madness,  showing  the 
great  difference  in  his  handwriting  at  the  two  periods ;  by  George  IV.,  William  IV., 
and  other  members  of  the  Royal  family.  Amongst  other  interesting  exhibits  are 
a  complete  collection  of  signatures  of  the  members  of  the  Imperial  Conference  held 
in  1897,  headed  by  the  name  of  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  of  which  we  are  publishing 
to  face  this  page  a  reduced  facsimile ;  letters  from  Sir  George  Grey,  Lord  Macartney, 
Sir  Hercules  Robinson,  Sir  Stamford  Raffles,  Sir  Francis  Burdett  (of  Westminster 
election  fame),  Lord  Brougham,  David  Hume,  and  John  Bright,  and  two  striking 
letters,  of  some  historic  interest,  from  Mosheshe,  the  remarkable  Chief  of  the 
Basutos.  Of  historical  documents,  three  manuscript  journals  of  Canadian  travel, 
accompanied  by  maps,  are  of  unusual  importance.  These  are  a  narrative  of  the 
expedition  to  the  Kootenay  in  1807,  by  David  Thompson ;  a  Journal  of  a  journey  in 
North- West  Canada,  by  William  MacGillivray,  written  in  1794 ;  and  an  Account  of 
the  Mackenzie  LRiver,  written  by  W.  F.  Wentzell. 


PRIZE  MONOGRAPH. 

WITH  a  view  to  encourage  scientific  enquiry  into  Imperial  problems,  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute  offered,  in  the  year  1914,  a  Gold  Medal,^  together  with  a  cheque  for  £100 
and  Life  Fellowship  of  the  Institute,  for  the  best  Research  Monograph  on  the  following 
subject : — "  The  applicability  of  the  dictum  that  '  A  Democracy  cannot  manage  an 
Empire J  (Thucydides,  bk.  iii.  ch.  37,  Jowett's  translation)  to  the  present  conditions 
and  future  problems  of  the  British  Empire,  particularly  the  question  of  the  Future 
of  India."  The  Examiners  on  this  occasion  were  the  Right  Hon.  Lord  Sydenham, 
G.C.S.I.,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.I.E.,  F.R.S. ;  Colonel  Duncan  G.  Pitcher ;  and  Mr.  J.  W.  D. 
Johnstone,  C.I.E.  The  result  of  the  competition  has  just  been  announced  and  the 
name  of  the  winner  is  Mr.  Alfred  Edward  Duchesne,  B.A.,  M.J.I.,  235  Barcombe 
Avenue,  Streatham  Hill,  S.W.  Owing  to  the  War,  the  Council  of  the  Institute  has 
resolved  to  offer  no  prize  for  the  current  year. 


HOUSE  AND  SOCIAL  COMMITTEE. 

AT  the  monthly  tea  party  held  in  the  Smoking  Room  on  Thursday,  August  5,  Mr. 
Ralph  Bond  in  the  chair,  Mr.  R.  B.  Bennett,  K.C.,  of  Calgary,  gave  a  most  interest- 
ing informal  address  to  the  Fellows  present.  A  summary  will  appear  in  the  next 
number  of  the  Journal. 


702 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (7) : 

Colonel  Charles  H.  Beatson,  C.B.,  Andrew  Buchanan,  Major  Ramsay  Copeland* 
A.M.Inst.C.E.,  Henry  O.  Diss,  Gilbert  W.  Fox,  Arthur  G.  Mossop,  M.R.C.S.E.. 
L.R.C.P.,  Byron  Peters. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (65) : 

AUSTRALIA.— Ernest  C.    V.  Broughton  (Sydney),   Thomas  E.  Rofe  (Sydney). 

CANADA. — Franklin  Crandell  (Calgary),  Col.  Donald  MacGregor  (Vancouver). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — Pat  Boyle  (Johannesburg),  Wm.  E.  Martin  (Umbogintwini),  John  P. 
Udal  (Umbogintwini). 

BRITISH  SOLOMON  ISLANDS.— Ernest  H.  Pybus.  FIJI.—Gikhrist  G.  Alexander.  FEDE- 
RATED MALAY  STATES.— Wm.  T.  Chapman  (Ipoh).  INDIA.— Wm.  D.  Sale  (Calcutta). 
NEWFOUNDLAND.— Capt.  Henry  A.  Timewell.  NORTHERN  RHODESIA.— Frederick 
Alderman  (Fort  Jameson),  Arthur  W.  B.  Benfield,  B.A.  (Chilanga),  Cecil  von  P.  Helm  (Living- 
stone), J.  0.  MacBayne  (Umvuma),  Norman  F^  Pepper  (Fort  Jameson),  Thomas  F.  Sandford 
(Fort  Jameson),  Lionel  Thompson  (Msoro).  WEST  AFRICA. — H.  E.  Francis  (Duala), 

E.  R.  Roper  (Sierra  Leone),  Frank  Sinclair  (Afikpo).     ARGENTINE — Cuthbert  T.  Alt  (Port 
Madryn),   Edward  M.   Ash  (Buenos  Aires),   Alexander  G.   Bridger  (Buenos  Aires),   Robert 
L.   Carpenter   (Bahia   Blanco.),   Claude   C.   Cox   (Rosario  de  Santa   Fe),   Herbert   S.    Felton 
(Rio   Gallegos),    William   H.    Goddard   (Buenos   Aires),    Charles   F.    A.    Greenslade   (Buenos 
Aires),    Walter    T.    Greig    (Buenos    Aires),    Frank   S.    Kinch    (Buenos    Aires),    Joseph    F. 
Macadam    (Buenos   Aires),    Charles   D.    MacDonald    (Bahia    Blanco),    Thomas    McDougatt 
(Lazo),  John   Murchison   (Buenos   Aires),    Robert   Patan   (Buenos   Aires),    Henry   H.    Petty 
(Buenos  Aires),  Henry  G.  Roberts  (Buenos  Aires),  John  Macdonald  Sewell  (Pigul),  W.   B. 
Basset-Smith  (Buenos  Aires),   John  Hamilton  Talbot  (Buenos  Aires'),   Hugh  R.  Warneford- 
Thomson    (Buenos   Aires),    Alexander   L.    Watt    (Bahia    Blanca),    George    H.    C.    Williams 
(Buenos   Aires).     BRAZIL.— Frank    0.    Quennel  (Sao  Paulo).     DUTCH   BORNEO.— Wallace 
Saunders    (Balek    Papan).     UNITED  STATES  OF    AM  ERICA.— Edward    W.  R.    Beal    (San 
Francisco),  John   A.  Bishop  (Marin  Co.  Cal.).  John  H.  Constantine  (Portland),  James  Eaves 
(San  Francisco),  Thomas  W.  W.  Forrest  (San  Francisco),  Wm.  Duncan  Halker  (San  Francisco), 
Andrew  A.  Hall  (Portland),  John  Laurie  (Brookline,  Mass.),  D.    W.  L.  MacGregor  (Port- 
land), &neas  Mackenzie  (Portland),  Adam  H.  Moffat  (San  Francisco),  Oswald  S.  Marrison 
(San  Francisco),   Guilford  M.  Stuart  (Newton  Center,  Mass.),   John  P.   Trant  (Portland), 
William  Whitfield  (Portland),  Jardine  B.   Whyte  (San  Francisco),  Frank  Wilder  (Portland). 

Honorary  Fellow. — A.  de  Bauw  (Belgian  Congo). 

Associates  (14) : 

Sir  Frank  Forbes  Adam,   C.I.E.,   Mrs.   C.   F.  Bethell,   Charles  F.  Butterworth,   Joseph 

F.  Butterworth,  Mrs.  R.  L.  Carpenter  (Bahia  Blanca,  Argentine),  Mrs.  M.  Harding  Green 
(Bahia  Blanca,  Argentine),  Mrs.  F.  A.  Strode-Hall,   William  H.  Himbury,  Sir  Charles  W. 
Macara,    Bart.r   Mrs.    H.    0.    Roberts    (Argentine),    Rev.    C.    E.    Seamer,    Thomas    Taylor, 
M.P.,  J.P.,  James  Towning,  Joseph  M.   Yates,  K.C. 

Bristol  Branch,  Associates  (83) : 

Miss  E.  Abbott,  W.  A.  Adams,  Miss  M.  Albutt,  Mrs.  A.  O.  Alford,  Miss  S.  H. 
Appleton,  Miss  A.  Arnaud,  B.  W.  L.  Ashford,  Miss  L.  E.  Atchley,  Miss  E.  M.  Atchley, 
Miss  V.  M.  Atchley,  Mrs.  V.  Barnard,  F.  G.  Beauchamp,  Miss  A.  R.  Boothby,  W.  H* 
Brown,  E.  H.  Caley,  Mrs.  F.  G.  Chattock,  Admiral  Close,  Mrs.  Bruce  Coles,  Rev.  A.  E. 
Cousins,  Mrs.  A.  E.  Cousins,  Capt.  G.  W.  Davis,  Mrs.  A.  M.  Davy,  Rev.  H.  L.  C.  7. 
de  Candolle,  Miss  M.  Z.  Drake,  Mrs.  G.  Edwards,  Miss  R.  W.  Elliott,  Rev.  W.  A. 
Elliott,  A.  Evans,  Mrs.  H.  Evans,  Miss  L.  Fedden,  Mrs.  M.  Fedden,  Miss  C.  H.  Ford, 
W.  E.  Fowler,  Conrad  P.  Fry,  Mrs.  Gemmell,  Miss  D.  G.  Glover,  Col.  A.  J.  T.  Goss, 
Major  F.  C.  Gray,  Rev.  Canon  Griffiths,  Miss  Griffiths,  Mrs.  Annie  Hill,  Miss  G.  G. 
Hill,  Mrs.  S.  Hooper,  B.  P.  Jackson,  Rev.  J.  M.  Jeakes,  Mrs.  Jeakes,  John  Jeans, 
Miss  T.  Johnson,  M.  Lavington,  Miss  A.  Lavington,  D.  E.  L.  Lees,  E.  Manning 
Lewis,  M.  A.  Lindrea,  C.  C.  Macaulay,  Ridley  Mackenzie,  Mrs.  Visger  Miller,  Miss 
Miller,  Mrs.  E.  M.  Myles,  W.  Makepeace,  Mrs.  Nanscawen,  Mrs.  M.  J.  C.  Nicholl, 
Mrs.  G.  Nicholetts,  Mrs.  C.  L.  Paul,  Mrs.  R.  B.  Pierce,  H.  C.  Preece,  Miss  E.  M. 
Pullen,  S.  W.  Pullen,  Miss  Read,  Mrs.  J.  H.  Reed,  Miss  V.  V.  Robinson,  Mrs.  F.  W. 
Rogers,  Miss  I.  A.  Ryder,  John  Sawtell,  Miss  A.  M.  Sherbrooke,  Miss  C.  L.  Sherbrooke, 
A.  Smith,  Mrs.  B.  Stander,  Mrs.  A.  Strachan,  Mrs.  J.  Swain,  F.  W.  Tanner,  Mis* 
E.  R.  Whitwell,  C.  V.  Wills,  Miss  K.  I.  Williams. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS.  703 

APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

William  H.  Himbury  (Manchester),  William  Whitfield  (Portland,  Oregon,  U.S.A.), 
Leslie  P.  E.  Hunnibell  (Minneapolis,  U.S.A.),  C.  A.  Player  (Seattle,  U.S.A.),  David  R. 
Bankier  (Montevideo,  Uruguay). 

AFTER    THE  WAR  EMPIRE  SETTLEMENT  AND  RURAL  EMPLOYMENT  COMMITTEE. 

The  names  of  Sir  Godfrey  Lagden,  K.C.M.G.,  and  Mr.  R.  S.  Stronach  have  been  added 
to  the  above  Committee.  

OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  recorded  with  regret : 

KILLED  nsr  ACTION. — Capt.  Douglas  H.  Radcliffe,  H.  G.  Livingstone. 

DIED  OF  WOUNDS. — Major  G.  S.  Drummond  Forbes,  C.M.G.,  D.S.O.,  H.  R.  Ross. 

Lord  Glantawe,  Capt.  E.  G.  Rason,  R.N.,  M.  J.  Connolly,  A.  E.  Cruickshank, 
Alfred  H.  Houlder,  Andrew  J.  Herbertson,  E.  Ross  Fairfax,  Sir  John  Downer,  K.C.M.G., 
Sir  William  Arbuckle,  St.  John  McLean  Buckley,  Frederick  Mead,  W.  Cardy  Hallett, 
Major  T.  Copeland  Savage,  M.B.,  F.R.C.S.,  George  Beetham,  T.  Reginald,  J.  Neild. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  copy  of 'the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
role  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 

UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
bs  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  10.  6d, 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIEH  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d.  each,  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  &d,  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  la.  Qd.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

*»*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  witten  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The,  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 

ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Australia. — R.  M.  Neville,  Sir  David  Hardie,  M.D.  Argentine. — Chas.  E.  W.  Duley, 
A.  Jack,  R.  Docherty,  F.  L.  Beak.  British  East  Africa.— W.  McGregor  Ross,  H.  F. 
Birchall.  British  Guiana. — T.  Fairbairn.  Ceylon. — /.  Etherington.  Federated  Malay 
States. — M.  B.  Shelley.  Guatemala. — W.  Lind.  Northern  Rhodesia. — F.  M.  Deighton. 
Nyasaland. — Ven.  Archdeacon  C.  B.  Eyre.  Russia. — Percy  Cowderoy.  Siberia. — 0.  J. 
Altman.  South  Africa. — Sir  Ernest  Kilpin,  K.C.M.O.,  Sir  E.  Sinclair  Stevenson,  M.D., 
J.  Waldie  Peirson,  Sir  Lewis  Michell,  C.V.O.,  F.  W.  Burch.  West  Africa.— Dr.  0.  de 
P.  D'Amico,  R.  S.  Wheatley,  R.  Button,  A.  E.  Turner,  K.  S.  With,  F.  Talfourd  Jones, 
E.  N.  Thomas,  P.  F.  Barton,  R.  P.  W.  Mayall,  Major  H.  0.  Swanston,  A.  R.  Milliken, 
Dr.  L.  H.  Booth,  C.  A.  Copland,  Capt.  E.  Leese,  W.  S.  Tyler,  H.  S.  Meilandt,  B.  M. 
Taplin,  Capt.  C.  H.  Armitage,  T.  B.  Johnston,  V.  F.  de  Lisle,  Lt.-Col.  H.  0.  Warren. 

DEPARTURES. 

Australia.— H.  Haege.  British  East  Africa.— 4.  Davis.  Canada.— W.  C.  Myers,  M. 
Lodge,  W.  C.  Ward.  China.— S.  A.  Seth.  New  Zealand.—^.  Mason.  Nicaragua.— 
E.  Pugsley.  Northern  Rhodesia.— J.  S.  Standish,  L.  P.  Whisker.  South  Africa.— D.  8. 
Pargiter,  S.  F.  Lamb,  V.  S.  Rees  Poole,  Dr.  R.  A.  Buntine,  H.  de  V.SteyUer,  E.  Hart, 
Mrs.  Van  Renen,  J.  J.  Hoyle.  Trinidad.— Prof.  P.  Carmody.  West  Africa.— .R.  Richards, 
Dr.  E.  C.  Adams,  Dr.  J.  H.  Cottier,  Dr.  J.  J.  Quirk,  N.  K.  McCandlish,  E.  0.  M.  Dupigny, 
D.  W.  Scotland,  A.  R.  Canning,  P.  0.  Murray-Jose,  Dr.  C.  H.  D.  Ralph,  E.  R.  Vassatt 
Adams,  A.  Dennison,  F.  Dwyer,  R.  Hargrove,  C.  A.  Pickioood,  S.  0.  Baggs. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

United  Kingdom  :— 
W.  H.  ALLBN,  ESQ.,  BEDFOBD. 


THE  REV.  T.  S.  CABLYON,  LL.D.,  BOUBNBMOUTH. 

B.  CHBISTISON,  ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LINOS. 

T.  S.  COTTEBELL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH. 

CAPT.  G.  CEOSPIKLD,  WABBINGTON. 
MABTIN  GBIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BBISTOL  BBANOH. 

C.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PUBLEY. 
WILLIAM  H.  HIMBUEY,  ESQ.,  MANCHESTEE. 
A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER. 

GlLBEBT  PUBVIS,  ESQ.,  ToEQUAY. 

COUNCILLOB  HERBERT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE  . 
JOHN  SPEAK,  ESQ.,  KIETON,  BOSTON. 
PEOFESSOB  R.  WALLACE,  EDINBUBQH. 
Dominion  of  Canada  :  — 

R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALOAEY.  A.  R. 
CBEELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTBEAL.  G.R.DUNCAN, 
ESQ.,  FOET  WILLIAM,  ONTABIO.  HON.  D.  M. 
EBEETS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C.  R.  Frrz- 
RANDOLPH,  FEEDEEIOTON,  NEW  BBUNSWICK.  CBAW- 
FOBD  GOEDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG.  W.  LAWSON 
GEANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON.  C.  FBEDEBIOK  HAMILTON, 
ESQ.,  OTTAWA.  EBNEST  B.  C.  HANINOTON,  ESQ., 
M.D.,  VIOTOBIA,  B.C.  REGINALD  V.  HAEBIS,  ESQ., 
HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA.  LT.-COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMEE 
VIBDEN,  MANITOBA.  LT.-COL.  HEEBEET  D.  HULME, 
VANOOUVEB,  B.C.  CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIESON,  PETEE- 
BOBO,  ONTABIO.  LEONABD  W.  JTIST,  ESQ.,  MONT- 
BEAL. L.  V.  KEBE,  REGINA.  JOHN  A.  McDouoALL, 
ESQ.,  EDMONTON.  CAPT.  J.  McKiNEBY,  BASSANO, 
ALBEETA.  J.  PEESOOTT  MEEETTT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHE- 
BINES,  ONTABIO.  ANDBEW  MILLEE,  ESQ.,  CALGABY. 
J.  S.  NrvBN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT.  T.  J. 
PABKES,  ESQ.,  SHEEBBOOKE,  QUEBEC.  LT.-COL. 
W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  ONTABIO. 
LT.-COL.  S.  W.  RAY,  POET  ABTHUE,  ONTABIO.  M. 
H.  RICHEY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC.  ISAAC  A. 
ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BBANDON,  MANITOBA.  F.  M. 

SCLANDEES,  ESQ.,  SASKATOON.   C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ., 

HAMILTON.  JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TOBONTO. 
C.  E.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT.  H.  L.  WEB- 

STEB,  ESQ.,  COCHBANE,  ONTABIO.      S.    J.    WILLIAMS, 

ESQ.,  BEBLIN,  ONTAEIO.  COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES, 
K.C.,  BBANTFOBD,  ONTABIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BABBETT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOUBNE. 
MAJOE  HENBY  BBEW,  BALLAEAT.  F.  W.  CBOAKEE, 
ESQ.,  BBEWABEINA,  N.S.W.  C.  EAEP,  ESQ.,  NEW- 
CASTLE, N.S. W.  HON.  G.  F.  EABP,  M.L.C.,  SYDNEY. 
KINGSLEY  FAIBBEIDGE,  ESQ.,  PINJABBA.W.A.  H.C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  J .  N.  PABKES,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLE.  HEEBEET  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOE,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNE,  M.L.C.,  BBISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ABTHUB  C.  TBAPP, 
ESQ.,  MELBOUBNE,  VIOTOBIA.  D'ABCY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLEE,  ESQ.,  HOBAET. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNOESTON.  FBANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FBEMANTLE,  W.A.  B.  H.  DABBYSKTBE,  ESQ., 
PEBTH.W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  POET  MOBESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NOBTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUNEDIN.  LEONABD  TEIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHAELES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHBISTCHUECH.  HON.  OLIVEB  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.  D.DOUGLAS  MCLEAN,ESQ.,AND  PATBICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIEB.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIEE,  ESQ.  AND  PBOFESSOB  F.  P.  WOBLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 

R.     KlEK,    GlSBOBNE.      COLIN     C.     HUTTON,     ESQ., 

WANGANUI.    C.  H.  TBIPP,  ESQ.,  TIMABU. 
Union  of  Sontb  Africa  :— 

CAPE  OF  GOOD  HOPE  :  HABBY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PERCY  F.  FEANCIS,  ESQ.,  POET  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLEY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KIMBERLEY. 
DAVID  REKS,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MAJOB 
FBEDK.  A.  SAUNDEBS,  F.R.C.S.,  GEAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX  SONNENBEBG,   ESQ.,  VBYBUBG.      F.   WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CABNABVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 

ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VEN.  ABCHDEACON  A.  T. 

WIBGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  POET  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL  :     G.    CHUBTON    COLLINS,    ESQ.,    DUEBAN. 

CACHE  A.  SHAW,  ESQ.,  PIETEBMABITZBUBG.    E.  W. 

NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSCOBBLLO. 
OBANGE  FBEE  STATE:    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 

CBICHTON.    C.  A.  BECK,  ESQ.,  BLOEMFONTEIN. 
TBANSVAAL  :  W.  E.  FEBBYMAN.  Eso..  C.A..  7  STAN- 


Union  of  South  Africa : — continued. 

JOHANNESBUBG.    F.    C.    STUEBOCK,    ESQ.,    10 
GENEEAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,    JOHANNESBUBO. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSIEB,  ESQ.,  PBETOBIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WAEDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIBES. 

W.  B.  HARDING  GEEEN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MUBPHY,ESQ.,FBANCISTOWH. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENBY  LOCKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IBVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :    CHABLES  0.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 

HENBY  L.  WHEATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DE  JANEIBO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALEXANDEEDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIEOBI. 

MAJOE  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :  R-  H.  FEEGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFEED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :  W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J-  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDBIA. 

E.  B.  BBETT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPENTEB,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIEO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  Esq., 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHE  BBOUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.    [!POH. 
France  :  SIB  JOHN  PILTEB,  PABIS. 
Gambia  : 
Germany  :    Louis  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  BERLIN. 

R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBUEO. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMETTAGE,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NOETHEEN  TEEBITOBIES. 

C.  S.  CBAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  INST.C.E.  ACCBA. 

MAJOE  C.  E.  D.  0.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  P.  DALGLEISH,  ESQ.  (Acting). 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PBILLEVITZ,  ESQ.,  GBONINGEN. 
Hong  Kong:    HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABEIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHORE.      [GONG. 
GEOBGE  H.  OEMEEOD,  ESQ.,  M.lNST.C.E.,  CHITTA- 
JAMES  R.  PEAESON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEEBUT. 

Malta  :  ^ 

Mauritius:    GEOBGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  POET  Louis. 
Mexico  :   C.  A.  HAEDWIOKE,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPICO. 
Newfoundland:    HON.  ROBEBT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
New   Hebrides  :  His   HONOUR  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY, 
Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NAEAGUTA.      [VILA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHAED,  ESQ.,  ZUNGEBU. 

R.  G.  S.  MILLEE,  ESQ.,  CALABAB. 
Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,  LIVING- 

Lr.-CoL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWEBEBE.  [STONB. 

A.  C.  HAYTEB,  ESQ.,  FOBT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :  CHABLES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ABCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWAET,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBUEY. 
Samoa  :   COLONEL  ROBEBT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E..LT--COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BEiEN.C.M.Q. 
Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BABNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.O.JOHNSON,  M.L.C., FREETOWN. 
Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BBYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANO. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTJPIB  M.  MILLEE,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda  Protectorate  :     GEOEGB    D.    SMITH,    ESQ., 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 
United  States  :  DE.  G.  COOKE  ADAMS,  CHICAGO. 

LESLIE  P.  E.  HUNNIBELL,  ESQ.,  MINNEAPOLIS. 

ALLEYNE  IEELAND,  ESQ.,  NEW  YOEK. 

J.  NOEMAN  KEEB,  ESQ.,  Los  ANGELOS,  GAL. 

FBEDEEICK  P.  LEE,  ESQ.,  SANTA  MONICA,  CAL. 

C.  A.  PLAYEB,  ESQ.,  SEATTLE. 
WILLIAM  WHITFIELD,  ESQ.,  POBTLAND. 
J.B.  WHYTE,  ESQ.,  SAN  FEANOISCO. 

G.  H.  WiNDELEE,  ESQ.,  BOSTON. 

Uruguay  :  DAVID  R.  BANKIEE,  ESQ.,  MONTEVIDEO. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BAEBADOS. 

HABOOUET  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J  .  J.  NUNAN,  GEOBGETOWN,  BEITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BBITISH  HON- 

FBANK CUND ALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON, JAMAICA.  [DUBAS. 

A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  POBTO  Rico. 

PBOFESSOB  P.  CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POET  o» 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD. 

HON.  D.  S.  DK  FREITAS.  M.L.C..  GBBNADA,  WIND- 


UNITED    EMPIKE  7'j 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUENAL 


VOL.  VI 


OCTOBER  1915  No.  10 


The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 

EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

MR.   McKENNA,   the   Chancellor   of   the   Exchequer,  introduced   the 
third  British  War  Budget  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  September  21. 
The  figures  were  colossal— expenditure,  which  in  peace 
The  averaged  two  hundred  millions  a  year,  has  now  risen 

War  J  to  nearly  five  millions  a  day,  and  the  deficit  on  the 

year's  finances  is  £1,318,000,000.  These  figures  have  never  been 
approached  in  the  whole  history  of  the  world  in  any  country.  Germany 
even  now  is  spending  less  than  we  are,  thanks  to  her  conscript  system 
in  army  and  workshop,  while  she  is  also  less  fruitful  in  advances  to  her 
allies.  But  while  nobody  has  ever  claimed  that  democracy  and  the 
voluntary  system  are  economical— a  fact  which  is  of  some  importance 
when  maintaining  an  army  of  three  million  men— Britain  has  one  great 
financial  advantage  over  her  enemy.  If  she  spends  her  money  more 
lavishly,  somewhat  too  lavishly  indeed,  she  foots  part  of  the  bill  as 
she  goes.  The  German  Chancellor  in  August  admitted  that  he  could 
not  impose  any  further  taxation  on  the  German  people,  and  there  have 
been  no  fresh  taxes  either  there  or  in  Austria  since  the  war  began.  Mr. 
McKenna,  on  the  other  hand,  adds  40  per  cent,  to  the  British  income- 
tax  in  September,  after  Mr.  Lloyd  George  had  doubled  it  ten  months 
before.  The  German  Chancellor  in  his  speech  admits  that  Germany 
cannot  pay  for  the  war  herself,  and  declares  "  that  other  nations  will 
drag  through  the  weary  centuries  the  chains  of  the  colossal  indem- 
nities" which  the  triumphant  Kaiser  will  exact  from  the  crushed 
Allies  !  Mr.  McKenna  refuses  to  speculate  on  victory,  but  with  a 
courage  which  does  credit  to  the  Government  he  assumes  that  the 
public  is  ready  to  foot  the  prodigious  bill. 

THE  necessities  of  war  have  not  merely  increased  the  income-tax 
beyond  all  precedent,  but  have  driven  a  hole  through  the  existing  fiscal 
system.    Incomes  are  now  taxed  about  one-tenth  of 
Fiscal  tne  whole,  and  the  modern  business  man  gives  to  the 

Changes.         gtate  preciseiy  the  proportion  which  the  Jewish  patri- 
archs set  aside  for  charity.    There  is  a  tax  on  war  profits,  which  will 

3  B 


706  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

not  rouse  much  opposition  except  among  those  people  who  reflect  that 
it  is  likely  to  lead  to  inflated  charges,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State 
as  purchaser  to  see  that  its  contracts  do  not  yield  excessive  profits  to 
the  contractor ;  but  individualist  and  socialist  have  both  combined 
to  praise  this  new  engine  of  taxation.  But  the  most  significant  thing 
about  the  new  Budget  is  that  a  strict  Free  Trader  has  been  compelled 
to  abandon  Free  Trade.  Mr.  McKenna  imposes  a  33 1  per  cent,  ad 
valorem  duty  on  imported  motor-cars,  musical  instruments,  cinema 
films,  and  other  commodities ;  and  since  he  has  placed  no  counter- 
vailing excise  duty  on  the  home-made  article,  he  has  reintroduced 
the  Tariff  Reform  principle  in  British  finance.  Of  the  general  increases 
in  indirect  taxation — in  tea,  coffee,  cocoa,  and  sugar — special  attention 
must  be  given  to  the  latter.  It  is  not  the  tax  so  much  as  the  shortage 
of  supplies  which  will  send  up  the  price  of  sugar,  and  there  is  no  likeli- 
hood that  the  shortage  can  be  made  good  from  Europe.  Neither 
Germany  nor  Austria,  the  great  beet-sugar  growing  countries  of  Europe, 
are  growing  sugar  to  export  this  year.  The  Belgian  sugar-beet  fields 
have  been  ruined  by  the  opening  of  dykes.  We  must,  therefore, grow 
more  sugar  at  home  and  in  the  West  Indies,  and  it  must  be  our  busi- 
ness after  the  war  to  see  that  we  do  not  again  depend  on  European  - 
grown  sugar.  As  for  the  general  effect  of  the  war  taxation  it  must  be 
remembered  that  it  cannot  be  really  felt  for  many  months,  and  that 
economy  in  consumption  and  an  increase  of  home  and  empire -grown 
products  is  the  simplest  and  soundest  method  of  meeting  the  situation. 

GUN-FIRE  remains  the  chief  characteristic  of  the  Western  theatre 
of  the  War,  and  during  the  past  month  the  artillery  of  the  Allies 

has  been  supported  by  British  squadrons  which  have 
e  es  e  rn  ^Juj^^^  the  German  defences  on  the  Belgian 

coast.  Whether  this  activity  is  to  serve  as  a  curtain- 
raiser,  or  whether  for  want  of  a  better  piece  it  is  the  drama  itself, 
is  known  only  to  the  higher  commands  of  the  Allied  armies.  At 
the  moment  when  the  country  was  on  the  qui  vive  for  great  things 
the  Germans  essayed  an  attack  in  the  Argonne.  It  met  with  no 
special  measure  of  success  ;  on  the  contrary  it  showed  that  the  French 
were  well  able  to  hold  their  own  and  to  give  as  good  as  they  received. 
"  Shells  and  more  shells  "  still  remains  the  order  of  the  day.  Any 
big  movement  at  one  point  of  the  line  seems  to  produce  some  fresh 
factor  which  means  that  all  previous  estimates  of  shell  consumption 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  707 

have  to  be  revised.  While  this  is  the  case  any  premature  attempt 
to  advance  on  a  large  scale  would  be  particularly  dangerous.  The 
progress  of  the  Western  campaign,  therefore,  depends  for  the  time 
being  more  on  what  is  being  accomplished  in  the  workshops  of  the 
United  Kingdom  and  France  than  on  dispositions  at  the  front.  The 
men  are  known  to  be  there  ;  they  are  not  actually  short  of  shells 
for  the  purposes  of  the  daily  artillery  duel  or  for  an  occasional  attack. 
But  we  are  left  to  infer  that  such  a  success  as  was  won  at  Hooge  early 
in  August  was  only  achieved  at  the  expense  of  munition  supplies 
ear-marked  for  a  much  longer  period  than  the  comparatively  few  hours 
of  the  preliminary  bombardment. 

To  those  who  hoped  that  the  reorganisation  of  munition-making 

under  Government  control  was  already  securing  full  and  satisfactory 

results,    Mr.   Lloyd    George's    speech   at    Bristol    on 

Labour  and  September  9  to  the  Congress  of  Trade  Unionists 
the  War.  ,  °,  T,  ,  ,  , 

must  have  come  as  a  shock.     It  took  many  01  the 

representatives  of  labour  by  surprise,  and  a  committee  has  been 
appointed  to  investigate  the  charges  made.  He  told  them  that  owing 
to  scarcity  of  labour  only  15  per  cent,  of  the  machinery  could  be  worked 
day  and  night,  and  that  Trade  Union  regulations  still  barred  the  way 
to  rilling  up  the  ranks  with  unskilled  workers.  Moreover,  he  gave 
instances  of  the  restriction  of  output,  and  of  measures  taken  by  work- 
men to  penalise  those  who  do  not  deliberately  restrict  it.  These 
measures  are  not  confined  to  privately  owned  factories,  but  are  pur- 
sued in  Government  Arsenals,  where  there  can  be  no  question  of 
employer's  profits.  Belgian  workmen  have  been  attacked  for  working 
too  hard,  and  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  in  a  paragraph  of  scathing  irony, 
asked  that  at  least  Belgians  should  be  allowed  to  do  their  best  to 
avenge  their  ravaged  land  and  violated  homes.  Yet  the  workmen 
who,  in  the  name  of  Trade  Unionism,  are  so  degrading  the  name  of 
Britain  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  are  sons,  brothers,  comrades  of  those 
whose  conduct  in  the  trenches  is  winning  undying  glory  for  their 
country.  No  hastily  formed  conclusion  as  to  the  essential  lack  of 
patriotism  in  the  working  man  can  reconcile  these  two  facts  ;  no  one 
reason,  but  rather  a  long  sequence  of  contributory  circumstances, 
have  made  the  modern  Trade  Unionist  what  he  is.  By  no  means  all, 
even  of  the  recalcitrant  workmen,  are  in  sympathy  with  the  policy 
they  adopt,  but  they  are  rooted  in  the  idea  that  they  constitute  a 

3  B  2 


708  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

state  within  a  state,  and  that  class  solidarity  is  more  vital  to  them 
than  national  unity. 

THE  theory  that  Labour  has  interests  quite  distinct  from  those 

of  the  community  at  large  has  made  deplorable  advances  in  the  last 

twenty  years,  simultaneously  with  the  dwindling  con- 

Impermm        fidence  of  workers  in  the  power  of  the  vote  or  in  the 
in  Ixnperio.         ,.,.,       £  ,,    .  •     T>    v 

ability  ot  their  representatives  in  .Parliament  to  secure 

the  changes  they  desire.    No  one  can  deny  the  immense  improvement 
in  the  conditions  of  the  lives  of  workers  ;  no  thoughtful  person  wishes 
them  to  be  satisfied  or  to  refrain  from  asking  for  more.    But,  for 
reasons  too    complicated  and  numerous  to  be  described  here,  the 
worker,  who  at  the  time  of  his  enfranchisement  expected  to  work 
miracles,  has  lost  faith  in  Parliamentary  government,  and  not  even  a 
long  period  of  social  reform  measures  has  restored  his  confidence,  which 
has  been  transferred  to  his  Trade  Organisation,  and  with  this  change 
has  come  narrowness  and  shortness  of  vision.    The  old  days  of  Mer- 
chant Guilds  seem  to  have  been  revived  when  we  find  the  Government, 
which  is  supposed  to  represent  Labour  as  well  as  other  classes  of  the 
community,  in  solemn  treaty  with  the  Leaders  of  Trade  Unionism, 
as  if  they  represent  another  State.    Unfortunately  the  men  appear 
to  have  as  little  real  loyalty  to  their  elected  leaders  as  they  have 
to  the  Government  which  they  helped  to  put  in  power,  and  the  result  is 
something  approaching  anarchy.    It  is  nevertheless  true  that,  in  the 
old  days,  Government  was  in  the  hands  of  a  privileged  class,  and 
although  in  these  modern  times  they  have  lost  most  of  their  privileges 
except  that  of  bearing  the  chief  burden  of  taxation,  while  their  responsi- 
bilities remain,  the  tradition  dies  hard.    In  the  Dominions  there  has 
never  been  this  division  of  duties,  or  monopoly  of  privileges,  with  the 
result  that  an  Australian  Democracy  can  support  national  compulsory 
service  and  other  defence  measures  which  the  British  workman  would 
(for  the  most  part)  dub  "  militarist  "  and  damn  incontinently.    And 
thus  we  find  British  labour  members  "suspect"  by  their  fellows  if 
they  stray  outside  the  narrow  path  of  "  labour  interests  "  to  a  wider 
vision  of  the  nation's  needs.     Socialism,  which,  as  preached  to  him, 
was  individualism  run  rampant,  did  its  part  in  debauching  the  work- 
man from  national  ideals,  but  it  has  been  succeeded  by  a  far  more 
insidious  doctrine  in  Syndicalism  which,  whatever  it  may  mean  to 
the  instructed,  to  the  majority  of  its  followers  is  merely  a  gospel  of 
class  warfare  and  sectional  solidarity. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  709 

THE  controversy  as  to  the  merits  and  demerits  of  national  com- 
pulsory service,  which  is  called  by  its  opponents  "  conscription"  (on  the 
principle  that  a  bad  name  is  often  sufficient  to  hang  a 

-m -y       j    •  -i  JL 

Rational  ^Q^  whereas  ft  has  little  resemblance  to  a  "  conscript  " 
system)  has  reached  a  point  where  public  discussion 
is  of  little  service.  Nevertheless,  the  debates  on  the  subject  which 
took  place  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  vote  of  supply,  if  they  did 
not  bring  out  any  fresh  points  of  view,  showed  the  extent  of  feeling  on 
the  subject  throughout  the  country.  There  is  only  one  organised 
section  of  society  which  displays  acute  hostility  to  the  proposal  that 
every  able-bodied  man  of  military  age  should  be  liable  for  service  if 
called  on — and  that  is  Labour ;  and  a  Labour  member,  Mr.  Thomas, 
professing  to  speak  for  the  railwaymen,  went  so  far  as  to  suggest  that 
they  would  resent  compulsion  to  the  point  of  refusing  to  accept  it 
even  if  the  Government  declared  it  necessary.  We  believe  this  to  be 
a  libel  on  the  working  classes  of  our  country.  In  other  ranks  both 
Liberal  and  Conservative  opinion  is  divided  on  the  question,  but  with 
a  strong  and  increasing  tendency  to  regard  compulsion  as  necessary, 
and  a  more  dignified  method  than  a  nominal  voluntaryism  which  is 
maintained  by  "  moral  "  pressure,  cajolery,  and  advertisement.  As  to 
the  military  advantage  of  a  regular  and  easily  obtained  supply  of 
men  of  the  right  age,  no  two  opinions  can  really  exist,  and  there  is 
something  disingenuous  in  the  repeated  arguments  of  the  Anti-com- 
pulsionists,  that  we  have  as  many  men  as  we  want  (as  to  which  there 
is  no  evidence)  and  that  compulsion  would  disorganise  trade.  The 
only  form  of  compulsion  now  suggested  is  that  from  the  material 
available  the  Government  should  have  the  right  to  take  where,  when, 
and  how  it  wants.  It  is  not  a  question  merely  of  numbers,  but  of 
economy  and  regularity,  and  the  Government  has  promised  to  announce 
a  reasoned  decision  on  the  question  before  long — the  sooner  the  better. 
The  real  arguments  in  favour  of  voluntaryism  have  always  been  of  the 
moral  kind.  Against  them  must  be  put  the  fact  that  a  country  which 
does  not  bring  up  its  citizens  to  recognise  their  individual  responsi- 
bilities to  the  State  cannot  be  surprised  if  they  fail  to  realise  that  they 
have  such  responsibilities,  or  to  rise  to  the  heights  of  national  self- 
sacrifice  which  the  present  crisis  demands. 

IT  might  be  supposed  from  Press  discussions  that  Germany  has 
a  monopoly  of  submarines  and  that  she  is  ruthlessly  pursuing  the 
Submarine  one  advantage  she  possesses  in  sea- warfare.  Fortu- 
Warfare.  nately  for  the  Entente  Powers,  she  seems  to 


710  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

have  chiefly  concentrated  her  submarine  activities  on  the  policy 
of  frightfulness,  and  it  is  they  which  continually  score  real  successes 
in  the  zone  of  war.  Thus  Kussian  submarines  in  the  Black  Sea  and 
Sea  of  Marmora  have  successfully  impeded  the  supplies  of  the  enemy, 
and  in  the  latter  Turkish  losses  of  transports  and  colliers  have  been 
continual.  British  submarines  have  several  times  reached  Con- 
stantinople itself,  have  visited  the  German  Fleet  in  its  hiding-place, 
and  have  achieved  many  daring  and  brilliant  assaults.  Mr.  Balfour, 
in  a  recently  published  letter,  brought  out  the  fact  that  the  German 
submarine  policy  is  a  confession  of  the  failure  of  their  Grand  Fleet. 
He  makes  the  chivalrous  suggestion  that  the  German  Navy,  since 
sailors  are  all  gallant  men,  must  themselves  dislike  the  privateering 
game  to  which  they  are  put.  The  men  who  fired  on  a  stranded  sub- 
marine, however,  must  have  lost  the  edge  of  their  finer  feelings.  Mr. 
Balfour  pointed  out  that  the  policy  of  privateering  had  obviously 
failed,  and  that  judging  from  the  different  attitude  of  the  German 
public  over  the  Arabic  from  the  jubilation  they  indulged  in  over 
the  Lusitania,  the  authors  of  the  policy  are  not  themselves  satisfied. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  British  mercantile  tonnage  is  greater  now  than 
when  war  began.  The  United  States  congratulated  their  President 
prematurely  on  his  success  in  getting  concessions  from  Germany, 
and  there  is  no  sign  at  present  that  the  submarine  policy  will  be 
altered  ;  but  should  such  a  concession  be  made  we  suspect  it  would 
be  chiefly  due  to  British  success  in  dealing  with  submarines,  as  to 
which,  although  the  Admiralty  preserves  a  discreet  silence,  some 
indications  have  leaked  out,  chiefly  through  foreign  observers,  which 
show  that  the  honours  of  this  particular  branch  of  warfare  are  by  no 
means  on  the  side  of  the  pirates. 

WITH  more  than  a  hundred  victims — twenty  of  them  killed — to  its 
credit  the  visit  of  Zeppelins  on  September  9  marked  the  maximum 

achievement  of  a  score  of  attempts  to  carry  out  an  air- 

• 
raid  on  England.    As  the   German  official  reports, 

which  are  not  in  the  habit  of  understating  German  achievements, 
can  find  nothing  better  to  say  of  these  raids  than  that  the  "  results  " 
have  been  good  or  the  "  effect "  satisfactory,  we  may  infer  that  the 
Great  General  Staff  has  too  much  common  sense  to  believe  that  the 
dropping  of  a  few  bombs  on  English  towns  can  have  the  least  influence 
upon  the  course  of  the  war.  But  the  potentialities  of  the  Zepp'elin  is 
an  idee  fixe  of  the  German  Emperor's,  and  we  may  be  sure  that  any 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  711 

means  of  causing  us  annoyance  and  of  killing  civilians  will  not  be 
abandoned  at  this  stage  of  the  war,  unless  the  attempts  become  too 
dangerous  to  the  men  and  material  employed.  The  Zeppelin  must, 
therefore,  be  dealt  with  as  the  submarine  has  been ;  science  and 
ingenuity  must  make  war  upon  it,  until  the  German  airship  fleet  has 
been  so  reduced  by  losses  that  the  menace  from  this  form  of  attack  is 
reduced  to  a  minimum.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  no  improvement 
can  be  made  on  the  attempt  to  cope  with  the  air-raid  of  September  9. 
Anti-aircraft  guns  have  their  limitations,  and  to  meet  Zeppelins  in  their 
own  element  remains  the  most  effective  method  of  coping  with  them. 
They  possess  certain  advantages  by  confining  their  visits  to  the  night- 
time, but  it  should  be  possible  to  meet  them  with  more  mobile  opposi- 
tion than  is  offered  by  guns.  Two  appointments  in  this  connection 
indicate  that  the  Government  has  shared  the  opinion  of  the  general 
public  regarding  the  necessity  for  securing  for  London  a  greater 
measure  of  immunity  from  air-raids.  Rear- Admiral  A.  C.  Vaughan- 
Lee  has  been  appointed  Director  of  the  Naval  Air  Service  and  Admiral 
Sir  Percy  Scott  takes  charge  of  the  gunnery  defences  of  London 
against  enemy  aircraft.  British  naval  aircraft  have  dealt  before  now 
with  Zeppelins  after  raids  on  these  coasts.  In  future  we  may  hope 
to  learn  that  they  have  prevented  their  arrival. 

THE  record  of  the  Zeppelin  visits  supplies  the  best  measure  of 
this  particular  form  of  "  frightfulness  " .  As  the  result  of  over  twenty 

raids  there  have  been  less  than  four  hundred  casualties, 
Wan  on  including  121  men,  women,  and  children  killed.  The 

material  damage  has  not  been  excessive  ;  the  moral 
effect  we  believe  to  be  nil.  The  German  Government  will  do 
well  to  study  the  official  report  on  some  of  the  recent  raids.  It 
is  pointed  out  that  in  every  case  where  damage  has  been  caused 
it  is  private  property  that  has  suffered,  and  in  most  cases  this 
private  property  has  been  of  the  small  residential  kind.  Almost 
all  the  unfortunate  people  who  have  been  killed  have  been  non- 
combatants.  The  very  promiscuousness  of  this  form  of  bombard- 
ment carries  with  it  its  own  condemnation.  There  is,  however,  a 
further  consideration  for  the  German  authorities.  While  achieving 
such  results  as  have  been  attained  Germany  has  lost  at  least  half  a 
dozen  airships  ;  others  may  have  been  destroyed  in  their  hangars 
by  bombs  dropped  from  the  Allies'  aircraft.  Judged  as  a  "  business 


712  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

proposition  "  the  Zeppelin  investment  remains  for  the  present  a  bad 
speculation,  and  before  long  the  Germans  must  be  brought  to 
appreciate  the  fact. 

INTEREST  in  the  Middle  East  has  shifted  for  the  moment  from  the 
military  operations  in  Mesopotamia  to  the  situation  in  Persia.    The 
Expeditionary  Force  under  General  Sir  John  Nixon 
has  driven  back  the  enemy  for  a  sufficient  distance 
S1611.8  to  ensure  the  temporary  safety  of  the  Busreh  base 

and  to  restore  British  prestige  among  the  tribes, 
which  had  been  suborned  by  Turco-German  bribes  and  intrigues. 
At  what  time  it  may  be  necessary  to  extend  the  object-lesson  thus 
given  by  an  advance  beyond  the  line  connecting  Amara  on  the 
Tigris  and  Nasariyeh  on  the  Euphrates  must  be  determined  largely 
by  local  conditions.  At  present  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  whether 
the  Turks  are  capable  of  a  fresh  offensive  in  this  region  or  whether 
they  have  been  obliged  to  withdraw  the  bulk  of  the  troops  that 
were  left  for  operations  in  Europe.  In  Persia,  however,  it  is 
apparent  that  German  intrigues  are  beginning  to  bear  fruit.  The 
occupation  of  Bushire  by  British  troops — to  which  only  a  guarded 
reference  could  be  made  in  our  last  issue — is  now  a  matter  of  general 
knowledge  ;  but  since  the  date  of  their  arrival  there  have  been  two 
fresh  outrages  on  British  officials  in  Persia.  Mr.  T.  G.  Grahame, 
Consul- General  at  Ispahan,  has  been  wounded,  and  the  British  Vice- 
Consul  (or  Acting  Consul)  at  Shiraz  is  reported  to  have  been  killed. 
The  details  of  the  Shiraz  incident  are  not  yet  known,  but  if  the  fact  of 
the  murder  is  established,  the  British  Government  will  find  it  difficult 
to  overlook  the  occurrence.  The  murder  will  have  offered  a  concrete 
instance  of  the  lawlessness  prevailing  in  Persia.  Whatever  may  be 
the  reasons,  the  Persian  Government  has  proved  unable  to  maintain 
order,  and  conditions  in  the  country  are  rapidly  going  from  bad  to 
worse.  This  state  of  affairs  is  an  encouragement  to  further  intrigues 
on  the  part  of  Germany's  agents,  and  in  self-defence  Great  Britain  and 
Russia  will  be  forced  to  act.  The  situation  has  been  still  further 
complicated  by  the  fact  that  the  gendarmerie  is  in  process  of  disband  - 
ment.  The  Swedish  officer  in  command  has  repeatedly  protested 
against  the  failure  of  the  Persian  Government  to  pay  the  force.  He 
has  now  taken  the  extreme  step  of  withdrawing  the  guards  at  the 
Legations  and  Government  institutions  and  of  bringing  detachments 
stationed  in  various  parts  of  the  country  to  Teheran, 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  713 

THERE  can  be  little  doubt  that  we  are  adopting  the  wiser  course 
in  East  Africa   in   guarding  our  frontiers   against  German  attacks 
and  in  leaving  time  and  the  blockade  of  the  coast  of 

German  East  Africa  to  do  their  Part-  Tne  capacity  of 
the  Germans  for  mischief,  whether  along  the  boundary 
line  of  British  East  Africa  or  on  the  Khodesian  frontier,  is  limited. 
On  the  other  hand,  an  expedition  strong  enough  to  capture  the  German 
colony  would  be  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  results  to  be  achieved. 
We  may,  therefore,  console  ourselves  with  the  reflection  with  which 
the  enemy  received  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  German  South-West 
Africa,  that  the  fate  of  these  overseas  possessions  will  be  decided  in 
Europe.  In  the  meantime  the  Germans  in  EatXfc  Africa  are  allowing 
the  fact  of  their  existence  to  be  known,  possibly  with  the  idea  of 
being  able  to  say  that  they  held  a  superior  force  of  British  at  bay  for 
so-and-so  many  months  during  the  War.  A  "  certain  liveliness  " 
has  recently  been  reported  on  the  Rhodesian  frontier.  From  Karonga 
at  the  north  of  Lake  Nyasa  comes  the  news  that  early  in  July 
fighting  took  place  at  Saisi.  The  Germans  appeared  in  greater 
strength  than  they  had  shown  before  and  attempted  to  cut  off  the 
British  food  depot.  A  combined  Rhodesian  and  Belgian  force 
engaged  the  enemy  and  the  engagement  lasted  all  day.  The  main 
body  of  Germans  withdrew  during  the  night,  but  left  a  small  force 
to  engage  the  Rhodesian  fort  the  following  morning.  Fighting  in 
these  distant  parts  and  under  the  conditions  prevailing  on  the  frontiers 
of  German  East  Africa  is  particularly  inconclusive.  We  cannot 
forget,  however,  that  the  strain  and  the  watchfulness  imposed  on  our 
troops  are  the  same,  and  we  may  take  this  opportunity  of  reminding 
them  that  in  Central  Africa,  as  in  other  theatres  of  the  War,  the 
Mother  Country  follows  their  fortunes  eagerly  and  as  closely  as  the 
meagre  intelligence  from  these  regions  permits. 

IN  a  paper  read  before  the  British  Association,  Mr.  Christopher 
Tumor,  a  member  of  the  "  After  the  War  "  Committee  of  the  Institute, 

emphasised  the  need  for  the  co-ordination  of  land 
Soldiers  and  settlement  schemes  in  Great  Britain  and  the  Overseas 
Settlement.  Dominions  after  the  war.  Mr.  Turnor  elaborated 

one  of  the  points  which  the  Committee  made  on  the 
occasion  of  the  deputation  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies 
and  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture.  He  contended  that 
the  machinery  for  providing  ex-service  men  with  land  ought  to  be 


714  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

created  without  delay  and  be  ready  before  we  have  the  men  upon  our 
hands.  From  an  Imperial  point  of  view  the  ideal  scheme  would  be  to 
build  up  the  agricultural  population  in  the  Mother  Country  and  from 
the  overflow  of  that  population  to  send  out  to  our  Dominions  the  type 
of  population  of  which  they  stood  most  in  need.  But  the  question 
of  land  settlement  in  the  United  Kingdom  ought  not  to  be  kept  in  a 
watertight  compartment.  There  should  be  another  Commission  or 
committee,  Mr.  Tumor  urged,  possessing  advisory  and  consultative 
powers  only,  which  would  review  the  question  of  land  settlement 
throughout  the  Empire  and  endeavour  to  bring  about  an  understanding 
between  the  Home  Government  and  the  Dominion  Governments  and 
the  Dominions  inter  se,  to  correlate  the  work  of  the  different  emigration 
agencies  and  to  endeavour  to  check  the  loss  to  the  Empire  of  men 
settling  in  foreign  countries. 

IT  is  certain  that  after  the  war  the  Overseas  Dominions  will  make 

a  big  bid  for  immigrants.    Not  only  will  there  be  a  very  desirable 

class  of  would-be  settlers  to  draw  upon,  but  a  lot  of 

_,  , .  lost  ground  will  have  to  be  made  up  in  the  matter  of 

Immigration.      .  .  r 

immigration.  In  Canada  the  war  and  recent  economic 
conditions  are  responsible  for  a  falling  off  in  the  number  of  immigrants 
from  384,878  in  1913-1914  and  402,432  in  1912-1913  to  144,789  during 
the  fiscal  year  ended  March  31,  1915.  The  number  of  emigrants  from 
the  United  Kingdom  for  the  first  six  months  of  the  present  year  was 
38,558,  as  compared  with  122,789  for  the  same  period  in  1914.  In 
the  absence  of  any  co-ordination  of  schemes  for  land  settlement  the 
Dominions  will  be  competing  against  one  another,  and  all  with  the 
Mother  Country.  Unless  Great  Britain  is  in  a  position  to  offer  as  good 
terms  as  the  other  Governments,  the  country  will  lose  both  ex-service 
men  and  some  of  its  present  agricultural  population.  Canada  in 
particular,  with  so  much  leeway  in  the  matter  of  immigration  to 
make  up,  may  be  compelled  to  revise  the  terms  she  offers  to  settlers. 
Only  a  very  adequate  scheme  of  land  settlement  in  this  country  would 
serve  to  counteract  the  attraction  of  free  grants  of  land  in  British 
Columbia.  But  the  ideal  to  be  realised  is  to  remove  the  atmosphere 
of  competition  from  a  problem  of  Imperial  urgency,  and  this  is  the 
more  desirable  because  there  are  special  conditions  in  every  Dominion 
which  makes  each  one  suitable  for  certain  types  of  immigrant.  At 
present  the  man  who  might  have  done  well  in  one  country  is  often 
attracted  to  another  in  which  he  is  unduly  handicapped.  If  the 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  715 

Governments  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  Overseas  Dominions 
can  be  persuaded  to  correlate  their  schemes,  the  movements  of  settlers 
are  taken  out  of  the  ruck  of  individual  caprice  and  raised  to  the  level 
of  contributions  to  the  promotion  of  Imperial  interests. 

THE  colossal  ineptitudes  of  the  German  Foreign  Office  in  their 

attempts  to  influence  American  public  opinion  have  been  quite  put 

into  the  shade  by  the  discovery  that  the  Austrian 

^PVt  A  TTv*  T  4"^/l 

ine  UE  Minister    has    been   deliberately    inciting    his    fellow 

Problem  countrymen  in  the  United  States  to  strike.    There 

is  an  element  of  humour  in  the  situation  only  evident 
to  those  who  know  the  temper  of  the  Bohemian  and  Hungarian 
immigrants  who  form  the  bulk  of  Austrian  subjects  in  the  States  and 
are  chiefly  employed  in  metal  working.  Many  of  them  left  the  country 
of  their  birth  rather  than  submit  to  conditions  imposed  by  the  kingly 
and  imperial  government  at  Vienna,  and  none  of  them  have  any  real 
love  of  Germany,  while  their  appreciation  of  its  Kultur  has  led  them 
to  boycott  German  goods  and  even  the  German  language  in  their 
own  country.  Dr.  Dumba's  exhortations,  therefore,  might  well  have 
fallen  on  barren  soil,  but  he  did  not  hesitate  to  back  them  up  with 
threats  which  might  well  intimidate  ignorant  people.  Such  conduct, 
by  a  nominally  friendly  ambassador  in  a  neutral  country  is  something 
quite  outside  previous  international  relations,  and  no  self-respecting 
State  could  do  less  than  require  the  recall  of  the  main  culprit,  though 
it  is  quite  evident  that  he  was  only  an  instrument.  Taken  with  other 
revelations  as  to  the  extent  of  German  intrigues,  the  undoubted  use 
of  wireless  stations,  the  wholesale  bribery  of  the  Press,  and  other 
features  of  the  conduct  of  hyphenated  Americans,  this  revelation 
must  give  the  Government  at  Washington  furiously  to  think.  And 
the  lesson  should  be  taken  to  heart  in  Canada,  where  there  are  powerful 
political  organisations  of  German  residents  in  Alberta  and  Saskatchewan 
openly  at  work  with  the  avowed  aim  of  securing  the  teaching  of 
the  German  language  and  the  creation  of  a  German  vote.  The 
Saskatchewan  League  kindly  protests  its  desire  "  not  to  make  Canada 
German,  but  to  win  for  Germanism  in  this  country  its  fitting  place  ". 
While  not  numerically  great  the  proportion  of  Germans  in  Canada  is 
quite  as  large,  in  relation  to  the  total  population,  as  in  the  United 
States.  Canada  needs  population,  and  the  German  is  an  efficient 
settler,  but  one  may  buy  efficiency  at  too  high  a  price.  Incidentally 
it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  political  instinct  of  Slav  settlers,  such 


716  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

as  Russians,  Bohemians,  or  Balkan  peoples,  is  almost  undeveloped, 
and  they  are  therefore  more  easily  absorbed. 

THE  first  year's  record  of  the  Panama  Canal  presents  some  interest- 
ing features  and  confirms  in  a  marked  way  the  forecasts  and  estimates 
so  often  made  in  the  pages  of  this  Review  and  elsewhere 

Canaf anama  by  the  late  Editor»  Archibald  Colquhoun,  who  was  the 
first  English  publicist  to  devote  serious  attention  to  the 
canal  question.  The  engineering  difficulties  which,  in  the  nineties  of 
last  century,  appeared  to  him  insurmountable,  have  been  greatly 
reduced  by  modern  engineering  science,  but  the  view  he  had  of  the 
canal  works  on  his  last  journey  abroad,  in  1913,  confirmed  his  belief 
that  the  American  engineers  have  not  yet  quite  circumvented  Dame 
Nature.  During  the  year  that  the  canal  has  been  open,  interruptions 
of  traffic  from  landslides  have  been  fairly  frequent,  but  since  June, 
when  a  considerable  fall  was  quickly  removed,  the  canal  has  been  clear. 
It  is  the  more  disappointing  for  shipowners,  therefore,  to  be  held  up 
during  the  month  of  August  and  part  of  September,  and  the  whole 
question  of  navigation  through  the  canal  is  being  carefully  considered 
by  the  underwriters.  Obviously  the  risk  increases  the  cost  of 
freight,  and  according  to  the  latest  American  writer  on  the  canal, 
Mr.  Lincoln  Hutchinson,  the  rates  as  at  present  calculated  may 
attract  shippers  from  Liverpool  to  Wellington,  N.Z.,  but  not  to 
Sydney,  to  San  Francisco  but  not  to  Shanghai.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  the  official  analysis  of  vessels  using  the  canal  show  that  only  50 
were  bound  to  or  from  the  Far  East,  and  the  total  number  is  only 
1,088,  of  which  488  were  American  coastwise  ships  and  467  British 
vessels.  It  is  asserted  that  the  American  authorities  by  setting  their 
faces  against  British  agents  who  were  prepared  to  look  after  the 
interests  of  ships — paying  tolls  and  disbursements,  checking  accounts 
and  facilitating  their  passage  for  a  small  fee — are  likely  to  prejudice 
the  popularity  of  the  canal,  especially  if  they  establish  a  monopoly 
of  this  form  of  business.  American  ships,  it  is  said,  are  free  to 
employ  their  own  agents. 

WHILE  the  war  has  naturally  affected  the  traffic  of  the  canal  and 
distracts  attention  from  it,  there  are  points  which  British  merchants 

and  shippers  need  to  keep  steadily  in  view.  The  most 
P  ,,  important  is  the  inevitable  development  of  coastwise 

trade  between  the  Eastern  United  States  and  the 
Pacific  Coast  of  both  North  and  South  America.  With  the  crippling 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  717 

of  the  German  mercantile  marine  and  of  her  ocean-borne  traffic  gener- 
ally, a  great  opportunity  must  occur,  and,  while  American  industry 
will  be  the  greatest  gainer,  the  British  shipper  will  also  reap  a  harvest, 
for  American  trade  is  not  carried  in  its  own  bottoms.  A  second  point 
is  the  development  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  British  Columbia  through 
ocean-borne  trade;  and  a  third  is  the  opportunity  afforded  of  fresh 
markets  for  West  Indian  sugar  and  fruit. 

AT  intervals — for  instance  when  the  controversy  over  the  Panama 
Canal  tolls  was  raging,  and  later,  in  the  throes  of  popular  indignation 

with  German  submarine  policy — one  hears  rumours 
Cne  U.S.A.  Q|  a  gj.ea^  naval  expansion  on  the  part  of  the  United 
g  p  States  or  of  an  enormous  increase  of  her  mercantile 

marine.  So  long  as  her  industrial  system  flourishes, 
with  high  cost  of  living  to  match  high  wages,  the  United  States  cannot 
compete  in  commercial  shipbuilding  with  other  Powers .  The  moribund 
Ship  Purchase  Bill,  whereby  the  Government  will  take  over  and 
operate  through  a  Shipping  Board  certain  vessels  now  interned,  may 
shortly  be  revived,  but  it  will  meet  with  serious  opposition  on  other 
than  sentimental  grounds.  The  chief  difficulty  in  the  way  of  either 
building  or  purchasing  an  American  mercantile  marine  is  the  cost  of 
operation.  It  was  stated  in  estimates  recently  presented  to  House  of 
Kepresentatives  Committee  that  the  cost  of  building  in  the  United 
States  is  more  than  double  that  in  England,  while  vessels  transferred 
from  the  British  to  the  American  flag  cost  more  by  £80  per  month  for 
wages,  £10  for  food  and  supplies,  and  £10  for  inspection.  The  palmy 
day  of  American  trading  vessels  was  the  period  of  the  clipper,  that 
beautiful  boat  whose  cloud  of  canvas  was  seen  on  every  ocean  of  the 
world,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  American  builders 
actually  launched  more  ships  than  English  ones.  The  Government 
gave  privileges  and  subsidies  to  build  up  the  industry,  but  the  growth 
of  the  agricultural  interest  was  hostile  to  this  protection,  and  the 
American  mercantile  marine  rapidly  declined. 

AT  the  present  time,  with  the  high  rates  of  freightage  and  the 
demand  for  carriage  for  United  States'  trade,  there  is  a  boom  in 

American  shipyards,  and  many  foreign  ships  are  being 
A  purchased.  Existing  companies  are  organising  fresh 

services  and  new  companies  are  being  formed,  mostly 
with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  closer  relations  between  the 


718  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  ports  of  the  twin  continents.  At  least  one  line 
is  running  direct  to  Russia  for  the  munition  freights.  The  absorp- 
tion of  many  British  ships  in  war  business  and  the  internment  of 
German  ones  provides  an  opportunity  which  may  never  occur  again, 
but  despite  all  this  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  United  States, 
especially  at  a  moment  of  high  industrial  prosperity,  can  reconstruct 
a  mercantile  navy  which  can  hold  its  own  when  war  conditions 
are  over  and  the  whole  world  settles  down  to  find  the  struggle 
for  life  even  harder  than  before.  It  can  only  be  revived  as  a 
political,  not  a  commercial  speculation  —  but  even  so  there  is  a  good 
deal  to  be  said  for  the  seafaring  man  as  a  national  asset,  and  when 
it  comes  to  a  navy  for  defence  purposes  (which  the  United  States 
must  buy  or  build,  cost  what  it  may)  the  mercantile  marine  is  an 
almost  indispensable  auxiliary,  both  as  a  draining  ground  and  a 
reserve. 

THE  position  in  the  Balkans  has  undergone  significant  changes  this 
last  month,  and  although  "  armed  neutrality  "  is  the  watchword  this 
may  be  the  prelude  for  participation  in  the  world-war. 
The  Balkans  j-^  ^as  become  tolerably  clear  that  Rumania  and  Bul- 


garia have  composed  their  differences,  that  Serbia  has 
accepted  the  conditions  laid  down  by  the  Entente 
Powers,  and  that  Greece  is  disappointed  at  the  co-operation  of  Italy 
in  the  Dardanelles  campaign  —  which  necessarily  lessens  the  value  of 
any  military  assistance  she  could  give,  and  therefore  also  -lessens  the 
value  of  the  reward  she  could  claim  for  that  assistance  in  Asia 
Minor  when  the  time  comes  for  settlement.  M.  Venizelos,  the  new 
Greek  Premier,  speaks  oracularly  of  his  intentions  ;  but  the  action  of 
Bulgaria  has  created  great  excitement,  and  mobilisation  was  inevi- 
table with  an  armed  Bulgaria  on  her  frontier.  Bulgaria,  after  treat- 
ing with  both  sides  and  balancing  the  rival  offers  of  London  and 
Berlin,  declared  a  general  mobilisation,  and  although  she  protests 
that  hers  is  merely  an  armed  neutrality,  her  action  must  precipitate 
events.  At  the  moment  the  chief  point  of  uncertainty  is  Rumania, 
which  refuses  to  send  German  ammunition  through  to  Turkey, 
and  is  therefore  threatened  by  the  Central  Powers.  Popular  feeling 
in  Rumania  is  strongly  pro-Entente,  although  old  difficulties  with 
Russia  are  not  forgotten  and  the  recent  retreats  of  the  Russian 
armies  have  been  received  not  without  joy  in  Bucharest  ;  but 
some  of  the  commercial  organisations  of  Rumania  are,  for  interested 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  719 

reasons,  pro-German,  and  the  Rumanian  banks  are  not  free  of 
German  control.  These  facts  make  for  cross-currents  of  opinion  and 
impotence  in  high  quarters,  and  it  may  easily  be  that  the  Balkan 
States  as  a  whole  will  still  endeavour  to  preserve  their  neutrality 
until  the  War  takes  a  decision  on  one  side  or  the  other.  In  any 
event,  the  hopes  which  were  somewhat  prematurely  and  ecstatically 
expressed  in  some  quarters,  that  a  fully  satisfactory  settlement  of 
outstanding  Near  Eastern  problems  and  a  reconstruction  of  the 
Balkan  League  were  at  hand,  seem  likely  to  be  postponed.  Oil 
and  water  mix  as  easily  as  these  rival  nationalities  and  divergent 
ambitions. 

MEANTIME   the   month   has   been   an   anxious   one   for   Russia. 

The  Grand  Duke  Nicholas  has  been  superseded  by  the  Czar,  who 

has  taken   personal  command  of  all  the    armies,  and 

^h®  the  change  has  coincided  with  isolated  but   welcome 

Campaign       successes  to  the  retreating  armies,  which    have    hit 
in  Russia.  ,    .  5,,  ,      „. 

back  at    their  pursuers  with    vigour    and    enect    in 

Galicia.  That  fact  alone  shows  that  their  spirit  is  unbroken  and 
their  morale  untouched,  after  the  longest  and  greatest  retreat  known 
to  history.  But  while  the  Russians  have  held  their  own  in  the 
South,  they  still  have  to  give  ground  in  the  North,  and  have 
abandoned  Vilna.  Riga  would  almost  certainly  have  been  in  the 
Germans'  hands  by  now,  had  not  the  Russian  Fleet  driven  back  the 
German  Fleet  in  the  Gulf  of  Riga  with  heavy  loss  in  a  great  naval 
battle — in  which  British  submarines  co-operated  and  sank  the 
super- Dreadnought  MoltJce ;  but  the  danger  is  by  no  means  over. 
General  von  Hindenberg  has  apparently  not  yet  exhausted  his  resources 
either  of  men  or  munitions,  but  has  crossed  one  of  the  greatest 
strategic  railways  in  the  North,  and  it  is  possible  that  he  may  suc- 
ceed in  occupying  Riga  before  the  winter  renders  further  movements 
impossible.  The  loss  of  this  important  trading  city  would  be  a 
serious  matter  for  Russia,  since  it  would  shut  up  one  of  their  few 
great  seaports,  and  give  the  German  armies  a  foothold  on  the  sea 
which  they  do  not  at  present  possess,  and  from  which  it  might 
unfortunately  be  very  difficult  to  dislodge  them.  Meantime  the 
reorganisation  of  the  Russian  armies  continues  in  the  rear  of  the 
long  line  of  troops  on  active  service  ;  further  classes  have  been  called 
to  the  colours,  and  neither  in  Government  nor  in  people  is  there  the 
least  sign  of  discouragement. 


720  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

THE  campaign  for  the  Union  Elections  is  now  in  full   swing, 

having  been  successfully  inaugurated,  so  far  as  the  South  African 

party  is  concerned,  at  the  Congress   held    at   Bloem- 

The  South       fontein,   as  mentioned  in   our   last    issue,    when    all 

A  -f     * 

the  leaders  spoke   in  succession  and  in    no  uncertain 
Election.  m-i.ii.        * 

tones.    JNo   less   than   tour    parties   are     arming    for 

the  fray,  for  besides  the  one  just  spoken  of,  there  are  the 
Nationalists  (or  Herzogites),  the  Unionists,  and  the  Labourites. 
Practically  no  seats  will  be  uncontested,  but  by  a  sensible  arrange- 
ment between  the  South  African  party  and  the  Unionists,  several 
constituencies  will  be  left  by  the  one  to  the  other,  so  as  to  avoid  three- 
cornered  contests.  Thus  the  South  African  party  withdraws  from 
Boksburg,  Langlaagte,  Turffontein,  and  Parktown  in  the  Rand  area, 
while  the  Unionists  relinquish  Maraisburg,  Vrededorp,  and  Hos- 
pital Hill.  In  the  Cape  Provinces  they  will  also  stand  aside  at  the 
Paarl,  Stellenbosch,  Aliwal  North,  Cradock,  and  Barkly  East. 
The  Orange  Free  State  is  the  chief  storm  centre,  being  overwhelm- 
ingly Nationalist,  but  the  South  African  party  will  fight  the 
Herzogites  in  every  constituency,  and  has  good  hopes  of  winning  a 
few  seats,  and  showing  large  minorities  in  others.  There  is  no  ques- 
tion, at  present,  of  any  coalition  between  the  followers  of  the  Premier 
and  of  Sir  Thomas  Smartt,  but  the  policy  outlined  by  the  latter  in 
his  communication  to  Mr.  Ihincan  will  ensure  the  support  of  the 
Unionists  to  General  Botha,  while  the  War  lasts,  in  all  matters  where 
Imperial  interests  are  involved.  Interesting  candidatures  are  those 
of  the  veteran  statesman,  Mr.  Merriman,  at  Stellenbosch,  and  of  Mr. 
Blaine,  the  able  Attorney- General  of  the  Orange  River  Colony  in 
Crown  Colony  days,  at  Bloemfontein.  The  issues  are  at  last  clearly 
defined  between  the  "  One-streamers  "  and  the  "  Two-streamers  "  ; 
and  the  elections,  which  are  of  far-reaching  importance  for  the 
future,  not  only  of  South  Africa  but  also  of  the  whole  Empire,  should 
effectually  clear  the  air  made  murky  by  sedition  and  treachery. 

ONE  of  the  most  unfortunate  by-products  of  the  War  is  the 

hanging  up  of  the  £3,000,000  loan  passed  by   Parliament  in  July 

1914  for  the  development  of    the    Protectorates   of 

Che  East         Uganda,  East  Africa,  and  Nyasaland,  on  which  great 

ican     ro-  h0pes  haci  been  built.     The  consequences   are   serious 
tectora/tes 

for  the  two  first  named,  but  even  more  so  for  the  last, 

where  the  much-needed  extension  of   the  Shire  Highlands  Railway 


EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND   COMMENTS.  721 

northwards  to  Fort  Johnston,  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Nyasa,  for  which 
provision  had  been  made,  is  now  indefinitely  postponed.  Since 
the  original  survey  of  the  Cape  to  Cairo  Railway,  which  would  have 
taken  the  line  along  the  Luangwa  Valley,  was  abandoned  in  favour 
of  the  route  to  Katanga,  North-Easiern  Rhodesia  has  languished 
for  lack  of  proper  transport  facilities,  and  Nyasaland  has  been  de- 
pendent on  the  much-congested  line  between  Blantyre  and  Port 
Herald,  only  recently  prolonged  to  Chindio  on  the  Zambesi.  What 
is  really  needed  for  this  part  of  Africa  is  a  through  route  from  Beira 
to  Lake  Nyasa,  running  far  to  the  eastward  of,  but  more  or  less 
parallel  to,  Mr.  Rhodes'  great  railway,  which  would  open  up  most 
valuable  areas  both  in  Portuguese  and  British  territory,  and  afford 
an  outlet  for  their  rapidly  increasing  tropical  products  of  much 
commercial  importance  in  the  shape  of  cotton,  tobacco,  coffee,  sugar, 
and  rubber. 

IT  is  impossible  to  overstate  the  vital  character  of  our  coal  sup- 
plies as  a  factor  in  the  War,  alike  on  its  militant  and  industrial  sides. 
So  much  depends  on  the  maintenance  of  a  sufficient 

«  •!         Qy.f3  •"• 

th  W  »  output  that  the  latest  comparative  figures  showing 
the  production  of  the  United  Kingdom,  issued  by 
the  Board  of  Trade,  cannot  fail  to  provoke  serious  consideration, 
not  to  say  misgiving.  The  situation,  disturbing  and  unsettled  as 
it  remains,  has  not  arisen  without  warning.  Yet,  in  spite  of  repeated 
appeals  and  expostulations  by  responsible  men,  including  Ministers 
of  the  Crown,  those  immediately  concerned  in  the  industry  would 
seem  unable  entirely  to  sink  their  economic  differences  for  at  least 
the  period  of  the  War,  so  that  the  greater  struggle  for  national  liberty 
and  security  might  proceed  without  interruption.  Compared  with 
the  first  half  of  last  year,  the  total  production  in  the  United  King- 
dom has  fallen  from  140,000,000  tons  to  just  under  128,000,000. 
For  the  same  period  exports  of  coal  have  gone  down  from  36,000,000 
to  23,000,000  tons  ;  and  the  amount  shipped  for  steamers  in  foreign 
trade  from  10,000,000  to  a  little  over  7,000,000  tons.  It  is  true  that 
the  second  quarter  of  the  year  shows  a  marked  improvement  over 
the  records  of  the  first  three  months.  Persons  well  qualified  to 
judge  openly  state  that  the  men  are  not  entirely  to  blame,  and 
that  an  unfortunate  official  mishandling  of  the  situation  has  been 
responsible  for  the  opening  up  again  of  old  grievances.  The  difficulty 
is  the  same  as  that  encountered  in  munition  works  and  now  threat- 

3  c 


722  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS 

ened  among  the  railway  workers — that  the  men  do  not  realise  either 
their  responsibilities  or  the  magnitude  of  the  struggle,  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  with  many  of  them  there  is  a  genuine  belief  that 
they  are  being  exploited  for  the  benefit  of  private  owners,  and  it 
it  is  becoming  evident  that  something  like  State  control  of  all  these 
great  industries  is  inevitable. 

THE  recent  meetings  of  the  British  Association  have  afforded 

considerable  evidence  of  a  wide  departure  from  old  lines.    Severely 

theoretical    discussions    gave    place     to    a    genuine 

The  British    attempt  to  throw  useful  light  on  current  problems 

Association    arisinnr  Out  of  war  conditions.    The  Economic  Section 
and  Food         ,  •,        •  -,          • 

g       r  brought    up    comprehensive    reports    on    such  topics 

as  the  effect  of  the  War  on  currency,  finance,  and 
credit ;  the  outlook  for  labour  after  the  War ;  the  future  share 
of  women  in  the  industrial  field ;  the  necessity  of  investigating  the 
factor  of  fatigue  in  production,  especially  of  munitions.  The  Agri- 
cultural Section  dealt  in  similar  practical  fashion  with  the  phases 
of  national  problems  which  come  within  their  range.  An  import- 
ant discussion  arose  on  the  effects  on  British  farming  up  to  the 
present,  and  timely  tribute  was  paid  to  the  praiseworthy  efforts  of 
the  farmers  boldly  to  meet  the  prospective  situation  of  next  year. 
In  spite  of  difficulties,  and  with  no  special  monetary  inducement 
or  security — such  as  was  suggested  by  Lord  Milner's  committee — 
25  per  cent,  has  been  added  to  the  acreage  of  wheat  and  7  per  cent, 
to  that  under  oats  since  the  War  began.  The  rearing  of  cattle  and 
sheep  has  increased,  despite  the  enlarged  cultivation  of  cereals. 
Potato  production — an  important  auxiliary  foodstuff  industry — has 
been  kept  up  to  its  former  very  high  level.  Taking  into  account, 
the  enormous  food  cargoes  which  have  reached  our  shores,  in  spite 
of  submarine  attacks,  to  such  an  extent  as  almost  to  clog  the 
warehouses  and  storage  available,  the  prospect  may  fairly  be 
considered  as  far  more  cheerful  and  reassuring  than  at  any  period 
since  the  War  began.  At  the  same  time,  in  view  of  the  fact  (as 
stated  by  Lord  Selborne  at  a  conference  of  agriculturists  on 
September  16)  that  there  are  700,000  fewer  acres  under  clover 
and  rotation  grasses,  and  600,000  acres  fewer  under  the  plough 
than  there  were  in  1895,  it  is  evident  that  Great  Britain  has 
considerable  leeway  to  make  up  if  she  is  to  regain  any  of  her  lost 
agriculture. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  723 

A  VALUABLE  pamphlet  has  lately  been  issued  by  the  Imperial 
Institute,  which  gives  a  complete  review  of  the  available  sources  of 

potash — a  product  so  important  now  as  an  artificial 
World  manure,  and  employed  so  extensively  in  glass  manu- 

Supplies  of     facture   and   numerous   other   industries    carried    on 

at  home  and  in  the  Dominions.  The  bulk  of  the 
commercial  needs  of  this  and  other  countries  have  hitherto  been 
supplied  by  the  enormous  deposits  of  potash  salts  which  occur  near 
Stassfurt  in  the  north  of  Germany — a  source  no  longer  available. 
It  has  become  necessary  accordingly  to  take  stock  of  other  sources 
of  supply  with  an  eye  to  the  possibilities  of  the  future.  Only  one 
other  natural  extensive  deposit  exists  (in  Spanish  Catalonia).  This, 
so  the  pamphlet  informs  us,  is  now  beginning  to  be  worked,  and  under 
the  circumstances  has  a  distinctly  favourable  outlook.  India  has 
deposits  which  "  may  prove  to  be  of  importance  if  they  can  be  cheaply 
worked".  So  far  as  the  Empire  is  concerned,  however,  more  may 
be  anticipated  by  the  utilisation  of  timber  resources,  agricultural 
residues,  and  by-products  of  industries  in  which  vegetable  materials 
are  employed.  Wool  washings,  which  were  used  for  the  purpose 
of  procuring  potash  compounds  in  Belgium,  France,  and  Germany, 
offer  themselves  as  a  source  in  several  parts  of  the  Empire.  Extraction 
of  potash  from  burnt  seaweed  (as  in  the  case  of  Scotch  kelp)  and  from 
marine  plants,  and  from  sea  water  should  be  possible  over  a  wide 
area.  The  advantage  of  using  for  this  purpose  hedge  cuttings  and 
refuse  of  timber  clearances  has  lately  been  recommended  by  the 
Board  of  Agriculture,  and  may  in  some  measure  be  of  assistance  to 
farmers  of  the  United  Kingdom.  Similarly  "these  sources  are  of 
especial  importance  in  many  parts  of  the  British  tropics  where  the 
ashes  of  wood  and  various  plants  are  now  almost  the  only  source  of 
potash  available  for  manurial  purposes".  The  production  of  potash 
from  kelp  and  other  vegetable  sources  is  under  serious  consideration 
in  several  districts  of  the  home  country. 

THE  question  of  acquiring  control  of  its  mineral  resources  by 

the  Commonwealth  is  so  important  that  no  apology  is  needed  for 

%  further  reference  to  the  matter.    In  our  columns 

Australian      jast  montn  ft  was  pointed  out  that  the  Federal  Govern- 

Metals  ment  had  already  taken  legislative  steps    to    break 

up  the  practical  monopoly  of   Australia's    metals  by 

German  firms.    The  irony  of  the  situation  which  has  obtained  during 

3  c  2 


724  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

the  past  fourteen  months  was  forcibly  illustrated  in  the  High  Court  of 
Justice  in  London  in  the  early  days  of  September  when  the  firm  of 
Hirsch  &  Sohn,  a  firm  of  metal  merchants  and  smelters,  residing 
and  carrying  on  business  at  Halberstadt  in  Germany,  applied  to  the 
British  Courts  to  compel  the  Zinc  Corporation,  an  English  Company, 
to  fulfil  a  contract  entered  upon  in  1910  which  gave  the  alien  firm 
a  practical  control  of  the  spelter  markets  of  the  world.  The  annual 
spelter  production  of  the  world  stands  at  about  a  million  tons  .  Eoughly 
a  third  of  this  was  produced  in  Germany,  a  similar  amount  in  the 
United  States,  200,000  tons  in  Belgium  and  France,  and  about  70,000 
tons  in  Great  Britain.  The  contract  which  was  under  decision  was 
to  the  effect  that  the  Zinc  Corporation  should  supply  the  German 
merchants  with  some  90,000  tons  on  the  average  in  each  year  from 
1910  to  1919  —  a  very  significant  period,  when  the  value  of  spelter 
for  munitions  is  realised.  During  that  time  the  German  firm  sought 
to  prevent  the  sale  of  the  products  of  the  Broken  Hill  Mines  to  anyone 
else.  The  English  Company  naturally  claimed  that  the  outbreak 
of  hostilities  not  merely  suspended  the  fulfilment  of  their  obligations 
till  after  the  War,  but  that  the  contracts  were  absolutely  dissolved 
by  the  declaration  of  War  on  August  4,  1914.  Judgment  was  given 
in  their  favour.  The  case  is  a  striking  commentary  on  the  deep-laid 
plots  of  the  enemy. 

OPINIONS  in  the  German  press  on  the  outlook  for  their    trade 

after  the  War  continue,  generally  speaking,  to  be  almost  arrogantly 

optimistic.     The  Finance  Minister   (for    the    purpose 

German  Of  maintaining  public   confidence   and    ensuring    the 


^  a  6r  success  of  the  new  War  Loan,  as  financial  success 
the  War.  .  . 

is     now     interpreted    in    Germany)    even    contends 

that  the  blockage  of  the  German  ports  has  proved  a  blessing 
in  disguise  :  it  has  made  the  Fatherland  more  independent  of  the 
outside  world,  and  revealed  hitherto  latent  resources  which  are 
being  rapidly  developed.  He  reassures  his  compatriots  by  the  state- 
ment that  the  enormous  paper  issues  are  backed  by  the  wealth  of 
the  Empire  (regardless  of  the  fact  that  the  Federal  debt  is  going 
up  by  leaps  and  bounds),  and  that  the  indemnities  to  be  forced  from 
the  Allies  of  the  Quadruple  Entente  will  more  than  suffice  to  bring 
back  prosperity  to  German  and  Austrian  merchants  and  manufac- 
turers. Official  sanction  is  given  to  the  notion  that  a  trade  boom 
will  be  certain  when  Germany  has  extorted  most  favoured  nation  treat- 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND    COMMENTS.  725 

ment  from  all  her  enemies.  A  note  of  anxiety,  on  the  other  hand, 
may  occasionally  be  detected,  as  in  the  pamphlet  of  Herr  Felix  Torpe, 
of  Magdeburg,  which  examines  in  a  very  critical  vein  the  query,  "  Does 
the  end  of  the  War  mean  the  beginning  of  a  period  of  great  pros- 
perity ?  "  The  ominous  portents,  he  contends,  are  the  enormous 
debts  which  are  being  piled  up  by  all  the  belligerent  Powers,  and  the 
certain  political  and  economic  resentment  which  'any  plans  for  the 
recovery  of  German  export  trade  will  have  to  encounter.  Some 
such  gloomy  anticipations  with  regard  to  the  future  in  Europe,  the 
Far  East,  and  North  America  may  be  the  real  reason  why  Herr  Dern- 
berg  has  lately  been  appointed  President  of  an  Economic  League 
for  the  furtherance  of  German  trade  interest  in  South  America — 
the  principal  field  for  German  enterprise  outside  belligerent  countries. 

SPEAKING  at  a  meeting  of  the  Australian  Natives  Association, 
Mr.  Fisher  (until  recently  Minister  for  Trade  and  Customs  in  New 
Zealand)    asked    the    following     pertinent     question, 
mpire  «  ^j^^p  after  the  War  was  over,  Britain  was  going 

to  put  the  Overseas  Dominions  back,  in  the  matter 
of  trade,  on  the  same  basis  as  Germany".  While  it  is  both  inex- 
pedient and  impracticable  to  make  any  suggestions  which  involve 
the  controversial  question  of  Free  Trade,  and  while  the  fair-minded 
supporter  of  Preferential  treatment  for  the  Dominions  must  recog- 
nise that  Free  Traders  supported  that  doctrine  from  the  conviction 
that  it  was  economically  sound,  and  not  because  of  any  lack  of  sym- 
pathy for  the  Dominion  point  of  view,  yet  it  is  certain  that  the  whole 
angle  from  which  the  subject  will  be  viewed  in  the  future,  even  by 
many  hitherto  convinced  Free  Traders,  will  be  radically  changed. 
The  use  which  Germany  made  of  the  facilities  afforded  by  the  British 
Empire  for  trade  was  to  build  up  the  menace  to  our  freedom,  with 
which  we  are  even  yet  contending.  We  realise  now  that  trade  has 
other  sides  than  purely  economic  ones,  just  as  defence  must  reckon 
with  psychological  as  well  as  strategical  considerations.  There  is 
every  reason  to  apprehend  tremendous  activity  and  effort  on  the 
part  of  German  traders — thrifty,  industrious,  and  snatchers  up  of 
trifles  as  they  are — when  the  War  is  over,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that, 
in  the  grim,  economic  struggle  which  is  bound  to  ensue  in  an  im- 
poverished world,  the  British  peoples  will  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
realising  that  all  the  pedantry  of  conflicting  schools  of  economics 
are  as  nothing  beside  the  truth  that  "blood  is  thicker  than  water". 


726 


THE  DESTINY  OF  EGYPT. 

No  country,  so  far,  has  undergone  such  a  radical  change  in  consequence  of  the 
War  as  Egypt.  Its  political  destiny,  so  long  in  the  balance,  has  been  definitely 
settled  by  incorporation  in  the  British  Empire.  In  support  of  the  belief  that 
such  a  solution  was  the  only  one  possible,  attention  may  be  called  to  the 
fact  that  no  important  change  in  the  chequered  history  of  the  land  of 
the  Pharaohs  has  been  accomplished  more  smoothly.  With  equal  certainty, 
however,  it  can  be  stated  that  the  administration  of  Egypt  still  presents  as 
difficult  a  problem  as  it  has  in  the  past.  We  may  be  content  to  leave  it  in  the 
tried  official  hands  in  which  it  is  now  placed  ;  but  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  future  of  the  country  will  reflect  in  some  subtle  manner  the  interest 
with  which  its  political  and  economic  development  is  followed  in  the  rest  of 
the  Empire.  To  understand  the  conditions  under  which  Egypt  enters  upon  a 
new  era,  it  is  necessary  to  know  something  of  its  past  history  and  of  the  old 
order  which  has  now  been  superseded.  In  this  article  reference  will  be  made 
chiefly  to  the  storm  and  stress  which  the  Egyptians  experienced  before  the 
British  occupation,  and  to  the  stages  which  marked  the  extension  of  British 
responsibilities  in  the  country. 

The  suzerainty  of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  over  Egypt  dates  from  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  From  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
Egypt  was  governed  by  the  Mameluke  Sultans.  The  Mamelukes,  originally 
Turkish  slaves  introduced  into  Egypt  to  form  the  bodyguard  of  the  successors 
of  Saladin,  had  usurped  the  supreme  power  in  the  country  and  were  associated 
with  the  palmy  days  of  Egypt's  independence.  A  pretext  for  declaring  war 
on  the  Mameluke  ruler  of  the  day  was  seized  by  Selim  I,  Sultan  of  Turkey. 
The  Egyptians  met  with  a  serious  reverse  near  Aleppo  ;  but  they  continued 
to  dispute  the  conqueror's  advance,  until  the  decisive  battle  was  fought  near 
Cairo  on  January  1,  1517.  Under  Turkish  rule,  Egypt  was  governed  by  a 
Pasha,  but  Mameluke  beys  were  allowed  to  be  in  charge  of  the  military  pro- 
vinces into  which  the  country  was  divided.  The  beys  contrived  to  keep  all 
the  power  in  their  own  hands,  and  the  authority  of  the  Pasha  became  nominal. 
An  attempt  to  challenge  their  domination  was  made. by  the  Turks  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  Mamelukes  were  being  pursued 
into  Upper  Egypt,  when  a  war  with  Russia  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  Turkish 
commander.  Thirteen  years  later  (1798),  a  still  more  formidable  antagonist 
threatened  their  supremacy  in  the  person  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  The 
Mamelukes  were  no  match  for  a  disciplined  army.  Cairo  fell,  and  Bonaparte 
dispatched  one  of  his  generals  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Upper  Egypt.  But 
the  fate  of  the  French  expedition  was  sealed  by  the  Battle  of  Aboukir  Bay. 
Napoleon  returned  to  Europe,  leaving  General  Kleber  to  administer  Egypt. 
In  1801,  the  British  Government  decided  to  terminate  French  rule  in  the 
country.  An  army  under  Sir  RalphjAbercromby  landed  in  March,  and  by 
the  end  of  September  the  French  had  been  expelled.  Thus  the  first  step  in 


HBIIHBBBH!  ^  .  - 

THE  TEMPLE  OF  PHILAE,  PARTIALLY  SUBMERGED  THROUGH  THE  ACTION  OF  THE  GREAT  DAM  AT  ASSUAN. 
It  will  soon  be  covered  altogether  by  the  raising  of  the  height  of  the  dam. 


A    BISHARIN    WARRIOR    AT  ASSUAN. 


THE   DESTINY   OF   EGYPT.  727 

the  relations  between  Great  Britain  and  Egypt  was  the  outcome  of  circum- 
stances forced  upon  the  former. 

The  invasion  of  Egypt  by  the  French  brought  into  prominence  a  man  who 
subsequently  directed  its  destinies  for  some  forty  years.  A  writer  has  recently 
summed  up  the  history  of  modern  Egypt  by  stating  that  Mehemet  All  made 
it,  Ismail  pledged  it,  and  Lord  Cromer  redeemed  it.  Mehemet  Ali  was  born 
in  the  same  year  as  Napoleon  and  Wellington  (1769).  Of  humble  Albanian 
origin,  he  was  brought  up,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  by  the  governor  of  his 
native  town,  Kavalla,  which  at  the  present  time  is  forming  a  bone  of  contention 
between  Bulgaria  and  Greece.  His  military  aptitude  had  already  won  recogni- 
tion, and,  when  the  Sultan  called  upon  the  faithful  to  expel  the  French  from 
Egypt,  Mehemet  Ali  became  second  in  command  of  a  local  contingent  from 
Kavalla.  His  first  encounter  with  the  French  on  Egyptian  soil  was  a  failure. 
He  returned,  however,  two  years  later  with  a  second  expedition,  which  with 
British  help  proved  more  successful.  When  the  French  withdrew,  Mehemet 
Ah'  remained  in  Egypt ;  and  two  years  later  he  saw  the  British  also  evacuate 
the  country.  For  four  or  five  years  Egypt  was  the  scene  of  a  series  of  struggles 
between  the  Mamelukes  and  the  Turkish  Pasha.  Mehemet  Ali  had  succeeded 
to  the  command  of  the  Albanian  contingent,  and  his  political  shrewdness 
and  military  capacity  soon  gave  him  control  of  the  situation.  In  May  1805, 
he  was  acclaimed  Pasha  of  Egypt  by  the  citizens  of  Cairo.  The  Turkish 
nominee  made  ready  in  the  citadel  to  defend  his  title,  and  Cairo  was  once  more 
given  over  to  street  fighting  and  bombardment.  In  the  midst  of  the  struggle 
a  firman  arrived  from  Constantinople  confirming  Mehemet  Ali  in  his  position 
as  Governor  of  Egypt.  He  was  for  the  moment  supreme  in  Cairo,  but  his 
authority  was  hardly  recognised  outside.  One  of  his  first  acts,  therefore,  was 
to  deal  with  the  Mameluke  beys.  A  ruse  brought  the  greater  number  of  them 
into  Cairo  in  the  expectation  of  being  able  to  seize  the  city.  Mehemet  Ali, 
however,  had  made  his  preparations  and  the  whole  body  of  Mamelukes  to  the 
number  of  several  hundred  was  massacred.  The  incident  attracted  attention 
abroad.  In  1807  a  British  expedition  reached  Alexandria.  The  Sultan  had 
previously  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  remove  Mehemet  Ali  from  Egypt, 
and  the  arrival  of  a  British  squadron  with  nearly  five  thousand  troops  on  board 
indicated  that  Great  Britain  also  felt  called  upon  to  enter  a  protest  against 
the  new  Pasha's  treatment  of  the  beys.  But  the  vagueness  of  the  purpose 
for  which  the  expedition  had  been  sent  paralysed  its  military  operations. 
Mehemet  Ah'  and  some  of  the  beys  made  common  cause  against  the  invaders. 
After  a  number  of  unsuccessful  engagements  against  the  Egyptians,  the  British 
force  withdrew  in  September,  with  a  loss  of  nearly  a  thousand  men,  while 
hundreds  of  British  heads  had  been  exposed  on  stakes  in  Cairo.  The  second 
episode  in  Anglo-Egyptian  relations  arose  from  British  concern  for  the  welfare 
of  the  Egyptians. 

Although  the  British  Government's  attempt  to  interfere  on  behalf  of  the 
beys  had  ended  ingloriously,  the  invasion  seemed  at  one  time  likely  to  bring 
about  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the  relations  between  the  beys  and  the 


728  THE    DESTINY    OF   EGYPT. 

Pasha.  The  promise  of  tranquillity  in  Egypt,  however,  was  not  fulfilled. 
Mehemet  Ali  had  been  ordered  by  the  Sultan  to  undertake  an  expedition  against 
the  Wahhabis,  a  rebellious  sect  in  Arabia.  His  preparations  were  completed 
in  1811  ;  but  he  had  not  sufficient  confidence  in  his  old  enemies  to  trust  their 
loyalty  when  the  flower  of  his  army  had  left  the  country.  Mehemet  Ali  decided 
that  the  Mamelukes  mast  be  deprived  of  all  power  for  mischief.  All  the  beys 
in  Cairo  were  invited  to  the  ceremony  of  investing  his  son,  Toussoun,  with  a 
pelisse  and  the  command  of  the  Army.  Unsuspectingly  they  entered  the 
citadel  with  their  retinues  to  the  number  of  470.  There  they  were  massacred 
by  order  of  the  Pasha,  and  a  general  slaughter  of  the  Mamelukes  throughout 
Egypt  followed.  A  remnant  fled  to  Nubia  ;  but  they  continued  to  be  harried 
under  Mehemet  Ali's  instructions,  until,  five  and  a  half  centuries  after  their  rise 
to  power,  the  Mamelukes  had  ceased  to  exist  as  a  separate  race.  Their  dis- 
appearance, whatever  may  be  the  verdict  on  the  methods  by  which  it  was 
effected,  brought  to  Egypt  a  peace  which  it  had  not  known  for  three  hundred 
years. 

Mehemet  Ali  was  now  the  undisputed  master  of  Egypt.  The  successful 
campaign  against  the  Wahhabis  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  foreign  expedi- 
tions and  convinced  the  Pasha  of  the  necessity  of  maintaining  an  army 
adequate  to  his  commitments  at  home  and  abroad.  Levies  ad  hoc  gave  place 
to  a  disciplined  force,  and  Mehemet  Ali  proved  an  invaluable  servant  to  the 
Sultan  of  Turkey.  In  1821,  he  was  called  upon  to  aid  the  Porte  in  its  struggle 
against  the  Greeks.  The  Egyptian  fleet  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Navarino, 
and  only  the  peremptory  demands  of  the  British  and  French  caused  Morea 
to  be  evacuated  in  1828  by  Egyptian  troops  under  Ibrahim  Pasha,  Mehemet 
Ali's  eldest  son. 

Either  a  resolve  that  his  services  in  connection  with  the  Greek  insur- 
rection should  not  go  unrewarded  or  a  desire  to  extend  his  conquests,  which 
already  included  Nubia  and  Kordofan,  prompted  Mehemet  Ali  to  turn  his 
attention  to  Syria.  Under  pretext  of  a  quarrel  with  the  Pasha  of  Acre,  Ibra- 
him Pasha  was  sent  to  invade  Syria  in  1831.  Acre  fell  in  the  following  May, 
and,  little  more  than  a  fortnight  later,  Damascus  shared  its  fate.  Mehemet 
Ali  opened  negotiations  for  the  governorship  of  Syria,  but  the  Porte  declared 
war  upon  him.  Meanwhile  Ibrahim  continued  his  successes.  The  Pasha 
of  Aleppo  was  defeated  at  Horns,  and  again  at  Hama.  A  powerful  Turkish 
army  was  routed  at  Beilan,  between  Antioch  and  Alexandretta,  and  Ibrahim 
crossed  the  Taurus  range  into  Asia  Minor.  At  Konia,  he  met  Eeshid  Pasha  at 
the  head  of  about  sixty  thousand  men  ;  he  defeated  him  and  took  him  prisoner. 
Constantinople  now  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  Egyptian  army  and  both  the  Sultan 
and  the  European  Powers  realised  that  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  trifle 
with  Mehemet  Ali.  But  before  the  jealousies  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Eussia  could  allow  of  concerted  action,  Ibrahim  had  pushed  on  to  Kiutayeh 
and  Brussa.  Mehemet  Ali  was  now  in  danger  of  provoking  a  conflict  with 
Eussia.  He  agreed,  therefore,  to  the  Convention  of  Kiutayeh,  which,  under 
the  form  of  a  firman  dated  May  5,  1833,  granted  to  him  the  governorship  of 


THE   DESTINY    OF   EGYPT.  729 

all  Syria,  together  with  the  distiict  of  Adana,  commanding  the  passes  over 
the  Taurus  mountains.  Ibrahim  Pasha  took  charge  of  Syria,  which  he 
governed  with  a  firmness  that  too  often  degenerated  into  ruthlessness.  The 
Sultan  Mahmoud,  however,  was  unable  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  humiliation 
inflicted  upon  him  by  Mehemet  Ali.  He  worked  hard  to  undermine  the  power 
of  Ibrahim  Pasha,  and  finally  in  1839  ventured  upon  an  invasion  of  Syria. 
The  Turkish  army  was  utterly  defeated  at  Nessib.  Once  more  the  road  to 
Constantinople  lay  open  to  Ibrahim  ;  and  this  time  the  situation  was  rendered 
still  worse  for  the  Porte  by  the  defection  of  the  Turkish  admiral,  who  sailed 
into  the  harbour  of  Alexandria  and  handed  over  his  fleet  to  Mehemet  Ali. 
The  death  of  the  Sultan  Mahmoud,  on  June  30,  hastened  the  decision  of  the 
Powers  to  intervene  on  behalf  of  Turkey  and  the  new  Sultan.  It  is  unneces- 
sary here  to  enter  into  the  rivalries  of  the  different  Powers,  which  encouraged 
Mehemet  Ali  in  an  obstinate  attitude.  Ultimately  a  British,  Austrian,  and 
Turkish  fleet  appeared  off  the  Syrian  coast.  The  population  at  once  rose  in 
revolt  against  the  tyranny  of  Ibrahim,  and  reluctantly  Mehemet  Ali  ordered 
the  evacuation  of  Syria.  On  November  25, 1841,  he  accepted  a  convention  by 
which  he  resigned  all  claims  to  Syria  and  agreed  to  restore  the  Ottoman  fleet. 
His  quid  pro  quo  came  the  following  year  with  the  grant  of  a  firman  conferring 
the  Pashalik  of  Egypt  upon  himself  and  his  heirs,  regulating  his  relations 
to  the  Porte,  and  fixing  the  tribute  to  be  paid  to  Turkey  by  Egypt. 

Mehemet  Ali  was  the  maker  of  modern  Egypt  in  more  senses  of  the  word 
than  one.  Not  only  did  he  give  the  country  a  separate  administrative  exist- 
ence by  breaking  away  from  Turkey,  but  he  did  much  towards  laying  the 
foundations  of  the  wealth  which  was  to  be  Egypt's  in  later  years.  It  is  sup- 
posed that,  in  his  native  home,  he  had  come  under  French  influence.  Whether 
this  was  the  case  or  not,  he  had  no  sooner  established  his  authority  in  Egypt 
than  he  began  to  show  that  he  had  other  than  military  qualifications  to  justify 
his  rule.  He  set  himself  to  promote  the  industrial  and  agricultural  develop- 
ment of  the  country  and  engaged  largely  in  commerce  ;  he  dug  a  new  canal 
to  connect  Alexandria  with  the  Nile.  When  the  potentialities  of  cotton- 
growing  were  explained  to  ,Mehemet  Ali,  he  threw  himself  keenly  into  the 
matter,  and  was  prepared  to  reconstruct  the  whole  irrigation  system  of 
Egypt  in  order  to  further  his  schemes.  By  his  direction  the  great  Delta 
Barrage  at  Cairo  was  planned  and  begun  ;  but  more  than  fifty  years  were  to 
elapse  before  it  was  finally  completed  by  English  engineers.  Mehemet  Ali 
brought  his  military  methods  to  bear  on  his  schemes  for  the  economic  de- 
velopment of  Egypt.  Education  was  introduced,  and  became  compulsory 
in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word  ;  cotton-growing  followed  on  the  same  lines, 
for  if  the  people  hesitated  to  lend  themselves  to  his  schemes,  he  confiscated 
their  lands  and  grew  cotton  on  them  himself.  It  is  probable  that  his  con- 
quest of  Nubia  and  Kordofan  were  prompted  in  some  measure  by  a  trading 
impulse,  or  by  the  instinct,  which  subsequent  events  have  proved  to  be  sound, 
that  the  safety  and  development  of  Egypt  require  that  its  rulers  should  also 
be  masters  of  all  the  country  watered  by  the  Nile.  With  the  founding  of 


780  THE   DESTINY   OF   EGYPT. 

Khartoum  in  1823  the  whole  of  the  Sudan  came  under  Mehemet  All's  rule. 
Its  advantage  to  Egypt  was  only  to  be  fully  appreciated  at  a  much  later 
period. 

Mehemet  Ali's  anxiety  to  give  his  country  all  the  advantages  of  Western 
civilisation  made  him  favourably  disposed  towards  foreigners.  So  long  as 
a  ruler  of  his  shrewdness  and  ability  was  on  the  throne  of  Egypt,  the 
country  only  stood  to  gain  from  contact  with  Western  Europe.  Trouble  came 
when  his  successors,  without  understanding  European  civilisation,  sought  to 
accelerate  its  introduction,  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  country,  but  in  their 
own  interests,  and  for  their  personal  aggrandisement.  Mehemet  Ali  had  not 
been  dead  many  years  when  the  encouragement  that  he  had  given  to 
foreigners  led  to  Egypt  being  overrun  by  concession  hunters.  The  evil  began 
under  Said  Pasha ;  but  at  first  the  concessionaires  had  only  a  limited  scope  for 
exploiting  the  country  outside  legitimate  enterprises.  One  of  Said's  earliest 
acts  was  to  grant  to  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps  the  first  concession  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  Suez  Canal.  It  is  unfortunate  that  this  notable  enterprise 
should  have  been  associated  with  the  inauguration  of  a  national  debt,  and  thus 
with  the  first  step  in  the  undoing  of  Egypt.  The  importance  of  the  Canal 
to  Great  Britain  has  made  it  impossible  that  we  should  allow  any  other  European 
Power  to  dominate  from  Egypt  this  highway  of  the  Empire. 

Said  Pasha  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Ismail,  son  of  Ibrahim  Pasha. 
He  inherited  something  of  the  great  ideas  of  his  grandfather,  but  lacked  the 
strength  of  character  to  enable  him  to  identify  his  own  interests  with  those 
of  his  country.  Appreciating  the  potentialities  of  Egypt  under  Western 
exploitation,  Ismail  proceeded  to  force  the  pace  of  progress,  always  with  an 
eye  to  his  personal  advantage.  The  advisers  whom  he  gathered  around  him 
brought  Europeans  into  disrepute,  for  it  was  obvious  that  the  country,  under 
their  influence,  was  being  hurried  into  bankruptcy.  Egypt  under  Ismail 
experienced  a  phenomenal  period  of  peace  and  prosperity,  but  has  had  to 
bear  the  cost  ever  since.  On  the  death  of  Said  Pasha,  the  public  debt  was 
only  £3,293,000.  In  thirteen  years  it  amounted  to  £68,110,000,  together 
with  a  floating  debt  of  £26,000,000.  The  crash  came  in  April  1876,  when 
Ismail,  who  in  1867  at  the  price  of  large  payments  in  Constantinople  had 
received  the  title  of  Khedive,  suspended  payment  of  his  Treasury  Bills. 

With  this  date  opens  the  chapter  of  Egyptian  history,  which  has  now  been 
brought  to  a  close  with  the  incorporation  of  the  country  in  the  British  Empire 
under  the  title  of  a  Protectorate.  The  emancipation  of  Egypt  from  the 
benumbing  influence  of  an  administration  directed  from  Constantinople 
started  under  the  best  auspices,  but  the  material  upon  which  it  had  to  draw 
for  its  rulers  was  not  equal  to  the  requirements  of  a  country  emerging  from  a 
long  period  of  social  and  economic  stagnation.  Ismail  Pasha  tried  to  heap  all 
the  advantages  of  Western  civilisation  upon  the  land  without  understanding 
the  responsibilities  attaching  to  them  or  troubling  himself  with  the  safeguards 
under  which  such  a  policy  might  have  been  feasible.  When  his  troubles  began, 
he  hoped  that  a  colourable  imitation  of  European  financial  methods  would 


PLOUGHING    WITH    CAMELS    ON    THE    BANKS    OF   THE    NILE. 


THE    SPHINX   AT   SUNSET.      THE    BEDOUIN'S    HOUR    OF    PRAYER. 


THE    KHEFIEN    PYRAMID   AND    LIBYAN    DESERT    FROM   THE    SUMMIT    OF   THE   GREAT   PYRAMID. 


THE   DESTINY   OF   EGYPT.  781 

remove  all  his  difficulties.  He  agreed  to  the  principle  of  financial  supervision ; 
but  while  he  was  willing  to  use  foreign  experts  for  the  purpose  of  allaying  foreign 
suspicion,  he  was  by  no  means  minded  to  see  all  his  financial  affairs  subjected 
to  strict  control.  The  situation  in  Egypt,  however,  had  passed  beyond 
the  stage  when  tinkering  was  possible.  Before  the  claims  of  bondholders  had 
any  chance  of  being  satisfied,  it  was  necessary  that  the  whole  administration 
of  Egypt  should  be  overhauled.  The  government  was  rotten  to  the  core, 
honeycombed,  as  it  was,  with  incompetence  and  dishonesty.  Taxation  pressed 
heavily  upon  the  people,  but  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  money  extracted 
from  them  never  found  its  way  into  the  public  chest.  One-fifth  of  the  arable 
lands  of  the  country  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Khedive,  and  these 
estates  were  administered  direct  by  him  and  cultivated  to  a  great  extent  by 
forced  labour.  To  have  demanded  immediate  payment  of  the  interest  on 
Egypt's  obligations  must  have  entailed  still  heavier  burdens  upon  the  unfortunate 
fellaheen.  From  the  outset,  the  British  Government  never  allowed  the  interests 
of  the  bondholders  to  override  its  concern  for  the  Egyptian  people.  The 
failure  of  Great  Britain  and  France  to  arrive  at  a  complete  understanding  in 
regard  to  a  joint  policy  in  Egypt  was  due  in  part  to  this  fact.  The  French 
Government  regarded  itself  as  the  champion  of  the  bondholders  ;  the  British 
Government  was  far  more  concerned  for  the  alleviation  of  the  lot  of  the  fellaheen. 
A  still  more  important  line  of  cleavage  developed  a  few  years  later  between 
the  two  Governments  in  their  attitude  towards  Turkey.  The  British  Govern- 
ment clung  to  the  theory  that  the  sovereignty  of  Turkey  should  be  respected, 
as  far  as  possible,  in  the  dealings  of  the  Powers  with  Egypt,  and  when  an 
occupation  appeared  inevitable,  preferred  that  it  should  be  a  Turkish  rather 
than  an  Anglo-French  occupation.  Again,  during  the  period  immediately 
preceding  the  Occupation,  the  apparent  vacillation  on  the  part  of  the  British 
Government  was  mainly  due  to  a  desire  to  have  French  support  for  each  measure 
adopted.  In  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  it  has  become  the  conviction  in 
foreign  countries  that  Great  Britain's  whole  attitude  in  regard  to  Egypt  has 
been  merely  an  illustration  of  British  perfidy.  A  more  correct  estimate  of  it 
would  be  that  every  step  towards  the  inevitable  has  been  taken  reluctantly, 
under  the  pressure  of  circumstances  brought  about  by  no  contrivance  of  Great 
Britain.  If  British  action  in  Egypt  had  proceeded  from  any  fixed  policy  or 
had  been  intended  to  follow  any  preconceived  lines,  it  must  surely  have  been 
carried  out  with  more  resolution  and,  we  may  suppose,  with  more  dispatch. 
If  we  had  entertained  any  self-aggrandising  designs,  we  should  not  have  been 
so  slow  in  giving  effect  to  them.  Not  the  least  difficulty  with  which  we  had  to 
contend  in  Egypt  was  the  self-imposed  task  of  trying  to  reform  the  administra- 
tion without  any  organic  changes  being  effected  in  the  conditions  under  which 
the  government  had  been  conducted  prior  to  the  Occupation.  Further,  if  we 
had  recognised  at  the  outset  that  the  destiny  of  Egypt  must  ultimately  be 
worked  out  within  the  British  Empire,  we  should  have  been  far  less  tolerant 
of  the  baneful  influence  which  international  rivalries  have  exercised  upon  the 
country  up  to  the  last.  At  the  same  time,  we  could  never  lose  sight  of  the  fact 


732  THE   DESTINY    OF   EGYPT. 

that,  however  much  we  might  wish  to  avoid  taking  Egypt  ourselves,  we  could 
not  allow  any  other  European  Power  to  become  paramount  in  it. 

It  is  only  possible  here  to  trace  in  very  general  outline  the  more  important 
stages  through  which  the  administration  of  Egypt  has  passed  to  its  present 
form.  A  cure  for  Ismail  Pasha's  extravagances  was  sought,  apart  from  the 
appointment  of  foreign  controllers  of  the  Public  Debt,  in  the  imposition  of 
constitutional  government.  The  Khedive  was  compelled  to  accept  the  principle 
of  ministerial  responsibility,  and  two  of  his  Ministers  were  to  be  Europeans. 
This  experiment  did  not  last  long.  Ismail  became  a  constitutional  monarch 
in  name  only.  His  intrigues  against  the  Ministry  showed  that  he  had  no 
intention  of  accepting  the  arrangements  made  for  the  benefit  of  the  Egyptians, 
-  and  in  1879  he  was  deposed  by  the  Sultan. 

With  the  accession  of  Tewfik  Pasha,  an  attempt  was  made  to  harmonise 
ministerial  responsibility  with  direct  participation  by  the  Khedive  in  public 
affairs.  Tewfik's  enlightenment  and  moderation  offered  the  best  augury  for 
the  experiment ;  but  a  new  factor  in  Egyptian  politics  appeared  and  showed 
that  there  was  no  likelihood,  for  the  present,  of  Egypt  being  able  to  govern 
herself.  Discontent  in  the  army  was  allowed  to  engender  a  mutiny.  Although 
the  Minister  for  War  was  sacrificed  to  the  demands  of  the  soldiery,  a  feeling  of 
mistrust  against  the  Khedive  and  his  Ministers  remained.  The  movement 
was  headed  by  Colonel  Ahmed  Arabi,  who  contrived  to  win  the  support  of 
what  may  be  regarded  as  the  early  nucleus  of  a  national  party.  Tewfik  Pasha 
proved  unable  to  cope  with  the  crisis.  Arabi  Bey  became  virtual  master  of  the 
country,  and  the  situation  was  not  improved  by  his  appointment  as  Under- 
secretary of  State  for  War.  It  was  impossible  that  the  Powers  interested 
should  continue  to  ignore  the  state  of  affairs  in  Egypt,  as  the  expulsion  of 
Europeans  was  now  openly  canvassed  in  native  circles.  At  the  instance  of 
France,  a  joint  Anglo-French  Note  was  sent  to  Tewfik  Pasha  assuring  him  of 
the  support  of  the  two  Powers  "  against  the  difficulties  of  various  kinds 
which  might  interfere  with  the  course  of  public  affairs  in  Egypt."  One  effect 
of  the  Note  was  to  confirm  Arabi  in  his  attitude  of  defiance,  and  the  situation 
grew  worse.  On  June  11,  1882,  massacres  broke  out  in  Alexandria.  It  was 
evident  that  the  crisis  would  only  be  at  an  end  when  Arabi's  power  had  been 
broken.  By  July  he  had  come  to  regard  himself  as  dictator  of  Egypt,  and  forts 
were  being  hurriedly  constructed  in  Alexandria  by  his  orders.  On  July  11 
these  were  bombarded  by  a  British  squadron.  Arabi  then  declared  himself, 
and  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  effect  that  irreconcilable  war  existed  between 
the  Egyptians  and  the  English.  France  had  refused  to  co-operate  in  the 
restoration  of  order  in  Egypt,  and  the  work  of  crushing  Arabi  devolved  on 
Great  Britain.  The  battle  of  Tel-el-Kebir  decided  Arabi's  fate.  He  was 
taken  prisoner  and  deported  to  Ceylon. 

Great  Britain's  task  in  Egypt  had  now  begun  in  earnest.  To  have  evacu- 
ated the  country  at  once  would  have  been  to  leave  it  a  prey  to  the  worst 
influences.  Order  had  to  be  evolved  out  of  chaos.  It  could  only  be  done 
by  the  British  Government  making  itself  responsible  for  the  better -government 


THE   DESTINY    OF   EGYPT.  733 

of  Egypt.  France  was  anxious  to  restore  the  Dual  Control,  but  the  proposal 
was  rejected.  The  French  Government  thereupon  "  resumed  its  liberty  of 
action,"  and  French  action  in  Egypt  was  more  or  less  persistently  hostile 
to  Great  Britain  until  the  signature  of  the  Anglo-French  Agreement  in  1904. 
The  attitude  of  the  British  Government  towards  its  responsibilities  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  terms  in  a  circular  Note  sent  to  the  Powers  in  January 
1883  :  "  Although  for  the  present  a  British  force  remains  in  Egypt  for  the 
preservation  of  public  tranquillity,  Her  Majesty's  Government  are  desirous 
of  withdrawing  it  as  soon  as  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  organisation  of 
proper  means  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Khedive's  authority  will  admit  of  it. 
In  the  meanwhile,  the  position  in  which  Her  Majesty's  Government  are  placed 
towards  His  Highness  imposes  upon  them  the  duty  of  giving  advice  with  the 
object  of  securing  that  the  order  of  things  to  be  established  shall  be  of  a  satis- 
factory character  and  possess  the  elements  of  stability  and  progress." 

At  the  time  when  this  undertaking  was  given  there  could  have  been  no 
doubt  as  to  its  sincerity.  What  was  not  realised  was  that  evacuation  and  the 
establishment  of  Egypt  on  a  satisfactory  basis  were  incompatible  aims.  The 
international  jealousies  to  which  the  country  was  to  be  a  prey  for  the  next 
two  decades  showed  only  too  clearly  that,  whenever  evacuation  took  place, 
the  whole  edifice  which  the  British  Occupation  had  laboriously  erected  would 
at  once  be  undermined  by  the  intrigues  of  claimants  to  our  heritage.  Unfortun- 
ately when  the  subject  of  the  British  evacuation  was  raised,  the  only  reply 
given  was  that  Great  Britain's  work  in  Egypt  was  not  yet  completed.  Such 
an  answer  implied  that  sooner  or  later  the  work  would  be  completed,  whereas 
the  British  Government  ought  to  have  realised  that  it  had  put  its  hand  to 
the  Egyptian  plough  and  that  there  could  now  be  no  going  back.  Until  the 
Anglo-French  Convention  the  question  of  the  future  of  Egypt  was  burked  in 
this  way.  The  Declaration  of  April  8,  1904,  contained  the  following  provision : 
"  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  declare  that  they  have  no  intention 
of  altering  the  political  status  of  Egypt.  The  Government  of  the  French 
Eepublic,  for  their  part,  declare  that  they  will  not  obstruct  the  action  of  Great 
Britain  in  that  country  by  asking  that  a  limit  of  time  be  fixed  for  the  British 
occupation  or  in  any  other  manner  ".  Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Italy 
subsequently  notified  their  adherence  to  this  declaration. 

One  aspect  of  the  Egyptian  question  had  thus  been  settled  ;  but  the  in-- 
herent  difficulties  of  our  anomalous  position  in  Egypt  remained.  Some  of 
these  will  in  due  course  be  removed  when  full  effect  is  given  after  the  War  to 
the  new  status  of  Egypt.  The  rest  are  comprised  in  the  problem  of  governing 
an  alien  race. 

The  nationalist  movement,  as  we  have  seen,  made  its  appearance  at  the 
time  when  Arabi  had  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  mutinous  army.  It 
has  passed  through  many  phases  since  then,  some  more  acute  than  others. 
Great  Britain  has  never  lost  sight  of  the  fact  that  she  has  been  called  upon  to 
assist  in  the  administration  of  Egypt  in  the  interests  of  the  Egyptians.  A  few 
years  ago  the  opinion  had  gained  ground  in  the  country  that  Egypt  was  well 


734  THE   DESTINY   OF   EGYPT. 

able  to  take  care  of  itself.  The  British  Government  found,  it  too  invidious 
to  pretend  that  the  governing  capacity  of  Egyptian  Ministers  and  their 
subordinates  had  not  shown  some  improvements  in  twenty  or  thirty  years. 
Sir  Eldon  Gorst  accordingly  was  instructed  to  meet  the  claimants  half-way, 
and  a  scheme  for  enlarging  the  share  of  the  Egyptians  in  the  government 
of  their  own  country  was  evolved.  The  experiment,  as  we  know,  proved  a 
failure,  and  it  became  necessary  to  revert  to  active  British  supervision. 
Oriental  constitutionalism  was  shown  to  have  its  limitations.  Lord 
Kitchener  became  the  British  representative  in  Egypt ;  the  Khedive  was 
subjected  to  more  stringent  control,  and  the  Egyptians  were  given  an 
opportunity  of  comparing  the  efforts  of  their  own  politicians  with  British 
government  of  a  pronounced  personal  character.  Of  the  success  of  Lord 
Kitchener's  tenure  of  office  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  fellaheen  there  can 
be  no  two  opinions. 

Subsequent  events  have  proved  that  the  peaceful  development  of  Egypt 
was  the  last  thing  desired  in  some  Egyptian  circles.  It  is  difficult  to  judge, 
however,  to  what  extent  this  feeling  was  spontaneous  or  carefully  fostered 
by  German  intrigue.  For  the  moment  we  may  give  it  the  benefit  of 
the  doubt.  The  Khedive  Abbas,  however,  cannot  be  excused  as  the  victim 
of  German  overtures.  A  past  master  in  intrigue  himself,  he  needed  no  en- 
couragement to  play  Germany's  game.  There  was  no  reason  why  the 
European  war  should  have  thrown  Egyptian  affairs  into  the  melting-pot. 
If  the  Khedive  had  so  willed,  he  could  still  have  been  ruler  of  the  country. 
He  elected,  however,  to  play  with  fire  in  Constantinople,  and  when  there  was 
no  longer  any  doubt  as  to  his  complicity  in  Turco- German  designs,  the  British 
Government  felt  compelled  to  terminate  his  connection  with  Egypt.  Once 
again  a  fresh  stage  in  Great  Britain's  relations  with  the  country  was  brought 
about  by  circumstances  which  were  not  of  her  own  seeking,  and  this  time 
a  formal  protectorate  over  Egypt  was  proclaimed.  In  the  place  of  the  de- 
posed Khedive  another  member  of  the  family  of  Mehemet  Ali,  Hussein  Kamil, 
second  son  of  Ismail  Pasha,  was  appointed  Sultan  on  December  18,  1914. 
While  the  War  lasts  it  is  probable  that  the  Egyptian  constitution  will  be 
subjected  to  the  minimum  amount  of  change.  In  any  case,  existing  conditions 
require  that  for  the  present  military  and  civil  authority  should  function  side 
by  side,  and  the  need  for  constitutional  adjustments  is  in  abeyance.  It  is  an 
open  question,  indeed,  whether  delay  in  the  nomination  of  the  Sultan,  at  least 
until  it  could  have  been  made  at  the  express  wish  of  the  people,  would  not  have 
been  in  the  interest  of  all  concerned.  The  British  Government,  however, 
decided  in  favour  of  the  appointment.  It  was  clear  that  the  Khedive  would 
have  to  be  deposed,  and  there  was  a  reluctance  to  place  undue  emphasis  on 
Great  Britain's  position  in  the  country  by  leaving  the  throne  vacant.  Oppor- 
tunity was  taken  for  a  fresh  statement  of  British  intentions.  "  In  consonance 
with  the  traditions  of  British  policy  ",  the  new  Sultan  was  informed,.  "  it  has 
been  the  aim  of  His  Majesty's  Government,  while  working  through^  and  in 
the  closest  association  with,  the  constituted  Egyptian  authorities  tp  secure 


THE   DESTINY   OF   EGYPT.  735 

individual  liberty,  to  promote  the  spread  of  education,  to  further  the  develop- 
ment of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country,  and,  in  such  measure  as  the  degree 
of  enlightenment  of  public  opinion  may  "permit,  to  associate  the  governed  in 
the  task  of  government.  Not  only  is  it  the  intention  of  his  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment to  remain  faithful  to  such  policy,  but  they  are  convinced  that  the  clearer 
definition  of  Great  Britain's  position  in  the  country  will  accelerate  progress 
towards  self-government." 

One  of  the  lessons  of  the  last  hundred  years  has  been  a  warning  against 
attempts  to  introduce  sudden  changes  of  a  far-reaching  character  into  th6 
body  politic  of  Egypt.  They  seem  to  do  violence  to  the  spirit  of  the  land. 
Tiie  very  monuments  preach  the  doctrine  that,  though  innovations  may  come, 
the  old  order  must  not  be  altogether  eliminated.  Travellers  from  every 
country  pass  to  and  fro  before  them  to-day,  as  they  have  done  for  thousands 
of  years  ;  but  who  will  say  that  the  genius  loci  does  not  still  prefer  to  look  over 
the  heads  of  these  newcomers  and  allow  his  gaze  to  rest  upon  his  own  people, 
ploughing  and  threshing  as  they  did  when  he  first  saw  life  ?  Egypt  requires, 
as  no  other  country,  that  those  who  would  understand  her,  must  be  attuned 
in  sympathy  to  her  many  moods.  If  change  there  is  to  be,  let  it  be  of  a  kind 
so  gradual,  that  the  reasons  for  it  and  its  advantages  can  be  grasped  by  the 
people  of  the  land.  They  take  kindly  enough  to  improvements  which  have 
a  meaning  for  them>  whether  these  be  of  a  political  nature  or  of  more  material 
significance,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Assuan  Dam.  The  latter  enterprise  alone 
— planned  and  executed  on  the  lines  of  the  undertakings  of  the  giants  of  old 
days — must  have  commended  the  British  nation  alike  to  the  fellaheen  and 
the  manes  of  the  land.  Even  the  spirit  of  PhilaB,  the  Dam's  unresisting  victim, 
if  it  be  a  true  Egyptian,  will  have  acquiesced  already  in  the  sacrifice  it  has 
been  called  upon  to  make  for  the  sake  of  the  descendants  of  those  who  called 
the  temple  into  existence. 

In  describing  the  changes  which  have  come  over  the  country  since  Ismail's 
day,  in  the  quarter  of  a  century  during  which  he  directed  British  policy  in 
Egypt  with  so  much  sympathy,  knowledge,  and  tact,  Lord  Cromer  writes : — 
"  A  new  spirit  has  been  instilled  into  the  population  of  Egypt.  Even  the 
peasant  has  learnt  to  scan  his  rights.  Even  the  Pasha  has  .learnt  that  other 
besides  himself  have  rights  which  must  be  respected.  The  courbash  may 
hang  on  the  walls  of  the  moudirieh,  but  the  moudir  no  longer  dares  to  em- 
ploy it  on  the  backs  of  the  fellaheen.  For  all  practical  purposes,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  hateful  corvee  system  has  disappeared.  Slavery  has  virtually 
ceased  to  exist.  The  halcyon  day  of  the  adventurer  and  the  usurer  are  past. 
Fiscal  burthens  have  been  greatly  relieved.  Everywhere  law  reigns  supreme. 
Justice  is  no  longer  bought  and  sold.  Nature,  instead  of  being  spurned  and 
neglected,  has  been  wooed  to  bestow  her  gifts  on  mankind.  She  has  re- 
sponded to  the  appeal.  The  waters  of  the  Nile  are  now  utilised  in  an  intel- 
ligent manner.  Means  of  locomotion  have  been  improved  and  extended. 
The  soldier  has  acquired  some  pride  in  the  uniform  he  wears.  He  has  fought 
as  he  tie  vet"  lf ought  before.  The  sick  man  can  be  nursed  in  a  well-managed 


736     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND    PRESENT. 

hospital.  The  lunatic  is  no  longer  treated  like  a  wild  beast.  The  punish- 
ment awarded  to  the  worst  criminal  is  no  longer  barbarous.  Lastly  the  school- 
master is  abroad,  with  results  which  are  as  yet  uncertain,  but  which  cannot 
fail  to  be  important." 

These  things  have  been  accomplished  under  the  British  aegis.  One  and  all, 
they  appeal  to  the  imagination  of  the  people,  and  can  be  understood  by  them, 
Of  politics  the  bulk  of  the  Egyptians  have  no  knowledge,  and  they  ask  that, 
until  they  have  learned  to  safeguard  their  own  interests,  they  shall  not  be 
handed  over  to  those  of  their  own  countrymen,  who,  in  one  guise  or  another, 
are  always  ready  to  prey  upon  them,  and  batten  on  their  ignorance  or  help- 
lessness. Within  the  British  Empire,  the  destiny  of  Egypt  is  assured,  if  the 
country  be  allowed  to  work  out  its  own  economic  and  political  salvation  under 
British  guidance  in  its  own  time,  and  is  not  pressed  to  adopt  ready-made 
constitutions  merely  because  they  are  held  to  have  answered  well  among 
other  peoples. 

H.  T.  MONTAGUE  BELL. 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST    AND    PRESENT. 

VIII. — THE  LEAGUE  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

THE  present  War  has  so  marvellously  consolidated  the  Empire  that  it  is  some- 
times difficult  for  those  whose  memory  does  not  carry  them  back  beyond  a 
couple  of  decades  or  so  to  realise  how  slender  was  the  bond,  and  how  few  the 
common  interests,  at  a  time  within  fairly  recent  memory.  It  was  only  in  1887 
that  the  first  Imperial  (then  designated  Colonial)  Conference  was  held,  and  it 
did  little  more  than  express  a  pious  hope  for  closer  Imperial  relations.  An 
advance  was  made  in  1898,  by  the  establishment  of  Imperial  Penny  Postage, 
towards  greater  communication  between  all  parts  of  the  Empire  and  hence 
greater  knowledge.  But  it  required  the  Boer  War  to  bring  to  the  average 
individualistic  Briton  the  realisation  of  Imperial  co-partnership.  It  was 
during  the  dark  days  of  the  Boer  War  that  the  League  of  the  Empire  came 
into  being.  It  was  felt  that  the  linking  together  of  the  children  of  the  Empire 
would  do  something  towards  maintaining  its  future  stability,  and  the  Comrade 
Correspondence  Branch  was  formed,  a  tiny  but  unbreakable  strand  in  the 
web  of  Empire,  and  one  destined  to  exercise  a  strong  and  ever-growing  influence. 
To  Mr.  Chamberlain,  a  great  pioneer  of  Imperial  Union,  the  early  work  of 
the  League  owed  considerable  debt.  His  tour  in  South  Africa  in  1902  brought 
him  into  touch  with  the  Society  there,  with  whose  work  he  expressed  approval. 
Eeturning  to  the  Colonial  Office,  Mr.  Chamberlain  again  helped  the  League's 
efforts  by  sending  a  dispatch  to  all  Colonies  recommending  the  Comrade  Corre- 
spondence Scheme,  and  enclosing  therewith  a  five-page  circular,  descriptive  of 
the  "  Aims,  Objects  and  Methods  of  the  League." 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES-PAST  AND  PRESENT.       737 

The  comparative  study  of  education  throughout  the  Empire  was  in  its 
infancy.  Professor  M.  E.  Sadler  broke  practically  new  ground  in  his  well- 
known  reports  issued  by  the  Board  of  Education  dealing  with  the  various 
systems  of  education  in  vogue  throughout  the  world.  These  reports  served 
as  authoritative  data,  and  did  much  to  widen  all  educational  outlook.  It  was 
left  to  the  pioneering  work  of  the  League  of  the  Empire,  however,  to  demonstrate 
the  fact  that  co-operation  in  education  and  a  greater  mutual  knowledge  of 
educational  ideals,  activities  and  characteristics  in  different  parts  of  the  Empire, 
would  be  of  inestimable  value,  not  merely  to  the  newer  countries,  but  to  the 
Motherland.  Who  could  fail  indeed  to  gain  breadth  and  enthusiasm  and  hope 
from  a  study  of  some  of  the  educational  experiments  that  are  being  tried  in 
the  schools  and  universities  of  the  Empire,  where  men,  practical  and  daring, 
are  not  hampered  by  age-long  prejudice  and  worn-out  tradition  ?  And  again, 
Great  Britain,  with  her  ancient  universities  and  public  schools  and  her  noble 
roll  of  great  scholars  and  educationists,  is  still  an  inspiration  to  those  whose 
educational  systems  are  but  of  yesterday. 

The  early  work  of  the  League,  which  included  the  affiliation  of  schools 
throughout  the  Empire,  a  development  of  Mr.  Chamberlain's  suggestions  of 
1903,  had  brought  the  League  into  direct  touch  with  the  Educational  Depart- 
ments throughout  the  Empire.  Evidently  the  seed  of  Imperial  co-operation  in 
education  had  struck  root  and  its  possibilities  were  gauged  ;  for  when  the  League 
in  1906,  in  a  circular  letter,  expressed  its  willingness  to  convene  a  Federal  Con- 
ference on  Education,  should  it  be  the  pleasure  of  the  Education  Departments 
to  support  such  a  Conference,  the  invitation  was  immediately  and  unanimously 
accepted  throughout  all  the  Overseas  Dominions  and  Colonies.  This  Con- 
ference took  place  in  1907,  the  formal  invitations  to  the  Colonial  Education 
Departments  and  Administrators  being  conveyed  to  them  by  favour  of  the 
Colonial  Office. 

It  was  a  remarkable  Conference,  not  only  because  it  was  the  first  occasion 
when  representatives  of  the  Education  Departments  throughout  the  Empire  met 
together,  but  it  was  also  the  first  time  that  representatives  of  all  the  component 
parts  of  the  Empire,  self-governing  and  dependent,  met  in  consultation.  In 
addition  to  the  conference  of  officials,  sectional  meetings  were  held,  attended 
by  delegates  from  universities,  learned  societies,  and  educational  institutions 
throughout  the  Empire.  The  following  quotation,  taken  from  "  The  British 
Empire  "  (edited  by  Professor  Pollard  for  the  League  in  1909),  indicates  the 
unique  character  of  the  undertaking  : — 

The  meeting  thus  brought  about  was  of  a  peculiar  character.  It  had  been 
entirely  organised  and  arranged  by  the  League,  which  is  a  private  Society  with  a 
semi-official  standing,  but  its  principal  purpose  was  to  effect  discussion,  and  if  possible 
agreement,  on  administrative  matters  which  lie  within  the  competence  of  official 
authority  alone,  for  educational  administration  is,  for  the  most  part,  under  the  control 
of  Government.  That  fact  had  been  recognised  by  the  several  Colonial  authorities 
who  nominated  official  representatives  to  attend  the  Conference,  and  eventually  the 
home  authorities  followed  tlieir  example  and  completed  tlie  official  representation 

3  D 


738     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND    PRESENT. 

by  nominating  members  from  the  central  educational  boards  of  the  United  Kingdom. 
Thus  the  Conference  was  in  the  first  place  a  meeting  of  Government  representatives 
held  under  the  auspices  of  a  private  Society.  At  the  same  time  it  retained  a  voluntary 
character. 

The  Conference  was  held  in  the  Caxton  Hall  and  presided  over  by  Lord 
Crewe,  then  Lord  President  of  the  Council,  and  other  high  officials.  The 
subjects  covered  by  the  private  conference  of  officials  included  "  the  mutual 
recognition  of  teachers'  certificates,  the  interchange  of  teachers  and  certificates, 
and  the  closer  uniformity  of  curricula,  nomenclature  and  methods  of  presenting 
official  educational  statistics."  At  the  open  meetings  papers  of  a  more  general 
interest  were  read  and  discussed  before  large  audiences,  among  those  which 
attracted  considerable  attention  in  the  press  being  Mr.  Balfour's  on  "  Higher 
Education  and  Eesearch."  The  results  of  the  Conference  were  of  lasting 
importance.  There  was  a  strong  feeling  among  the  delegates  from  the  Overseas 
Education  Departments  that  the  Conference  should  be  placed  on  a  permanent 
and  authoritative  basis,  and  resolutions  were  therefore  passed  to  the  effect  that 
a  quadrennial  Conference  should  be  held,  to  be  attended  by  representatives  of 
the  Governments,  and  that  the  first  should  be  called  by  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. The  British  Government  accordingly  convened  the  Imperial  Education 
Conference  in  1911,  and  established  a  standing  representative  Education 
Committee  at  the  Board  of  Education. 

Keferring  to  the  League's  work,  the  following  resolutions  were  passed  by  the 
Government  Kepresentatives  :— 

That  the  delegates  desire  to  express  their  appreciation  of  the  value  of  this  Con- 
ference to  the  work  of  the  Education  Departments  throughout  the  Empire. 

and  further — 

That  this  Conference  places  on  record  its  high  appreciation  of  the  work  done  by 
the  League  of  the  Empire  in  stimulating  educational  activity  and  in  collecting  and 
circulating  information  on  educational  subjects. 

This  a  purely  private  enterprise  effected  what  may  well  be  deemed  not  the 
least  important  element  in  Imperial  organisation.  It  was  a  far  more  difficult 
piece  of  work  than  many  may  have  realised,  and  the  great  expense  involved  lay  a 
heavy  burden  on  the  League  for  some  years. 

In  1912  the  League  lield  the  first  Imperial  Conference  of  Teachers'  Associa- 
tions throughout  the  Empire,  which  was  attended  by  over  six  hundred  repre- 
sentatives and  delegates. 

This  Conference  led  to  the  establishment  of  the  Imperial  Union  of  Teachers, 
which  held  its  first  annual  meeting  in  July  1913. 

By  invitation  of  the  Government  of  Ontario,  the  next  Conference  should 
have  been  held  in  Toronto  next  year  (1916) ;  but,  owing  to  the  War,  this  meeting 
has  been  postponed,  and  a  much  smaller  interim  Conference  may  possibly  take 
place  in  London  at  the  same  time  as  the  usual  annual  meeting  in  July. 

From  the  above  account  of  what  is  certainly  the  most  important  piece  of 
work  carried  out  by  the  League,  we  should  like  to  claim  the  special  credit  that 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT.       789 

an  idea  conceived  as  long  as  some  fourteen  years  ago  has  been  now  embodied 
in  these  practical  Imperial  achievements. 

In  pursuance  of  its  educational  policy  the  League  has  also  issued  a  series 
of  Imperial  text -books,  rendered  possible  by  the  generosity  of  the  late  Mr. 
Louis  Spitzel.  The  arrangement  was  in  the  hands  of  a  strong  historical  com- 
mittee with  Professor  Bury  (Eegius  Professor  of  History,  Cambridge)  as  chair- 
man. As  a  result  of  their  labours  the  first  of  the  series,  "  The  British  Empire," 
edited  by  Professor  Pollard,  in  collaboration  with  fifteen  special  contributors 
and  over  a  hundred  authorities  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  was  published  in  1909. 
The  book  has  a  wide  circulation,  and  is  unique  in  that  the  proofs  dealing  with 
each  country  and  colony  were  revised  on  the  spot.  This  first  volume  was 
intended  mainly  for  the  general  public  and  for  students.  Two  other  volumes, 
suitable  for  secondary  and  elementary  schools,  have  already  been  published, 
which,  it  is  hoped,  will  be  of  still  greater  use  in  the  future  when  Imperial  history 
forms  an  integral  part  of  all  schools'  curriculum. 

Although  the  League's  most  important  work  has  always  been  concerned 
with  the  larger  issues  of  education,  it  would  yet  leave  much  good  work  untold, 
if  a  summary  of  other  activities  were  not  given.  At  present  the  League  is 
engaged  in  carrying  out  a  scheme  for  the  voluntary  study  of  Imperial  history 
in  training  colleges,  secondary  and  elementary  schools,  evening  classes,  and 
among  private  students.  The  scheme  has  been  approved  by  a  large  number 
of  head  masters  and  head  mistresses,  many  of  whom  are  forming  circles  in 
their  schools,  or  have  expressed  their  intention  of  utilising  the  articles,  biblio- 
graphies, and  syllabuses  on  the  various  countries  of  the  Empire  which  will  shortly 
appear  in  the  Federal  Magazine  (the  organ  of  the  League).  Considering  that 
the  Imperial  History  Scheme  is  launched  at  a  time  of  terrible  Empire  struggle, 
the  response  has  been  satisfactory,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
when  peace  is  restored  and  more  attention  can  again  be  paid  to  the  newer 
developments  of  education,  this  work  will  spread  and  prove  of  real  service 
to  the  Empire. 

Of  an  entirely  different  nature,  yet  nevertheless  of  Imperial  use,  was  the 
establishment  of  the  St.  Helena  Government  Lace  School  in  1907,  for  which 
the  Colonial  Office  made  a  grant  to  the  island.  The  school  has  provided  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  women  and  girls  with  employment  who  otherwise  would 
have  suffered  severely  on  the  removal  of  the  garrison  in  1906.  Much  progress 
has  been  made  in  the  skill  of  the  workers  and  the  beauty  of  the  lace,  the  latter 
largely  owing  to  the  valuable  patterns  of  lace  and  embroidery  presented  to 
the  school  by  Countess  Bathurst  and  Lady  Anipthill.  The  Queen  has  graciously 
interested  herself  in  the  industry  and  thus  helped  to  secure  its  success.  The 
League  acts  as  agent  for  the  school  by  desire  of  the  Colonial  Office,  and  speci- 
mens of  the  work  may  always  be  seen  at  the  Central  Offices,  28  Buckingham 
Gate. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  Comrade  Correspondence  Branch, 
the  earliest  work  undertaken  by  the  League.  This  Branch  now  numbers 
over  thirty  thousand  members,  and  new  applicants  from  all  parts  of  the 

3  D  2 


740      KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT. 

Empire  are  every  day  asking  for  "A  Comrade  Correspondent."  Some  of 
those  who  became  friends  on  paper  years  ago  have  maintained  the  mutual 
interchange  of  news,  and  in  several  cases  have  met  face  to  face  in  London. 
Specimens  of  all  kinds,  picture  post-cards,  flags,  &c.,  have  been  exchanged,  and 
some  really  delightful  letters  of  gratitude  both  from  teachers  and  scholars  have 
been  received  at  the  office.  Soon  after  the  outbreak  of  War,  the  Director  of 
Education  for  South  Australia  dispatched  to  the  League  in  the  troopship 
conveying  the  Australian  War  Contingent  over  eight  hundred  letters  sent  by 
pupils  in  the  schools  under  his  jurisdiction,  eager  to  find  comrades  to  tell  them 
of  the  War.  So  are  children,  scattered  all  over  the  Empire,  learning  to  become 
one  united  family  and  to  take  interest  in  each  other  and  in  the  very  varied 
conditions  of  each  other's  lives. 

For  many  years  the  League  had  its  headquarters  at  Caxton  Hall  ;  in  1913, 
however,  owing  to  the  generosity  of  the  late  Sir  Robert  Lucas-Tooth,  the 
League  was  enabled  to  take  a  good  old  house  in  Buckingham  Gate,  serving 
the  double  purpose  of  central  offices  and  of  a  "  Home  Centre  "  Club.  A  good 
deal  of  pleasant  social  intercourse  between  those  living  in  different  parts  of 
the  Empire  has  been  the  happy  result.  A  reference  library  in  connection 
with  the  Imperial  history  work  is  being  formed,  and  during  the  winter  sessions 
courses  of  lectures  on  subjects  of  current  interest  are  held. 

At  Lord  Meath's  instance  the  League  has  furthered  the  keeping  of  Empire 
Day.  In  London  the  celebration  has  for  many  years  taken  the  form  of  a  parade 
in  Hyde  Park,  at  which  the  late  Lord  Roberts  took  the  salute  and  the  various 
boys'  brigades  co-operated.  This  year,  owing  to  the  War,  an  Empire  Day 
service  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  took  the  place  of  the  parade. 

Enough  has  been  said  of  the  League's  activities  to. show  that  it  is  performing 
a  useful  part  in  the  work  of  Imperial  unity.  It  remains  to  give  a  brief  account 
of  its  organisation  and  practical  working.  The  Federal  Council  in  London, 
presided  over  by  Sir  Philip  Hutchins,  K.C.S.I.,  consists  of  various  representa- 
tives of  educational  associations,  together  with  men  and  women  well  known 
for  their  interest  in  education  and  empire  matters.  Throughout  the  Empire 
there  are  representative  members,  the  majority  of  whom  occupy  Government 
positions.  Among  the  Vice-Presidents  are  Lord  Curzon,  Sir  Charles  Lyall, 
the  Earl  of  Meath,  Sir  Gilbert  Parker,  the  Earl  of  Selborne,  and  the  High 
Commissioners  and  Agents -General  of  the  different  Dominions. 
'&".  The  terms  of  subscription  are  kept  as  low  as  possible  so  that  the  membership 
may  be  thoroughly  democratic  ;  councillors  pay  £1  Is.,  and  members  a  minimum 
subscription  of  5s.  (which  includes  the  receipt  of  the  magazine).  For  school 
affiliation  a  fee  of  5s  is  charged,while  Is.  only  is  charged  to  those  who  merely  desire 
to  join  the  Imperial  Union  of  Teachers.  Associates  pay  Is.  and  6d.,  according 
as  they  are  under  or  over  sixteen  years  of  age.  In  addition  to  the  central 
body  in  England  there  are  flourishing  branches  of  the  League  throughout  the 
Empire,  numbering  in  some  cases  a  membership  of  many  thousands.  The 
League  also  works  through  the  many  teachers'  associations  affiliated  to  the 
League  throughout  the  Empire. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      741 

As  is  the  case  with  all  societies,  war  work  has  during  the  last  year  taken  great 
precedence  over  all  else.  At  the  outbreak,  the  club  was  immediately  utilised 
for  various  special  purposes,  lectures  under  the  auspices  of  the  St.  John's  Ambu- 
lance Association  being  given  by  many  doctor  friends  of  the  League,  both  from 
Overseas  and  in  Great  Britain,  while  working  parties  and  sales  of  work  have 
enabled  the  Council  to  send  large  weekly  consignments  of  comforts  to  soldiers 
and  sailors  at  the  Front,  in  the  hospitals,  and  to  the  various  camps.  Gifts 
have  not  by  any  means  been  confined  to  the  Imperial  troops,  but  have  been 
made  to  those  of  the  allied  nations,  and  in  addition  help  has  been  rendered  to 
institutions  seriously  affected  by  the  War  and  to  many  private  individuals. 
The  demand  for  help,  especially  for  the  wounded  and  the  prisoners,  seems  as 
great  as  ever,  and  only  the  generosity  of  members  enables  the  League  to  continue 
this  most  necessary  work.  Where  so  many  have  co-operated  it  would  be 
invidious  to  single  out  any  one  helper  for  special  gratitude,  but  reference  may 
perhaps  be  permitted  to  the  Imperial  Order  of  the  Daughters  of  the  British 
Empire  in  America,  a  society  of  women  of  British  birth,  who  made  the  League 
their  distributing  agent  and  by  their  generosity  so  greatly  extended  the  circle 
of  the  League's  efforts.  We  are  glad  to  record  that  the  League's  war  work 
has  been  much  appreciated  by  the  members,  and  that  during  the  last  twelve- 
month our  numbers  have  steadily  increased. 

Children  also  have  taken  their  part.  In  England  many  schools  have  been 
working  for  the  League.  From  Canadian  schools  have  come  news  budgets  for 
the  troops  to  the  number  of  many  hundreds  weekly,  from  Australian  comrades 
have  come  gifts  of  money  for  the  soldiers'  comfort. 

From  the  British  Society  in  the  Argentine,  recently  affiliated  with  the  League 
of  the  Empire,  comes  the  large  gift  of  an  aeroplane  for  the  British  Government. 

All  this  has  been  done  with  no  permanent  endowment,  save  Sir  Eobert  Lucas- 
Tooth's  benefaction,  and  by  the  zealous  co-operation  of  voluntary  helpers 
in  all  parts  of  the  Empire  who  have  found  a  rallying  point  in  the  League.  Indeed, 
the  League  has  practically  no  capital.  It  does  not  aim  at  distributing  centralised 
funds,  though  it  has  undertaken  the  administration  of  gifts  devoted  to  special 
purposes,  like  the  Spitzel  fund  mentioned  above.  Our  aim  is  to  be  an  unofficial 
though  recognised  Intelligence  Department  for  education  authorities  throughout 
the  King's  dominions,  and  we  trust  that  after  the  War  the  gratifying  progress 
already  made  will  be  continued  on  a  larger  scale  and  at  an  increasing  rate. 

The  information  given  in  the  above  review,  which  it  has  been  necessary  to 
compile  at  very  short  notice,  has  been  brought  together  by  our  Hon.  Secretary, 
Mrs.  Ord  Marshall. 

FREDERICK  POLLOCK 
(President  of  the  League  of  the  Empire). 


742 


COLONISATION  WITHIN  THE  EMPIRE. 

CANADA  GENERALLY  AND  THE  COASTAL  BELT  OF  BRITISH  COLUMBIA 

IN  PARTICULAR. 

IT  is  not  going  to  be  an  easy  matter  to  adjust  the  nation's  affairs  to  peace 
conditions  when  the  War  is  over.  There  will  be  great  unrest  amongst  most 
men  who  have  served  in  the  Army  and  Navy.  Many  who  have  the  means 
and  opportunities  will  never  stand  the  going  back  to  their  former  over-civi- 
lised lives,  while  those  who  have  nothing  but  their  youth  and  energy  will  be 
dissatisfied  with  the  dull  outlook  of  the  office  and  the  factory,  and  the  dread 
monotony  and  the  futureless  existence  that  the  work  of  an  agricultural 
labourer  offers  in  over -crowded  England.  Now  these  men  are  our  best,  for 
the  very  best  of  our  manhood  is  fighting.  It  is  "  up  to  "  our  leaders — be  they 
the  present  Government  or  men  with  leisure  and  a  surplus  of  this  world's 
wealth — to  see  that  these  men  do  not  make  shipwreck  of  their  lives.  If  these 
men  are  given  encouragement  to  settle  in  such  parts  of  the  Empire  where 
they  can  have  their  women  with  them,  have  an  ultimate  reward  for  their  efforts 
and  a  future  for  their  children,  they  will  not  be  lost  to  England. 

Every  British  colony  will  be  bidding  for  these  men.  The  man -catcher 
in  the  shape  of  the  shipping  company,  and  the  seller  of  real  estate,  will  strain 
every  effort  for  what  scheme  they  themselves  favour  and  which  will  bring 
profit  to  themselves.  Every  colony  has  much  to  offer,  and  I  would  gladly  help 
settlement  in  every  part  of  the  Empire  where  the  climate  admits  of  the  race 
being  able  to  breed  true  to  type.  However,  after  over  twenty  years  of  travel 
and  pioneer  work  ahead  of  developments,  I  unhesitatingly  give  my  preference 
to  Canada,  especially  its  seaboard  provinces,  New  Brunswick  and  British 
Columbia.  The  settlement  of  the  coastal  belt  of  the  latter  province  is  the 
main  object  of  this  article. 

Before  discussing  these  two  settlement  areas — New  Brunswick  and  the 
Coastal  Belt  of  British  Columbia,  both  eminently  suitable  for  men  from 
the  British  Isles — it  is  worth  while  comparing  the  two  great  undeveloped  areas 
of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  Canada  and  Siberia 

In  the  last  twenty  years  the  population  of  Siberia  has  increased  five-fold, 
while  the  population  of  Canada  has  little  more  than  doubled.  Now,  from  a 
geographical  and  economic  point  of  view,  Canada  is  a  much  easier  country 
to  develop  than  Siberia.  In  the  first  place,  when  the  railway  communications 
are  complete  no  point  in  Canada  will  be  more  than  forty-eight  hours  from  an 
ocean  shipping  port.  In  the  second  place,  Canada  will  have  better  access  to 
world  markets.  The  development  of  Siberia  is  a  very  difficult  problem. 
Develop  it  how  you  like,  and  you  will  find  an  enormous  area  of  country  that 
will  be  five  days  from  a  seaport.  It  can  have  no  direct  trade  with  the  south 
(India,  Burma,  Straits  Settlements  &c.)  on  account  of  impenetrable  mountain 
ranges  ;  and  the  fact  that  its  rivers  run  north  and  south  may  mean  excessive 
competition  with  its  railways,  which  must  run  east  and  west.  As  far  as 
natural  resources  go,  Canada  has  the  advantage  on  account  of  the  fabulous 


COLONISATION  WITHIN  THE  EMPIRE.          743 

wealth  of  her  Pacific  seaboard,  which  has  the  ideal  climate  of  the  tem- 
perate zone.  In  only  one  way  has  Siberia  any  advantage  over  Canada  :  that 
is,  in  her  wealth  of  bird  life,  an  economic  fact  due  to  the  cultivation  of  Europe 
and  Asia.  The  various  Governments  of  both  countries  have  been  equally 
prodigal  in  alienating  into  private  hands  their  resources.  It  is  no  cheaper 
to  reach  Siberia  from  Eussia  than  it  is  to  reach  Canada  from  Europe.  Why, 
then,  has  Siberia  beaten  Canada  ?  Not  because  the  Eussian  breeds  faster, 
nor  because  many  Canadians  have  worked  in  the  United  States,  but  almost 
entirely  because  (on  account  of  the  selling  and  reselling  of  real  estate 
and  natural  resources)  of  not  using  money  for  (its  only  proper  purpose  in 
a  new  country)  development  work.  This  excess  of  selling  undeveloped  real 
estate,  with  its  concomitant  political  and  commercial  corruption,  would 
wreck  the  richest  country  in  the  world.  No  wonder  that  it  has  held  back 
Canada  and  given  her  a  bad  name  in  the  financial  centres  of  the  world. 

I  want,  therefore,  to  urge  that  any  scheme  which  is  taken  up  by  the  "  After 
the  War  Land  Settlement  Committee  "  under  the  auspices  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial 
Institute  should  not  be  based  on  the  idea  of  selling  real  estate  to  settlers.  Nor 
must  free  land  be  given,  for  the  reason  that  it  will  enable  the  settler  to  get  easy 
money  by  selling  his  holding.  I  believe  in  free  land,  but  titles  to  land  must 
only  be  given  after  an  adequate  amount  of  development  work  has  been  done. 

Settlement  schemes  in  any  part  of  Canada  should  take  into  account  racial, 
climatic,  and  economic  conditions.  Where  settlement  can  be  effected  under 
the  present  commercial  conditions  of  land-monopoly  and  money-lending,  I 
think  it  is  best  that  such  conditions  should  not  be  interfered  with.  Virtually 
the  whole  of  Canada  can  be  settled  by  these  methods  with  the  possible  exception 
of  New  Brunswick,  where  re-settlement  is  urgently  needed,  and  the  Coastal  Belt 
of  British  Columbia — the  great  unguarded  danger  spot  of  the  British  Empire. 
To  my  mind  it  is  as  important  to  effect  land-settlement  on  our  Pacific  seaboard 
as  it  was  in  the  past  to  have  prepared  for  war  with  Germany. 

The  settlement  of  the  seaboard  of  both  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  of 
Canada  is  a  matter  of  high  politics  to  ourselves,  the  greatest  carrying  nation 
in  the  world,  and  however  the  interior  development  takes  place,  the  rulers  of  her 
coasts  will  be  the  rulers  of  Canada,  whose  provinces  we  will  roughly  consider 
one  by  one. 

Prince  Edward  Island  is  too  small  to  be  considered  in  any  large  scheme. 
It  is  a  forest  country  with  access  to  the  Newfoundland  fisheries.  Possibly  it 
might  offer  some  scope  for  a  small  settlement  of  ex-sailors. 

New  Brunswick  I  deal  with  later. 

Quebec  is  essentially  French.  Whether  it  would  be  wise  to  import  a  number 
of  Britishers  into  such  a  country,  where  big  families  rule,  is  doubtful.  However,  as 
Montreal  is  fast  gaining  power  as  a  world -exchange  centre,  it  might  be  advisable 
to  influence  closer  English  settlement  in  its  immediate  vicinity,  so  that  it  could 
draw  on  intelligent  English-speaking  labour  for  its  future  world  development. 
Such  work,  I  think,  should  be  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  financial  groups  who 
are  building  up  Montreal,  and  whose  previous  experience  fits  them  to  carry  out 


744          COLONISATION  WITHIN  THE  EMPIRE. 

the  work  of  land-settlement — I  allude  especially  to  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Eailway  Company  and  their  coadjutors,  the  Bank  of  Montreal. 

Ontario  is  pre-eminently  the  English  province  of  the  older  settled  part  of 
Canada.  It  has  still  undeveloped  areas  of  forest  lands,  which  are  fairly  easily 
cleared.  Owing  to  parts  of  it  being  closely  settled,  and  on  account  of  the  pro- 
gress of  its  manufactures,  its  political  and  commercial  leaders  are  quite  capable 
of  developing  settlement  on  a  commercial  basis. 

The  three  prairie  provinces,  from  a  climatic  point  of  view,  are  very  much  the 
same.  In  the  south  they  are  all  grass  land,  which  turns  to  open  forest  in  the 
north,  and  then  dense  and  poorer  forest  with  occasional  open  patches  of  grass 
land.  About  four  per  cent,  of  the  prairie  area  is  under  cultivation.  Each 
province  is  very  inadequately  stocked  with  cattle  and  sheep.  Manitoba,  having 
a  very  small  agricultural  area,  offers  little  scope  for  further  colonisation.  Saskat- 
chewan, on  account  of  its  hotter  summers,  is  reputed  to  be  the  best  grain-growing 
province.  It  is  very  American,  and  it  has  been  largely  made  by  the  influx  of 
farmers  from  the  United  States.  Colonisation  schemes  other  than  those  on 
a  commercial  basis  (unless  undertaken  by  the  Dominion  Government  in  order 
to  combat  American  influence)  seem  to  be  unnecessary.  Alberta,  although 
more  liable  to  summer  frosts,  is  undoubtedly  the  best  of  the  prairie  provinces 
for  mixed  farming.  Much  of  it  is  the  bed  of  a  comparatively  recent  inland 
sea,  and  therefore  either  sour  stiff  clay  or  rich  alluvial  land,  which  will  never 
run  out.  As  far  as  resources  go  other  than  agricultural  land,  Saskatchewan 
has  only  a  very  small  coal  area  underlying  its  western  border,  while  Alberta 
is  one  vast  coalfield,  from  which  natural  gas  can  be  obtained  almost  anywhere 
by  boring,  and  coal-oil  (petroleum)  is  certain  to  be  found  in  abundance.  Inci- 
dentally I  hold  that  the  supply  of  oil  fuel  for  the  Navy  should  come  from  Alberta 
instead  of  Persia.  The  former  would  have  found  work  for  our  own  people,  while 
the  latter  does  not.  The  fact  that  Alberta  is  more  British  than  American, 
together  with  its  potential  resources,  should  make  it  appeal  to  young  men  with 
adequate  means  who  are  prepared  to  stand  the  rigours  of  the  prairie  winter  in 
order  to  get  out  with  a  fortune  after  ten  or  a  dozen  years.  Colonisation  in  all 
the  prairie  provinces  should  be  run  on  a  commercial  basis. 

Athabasca  and  the  Yukon  are  too  far  ahead  of  developments  to  describe. 
They  offer  chances  to  the  lucky  ones  amongst  the  pioneers. 

British  Columbia  is  so  u.nlike  the  rest  of  Canada,  and  its  conditions  so  varied, 
that  every  settlement  scheme  would  have  to  be  run  in  a  different  manner. 
Personally  I  have  been  bold  enough  to  attack  the  fruit-growing  business,* 
although  everyone — such  is  the  power  of  suggestion — connects  British 
Columbia  with  fruit-growing.  British  Columbia  is  really  two  distinct  coun- 
tries— (1)  the  country  between  the  Cascades  and  the  Eocky  Mountains, 
which  we  will  call  the  British  Columbian  Hinterland ;  (2)  the  Coastal  Belt  of 
British  Columbia. 

The  British  Columbian  Hinterland  can  be  roughly  divided  into  three  types 
of  country  which  gradually  merge  from  one  into  the  other  : 

*  See  British  Columbia  in  the  Making.     Constable  &  Co.,  publishers. 


COLONISATION   WITHIN  THE  EMPIRE.  745 

(a)  The  Southern  Desert. — A  highly  mineralised  country,  with  moun- 
tains, lakes,  ideal  scenery  and  a  very  pleasant  climate.  Much  of  it  has  been 
sold  as  fruit  land.  Mixed  farming,  however,  pays  better. 

(&)  The  Northern  Interior. — Open  forest  country,  with  occasional  hay 
meadows,  essentially  a  stockman's  country,  offers  enormous  scope  for  men 
with  adequate  capital  to  buy  cows  and  sheep  and  settle  down  as  graziers. 
There  are  extensive  areas  of  low-grade  alluvial  gold  deposits,  which  one  day 
will  be  worked  commercially. 

(c)  The  Great  Barren  Northland. — Beyond  the  limits  of  cultivation. 

Geographically,  although  the  country  is  the  same,  the  Coastal  Belt  can 
be  divided  into 

(a)  The  Queen  Charlotte  Archipelago  \  roughly  70,000  square  miles, 

(b)  The  Chain  of  Islands  I  all  densely  forested,  some 

(c)  Vancouver  Island  f  of  it  running  as  much  as 

(d)  The  fringe  of  mainland  )  400,000  sq.  ft.  timber  to  the  acre. 

(e)  The  submerged  plateau,  from  which  the  above  appear    as  mountain- 
tops.     There  are  180,000  square  miles  of  banks  ;    the  richest   fishing  ground 
in  the  world. 

(/)  The  Cascade  Range. — Eleven  hundred  miles  of  contact,  highly 
mineralised  on  the  contact  and  in  the  fissuring  of  the  sedimentary  rocks 
eastwards. 

It  is  this  Coastal  Belt  area  on  which  I  wish  to  secure  settlement,  for  not 
only  is  it  the  richest  country  in  the  world  as  far  as  potential  resources  go,  but 
parts  of  it  where  the  rainfall  is  not  excessive  have  the  ideal  climate  of  the 
temperate  zone.  On  its  successful  settlement  depends  the  Empire's  future  in 
the  Pacific  Ocean  as  a  world  power.  What  better  purpose  could  be 
served  than  in  making  it  a  home  for  some  thousands  of  our  ex-soldiers  and 
sailors  who  want  to  get  out  of  England  when  the  War  is  over  ?  The  problem 
of  settlement  is  the  problem  of  land-clearing  and  finance. 

Before  going  into  this  question  I  must  return  to  New  Brunswick,  which 
I  omitted  in  my  description  of  the  Canadian  provinces.  The  conditions  in 
New  Brunswick  are  very  much  the  same  as  in  the  Eastern  United  States.  A 
long  winter,  but  not  rigorous  like  the  prairie.  Towns,  villages,  and  farms 
much  as  in  the  adjoining  State  of  Maine,  but  with  this  exception,  that  there 
are  hardly  any  young  men,  for  nearly  all  have  gone  west  or  to  the 
States.  There  is  not  enough  labour  in  the  province  to  keep  the  farms  clear 
of  weeds.  Old  men  who  have  worked  hard  all  their  lives  have  none  to  take 
their  place,  and  they  want  to  sell  out  and  spend  their  declining  days  in  ease. 
The  result  is  that  the  country  is  going  backward,  in  spite  of  its  being  already 
developed  and  having  access  to  seaboard  and  markets.  Cleared  land  with 
buildings  on  it  can  be  bought  at  prices  ranging  from  £2  an  acre  upwards — 
the  cheaper  land  naturally  being  a  mass  of  weeds.  Logged-off  land  can  be 
secured  for  almost  nothing.  This  land  is  very  easily  cleared,  as  much  of  it 
is  hardwoods,  the  stumps  of  which  will  rot  out  in  five  to  seven  years'  time. 
It  seems  too  absurd  that  this  is  not  known  in  England,  for  if  it  were  I  am 


746          COLONISATION  WITHIN  THE  EMPIRE. 

certain  that  many  men  would  purchase  properties  in  New  Brunswick  and 
settle  people  out  there.  Anyhow,  after  the  War  it  should  appeal  very  strongly 
to  British  settlers.  The  problem  is  not  a  difficult  one,  as  it  is  only  a  problem 
of  re-settlement,  which  is  very  much  easier  than  starting  absolutely  at  the 
beginning. 

I  have  tried  to  show  that  every  part  of  Canada  can  be  settled  on  a  legiti- 
mate commercial  basis  with  one  exception.  This  is  the  Coastal  Belt  of 
British  Columbia.  This  area  is  already  importing  over  £3,000,000  worth  of 
agricultural  produce  annually.  Industries  in  their  infant  state  have  already 
beaten  agriculture.  British  Columbian  industries  on  the  Coastal  Belt  have  barely 
started.  The  forests  will  serve  to  furnish  more  than  all  the  sleepers  required 
to  develop  all  the  railway  communications  of  China,  as  well  as  all  the  rail- 
ways to  be  built  in  Canada.  The  submerged  plateau  is  the  richest  fishing 
ground  in  the  world.  The  salmon  is  quite  a  minor  quantity  compared  with  the 
halibut,  herring,  and  other  food  fishes,  to  say  nothing  of  the  fish  destroyers,  all 
oil-bearers.  There  are  no  markets  at  present  for  the  fish  in  Canada,  and  the  Fish 
Trust  of  the  States  will  not  allow  British  Columbian  fish  to  be  sold  there. 
The  markets  which  will  have  to  be  built  up  are  the  Straits  Settlements,  South 
America,  China  and  Japan.  The  Cascade  range  contains  mineral  wealth 
a  little  short  of  fabulous.  I  have  seen  one  low-grade  ore  body  alone — 
the  financiers  who  tried  to  handle  it  were  very  crooked — from  which  could 
be  won  up  to  water-level  values  as  under  : 

Gold,  £400,000,000. 

Silver,  £400,000,000. 

Lead,  100  million  tons. 

That  was  in  a  fissure  vein  off  this  wonderful  line  of  contact,  wliicli  contact 
is  1100  miles  long  and  virtually  absolutely  unprospected. 

With  all  this  marvellous  wealth,  which  will  require  time,  money,  and  the 
finding  of  markets  to  develop,  it  is  heart-breaking  that  no  true  attempt  has  been 
made  to  colonise  the  Coastal  Belt  of  British  Columbia.  In  the  past  we  lost  the 
States  of  Washington  and  Oregon  owing  to  the  enterprise  of  American  land 
speculators.  We  are  in  danger  already  of  losing  the  fishing  industry  to  the 
Japanese,  and  possibly  other  industries  as  well,  because  we  have  not  a  resident 
population  of  our  own  people,  although  much  of  the  Coastal  Belt  has  the  ideal 
climate  of  the  temperate  zone — 23  inches  rainfall,  no  high  winds  and  no  thunder- 
storms, mean  winter  temperature  40  F.°  and  summer  60  F.° 

Why  has  not  the  Coastal  Belt  of  British  Columbia  settled  up  ?  The  answer 
is  a  simple  one.  That  it  does  not  pay  to  clear  land,  or  rather  that  people  can  find 
better  value  for  money  than  expending  it  in  clearing  land.  During  the  three 
years  I  spent  in  British  Columbia  I  not  only  studied  land-clearing,  but  I  also 
did  some  land -clearing  work  myself.  Since  my  return  to  England  I  tried  to 
tackle  the  problem  through  a  well-known  firm  of  makers  of  heavy  machinery, 
who  have  probably  a  greater  knowledge  of  land-clearing  and  its  cost  than  any 
other  firm  in  the  world.  On  the  Pacific  coast  I  put  down  the  cost  of  clearing 
heavily  timbered  land  at  £28  an  acre,  but  I  saw  that  by  improved  methods 


TAKING   OF   GERMAN   SOUTH-WEST   AFRICA.     747 

this  cost  could  be  halved  at  least,  and  therefore  I  base  any  calculations  at  £15 
an  acre.  I  dealt  with  the  whole  of  this  problem  in  my  book,  "  British  Columbia 
in  the  Making,"  and,  given  efficiency,  my  figure  of  £15  an  acre  may  be  taken 
as  a  maximum.  Possibly  with  adequate  capital  the  cost  might  be  got  down 
to  £10  an  acre. 

The  problem  of  land-settlement  is  not  such  a  difficult  one.  The  Govern- 
ment of  British  Columbia  would  undoubtedly  give  land  to  any  sound  scheme. 
Money  would  be  required  to  design  and  make  in  England  good  land-clearing 
plants,  and  also  to  purchase  explosives  and  a  good  motor  freighter.  For  seven 
months  of  the  year  work  could  be  found  for  the  settlers  in  the  various  industries, 
and  for  the  other  five  months  they  could  work  under  discipline  on  clearing 
land  of  which  they  would  become  the  eventual  owners  or,  perhaps  better,  feudal 
tenants  of  the  Crown. 

The  success  of  any  settlement  scheme  depends  not  only  on  cheap  or  free  land, 
adequate  money  to  "  start  in,"  but  also  on  good  leadership.  In  the  older  settled 
countries  where  leadership  is  a  question  largely  of  inherited  power,of  plausibility, 
or  of  favouritism,  the  true  value  of  leadership  is  little  understood.  A  good 
leader  must  not  only  come  up  to  the  highest  definition  of  an  English  gentleman, 
but  he  must  be  able  to  enforce  his  authority  by  his  personality,  straightness, 
and  capacity  to  do  work  as  well  as  or  better  than  any  of  those  under  him.  Nor 
must  he  forget  that  not  only  does  the  success  or  failure  of  any  scheme  depend 
entirely  on  him,  but  also  that  those  under  him  must  be  allowed  to  mix  freely 
together  and  also  have  good  cooking.  For  this  last  reason,  if  for  no  other, 
settlers  should  have  their  women  with  them,  even  if  it  entails  a  little  roughing 
it  for  the  women  at  first. 

In  concluding  my  article  I  appeal  most^strongly  to  the  British  Government 
and  to  all  who  are  interested  in  the  building  up  of  Empire  to  help  any  scheme  put 
forward  under  sound  auspices  for  settling  our  ex-soldiers  and  sailors  after  the 
War  on  the  Coastal  Belt  of  British  Columbia. 

J.  B.  THORNHILL. 

THE  TAKING  OF  GERMAN  SOUTH-WEST  AFRICA. 

THE  record  of  the  Union  forces  in  German  South- West  Africa  receives  an 
added  interest  from  the  preparations  now  being  made  for  the  dispatch  of  a 
South  African  Contingent  to  Europe.  And,  as  it  happens,  the  story  of  the 
campaign  has  been  told — at  the  banquet  given  to  General  Botha  at  Cape 
Town  on  July  '24 — by  the  two  men  most  capable  of  telling  it,  General  Botha 
himself  and  Major-General  Smuts,  who  was  the  Union  Defence  Minister  and 
Commander-in- Chief  of  the  Southern  forces.  Both  speeches  reveal  the  for- 
midable character  of  the  German  intrigues,  the  special  difficulties  by  which 
the  Union  Government  was  beset,  and  the  skill  and  resolution  needed  to  crush 
the  Kebellion  at  home  and  defeat  the  enemy  in  his  own  vast  and  waterless 
territories. 


748     TAKING   OF    GERMAN    SOUTH-WEST  AFRICA. 

General  Smuts,  who,  as  Defence  Minister,  was  responsible  for  the  transport 
and  equipment  of  the  forces  employed,  tells  us  the  circumstances  by  which 
the  Union  offensive  was  so  long  delayed  and  the  strategy  of  the  actual 
campaign.  These  circumstances  were  :  (1)  the  Eebellion,  (2)  the  temporary 
loss  of  the  command  of  the  sea  by  the  British  Navy,  and  (3)  the  "  infancy  " 
of  the  Union  Defence  system. 

THREE  CAUSES  OF  DELAY. 

(1)  The  Rebellion  was  the  German  offensive.     It  was  not  until  the  rebels 
were  crushed  and  the  German  plans  for  concerted  action  with  them  definitely 
foiled,  that  the  enemy  was  driven  to  the  defensive.     In  the  meantime  the 
Union    had    to    feed    the    troops    which    were    already    landed    in    South- 
West  Africa,  but  could  make  no  headway  there  ;     arid  thus  the  Rebellion, 
besides  causing  the  loss  of  many  valuable  lives  and  an  additional  expenditure 
of  some  millions  of  pounds,  "  put  them  out  by  three  or  four  months." 

(2)  The  fact  that  the  British  Navy  had  (virtually)  obtained  command  of 
the  sea  at  the  outset  of  the  war  determined  the  character  of  the  Union  offen- 
sive.   By  enabling  troops  to  be  transported  by  sea  to  the  enemy's  territory, 
it  made  the  conflict  a  "  war  oversea."     The  most  important  part  of  this  cam- 
paign was  conducted  oversea,  said  General  Smuts. 

...  as  I  know,  and  as  General  Botha  has  said,  but  for  the  supremacy  which  the 
Navy  could  maintain  in  these  southern  seas,  the  campaign  in  German  South- West 
would  have  been,  I  will  not  say  impossible,  but  one  of  extreme  difficulty  :  that  is 
to  say,  we  should  have  had  to  confine  our  operations  very  largely  to  working  inland 
from  the  south  and  east. 

But  when  the  British  Pacific  Squadron  was  defeated  by  Von  Spee  off  the 
coast  of  Chile,  the  Union  Government  had  "  to  call  a  halt  and  stand  fast 
until  the  British  Navy  had  asserted  its  supremacy."  Thus  Admiral  Craddock's 
defeat  caused  a  delay  of  "at  least  six  weeks  "  more ;  but  it  "  also  showed 
the  close  association  between  sea-power  and  this  campaign." 

(3)  The  Union  Defence  Act  was  passed  only  in  1912.     The  military  organi- 
sation of  the  Union,  therefore,  was  in  its  infancy  "  when  the  storm  burst  over 
the  world  and  South  Africa  "  ;    it  was  intended  to  defend  the  country,  and 
not  "  to  meet  an  emergency  such  as  they  had  passed  through."     In  respect 
both  of  personnel  and  equipment,  General  Smuts  had  to  rely  almost  entirely 
upon   South   African  supplies.     Complaints   about   bad   boots,  that   helmets 
did  not,  fit,  that  tunics  were  not  the  proper  colour,  that  saddles  were   not  of 
the  highest  quality — these  and  a  dozen  other  complaints  were  "  hurled    at 
him  "  ;    but  "  we  made  bricks  without  straw,"  he  said  :    "  we  struggled  on 
without  experts  and  without  a  staff,  the  few  of  us,  and  we  have    struggled 
successfully."    Moreover,  the  system  of  the  Defence  Act  was  justified  by  the 
results  obtained.    The  whole  of  the  Southern  campaign  was  conducted  almost 


TAKING   OF   GERMAN   SOUTH-WEST    AFRICA.     749 

entirely  with  the  Active  Citizen  Force.  "  They  came  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union,  and  they  made  marches  which  compare  favourably  with  those  of  Botha's 
veterans  in  the  North." 

At  the  same  time  the  infancy  of  the  Union  fighting  machine  was  directly 
responsible  for  the  third  and  last  cause  of  delay.  In  March,  after  the  battle 
of  Jackalswater  and  the  capture  of  Kiet,  when  the  real  German  line  of  defence 
was  broken  down,  General  Botha  called  for  transport  to  move  on  at  once. 
But  at  that  time  the  Defence  Department  had  not  got  the  necessary  transport, 
and  even  if  they  could  have  supplied  it  they  had  not  got  the  ships  to  carry  it 
to  Walvis  Bay.  This  inability  of  the  Department  to  cope  with  the  situation 
delayed  the  conquest  of  German  South  West- Africa  by  another  two  months. 
"  If  General  Botha  had  been  provided  with  sufficient  transport  to  follow  up 
that  important  victory,"  said  General  Smuts,  "  the  campaign  would  have 
been  over  early  in  May  instead  of  in  July." 

THE  UNION  OFFENSIVE. 

The  strategy  of  the  actual  campaign  in  German  South- West  Africa  was 
determined  by  the  nature  of  the  country.  In  extent  half  as  large  again  as 
Germany,  with  the  cultivated  areas,  and  the  few  railways  not  destroyed  by 
the  Germans,  protected  by  vast  waterless  tracts,  it  was  "  by  nature  made 
almost  impregnable  for  defence  purposes."  Thus  the  strength  of  the  force 
to  be  employed  in  any  one  area  was  limited  to  the  number  of  men  and  horses 
which  the  water-supply  would  support ;  while  at  the  same  time  a  force  thus 
limited  was  liable  to  be  destroyed  or  captured  (as  happened  at  Sandfontein) 
by  a  rapid  concentration  of  the  enemy.  In  short,  while  the  Union  autho- 
rities could,  and  did,  put  forces  far  more  numerous  than  the  Germans  into 
the  field,  they  were  unable  to  rely  upon  their  mere  numerical  superiority  ; 
since,  in  the  words  of  a  German  officer  captured  at  Seeheim,  "  the  country 
itself  was  a  big  army."  It  was  in  view  of  these  conditions  that  the  decision 
was  taken  "  to  attack  the  country  from  five  different  points,  in  order  that 
it  should  not  be  necessary  to  concentrate  too  large  a  force  upon  any  particular 
line  of  advance.  In  that  way  there  was  a  possibility  of  getting  a  large  force 
into  the  country,  and,  although  it  was  a  very  dangerous  policy,  in  the  end 
it  succeeded."  If  the  Germans  could  have  concentrated  the  whole  of  their 
forces  against  any  one  of  these  five  Union  forces,  the  result  might  have  been 
"  disaster."  But  disaster  did  not  come,  although  the  difficulties  were  very 
great.  The  force  which  crossed  the  Kalahari  desert  had  to  traverse  120  miles 
"  where  not  a  drop  of  water  was  to  be  found."  This  difficulty,  said  General 
Smuts,  was  overcome  ultimately  by  establishing  intermediate  water  stations 
and  by  motor  cars. 

We  had  a  big  water  site  at  one  point  and  another  120  miles  farther  on.  Two 
intermediate  stations  were  established  between  these  two  points,  and  the  water  was 
carried  by  motors  by  forty-mile  jumps,  and  by  these  forty-mile  jumps  this  whole 
force  could  be  carried  across  the  Kalahari. 


750     TAKING   OF   GERMAN  SOUTH-WEST   AFRICA. 

TACTICS. 

General  Botha  dealt  mainly  with  the  broad  political  issues  of  the  crisis, 
but  he  had  something  to  say  about  the  tactics  of  the  campaign.  After  the 
battle  of  Eiet  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  enemy 

were  not  unwilling  to  fight,  but  that  they  wanted  the  country  to  fight  for  them.  They 
relied  upon  retiring,  and,  as  they  did  so,  destroying  the  water,  removing  all  the  cattle, 
and  making  the  country  through  which  the  Union  force  had  to  pass  a  barren  desert. 
It  became  clear  that  the  only  way  to  achieve  success  would  be  to  adopt  wide  flanking 
movements,  and,  by  getting  behind  the  enemy  forces,  compel  them  to  stand. 

General  Botha  decided,  therefore,  to  leave  the  wagons  behind,  and  let  the 
force  take  its  chance  of  what  it  might  find  ;  and  in  these  circumstances  it 
is  not  surprising  that  he  found  it  "a  great  pleasure  "  to  work  with  com- 
mandos who  were  "  prepared  to  live  for  ten,  twelve,  or  fourteen  days  on  nothing 
but  mealies." 

THE  POLITICAL  ISSUES. 

The  issues  of  the  struggle  are  quite  clear  to  General  Botha.  The  cam- 
paign in  South- West  Africa  was  undertaken  "  for  the  same  reasons  as  hostilities 
were  entered  upon  by  the  Imperial  Government  against  Germany — to  main- 
tain the  principles  of  truth  and  justice,  and  the  honour  once  pledged  by  a 
nation."  In  the  case  of  South  Africa  there  was  no  question  of  Germany's  guilt 
or  of  her  plans  for  the  future.  What  was  in  the  minds  of  the  Germans  was 
shown  by  a  map  found  in  German  South- West,  on  which  the  changes  brought 
about  by  a  supposed  peace,  concluded  in  Eome  in  1916,  had  been  marked  by 
an  educated  German.  In  it  the  whole  of  Africa  south  of  the  Equator  was 
marked  "  Greater  Germany  "  ;  there  was,  however,  a  small  portion  marked 
as  a  "  Boer  Eeservation."  Maritz  commenced  to  negotiate  with  the  Gover- 
nor of  German  South- West  in  1913.  Before  the  War  broke  out  he  sent  to 
ascertain  what  arms  and  ammunition  could  be  placed  at  his  disposal ;  and 
he  further  inquired  how  far  the  independence  of  the  Union  would  be  guaranteed. 
The  Kaiser,  through  the  Governor  of  German  South- West,  replied  that  he 
would  not  only  acknowledge  the  independence  of  South  Africa,  but  would 
even  guarantee  it,  provided  the  rebellion  was  started  immediately. 

When  one  hears  of  such  a  guarantee  [said  General  Botha]  one  is  inclined  to  say 
"  Poor  Flanders."  In  German  South- West  it  was  openly  admitted  that  the  Germans 
did  all  they  could  to  foster  the  Rebellion  in  the  Union,  in  the  first  place  to  prevent  us 
getting  to  German  West,  and  in  the  second  to  make  it  impossible  for  us  to  render 
assistance  to  the  Imperial  Government  in  Europe.  .  .  .  Thank  God  these  evil  designs 
in  regard  to  our  country  were  frustrated.  So  long  as  the  people  of  South  Africa 
maintain  their  honour,  we  shall  have  nothing  to  fear  in  regard  to  our  future. 

THE  UNION  MUST  KEEP  THE  COUNTRY. 

German  South- West  Africa  once  taken  must  be  kept.  Apart  from  the 
risk  of  further  intrigues,  the  Union  must  hold  the  country,  if  only  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  ill-treatment  of  the  natives  by  their  German  masters.  The 


THE  AUSTRALIANS   IN  LITERATURE.  751 

Hereros,  Damaras,  and  other  natives  looked  upon  the  advent  of  the  Union 
forces  as  a  deliverance  :  to-day  they  look  to  the  Union  for  protection.  "  I 
have  been  filled  with  disgust  and  horror,"  said  General  Botha,  "  to  find  how 
little  value  is  placed  on  the  life  of  a  native  by  the  Germans."  Their  own 
official  figures  showed  that  they  had  killed  21,000  Hereros.  Among  instances 
of  ill-treatment  during  the  campaign  General  Botha  mentioned  the  case  of 
the  half-caste,  Cornelius  van  Wyk,  whose  house  was  entered,  his  little  son 
killed,  and  his  young  daughter  afterwards  shot  in  cold  blood  by  the  Germans. 
People  with  such  a  native  policy,  he  concluded,  "  constituted  a  danger  to 
the  Union,  and  a  sore  in  our  side  which  could  not  be  allowed  to  remain." 

W.  BASIL  WORSFOLD. 

[Note. — The  extracts  from  the  speeches  are  taken  from  the   report   of   the  banquet  which 
appeared  in  the  Cape  Times  of  July  26.] 


THE  AUSTRALIANS  IN  LITERATURE  :  A  GLANCE  AT  A  COLONIAL 

PRODUCT. 

WE  all  know  what  the  Australians  have  done  on  the  fields  of  cricket.  There 
is  no  disputing  it ;  they  have  been  worthy  rivals,  at  times  superiors,  of  the  Old 
Country.  In  football  also  they  came  across  the  water  and  made  a  triumphal 
progress.  More  recently,  we  have  seen  them  in  the  sterner  business  of  war, 
and  have  known  the  glorious  promptitude,  the  heroic,  unhesitant  daring,  with 
which  they  responded  to  the  call  of  the  Motherland.  So  evenly  are  human 
qualities  developed  in  sport  and  in  matters  of  grim  earnest,  we  could  have 
foretold  their  bearing  on  the  battlefield  from  their  accomplishments  on  the 
fields  of  sport.  With  the  Australia  of  sport  and  of  commerce  we  may  claim 
to  be  fairly  well  acquainted,  and  the  young  country  has  distinguished  herself 
brilliantly ;  but  of  literary  Australia  we  have  probably  made  small  inquiry. 
We  are  apt  to  take  colonial  literature  in  the  lump  with  that  of  Great  Britain, 
ignoring  its  different  environment  and  its  differing  tendencies ;  perhaps  we 
are  a  little  supercilious,  a  little  condescending,  when  we  deign  to  think  of 
Australian  or  Canadian  literature  as  a  thing  apart,  with  its  own  inspirations 
and  its  own  ideals.  Australia  is  so  young  that  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  literary 
conception  of  it  at  all ;  even  America  seems  like  a  child  when  the  test  of  literary 
attainment  is  applied.  But  in  the  present  day  each  new  country  is  like  a  child 
who  begins  where  its  parents  left  off ;  a  new  country  to-day,  reaping  the  full 
advantages  that  the  old  world  only  gained  by  centuries  of  labour,  has  not  to  make 
its  own  new  start,  but  enters  on  the  field  already  possessed  of  a  rich  inheritance. 
It  has  much  to  preserve,  and  something,  if  possible,  to  add.  In  some  degree 
these  advantages  bring  a  corresponding  loss  ;  even  if  the  subject-matter  of  the 
new  colonial  literature  be  fresh,  its  manner  is  likely  to  be  conventional  if  not 
imitative.  The  magnetism  of  a  great  model  may  not  only  lure  to  emulation, 
it  may  limit  and  hamper  developments  of  expression.  Yet,  in  ah1  such  things 


752  THE   AUSTRALIANS   IN   LITERATURE. 

as  these,  genius  takes  care  of  her  own  children ;  and  when  they  come  they  are  fitly 
equipped  in  expression  as  well  as  in  material.  But  the  average  man  in  a  young 
colony  is  not  very  likely  to  be  drawn  to  literature.  The  claims  of  the  moment  are 
so  insistent  that  any  of  life's  adornments  will  probably  be  neglected.  Men 
and  women  on  a  huge  ranch,  or  surrounded  with  the  manifold  toils  of  a  bush 
settlement,  have  small  leisure,  little  energy,  perhaps  little  inclination,  for  the 
intellectual  avocations  or  the  arts  ;  they  are  preparing  for  a  morrow  in  which 
such  pursuits  shall  become  natural  and  easy,  but  their  immediate  duty  is  the 
active  physical  exertion  of  the  pioneer.  We  must  never  expect  literature  to 
flourish  in  a  young  settlement  ;  questions  of  commodities,  of  production  and 
distribution,  must  seem  of  far  more  urgency.  Even  in  the  old-established 
countries  literature  is  regarded  more  as  a  luxury  or  a  personal  whim  than  a 
necessity.  To  some  extent  these  facts  must  have  affected  Australia's  literary 
results,  though  she  has  emerged  from  the  first  ardours  and  toils  of  her  infancy. 
And  yet  we  must  remember  that  hardly  a  century  of  history  lies  behind  this 
vast  growing  civilisation  of  to-day.  We  recall  those  delightful  letters  that 
Lamb  wrote  to  his  friend,  in  which  he  pretended  to  be  obsessed  by  the  idea 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Australia  were  still  all  thieves  and  pickpockets.  "  Do 
you  grow  your  own  hemp  ?  "  he  asked  with  sly  innuendo.  "  What  is  your 
staple  trade — exclusive  of  the  national  profession,  I  mean  ?  "  Australians 
can  smile  now,  and  bear  Elia  no  malice  ;  but  in  those  days  he  was  touching 
a  sore  spot ;  the  youthful  colony  was  indeed  founded  on  a  penal  settlement. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  merely  this  rough  convict- 
colony  in  the  south  ;  the  aborigines,  never  apparently  very  numerous,  wandered 
freely  over  other  parts,  a  type  of  human  nature  just  removed,  yet  at  an  unbridge- 
able distance,  from  the  animal.  It  is  a  dark  page  in  British  annals — the  story 
of  convict  settlements  is  always  unsavoury  and  distressful  reading  ;  and  a  man 
arose  who  has  given  us  a  living  picture  of  it.  It  would  not  be  correct  to  say  that 
Marcus  Clarke's  novel  "  For  the  Term  of  his  Natural  Life  "  is  the  most  typical 
Australian  book  that  has  yet  appeared,  for  the  work  simply  deals  with  Australia 
in  the  days  of  her  dark  infancy ;  but  certainly  it  is  the  most  powerful  work 
of  fiction  that  the  country  has  produced,  and  most  of  this  power  arises  from 
the  fact  that  the  fiction  is  substantially  truth.  Clarke  was  not  a  born  Australian, 
but  he  emigrated  to  Victoria  at  the  age  of  eighteen  and  soon  became  a  con- 
tributor to  the  local  press.  Besides  journalism  he  wrote  comedies,  sketches, 
burlesques  ;  but  we  chiefly  remember  him  for  the  novel  of  convict-life  which 
appeared  in  1874.  The  tale  is  a  realistic  picture  of  those  terrible  days  in 
Tasmania,  then  known  as  Van  Diemen's  Land — the  very  change  of  name  arose 
from  the  colonists'  wish  to  cast  away  all  trace  of  that  horror-stained  period. 
It  was  well  that  some  such  record  should  be  preserved  for  popular  perusal, 
if  only  as  a  warning  against  the  dangers  of  mistaken  penal  treatment.  The 
book  was  entirely  native-born,  and  it  appealed  to  Australians  as  no  other  work 
has  ever  done.  Clarke  did  his  work  faithfully,  as  if  he  had  been  writing  a  history ; 
he  burrowed  among  local  archives  :  he  found  the  actual  diary  of  an  early  prison- 
chaplain,  the  original  of  his  Eev.  James  North  ;  he  did  everything  possible 


THE   AUSTRALIANS    IN   LITERATURE.  753 

to  ensure  the  accuracy  and  completeness  of  his  picture.  These  things  that  he 
relates  actually  happened  ;  nothing  is  exaggerated  or  minimised  ;  it  is  a  book 
of  vivid  realism. 

But  Australian  fiction  had  been  fathered  at  an  earlier  date  by  another 
Englishman,  Henry  Kingsley,  one  of  a  most  gifted  family,  whose  tales  deal 
with  a  happier  aspect  of  the  young  colonial  days.  We  chiefly  see  pastoral 
Australia  in  Kingsley's  books  ;  they  give  us  the  free,  bracing  life  of  a  country 
just  awaking  to  the  activities  of  cattle-breeding  and  agriculture.  Clarke  himself, 
when  asked  to  write  a  book  dealing  with  the  old  pastoral  time,  said  that 
this  work  had  been  done  once  for  all  in  Kingsley's  "  Geoffrey  Hamlyn."  The 
author's  acquaintance  with  the  country  was  intimate  ;  he  knew  it  as  gold- 
digger,  mounted  policeman,  and  as  ranchman.  Australia  owes  a  debt  of 
grateful  remembrance  to  this  brilliant  writer,  whose  reputation  has  been  too 
largely  overshadowed  by  that  of  his  brother  ;  but  still  we  have  to  confess  that 
Henry  Kingsley's  finest  work  is  a  purely  English  novel,  his  "  Eavenshoe." 
What  he  did  for  early  Australia  in  his  fiction  was  done  by  another  novelist, 
Thomas  Alexander  Browne  (better  known  as  Eolf  Boldrewood),  in  his  volume 
entitled  "  Old  Melbourne  Memories."  Browne,  born  in  England  in  1826, 
was  educated  at  Sydney  University,  and  was  a  squatter  at  the  Victorian  gold- 
fields.  In  some  sense  he  was  a  disciple  of  Kingsley,  sharing  his  master's  haste 
and  occasional  slovenliness,  but  also  with  much  of  his  vigour  and  freshness. 
He  is  especially  the  novelist  of  the  bush,  but  his  "  Old  Melbourne  Memories  " 
is  a  book  of  delightful  prose  sketches,  giving  us  the  life  of  the  early  cattle  stations, 
and  is  quite  as  fascinating,  while  even  more  valuable,  than  his  fictions.  "  Eob- 
bery  under  Arms  "  has  run  through  numberless  editions,  and  been  presented 
to  the  public  in  many  different  forms  ;  we  have  to  read  these  books  to  know 
Australia,  though  it  is  an  Australia  of  the  past  rather  than  of  the  present. 

Another  popular  novelist  whom  we  have  ceased  to  regard  as  a  Colonial  is 
Mr.  Guy  Boothby,  who  was  born  at  Adelaide  in  1867,  and  has  travelled  the 
huge  island  from  end  to  end.  His  first  book,  "  On  the  Wallaby  "  (1894),  dealt 
partly  with  this  travel.  Since  then  he  has  almost  entirely  ceased  to  be  Colonial, 
though  of  course  all  his  work  owes  much  to  his  early  experiences.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  some  of  the  best  colonial-born  writers  have  attached  them- 
selves solely  to  the  old  country  in  their  work  ;  thus,  in  the  work  of  Mrs. 
Humphry  Ward  there  is  little  to  remind  the  reader  that  she  was  born  in  Tas- 
mania. On  the  other  hand,  a  book  may  be  born  in  a  colony  without  having 
other  claim  of  connection  ;  for  instance,  Mrs.  Caffyn,  better  known  as  Iota, 
is  an  Irishwoman,  but  she  wrote  her  "  Yellow  Aster  "  in  Melbourne.  With 
Mrs.  Campbell  Praed  it  is  different ;  both  she  and  a  deal  of  her  work  are  native- 
born.  Her  father  was  Thomas  L.  M.  Prior,  at  one  time  Postmaster-General 
of  Queensland,  and  her  early  life  was  divided  between  the  bush  and  Brisbane. 
Her  husband  was  nephew  of  the  poet.  "  An  Australian  Heroine  "  (1880),  her 
first  novel,  revealed  her  affinities,  and  she  devoted  all  her  earlier  and  in  some 
respects  her  best  books  to  picturing  colonial  aspects,  touching  them  with 
brightn  ss,  faithfulness,  and  humour.  She  is  peculiarly  good  in  dealing  with 

SB 


754  THE   AUSTRALIANS   IN   LITERATURE. 

matters  of  local  government — into  which  the  position  of  her  father  had  given 
her  full  insight.  Like  Browne,  she  has  not  been  content  with  fiction  in  cele- 
brating her  native  land,  but  has  also  given  us  a  charming  book  on  the  subject 
of  "  Australian  Life,  Black  and  White."  Mr.  Louis  Becke,  born  in  New  South 
Wales,  is  the  novelist  of  Polynesia  rather  than  of  Australia,  but  in  1899  he  did 
valuable  work  in  editing  "  Old  Convict  Days,"  which  is  the  authentic  narrative 
of  William  Day,  born  in  1819,  who  was  transported  to  Australia  as  a  convict, 
and  lived  to  become  a  respected  citizen,  and  in  writing  the  "  Life  of  Admiral 
Phillip,  the  first  Governor  of  New  South  Wales."  Another  Australian  by  birth, 
Mr.  Marriott  Watson,  belongs  rather  to  New  Zealand  so  far  as  education  and 
early  experiences  are  concerned,  but  has  long  since  taken  his  place  in  London 
literary  circles.  In  some  respects  we  are  glad  that  these  gifted  Colonials  should 
come  in  large  measure  to  the  old  country  for  their  inspiration ;  there  is  a 
tendency  with  the  writers  who  remain  too  entirely  colonial  to  develop  on 
lines  that  are  American  rather  than  British.  Whatever  genuine  admiration 
we  may  have  for  America,  we  do  not  want  any  offshoot  of  our  literature  to 
become  a  mere  appanage  of  New  York  or  Chicago.  This  tendency  has  been 
very  largely  shown  by  the  journalism  of  Australasia  as  well  as  by  that  of  Canada. 
In  Canada  it  is  wholly  natural,  but  Australia  can  afford  to  develop  on  more 
individual  lines,  and  pardonably  we  may  prefer  those  lines  to  be  rather  akin 
to  their  British  origin  than  to  any  diverse  influences  of  the  huge  American 
"  melting-pot." 

So  much  for  fiction.  In  poetry  it  cannot  be  said  that  Australia  has  given 
us  anyone  of  supreme  claim  ;  poets  are  few,  and  no  generation  is  gifted  with 
many  at  a  time,  however  often  it  may  be  misled  by  apparently  genuine  claimants. 
Yet  Australia  has  done  some  distinctive  work  in  this  department  also,  the 
highest  in  literature.  She  has  produced  several  of  whom,  even  though  in 
comparison  with  the  greatest  we  have  to  term  them  minor  poets,  we  may  at 
least  assert  true  impulse  and  a  fresh,  vigorous  inspiration.  Alfred  Domett, 
once  Premier  of  New  Zealand,  is  associated  with  that  Colony,  not  with  Australia; 
and  in  any  case  he  is  remembered  more  as  the  original  of  Browning's  "  Waring  " 
than  as  having  been  himself  a  poet.  More  close  to  our  subject  is  the  fact 
that  "  Orion  "  Home  lived  for  a  time  in  Australia,  but  none  of  his  literary 
work  is  colonial.  It  is  Adam  Lindsay  Gordon  whom  most  Australians  would 
still  name,  if  asked  to  denote  their  country's  position  in  poetry.  Gordon,  born 
in  the  Azores  in  1833,  came  to  Adelaide  twenty  years  later  and  joined  the 
mounted  police.  He  seems  to  have  attempted  almost  every  possible  career 
in  South  Australia  and  Victoria,  and  to  have  failed  more  or  less  completely  in 
all,  with  the  exception  of  steeplechase-riding  and  poetry.  This  remarkable 
ne'er-do-well  always  carried  a  Horace  in  his  kit-bag,  and  he  wrote  verse  of  a  force 
and  vigour  that  have  been  widely  recognised  not  only  by  his  fellow-colonials. 
To  some  of  us  Kendall  makes  a  stronger  appeal.  It  must  be  confessed  that 
the  merit  of  Gordon's  verse  is  largely  on  the  surface  ;  it  is  the  verse  of  move- 
ment, the  open  plain  and  dashing  sea,  the  poetry  of  horse-galloping  and  of 
free -dare-devil  high  spirits.  Kendall  is  more  reflective  and  has  greater  depth. 


THE   INVASION   OF   ANGOLA.  755 

But  we  must  be  careful  to  compare  these  poets  with  the  passing  popular 
favourites  that  claim  attention  in  our  home  literary  circles,  not  to  rank  them 
with  the  few  great  immortals  ;  no  colony  has  yet  produced  for  us  a  Words- 
worth or  Shelley  or  Tennyson,  to  say  nothing  of  a  Shakespeare  or  Milton.  Yet 
it  is  possible  that  the  future  of  our  literature  may  lie  with  these  younger  regions 
that  have  been  conquered  for  English  speech,  rather  than  with  the  old  country 
that  has  already  done  her  part  so  gloriously.  If  such  literature  does  not  cease 
to  be  British  in  tone  and  ideal,  if  it  continues  to  uphold  the  purpose  and  truth 
and  love  of  justice  that  have  made  our  sway  effective  and  beneficent,  it  will 
not  greatly  matter  whether  its  headquarters  be  in  London  or  in  Australasian 
and  Transatlantic  cities. 

ARTHUR  L.  SALMON. 


THE   INVASION   OF    ANGOLA. 

POSSIBLY  the  chief,  and  certainly  not  the  least,  of  the  many  causes  of  the 
present  War  was  Germany's  colonial  ambition,  the  gradual  but  consistent 
growth  of  which  has  probably  struck  observers  in  Africa  more  forcibly  than 
those  at  home.  Not  that  its  effect  was  by  any  means  confined  to  the  dark 
continent,  for  it  extended  to  the  whole  world.  In  the  first  instance,  and  during 
what  is  commonly  regarded  as  the  earlier  stages  of  German  imperialism,  Germany 
was  content  to  send  her  emigrants  to  other  countries  in  search  of  openings 
for  her  manufactures,  more  especially  her  cheaper  products.  From  1880 
onwards,  however,  the  then  recently  constituted  Empire  began  to  look  anxiously 
round  the  globe  for  countries  in  which  to  settle  its  surplus  population  and 
establish  its  dominion.  With  this  object  in  view,  and  realising  that  the 
Pacific  Ocean  would  soon  become  a  field  of  European  and  American  competition, 
the  Germans  secured  a  strong  base  of  operations  by  the  occupation  of  Kiao- 
Chiao.  In  Africa  they  annexed  on  the  East  Coast  a  large  territory  extending 
from  Zanzibar  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and  on  the  West,  Togoland,  Cameroon, 
and  Damaraland. 

Comparatively  rich,  however,  as  these  African  territories  undoubtedly 
were  in  both  minerals  and  tropical  products,  their  acquisition  was  hardly 
calculated  to  satisfy  German  colonial  ambition  because  they  were  not,  strictly 
speaking,  altogether  suitable  for  permanent  white  settlement.  Accordingly, 
Germany,  foiled  in  her  attempt  to  secure  a  strategic  base  in  Morocco,  in  1911, 
accepted  with  ill  grace  the  compensation  afforded  by  a  slice  of  the  French 
Congo  and  concentrated  her  attention  more  closely  on  other  and  healthier 
portions  of  the  continent,  more  particularly  the  richly  mineralised  area  of 
the  Katanga  and  the  fertile  agricultural  province  of  Angola.  The  acquisition 
of  these  territories  was  essential  to  link  up  the  German  colony  on  the  East  with 
those  on  the  West  Coast,  a  preliminary  step  to  the  foundation  of  that  great 
German  Central  African  Empire  which  for  many  years  had  warmed  Teutonic 
imagination. 

3  B  2 


756  THE   INVASION   OF  ANGOLA. 

The  majority  of  the  Germans  in  South  Central  Africa  believed  that  the 
Belgian  Congo  and  Portuguese  Angola  would  be  obtained  without  fighting, 
and  that  Great  Britain,  while  protesting  loudly,  would  not  venture  to  intervene 
actively  on  their  behalf.  Generally  speaking,  they  knew  little  or  nothing  of 
German  intrigues  further  south  by  which,  accordingly  to  disclosures  recently 
made  by  General  Botha,  the  Boers  were  to  be  bribed  temporarily  and  to  be 
absorbed  later.  Provision  was  made,  however,  for  all  eventualities ;  and  it  is 
significant  that  at  the  moment  when  Maritz  was  scheming  with  the  Germans 
in  South  West  Africa,  the  construction  of  the  Centrallandbahn,  connecting 
Dar-es-Salaam  with  Lake  Tanganyika,  was  hurried  forward  at  an  abnormal 
pace.  The  rails  reached  Kigoma  in  January  instead  of  June,  1914,  the  date 
commonly  anticipated ;  and,  necessary  as  the  construction  of  this  railway  was 
from  both  political  and  economic  motives,  a  glance  at  the  map  will  sufficiently 
reveal  its  strategical  importance  in  any  attempt  to  conquer  Central  Africa. 

It  has  become  the  fashion  of  late  to  condemn  Germany  and  all  that 
is  German,  a  condemnation  which  her  action  in  Europe  has  possibly  justified. 
But  the  criticism  recently  extended  to  her  colonial  administration  in  Africa 
must  be  largely  discounted  by  those  acquainted  with  the  working  of  that  system 
on  the  spot.  If  the  German  was  not  popular  with  the  native  races,  he  was 
always  respected  by  them  ;  his  measures  frequently  failed,  but  they  were 
prompted  by  the  best  of  intentions  ;  he  was  lavish  in  expenditure  and  his 
expenditure  was  justified,  for  he  succeeded  in  transforming  barren  wastes 
into  fertile  settlements.  As  statistics  go  far  to  show,  the  German  colonies 
in  Africa  have,  during  the  last  decade,  made  greater  progress  comparatively 
than  those  of  any  other  nation.  Confident  of  his  ability,  and  justly  regarding 
the  development  of  a  colony  as  the  primary  duty  of  its  owners,  it  was  not 
unnatural  that  the  German  should  seek  to  acquire  territories  belonging  to  weaker 
Powers  whose  incapacity  either  to  defend  or  to  develop  them  was  generally 
acknowledged.  Such  a  territory  was  Portuguese  Angola,  and  here  the  Germans 
made  no  secret  of  their  intentions. 

With  regard  to  Angola,  German  prospects  in  that  colony  were  aptly  sum- 
marised by  a  traveller  who  returned  to  Germany  from  the  West  Coast  in  June, 
1914,  and  whose  impressions  of  the  country  appeared  in  the  Kolnische  Zeitung. 
"  The  game  is  worth  the  candle,"  he  wrote.  "  An  enormous  market  for  industrial 
products,  rich  and  virgin  mineral  treasures,  a  fruitful  and  healthy  country, 
equally  suitable  for  agriculture,  cattle-breeding,  and  immigration,  and  the 
finest  harbours  of  the  West  Coast — that  is  the  prize  that  awaits  us."  It  would 
appear,  however,  that  this  "  prize  "  was  to  be  obtained  by  peaceful  rather  than 
by  warlike  methods,  by  commercial  penetration  rather  than  by  armed  force. 
For  this  purpose  the  Germans  were  ready  to  furnish  the  capital  required  for 
the  completion  of  the  Benguella  railway — a  railway  destined  eventually  to 
become  the  most  important  route  between  Europe  and  Central  Africa — provided 
they  could  secure  control  of  the  line.  Their  offer  was  very  properly  refused. 
In  other  directions,  however,  they  were  equally  active  on  the  spot.  German 
investigators  were  scouring  the  country  in  three  sections,  composed  not  only  of 


THE   INVASION   OF   ANGOLA.  757 

engineers  but  of  geologists  and  experts  on  agriculture  and  trade.  They  en- 
deavoured to  secure  an  interest  in  the  Mossamedes  railway  with  a  view  to 
linking  it  up  with  German  South-West  Africa  and  to  obtain  mining  and 
agricultural  concessions  of  a  very  extensive  description. 

They  talked  freely  and  their  methods  were  too  thinly  disguised  not  to  arouse 
the  suspicions  of  the  Portuguese,  whose  system  of  protection,  shipping  dues  and 
maladministration  generally,  was,  and  possibly  not  without  reason,  severely 
criticised,  and  on  the  outbreak  of  war  these  suspicions  proved  to  have  been 
justified.  For  it  was  then  found  that  several  of  the  supposed  engineers  and 
prospectors  were  also  political  agents,  and  that,  in  addition  to  intriguing  with 
the  natives,  they  were  purchasing  large  quantities  of  foodstuffs  for  export  to 
the  neighbouring  German  colony. 

The  local  Portuguese  authorities  were  not  blind  to  the  situation,  but  they 
hesitated  at  first  to  take  action.  When,  however,  without  any  declaration  of 
war,  their  southern  frontier  was  violated  for  the  second  time,  they  displayed  a 
commendable  promptitude  in  arresting  or  expelling  from  the  country  all  German 
subjects,  including  consular  officers  who  had  given  strong  cause  for 
suspicion. 

The  so-called  "  invasion  "  of  the  colony  produced  considerable  effect,  for 
the  Portuguese  were  fully  conscious  of  their  inability  to  cope  with  it.  In  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  territory,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  effective  administrative 
control,  it  was  feared  that  the  Kunanhamas  and  other  tribes,  who  had  never 
been  subjugated,  would  rise  at  the  instigation  of  the  Germans.  Consequently, 
volunteer  corps  were  formed  and  drilled  at  Loanda,  Lobito,  and  Benguella,  and 
many  of  the  Boers  in  Angola  offered  their  services  to  the  Government.  Mean- 
while the  local  authorities  were  most  reticent  regarding  the  progress  of  events 
on  the  southern  frontier ;  and,  in  default  of  any  reliable  information,  it  was  not 
strange  that  rumours  of  all  kinds  should  become  rife.  Many  of  these,  although 
of  the  wildest  character,  were  at  first  credited  in  official  circles,  because  the 
district  officers  were,  for  the  most  part,  ignorant  of  their  districts  and  unacquainted 
with  the  attitude  of  the  native  population.  The  majority  of  these  rumours 
were  totally  unfounded ;  but  in  several  instances  they  were  repeated  at  Lisbon 
and  gained  currency  in  the  European  press,  with  the  result  that  the  whole 
situation  was  greatly  exaggerated. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  first  invasion  so-called,  which  had  been  previously 
termed  a  violation  of  frontier,  was  not  even  an  affair  of  outposts.  What  actually 
happened  was  this.  On  September  5  a  German  patrol  approached  a  Portuguese 
fort  on  the  frontier  and  asked  for  provisions.  The  Portuguese  commandant 
replied  that  he  would  furnish  provisions  if  the  Germans  would  return  to  German 
territory  and  leave  their  arms  there.  The  German  officer,  interpreting  this  to 
be  a  request  to  disarm,  refused  to  do  so  and  camped  with  his  men  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  fort.  The  Portuguese  opened  fire  on  the  camp,  killing  the 
officer  and  three  of  his  men,  but  subsequently,  reflecting  that  possibly  the 
patrol  was  the  advance-guard  of  a  larger  force,  evacuated  the  fort  and  withdrew 
from  the  frontier.  The  incident  was  obviously  a  misunderstanding,  due 


758  THE   INVASION   OF    ANGOLA. 

apparently,  to  the  fact  that  the  officials  concerned  did  not  know  one  another's 
languages. 

It  was  primarily,  the  Germans  alleged,  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  comrades 
that  they  crossed  the  Portuguese  frontier  for  the  second  time  at  Naulila  on 
December  18.  By  this  time  Portuguese  reinforcements  had  arrived  from 
Europe,  and  possibly  the  invaders  met  with  a  warmer  reception  than  they  had 
anticipated.  The  official  account  of  the  indecisive  action  which  took  place  is 
contained  in  the  following  proclamation,  subsequently  issued  by  the  Governor- 
General  of  Angola  : — 

"  It  being  known  that  certain  ill-disposed  persons,  void  of  any  sentiment  of 
patriotism,  have  thought  fit  to  spread  false  reports  regarding  the  engagement  at 
Naulila,  the  Governor-General  has  decided  to  make  the  following  announcement 
for  the  information  of  the  general  public  : — 

"  The  fight  at  Naulila  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  defeat  for  our  forces,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  they  retired  in  good  order  with  the  following  losses,  which  are  insignificant 
when  compared  with  the  whole  force  engaged  to  the  south  of  Huila  :  Officers,  one  killed, 
three  missing,  one  captured,  three  slightly  wounded  ;  non-commissioned  officers 
and  men,  sixty-three  killed,  thirty-nine  wounded.  The  engagement  was  marked 
by  several  heroic  deeds  by  both  officers  and  men,  especially  by  the  first  squadron 
of  dragoons,  through  whose  courage  an  orderly  retreat  was  rendered  possible.  Their 
brilliant  example  will  assuredly  be  followed  by  others,  whose  duty  it  will  be  to  expel 
from  our  territory  a  band  of  guerillas  who,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  war,  have  invaded 
it.  After  the  combat  at  Naulila  the  enemy  was  quite  disconcerted,  not  venturing 
to  cross  the  Cunene  river,  and  confined  himself  to  seizing  a  fort  which  had  been  con- 
structed for  native  warfare.  Such  are  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  any  other  accounts 
should  be  regarded  as  unfounded  rumours. 

"  If ,  in  the  first  encounter,  we  have  not  been  entirely  successful,  and  if  for  some 
time  longer  we  still  have  to  endure  the  presence  of  the  enemy  within  our  borders, 
this  must  not  be  taken  to  indicate  that  our  forces  are  not  still  intact  and  that  they 
will  not  gloriously  accomplish  the  task  allotted  to  them." 

On  the  one  hand,  this  encounter,  indecisive  though  it  was,  served  to  check 
any  idea  the  Germans  may  have  had  of  advancing ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  induced 
the  Portuguese  to  evacuate  their  frontier  forts  with  disastrous  consequences. 
For  the  frontier  tribes,  who  had  never  been  adequately  subdued,  rose  and 
massacred  several  whites  and  numbers  of  native  soldiery,  in  addition  to  securing 
large  quantities  of  rifles  and  ammunition.  These  events  in  Angola  synchronised 
with  a  change  of  ministry  at  Lisbon.  The  Governor- General  and  the  General 
Officer  Commanding  were  recalled.  Additional  troops  and  munitions  were 
huriied  out,  and  a  special  High  Commissioner  was  appointed  to  deal  with  what 
was,  apparently,  a  highly  critical  situation.  For  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the 
Germans  in  South- West  Africa,  pressed  by  the  Union  Forces  and  short  of  sup- 
plies, would  eventually  strike  north  into  the  rich  Angolan  hinterland  where  the 
white  population  was  too  insignificant  to  offer  any  serious  resistance  and  where 
the  enemy  might  have  continued  a  guerilla  warfare  of  indefinite  duration. 
That  the  Germans  did  not  adopt  this  course  must  probably  be  attributed 
to  the  rapid  and  skilful  enveloping  movements  of  the  Union  Forces,  and  it 


STRENGTHENING   THE   EMPIRE.  759 

may  confidently  be  stated  that  no  one  is  more  grateful  to  General  Botha  than 
the  Portuguese  in  Angola. 

Thus  her  oldest  colony,  -which  a  year  ago  was  tottering  into  German  clutches, 
has  been  granted  a  new  lease  of  life,  and  it  may  be  anticipated  that  Portugal, 
despite  the  numerous  revolutions  which  periodically  recur  at  Lisbon  with  a 
disconcerting  frequency  and  inevitably  react  disastrously  on  her  oversea  posses- 
sions, will  at  length  come  to  realise  her  colonial  responsibilities.  With  the 
large  number  of  European  troops  now  at  her  disposal  in  Angola  she  can  seriously 
undertake  the  subjugation  of  rebellious  tribes  and  the  establishment  of  an 
effective  administration.  The  systematic  settlement  of  the  territory  should 
be  followed  by  the  abolition  of  the  present  system  of  protection  and  shipping 
dues  in  order  to  attract  foreign  capital,  which  is  so  essential  to  its  satisfactory 
development. 

GEORGE  BAILEY. 


STRENGTHENING  THE  EMPIRE  :    THE  FUTURE  AND  ITS 

PROBLEM. 

WHILE  the  war  is  disrupting  Europe,  it  is  each  day  consolidating  the  British 
Empire.  The  Canadians,  Australians,  South  Africans,  and  New  Zealanders, 
and  the  people  of  the  United  Kingdom  are  immeasurably  nearer  in  sentiment 
and  ideals  than  they  were  a  year  ago.  The  common  peril  has  demonstrated 
our  common  blood  and  speech,  our  love  of  freedom,  and  our  antagonism  to 
the  bully.  It  has  shown  that,  no  matter  where  we  are  born,  we  are  still  full  of 
fight,  and  that  in  a  great  cause  we  count  our  lives  cheap.  Every  casualty 
in  our  grand  Empire  Army  strengthens  and  consecrates  the  Imperial  bond. 

It  is  often  said  that  in  this  War  against  Prussian  militarism  we  are  laying 
the  foundations  of  an  enduring  world  peace.  Perhaps  that  is  too  optimistic. 
There  have  been  world  wars  before,  and  each  time  the  same  futile  dreams  of 
a  long  peace  to  follow.  But  there  has  never  been  an  Empire  so  vast  and  rich 
and  capable  of  containing  so  many  people  that  it  could  by  its  sheer  might 
and  tolerant  behaviour  make  the  breaking  of  the  peace  practically  impossible. 
One  need  know  but  very  little  about  the  new  lands  of  the  British  Empire  to 
recognise  that  a  century  hence,  or  less,  their  population  and  their  wealth,  or, 
in  other  words,  their  fighting  capacity,  will  have  been  doubled  again  and  again. 
The  self-governing  Dominions  sent  some  40,000  men  to  the  war  in  South  Africa  ; 
in  connection  with  the  present  great  struggle  they  have  actually  at  the  battle 
fronts  and  in  the  course  of  training  about  250,000  troops,  more  rather  than 
less.  All  going  well,  they  could  twenty  years  hence  easily  put  a  couple  of 
million  men  into  the  field  in  any  part  of  the  world,  in  addition  to  furnishing 
a  great  naval  force.  Within  a  century  the  Overseas  soldiers  will,  provided  the 
Empire  stands  together,  be  numbered  in  time  of  emergency  by  hosts  exceeding 
those  of  Germany  to-day.  At  each  successive  Empire  call  it  will  be  found 
that  the  part  played  by  the  children  will  be  relatively  stronger  in  men  and 


760  STRENGTHENING   THE   EMPIRE. 

money  and  ships  until,  far  sooner  than  most  of  us  anticipate,  Britain's  fighting 
capacity  will  be  greater  beyond  the  seas  than  it  is  in  these  Islands.  When 
that  day  comes  the  world  will  be  nearer  to  peace  than  it  has  ever  been  before. 

The  outstanding  anomaly  of  the  Empire  is  the  unequal  distribution  of 
its  people.  These  Islands  are  over-crowded  ;  the  Dominions  are  practically 
empty.  The  Empire  is  very  strong,  as  each  day's  fighting  shows,  but  it  is 
not  nearly  so  strong  as  it  would  be  if  its  people  were  more  evenly  distributed 
and  better  use  were  being  made  of  its  enormous  dormant  resources.  Vast  areas 
of  the  most  fertile  portions  of  our  Imperial  domain  are  now  so  lightly  held  that 
they  are  actually  rather  a  menace  than  a  support  to  Britain  and  British  prestige. 
Canada  and  Australia  were  never  so  dear  to  the  Mother  Country  as  they  are  at 
the  present  moment  ;  it  was  never  so  clearly  recognised  what  a  multiplication 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  populations  of  these  two  splendid  Dominions  will  mean  to 
all  who  live  under  British  rule.  But,  scattered  over  an  area  more  than  twice 
the  size  of  Europe,  Canada  and  Australia  have  a  combined  population  of  only 
twelve  millions. 

Imperialists  glibly  talk  of  the  Empire  as  though  all  the  lands  which  fly  the 
British  flag  must  continue  to  do  so  indefinitely.  But  let  us  be  frank  about 
the  real  position.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  Britain  will  rule  the  whole 
of  Australia,  or  the  whole  of  Canada,  fifty  or  even  twenty-five  years  hence. 
The  loyalty  of  the  Dominions  is  not  in  doubt.  The  danger  is  elsewhere.  So 
long  as  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  the  Empire  Overseas  are  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  origin,  they  will  adhere  strongly  and  proudly  to  the  British  Crown. 
The  disturbing  factor  is  that  we  live  in  an  exceedingly  ambitious  land-hungry 
age  in  which  solemn  treaties  are  lightly  honoured.  Everywhere  the  clamour 
is  for  more  territory.  Within  the  past  few  years  war  after  War  has  been  waged, 
and  despite  the  attempts  of  the  aggressors  to  cover  their  design  the  aim  in 
nearly  every  case  has  been  material  gain.  The  richest  of  all  the  unpeopled 
defenceless  lands  are  those  which  comprise  our  self-governing  Dominions. 

Perhaps  the  Empire  is  too  large  ;  perhaps  we  are  attempting  too  much. 
But  the  tendency  is  to  acquire  more  and  still  more  territory,  and  to  add  year 
by  year  to  our  monster  task  of  colonising.  Already  in  this  war  we  have,  in 
the  acquisition  by  the  Australians  of  the  big  rich  German  Islands  in  the  South 
Pacific  and  in  the  gallant  conquest  of  German  South-West  Africa,  added  enor- 
mously to  our  work  of  Empire  building.  We  who  live  Overseas  are  already 
spread  very  thin ;  after  the  War  our  grip,  unless  we  are  strongly  reinforced, 
will  be  precarious  indeed.  There  is  grave  danger  that  unless  the  position  is 
faced  squarely  by  leaders  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  Dominions  our 
success  and  our  insatiate  appetite  for  more  territory  will  prove  our  undoing. 
Could  there  be  anything  more  characteristically  British  than  the  picture 
presented  by  Australia  on  a  colonising  mission  ?  Already  we  have  in  Australia 
three  million  square  miles  of  territory  in  the  possession  of  less  than  five  million 
people.  At  the  dictation  of  the  Home  Government,  and  yielding  to  our  own 
strong  desire,  we  have  now  snatched  a  great  additional  domain  from  the 
Germans. 


STRENGTHENING   THE    EMPIRE.  761 

The  outlook  is  full  of  gravity,  not  only  for  the  Dominions  themselves,  but  for 
the  people  of  the  Mother  Country.  The  loss  of  a  single  island  in  the  Pacific 
during  this  War,  or  at  any  time,  would  be  a  heavy  if  not  a  fatal  blow  to  British 
prestige  abroad.  The  supreme  task  for  Home  and  Overseas  statesmen  after 
the  War  is  the  devising  of  schemes  for  the  peopling  and  defence  of  the  Dominions. 
We  have  heard  too  much  of  the  "  strengthening  of  the  bonds."  Imperialists 
are  too  fond  of  spending  enthusiasm  and  energy  upon  machinery  for  a  grand 
Empire  Parliament  and  similar  unnecessary  things.  The  first  care  should 
be  to  make  the  Empire  safe  against  the  foreign  aggressor,  and  that  can  only 
be  done  by  putting  into  every  fertile  portion  of  it  the  largest  possible  British 
population  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  People  the  Dominions  with 
Anglo-Saxons,  and  the  strongest  and  best,  and  the  only  bond  worth  having,  the 
bond  of  blood  and  sentiment,  is  already  established.  The  rest  will  follow 
naturally.  When  the  War  is  over  give  to  the  young  lands  Overseas  every  man, 
woman,  and  child  who  can  be  spared. 

We  want  after  the  war  a  general  recognition  of  the  fact  that  our  best  allies 
are  our  own  British  people  living  in  every  portion  of  the  world.  They,  and 
they  alone,  are  the  allies  who  will  stand  the  test  of  time  and  the  strain  of  cir- 
cumstance. There  cannot  be  too  many  of  us.  The  Empire  is  wide  and  various  ; 
there  is  a  congenial  place  for  every  Briton  somewhere  under  the  British  flag. 
In  recent  years  too  many  of  our  race  have  been  lost  to  the  United  States  and 
elsewhere.  Here  in  England  you  must  be  more  generous  and  less  suspicious 
about  Empire  migration.  The  young  peoples  who  are  developing  the  Empire's 
strength  abroad  have  on  hand  a  monster  job,  and  you  must  come  to  our  help 
more  freely,  and  with  more  of  the  spirit  of  our  pioneers,  taking  the  new  lands 
a  little  more  on  trust,  and  not  demanding,  as  too  many  young  Englishmen 
were  inclined  to  do  before  the  Yvrar,  a  guarantee  of  sun-shades  and  foot-warmers. 

We  British  people  are  banded  together  now  as  we  have  never  been  before. 
We  have  in  this  time  of  terrible  and  glorious  crisis  pooled  all  we  possess.  Ours 
is  the  common  danger  ;  ours  will  be  the  common  victory.  And  let  the  grand 
bond  stand  and  grow  stionger.  Home-born  Englishmen  will  after  this  War 
be  admired  and  loved  and  welcomed  in  the  Dominions  even  more  than  in  the 
past ;  and  here  the  permanence  of  Overseas  loyalty  shall  surely  never  again 
be  suspect.  We  have  helped  a  little  in  this  War,  fighting  for  ourselves  and  for 
you,  as  you  have  always  fought  for  us.  When  the  War  is  over  send  us  in  the 
Dominions  more  of  your  people,  and  so  hasten  the  day  when  we  shall  play  a 
larger  and  still  larger  part  in  each  crisis  as  it  arises,  until  the  time  comes,  as  it 
assuredly  will  if  we  use  our  resources  properly,  when  the  power  of  the  British 
Empire  will  compel  world  peace. 

H.  S.  GULLETT. 


762 

THE  NATIONAL  ASPECT   OF  PUBLIC  BODY  CONTRACTS. 

IT  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  issue  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  for  April  last,  a  short 
comparison  was  made  of  the  methods  adopted  by  different  European  Governments 
in  dealing  with  contracts  issued  by  Government  departments  and  other  bodies  enjoying 
public  charters  or  spending  public  moneys.  As  a  result  of  this  comparison  it  was 
recorded  that  the  Empire  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  had  resolved  that,  with  a 
view  to  encouraging  the  establishment  of  new  industries  in  the  British  Empire  and 
giving  a  measure  of  confidence  and  security  to  capital  to  be  embarked  therein,  as  well 
as  assisting  the  expansion  of  existing  industries,  the  Governments  of  the  Empire  be 
urged  to  make  it  obligatory  on  all  Government  Departments,  Municipalities,  Rail- 
ways, Dock  and  Harbour  Boards,  Gas,  Water  and  Electric  Light  Corporations,  and 
all  such  bodies  spending  public  moneys  or  enjoying  charters  from  Government  or 
other  public  authorities,  to  purchase  Empire-made  goods  and  to  place  all  contracts 
with  British  firms,  exceptions  to  be  made  by  special  permission  of  proper  authority 
only  in  cases  where  such  a  course  is  considered  to  be  at  variance  with  public  interests. 

During  the  summer  the  Committee,  in  addition  to  its  usual  work,  has  continued 
to  hold  "  informal  conversations  "  upon  this  highly  important  topic,  and,  as  a  result, 
has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  time  is  now  ripe  to  call  upon  the  general  body  of 
manufacturers  interested  in  this  great  question  for  their  support.  Accordingly  a 
circular  letter  is  about  to  be  issued  to  the  most  influential  manufacturers  in  the 
United  Kingdom,  and  after  the  receipt  of  replies,  representations  will  be  made  direct 
to  the  Home  Government,  to  be  followed  at  a  short  interval  by  a  series  of 
identical  recommendations  to  the  Governments  of  the  Overseas  Dominions. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Committee  will  be  very  pleased  to  hear  from  any  Fellow  of 
the  Institute,  or  other  person  interested,  who  wishes  to  go  into  the  details  of  the 
matter  or  to  give  his  support  to  the  resolution. 

Empire  Trade  means  not  only  the  trade  between  the  constituent  States  of  the 
Empire,  but  also  the  trade  of  those  States,  either  individually  or  collectively,  with 
foreign  countries.  Taking  this  view,  the  Empire  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  has 
accepted  the  offer  of  Mr.  Ronald  Sykes  of  Huddersfield  and  the  Middle  Temple  to  act 
as  Honorary  Correspondent  to  the  Committee  in  France.  Several  requests  have  been 
received  at  the  Institute  from  French  buyers  desiring  to  be  put  in  touch  with  British 
makers  of  many  types  of  goods,  and  it  is  felt  that  much  may  be  done  at  the  moment 
to  help  our  Allies  to  the  supply  of  necessary  goods  from  British  sources — an  action 
at  once  of  mutual  commercial  advantage  and  of  considerable  value  in  the  sustention  of 
close  and  good  relations  between  individual  business  people  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  Committee  has  already  put  through  several  inquiries 
of  the  kind  indicated,  and  from  their  general  trend  it  seems  probable  that  British 
manufacturers  oversea — notably  in  Canada — as  well  as  those  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
may  find  French  markets  for  their  wares  through  this  means.  Given  the  tendency 
to  make  these  inquiries,  the  presence  in  France  of  a  representative  of  the  Committee 
thoroughly  versed  in  the  methods  of  the  country  should  conduce  to  the  considerable 


CANADA   AND   THE   WAR.  763 

increase  of  demands  for  British-made  goods  by  providing  a  channel  for  the  needs 
which  already  exist,  and  to  this  end  Mr.  Sykes  will  enter  into  communication  with 
Sir  John  Filter,  the  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Institute  in  France, 
and  with  the  British  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Paris,  at  an  early  date.  Whether  this 
rapprochement  is  capable  of  development  to  the  extent  that  now  seems  probable, 
only  time  can  show  ;  in  the  meantime  the  Institute  is  very  grateful  to  Mr.  Sykes  for 
the  valuable  and  disinterested  proffer  of  his  services. 


CANADA  AND  THE  WAR. 

AN  INFORMAL  MEETING  IN  THE  SMOKING  ROOM  OF  THE  R.C.I, 

MB.  RALPH  S.  BOND,  Member  of  Council,  after  explaining  that  the  Chairman  of  Council, 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,  was  prevented  from  being  present  by  his  duties  as  special  constable, 
introduced  Mr.  R.  B.  Bennett,  K.C.,  who,  he  explained,  was  well  known  to  all  Canadians 
and  those  who  had  ever  been  to  Canada  as  the  Member  of  Parliament  for  Calgary, 
and  a  keen  Imperialist.  He  was,  moreover,  a  strong  supporter  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  and  for  some  years  had  been  the  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  of 
the  Institute  in  Calgary.  Mr.  Bennett  had  come  over  from  Canada  with  Sir  Robert 
Borden,  and,  with  him,  had  just  completed  a  visit  to  the  British  headquarters  in 
France.  He  would  therefore  be  able  to  tell  them  much  that  would  be  of  interest ; 
but  nothing  that  he  could  say  could  possibly  increase  their  admiration  for  the  splendid 
heroism  of  the  Canadian  troops.  Their  brave  deeds  were  written  for  all  time  in 
the  annals  of  the  Empire. 

Mr.   BENNETT  then  said : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  it  gives  me  very  great  pleasure  to  be  with  you 
this  afternoon ;  but  you  must  not  dignify  what  I  am  going  to  say  by  calling  it  a 
'  speech.'  This  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged  is  not  so  much  a  struggle  between 
nation  and  nation  as  a  struggle  between  Democracy  and  Autocracy.  The  one  great 
question  is  whether  Democracy  can  preserve  itself  from  destruction.  In  France,  I 
saw  a  '  nation  in  arms ' — old  men  and  women,  and  young  children,  doing  their 
part  to  preserve  from  destruction  the  State  to  which  they  owe  allegiance.  I  believe 
that  if  Democracy  is  to  be  put  in  the  position  of  being  able  to  preserve  itself  from 
destruction,  then  every  man  must  do  his  part,  whatever  that  may  be. 

"  There  are  those  who  say  that  Democracy  has  proved  itself  a  failure.  I  do  not 
believe  that  Democracy  has  proved  itself  a  failure ;  but  I  think  we  are  perilously 
near  the  position  where  Democracy  may  not  be  able  to  take  care  of  itself.  Australia 
has  provided  a  splendid  example  of  how  a  Democracy  can  take  proper  measures  to 
preserve  itself  from  destruction.  (Cheers.)  I  was  impressed  by  the  fact  that  this 
same  feeling  exists  among  the  people  of  France  to-day.  One  cannot  fail  to  notice 
that  a  '  new '  France  has  arisen.  The  spirit  of  pleasure-seeking  and  frivolity  has 
given  place  to  that  spirit  which  will  die  sooner  than  surrender.  If  Democracy  means 
equality  of  opportunity  it  must  surely  mean  equality  of  responsibility  when  the  life 
of  the  State  is  at  issue. 

"  And  what  of  Britain's  colonies  ?  '  Colonial '  is  a  good  word,  after  all.  (Cheers.) 
It  has  a  force,  and  a  power,  and  a  dignity  in  these  days  which  nothing  can  ever 
take  from  it.  When  I  saw  the  Canadians  in  Flanders ;  when  I  have  since  seen  men 
from  India,  and  wounded  from  Australia  and  New  Zealand ;  when  I  listened  to  a 
distinguished  officer,  recently  home  from  South  Africa,  I  have  asked  myself  what 
impulse  was  it  which  led  these  men  to  leave  their  friends,  their  homes,  and  all  that 
they  held  dear,  to  go  into  a  foreign  land  to  suffer  and  give  up,  if  needs  be,  life 


764  CANADA   AND    THE   WAR. 

itself  ?  The  answer  is :  'It  was  the  impulse  of  patriotism.  A  willingness  to  be 
sacrificed  that  Democracy  might  be  preserved  from  destruction.' 

"  But  usually  behind  every  great  movement  you  find  the  genius  of  a  leader — a 
man  or,  if  needs  be,  a  woman.  I  give  it  to  you  in  this  case  in  the  name  of  one 
man,  and  that  name  is  '  Joseph  Chamberlain.'  (Cheers.)  Some  present  may  say 
that  the  association  of  such  a  name  with  this  great  manifestation  of  patriotism  is 
far  fetched.  Not  at  all !  Why  did  eleven  thousand  men  from  Massachusetts  leave  their 
homes  in  1758,  and  set  out  to  fight  and  win  Longburg  and  Quebec  with  Wolfe  ?  What 
was  it  which  compelled  them  to  give  concrete  expression  to  their  patriotism  ?  It  was 
the  sagacity  and  the  foresight  of  Chatham.  In  the  same  way,  during  the  South  African 
War,  it  was  shown  that  there  was  one  man  who  realised  that  if  ever  this  Empire 
was  to  be  a  great  Empire,  the  Colonies  of  Britain  must  all  regard  themselves  as 
partners.  Joseph  Chamberlain  was  that  man,  and  he  did  more  to  promote  this  spirit 
of  Imperial  fellowship  than  any  other  individual  in  the  history  of  this  country  since 
the  days  of  Pitt.  It  was  the  imagination  of  Joseph  Chamberlain  which  now  enables 
the  concrete  expression  to  be  given  to  the  dreams  which  he  dreamed  and  the  things 
which  he  saw. 

"  Let  us  look  now  for  a  moment  at  the  effect  of  a  great  crisis  on  a  nation's 
history.  The  lesson  of  history  is  not  to  be  forgotten.  Twelve  years  after  the  peace 
was  made  which  established  the  British  occupation  of  North  America,  Britain's  subjects 
broke  into  revolt,  and  the  United  States  was  created.  An  association  of  blood  relation- 
ship does  not  necessarily  imply  an  affiliation  in  government.  The  ties  which  connect 
this  country  and  her  Colonies  may  not  always  exist.  It  behoves  us,  therefore,  to  create 
bonds  which  will  continue  for  all  time ;  and  the  greatest  of  these  is  Equality  of 
Citizenship. 

"  We  have  a  Parliament  in  this  country  elected  only  by  the  people  of  the  British 
Islands,  and  yet  declaring  war  or  peace  for  the  whole  Empire.  The  Parliament  at 
Westminster,  which  measures  its  strength  by  discussing  Welsh  Disestablishment  or 
the  building  of  a  new  dock,  holds  in  its  hand  the  declaration  of  peace  or  war  for 
all  His  Majesty's  Dominions.  That  disability,  from  which  we  in  the  Colonies  suffer, 
must  be  removed.  Mr.  Bonar  Law  said  recently  of  the  War,  that  things  will  never 
be  after  it  as  they  were  before.  I  cannot  think  that  there  will  be  in  future  any 
such  thing  as  inferior  citizenship  for  those  living  under  the  British  Flag.  (Cheers.) 
We  should  all  have  the  right  to  freely  exercise  the  equal  rights  of  citizenship.  I 
think  that  the  problem  is  one  which  should  engage  the  attention  of  the  Institute. 
A  scheme  should  be  prepared  whereby  there  would  be  a  strong  central  body.  It 
would  contain  representatives  from  every  part  of  the  King's  dominions,  and,  while 
leaving  the  most  absolute  autonomy  to  those  units,  it  would  direct  the  common 
destinies  in  peace  and  war  with  respect  to  at  least  defence  on  sea  and  land  of  the 
British  Empire. 

"  The  Institute  possesses  men  of  great  experience  in  matters  of  Government,  and 
perhaps  they  may  be  able  to  assist  us,  members  of  a  younger  and  less  experienced 
community,  to  find  the  scheme  for  which  we  are  seeking. 

"  We  believe  that  Canada  has  made  more  sacrifices  than  any  other  dominion 
in  this  War.  She,  more  than  any  of  the  other  dominions,  has  attracted  people  of 
alien  races.  The  result  is  that  we  have  in  our  midst  the  Jew  and  the  Gentile,  the 
Greek  and  the  Barbarian,  the  bond  and  free.  Those  who  have  joined  the  colours 
represent  the  cream  of  Canada's  citizens.  It  is  mainly  the  British  element  who  have 
gone.  In  the  province  in  which  I  live,  Alberta,  one  out  of  every  thirty-five  of  the 
population  is  serving  under  the  colours  of  the  King — this,  too,  with  a  population  which 
is  only  part  of  British  descent. 

"  The  non-British  portion  of  the  population  includes  people  of  every  race  under 
the  sun.  Many  of  these  are  not  yet  able  to  appreciate  the  benefits  of  a  monarchical 
Democracy.  It  is  therefore  of  tremendous  importance  to  show  to  all  the  people  of 
Canada  that  whatever  they  do  in  support  of  the  Empire  is  of  the  utmost  value 
and  is  appreciated  here  in  the  Mother  Country. 


CANADA   AND    THE    WAR  765 

"  This  leads  me  on  to  the  supply  of  munitions.  Canada,  even  before  the  War,  had 
begun  to  experience  the  set-back  which  usually  follows  a  boom.  In  spite  of  that, 
however,  Canada  has  raised  more  than  five  million  dollars  for  the  Patriotic  Fund, 
a  million  dollars  for  Belgian  Relief,  and  other  substantial  sums  for  Red  Cross  work, 
tobacco  funds,  &c. ; — in  all  over  ten  million  dollars,  to  which  must  be  added  the  one 
million  dollars  raised  during  the  past  few  weeks  for  machine-guns.  All  that  has  been 
done  by  a  population  of  less  than  eight  millions ;  and  by  a  population  which  is 
largely  agricultural  and  essentially  non-military." 

The  speaker  then  proceeded  to  show  that  the  generosity  of  Canada  had  not  been 
fully  recognised,  so  far  as  the  placing  of  ammunition-orders  was  concerned.  "  In  so 
far,"  he  continued,  "  as  it  is  compatible  with  the  exigencies  of  the  military  situation, 
everything  that  can  be  bought  from  Canada  should  be  obtained  there.  Canadians 
observe  that  factories  to  the  south  of  the  frontier  are  working  overtime  and  sending 
munitions  across  to  the  Allies.  Canadian  factories  are  well  able  to  take  a  greater 
share  in  this  work,  and  I  want  to  create  a  popular  feeling  towards  this  end.  See  that 
there  is  no  opportunity  for  bitterness  afterwards.  Canadian  patriotism  is  not  com- 
mercial, but  she  must  see  that  her  sacrifices  have  not  been  in  vain.  The  situation 
is  acute,  the  sufferings  great.  Nevertheless,  the  fortitude  shown  by  bereaved  families 
has  been  magnificent,  and,  in  spite  of  the  German  notion  that  the  British  people  are 
decadent,  there  is  something  heroic  in  the  spirit  of  the  race  which  will  not  let  itself 
be  put  down. 

"  I  believe  the  British  people  are  filled  with  a  firm  resolution  to  see  this  War  through 
to  an  end  that  will  be  final.  The  jaws  of  the  British  bull-dog  are  set.  The  Country 
has  been  a  long  time  waking  up,  and  grave  disasters  have  come  upon  it ;  but  not 
until  this  War  has  been  fought  to  a  finish  will  those  jaws  relax. 

"  Up  till  now  the  German  Army  has  had  the  advantage  of  us  in  machine-guns. 
But  now  there  is  a  prospect  that  our  men  will  soon  be  armed  on  an  equality  with 
our  foe ;  that  German  science  will  soon  be  met  by  British  science ;  and  that  our 
Army  will  go  forward  and  achieve  a  lasting  victory.  We  must  meet  chemistry  and 
machinery  with  chemistry  and  machinery,  not  flesh  and  blood. 

"  I  shall  go  back  believing  that  the  heart  and  the  intellect  of  the  British  people 
are  united  for  the  purpose  of  developing  a  consolidated  Empire ;  and  that  this  knitting 
together,  through  the  ordeal  of  war,  of  all  the  English-speaking  peoples  will  go  far 
to  preserve  the  Empire  for  all  time,  and,  what  is  more,  to  preserve  our  civilisation 
as  a  priceless  legacy  for  those  who  must  hereafter  direct  the  destinies  of  the  world." 

SIR  JOHN  PAGE  MIDDLETON,  Chairman  of  the  House  and  Social  Committee,  proposing 
a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  guest  of  the  afternoon,  said  that  he  was  specially  interested 
in  Mr.  Bennett's  remarks  because  he,  like  the  speaker,  was  a  member  of  the  profession 
of  the  law.  The  cordial  acknowledgements  of  all  present  were  due  to  Mr.  Bennett 
for  his  admirable  and  inspiring  address. 

SIB  HARRY  WILSON,  Secretary  of  the  Institute,  in  seconding  the  motion,  explained 
that  the  informal  talk  of  that  afternoon  was  the  third  of  a  series  which  had  taken 
place  on  similar  occasions.  First  of  all  there  was  a  meeting  presided  over  by  Lord 
Grey,  President  of  the  Institute,  convened  for  the  purpose  of  considering  what  could 
be  done  towards  the  Settlement  of  ex-Service  men  on  the  land,  at  Home  and  Over- 
seas. As  a  result  of  the  discussion  which  took  place  on  that  occasion,  there  came 
into  existence  the  "  After  the  War  Rural  Employment  and  Land  Settlement  Com- 
mittee "  of  this  Institute. 

On  a  subsequent  occasion,  Sir  Edmund  Barton,  formerly  Premier  of  the  Common- 
wealth of  Australia,  gave  a  very  interesting  informal  address.  And  now  the  Fellows 
had  just  listened  to  a  most  admirable  exposition  of  the  thought  and  feelings  of  the 
people  of  Canada. 

"  I  am  grateful,"  continued  Sir  Harry,  "  for  what  Mr.  Bennett  has  just  said  about 
my  old  chief,  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain.  It  did  my  heartjgood  to  hear  those  words, 
and  I  am  sure  it  equally  did  good  to  the  hearts  of  all  those  present." 


766 

ROUND   THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

Imperial  Air-Flotilla. — It  was  in  February  last  that  the  Overseas  Club  firstwappealed 
for  funds  to  provide  an  Imperial  aircraft  flotilla.  The  movement  is  a  popular  one,  and 
further  additions  to  the  fleet  are  expected  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  months.  Those 
already  purchased  were  presented  to  the  Imperial  Government  by  the  following  Colonies : 
Hong  Kong,  3 ;  Malay  States,  3 ;  Shanghai  Britons,  1  ;  Gibraltar,  1 ;  South  Africa,  1 ; 
Rhodesia,  2 ;  Canada,  1 ;  Montreal,  2;  Nova  Scotia,  2;  Newfoundland,  5;  West  Indies,  1 ; 
Tasmania,  1 ;  Ontario  (St.  Catherine's),  1 ;  New  Zealand  (Hawkes  Bay),  1 ;  Sierra  Leone,  1 ; 
Ceylon,  1. 

AUSTRALIA. 

The  Government  Loan. — The  success  of  the  internal  4J  per  cent.  War  Loan  is  noth- 
ing less  than  a  fine  achievement.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  Commonwealth  Government 
to  issue  £20,000,000,  of  which  the  £5,000,000  already  issued  is  the  first  instalment. 
This  was  subscribed  for  more  than  two-and-a-half  times  over,  the  applications  amount- 
ing to  nearly  £13,000,000 — an  important  sum,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  total 
population  of  Australia  is  less  than  5,000,000.  The  entire  loan,  when  issued,  will 
represent  about  £4  per  head,  including  women  and  children.  With  regard  to  the 
position  of  the  various  States,  New  South  Wales  headed  the  list  with  nearly  five 
thousand  applications  for  a  total  of  £5,383,710.  Victoria  was  only  a  little  behind,  and 
even  Tasmania  sent  close  upon  six  hundred  applications  for  £352,740.  The  success  of 
this  financial  operation  testifies  to  the  wealth  and  power  of  Australia,  which  is  obviously 
not  to  be  exhausted  by  a  mere  £20,000,000  loan. 

New  Destroyer  Launched. — A  new  destroyer  for  the  Royal  Australian  Navy  waa 
launched  at  Sydney  a  few  weeks  ago,  making  the  third  addition  to  this  class  during 
the  past  year.  The  first  was  launched  in  December  1914,  the  event  being  of  some 
historical  importance  since  this  vessel  was  the  first  warship  to  be  entirely  built  in  Australia. 
The  "  fleet-unit "  to  which  the  new  destroyer  is  attached  consisted  of  thirteen  vessels, 
authorised  in  1909.  They  included  one  battle-cruiser — Australia  ;  three  light-cruisers — 
Sydney,  Melbourne,  and  Brisbane ;  six  destroyers,  and  three  submarines — two  of  which 
have  unfortunately  been  lost,  one  in  the  Pacific  and  the  other  in  the  Dardanelles. 

Australian  Miners  for  Gallipoli. — The  Imperial  Government  has  accepted  Australia's 
offer  of  a  corps  of  geologists  and  miners  1,000  strong.  The  proposal  originated  with 
Professor  David  as  the  result  of  General  Birdwood's  references  to  the  successful  work 
of  the  Australian  miners  in  Gallipoli.  A  massage  corps  is  also  being  organised. 

Indo-Australian  Entente. — It  is  interesting  to  hear  of  the  fraternal  relations 
existing  between  the  Australian  Contingent  and  the  Indian  mountain-batteries  at 
Gallipoli.  Since  they  fought  side  by  side  at  Gaba  Tepe,  the  Australians  have  expressed 
the  greatest  admiration  for  thej' gallantry  displayed  by  their  Indian  Allies,  and  inter- 
course between  them  is  now  of  the  most  friendly  nature.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  speculation  in 
the  Dominion  as  to  the  possible  effect  of  this  entente  cordiale.  Australia  is  a  white 
man's  country  entirely,  the  colour  line  being  most  rigidly  observed  by  the  immigration 
officers  ;  but  at  the  same  time  it  has  frequently  been  urged  that  the  proper  develop- 
ment of  the  great  Northern  Territory  cannot  be  effected  without  cheap  labour,  and 
cheap  labour  in  Australia  means  something  other  than  white  labour. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Bank  Established  in  Samoa. — A  branch  of  the  Bank  of  New  Zealand  has  been 
established  at  Samoa,  and  British  currency  has  now  displaced  German  currency.  The 
change  is  a  step  towards  Anglicising  the  island.  British  notes,  coin,  and  postal  orders 
have  entirely  taken  the  place  of  German  notes  and  coin,  which  no  longer  hold  good 
in  Samoa. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES.  767 

War  Budget. — On  the  presentation  of  the  Budget,  the  Minister  of  Finance  stated 
that  the  increased  expenditure  for  war  purposes  would  necessitate  additional  taxation 
estimated  at  £2,000,000  annually.  This  is  to  be  secured  mainly  by  increases  in  the 
graduated  land  and  income-taxes,  customs,  post  and  telegraph  charges,  and  railway 
rates.  It  is  further  proposed  to  raise  locally  a  loan  of  £2,000,000,  bearing  interest 
at  4£  per  cent.,  on  the  lines  of  the  British  loan,  to  provide  for  public  works.  Incomes 
up  to  £300  will  be  exempted  from  taxation,  and  the  graduated  income-tax  will  vary 
from  Sd.  on  the  lower  taxable  incomes,  up  to  2s.  8d.  on  the  higher  ones.  The  income- 
tax  will  apply  to  incomes  derived  from  land,  in  addition  to  the  50  per  cent,  increase 
in  the  graduated  land-tax.  As  well  as  individual  increases  in  the  customs,  it  is 
proposed  to  put  an  additional  increase  of  50  per  cent,  on  all  imports  from  countries 
that  are,  or  may  be,  enemies  of  the  British  Empire. 

Maoris  at  Gaba  Tepe. — The  British  force  at  Gallipoli  has  for  some  time  past  been 
strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  the  Maori  contingent.  These  men,  who  landed  at  Gaba 
Tepe,  are  the  first  Polynesian  troops  to  be  brought  oversea  to  fight  for  the  Mother  Country, 
and  if  the  spirit  of  their  ancestors  still  lives  they  will  do  it  well.  In  the  afternoon  the 
Maoris  started  to  dig  themselves  in,  and  they  made  their  bivouacs  in  an  old  watercourse 
on  the  left  flank.  Then  the  "  Pakeha  "  (white)  General  came  and  addressed  them,  and 
they  all  lined  up,  while  with  protruding  tongues  and  a  rhythmical  slapping  of  hands 
on  thighs  and  chests,  they  began  the  Maori  war-dance.  Shrill  and  high  the  leader 
intoned  the  solo  parts,  and  the  chorus  crashed  out,  while,  as  the  dancers  became  more 
animated,  the  beat  of  their  feet  echoed  through  the  gullies  of  Gallipoli.  A  hundred 
yards  or  so  away,  in  the  Turkish  trenches,  perplexed  Moslems  listened  to  this  blood- 
curdling serenade,  and  reported  that  "  man-eating  savages  '*  were  employed  by  the 
British.  One  of  the  "savages,"  be  it  noted,  has  an  English  university  degree. 

National  Registration. — A  Bill  has  been  passed  providing  for  Compulsory  National 
Registration.  All  men  between  17  and  60  are  to  register,  and  those  between  19  and  45 
are  asked  if  willing  to  serve  in  the  expeditionary  force  or  in  any  other  capacity. 

CANADA. 

New  Route  to  the  Pacific. — It  is  reported  that  the  first  Canadian  Northern 
Railway  transcontinental  passenger  train  arrived  at  Edmonton  on  August  25,  having 
made  the  run  from  Toronto  to  Winnipeg  in  forty-four  hours,  and  from  Winnipeg  to 
Edmonton  in  twenty-two  and  a  half  hours,  completing  the  entire  distance  from 
Toronto  to  the  Pacific  Coast  in  three  days  and  six  hours.  This  is  the  third  great 
transcontinental  route  to  the  Pacific  Coast :  the  first  to  be  constructed  having  been 
the  Canadian  Pacific,  and  the  second  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific.  There  has  been  a 
steady  stream  of  settlers  along  the  route  of  the  new  national  transcontinental  line 
in  northern  Ontario  since  the  inauguration  of  the  train  service. 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

Timber  Opportunities. — The  War  has  greatly  increased  the  demand  in  Great  Britain 
for  ship-building  timbers,  the  bulk  of  which  has  hitherto  been  supplied  in  the  form  of 
Dantzig  pine  from  the  Baltic  and  Germany.  With  Dantzig  material  no  longer  available 
the  lumber  export  trade  of  Newfoundland,  which  has  been  almost  non-existent  for  the 
past  few  years,  is  being  revived  again.  A  regular  fleet  of  steamers  has  been  engaged 
for  several  months  in  transporting  timber  from  Newfoundland  and  Eastern  Canada  to 
Great  Britain. 

Generous  Response  to  Overseas  Aeroplane  Fund.— The  Secretary  of  the  New- 
foundland Aeroplane  Fund  has  been  informed  that  the  Colony  has,  up  to  now,  con- 
tributed more  largely  than  any  other  part  of  the  Empire  towards  the  scheme  for 
providing  an  Imperial  air-fleet.  The  amount  already  subscribed  by  Newfoundland  is 
$50,000 — a  sum  sufficient  to  purchase  four  biplanes  and  one  monoplane. 


768  ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. 

Offer  Of  Coal  from  the  Transvaal — The  Transvaal  Coal  Owners'  Association 
has  offered  His  Majesty's  Government,  on  behalf  of  the  Witbank  District  Collieries, 
100,000  tons  of  coal  free  on  rail  at  pithead.  The  offer,  it  is  announced,  has  been 
gratefully  accepted  by  the  British  Government. 

Munition  Workers. — The  intimation  that  the  services  of  mechanics  will  be  accepted 
by  the  Imperial  Government  for  the  making  of  munitions  has  caused  great  satisfaction 
on  the  Rand.  In  Johannesburg,  as  elsewhere,  it  is  recognised  that  the  man  who 
assists  in  the  output  of  war  materials  is  of  fully  as  great  account  as  the  fighting  man  ; 
and  the  Rand,  having  provided  freely  of  the  latter,  is  now  equally  anxious  to  come 
forward  in  response  to  the  appeal  for  factory  workers.  Through  the  Transvaal  Chamber 
of  Mines,  200  mechanics  have  so  far  been  offered  a  chance  of  volunteering,  of  which 
number  it  is  stipulated  that  180  shall  be  fitters,  erectors,  riggers,  and  machinists,  and 
20  boiler-makers.  They  will  be  engaged  in  Government  workshops  at  standard  British 
rates  of  pay,  plus  war  bonus,  and  the  industry  will  keep  open  the  billets  of  men 
engaged  by  the  Imperial  authorities  for  munition  work,  for  sixty  days  after  the  expiration 
of  their  contracts. 

WEST  AFRICA. 

Gift  from  Togoland. — The  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  has  received, 
through  the  Acting-Governor  of  the  Gold  Coast,  further  contributions  to  the  National 
Relief  Fund  from  the  Western  and  Eastern  Provinces  of  that  Colony,  bringing  the 
total  contribution  from  that  district  up  to  rather  over  £25.518.  In  addition  to  this, 
a  sum  of  £100  2s.  3rf.  has  been  collected  by  Dagadu,  Chief  of  Kpandu,  in  Togoland. 
This  Chief  had,  in  1886,  applied  to  be  taken  under  British  protection  and  had  been 
given  a  British  flag,  but  his  territory  came  within  the  German  sphere  of  influence  when 
the  Togoland  boundary  was  delimited.  He  retained  his  flag  until  about  eighteen  months 
ago,  when,  on  account  of  his  British  sympathies,  he  was  exiled  to  Duala.  When  Duala 
was  occupied  by  the  Allied  forces,  Chief  Dagadu  was  released,  and  returned  to  Kpandu 
in  January  last.  Since  then  he  has  been  of  much  assistance  to  the  occupation  Govern- 
ment. His  gift  to  the  National  Relief  Fund  was  entirely  spontaneous,  and  caine  as  a 
surprise  to  the  political  officer  in  Togoland. 

INDIA. 

India  and  the  Imperial  Conference. — The  Imperial  Government  has  consented  to 
the  bringing  forward  during  the  present  session  of  the  Legislature  of  a  resolution 
urging  that  India  should  be  represented  at  Imperial  Conferences.  From  the  fact  that 
contentious  business  has  been  rigidly  excluded  from  the  consideration  of  the  Legisla- 
ture since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  Indian 
Government  and  probably  the  India  Council  also  are  sympathetic  to  the  idea. 

EGYPT. 

New  Coinage  under  Consideration. — An  alteration  in  the  coinage  of  Egypt  is 
at  present  under  consideration,  certain  changes  being  rendered  imperative  owing  to 
the  creation  of  the  Sultanate  of  Egypt  and  the  separation  from  Turkey,  as  the  silver 
coinage  is  of  Turkish  origin  and  bears  the  monogram  of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey.  The 
remodelling  of  the  token  money  affords  a  good  opportunity  for  reforming  the  entire 
monetary  system.  At  present,  although  everything  is  calculated  in  piastres  and  the 
standard  unit  is  a  gold  pound  of  100  piastres,  there  are  current  in  Egypt,  as  legal 
tender,  the  English  sovereign,  the  French  napoleon,  and  the  Turkish  pound.  The 
Egyptian  pound  fell  into  discredit  and  has  practically  disappeared.  The  three  foreign 
coins  are  all  undervalued  in  the  relation  of  their  tariff  value  to  their  intrinsic  value, 
but  the  English  sovereign  is  the  least  undervalued  of  the  three,  and  in  consequence, 
whilst  everything  is  reckoned  in  piastres,  payments — up  to  the  outbreak  of  war,  and 


ROUND    THE   EMPIRE  NOTES.  769 

the  consequent  enforcement  of  notes  as  currency  and  legal  tender — were  made  in 
sovereigns  and  silver  only.  The  inconvenience  of  having  as  the  standard  unit  a  coin  which 
is  tariffed  at  a  figure  like  P.T.  97 i  is  obvious,  and  efforts  are  being  made  to  reform 
the  system  so  as  to  give  the  English  sovereign  the  same  value  as  the  Egyptian  pound, 
i.e.  P.T.  IOC.  There  are  objections,  however,  from  an  economic  and  financial  point  of 
view  to  such  an  alteration,  and  the  banks  have  been  asked,  to  give  their  opinion  on 
the  question. 

STRAITS  SETTLEMENTS. 

Compulsory  Service. — News  has  come  from  Singapore  that  a  Bill  has  been  intro- 
duced in  the  Colonial  Legislature,  making  service  in  either  the  Volunteers  or  the  Civil 
Guards  compulsory  for  all  British  subjects  between  the  ages  of  18  and  55.  This  step 
is  a  further  proof  of  the  Colony's  desire  to  bear  its  share  of  responsibility  in  the 
present  crisis. 

Shipping  Trade  of  Malaya. — The  report  of  the  Marine  Department  of  the  Straits 
Settlements  for  the  year  1914  contains  no  reference  to  the  Emden's  activities,  but 
confines  itself  to  plain  facts  and  figures.  There  was  actually  an  increase  in  the  number 
of  vessels  frequenting  the  ports,  though  there  was  a  decrease  of  1,501,601  in  tonnage. 
In  view  of  the  year's  events  the  net  loss  of  tonnage  is  not  serious,  and  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  Germany  is  mainly  responsible  for  the  decrease,  showing  a  loss  of  1,156,399 
tons.  When  the  statistics  for  the  current  year  are  compiled,  Germany  and  Austria 
will  figure  still  more  conspicuously.  From  the  report  on  the  ports  of  Selangor  (F.M.S.) 
it  appears  that  the  principal  shipping  companies  are  sending  their  largest  cargo  vessels 
to  Port  Swettenham,  where  the  accommodation  is  being  steadily  improved  by  the 
Railway  Administration  of  the  Government.  Out  of  1,300  merchant  vessels  calling  there 
in  1914,  1,268  were  British,  and  1  German. 

WEST  INDIES. 

Industries  affected  by  the  War. — In  spite  of  the  trouble  that  has  been  experienced 
owing  to  the  lack  of  freight  facilities,  and  the  necessarily  high  rate  of  freights  and  war 
insurances,  the  fact  remains  that  the  West  Indian  industries,  for  the  most  part,  have 
been  able  to  "  carry  on  "  successfully  The  primary  reason  for  this  lies  in  the  magnificent 
achievement  of  the  British  Navy  in  adequately  protecting  the  interests  of  these  Colonies 
from  the  menace  occasioned  by  the  presence  of  enemy  ships  in  the  Western  Atlantic. 
With  regard  to  the  individual  industries,  rubber  has  been  in  greater  demand  during 
the  War,  and  the  high  price  of  imported  foodstuffs  has  had  a  stimulating  effect  on  the 
production  of  rice,  the  exports  of  this  commodity  from  British  Guiana  having  increased 
by  40  per  cent.  The  cacao  industry  is  enjoying  a  spell  of  prosperity,  the  War  having 
caused  an  immediate  rise  in  prices  which  is  well  maintained.  In  Great  Britain  the 
consumption  has  increased  enormously,  due  largely  to  the  supplies  of  cocoa  and  chocolate 
dispatched  to  the  Army  and  Navy.  It  is  also  stated  that  the  demand  has  increased 
in  Russia,  as  a  result  of  the  vodka  prohibition.  What  the  effect  will  be  of  the 
prohibition  of  July  30  of  the  exports  of  cacao  and  cacao  products  to  European  countries 
other  than  those  of  the  Allies,  Spain  and  Portugal,  it  is  at  present  difficult  to  prophesy. 
Meantime  the  price  of  cacao  has  gone  up  quite  forty  per  cent.  The  West  Indian  fruit 
industry  has  not  been  directly  affected,  as  the  exports  to  enemy  countries  have  never 
been  large.  The  value  of  lime  products  has  naturally  increased,  and  rum  has  also  been 
in  great  demand,  higher  prices  having  been  realised  than  for  many  years  past. 

BRITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  ARGENTINE  AND  CHILE. 

War  Gift  from  Valparaiso. — The  British  Colony  in  Valparaiso  has  sent  a  sum  of 
£344  to  be  devoted  to  the  care  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  and  sailors  in  Great 
Britain.  This  gift  is  the  balance  of  a  fund  raised  to  build  a  "King  Edward  Memorial 
Hall,"  but  in  view  of  the  urgent  needs  created  by  the  War,  it  has  been  decided  to 
defer  the  original  project,  and  to  apply  the  money  collected  to  better  purpose. 

3  F 


770 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued), 

Aug.  28.  Further  fighting  in  Gallipoli ;  important  position  captured  by  British  forces. 

„      29.  Great  artillery  activity  in  the  Argonne.     German  advance  in  Russia ; 

Lipsk  stormed.     German  troops  repotted  massing  on  Rumanian  frontier. 

„      31.  Allies  keep  up  continuous  bombardment  on  Western  front.    .Heavy  fighting 

near  Riga. 
Sept.    1.  Russian  success  in  East  Galicia ;    large  captures  of  guns  and  prisoners. 

Austro-German  forces  routed  near  Lustk. 
„       2.  Enemy  captures  outer  line  of  torts  near  Grodno.    Four  Turkish  transports 

sunk  by  British  submarines. 
„        3.  Russians  evacuate  Grodno. 

„       4.  Germans  capture  bridge-head  at  Friedrichstadt ;    Riga  menaced.     Allan 
liner  Hesperian  torpedoed  off  Irish  coast.     Further  fighting  on  Indian 
frontier  reported  ;   some  12,000  tribesmen  dispersed. 
,,       6.  French  air-raid  on  Saarbrucken ;    considerable  damage    done.     Russian 

destroyers  rout  Turkish  squadron  in  Black  Sea. 

„       7.  Tsar  takes  command  of  Russian  Armies.    German  air-raid  on  East  Coast. 
„       8.  Zeppelins  over  London.     Heavy  fighting  in  the  Argonne.    Allied  air-raids 

on  Ostend  and  Metz. 
„       9.  Germans  defeated  near  Tarnopol  (Galicia),  and  east  of  Grodno.     Second 

Zeppelin  laid,  London  district. 
„      10.  More  fighting  on  Indian  frontier  reported. 
„      12.  Hindenburg  reinforced  ;   Dvinsk-Vilna  line  attacked. 

„      14.  Germans  capture  Skidel  and  cut  railway  near  Vilna.     Russians  make  head- 
way in  Galicia  ;    von  Mackensen  defeated  and  driven  back.     Enemy 
patrol  defeated  in  East  Africa  by  British  and  Indian  forces. 
.,     16.  British  submarine  E7  lost  in  Dardanelles. 

„     19.  Germans  capture  Vilna  ;  Russians  in  danger  of  being  surrounded. 
„    21.  German  advance  arrested  at  critical  point ;  Russians  secure  possibility  of 

safe  retreat.     Frenrh  gain  footing  on  bank  of  Aisne-Marne  Canal. 
„    22.  Mobilisation  of  Bulgarian  Army  announced. 
„    23.  French  aviators  drop  bombs  on  Strassburg. 

„  24.  Greece  mobilises  ;  Berlin  admits  Russian  success  at  three  points  ;  Russia 
also  retakes  fortress  of  Lutsk  from  Austrians.  Three  British  steamers 
sunk. 

ROLL  OF  HONOUR  (Seventh  List). 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.  Additions  to  this 
list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary.) 

ALLEN,  HABBY,  Rhodesian  Forces,  German  South-West  Africa ;  BARCLAY,  A.  V., 
East  African  Mounted  Rifles  ;  BARTON,  C.  A.  B.,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles  ;  BATCHELOE, 
F.  C.,  M.D.,  Colonel,  New  Zealand  Expeditionary  Force;  BIBCHAL,  H.  F.,  13th 
Division,  M.M.G.S.  ;  BOWYEB-BOWEB,  T.,  Captain  R.E.  ;  CABBICK,  J.  J.,  M.P.,  Lt.- 
Colonel,  Staff  Intelligence  Officer,  Canadian  Overseas  Forces  ;  COLLYEB,  J.  J.,  Colonel, 
Chief  of  Staff,  G.O.C.,  South  African  Forces  ;  CTJNINGHAME,  BOYD  A.,  Major,  Northern 
Rhodesia  Rifles;  DEWHUBST,  C.,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles;  DODWELL,  M.  C.,  Lieutenant, 
19th  Australian  Light  Horse  ;  DUNN,  THOMAS  S.,  M.B.,  Captain,  East  African  Medical 
Service  ;  ECCLES,  L.  W.  G.,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles  ;  FRANCIS,  CLTFFOBD,  Lieutenant, 
10th  Battalion,  East  Surrey  Regiment ;  GBEEN,  J.  A.,  Captain,  South  African  Forces ; 
HIGGINSON,  J.  W.,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles ;  HABDWICKE,  CHARLES,  M.D.,  Field 


PUBLIC    LECTURES.  771 

Hospital,  French  Red  Cross ;  JOYCE,  J.  F.,  Captain,  South  African  Union  Defence 
Force ;  KINO,  W.  ALLAN,  Captain,  Intelligence  Department,  South  African  Forces ; 
KINGSBOBOTTGH,  F.  E. ,  Lieutenant,  Army  Pay  Department ;  LEES,  SIB  THOMAS,  Bart., 
Lieutenant,  Dorset  Yeomanry ;  LITTLE,  J.  A.,  Lieut.-Colonel,  96th  Regiment  (Garrison 
Duty),  Port  Arthur,  Canada  ;  MILLS,  EGEBTON  C.,  Lieutenant,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles  ; 
MUBBAY,  GEOBGE  S.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Royal  Fusiliers  ;  MYEBS,  LEO,  Lieutenant,  K.R.R. ; 
PAISH,  T.  A.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  10th  East  Surrey  Regiment ;  PEACOCK,  K.  D.,  Northern 
Rhodesia  Rifles  ;  PEAD,  THOMAS  P.,  Lieutenant,  K.A.  Rifles  ;  RENNY-TAILYOTJB,  Northern 
Rhodesia  Rifles  ;  SANBY,  F.  S.,  Captain,  Cambs.  Regiment ;  SLADDIN,  T.  A.,  Lieutenant, 
A.S.C.  ;  TAYLOB,  G.  M.,  Durban  Light  Infantry ;  THOMAS,  E.  NAPIEB,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
Middlesex  Regiment ;  TBOOSTWYK,  OSCAB,  Captain,  96th  Regiment  (Garrison  Duty),  Port 
Arthur,  Canada ;  VALLANCEY,  W.  B.,  Lieutenant,  South  African  Mounted  Rifles ; 
WINCHCOMBE,  F.  E.,  A.A.M.C. ;  WITH,  KENNETH  S.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  WABBINEB, 
R,  C.,  Northern  Rhodesia  Rifles. 


PUBLIC  LECTURES  UNDER  THE  IMPERIAL  STUDIES  SCHEME. 

THE  following  courses  of  Public  Lectures  have  already  been  arranged  by  the  Universities 
acting  in  conjunction  with  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute.  Cards  of  admission  to  reserved 
seats  at  the  courses  can  be  obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  on 
application  to  the  respective  persons'  indicated  below.  A  stamped  addressed  envelope 
should  accompany  each  application. 

UXIVEBSITY  OF  LONDON. 

"  The  Empire  and  the  Future."    A  course  of  six  Public  Lectures  on  Wednesd-iys,  at  5.15  P.M. 

at  King's  College,  Strand,  W.C. 
Oct.   27.  "The  Universities  and    the    Empire."     M.     E.    Sadler,    C.B.,   Vice-Chancellor 

of   the    University    of   Leeds.     Chairman,    The   Secretary    of   State    for    the 

Colonies  (Mr.  Bonar  Law). 
Nov.    3.  "Empire  and  Demociacy."     *Sir  Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C  M.G.     Chairman, 

Viscount  Bryce. 
Nov.  10.  "  The  Administration  of  Dependencies."     *H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  LL.D.,  Vice-Chancellor 

of  the   University  of  Sheffield.     Chairman,   The   President  of  the   Board   of 

Agriculture  (Lord   Selborne). 
Nov.  17.  "  The  People  and  the  Duties  of  Empire."     *  A.  L.  Smith,  M.A.,  Dean  of  Balliol 

College,  Oxford.     Chairman,  Viscount  Milner. 
Nov.  24.  "  Commonwealth   and   Empire."     Philip   H.   Ker,   M.A.,   Editor  of   the   Round 

Table.     Chairman,  Earl  St.  Aldwyn. 
Dec.     1.  "The  Duty  of  the  Empire  to  the  World."     G.  R.  Parkin,  LL.D.     Chairman, 

Earl  Grey,  President  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 

Applications    to    the    Lecture    Secretary,    King's    College,    W.C.,    before    October   20. 
Fellowship   or  Associateship   of   the    Institute   should   be   mentioned  in   the   application. 
Full  particulars  of    public  lectures  in  the  University  can  be  obtained  on  application 
to  the  Academic   Registrar,   University  of   London,   South  Kensington,   S.W. 

UNTVEBSITY  OF  MANCHESTEB. 
Monday,   Nov.    1.  "The  Study  of  Empire."     *  Sidney  Low,  M.A. 

„        Nov.    8.  "  Britain's  Work  in  India."     *  Prof.  Ramsay  Mirir,  M.A. 

,,        Nov.  15.  To  be  arranged. 

,,        Nov.  22.  "  Australian  Universities  and  People."     Albert  Mansbridge. 

„        Nov.  29.  "  The   British   Empire   and   the   Freedom   of  the  Seas."     Prof.  A.  F. 

Pollard,  M.A.,  Litt.D. 
Applications  to  Prof.   Ramsay  Muir,  The  University,  Manchester. 

3  P2 


772  CORRESPONDENCE. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  BIRMINGHAM. 

Wednesday,  Oct.  13.   "  The  Meaning  of  Empire."     *  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.    Chairman, 

Sir  Oliver  Lodge,  F.R.S.,  Principal  of  the  University. 
Friday,  Oct.   22.  "  The  Study  of  Empire."     *  Sidney  Low,  M.A. 

„       Nov.    5.  "The     British     Empire — its     Construction     and     its     Reconstruction." 

*  Prof.  A.  F.  Pollard,  M.A.,  Litt.D. 
„       Nov.  19.  "India  and  the  Empire."     *Prof.  Ramsay    Muir,  M.A.     Chairman,  the 

Secretary  of  State  for  India  (Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain). 
Applications   to   Prof.    E.   A.   Sonnenschein,   The   University,    Birmingham. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  SHEFFIELD. 

Friday,  Oct.   29.  "  The  Integration  of  .the  Empire."     *  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  K.C.M.G. 

„       Nov.  12.  "  Burke   and   the   Ideal   of   Empire."     *  John    Bailey,   M.A. 

„       Nov.  26.  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Empire."     *  W.  H.  Hadow,  M.A.,  D.Mus. 

Applications  to  the  Vice-Chancellor,  The  University,  Sheffield. 

*  Lecturer  upon  the  Imperial  Studies  Panel  of  the  Institute. 

Arrangements  are  now  being  made  for  the  delivery  of  courses  in  the  University  of 
Bristol,  University  College,  Nottingham  and  Armstrong  College,  Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Particulars  of  these  and  other  courses  will  be  announced  later. 

ARTHUR  PERCIVAL  NEWTON. 


WAR   LECTURES. 

MR.  HERBERT  GARRISON,  our  Official  Lecturer,  has  now  given  some  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  lectures  on  the  "  War  in  Relation  to  the  British  Empire  "  to  over  one  hundred 
thousand  people,  and  has  thus  been  the  means  of  raising  several  thousand  pounds  for 
various  War  Relief  Funds.  In  this  work  he  has  received  valuable  organising  assistance  from 
his  War  Lectures  Committee,  comprising  over  sixty  members  and  associates  of  the  Institute. 
Lord  Plunkett  is  President  of  the  Committee.  Fellows  of  the  Institute  residing  in 
the  Provinces  have  helped  to  promote  lectures  in  their  respective  districts,  and  it  is 
hoped  that .  others  will  follow  their  example  during  the  autumn  and  winter.  Among 
the  places  at  which  Mr.  Garrison  has  recently  lectured  are  the  following : — Chislehurst, 
Petersfield,  Croydon,  Worthing,  Kensington  Town  Hall,  Central  Hall,  Westminster, 
South  London  Music  Hall  (three  times),  Paddington,  Hampstead.  Also  to  the  troops 
at  Aldersho*,  Paddockhurst  (the  residence  of  Lord  Cowdray) ;  and  the  Royal  College 
of  Science,  Kensington.  Mr.  Garrison  gave  a  special  lecture  for  H.R.H.  Princess 
Alexander  of  Teck  in  aid  of  the  Imperial  Service  College  Scholarship  Fund  at  Hyde 
Park  House,  kindly  lent  by  Lady  Naylor-Leyland,  when  His  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  presided. 

CORRESPONDENCE. 

"English"  and  "British". — In  the  August  number,  page  585,  in  the  article 
of  Mr.  Boswell,  there  is  a  reference  to  the  feeling  held  towards  the  "English",  which 
some  who  are  not  English  do  not  accept,  and  with  which  they  do  not  sympathise, 
and  perhaps  you  will  allow  a  few  words  thereon.  There  appears  to  be  a  very  much 
mistaken  idea  that  the  loyalty  displayed  by  those  who  have  left  their  "  Home-land", 
or  their  sons,  or  grandsons,  is  exclusively  for  England  and  the  "  English ".  Being 
Irish  by  birth,  and  of  Scotch  family,  the  writer — who  has  lived  in  Canada  for  sixty 
years — knows  that  the  term  "  Motherland  "  is  not  accepted  by  far  the  greatest  number 
of  those  who  have  made  the  "  Sonlands "  their  new  home  to  mean  England.  ("  Son- 
lands  "  is  suggested  in  place  of  "  Colonials ".  If  Motherland,  why  not  Sonlands  ?)  As 
Mr.  Boswell  rightly  says,  the  notice  "  No  Englishman  need  apply "  was  very  prevalent 
in  the  Canadian  West,  owing  to  the  reputation  established  by  the  English  remittance- 


CORRESPONDENCE  773 

man.  But  it  was  not  confined  to  the  West.  In  the  East  the  same  feeling  was  the 
outcome  of  the  habits  and  characters  of  the  class  of  Englishmen  which  steamboat 
agencies  were  sending  to  Canada.  These  men  would  not  go  out  to  the  farms,  but 
kept  to  the  cities,  and  if  by  chance  were  given  work  in  a  factory  were  disturbers 
among  the  employees.  They  would  not  fall  in  with  regulations  and  customs  which 
prevailed,  because — in  their  opinion — "  that  is  not  the  way  we  did  it  in  England ". 
If  it  was  an  "open -shop",  they  worked  among  the  men  to  advocate  that  it  should  be 
made  a  "  closed-shop ".  If  it  was  such,  they  found  fault  with  the  rules. 

This  could  only  bring  about  one  result'.  These  objections  were  not  found  among 
the  Irish  or  Scotch,  so  when  an  applicant  was  found  to  be  "  English "  he  was  not 
employed,  and  to  avoid  having  to  refuse  them,  the  notice  was  put  in  to  the  advertise- 
ment, "No  Englishmen  need  apply".  It  is  nearly  time  that  England  and  the  English 
should  recognise  the  feeling  which  is  so  generally  held  in  the  Sonlands,  in  relation  to 
the  term  "  Motherland ".  Britain  (that  is  England,  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Wales)  is 
always  accepted  as  the  "  Hub  "  of  the  Empire.  The  Union  Jack  is  the  flag  common  to 
all  parts  of  the  Empire.  It  is  composed  of  the  Cross  of  St.  George,  the  Cross  of 
St.  Patrick,  and  the  Cross  of  St.  Andrew.  The  Britannic  Army  has  in  it  Irish,  Scotch, 
and  Welsh  units  and  regiments.  The  Parliament  is  composed  of  members  from  con- 
stituencies on  both  sides  of  the  "  Irish  "  Sea.  In  a  similar  way  is  the  Navy  manned. 
So  it  is-not  correct  to  speak  of  the  English  Army,  Navy  or  Parliament,  and  there  are 
a  very,  very  large  number  of  British  loyal  subjects  who  object  to  the  English  spirit 
which  domineeringly  endeavours  to  force  it  on  the  Empire. 

A  great  change  has  taken  place,  and  it  is  only  a  forerunner  of  the  still  greater 
changes  which  will  take  place  in  the  positions  of  the  Sonlands  in  the  Empire  after 
the  end  of  the  war.  We  in  Canada  are  recognising  the  change  which  is  coming,  and 
we  are  studying  how  we  may  assume  our  responsibilities  and  be  able  to  carry  them 
with  dignity  for  ourselves  and  benefit  for  the  Empire.  Under  the  new  order,  no  part 
of  the  Empire  may  choose  to  be  self-superior  to  any  other  part.  Britain  must  regard 
all  British.  British  includes  the  whole  Empire.  England  is  NOT  Britain.  England  is 
"  Home "  to  the  English  only.  The  spirit  to  do  away  with  the  term  "  Colonial "  has 
grown  from  the  admission  that  many  parts  of  the  Empire  are  no  longer  colonies. 
This  war  has  forced  a  union  which  deep-thinkers  had  been  considering  for  many  years, 
but  who  could  not  find  a  way  to  its  accomplishment.  The  fundamental  cause  of 
support  of  the  union  was  love  for  the  "  Motherland  "  and  sympathy  for  our  heritage. 

Sympathy  is  sensitive,  so  the  sons  of  the  sons  of  the  Irish  Motherland,  or  those 
of  the  Scotch  Motherland,  do  not  like  to  have  the  English  Motherland  too  prominently 
made  to  do  step-Motherland  duty. 

One  who  is  proud  to  be  British, 

An  Irish-Scotch-Canadian, 

JAS.  P.  MTTBEAT. 
Toronto. 

[We  print  this  letter  as  a  warning  to  writers  who,  like  Miss  Hazel  Boswell,  may 
unwittingly  fall  into  the  pit  provided  by  the  nomenclature  of  our  Empire  and  ita 
parts.  But  we  do  not  find  "  Sonlands "  any  appreciable  improvement  on  the  already 
current  "Daughter-states".  Also,  while  we  envy  Mr.  Murray  his  proud  consciousness 
of  triple  nationality,  we  wonder  what  he  will  do  to  anyone  who  accuses  him  of  speaking  and 
writing  "  English,"  or  whether,  should  Irish  Home  Rule  be  accomplished,  he  will  still 
grudge  the  Parliament  at  Westminster  its  time-honoured  name  of  "  English "  ?  And 
finally,  as  a  purist  in  these  matters,  it  may  interest  him  to  know  that  the  late]  Andrew 
Lang  maintained  that  the  term  "  Scotch "  was  a  contemptuous  one,  only  found  south 
of  the  Border,  and  used  (after  Scotland  annexed  England  in  the  Union)  by  the  conquered 
race  to  indicate  their  Scottish  invaders.  We  know  Scots  who  resent  being  called 
"  Scotch "  (a  term  now  consecrated  to  liquor)  quite  as  much  as  Mr.  Murray  resents 
the  use  of  the  word  "  English." — Ed.] 


774 

REVIEWS. 

THE  NORTH-WEST  AMAZONS.* 

THE  author  claims  that  this  book  must  simply  be  regarded  as  a  record  of  impressions 
and  studies  of  the  ways  and  doings  of  the  natives  of  the  North-West  Amazons,  noted 
by  a  temporary  dweller  in  their  midst. 

Local  wars  and  difficulties  of  transport  obliged  him  to  modify  his  original,  more 
extensive  plans,  and  he  began  his  exploration  at  Encanto,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kara 
Parana  river.  From  thence  he  journeyed  eastwards  across  the  Igara  Parana,  then 
northwards  across  the  Kahuinari  and  Tapura  rivers  to  a  point  some  few  miles  north  of 
the  latter.  He  then  returned,  on  a  still  more  easterly  track,  to  the  junction  of  the 
Kahuinari  with  the  Tapura  rivers  and  spent  a  couple  of  months  in  the  forests  to  the 
north  of  the  latter,  reaching  so  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Apaporis.  His  return  journey 
was  occupied  in  travel,  largely  by  canoe  and  launch,  on  the  Igara  Parana,  the  Issa 
and  Kara  Parana  rivers.  The  whole  journey  lasting  from  August  1908  to  February 
1909. 

Although  he  found  the  semi -civilised  Indians  fairly  trustworthy,  it  was  necessary 
to  guard  carefully  against  treachery  from  the  native  Indians,  who,  it  would  seem,  hold  a 
simple  view  regarding  callers,  if  they  "  know  not,  it  is  best  to  kill !  " 

The  author's  description  of  jungle  travel  in  those  regions  is  terse.  A  dreary  monotony 
of  discomfort  and  ever-present  danger,  through  swamps  and  sludge  ;  the  silent  ""message 
of  poisoned  arrow  and  pointed  stake  projecting  six  inches  above  ground,  or  leaf-roofed 
pitfall,  being  usually  the  only  signs  given  of  the  existence  of  human  life  ;  while  the 
difficulty  of  transport  allows  of  no  more  than  a  barely  sufficient  amount  of  stores  being 
carried,  and  one  is  therefore  faced  with  the  possibility  of  starvation,  if,  as  so  constantly 
happens  in  these  dense  jungles,  the  traveller  loses  his  way  or  is  forsaken  by  his  carriers. 
The  story  is  clearly  and  modestly  told,  but  the  zeal  of  the  writer,  his  acumen,  endurance, 
and  courage  are  plainly  discernible  throughout  the  book.  There  are  five  sketch  maps  of 
the  region  visited,  and  the  book  is  otherwise  amply  illustrated  with  drawings  and  photographs, 
many  of  which  are  of  much  value  and  interest. 

The  main  portion  of  the  book  is  occupied  by  descriptions,  ethnological  and  anthro- 
pological, of  the  races  met  with ;  and,  in  our  opinion,  the  observations  made  are  always 
interesting  and  often  contain  valuable  additions  to  our  knowledge  of  these  people  and 
of  their  place  in  the  intricate  scheme  of  the  families  of  man.  The  two  groups  of 
natives  with  which  he  mainly  concerned  himself  were  the  Witoto  and  the  Boro,  living 
in  the  forests  between  the  Tapara,  Igara  Parana,  and  the  Issa  rivers,  though  various 
other  groups  are  dealt  with  from  time  to  time  throughout  the  book.  "  Patrilineal " 
and  "  patrilocal "  laws  are  universal  amongst  these  peoples,  though  there  are  traces 
of  what  may  be  considered  to  be  original  "  matrilocal "  customs.  Both  endogamy 
and  exogamy  are  practised  by  different  tribes.  Taken  as  a  whole  the  women  are 
well  treated  everywhere,  but  there  is  a  sharp  demarcation  between  the  rights  and 
duties  of  the  sexes  and  of  the  laws  which  govern  them.  Slavery  is  common,  but^  is 
rarely  attended  with  hardships,  and  the  impression  is  given  that  they  are  a  kindly 
people  amongst  themselves. 

The  women  wear  no  clothing  of  any  kind,  the  men  no  more  than  a  very  meagre  loin  -cloth 
Dress  there  is  restricted  to  ornament,  for  which  both  sexes  have  a  lively  appreciation. 
But  besides  ornaments,  like  all  savage  tribes,  the  aesthetic  sense  is  gratified  especi- 
ally by  artificial  physical  monstrosities.  The  most  interesting  of  these  described  by 
the  author  is  the  abnormal  growth  of  muscles,  induced  by  wearing  "  ligatures."  Bands, 
beautifully  made  of  very  fine  fibre  thread,  are  worn  by  the  men  tightly  drawn  round 
the  upper  arm,  just  below  the  shoulder,  and  by  the  women  on  the  leg  below  the  knee 
and  again  above  the  ankle.  The  effect  of  these  ligatures  is  an  enormous  swelling  of 
the  muscles  above  or  below  them.,  a  result  which  is  obviously  a  matter  of  pride  to 

*  The  North-  West  Amazons :  Notes  of  some  months  spent  among  Cannibal  Tribes.  By  Thomas 
Whiffen,  F.R.G.S.,  F.R.A.I..  Captain  H.P.  (14th  Hussars).  London  :  Constable  &  Co.  1915. 
12*.  6d. 


REVIEWS.  775 

the  fortunate  possessor.  The  physical  characteristics  of  these  people  is  discussed  in 
the  appendix,  where  also  will  be  found  vocabularies  and  a  brief  note  on  the  Mongoloid 
origin  of  the  race :  the  author  accepting  the  view  that  they  are  related  to  the  east 
oceanic  branch  of  the  Mongols. 

The  space  available  for  this  review  does  not  admit  of  detailed  criticism  of  the 
various  controversial  points  which  are  raised  by  the  author  or  which  are  affected  by 
the  observations  he  has  recorded.  These  are  many,  and,  while  we  are  not  in  accord 
with  all  he  claims,  a  too  brief  criticism  would  be  unfair  to  him.  We  content  ourselves, 
therefore,  with  recommending  these  records  of  a  conscientious  and  careful  observer  to 
all  those  who  are  interested  in  the  little  known  regions  he  traversed,  and  in  the 
ethnology  and  anthropology  of  the  wild  tribes  he  studied. 

WALTER  HEAPE,  F.R.S. 

THE  WINNING  OF  THE  FAR  WEST. 

IN  "The  Winning  of  the  Far  West"*  Professor  Robert  McElroy,  of  Princeton  University, 
relates  the  story  of  such  national  actions  and  international  relations  as  have  resulted 
in  additions,  within  the  continent  of  North  America,  to  the  territory  of  the  United 
States.  His  book  is  in  reality  a  continuation  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  "  Winning  of  the 
West "  in  so  far  as  it  relates  to  American  action  in  Mexico,  Texas,  California,  and 
Oregon.  To  British  readers  the  section  dealing  with  the  long  dispute  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Oregon  and  the  North-West  Pacific  slope,  which  was  only  ended  by  a  com- 
promise between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  is  the  most  interesting  portion 
of  the  volume.  The  history  of  this  struggle— now  almost  forgotten  by  British  readers, 
who  are  in  the  habit  of  regarding  the  United  States  as  it  now  exists  as  the  immediate 
offspring  of  the  American  Revolution  instead  of  the  slowly  evolved  result  of  the  west- 
ward movement — is  admirably  and  concisely  unfolded,  from  the  American  point  of  view, 
by  Professor  McElroy.  For  clear  and  definite  enunciation  his  chapter  dealing  with 
the  Oregon  question  would  be  hard  to  beat.  It  is  particularly  unfortunate,  therefore, 
for  one  to  be  forced  to  state  that  as  an  historical  account  it  is  of  very  small  value, 
because  where  the  author  does  not  write  with  obvious  bias  he  falls  into  numerous 
errors  of  fact,  and  frequently  withholds  information  that  is  now  well  known  to  students 
of  Pacific  Coast  history. 

The  question  of  the  Oregon  claims  which  apparently,  though  not  really,  so  nearly 
led  to  a  disastrous  rupture  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  is  certainly 
the  most  interesting  bypath  of  Canadian  history  connected  with  the  opening  of  the 
West.  The  action  of  President  Polk  and  the  fiery  party  who  were  the  authors  of  the 
now  celebrated  slogan  "  fifty -four  forty  or  fight " — referring  of  course  to  the  determina- 
tion of  the  United  States  to  uphold  their  claims  to  all  territory  in  the  Pacific  regions 
south  of  that  parallel,  or  the  best  part  of  British  Columbia — has  been  tersely  described 
by  another  writer,  Professor  Meany,  of  the  University  of  Washington,  as  "  pure  Yankee 
bluster  from  beginning  to  end".  One  is  the  more  inclined  to  take  that  view  after 
reading  Professor  McElroy's  pages,  because  the  author  omits  all  mention  of  why  it 
was  that  the  American  Government  finally  gave  way  and  agreed  to  the  present  greatly 
reduced  boundary. 

The  American  claims  to  this  territory  were  based  upon  the  Spanish  discoveries,  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  the  Columbia  river.  Into 
these  questions  the  author  enters  at  considerable  length,  but  unfortunately  omits  so 
much  that  is  vital  and  includes  so  much  that  is  generally  regarded  as  apocryphal — 
such,  for  instance,  as  the  Spanish  voyages  of  Fuca  and  Fonte,  and  the  alleged  landing 
of  Juan  Perez — that  his  account,  although  admirably  narrated,  is  worse  than  useless, 
for  it  is  positively  misleading  to  the  student.  It  is  not  proposed,  however,  to  traverse 
Professor  McEJroy's  mis-statements  in  detail.  Attention  need  only  be  directed  to  his 
obvious  mistake  that  the  Columbia  river  district  was  not  occupied  until  the  establish- 

*  The  Winning  of  the  Far  West.  By  Robert  McNutt  McElroy.  8vo.  Pp.  x-386.  New 
York  and  London  :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sona.  1914.  36  oz.— 10s. 


776  BOOK  NOTICES. 

merit  of  Astoria,  seeing  that  David  Thompson  had  already  been  busy  in  that  region. 
The  fact  is  that  the  American  claim  was  a  bad  one,  and  it  was  only  partly  successful 
owing  to  the  astute  attitude  of  the  American  Government  in  rushing  settlers  into  the 
country  whilst  the  authorities  at  Downing  Street  were  dozing  in  their  arm-chairs. 
We  wish  to  do  full  justice  to  Professor  McElroy's  exceedingly  clear  and  capable,  within 
certain  limits,  handling  of  the  questions  with  which  he  deals ;  but  for  the  sake  of 
historical  accuracy  his  account  of  the  Oregon  question  should  not  be  allowed  to  pass 
unchallenged.  An  excellent  little  antidote  to  his  vie\vs  is  provided  in  a  pamphlet  by 
Mr.  F.  C.  Wade,  K.C.,  entitled  "  Treaties  Affecting  the  North  Pacific  Coast."  *  We 
commend  this  concise  statement — although  but  the  barest  outline  of  a  most  interesting 
subject — to  the  attention  of  students  of  Canadian  history. 


BOOK  NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.). 

The   Agricultural  Journal  of  South  Africa.     Edited  by  William  Macdonald.     Johannesburg  :  Argua 

Printing  and  Publicity  Co.     Price  2s.  6d.  monthly  or  30s.  per  annum. 

Dr.  Macdonald  is  to  be  congratulated  on  his  enterprise  in  issuing  this  journal  devoted  to 
the  agricultural  needs  of  South  Africa.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  Union  Government 
decided  to  discontinue  the  publication  of  their  monthly  agricultural  journal,  with  which 
Dr.  Macdonald  had  so  long  been  connected,  first  when  it  was  known  as  the  Transvaal 
Agricultural  Journal  and  afterwards  when  it  was  expanded  into  the  Union  Agricultural 
Journal.  It  must  have  been  a  great  disappointment  to  Dr.  Macdonald  to  find  that  the 
work  he  had  so  ably  directed  in  the  past  was  summarily  stopped  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
war.  Dr.  Macdonald  states  in  the  first  number  of  the  Agricultural  Journal  of  South 
Africa  that  he  believes  that  it  has  a  definite  role  to  play  in  the  destiny  of  the  sub- 
continent. He  decided  it  was  his  clear  duty  to  do  what  he  could  to  help  all  those  who 
were  serving  their  country  by  cultivating  their  farms  and  harvesting  their  crops.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  Dr.  Macdonald's  venture  will  be  successful,  particularly  because  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  any  country  where  there  is  greater  need  for  a  thoroughly  sound  agricul- 
tural periodical.  We  desire  to  call  special  attention  to  this  admirable  publication  and  to 
appeal  to  all  who  are  interested  in  the  welfare  of  South  Africa  to  support  Dr.  Macdonald 
in  his  undertaking.  Copies  of  the  journal  will  be  found  in  the  Library  of  the  Institute,  for 
Dr.  Macdonald  has  very  generously  decided  to  forward  it  regularly  for  the  use  of  South 
Africans  who  happen  to  be  in  London. 

Jones,  J.  H. — The  Economics  of  War  and  Conquest :  an  Examination  of  Mr.  Norman  Angell' s 
Economic  Doctrines.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xvii-160.  London  :  P.  S.  King  &  Son.  1916.  10  oz. 
—2s.  6d. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Mr.  Norman  Angell  and  his  theories  are  worth  a  tithe  of  the 
attention  they  have  received.  The  fallacy  of  many  of  the  ideas  he  has  formulated  has 
frequently  been  demonstrated,  but  the  author  generally  claims  that  he  is  a  much  misunder- 
stood person  whose  doctrines  have  not  received  the  critical  examination  they  •  deserve.  Most 
people  would  feel  inclined  to  add  that  if  Mr.  Angell  is  misunderstood  he  is  also  vastly  over- 
rated. Be  that  as  it  may,  Mr.  J.  H.  Jones,  Lecturer  on  Social  Economics  in  the  University 
of  Glasgow,  has  performed  a  distinct  service  in  again  directing  attention  to  the  fundamental 
errors  in  Mr.  Angell's  doctrines,  and  the  reader  who  cares  to  follow  his  critical  examination 
of  the  pacificist  economical  'theories  for  which  Mr.  Angell  stands  can  scarcely  fail,  in  view 
of  present-day  conditions,  to  come  to  many  of  the  same  conclusions  as  those  arrived  at 
by  Mr.  Jones.  The  writer  states  that  he  found  it  a  "  real  disappointment "  not  to  be 
able  to  accept  the  majority  of  the  doctrines  expounded  by  "  the  famous  author "  and  to 
be  "  entirely  out  of  sympathy  with  the  methods  of  reasoning  characteristic  of  his  economic 
writings  ".  The  conclusion,  he  continues,  to  which  every  student  of  economics  must  come, 
is  that  war  <  annot  be  expected  to  result  in  net  material  gain.  That  statement,  it  would 
appear,  is  strictly  true  only  so  far  as  the  present  is  concerned.  Readers  of  longer  vision 
may  well  come  to  an  opposite  opinion. 

Mr.  Jones  divides  his  book  into  six  sections  dealing  with  Armaments  and  Economic 
Strength,  War  and  the  Credit  System,  the  Immediate  Financial  Effects  of  the  War,  Territory 
and  Economic  Welfare,  the  Indemnity  Problem,  and  the  Material  Cost  of  War.  It  is  not 


BOOK  NOTICES.  777 

proposed  to  examine  his  conclusions  in  detail,  but  the  reader  who  desires  to  study  the 
economic  problems  of  war  would  do  well  to  devote  special  attention  to  the  section  dealing 
with  colonies,  wherein  Mr.  Jones  exposes  the  essential  fallacies  of  the  Angell  theories  in  that 
connection.  Mr.  Angell,  to  put  the  matter  concisely,  in  the  first  place  denies  the  possi- 
bility of  complete  conquest  of  colonies,  and  in  the  second  denies  the  utility  of  such  conquest 
did  it  take  place.  His  present  critic  does  well  to  devote  special  attention  to  the  net  result 
of  a  change  of  ownership  of  colonies.  Such  a  change,  he  states,  would  result  "in  a 
rearrangement  of  the  parts  played  by  the  various  nations  involved,  without  much,  if  any, 
loss  to  the  world  as  a  whole  ".  Under  such  a  rearrangement  Germany,  if  for  instance  she 
conquered  Canada  or  South  Africa,  could  not  fail  to  benefit,  largely  because  Germany  looks 
to  the  future  and  would  legislate  for  the  time,  not  very  far  distant,  when  the  population 
of  the  world  will  have  increase!  to  such  an  extent  that  a  real  scarcity  of  materials  will 
prevail.  Mr.  Jones  deals  concisely,  though  not  brilliantly,  with  the  problems  of  the  Angell 
theories,  though  unfortunately  insufficient  attention  is  devoted  to  other  factors  which  make  a 
successful  war  a  profitable  undertaking — such,  for  instance,  as  the  spiritual,  national,  or 
idealistic  principles  that  may  be  involved,  though  it  must  be  admitted  these  are  generally 
debarred  owing  to  the  nature  of  Mr.  Jones's  arguments. 

Goethals,  Colonel  W. — Government  of  the  Canal  Zone.  12mo.  Pp.  108.  Princeton  Uni- 
versity Press.  London :  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  4*.  6d. 

At  any  other  time  than  the  present,  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal  and  the  questions 
connected  with  the  administration  of  the  surrounding  territory  would  have  attracted  great  attention 
in  this  country.  Unfortunately  these  matters  have  been  completely  dwarfed  by  the  greater  events 
now  taking  place.  But  Colonel  Goethals'  little  book  dealing  with  the  administration  of  the  Canal 
Zone  during  the  construction  of  the  works  is  nevertheless  a  welcome  addition  to  the  literature 
dealing  with  the  Canal,  because  the  author,  first  as  the  chief  engineer  of  the  Canal  and  subsequently 
as  the  Governor  of  the  Zone,  is  in  a  position  to  give  an  authoritative  account  of  the  experi- 
mental work  in  administration  with  which  he  was  connected.  It  was  at  first  the  intention 
of  the  American  Government  to  apply  the  principles  of  American  democracy  to  the  govern- 
ance of  the  Canal,  and  the  first  attempts  at  administration  were  carried  on  under  the  super- 
vision of  a  Commission,  consisting  of  the  Governor,  Major -General  G.  W.  Davis,  who  had 
had  previous  experience  in .  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  certain  other  officials 
who  were  not  actually  resident  in  the  Zone.  There  were  also  various  municipalities  directly 
responsible  to  the  Commission.  But  the  arrangement  was  not  found  to  work  well,  and  aftei 
various  experiments  and  changes  the  discontinuance  of  the  Isthmian  Canal  Commission  was 
authorised  on  August  24,  1912,  and  Colonel  Goethals  subsequently  became  the  benevolent 
despot  of  the  region,  responsible  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  War,  and  through  him  to  the 
President.  It  was,  moreover,  decided  that  the  depopulation  of  the  Canfl  Zone  should  be 
carried  into  effect,  all  attempts  to  settle  an  agricultural  population  along  the  route  of  the 
Canal  having  failed.  Colonel  Goethals  gives  a  readable  account  of  the  administrative  work 
in  connection  with  the  construction  of  this  great  waterway  which  is  of  particular  interest 
because  it  shows  that  methods  that  may  be  suitable  in  other  districts  are  not  applicable 
to  a  territory  in  which  numerous  foreign  and  new  factors  have  to  be  taken  into  account. 

Newbigin,  Marion  L. — Geographical  Aspects  of  Balkan  [Problems  in  their  Relation  to  the 
Great  European  War.  8vo.  Maps.  Pp.  viii-243.  London :  Constable  &  Co.  1915. 
22  oz.— 7s,  Qd. 

This  book  is  to  be  commended  to  the  attention  of  all  who  desire  to  understand  clearly 
the  geographical  and  racial  factors  which  make  the  position  in  the  Balkans  one  of  absorbing 
interest  at  the  present  time.  Dr.  Newbigin  demonstrates  the  close  connection  between 
geographical  and  ethnographical  problems  and  shows  how  the  former  have  in  a  remarkable 
way  been  responsible  for  the  welter  of  those  conflicting  racial  strata  which  have  been  the 
despair  of  every  statesman  who  has  devoted  attention  to  the  Balkan  regions.  The  tragic 
interest  of  this  portion  of  Europe  is  greatly  intensified  when  one  understands  something  of 
the  forces  that  have  been  moulding  these  mutually  hostile  races  in  the  Near  East,  and  it  is 
precisely  this  aspect  of  the  Balkan  problem  that  Dr.  Newbigin  enables  us  to  understand. 
Whatever  has  happened — and  probably  whatever  may  happen — in  the  Balkans  is  due  in  no 
small  measure  to  the  peculiar  geographical  conditions  prevailing  there,  for  the  structural 
character  of  the  country  has  in  a  large  degree  been  responsible  for  the  racial  strife  of 
preceding  generations.  In  other  words,  the  political  problems  have  been  directed  or  modified 
by  the  physiographical  conditions.  Dr.  Newbigin  has  performed  a  distinct  service  in 
directing  attention  to  this  special  aspect  of  the  Balkan  problem. 


778 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 

APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

Charles    L.    Barker    (Windsor,    Ontario,    Canada),    Ernest    D.    Craig    (Detroit,  Mich. 
U.S.A.),  Frank  W.  Graham  (Denver,  Colorado,  U.S.A.),  John  A.  Nicol  (Aberdeen). 


WAR    SERVICES   COMMITTEE. 

PHOTOGRAPHS    OF    FELLOWS. 

The  Committee  invite  all  Fellows  serving  in  His  Majesty's  Forces,  and  all  those  who  have 
joined  the  Forces  under  the  auspices  of  the  Committee,  to  send  their  photographs — in  Service 
uniform — to  the  Honorary  Secretary,  Mr.  Coleman  P.  Hyman,  The  Royal^Colonial  Institute, 
Northumberland  Avenue,  W.C. 


OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  are  noted  with  regret : 

KILLED  IN  ACTION. — Robert  Amies,  Capt.  W.  Allan  King. 
DIED  OF  WOUNDS. — Sir  Thomas  E.  K.  Lees,  Bart. 

Capt.  Claude  H.  Adams,  Thomas  Salter,  John  H.  H.  Young,  J.  F.  Garden,  R.  E.  N. 
Twopeny,  R.  C.  Crofton,  Sir  John  M.  F.  Fuller,  Bart.,  K.C.M.G.,  Lieut.-Col.  J.  J.  Lamprey, 
Col.  F.  C.  Batchelor,  M.D.,  Colonel  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Claude  MacDonald,  G.C.M.G.,  G.C.V.O., 
K.C.B.,  E.  A.  Blundell  Brown,  W.  G.  N.  Titley,  Laurence  E.  Cope. 


The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  oopy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rale  in  question: — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 


BADGE  FOR  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

It  has  been  decided,  in  response  to  the  desire  of  Fellows  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire, 
that  badges  of  Fellowship  and  Associateship  of  the  Institute  shall  be  issued  to  those  who 
may  desire  to  show  their  connection  with  the  work  in  which  the  Institute  is  engaged.  The 
Badge  will  consist  of  a  miniature  jewel  representing  the  crest  of  the  Institute  in  gold  and 
enamel  for  Fellows,  and  silver  and  enamel  for  Associates,  and  can  be  attached  to  the  dress 
or  watch  chain.  The  Badge  will  be  supplied  to  Fellows  and  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  3s.  each, 
or  in  the  form  of  a  brooch  for  Associates,  at  a  cost  of  4s.  each,  upon  application  being  made 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute. 


TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables  t  "  Recital  London,"  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS.  779 

PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  FELLOWS. 

Messrs.  Maull  and  Fox,  of  187  Piccadilly,  London,  W.,  are  the  official  photographers  to 
the  Royal  Colonial  Institute. 


UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  fid. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIBB  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d.  eaoh.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  Qd.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  la.  6d.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

***  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — Herbert  Gibson,  C.  E.  Gerard,  W.  H.  Goddard,  Archdeacon  Hodges, 
J.  H.  E.  V.  Millington-Drake.  Australia. — E.  J.  Lamb,  J.  J.  K.  Mills,  D.  D.  Eosewarne, 
Dr.  J.  H.  Saunders,  K.  E.  Winchcombe,  H.  E.  B.  Young.  Barbados.— T.  W.  B. 
O'Neal.  Canada.— H.  M.  T.  Hodgson,  J.  L.  Retallack,  Rev.  Oliver  Wakefield.  Dutch 
Borneo. — Henry  Milligan.  Fiji. — H.E.  Sir  Birkham  Escott,  K.C.M.G.  Federated 
Malay  States. — F.  T.  Holbrook.  Guatemala. — G.  H.  D.  Ascoli.  Nyasaland. — A. 
Urquhart.  Rhodesia.— Colin  Campbell,  E.  Rudd,  Dr.  F.  0.  Stohr.  South  Africa.— T. 
Andrew,  Capt.  J.  A.  Green,  H.  S.  Huff  am,  E.  J.  Phillipps,  E.  C.  Reynolds.  Uganda. — 
C.  K.  Dain.  West  Africa.— R.  S.  Chapman,  Dr.  J.  W.  Cottett,  A.  S.  Cooper,  J.  D. 
Donnelly,  T.  E.  Fell,  W.  H.  Grimsditch,  E.  C.  Hanson,  Capt.  H.  A.  Harman,  H.  S.  H. 
Hayles,  R.  E.  Lett,  Dr.  J.  W.  S.  Macfie,  Herbert  J.  Morris,  V.  L.  Newberry,  Dr.  R.  H. 
Nolan,  A.  W.  Slatter,  St.  C.  E.  M.  Stobart,  Wm.  Tomlinson,  Bishop  Tugwett,  A.  H. 
Williams,  G.  R.  Wingate.  Zanzibar. — Capt.  F.  S.  Bardo. 

DEPARTURES. 

^Argentine. — W.  J.  Deakin,  Dr.  K.  M.  Walker.  Australia. — J.  A.  Clark,  A.  Green- 
wood, W.  G.  Hearne,  A.  H.  Mountain.  British  Guiana. — J.  M.  Fleming.  Brazil. — 
J.  P.  Spencer.  British  North  Borneo. — J.  T.  Edwards.  Cameroons. — Capt.  E.  B. 
Leese.  Canada. — R.  W.  Leonard,  E.  Nichols.  Ceylon. — M.  K.  Bamber.  Chile. — C.  S. 
Brison.  Hong  Koag — J.  W.  White.  Jamaica. — E.  Pratt.  Nyasaland. — T.  F.  Firr. 
New  Zealand. — W.  E.  P.  Worsnot.  Papua.— C.  A.  Verebelyi.  South  Africa. — B.  Finch, 
G.  D.  Gun-Brown,  R.  Goldman,  J.  J.  Hoyle,  T.  J.  Penn  Smith,  F.  C.  Sturrock.  Straits 
Settlements. — Hon.  Mr.  Justice  P.  J.  Sproule.  Siberia — G.  J.  Altman.  West  Africa. — 
F.  0.  Abraham,  H.  Abraham,  W.  J.  Barrett,  R.  A.  G.  Beaven,  A.  W.  E.  Burge, 
C.  H.  Cliambers,  F.  W.  Chamberlain,  Lt.-Comr.  Cripps,  E.  C.  Hodgett,  M.  Macgregor, 
Dr.  J.  McConaghy,  R.  G.  S.  Miller,  Wm.  Tomlinson,  A.  E.  Turner. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  :— 

W.  H.  ALLEN,  ESQ.,  BEDFORD.  THE  REV.  T.  S.  | 
GAEL  YON,  LL.D.,  BOUBNEMOUTH.  R.  CHBISTISON, 
ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LINCS.  T.  8.  COTTEBELL,  ESQ.,  J.P., 
BATH.  CAPT.  Q.  CROSFIELD,  WABRINGTON.  MARTIN 
GRIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH.  C.  B.  HAMIL- 
TON, ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PUHLEY.  WILLIAM  H.  HIMBTTRY, 
ESQ.,  MANCHESTER.  JOHN  A.  NICOL,  Esq.,  ABER- 
DEEN. A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER.  GIL- 
BERT PURVIS,  ESQ.,  TORQUAY.  COUNCILLOR  HERBERT 
SHAW,  NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.  JOHN  SPEAK,  ESQ., 
KIRTON,  BOSTON.  PROFESSOR  R.  WALLACE,  EDIN- 
BURGH. 

Dominion  o!  Canada  :  — 

CHARLES  L.  BARKER,  ESQ.,  WINDSOR,  ONTARIO. 
R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALGARY.  A.  R. 
CHEELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL.  G.R.DUNCAN, 
ESQ.,  FORT  WILLIAM,  ONTARIO.  HON.  D.  M. 
EBKBTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A.,  VICTORIA,  B.C.  R.  Frrz- 
RANDOLPH,  FREDERICTON,  NEW  BRUNSWICK.  CRAW- 
FORD  GORDON,  ESQ.,  WINNIPEG.  W.  LAWSON 
GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON.  C.  FREDERICK  HAMILTON, 
ESQ.,  OTTAWA.  ERNEST  B.  C.  HANINOTON,  ESQ., 
M.D.,  VICTORIA,  B.C.  REGINALD  V.  HARRIS,  ESQ., 
HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA.  LT.-COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMER 
VrRDKN,  MANITOBA.  l/r.-CoL.  HERBERT  D.  HULME, 
VANCOUVER,  B.C.  CAPT.  C.  E.  JAMIESON,  PETER- 
BOHO,  ONTARIO.  LEONARD  W.  JUST,  ESQ.,  MONT- 
REAL. L.  V.  KERB,  REGINA.  JOHN  A.  MCDOUGALL, 
ESQ.,  EDMONTON.  CAPT.  J.  MoKiNERY,  BASSANO, 
ALBERTA.  J.  PRESCOTT  MERRTTT,  ESQ.,  ST.  CATHE- 
RINES, ONTARIO.  ANDREW  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALGARY. 

'  J.  S.  NIVEN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT.  T.  J. 
PABKES,  ESQ.,  SHERBROOKE,  QUEBEC.  LT.-COL. 
W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  ONTARIO. 
LT.-COL.  S.  W.  RAY,  PORT  ARTHUR,  ONTARIO.  M. 
H.  RICHEY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC.  ISAAC  A. 
ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA.  F.  M. 

SCLANDERS,  ESQ.,  SASKATOON.   C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ., 

HAMILTON.  JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TORONTO. 
C.  B.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT.  H.  L.  WEB- 

8TER,  ESQ.,  COCHRANE,  ONTARIO.      8.    J.    WILLIAMS, 

ESQ.,  BERLIN,  ONTARIO.  COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES, 
K.C.,  BBANTFORD,  ONTARIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BARRETT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOURNE. 
MAJOR  HENRY  BREW,  BALLARAT.  F.  W.  CROAKER, 
ESQ.,  BREWARRINA,  N.S.VV.  C.  EARP,  ESQ.,  NEW- 
CASTLE, N.S.W.  HON.G.  F.  EABP,  M.L.C.,  SYDNEY. 
KnrasLEY  FAIBBRIDGE,  ESQ.,  PINJARRA,W.A.  H.C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  J  .  N.  PARKES,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLE.  HERBERT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOR,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BRISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYWNE,  M.L.C.,  BRISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ARTHUR  C.  TRAPP, 
ESQ.,  MELBOURNE,  VICTORIA.  D'AROY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER,  ESQ.,  HOB>RT. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUWCESTON.  FRANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FREMANTLB,  W.A.  B.  H.  DARBYSHIRE,  ESQ., 
PERTH,  W.A.  E.  N.WBSTWOOD,  ESQ.,  PORT  MORESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NORTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUNEDIN.  LEONARD  TBIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIR  CHARLES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHBISTCHURCH.  HON.  OUTER  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.  D.DOUGLAS  MCLBAN,ESQ.,AND  PATBICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIER.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIEB,  ESQ.  AND  PROFESSOR  F.  P.  WORLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 

R.     KTRTT,  ^GlSBOBNB.      COLIN     C.     HUTTON,     ESQ., 

WAHGANUI.    C.  H.  TBIPP,  ESQ.,  TIM  ABU. 
Union  of  South  Africa  :— 

CAPH  OF  GOOD  HOPE:  HARRY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PERCY  F.  FRANCIS,  ESQ.,  PORT  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLEY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KIMBEKLEY. 
DAVID  REES,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MAJOB 
PBEDK.  A.  SAUNDERS,  F.R.C.S.,  GRAHAMSTOWN. 

MAX  SONNENBBBG,   ESQ.,   VHYBUBG.      F.   WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CABNABVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 
ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VBN.  ARCHDEACON  A.  T. 

WlBGMAN,   D.D.,   D.C.L.,   POBT   ELIZABETH. 

NATAL:     G.    CHUBTO^  COLLINS,    ESQ.,    DURBAN. 

DACBE  A.  SHAW,  ESQ.,  PIETBRMARITZBURG.    E.  W. 

NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSOOBELLO. 
OBANGB  FBEE  STATE:   MAJOR  K.  P.  C.  APTHORP, 

CRICHTON.    C.  A.  BECK,  ESQ.,  BLOEMFONTEIN. 


TV.  .  ^r.T-  .    .  ,    .      W 


Union  of  South  Africa : — continued. 

JOHANNESBURG.    F.    C.    STUBROCK,     ESQ.,    10 
GENERAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,    JOHANNESBURG. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSIER,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WARDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRES. 

W.  B.  HARDING  GREEN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANOA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MURPHY,ESQ.,FRANCISTOWN. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENRY  LOCKWARD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IRVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Vrazil  :    CHARLES  O.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 

HENRY  L.  WHEATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DB  JANEIRO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALEXANDERDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIROBI. 

MAJOR  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  : 
Ceylon  :  R-  H.  FERGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 

ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Chile  :  W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J-  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDRIA. 

E.  B.  BRETT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPENTER,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 

Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  ESQ., 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHE  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B.    [!POH. 
France  :  Sm  JOHN  PJLTER,  PARIS. 
Gambia  : 

Germany  :   R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMTTH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMRITAGE,  C.M.G.. 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES- 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  INST.C.E.,  ACCRA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  O.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :   P.  DALGLEISH,  ESQ.  (Acting). 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PBJLLEVTTZ,  ESQ.,  GBONINGEN. 
Hong  Kong:   HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHORE.      [GONG. 
GEORGE  H.  ORMEBOD,  ESQ.,  M.lNST.C.E.,  CHITTA- 
JAMES  R.  PEARSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEERUT. 

Malta  : 

Mauritius:    GEORGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  POET  Louis. 
Mexico  :   C.  A.  HABDWICKE,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPICO. 
Newfoundland:    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 
New   Hebrides  :  His   HONOUR  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY, 
Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NARAGUTA.       [VILA. 

J.  M.  M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS. 

L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ.,  ZUNGERU. 

R.  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALABAR. 
Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,  LIVING- 

LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWEBEBE.  [STONE. 

A.  C.  HAYTER,  ESQ.,  FORT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TURNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :   CHARLES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBURY. 
Samoa  :    COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H7I7,  LT-COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BRIEN,  C.M.G. 
Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BARNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAOI. 
Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.O.JOHNSON,  M.L.C..FREETOWN. 
Straits  Settlements  : — A.  T.  BRYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANO. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTER  M.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda  Protectorate  :     GEORGE    D.    SMITH,    ESQ., 

C.M.G.,  ENTEBBE. 
United   States  :    DB.  G.   COOKS  ADAMS,   CHICAGO. 

ERNEST   D.   CRAIG,   ESQ.,  DETROIT.    FRANK    W. 

GRAHAM,   ESQ.,  DENVER.     LESLIE  P.  E.  HUNNI- 

BELL,    ESQ.,    MINNEAPOLIS.     ALLEYNB    IRELAND, 

ESQ.,  NEW  YORK.    J.  NORMAN  KERB,  ESQ.,  Los 

ANGELOS,  CAL.     FBEDEBICK  P.  LEE,  ESQ.,  SANTA 

MONICA,   CAL.     C.    A.    PLAYEB,    ESQ.,    SEATTLE. 

WILLIAM    WHTTFIELD,    ESQ.,    PORTLAND.     J.    B. 

WHYTE,  ESQ.,  SAN  FRANCISCO.     G.  H.  WINDELER, 

ESQ.,  BOSTON. 

Uruguay  :  DAVID  R.  BANKIEB,  ESQ.,  MONTEVIDEO. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HABOOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J  .  J .  NUNAN,  GEOBGETOWN,  BRITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BRITISH  HON- 

FRANK  CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  J  AMAICA.  [DUBAS. 

A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PROFESSOR  P.  CARMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POST  OF 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD. 

w»*r   T>   s   T>»  Taping    M  T..C..  GRENADA.  Wrap. 


UNITED    EMPIEE 

THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUENAL 

VOL.  VI  NOVEMBER  1915  No.  11 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


HIS   MAJESTY'S  APPEAL. 

The  King,  in  the  following  address  to  his  people,  calls  on  men  of  all 
classes  to  come  forward  and  take  their  share  in  the  fight : — 

BUCKINGHAM  PALACE. 
TO  MY  PEOPLE. 

AT  this  grave  moment  in  the  struggle  between  my  people  and  a  highly 
organised  enemy  who  has  transgressed  the  Laws  of  Nations  and 
changed  the  ordinance  that  binds  civilised  Europe  together,  I  appeal 
to  you. 

I  rejoice  in  my  Empire's  effort,  and  I  feel  pride  in  the  voluntary 
response  from  my  Subjects  all  over  the  world  who  have  sacrificed 
home,  fortune,  and  life  itself,  in  order  that  another  may  not  inherit 
the  free  Empire  which  their  ancestors  and  mine  have  built. 

I  ask  you  to  make  good  these  sacrifices. 

The  end  is  not  in  sight.  More  men  and  yet  more  are  wanted  to 
keep  my  Armies  in  the  Field,  and  through  them  to  secure  Victory 
and  enduring  Peace. 

In  ancient  days  the  darkest  moment  has  ever  produced  in  men  of 
our  race  the  sternest  resolve. 

I  ask  you,  men  of  all  classes,  to  come  forward  voluntarily  and 
take  your  share  in  the  fight. 

In  freely  responding  to  my  appeal,  you  will  be  giving  your  support 
to  our  brothers,  who,  for  long  months,  have  nobly  upheld  Britain's 
past  traditions,  and  the  glory  of  her  Arms. 

GEORGE  R.I. 


782 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

FKOM  this  month  onwards,  to  the  great  regret  of  the  Council  and, 
we  doubt  not,  of  our  readers  at  home  and  overseas,  the  name  of 
Colquhoun  will  disappear  from  the  cover  of  this 
Journal.  UNITED  EMPIRE,  in  its  present  form,  was  so 
Jollie  '  peculiarly  the  creation  of  the  late  Archibald  Colquhoun, 

that  all  friends  of  the  Institute  were  genuinely  delighted 
to  see  it  perpetuated  there,  after  his  death,  by  Mrs.  Colquhoun's  appoint- 
ment as  co-editor.  Our  best  congratulations  are  offered  to  Mrs.  Tawse 
Jollie  on  her  recent  marriage ;  and  we  are  glad  to  know  that  in  her 
new  home  in  Southern  Khodesia  she  will  continue  to  take  the  warmest 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Institute,  and  more  particularly  of  the 
Journal  with  which  she  has  been  so  intimately  allied  since  its  foun- 
dation. We  shall  hope  to  receive  many  a  contribution  from  the 
brilliant  and  incisive  pen  that  is  conspicuous  in  our  pages  to-day 
on  the  absorbing  topic  of  the  Balkans. 

i 

'  VOLUNTARYISM  " — the  name  is  no  better  than  the  .system — 
dies  hard.      On  the  day  that  the  responsible  Minister  sends  a  message 
to  the  nation  that  he  needs  more  men  and  still  more, 
The  Three      an(j  ^  once>  a  jast  effort  to  make  a    success  of   the 
Essentials  i  •  ,  i  •   ,  ,.  T      -, 

_~-  voluntary  system  is  seen  in  the  appointment  01  Lord 

Derby  as  Director  of  Recruiting.  What  later  genera- 
tions will  say  of  an  attempt  in  the  fifteenth  month  of  the  war  to  give 
yet  a  further  trial  to  a  method  of  enlistment  which  has  admittedly 
fallen  short  of  the  country's  requirements,  we  need  not  stop  to  inquire. 
It  is  believed  that  the  eligible  men  who  hold  back  now  from  joining 
the  Army  do  so  for  the  most  part  under  the  impression  that  their 
services  are  not  really  wanted,  and  that  the  Government  despite 
flamboyant  advertisements  has  as  many  men  as  it  can  cope  with. 
By  Lord  Derby's  scheme  every  "unstarred"  man  will  receive  a  direct 
appeal  and  will  be  unable  to  say  in  the  future  that  he  was  not  called 
upon  to  join.  Hitherto  recruits  have  been  found  by  the  military 
authorities,  assisted  by  civilians.  Lord  Derby  proposes  to  make 
civilians  responsible  for  bringing  the  raw  material  in  the  shape  of  a 
recruit  to  the  military  authorities  for  them  to  enlist,  clothe,  equip, 
and  train.  Two  bodies,  the  Parliamentary  Recruiting  Committee 
and  the  Joint  Labour  Recruiting  Committee  have  undertaken  the  chief 
responsibility  for  the  scheme.  They  will  conduct  a  canvass,  with 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  783 

the  assistance  of  the  organisations  of  the  existing  political  parties, 
and  it  is  expected  that  by  the  end  of  November  the  country  will 
know  whether  the  voluntary  system  will  produce  the  number  of  men 
required  for  the  Army. 

IN  later  ages  when  consistency  will  perhaps  be  given  a  high  place 
among  the  virtues,  whether  national  or  individual,  the  present  war 
will  serve  to  mark  the  zenith  of  the  era  of  inconsistency 
'  as  far  as  the  British  race  is  concerned.     We  are  engaged 
in  a  life-and-death  struggle,  and  it  is  admitted  that  the  three  essentials, 
if  the  Empire  is  to  be  saved  from  defeat,  are  men,  munitions,  and 
money.     Only  in  regard  to  the  second  do  we  seem  to  have  accepted 
the  position  that  the  possibility  of  having  more  than  we  shall  actually 
use  need  not  be  taken  into  consideration.     The  number   of  con- 
trolled   establishments   engaged   in   war   work    already    exceeds    a 
thousand.     We  have  even  admitted  the  error  of  former  notions  on 
the  subject  of  high  explosives,  and,  although  far  behind  Germany  in 
the  matter  of  accumulated  stores,  we  are  now  able  to  out-distance 
her  in  weekly  output.    As  there  can  be  no  gradation  in  the  trinity 
of  essentials,  consistency  would  have  us  apply  the  same  thoroughness 
to  the  accumulation  of  the  other  items.     But  in  regard  to  men  we  seem 
to  conjure  up  in  national  service  the  bogey  of  having  more  recruits 
than  we  need  at  the  moment,  and  make  that  an  excuse  for  clinging 
tenaciously  to  the  voluntary  system.     To  obtain  supplies  of  money 
we  try  a  combination  of  conscription  and  "voluntaryism".     Speaking 
in  the  House  of  Commons  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  announced 
that  he  intended  to  develop  with  all  possible  rapidity  the  compulsory 
tax  system,  but  that,  he  added,  could  not  by  itself  be  adequate. 
"  Voluntary  savings  and  voluntary  readjustment  of  their  standard 
of  life  by  all  patriotic  citizens  are   now  required   more  urgently 
than  anything  else,  if  the  ultimate  victory  is  to  be  made  sure  and 
certain." 

WE  may  hope  that  Mr.  McKenna's  words  do  not  adumbrate  future 

poster  appeals  to  the  pocket  on  the  lines  on  which  the  first  three 

million  men  have  been  recruited  for  the  Army.    In  the 

y>  light  of  experience  the  Government  would  be  better 

advised  to  miss  this  stage  and  adopt  at  once  Lord  Derby's  scheme 

to  inculcate  voluntary  savings  and  voluntary  readjustment  of  the 

standard  of  life.    If  money  is  as  essential  to  victory  as  men — and  the 

3  a  2 


784  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

fact  is  not  challenged — consistency  calls  for  a  similar  direct  appeal 
to  every  household  and  some  means  of  placing  on  record  whether 
the  appeal  has  been  responded  to  or  not.  In  the  meantime,  how- 
ever, the  country  is  for  once  in  a  way  fortunate  in  its  inconsistency 
for  it  accepts  the  principle  of  compulsion  in  regard  to  taxation. 
Proportionately  to  the  antipathy  displayed  in  official  quarters  towards 
compulsory  sevice  we  may  expect  to  find  the  compulsory  tax  system 
developed  to  its  greatest  capacity.  A  fresh  turn  of  the  screw  has 
been  applied  in  the  excess  profits  tax,  which  provides  for  the  payment 
to  the  Exchequer  of  half  the  amount  (above  £100)  by  which  the  profits 
from  any  trade  or  business,  as  defined  in  the  Bill,  exceeded  in  any 
accounting  period  ending  between  September  1,  1914,  and  July  1, 1915, 
the  "  pre-war  standard  of  profits  ".  The  principle  of  this  scheme  is 
readily  accepted  by  the  country,  which  realises  that  its  resources  have 
to  be  pledged  to  the  utmost.  It  only  asks  that  the  application  of 
the  scheme  should  be  equitable.  Its  grievance  against  the  voluntary 
system,  apart  from  its  failure  to  obtain  the  men  required,  was  that 
it  was  unjust  in  its  working.  The  excess  profits  tax  as  outlined 
in  the  Finance  Bill  is  not  only  likely  to  prove  unfair  in  its 
application,  but  will  tend  to  accentuate  existing  anomalies  of  the 
income-tax. 

IP  the  principle  of  taxing  profits  is  to  be  extended  beyond  the 

sphere  of  Government  contracts  and  what  may  strictly  be  styled 

war  work,  it  will  be  difficult  to  convince  a  shopkeeper 

or  a  business  man  that  in  the  face  of   the  national 
Profits  THX 

crisis  a  professional  man  is  more  entitled  than  himself 

to  excess  profits.  A  Bill  of  this  nature  must  almost  inevitably  give 
rise  to  some  anomalies,  but  if  a  genuine  attempt  is  made  to  introduce 
consistency  in  the  incidence  of  its  provisions,  there  will  be  little  in- 
clination to  cavil  with  the  principle.  One  clause  provides  for  appeals 
to  the  General  Commissioners  or  the  Special  Commissioners.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  their  powers  will  be  wide  enough  to  arrange  that 
the  spirit  of  the  measure  shall  be  enforced  consistently,  but  without 
prejudice  to  the  future  of  legitimate  enterprise.  In  this  connection 
we  may  call  attention  to  the  grievance  of  Indian  and  Colonial 
merchants  who  are  called  upon  to  pay  double  income-tax.  There 
is  some  force  in  the  contention  that  a  substantial  concession  ought 
to  be  made  in  regard  to  income-tax  to  those  who  pay  it  elsewhere 
in  the  Empire,  and  that  there  should  be  discrimination  in  the  excess 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  785 

profits  tax  between  real  profits  and  those  only  temporarily  shown  on 
paper,  which  may  eventually  have  to  be  written  off. 

THE  Imperial  Legislative  Council  of  India  has  adopted  unanimously 
a  resolution  asking  that  India  shall  henceforth  be  officially  represented 

at  the  Imperial  Conference.     In  accepting  the  resolution, 

India  and  ^      $ie   Viceroy   stated   that   His   Majesty's    Government 

e    m  >ena    j^  g^hoj-iged  him  to  say  that  it  would  give  the  most 

careful  consideration  to  the  Council's  wishes  in  this 
matter,  although  its  ultimate  decision  must  necessarily  depend  largely 
on  the  attitude  of  the  other  members  of  the  Conference.  The  anomaly 
of  an  Imperial  Conference  which  includes  no  representation  for  India 
is  explained  by  the  terms  of  its  constitution,  which  restricts  representa- 
tion to  responsible  Governments.  The  Conference  is  a  gathering 
"  at  which  questions  of  common  interest  may  be  discussed  and  con- 
sidered as  between  His  Majesty's  Government  and  his  Governments 
of  the  self-governing  Dominions  beyond  the  seas ".  In  practice  the 
scope  of  the  Conference  of  necessity  embraces  such  questions  as  defence 
and  trade,  in  regard  to  which  no  decision  can  be  reached  without  having 
a  direct  bearing  on  India.  But  as  India  is  not  self-governing  it  has 
not  been  represented  at  the  Conference.  The  striking  part  that  India 
is  now  playing  in  the  defence  of  the  Empire  naturally  bespeaks  a 
favourable  reception  for  the  resolution  of  the  Legislative  Council. 
We  prefer  to  think,  however,  that  the  representation  of  India  at  Imperial 
Conferences  will  be  conceded  as  a  result  of  what  India  has  become  to 
the  Empire  after  long  years  of  peace  rather  than  as  a  reward  for  specific 
services  in  war-time. 

THE  manner  in  which  effect  is  to  be  given  to  India's  wishes  in  regard 
to  the  Imperial  Conference  conjures  up  a  variety  of  issues.     In  the 
first  place  there  is  the  character  of  the  representation, 
mperia  Lord  Hardinge  suggested  that  "  a  reasonable  representa- 

tion would  be  the  Secretary  of  State  and  one  or  two 
official  representatives  from  India  nominated  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
in  consultation  with  the  Viceroy  ".  Indian  expectations  would  hardly 
be  met,  unless  one  of  the  two  representatives  were  a  native  of  India. 
But  it  is  essential  to  the  fundamental  nature  of  the  Conference  that, 
as  representation  is  by  Government,  each  Government  should  have  one 
vote  and  no  more.  India's  voice  in  these  circumstances  would  reflect 
the  views  of  the  Government  of  India,  and  might,  therefore,  be  held 


786  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

merely  to  duplicate  the  vote  of  the  Home  Government.  Again,  the 
inclusion  of  India  must  not  be  allowed  to  detract  from  the  influence 
of  the  Conference  as  at  present  constituted,  so  as  to  cause  it  to  revert 
to  the  level  of  a  debating  society.  But  the  stimulus  which  the  War  has 
given  to  our  appreciation  of  the  potentialities  of  Imperial  unity  is  an 
earnest  of  the  spirit  in  which  the  difficulties  of  regulating  the  details  of 
India's  representation  at  the  Imperial  Conference  will  be  considered  and 
overcome. 

WITH  the  arrival  in  England  of  the  first  units  of  the  South  African 
Expeditionary  Force,  Greater  Britain  Overseas  may  be  said  to  have 
rounded  off  its  quota  to  the  forces  gathered  for  the 
defence  of  the  Empire.     Not  that  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  has  waited  until  now  to  play  its  part.     But  we 
shall,  perhaps,  be  interpreting  the  spirit  in  which  the  veterans  of 
the  German  South- West  Africa  campaign  have  come  to  the  Mother 
Country,  if  we  regard  the  work  which  now  confronts  them  as  "  the 
real  thing".     They  had  no  sinecure  before,  and  their  fellow  South 
Africans  have  at  present  no  sinecure  either  in  East  or  Central  Africa. 
There  are  at  present  ten  thousand  in  all  on  Imperial  service,  with 
more  to  follow.     That   "  more "   we  may  hope  will  mean  propor- 
tionately as  much  as  it  has  done  in  the  other  Overseas  Dominions. 
Australia  began  the  War  with  an  offer  of  20,000  men,  which  was  quickly 
raised  to  30,000,  and  more  were  promised.    Up  to  September  29, 
83,357  Australians  had  been  dispatched  for  overseas  service  and  an 
additional  63,357  men  were  at  that  date  in  training  in  Australia. 
From  New  Zealand,  which  began  with  8,000  men,  28,000  have  been 
sent  to  the  war  and  10,000  more  are  in  training.     The  original  con- 
tingent of  30,000  from  Canada  has  grown  to  83,000,  while  many  more 
men  are  in  training  in  the  Dominion.     As  the  magnitude  of  the  struggle 
in  Europe  becomes  appreciated,  Canadians  begin  to  feel  that  still 
more  is  required  of  them,  and  a  movement  is  on  foot  for  a  large  and 
rapid  increase  of  the  Canadian  force  in  the  field.  As  an  instance  of  what 
can  be  done,  we  learn  of  a  battery  raised  in  two  days  at  Sydney.    Cape 
Breton  (Nova  Scotia)  proposed  to  combine  with  New  Brunswick  in 
forming  a  joint  regiment.    It  has  completed  its  own  battalion  in 
practically  a  month,  making  the  third  infantry  unit  raised  in  Nova 
Scotia  this  year.     Contingents  representing  Trinidad,  the  Bahamas, 
and  the  rest  of  the  West  Indies,  are  already  in  England  and  will  shortly 
be  brought  up  to  full  strength  with  the  help  of  further  arrivals. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  T8T 

THE  progress  of  the  electoral  campaign  in  South  Africa  has  shown 
that  none  of  the  bitterness  that  found  expression  in  the  Eebellion 
has  subsided.     Only  eight  out  of  130  seats  were  uncon- 
The  South       tested,  and  five  of  these  were  Unionist.     The  Nationalist 
rican  party  or  Hertzogites  were  able  to  put  forward  eighty- 

three  candidates  against  the  eighty-six  supporters 
of  the  Botha  Ministry — a  clear  sign  that  neither  their  strength  nor 
their  organisation  is  to  be  despised.  Their  discomfiture  at  the  polls 
however,  has  been  emphatic.  The  final  returns  give  the  strength  of 
parties  as  follows :  South  African  Party  54,  Unionists  40,  Nationalists 
27,  Independents  5,  Labour  4.  General  Botha  has  thus  secured  a  sub- 
stantial majority  in  the  new  Parliament  for  his  Imperial  policy,  but 
that  his  position  among  his  own  people  has  been  successfully  challenged 
is  proved  by  the  fact  that  46  per  cent,  of  his  party  have  thrown  in 
their  lot  with  Hertzog.  The  presence  in  the  new  Assembly  of  this  party 
of  Boer  extremists,  27  strong,  led  by  a  bitter  and  uncompromising 
opponent,  cannot  fail  to  embarrass  the  Government,  although  no 
parliamentary  complications  need  be  feared  for  the  period  of  the 
War.  Thus  the  election  leaves  General  Botha  still  with  his  main 
political  problem  to  be  faced,  and  we  can  only  hope  that  the  issue  of 
the  War,  combined  with  firm  and  just  administration,  will  gradually 
eliminate  from  the  ranks  of  the  secessionists  of  his  party  all  but  a  few 
irreconcilables  who  will  declare  themselves  as  republicans  "  out  and 
out."  The  rout  of  the  Labour  Party  remains  the  outstanding  feature 
of  the  election.  Both  Mr.  Creswell  and  Mr.  Andrews,  the  leaders  of 
the  two  sections  into  which  that  party  was  split  by  the  War,  failed  to 
obtain  seats.  With  this  elimination  of  Labour  the  Imperial  issue  in 
South  Africa  is  for  the  time  being  in  an  unassailable  position. 

WHILE  the  pages  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  were  in  the  press  last  month, 
the  great  things  which  had  so  long  been  expected  on  the  Western 

front,  as  the  result  of  a  three  weeks'  bombardment  of 
The  Western  ,-,  n  r  .  ,. ,  .  j 

CamTDaien  German  lines,  were  in  process  01  being  attempted. 

On  September  25,  the  combined  attack  of  the  Allies 
was  launched,  by  the  British  south  and  north  of  La  Bassee  Canal  and 
at  Hooge,  by  the  French  in  co-operation  with  us  at  Souchez  and  in 
Champagne,  east  of  Reims.  Considerable  gains  were  made.  The 
French  captured  Souchez,  and  in  Champagne  took  the  German  first- 
line  fortifications  over  a  front  of  nearly  twenty  miles  ;  the  British 
gained  possession  of  Loos  and  Hulluch.  During  the  month,  in  spite 


788  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

of  the  fiercest  counter-attacks  of  the  enemy,  these  gains  have  for  the 
most  part  been  consolidated  or  improved  upon.  In  this  respect  the 
French  have  been  more  successful  than  ourselves,  and  now  occupy 
Tahure.  The  tide  of  battle  has  ebbed  and  flowed  at  Hulluch,  but  the 
British  line  in  the  main  has  held  its  ground.  The  attack  proved  that 
the  German  line  can  be  penetrated — at  a  cost.  In  the  initial  advance 
the  loss  of  life  appears  to  have  been  comparatively  slight.  It  remains 
to  elaborate  such  preparations  as  will  ensure  our  troops,  when  the 
Germans  counter-attack,  some  of  the  immunity  they  have  when 
following  up  the  preliminary  bombardment. 


IN  the  last  month  Eussia  has  rallied,  but  not  yet  retrieved  her 

position.     There  has  been  no  continuance  of  the  disasters  of  August, 

when  one  fortress-city   fell  after  another   with  mono- 

•J  tonous  regularity ;  but  October  1915  has  not  repeated 

.  aiSp  the  Russian  successes  of  October  1914.     The  "  steam- 

in   XiUSSlEl. 

roller,"  which  rolled  first  forwards  and  then  backwards, 
is  now  almost  stationary  on  the  bioken  roads  of  Russia.  It  is  under- 
stood that  the  munitionment  of  the  Russian  armies  has  improved, 
thanks  largely  to  increased  supplies  from  Japan  and  the  West — the 
latter  of  which  have  come  in  through  the  recently  improved  railroad 
to  Archangel.  (Another  new  railway,  built  farther  east  by  American 
engineers,  is  not,  so  far  as  is  known,  available  for  munition  transport, 
and  our  failure  to  force  the  Dardanelles,  which  is  one  of  the  main 
reasons  for  the  Russian  failure  to  stem  the  German  advance,  still 
leaves  the  Tsar  unable  to  use  his  man-power  to  the  full.)  But  there 
is  not  yet  equality  of  munitionment  with  the  Germans,  far  less  the 
superiority  which  alone  can  give  victory ;  the  position  has  been 
rather  one  of  stalemate.  The  Germans  found  they  could  push  the 
Russians  as  far  back  as  they  chose,  but  they  could  not  break  them ; 
and,  as  in  the  familiar  instance  before  Paris,  fourteen  months  back, 
there  is  a  moment  when  the  weaker  party  can  suddenly  take  the 
initiative  against  the  stronger  party  who  has  shed  his  strength  on 
an  ever -lengthening  line.  Much  the  same  thing  has  occurred  in 
Russia.  The  Germans  took  Warsaw,  Novogeorgeivsk,  and  Vilna  ; 
Riga  seemed  within  their  grip  and  Dvinsk  an  easy  prey,  yet  neither 
has  yet  fallen,  although  the  German  line  at  the  time  of  writing  draws 
closer  and  closer  to  Riga.  The  moment  when  the  two  opponents 
could  meet  each  other  on  something  like  equal  terms  came  after  Vilna 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND    COMMENTS.  789 

fell ;  even  then  it  would  appear  that  the  Germans  had  only  to  bring  up  , 
their  heavy  artillery  in  order  to  move  forward  again. 

BUT  meantime  something  happened.  Whether  it  was  that  Turkey's 
appeals  for  help  could  be  no  longer  disregarded,  or  that  Bulgaria 

decided  that  her  hour  had  struck,  political  considerations 
Germany's  suddenly  asserted  their  superiority  over  military  ;  the 
Objective  Serbian  campaign  was  decided  on ;  von  Mackensen,  the 

one  leader  of  genius  whom  Germany  has  produced  in 
this  campaign,  was  detached,  and  the  Russian  campaign  languished. 
Von  Hindenburg,  it  is  true,  still  delivered  his  hammer -strokes  before 
Dvinsk,  but  the  anvil  refused  to  crack.  Riga  remained  obstinately 
untaken  ;  in  the  middle  of  the  interminable  battle-line  nothing  what- 
ever happened ;  and  in  the  south  the  German  campaign  in  Galicia 
went  to  pieces  the  moment  von  Mackensen  withdrew.  In  this  district 
Russia  hit  back  with  considerable  success.  The  summer  campaign 
is  over,  and,  by  the  time  these  lines  are  in  print,  winter  will  have 
settled  down  on  the  eastern  front.  But  armies  do  not  go  into  winter 
quarters  these  days,  and  fighting  will  continue  although  the  ground 
is  frozen.  Both  armies  will  suffer  terribly ;  but  the  Germans  have 
thoroughly  studied  the  lesson  of  Napoleon's  disaster  in  1812,  and  have 
prepared  against  a  repetition  of  the  difficulties  in  their  own  persons. 
It  would  appear  from  the  German  papers — which  are  not  necessarily 
an  index  of  the  intentions  or  desires  of  the  Great'  General  Staff — that 
little  farther  advance  is  to  be  attempted  in  Russia,  that  the  territories 
in  possession  are  to  be  retained,  and  that  henceforth  German  ambitions, 
satiated  in  the  East,  will  make  for  the  south-east,  and  the  wealth  of 
Ormuz  and  of  Ind  is  the  new  magnet.  On  which  ecstatic  view  it  is 
permissible  to  remark  that  Germany  set  out  to  conquer  France,  and 
that  the  road  to  Paris  is  not  through  Asia  Minor.  Meantime,  the 
internal  situation  in  Russia,  on  which  the  Germans  have  built  great 
hopes,  is  improving,  and  events  have  shown  that  neither  disturb- 
ances in  Moscow  nor  German  artillery  attacks  can  destroy  the 
morale  of  the  Russian  Army. 

EVENTS  have  marched  with  dramatic  swiftness  in  the  Balkans 

during  the  past  month.     In  spite  of  the  assurances  given  by  King 

Ferdinand  and  his  Government  that  the  mobilisation 

uv    -D  ^iin        of  the  Bulgarian  army  entailed  no  menace  to  Serbia  or 
tne  Balkans.    _.  .  c  « 

(jrreece,  it  soon  became  apparent  that  Bulgaria  had 


790  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

thrown  in  her  lot  unreservedly  with  the  Central  Powers.  A  number 
of  German  and  Austrian  officers  were  making  their  way  into  the 
country  and  were  being  drafted  into  the  army.  With  the  experience 
of  Turkey  before  it  the  Russian  Government  determined  not  to  wait 
until  it  suited  these  officers  to  embroil  Bulgaria  in  the  European  War, 
and  on  October  4  it  presented  an  ultimatum  at  Sofia  requiring  the 
Bulgarian  Government  with  twenty-four  hours  to  break  with  the 
Central  Powers  and  to  send  out  of  the  country  all  German  and  Austrian 
officers.  The  only  reply  given  to  the  ultimatum  was  a  denial  of  its 
statements.  Russia  at  once  withdrew  her  representative  from  Sofia, 
and  the  other  members  of  the  Quadruple  Entente  followed  her  example. 
The  situation  in  the  Balkans  had  become  acute  owing  to  the  fact  that 
it  was  no  longer  open  to  doubt  that  a  fresh  invasion  of  Serbia,  this  time 
by  joint  German  and  Austrian  forces  was  about  to  be  launched.  Under 
cover  of  the  direct  misstatements  that  he  was  distributing  to  the 
Balkan  Governments  and  to  the  Quadruple  Entente,  King  Ferdinand 
was  completing  his  preparations  to  throw  the  Bulgarian  army  against 
Serbia  at  the  psychological  moment. 


THE  menace  to  Serbia  was  real.     But  if  Serbia  went  under,  the 
effect  on  the  military  operations  of  the  Entente  Powers  would  immedi- 
ately be  serious .     Communication  between  Germany  and 

Constantinople  would  be  established,  the  Turkish  army 
Went  Under. 

would  be  supplied  with  all  the  munitions  it  required, 

and  the  position  of  the  Allied  forces  in  Gallipoli  would  become  unten- 
able. The  withdrawal  of  our  troops  from  the  Dardanelles  would 
liberate  Turkish  armies  for  operations  in  Mesopotamia  and  against 
Egypt ;  at  the  same  time  Germany  would  be  able  to  draw  upon  the 
Near  East  and  Asia  Minor  for  the  foodstuffs  and  raw  material  she 
needs,  and  the  effect  of  the  blockade  established  by  British  control 
of  the  sea  would  be  considerably  impaired.  Both  honour  and  self- 
interest  prompted  the  Entente  Powers  to  go  at  once  to  Serbia's  assist- 
ance. The  path  had  been  simplified  by  a  request  from  M.Venizelos, 
the  Greek  Premier,  that  an  Allied  force  should  be  landed  at  Salonika 
to  protect  Greek  interests  against  the  Bulgarians.  When  the  danger 
of  the  Austro- German  invasion  of  Serbia  was  realised  the  Entente 
Powers  decided  to  avail  themselves  of  this  invitation  and  landed  an 
Anglo-French  force  at  Salonika  to  hasten  to  Serbia's  assistance.  No 
sooner  had  the  landing  begun  than  King  Constantine,  who  had  agreed 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  (COMMENTS.  791 

to  the  mobilisation  of  the  Greek  army  in  the  face  of  Bulgaria's  attitude, 
withdrew  his  support  from  M.  Venizelos  and  compelled  him  to 
resign. 

As  M.  Venizelos  had  previously  secured  the  support  of  the  Greek 
Chamber  for  his  policy  against  Bulgaria,  King  Constantine's  action 

was  a  grave  breach  of  constitutional  procedure.  For 
reeces  ^e  momen^  however,  Greece  appears  to  be  ready  to 

accept  this  and  worse.  M.  Zaimis  has  been  appointed 
to  succeed  M.  Venizelos,  and  the  Greek  Government  has  informed 
Serbia,  in  reply  to  a  request  for  aid  according  to  the  terms  of  the 
Grseco-Serbian  Alliance,  that  as  Germany  is  supporting  Bulgaria,  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  which  provides  for  mutual  assistance  against 
Bulgaria,  do  not  hold  good.  Greece  has  been  guilty  of  a  gross  breach 
of  faith,  which  not  only  affects  Serbia,  but  gravely  handicaps  the 
Entente  Powers.  Her  defection  deprives  Serbia  of  an  army  of  a 
quarter  of  a  million,  which,  if  the  Serbians  are  not  to  suffer,  must  be 
made  good  by  Serbia's  Allies.  Whether  the  latter  will  permanently 
acquiesce  in  Greece's  action  remains  to  be  seen.  The  whole  Balkan 
question — past  diplomacy,  the  landing  at  Salonika,  and  the  attitude  to 
be  adopted  towards  Greece — is  exercising  the  mind  of  Government  and 
people  in  Great  Britain  and  France.  There  should,  however,  be  little 
difficulty  in  shaping  the  future  action  of  the  Quadruple  Entente,  as  it 
can  be  proved  beyond  challenge  that  the  success  of  the  latter 
in  the  present  war  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the 
Balkans. 

BUT  the  sands  of  time  are  running  out ;  and  unless  the  Entente 

Powers  have  adopted  a  more  resolute  policy  before  these  words  are 

published,  the  British  nation  may  find  that  Serbia  has 

trusted  it  in  vain.  Speaking  in  the  House  of  Com- 
for  Action.  *„  ° 

mons  on  September   28,   Sir   Edward  Grey  gave  this 

pledge  to  the  Serbians  :  "If  the  Bulgarian  mobilisation  were  to 
result  in  Bulgaria  assuming  an  aggressive  attitude  on  the  side  of 
OUT  enemies,  we  are  prepared  to  give  our  friends  in  the  Balkans  all 
the  support  in  our  power,  in  the  manner  that  would  be  most  wel- 
come to  them,  in  concert  with  our  Allies,  without  reserve  and  without 
qualification".  Three  weeks  after  that  statement  was  made,  we 
can  see  little  sign  of  the  promise  contained  in  it  having  been  fulfilled, 
or  any  real  attempt  having  been  made  to  fulfil  it.  A  Franco -Serbian 
force  has  engaged  the  Bulgarians ;  but  it  would  be  idle  to  suppose 


792  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

that  the  Allies  during  this  pregnant  interval  have  given  Serbia  all 
the  support  in  their  power  "  without  reserve  and  without  qualifica- 
tion". The  Bulgarians  have  occupied  two  towns,  Vrania  and  Uskub, 
on  the  railway  connecting  Nish  and  Salonika  ;  the  Serbians  are  hard 
pressed  from  north,  west  and  east,  and  unless  they  can  extricate 
themselves  in  time,  there  is  a  grave  danger  of  Serbia  "  going  under". 
Immediate  action  might  save  the  situation  ;  but  such  action  predicates 
a  degree  of  resolution  which  unfortunately  has  not  been  conspicuous 
hitherto  in  the  councils  of  the  Allies. 

THE  expressive  words  used  by  Dr.  Woodrow  Wilson  in  a  recent 
address   to  the   Daughters  of  the  American  Kevolution  go  farther 
than  the  most  emphatic  Note  he  has  yet  dispatched 
United  States  ^0   Germany  to  portray  in  its    true  light    American 
th    W  feeling  towards   the   belligerents   in  this   war.    After 

cautioning  his  hearers  against  the  numbers  of  "  our 
fellow-citizens  born  in  other  lands  who  have  not  entertained  with 
sufficient  intensity  affection  for  the  American  ideal ",  the  President 
continued :  "I  am  in  a  hurry  to  have  the  opportunity  to  have  a 
line  up  and  to  let  the  men  who  are  thinking  first  of  other  countries 
stand  on  one  side — biblically  it  should  be  the  '  left ' — and  all  those 
that  are  for  America,  first,  last  and  all  the  time,  on  the  other  side  ". 
The  reference  is  obvious,  and  its  interest  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is 
practically  the  first  time  that  Dr.  Wilson  has  emerged  from  the  shelter 
of  the  phenomenal  patience  displayed  by  the  Washington  Govern- 
ment in  its  dealings  with  Germany  to  reveal  something  of  his  own 
private  feelings.  For  the  first  nine  months  of  the  war,  American 
neutrality  was  observed  with  a  punctiliousness  that  disguised  the 
national  views.  Without  undergoing  any  change,  these  views  found 
tentative  expression  after  the  Lusitania  outrage.  American  opinion 
has  been  from  the  outset  and  remains  sympathetic  towards  the  Entente 
Powers.  There  is  a  strong  desire  to  keep  out  of  the  war,  and  a  stick- 
ling for  the  observance  of  the  obligations  of  official  neutrality  has 
only  been  slowly  eliminated  by  the  actions  of  Germany  and  her 
hyphenated  agents.  The  fact  that  President  Wilson  has  at  last  allowed 
himself  to  administer  a  personal  rebuke  to  the  latter  is  an  indication 
that  the  United  States  are  beginning  to  realise  that  an  air  of  complete 
detachment  towards  events  in  Europe  is  neither  good  politics  nor 
good  morals. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  793 

MR.  HARRY  BRITTAIN  has  concluded  his  tour  in  the  United  States, 
and  by  the  time  UNITED  EMPIRE  appears  he  will  have  landed  in 

England.  He  will  receive  a  hearty  welcome  from 
Mr.  Harry  ^he  Council  and  the  members  of  its  Organisation 
~;rl  Committee,  on  whose  initiative  he  set  out  on  his 

the  USA  mission  last  April.  Since  we  last  wrote  of  his  doings, 

several  letters  have  come  to  hand,  both  from  himself 
and  the  new  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretaries  he  has  been 
instrumental  in  appointing,  which  show  that  his  work  is  likely  to 
have  lasting  results  in  many  parts  of  the  great  Republic.  Besides 
visiting  the  Eastern  and  Western  States,  he  found  time  to  cross 
the  border  twice  into  Canada,  and  held  meetings  in  Vancouver  and 
Toronto  with  good  results.  More  than  fifty  new  Non-Resident  Fellows 
are  already  to  his  credit ;  and  further  additions  will  continue  to  be 
made,  as  the  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretaries  extend  their  in- 
fluence, and  follow  the  tracks  which  Mr.  Brittain  has  so  energetically 
"  blazed  "  for  them. 


THE  appointment  of  a  National  Commission  in  Canada  to  consider 
the  question  of  production,  transportation,  and  markets,  as  well  as 
an  immigration  policy  for  the  future,  is  a  sign  that 
AVi°  fT S  *^e  Danger  °^  "trusting  to  a  genius  for  improvisation 
is  beginning  to  be  appreciated  in  the  British  Empire. 
What  mischief  can  be  wrought  by  unpreparedness  for  war  has  been 
brought  home  to  the  nation  with  telling  force ;  but,  thanks  to  the 
patriotism  engendered  by  the  menace  to  the  national  existence,  it 
has  been  possible  after  a  fiery  ordeal  to  "  make  good  "  to  a  certain 
extent.  In  the  world  of  commerce  and  industry,  however,  the  great 
incentive  evoked  by  a  life-and-death  struggle  will  be  absent,  and 
there  will  be  no  adequate  substitute  for  scientific  preparation.  From 
Germany  and  Austria-Hungary  come  reports  that  manufacturers  and 
merchants  have  already  laid  their  plans  for  recapturing  foreign 
markets  at  the  end  of  the  War.  They  will  be  able,  even  more  than 
in  the  past,  to  count  upon  the  systematic  support  of  their  Government, 
and  the  military  history  of  the  early  stages  of  the  War  may  be  repeated 
for  an  unlimited  period  in  a  commercial  struggle,  unless  the  British 
Empire  sets  to  work  now  to  organise  and  develop  its  resources  on 
scientific  lines. 


794  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

ON  every  hand  may  be  found  compelling  reasons  for  the  speedy 

co-ordination  of  all  efforts  that  aim  at  increasing  the  material  efficiency 

of   the   Empire.     To  take   but  a   small  instance  :     an 

An  Empire     immigration  policy  is  to  engage  the  attention  of  the 

Commercial     -»T  ,  •       i  r*         •    •       •     n       j  i  .1 

T_   .      p  National  Commission  in  Canada,  and  we  note  that  the 

subject  is  already  spoken  of  as  "  the  biggest  Canadian 
problem".  If  it  be  viewed  in  that  light,  we  may  expect  to  see  strenu- 
ous steps  taken  to  deal  with  it.  These  must  evoke  competitive  schemes 
in  the  other  Dominions,  leading  to  wastage  and  diminished  efficiency. 
Scientific  organisation,  betimes,  will  prevent  overlapping,  and  safe- 
guard the  interests  of  the  Mother  Country,  while  promoting  more 
effectually  those  of  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  From  the  Russian  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs  comes  an  appeal  that  greater  attention  should  be 
given  by  the  Allies  to  purely  economic  methods  of  safeguarding  their 
interests  not  only  during  the  present  crisis,  but,  even  more,  in  the 
future.  A  proposal  for  a  commercial  union  with  our  Allies  has  already 
received  attention  in  the  daily  Piess,  and  it  has  called  forth  a  reminder 
from  the  Chairman  of  the  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  of  the 
Institute  that  an  economic  agreement  among  the  nation-states  of  the 
Empire  ought  to  precede  a  commercial  union  of  the  Allied  Powers. 
There  need  be  no  attempt  to  force  different  fiscal  principles  into  an 
artificial  union ;'  but,  as  a  preliminary  step,  a  central  council  of  advice 
might  be  formed  to  extract  from  the  commercial  and  economic 
systems  of  the  component  units  of  the  Empire  their  highest 
common  factor.  When  once  the  need  for  scientific  organisation  is 
acknowledged  in  official  quarters,  and  steps  are  taken  to  introduce 
it,  there  will  be  found  no  dearth  of  important  subjects  calling  for  its 
application. 

HOSTILE  criticisms  of  our  sea  policy  which  have  appeared  in  the 
American  papers — largely  at  pro-German  instigation — receive  little 

justification  in  the  copies  of  correspondence  between 
American  gir  Edward  Grey  and  the  American  Ambassador  which 
Profits  have  lately  been  published .  The  accusation  was  that  our 

control  of  the  seas  has  been  used  to  interfere  with  the  legi- 
timate trade  of  the  United  States  direct  with  neutral  countries,  in  order 
to  capture  the  trade  for  the  British  Empire  ;  and  for  that  purpose  ex- 
portation of  numerous  commodities,  particularly  to  Holland,  Sweden, 
Norway,  and  Italy,  has  been  allowed  from  the  ports  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  but  not  from  those  of  the  States.  The  details  brought 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  795 

forward  by  the  Foreign  Office  show  irrefutably  that  in  exports  from 
across  the  Atlantic  of  cotton,  oils,  rubber,  cocoa,  meat,  and  other 
products  there  have  been  increases  vastly  superior  and  altogether  out 
of  proportion  to  those  from  Great  Britain.  In  the  aggregate  the 
volume  of  American  trade  in  the  commodities  quoted,  which  cover  all 
the  leading  elements  of  normal  commercial  transactions,  has  increased 
by  300  per  cent.,  and  in  monetary  value  the  increase  totals  up  for  the 
first  five  months  of  the  present  year,  as  compared  with  the  same  period 
immediately  before  the  War,  to  145,658,000  dollars.  Sir  Edward  Grey 
further  points  out  that  ouch  increases  as  have  occurred  in  British  re- 
exports have  been  in  British  Indian  and  Colonial  products,  which  in 
normal  times  went  direct  from  the  Overseas  Dominions  and  our  Great 
Eastern  Dependency  to  Hamburg,  Rotterdam,  and  Copenhagen.  Now 
these  are  sent  to  the  Mother  Country  and  re- distributed  to  old  customers 
in  Scandinavia  and  the  Netherlands.  Among  the  products  which 
figure  largely  in  the  new  process  of  re-distribution — now  of  course 
forming  part  of  our  plan  for  controlling  the  supplies  which  might  find 
their  way  to  the  enemy — are  pepper,  cinnamon,  and  other  spices 
(largely  the  produce  of  the  British  East  Indies),  Indian  tea,  palm 
kernels  from  West  Africa,  and  copra  from  the  Straits  Settlements  and 
Australia. 

ONE  of  the  most  marked  features  of  a  world- war  not  suffici- 
ently foreseen  or  provided  for  is  the  deficiency  of  tonnage  which 

has  arisen  under  war  conditions  for  carrying  on  trans- 
SnitrDins:  •  i  rm  •-,•1,1 

P    blems        oceanic    trade.     Ihe    necessary    requisitions    by    the 

Admiralty  for  transport  purposes  have  progressively 
reduced  the  available  steamers,  especially  those  of  the  largest 
classes,  for  mail  purposes  and  for  the  carriage  of  foodstuffs  and  raw 
materials,  not  only  for  ourselves  but  for  neutral  countries.  The 
enormous  demands  of  the  Allies  for  food,  equipment,  and  munitions 
have  intensified  the  difficulties.  The  shutting  up  of  the  German 
mercantile  marine  and  our  own  losses,  comparatively  insignificant 
from  a  military  point  of  view  though  they  have  been,  have  largely 
reduced  world  tonnage  for  commercial  purposes.  As  a  consequence 
freights  have  risen  to  an  extent  rarely,  if  ever,  before  experienced ; 
and  they  seem  likely  to  mount  still  higher.  In  the  long  run  the  con- 
sumer must  pay  a  large  proportion  of  increased  freight  rates  and 
heavier  insurance  premiums.  The  influence  on  prices  has  provoked 
many  wild  assertions  as  to  the  profits  being  reaped  by  ship- 


796  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

owners  at  the  expense  of  the  public.  It  is  forgotten  that  shipowners 
have  also  considerably  heavier  charges  to  meet,  owing  to  the  scarcity 
of  labour  and  the  high  prices  of  coal.  The  present  outlook  is  suggestive 
of  still  further  trouble  in  the  matter  of  freights.  Proposals  for  the 
Government  taking  over  shipping  are  impossible,  and  so  are  suggestions 
of  fixing  maximum  rates  for  a  world- wide  trade.  By  better  organisa- 
tion of  the  demands  of  shippers  for  accommodation  something  might 
be  done  to  prevent  an  inflation  of  prices  owing  to  rush  orders  for 
transhipment.  The  political  crisis  in  the  Balkans  has  reduced  avail- 
able tonnage  in  the  Mediterranean,  vessels  engaged  in  Greek  trade 
having  been  recalled  to  home  waters  ;  the  French  and  Italians  are 
likely  to  need  much  transport  soon ;  and  on  the  other  side  of  the 
world  the  suspension  of  traffic  for  some  months  through  the  Panama 
Canal,  owing  to  a  landslide  in  the  Culebra  Cut,  is  particularly 
unfortunate  just  now.  So  far  as  our  own  mercantile  marine  is  con- 
cerned, its  Imperial  value  has  been  emphasised  more  and  more  since 
the  War  began,  and  any  proposals  in  regard  either  to  its  control  or  its 
contribution  to  heavier  taxation  should  be  examined  in  the  light  of 
recent  experience. 

THE  American  cotton  and  grain  crops  are  demanding  accommo- 
dation  for   transport,  and   their    freights   have    gone   up    with    an 
unprecedented    bound.     Similarly  British    exports    of 

Cotton  coal,  especially  for  bunkers,  have  felt  the  effects  of 

Freights  and      VJ-     i  j     i,  x 

Exports  political  unrest  and  shortage  in  tonnage  of  steamers 

available.  Steamers  using  the  Suez  Canal,  for  example, 
must  now  pay  twice  the  prices  for  bunker  coal  that  were  customary 
before  the  War .  All  these  factors  cannot  fail  to  assist  the  upward  swing 
of  prices  for  all  commodities  which  must  be  ocean-borne.  In  the  case 
of  cotton  the  price  of  the  raw  material  is  abnormally  high,  in  varying 
measure  owing  to  a  smaller  crop  than  was  anticipated,  to  difficul- 
ties of  transhipment,  and  to  fables  put  into  circulation  to  the 
effect  that  large  purchases  of  American  cotton  by  German  investors 
are  likely  to  be  made,  the  proceeds  of  which  will  be  held  up  until 
after  the  War.  Meanwhile  the  declaration  of  cotton  as  absolute 
contraband  is  believed  to  be  having  its  desired  effect  in  Germany : 
so  much  so,  that  suggestions  are  being  actually  made  that  the  real 
objective  of  the  German  thrust  at  the  Balkans  is  to  enable  the 
Central  Empires  to  lay  hands  on  the  cotton  crops  of  Egypt  and  the 
Middle  East.  That  serious  measures  are,  at  last,  being  taken  to 


EDITORIAL  NOTES    AND  COMMENTS.  797 

prevent  Germany  from  acquiring  cotton  in  any  form  by  methods 
which  have  been  used  in  the  past  twelve  months  was  shown  by  Sir 
Edward  Grey  a  few  days  ago.  He  said  that  raw  cotton,  linters, 
cotton  waste,  and  cotton  yarn  were  all  now  contraband  of  war,  and 
that  every  measure  was  being  used  to  prevent  any  of  these  supplies 
reaching  Germany.  The  Imperial  Government  has  since  declared 
cotton  piece  goods,  and  other  goods  capable  of  being  used  in  the  manu- 
facture of  explosives,  contraband,  and  has  prohibited  the  export  of 
such  goods  and  products  from  here  to  neutral  countries  contiguous 
to  Germany  and  Austria.  Special  permission  is  to  be  given  for  the 
export  of  certain  fancy  Swiss  goods  not  likely  to  possess  any  military 
value.  After  this,  the  ordinary  person  who  recognises  the  vital  part 
played  by  cotton  in  munitions  of  war  can  only  exclaim,  with  what 
gratitude  he  can  command,  "  Better  late  than  never  ". 

AN  address  on  this  topic,  which  is  of  absorbing  interest  now  that 
the  security  of  our  trans-oceanic  communications  is  of  paramount 

concern  to  every  portion  of  the  Empire,  was  recently 

Overseas         delivered  by  Mr.  A.  A.  Booth,  chairman  of  the  Cunard 

ra  e    n  er  companVj  a^  a  general  meeting  of  the  Liverpool  Steam 

Conditions      ^ip    Owners'   Association.     The  authoritative  figures 

he  used  are  well  worth  quoting.  He  said  that  the 
Board  of  Trade  Returns  for  the  twelve  months  of  war  showed  that 
the  imports  of  our  principal  articles  of  food  weighed  280,000,000  cwt. 
as  against  279,000,000  cwt.  in  the  previous  year  of  peace.  Imports 
of  raw  materials  for  our  manufactures  weighed  12,700,000  tons  as 
compared  with  17,492,000  tons  under  normal  conditions.  A  broader 
review,  supplementing  these  figures  so  as  to  cover  88  per  cent,  of  our 
total  imports,  showed  that  the  weight  of  our  imports  amounts  to 
42,700,000  tons  for  the  war  period  as  against  48,900,000  tons  for  peace. 
Values  have  gone  up  considerably  all  round ;  but  fortunately  food 
prices,  although  showing  substantial  rises,  have  not  advanced  at 
anything  like  the  rale  foretold  by  all  the  witnesses  before  the  Royal 
Commission  on  the  Supply  of  Food  and  Raw  Material  in  time  of  war, 
which  sat  under  the  presidency  of  Lord  Balfour  of  Burleigh  in  1905. 
Greater  supplies  of  essential  foodstuffs  have  been  obtained  in  com- 
pensation for  loss  of  old  markets.  For  instance,  an  additional 
1,000,000  cwt.  of  wheat  from  India,  and  4,000,000  cwt.  of  wheat 
from  Canada.  High  prices  have  tempted  an  increased  import  of  beef 
from  the  United  States.  Australia  has  helped  New  Zealand  to  meet 

3  H 


798  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

the  heavier  demands  for  mutton.  Bacon,  pork,  ham,  and  tinned 
provisions  have  been  obtained  in  larger  quantities  from  the  United 
States  and  Canada  ;  while  Java,  Mauritius,  and  the  Brazils  have  made 
up  for  the  sudden  cessation  of  sugar  supplies  from  the  Continent. 
All  this  has  been  accomplished  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  upwards  of 
one-fifth  of  the  British  Mercantile  Marine  has  been  withdrawn  from 
commercial  enterprises  and  is  being  used  now  solely  for  Admiralty 
purposes.  It  is  a  matter  for  national  and  Imperial  pride  that  even 
in  this  year  of  unparalleled  strain,  when  our  overseas  commerce  has 
been  exposed  to  the  most  venomous  and  deadly  attacks  of  the 
enemy,  about  one-half  of  the  entire  sea  trade  of  the  world  is  being 
carried  on  in  British  ships. 

TEA,  tobacco,  cocoa,  coffee,  chicory,  and  dried  fruits  are  to  bear 
a  general  all-round  increase  of  50  per  cent,  over  the  recent  duties  during 

the  coming  fiscal  year.  The  combined  additional  yield 
The  Budget  ^o  ^e  revenue  is  estimated  at  about  ten  millions  sterling. 
p1  d  n?m  No  discrimination  is,  of  course,  possible  under  present 

arrangements  in  respect  of  the  proportions  of  the  imports 
of  these  commodities  which  have  been  raised  within  the  Empire. 
The  additional  revenue  must  be  obtained,  and  the  concurrent  policy 
of  lessening  the  consumption  of  comparative  luxuries  (which  must  be 
imported  and  paid  for  abroad)  so  as  to  reduce  our  adverse  balance  of 
trade  is,  as  things  are,  also  inevitable.  The  only  consolation  to  Empire 
growers  lies  in  the  recollection  that  perhaps  rival  competitors  in  the 
world's  markets  are  suffering  even  more  severely,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  and  that  the  Empire's  power  of  recovery  after  the  War  is 
likely  to  be  the  greatest  among  the  States  actually  engaged  in  conflict. 
Moreover,  although  economy  in  private  consumption  is  now  a  virtue 
of  Imperial  value,  the  particular  commodities  enumerated  above  have 
become,  up  to  a  point,  almost  indispensable,  and  will  probably  be 
amongst  the  last  articles  to  be  sacrificed  very  heavily.  Time  alone 
will  show  the  effect  of  the  new  taxation  on  revenue  and  consumption ; 
and,  in  any  case,  and  whatever  the  result,  the  inevitable  must  be  faced 
with  the  same  fortitude  as  is  being  exhibited  in  other  phases  of  the 
Empire's  struggle.  Some  comfort  may  be  extracted  from  the  fact 
that,  as  has  been  noted  elsewhere,  the  time  of  stress  is  tending  to 
develop  certain  other  products  of  the  Empire;  and  the  interplay 
of  trade  and  business  should  help  to  alleviate  the  prospects  of  those 
who  may  be  hit  by  the  particular  taxes  imposed. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  799 

THE  policy  adopted  by  the  Royal  Commission  on  the  Sugar  Supply 
has  proved  of  great  benefit  in  maintaining  a  steady  supply  for  distri- 
bution to  private  consumers  and  to  the  many  trades 
to  which  sugar  is  indispensable.     Elsewhere  reference 

has  been  made  to  the  sources  from  which  the  Commission 
and.  Prices.  , . 

has   been  able  to  draw  supplies  in  compensation  for 

the  cutting  off  of  the  proceeds  of  Continental  refineries.  The  twelve 
months'  operations  have  been  "gigantic  and  world- wide".  The 
absolute  shortage  which  was  easily  possible  in  the  circumstances  which 
suddenly  arose  a  year  ago  has  not  occurred,  and  there  has  been  very 
little  opportunity  for  exploitations  in  prices.  In  his  Budget  speech 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  pointed  out  that  although  the  tax  on 
sugar  is  to  be  enormously  increased — from  Is.  lOd.  per  cwt.  to  9s.  4d. 
per  cwt. — the  price  need  not  be  raised  to  consumers  of  most  kinds  of 
sugar  by  more  than  one  halfpenny  per  pound.  A  general  reduction 
made  by  the  Sugar  Commissioners  to  all  the  refiners  and  dealers 
in  the  country  of  2s.  Qd.  to  3s.  per  cwt.  will  operate  conjointly  in 
favour  of  the  consumer  and  in  considerable  aid  of  the  revenue. 
The  desire  of  the  Government  to  tap  all  changes  in  cost  of 
sugar  for  national  purposes  is  evidenced  by  the  statement  of  the 
position  issued  for  the  guidance  of  consumers,  and  by  the  threat 
which  the  Commission  holds  out  that  any  attempts  at  extorting 
abnormal  rates  across  the  counter  will  be  penalised  by  the  stoppage 
of  all  supplies  to  the  offending  firms  and  shop-keepers.  This 
policy  involves  certain  practical  hardships,  but  its  motive  is  beyond 
reproach.  The  resources  of  the  Empire  for  sugar  have  been  called  on 
largely  during  the  past  year  :  but  there  is  every  reason  to  hope  that 
the  claims  and  possibilities  of  sugar  areas  within  the  Imperial  bounds, 
both  east  and  west,  will  more  and  more  receive  consideration  and 
support,  and  that  home  potentialities  will  not  be  neglected  in  present 
circumstances  and  those  likely  to  obtain  for  some  years  to  come. 

RISING  prices  of  meat  and  milk  to  which  we  are  becoming  painfully 

accustomed,  reflect  the  difficulties  of  the  farmer  in  obtaining  fodder 

and  feeding  stuffs  for  his  stock.     The  vagaries  of  the 

Palm  Kernel  past  season's  harvests  have  thrown  the  dairy  farmer 

Cake  and         an(j  breeder  more  than  ever  back  on  supplementary 

and  concentrated  feeding  stuffs  to  tide  them  over  the 
F  armm  2*. 

winter  months.     For  some  years  the  greater  available 

variety  of  ingredients  for  cakes  and  meals  has  steadied  their  prices 
to  the  farming  community.     Soya  beans,  for  instance,  have  been  a 

3  H  2 


800  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

great  boon,  and  a  similar  good  turn  is  now  being  done  by  the  greater 
supply  of  palm  kernel  cake  being  put  on  the  market.  The  cakes, 
made  from  the  milling  refuse  of  palm  kernels  from  West  Africa,  are 
steadily  being  produced  more  and  more  at  home.  As  was  recently 
pointed  out  in  our  columns,  the  bulk  of  the  palm  kernel  trade  was 
in  German  hands  till  war  broke  out.  Energetic  measures  have  since 
been  taken  to  secure  the  rapid  diversion  of  the  trade  into  British 
hands  as  a  permanent  asset.  The  great  increase  in  the  importation 
to  the  Home  Country  has  been  of  much  assistance  to  soap-makers 
and  other  industries  using  the  fatty  oils,  and  has  rendered  timely  aid 
to  the  farmer  in  his  endeavours  to  meet  the  home  demand  for  more 
meat  and  milk  during  the  coming  months.  Tests  made  at  the  agri- 
cultural colleges  on  fattening  by  decorticated  cotton  cake,  by  linseed 
cake,  and  by  palm  kernel  cake,  show  that  the  last-named  (taking 
into  account  manurial  values)  yields  the  best  monetary  return.  It 
contains  a  very  heavy  percentage  of  oil  and  can  be  easily  stored. 
Altogether  there  is  promise  of  very  valuable  results  from  the  new 
enterprise,  which  has  the  advantages  of  employing  home  labour, 
improving  agricultural  returns,  and  extending  Imperial  reserves  of  a 
useful  agricultural  and  industrial  product. 

CHANGES  in  postal  rates  have  such  peculiar  effects  on  trade  and 
commerce,  both  international  and  Imperial,  that  the  revenue  they 

are  intended  to  bring  in  should  not  be  the  first  or  main 
ew  c  -a  consideration  to  be  taken  into  account.  The  proposal 

to  abolish  the  halfpenny  postage  at  home  has  raised 
a  storm  of  protest,  before  which  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
has  been  compelled  to  give  way.  The  additional  rates  would  probably 
not  have  brought  in  much  to  the  revenue,  the  official  estimates  were 
necessarily  and  admittedly  highly  speculative,  and  in  no  circum- 
stances could  the  suggested  heavier  charges  have  long  survived. 
The  enhanced  newspaper  rates  for  journals  of  considerable  size  which 
are  to  be  enforced  will  have  a  substantial  effect  on  the  numbers  of 
larger  newspapers  addressed  to  destinations  at  home  and  to  our 
kinsmen  overseas.  The  higher  press  telegram  rates  are  open  to  serious 
objection  from  the  same  point  of  view.  Our  people  want  to  know  more, 
not  less,  of  what  is  happening  of  vital  interest  to  all.  It  is  to  be  sincerely 
hoped  that  the  authorities  will  weigh  well  the  proposals  from  this  aspect 
before  putting  them  into  operation.  While  revenue  is  sadly  needed  to 
replenish  the  national  coffers,  it  is  nevertheless  at  the  present  juncture 
particularly  desirable  that  the  larger  Imperial  interests  served  by  both 
the  postal  and  telegraph  departments  should  not  be  overlooked. 


801 


A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE.* 

IT  is  impossible  to  speak  at  Birmingham  upon  the  British  Empire  without 
referring  at  the  outset  to  the  Birmingham  citizen,  whose  name,  beyond  that  of 
any  British  statesman  of  latter  days,  we  associate  with  the  greatness  and  the 
growth  of  the  Empire.  I  served  under  Mr.  Chamberlain  throughout  his  whole 
long  term  of  office  as  Colonial  Secretary,  and  am  second  to  none  in  gratitude 
and  reverence  for  his  memory.  The  full  value  of  his  work  will  be  more  apparent 
as  the  years  pass  on,  for  it  is  with  the  lives  of  great  men  as  with  landscapes — 
some  little  distance  is  needed  to  ensure  a  true  perspective.  But  I  would  like 
to  say  wherein,  to  my  mind,  he  met  the  special  needs  of  his  generation  ^and 
laid  sure  foundations  for  the  coming  time. 

He  was  not  conspicuous  for  adding  new  provinces  to  the  King's  dominions  ; 
but  he  stood  out  beyond  other  men,  on  the  one  hand  as  an  interpreter  of  the 
Empire,  on  the  other  hand  as  a  practical  administrator,  who  developed  the 
resources  of  its  component  parts.  In  no  vague  phrases,  for  all  that  he  said 
or  did  was  clear  and  plain,  he  strove  to  bring  home  to  the  minds  of  an  island 
democracy  the  meaning  of  this  heritage  which  we  call  an  Empire — its  present 
worth,  its  future  possibilities,  the  noble  basis  of  freedom  upon  which  it  rests, 
what  it  gives  and  what  it  demands,  how  to  mould  it  into  a  single  indivisible 
whole.  While  thus  expounding  the  Empire  to  the  reason  and  to  the  imagination 
of  Englishmen,  he  gave  all  his  strength  of  will  and  unsurpassed  business  capacity 
to  increasing  its  usefulness.  He  made  good  deficiencies,  improved  communica- 
tions, called  to  life  dormant  powers,  and  applied  the  new  forces  of  knowledge 
and  of  science  to  making  lands  more  fruitful,  and  their  peoples,  under  law  and 
liberty,  more  healthy,  more  efficient,  more  productive.  The  old  saying  is 
that,  where  England  has  gone,  two  blades  of  grass  have  grown  where  one  grew 
before.  In  this  creative  sense,  above  all,  Mr.  Chamberlain  was  a  very  great 
Englishman. 

What  is  this  Empire  for  which  he  did  so  much  ?  What  are  its  main 
features  ?  Wherein  does  this  British  Empire  differ,  if  it  does  differ,  from  other 
Empires  past  or  present  ?  In  Gray's  "  Elegy  in  a  Country  Churchyard  "  is 
the  line  : 

"  Hands  that  the  Rod  of  Empire  might  have  sway'd." 

Empire,  as  Empires  have  come  down  to  us  in  history,  ordinarily  implies  a 
large  territory,  consisting  of  more  or  less  continuous  and  adjoining  provinces, 
made  subject  by  conquest,  ruled  by  military  despotism,  administered  on  more 
or  less  uniform  lines. 

The  Eod  of  Empire  is  over  it  all.  Such  were  the  Empires  of  the  past,  which 
ran  their  course,  of  Persia,  of  Alexander  the  Great,  of  Eome.  Such  in  our  day 

*  A  Lecture  delivered  by  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.O.,  at  the  Birmingham  and  Midland 
Institute  on  October  13,  1915,  being  the  first  of  a  series  of  Public  Lectures  in  the  Provinces  under  the 
Imperial  Studies  Scheme. 


802  A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE. 

is  the  Russian  Empire.  How  stands  the  British  Empire,  when  compared  with 
them  ?  It  seems  to  me  to  stand  alone  among  Empires  in  four  respects :  in 
its  surpassing  size,  in  being  the  Empire  of  an  island,  in  the  diversity  of  the 
elements  of  which  it  is  composed,  in  the  fact  that  it  rests  iipon  a  democratic 
basis — that  it  is  not  the  creation  of  a  government  or  a  ruler,  but  the  result  of 
the  growth  of  a  people. 

The  size  of  the  Empire  is  the  feature  on  which  I  care  least  to  dwell.  To 
be  big  is  one  thing,  to  be  great  is  another.  We  do  not  judge  men  by  the  inches 
of  their  height  or  the  stones  of  their  weight,  and  the  worth  of  an  Empire  is 
not  to  be  measured  in  square  miles.  Popular  lecturers  on  the  Empire  are 
fond  of  the  phrase  "  painting  the  map  red  ".  To  talk  in  this  strain  makes  the 
people  see  red,  whereas  the  one  thing  needful  is  a  sane,  sober  estimate  of  the 
Empire  sense  of  responsibility,  which  will  never  be  fostered  by  naming  posters 
or  noisy  advertisement.  The  British  Empire  includes  nearly  one  quarter  of 
the  land  surface  of  the  globe.  It  is  about  seven  times  as  large  as  the  old  Roman 
Empire  in  its  greatest  extent.  About  one  quarter  of  this  enormous  area  has 
been  acquired  within  the  last  forty  years.  In  other  words,  in  the  most 
democratic  times  the  Empire  has  grown  faster  than  ever  before. 

The  nearest  Empire  in  size  is  the  Russian  Empire  ;  but  in  comparing  the 
two  Empires,  bear  in  mind  the  hugeness  of  the  homeland  of  Russia  as  against 
the  small  area  of  the  British  Isles  :  bear  in  mind,  too,  that  outside  the  British 
Empire,  but  yet  its  offspring,  is  the  great  territory  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  the  Empire  of  an  island.  I  know  no  other  instance  in  history  of  any 
appreciable  Empire  being  acquired  by  an  island  ;  but  those  who  come  after 
will  probably  find  a  parallel  in  Japan.  Many  results  have  flowed  from  the 
island  home,  the  island  nucleus  ;  I  note  two.  An  island  is  a  land  with  clear- 
cut,  sharply  defined  boundaries.  A  growing  people  in  an  island  are  not  like 
a  growing  people  on  a  continent :  they  cannot  satisfy  their  growing  pains  by 
simply  stepping  over  the  line,  removing  their  neighbour's  landmark,  and 
annexing  an  Alsace  and  Lorraine.  What  they  can  do  is  to  go  over  the  seas 
to  where  lands  are  emptiest  or  penetration  into  them  most  easy  for  the 
comparatively  few  new-comers  who  can  be  borne  in  ships.  That  is  what  this 
island  people  have  been  doing  for  three  centuries  past. 

Hence  there  is  nothing  continuous  about  the  British  Empire.  The 
Dominions,  Colonies,  and  Protectorates  are  scattered  in  rich  confusion  in  every 
continent  and  on  all  the  seas.  Canada  runs  up  into  the  Arctic  Ocean.  The 
equator  runs  through  British  East  Africa,  it  passes  close  to  the  British  port 
of  Singapore,  it  traverses  the  British  Protectorate  of  the  Gilbert  and  Ellice 
Islands  in  the  Pacific.  Far  away  in  the  Southern  Ocean  are  the  Falkland 
Islands,  roughly  in  the  latitude  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan. 

The  second  result  of  the  island  home  is  that  the  islanders'  instincts  took 
them  in  the  beginnings  of  Empire  to  islands,  peninsulas,  and  coastlines.  Like 
to  like  :  the  sea-going  race  for  long  continued,  like  Asher,  on  the  seashore. 
Only  by  slow  degrees  they  expanded  into  the  continental  hinterlands.  The 
Spaniards  overran  a  continent  in  a  wave  of  conquest.  The  English  might 


A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE.  803 

be  traced  round  the  world  from  one  island  or  peninsula  to  another.     They 
made  an  Empire  by  stepping-stones. 

In  such  a  great  space  as  is  contained  in  the  British  Empire  the  lands  and 
peoples  must  necessarily  be  widely  different  from  one  another.  A  showman 
of  the  Empire  could  produce  from  it  samples  of  almost  every  conceivable 
climate,  colour,  product,  race,  language,  religion,  law,  and  constitution.  Take 
two  of  the  great  provinces  of  the  Empire,  Canada  and  India,  and  contrast 
them.  Canada  a  northern  country,  running  up  into  the  Arctic  regions,  with 
a  correspondingly  cold  winter  climate  ;  India  a  tropical  land  in  the  centre 
of  the  earth.  Canada,  the  size  of  Europe,  nearly  double  the  size  of  India, 
with  a  population  of  about  eight  millions — much  the  same  population  as  Belgium 
had  before  the  war  :  the  whole  population  white,  except  for  a  few  North 
American  Indians  and  Esquimaux,  all  or  nearly  all  Christians,  the  very  large 
majority  speaking  English  or  French  :  India,  half  the  size  of  Canada,  its  popula- 
tion numbering  315,000,000,  nearly  forty  times  the  population  of  Canada, 
nearly  all  coloured,  in  religion  mainly  Hindus,  Mohammedans,  or  Buddhists, 
speaking  some  147  distinct  languages.  Canada  a  self-governing  dominion, 
with  such  Parliamentary  institutions  as  we  have  at  home  :  India  either  under 
direct  British  rule  or  protected  native  rulers,  knowing  nothing  as  yet  of  Houses 
of  Commons  except  by  hearsay:  and  some  would  say,  "Where  ignorance  is 
bliss,  'tis  folly  to  be  wise  ".  Compare  again  this  great  dominion  of  Canada  with 
another  British  North-American  colony,  the  Bermudas,  half-way  between 
Canada  and  the  West  Indies.  The  Bermudas  are  one  of  the  very  oldest  of 
all  the  British  overseas  possessions,  far  older  than  Canada.  The  Bermudian 
Assembly  is,  next  to  our  own  Parliament,  the  oldest  Parliamentary  institution 
in  the  British  Empire.  The  Bermuda  Islands  are,  and  always  have  been,  a 
separate  distinct  British  colony  with  recognised  local  self-government.  Yet 
seven  Bermudas  would  go  into  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  the  population' is  "only 
twenty  thousand,  two-thirds  of  whom  are  coloured. 

Compare  these  Bermuda  islands  with  the  peninsula  of  Gibraltar.  Nine 
Gibraltars  would  go  into  the  Bermudas,  and  here  is  another  distinct  though 
tiny  item  of  the  Empire  of  a  wholly  different  kind,  a  rock  fortress  with  a  popula- 
tion much  the  same  in  numbers  with  that  of  the  Bermudas  and  mainly  of  mixed 
Italian  or  Spanish  descent,  ruled  autocratically  by  the  governor,  who  is  the 
fountain  of  law,  though  in  this  case  the  fountain  operates  through  speaking  to 
the  rock,  not  striking  it.  Go  to  the  trenches  in  Flanders  :  Canadians,  including 
French  Canadians,  and  East  Indians  of  various  races  are  fighting  in  our  ranks. 
Go  to  the  Dardanelles  :  East  Indians  again.  Australians,  New  Zealanders, 
including  coloured  Maoris,  are  among  our  soldiers.  The  Empire  is  an  Empire 
of  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  lands  and  of  peoples  :  its  hall-mark  is  diversity. 
Do  you  want  uniformity  ?  You  must  go  to  Germany  :  it  is  made  in  Germany. 
Do  you  want  diversity  ?  Go  to  the  British  Empire  :  it  grows  there  of  itself. 
The  British  Empire  is  like  a  great  jigsaw  puzzle,  in  which  new  pieces  are 
constantly  being  inserted.  The  pieces  are  of  all  sizes,  shapes,  and  colours  ;  but 
they  fit  in  somehow,  and  make  an  intelligible  whole — one  large  map  of  liberty. 


804  A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE. 

The  fourth  characteristic,  which  makes  the  British  Empire  unlike  any  other 
Empire,  is  that  it  is  an  Empire  on  a  democratic  basis.  The  proof  of  this  is  two- 
fold— first,  the  diversity  of  which  I  have  spoken  ;  and  secondly,  the  contentment 
of  its  members,  which  is  due  to  the  liberty  that  democracy  implies  or  ought  to 
imply.  Despotism  and  uniformity  go  hand  in  hand  ;  the  latest  instance  is  the 
case  of  Germany.  Uniformity,  as  I  have  said,  is  made  in  Germany,  and  Germany 
was  made  by  and  made  into  a  military  despotism.  The  despot  sets  himself 
to  remake  man,  in  his  own  image,  and  men  do  not  love  being  remade,  as  if  they 
were  so  many  used-up  golf  balls.  The  present  war  is  in  truth  a  contest  between 
the  principle  of  uniformity  for  which  Germany  stands,  and  the  principle  or 
practice  of  diversity  for  which  the  English  stand.  Uniformity  is  a  most  powerful 
weapon  of  offence  ;  it  means  drill,  organisation,  obedience  to  one  will,  carrying 
out  one  plan  ;  it  produces,  as  we  see  in  Germany,  the  maximum  of  efficiency, 
and  is  consistent  with  intense  patriotism.  But  it  does  not  mean  freedom. 
Diversity  has  many  and  patent  weaknesses,  but  it  embodies  the  life-giving  spirit 
of  liberty.  The  diversity  of  the  British  Empire  means  that  different  peoples 
have  been  allowed  to  develop  each  along  its  own  lines — that  they  have  not  been 
all  melted  down  and  recast  in  one  mould.  This  is  a  great  and  a  novel  experi- 
ment in  Empire,  for  Empire  through  the  ages  has  meant  imposing  the  will  of 
one  ruler  or  people  on  other  peoples,  and  it  has  usually  been  imposed  in  one 
and  the  same  way.  Diversity  means  that  the  ruler — whether  the  man  or  the 
people — has  adapted  himself  to  the  ruled,  instead  of  forcing  the  ruled  to  adopt 
his  model ;  that,  in  the  Bible  words,  he  has  become  all  things  to  all  men. 

The  result  is  the  contentment  of  the  ruled,  as  seen  at  this  time  of  crisis. 
All  parts  of  the  Empire  want  to  help,  to  give  service  in  men  or  money  or  kind. 
Here  is  an  extract  from  an  address  from  the  turbulent  Somali  tribes  of  the 
north-east  of  Africa  :  "  Humbly  we  ask,  why  should  not  the  Somali  fight  for 
England  also.  We  beg  the  Government  to  allow  our  warriors  to  show  their 
loyalty.  In  former  days  the  Somali  tribes  made  war  against  each  other.  Even 
now  it  is  so  ;  it  is  our  custom.  Yet  with  the  Government  against  the  Germans, 
we  are  as  one — ourselves,  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  our  children.  By  God 
it  is  so."  Indian  princes  give  in  princely  fashion,  and,  moreover,  come  them- 
selves to  fight.  Every  colony  and  protectorate  in  the  Empire  sends  men  or 
money  or  their  special  produce.  The  words  of  Psalm  Ixxii.  would  apply  to 
what  is  happening  in  the  British  Empire  :  "  The  kings  of  Tarshish  and  of  the 
isles  shall  bring  presents  ".  That  Psalm  begins,  "  Give  the  king  thy  judgments, 
0  God,  and  thy  righteousness  unto  the  king's  son.  He  shall  judge  thy  people 
with  righteousness,  and  thy  poor  with  judgment".  The  refrain  of  it  is  the 
blessing  and  the  contentment  which  comes  from  doing  justice,  and  His  Majesty 
King  George  stands  in  the  world  as  the  embodiment  of  British  fair  dealing. 
If  he  sways  the  rod  of  Empire,  it  is  not  a  rod  of  iron  :  rather  it  is  as  Aaron's 
rod,  which  budded  and  blossomed  with  fruitfulness. 

There  has  been  no  pressure  in  the  matter  of  this  war.  The  outlying  parts 
of  the  Empire  have  claimed  that  it  is  their  war  as  much  as  ours,  that  they  have 
a  vested  interest  in  it.  This  is  because  it  is  a  new  type  of  Empire,  unintelligible 


A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE.  805 

to  those  who  can  only  think  of  Empire  as  a  creation  of  force.  The  Germans 
looked  to  wholesale  disruption  of  the  British  Empire,  and  German  agents  and 
German  money  have  been  freely  used  to  promote  it.  To  the  Germans  the 
diversity  of  our  Empire  was  an  obvious  sign  of  weakness.  It  was  a  sign  of 
weakness,  because  they  do  not  understand  democracy  in  the  sense  in  which  we 
understand  it,  and  because  there  is  no  precedent  in  the  past  which  would  lead 
to  understanding  what  a  democratic  Empire  means — an  Empire,  to  quote  Pope's 
words  : 

"  Where  order  in  variety  we  see, 
And  where,  though  all  things  differ,  all  agree." 

What  do  I  mean  by  saying  that  the  British  Empire  is  a  democratic  Empire, 
or  an  Empire  on  a  democratic  basis  ?  Our  Empire  falls  into  two  main  divisions. 
There  are  the  self-governing  Dominions.  These  are  provinces  of  the  Empire 
which  govern  themselves,  which  control  their  own  destinies,  which  are  young 
nations  within  the  Empire,  partners  in  the  Empire,  junior  partners  in  the  firm 
of  Great  Britain  &  Sons  Unlimited,  but  partners  not  subordinates.  There  is 
no  doubt  about  their  democracy.  They  are  more  democratic  than  the  Mother 
Country.  Take  Australia.  The  Labour  Party  governs  the  Commonwealth. 
The  vote  is  adult  franchise  for  women  as  well  as  men.  The  Second  Chamber, 
the  Senate,  is  elected  on  the  same  franchise  as  the  Lower  House,  and 
is,  if  possible,  more  democratic  than  the  Lower  House — the  House  of 
Eepresentatives,  or  the  House  of  Commons,  as  we  should  call  it.  Then  there 
is  the  great  group  of  dependencies,  including  India,  the  Crown  Colonies 
and  Protectorates,  among  them  vast  areas  of  East,  West,  Central  Africa. 
They  are  not  self-governing,  they  have  no  Parliament  in  our  sense  ;  the  ultimate 
power  over  them  rests  in  England,  not  in  the  countries  themselves.  In  what 
sense  can  it  be  said  that  they  have  any  lot  or  part  in  democracy  ?  In  the  first 
place,  so  far  as  they  are  ruled  from  England,  they  are  ruled  by  a  people  framed 
on  democratic  lines,  inheriting  democratic  traditions,  whose  main  conception 
of  government  is  the  safeguarding  of  popular  liberties  and  personal  rights. 
But,  more  than  this,  Abraham  Lincoln  defined  democracy,  in  never-to-be- 
forgotten  words,  as  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people. 
Take  the  Malay  Peninsula.  Here  is  a  British  Protectorate.  That  is  to  say, 
the  English  control  the  administration  and  the  laws,  but  they  do  so  through 
the  machinery  which  was  in  existence  before  they  appeared  on  the  scene. 
There  were,  and  there  are,  native  sultans,  native  headmen,  and  so  forth. 
They  are  now  advised  and  superintended  and  supplemented  by  British  officers, 
whose  advice  dictates  the  rule.  What  is  the  result  ?  These  Malay  States, 
when  the  English  went  there,  were  in  a  state  of  anarchy.  Nowhere  in  the  world 
was  piracy  more  rife.  There  is  now  government  of  the  people ;  there  is  law  and 
order  where  formerly  there  was  none.  The  interests  of  the  poor,  the  peasantry, 
are  safeguarded  and  fostered  as  never  before ;  their  lives,  their  property  are  safe ; 
they  can  obtain  even  justice  :  there  is  government  for  the  people  unknown  in 
the  past.  But,  you  will  say,  it  is  not  government  by  the  people.  No,  it  is 
not,  if  government  by  the  people  must  necessarily  mean  what  it  means  in 


806  A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE. 

r 

England,  popular  elections  and  a  House  of  Commons.  Such  things  have  never 
been  heard  of  by  a  Malay  race.  But  democracy  implies  representation.  If 
the  Malays  could  be  asked  how  they  would  wish  to  be  represented,  would  they 
not  choose  the  best  representatives  of  the  only  type  which  their  race 
has  produced  and  known  ?  Would  they  not  cast  their  votes  for  sultans  and 
headmen,  moulded  by  the  respect  for  law  and  justice  and  personal  freedom 
which  British  rule  has  imported  ?  Diversity,  I  repeat,  is  more  democratic 
than  uniformity.  It  is  more  democratic  to  leave  to  alien  races  their  native 
forms,  their  accustomed  machinery,  while  leavening  them  with  the  spirit  of 
democracy,  than  to  impose  with  a  high  hand  from  without  the  particular  kind 
of  democratic  machinery  which  suits  the  dominant  race.  It  is  more  democratic 
to  train  up  blessings  from  the  soil  below  than  to  order  them  down  ready  made 
from  above.  That  is  what  I  mean  when  I  say  that  our  Empire,  even  the 
dependent  part  of  the  Empire,  is  on  a  democratic  basis. 

This  island,  then,  alone  among  islands  in  all  the  world  and  in  all  history, 
has  evolved  a  unique  type  of  Empire,  standing  alone  in  its  size,  its 
dispersion,  its  numberless  diversities,  its  democratic  basis.  How  has  this 
curious  phenomenon  come  into  being  ?  Topsy,  in  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  says 
of  herself,  "  Specs  I  growd  ".  That  is  the  only  account  to  be  given  of  this 
British  Empire.  It  is  not,  as  I  have  said,  the  creation  of  some  great  ruler, 
not  the  creation  of  a  succession  of  governments  carrying  out  definitely  and 
continuously  a  policy  of  adding  house  to  house  and  field  to  field,  year  in 
and  year  out.  It  is  the  creation  of,  or  rather  the  incarnation  of  a  people.  It 
is  the  result  of  growth.  I  would  that  the  British  Empire  was  in  all  respects 
the  counterpart  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  At  any  rate  it  is  like  it  in  one  respect. 
It  is  "as  if  a  man  should  cast  seed  into  the  ground;  and  should  sleep  and  rise 
night  and  day,  and  the  seed  should  spring  and  grow  up,  he  knowethnot  how  ". 
It  is  a  growth,  whether  of  tares  or  of  wheat.  It  has  grown  up,  as  the  people 
of  Great  Britain  have  grown  up,  side  by  side  ;  the  growth  of  the  nation  has 
meant  the  growth  of  democracy ;  and  the  nation,  the  Empire,  and  democracy  have 
grown  hand  in  hand.  The  Empire  has  made  the  nation  as  much  as  the  nation 
has  made  the  Empire,  and  the  policy  of  the  Empire — if  there  has  been  any 
policy — is  a  policy  of  insurance  for  democracy.  Professor  Seeley  used  the 
memorable  sentence  that  England  acquired  an  Empire  in  a  fit  of  unconsciousness. 
He  meant — and  it  is  the  plain  truth — that  the  English  never  set  out,  as  the 
Germans  have  lately  set  out,  wide  awake  and  long  prepared,  with  the  express 
object  of  conquering  the  world.  It  was  not  the  line  of  a  business-like  people. 
Conquering  is  magnificent,  but  as  a  rule  it  is  not  business.  They  did  what  they 
have  done  without  definitely  intending  to  do  it — half  unconsciously.  They 
did  it  over  and  over  again,  not  at  the  dictation  of  their  Government,  but  against 
the  wishes  of  their  Government.  The  Government  has  more  often  been  reluctant 
to  add  provinces  to  the  Empire  than  anxious  to  take  them.  There  are  many 
instances  of  the  British  Government  refusing  to  take  offers  made  to  them  by 
the  natives  of  countries  who  asked  for  British  rule  and  protection.  They 
refused  such  offers  from  the  natives  of  New  Zealand  and  Fiji,  but  were  forced 


A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE.  807 

to  intervene  eventually.  In  1877,  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar  offered  to  the  English 
the  whole  of  the  coastline  of  Central  East  Africa  :  the  offer  was  not  accepted, 
and  the  result  of  the  refusal  was  that  the  Germans  came  into  a  large  part  of 
East  Africa.  In  1883  Queensland  annexed  that  part  of  New  Guinea  which 
did  not  belong  to  the  Dutch.  The  British  Government  refused  to  endorse  the 
act  and  again  the  Germans  came  in.  The  path  of  the  British  Government  round 
the  world  has  been  strewn  with  lost  opportunities  and  rejected  addresses.  The 
Empire  is  largely  a  case  where  greatness  has  been  thrust  upon  us.  I  stated 
that  about  a  quarter  of  our  Empire  has  been  acquired  in  the  last  forty  years. 
If  you  will  look  back,  you  will  find  that  a  great  start  forward  was  made  from 
about  the  year  1880,  that  shortly  afterwards  the  English  went  into  Egypt  and 
took  up  large  new  areas  in  Africa  and  in  the  Pacific.  It  was  in  1880  that  Mr. 
Gladstone  came  into  power  for  the  second  time.  Of  all  British  statesmen  he 
had  the  least  love  for  dominating  other  lands  and  peoples  ;  his  whole  instinct 
was  against  annexation ;  but  annexation  and  expansion  came  literally  by  force 
of  circumstances,  and  in  spite  of  the  Government. 

I  repeat  that  it  is  absolutely  impossible  to  form  a  right  understanding  of  the 
British  Empire,  unless  it  is  realised  that,  beyond  all  other  Empires,  it  is  the 
result  not  of  design  but  of  growth,  growth  through  the  centuries,  greatly  acceler- 
ated in  our  own  time.  There  seems  to  be  an  impression  among  the  working 
classes  of  the  United  Kingdom  that  it  is  the  outcome  of  the  greed  of  a  few 
Englishmen,  an  illustration  on  a  great  scale  of  the  grasping  character  of  capital- 
ists. Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  whole  truth,  and  as  the  poet  tells  us, 
"  a  lie  which  is  half  a  truth  is  ever  the  blackest  of  lies  ".  It  is  half  a  truth,  for 
the  British  race,  like  other  races,  whether  their  citizens  are  capitalists  or 
whether  they  are  workmen,  makes  or  tries  to  make  money.  We  owe  our 
possession  of  India  to-day  to  a  trading  company — the  East  India  Company. 
Some  of  the  worst  features  in  our  overseas  history,  notably  the  slave  trade, 
have  been  due  to  the  lust  of  gain  ;  but  show  me  the  people,  or  the  class  in  a 
people,  who  do  not  want  to  make  a  profit  from  their  energy  and  their  enter- 
prise, and  I  will  tell  you  that  angels  have  come  among  men.  Men  go  over 
the  seas  on  the  betterment  principle,  to  try  to  better  themselves  or  other 
people.  In  the  first  case  we  call  them  traders  or  settlers,  in  the  second 
case,  missionaries  ;  and  missionaries  have  had  almost  as  much  to  do  with 
Empire  making  as  traders  and  settlers.  Individual  Englishmen  and- groups 
of  individual  Englishmen — i.e.  companies — went  out  not  to  conquer  the  world, 
but  to  get  something  out  of  the  world  and  to  put  something  into  the  world. 
They  went  out  to  find  eligible  sites  for  new  homes,  or  to  open  up  new 
branches  of  thriving  concerns,  or  for  religion  and  philanthropy. 

The  United  States  of  America  were  once  part  of  the  British  Empire,  and  in 
the  north  of  the  United  States  are  the  New  England  States.  Here,  among 
ethers,  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  settled,  brought  over  in  the  Mayflower.  Why  did 
they  come  ?  In  order  to  find  a  new  home  for  religious  freedom.  Where  was 
the  greed  of  gain  in  this  ?  One  of  the  best  known  of  our  West  African  depen- 
dencies is  Sierra  Leone.  How  did  England  come  by  Sierra  Leone  ?  It  was 


808  A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE. 

founded  in  1787  by  the  men  in  England  who  were  fighting  slavery  and  the  slave 
trade,  to  be  a  colony  for  freed  negro  slaves,  the  land  being  voluntarily  ceded  for 
the  purpose  by  the  native  chief  of  the  district.  Where  was  the  greed  of  gain 
in  this  ?  In  this  same  year,  1787,  the  first  English  settlers  set  sail  for  Australia, 
and  established  themselves  at  Sydney  in  the  following  year.  They  were  con- 
victs sent  out  by  the  British  Government.  Where  did  the  capitalists  and  greed 
of  gain  come  in  here  ?  In  the  middle  of  the  last  century  all  the  world  was 
ringing  with  the  fame  of  a  Scottish  missionary  and  explorer  in  Central  Africa  : 
his  name  was  David  Livingstone.  It  was  his  work  and  his  teaching  that  began 
the  British  connection  with  Central  Africa.  Where  was  the  greed  of  gain 
in  him  ? 

But,  you  will  say,  much  of  the  British  Empire  was  simply  taken  by  force 
from  other  European  nations.  It  was.  Canada,  or  rather  Eastern  Canada,  the 
province  of  Quebec,  once  belonged  to  France.  The  Cape  Colony  once  belonged 
to  Holland.  Jamaica  and  Trinidad  in  the  West  Indies  once  belonged  to  Spain. 
Why  did  we  take  them  ?  Was  it  greed  of  gain — simple  desire  to  take  lands  which 
belonged  to  somebody  else  ?  No,  it  was  not.  We  took  them  in  the  course  of 
our  fights  for  national  existence,  such  a  fight  as  we  are  engaged  in  at  the  present 
moment.  We  are  fighting  Germany  for  life  and  death,  and  in  this  fight  we  are 
warring  with  her  and  her  ally  Turkey  in  all  parts  of  the  world — in  Africa,  in  the 
Pacific,  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  elsewhere.  I  hope  and  believe  that  the 
outcome  of  the  war  will  be  to  transfer  to  Great  Britain  some  at  any  rate  of  the 
German  overseas  possessions.  Why  do  I  hope  so  ?  Not  from  any  desire  what- 
ever to  enlarge  the  Empire  :  it  is  large  enough  and  to  spare  already  ;  but  for  two 
reasons,  (1 )  because  I  do  not  wish  the  coming  time  to  be  weighted  with  a  German 
menace  co  Australia  and  New  Zealand  in  the  Pacific,  or  to  the  Union  of  South 
Africa  in  South  Africa  ;  and  (2j  because,  in  the  light  of  what  we  now  know  of 
German  ruthlessness  and  brutality,  I  hold  that  no  native  races  which  have 
been  recovered  from  her  rule  should  ever  be  placed  under  it  again.  This  is 
an  honest  view  :  it  is  shared,  I  suspect,  by  most  Englishmen.  If  our  Empire 
is  again  enlarged  as  the  result  of  the  war,  it  will  not  be  from  greed  of  gain  ;  it 
will  be  from  a  conviction  that  our  national  security  requires  such  new  acquisi- 
tions, and  from  a  well-founded  belief  that  native  races  fare  better  in  a  democratic 
Empire,  an  Empire  of  diversity,  than  under  those  who  rule  with  a  rod  of  iron. 
The  same  kind  of  reasoning  applied  in  the  past,  when  we  were  fighting  Spanish 
despotism  or  the  military  domination  of  Napoleon  ;  and  it  is  well  to  note  that 
the  first  English  colony  which  was  taken  from  another  European  nation  by 
force  of  arms,  the  West  Indian  island  of  Jamaica,  which  belonged  to  Spain,  was 
not  taken  by  some  greedy  king,  or  syndicate  of  capitalists  ;  it  was  taken  by 
Oliver  Cromwell,  the  chosen  leader  of  the  people,  the  offspring  of  democracy, 
the  pillar  of  nonconformist  puritanism. 

What  is  the  use  of  the  Empire  ?  Before  the  war,  at  any  rate,  this  was  a 
familiar  question,  spoken  or  unspoken,  among  the  working  men  of  Great  Britain, 
though  possibly  not  at  Birmingham.  The  question  may  mean  two  things  : 
either  (1)  What  advantage  does  Great  Britain  as  a  whole,  and  what  do  the 
working  men  of  Great  Britain,  derive  from  the  fact  that  there  are  British  posses- 


A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE.  809 

sions  beyond  the  seas  ?  or  (2)  What  good  has  the  existence  of  the  British  Empire 
done  to  the  world  ? 

Take  the  first  of  these  two  meanings.  You  do  not  want  me  to  tell  of  homes 
open  to  British  citizens  under  the  British  flag  beyond  the  seas,  of  products 
imported  from  British  overseas  possessions,  of  trades  and  industries  fed  directly 
or  indirectly  by  these  products.  Birmingham  knows  these  facts,  and,  with 
Professor  Ashley  and  Professor  Kirkaldy  among  you,  it  is  not  for  me  to  enlarge 
on  the  economic  value  of  the  Empire. 

Let  us  test  the  value  of  the  Empire  by  the  present  war.  I  have  already 
referred  to  the  addition  to  the  fighting  strength  on  land  which  the  Empire  has 
given  to  the  Mother  Country.  Think  of  the  Indian  Army  in  action  in  Flanders, 
in  the  Dardanelles,  in  East  Africa,  in  Egypt,  in  the  Aden  Protectorate,  in  the 
Persian  Gulf,  at  the  taking  of  Tsingtau  in  China.  On  my  way  back  from 
Australia  a  year  ago,  with  Sir  Oliver  Lodge  and  other  Birmingham  friends, 
we  saw  Gurkhas  guarding  the  Suez  Canal.  We  are  fighting  the  home  fight 
of  Great  Britain  against  Germany,  the  fight  for  the  existence  of  Great 
Britain,  in  the  Persian  Gulf  as  much  as  in  Flanders.  We  are  not  fighting  in 
these  far-off  regions  merely  or  mainly  to  protect  our  own  overseas  possessions  ; 
but,  because  we  have  overseas  possessions,  we  are  able  to  strike  at  Germany, 
directly  or  indirectly,  far  across  the  seas. 

But,  after  all,  as  we  all  know,  the  immediate  safety  of  England  we  owe 
mainly  to  our  fleet :  "  The  Eoyal  Navy  of  England,"  said  the  great  legal  writer 
Blackstone,  "  hath  ever  been  its  greatest  defence  and  ornament,  .  .  .  it  is  its 
ancient  and  natural  strength,  the  floating  bulwark  of  our  Empire  ".  But  it  is 
incredible  that  our  fleet  would  be  so  strong,  if  there  had  been  no  British  Empire. 
On  the  eve  of  the  present  war  there  was  a  movement  on  foot  for  reduction  of 
the  fleet.  Is  it  conceivable  that  if  Great  Britain  had  owned  no  overseas  posses- 
sions, the  fleet  would  ever  have  been  allowed  to  grow  to  its  present  size  ?  Such 
naval  strength  would  have  been  deemed  wholly  unnecessary,  and  the  taxpayers 
would  probably  not  have  been  rich  enough  to  support  it.  Yet  it  would  have  been 
necessary.  If  we  had  refused  to  grow  into  an  Empire,  other  nations  would 
not  have  passed  a  like  self-denying  ordinance,  and  would  have  outgrown  and 
overpowered  us.  It  is  again  from  the  fact  that  we  have  owned  overseas  posses- 
sions that  we  have  gained  our  unrivalled  experience  on  the  ocean.  Newfound- 
land, with  its  fisheries,  was  valued  in  old  days  as  a  nursery  for  sailors.  The 
Navigation  Acts,  which  especially  concerned  our  colonies,  were  largely  designed 
to  strengthen  our  sea  power.  The  Navy  has  grown  as  the  Empire  has  grown  and 
because  the  Empire  has  grown.  And  now  the  young  overseas  democracies  are 
beginning  to  supplement  our  naval  as  well  as  our  military  strength.  An  Aus- 
tralian cruiser  accounted  for  the  German  ship  Emden  which  was  marauding 
the  Indian  Ocean. 

To  our  island  position  and  our  navy  we  owe  our  present  comparative  security 
in  this  war.  But  the  war  is  teaching  the  modern  danger  from  the  air.  Others 
than  dreamers  now  have  castles  in  the  air,  and  in  modern  warfare  to  fly  is  not 
the  same  thing  as  to  run  away.  In  other  words,  we  are  losing  the  advantage  of 
our  island  position,  and  must  lose  it  more  and  more  as  the  science  of  flying 


810  A  DEMOCRATIC  EMPIRE. 

develops.  We  have,  therefore,  to  reckon  with  a  coming  time  in  which  Great 
Britain  will  be  largely  deprived  of  the  advantage  which  she  has  hitherto  enjoyed 
over  other  competing  European  nations  of  "  being  compassed  by  the  inviolate 
sea  ".  The  United  Kingdom  is  becoming  one,  and  far  from  the  strongest,  of 
the  continental  powers.  This  makes  the  Empire  more  necessary  than  ever  to  our 
existence.  With  it  we  can  more  than  hold  our  own  ;  without  it,  as  compared 
with  Germany,  if  Germany  remains  one,  or  with  Russia,  if  ever  Eussia  were  to 
become  our  enemy,  we  must  be  dangerously  weak  in  the  event  of  war. 

If  I  am  asked  the  question,  What  is  the  use  of  the  British  Empire  ?  in  the 
sense  of  what  do  we  get  from  it,  I  answer — apart  from  the  fact  that  Englishmen 
are  largely  fed  and  clothed  by  it,  apart  from  the  fact  that  they  are  earning 
money  every  day  by  it — if  there  was  no  British  Empire,  Great  Britain  would 
not  be  safe,  the  working  men  of  Great  Britain  would  not  be  safe,  democracy 
would  be  in  danger.  If  there  was  no  British  Empire,  it  would  be  a  different 
England  altogether — a  smaller  England,  a  poorer  England,  a  weaker  England, 
an  England  living  on  sufferance  even  for  its  daily  bread.  Present-day  England 
and  present-day  Englishmen  are  the  outcome  of  the  Empire,  and  without  the 
Empire  you  must  seek  another  type  of  country  and  another  kind  of  race. 

What  is  the  use  of  the  Empire  ?  The  second  meaning  of  the  question  is  the  true 
and  righteous  interpretation.  What  good  has  the  existence  of  the  Empire  done 
to  the  world  ?  Modern  democracy  is  ever  taught  to  ask  the  one  question,  What 
are  we  going  to  get  ?  The  people  are  trained  to  fix  their  eyes  on  rights  rather 
than  duties,  to  make  the  criterion  of  action,  Will  it  pay  ?  Patriotism  cannot 
be  translated  into  £  s.  d.  without  making  a  thoroughly  bad  translation,  which 
entirely  misses  the  spirit  of  the  original.  Why  should  we  always  place  material 
advantages  in  the  forefront  ?  Why  cannot  we  hold  and  preach  that  nations 
and  races  have  a  calling,  have  work  to  do  in  and  for  the  world  apart  from  the 
gain  which  is  and  ought  to  be  the  accompaniment  of  manful  endeavour  and 
strenuous  living  ? 

Has  the  British  Empire,  or  has  it  not,  been  an  instrument  for  bettering  the 
world  ?  Would  the  world  be  a  better  and  happier  world,  if  it  was  blotted  out  ? 
Yes,  say  the  Germans  ;  then  the  seas  would  be  free  and  in  the  meantime  they 
enslave  and  devastate  the  land. 

The  answer  to  Germany  is  this.  Nearly  one-fourth  of  the  world  wishes  to 
live  under  British  rule  and  is  fighting  to  maintain  it.  Of  the  other  three-fourths 
of  the  world  not  one  of  the  smaller  nations  fears  for  its  liberties  from  this  gigantic 
Empire,  hardly  one  but  looks  to  the  Empire  to  support  its  freedom.  Has  any 
other  nation  in  history  reclaimed  so  much  land  and  so  many  peoples  ?  Is  there 
any  other  Empire  in  history  of  which  it  could  be  said  that  "  service  is  perfect 
freedom  "  ?  Is  it  nothing  to  have  built  up  a  system  of  this  kind  ?  Is  it  possible 
for  those  who  hold  that  peoples  have  duties  to  discharge  as  well  as  interests  to 
serve  to  condemn  such  a  system  as  mischievous  or  useless  ? 

This  system — call  it  Empire  or  by  whatever  name  you  like — the  democracy 
of  England  have  inherited.  The  working  men  of  England  have  in  their  power 
to  make  or  to  mar.  They  can  scrap  the  Empire,  if  they  will ;  but  in  doing 
so,  they  will  scrap  their  own  democracy; 


811 


PAYING  FOR  THE  WAR. 

ME.  MCKENNA'S  first  War  Budget  has  been  admirably  received,  and  it 
says  something  for  the  spirit  with  which  the  United  Kingdom  faces  the  War 
that,  with  an  Income  Tax  of  3s.  Qd.  in  the  pound,  some  of  the  chief  criticisms 
have  been  on  the  ground  that  the  taxation  is  not  drastic  enough.  No  doubt 
Mr.  McKenna  will  satisfy  the  most  avaricious  appetite  for  sacrifice  when  he 
produces  his  next  proposals  six  months  hence.  Meantime  everybody  is  happy. 
The  rich  man  rejoices  that  the  working-classes  are  at  last  made  to  pay  Income 
Tax  ;  the  working-classes  rejoice  that  the  man  with  a  hundred  thousand  a  year 
pays  a  third  of  his  income  to  the  Treasury.  The  Tariff  Keformer  rejoices 
because  a  protective  tariff  is  introduced  without  the  accompanying  excise 
that  he  feared ;  the  Free  Trader  is  pleased  because  he  thinks  that  33£  per  cent. 
ad  valorem  duties  will  make  Tariff  Keform  ridiculous.  The  commercial  classes 
are  happy  because  they  have  levied  the  increased  duties  on  existing  stocks  ; 
the  middle-classes  are  happy  because  they  have  not  yet  realised  the  necessity 
for  economy.  Indeed  there  is  probably  more  genuine  economising  among  the 
wealthy  than  in  any  other  class,  because  they  are  more  accustomed  to  weigh 
the  value  of  money  in  the  abstract. 

|The  real  pinch  will  come  next  year; 'but,  before  the  next  Budget,  Mr. 
McKenna  will  float  another  loan.  The  necessity  for  this  may  be  postponed  for 
some  little  while  by  issuing  Treasury  Bills,  but  these  are  at  best  a  temporary 
expedient.  The  next  loan  will  require  to  be,  like  its  predecessor,  unlimited 
in  amount,  and,  to  judge  from  the  wealth  of  the  country,  an  equally  large  sum 
should  be  raised  without  much  difficulty.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the 
rate  of  interest  may  have  to  be  5  per  cent. — the  present  4|  per  cent,  loan  standing 
at  a  discount  of  slightly  over  2.  A  loan  on  that  basis,  floated  at  the  end  of  this 
year  or  the  beginning  of  next  year,  would  be  an  assured  success.  It  must 
always  be  remembered  that  a  large  part  of  the  interest  accruing  from  the 
existing  War  Loans  (the  3£  of  1914  and  the  4|  of  1915)  will  be  automatically 
invested  in  the  third  War  Loan,  as  well  as  the  wealth  that  is  now  being  created. 
Alone  among  the  belligerents,  Britain  is  still  producing  wealth  as  well  as 
destroying  it. 

The  real  effect  of  these  successive  war  loans  and  of  heavy  taxation  is  indirect, 
and  must  show  itself  in  two  directions,  (a)  in  inflation,  (b)  in  depreciation.  The 
question  of  inflation  is  too  highly  technical  to  be  discussed  in  the  brief  limits 
of  this  note,  but  it  may  be  said  that  while  financiers  disagree  as  to  the  amount 
of  inflation  caused  by  the  withdrawal  of  gold  and  the  substitution  of  a  paper 
currency,  they  are  in  substantial  agreement  as  to  the  inflation  caused  by  the 
large  subscriptions  of  the  joint-stock  banks  to  the  War  Loan,  and  they  are 
inclined  to  consider  the  new  taxes,  particularly  the  tax  on  war  profits,  as  operat- 
ing in  the  same  direction.  When  half  a  man's  profits  are  taken  from  him, 
he  naturally  tries  to  get  something  back  by  increasing  the  price  (and  the  profit) 
on  future  contracts.  If  a  man  makes  a  profit  of  £1,000,  and  has  to  hand  over 


812  PAYING  FOR  THE  WAR. 

£500,  he  clearly  tries  to  make  a  profit  of  £2,000  in  order  to  keep  £1,000.  There 
is  a  wave  of  popular  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  taxing  war  profits,  but  ideals  in 
taxation  are  not  always  successful  in  practice,  and  economists  will  watch  with 
interest  the  working  of  this  novel  principle.  It  is  likely  to  be  the  starting- 
ground  of  very  considerable  controversies  after  the  War. 

As  to  (b),  the  depreciation  of  existing  securities,  the  position  is  more  ele- 
mentary. Before  the  War  the  British  Government  could  (theoretically)  raise 
money  at  2|  per  cent.,  a  Colonial  Government  at  3  or  8|  to  4  per  cent.,  a  Colonial 
municipality  at  slightly  more  ;  industrials  came  next  to  Government  secu- 
rities, ranging  from  the  steady  railway  company  to  the  most  speculative  theatre 
or  cinema  shares,  the  latter  of  which  indeed  often  bridged  the  great  gulf  between 
the  investment  share  and  the  frank  speculation.  The  natural  order  remains 
as  before,  but  even  before  the  War  the  rate  of  interest  had  increased,  owing 
to  (a)  the  demand  for  capital  in  new  countries,  (b)  the  good  credit  of  Colonial 
Governments  which,  by  making  it  easy  for  them  to  borrow,  made  them  borrow 
often  and  so  send  up  the  rate  of  interest  among  themselves.  Even  before 
the  War,  the  fall  in  the  value  of  trustee  securities  (which  enthusiastic  politicians 
once  put  down  to  "  Lloyd  George  finance  "  instead  of  its  obvious  cause)  had 
entailed  a  fall  in  Consols  from  113-115  in  1895  (fifteen  years  before  Mr. 
Lloyd  George  was  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer)  to  round  about  70  in  1914, 
and  Colonial  securities,  governed  by  the  price  of  Consols,  fell  in  sym- 
pathy. By  a  curious  paradox,  the  demand  for  capital  for  destructive 
purposes  since  the  War  began  has  had  precisely  the  same  financial  effect  as 
the  demand  for  capital  for  constructive  purposes  before  the  War :  it  has  raised 
the  price  of  money,  only  it  has  raised  it  more  quickly.  Before  the  War  the 
British  Government  theoretically  paid  2|  per  cent,  and  really  paid  a  little 
over  3  per  cent,  for  money :  it  now  pays  4|  per  cent,  (or  rather  more)  at  home, 
and  well  over  6  per  cent,  in  the  United  States. 

The  actual  yield  of  the  second  British  War  Loan,  deducting  the  existing 
Income-Tax  (3s.  &d.  in  the  £  on  dividends),  is  £3  14s.  3d.  per  cent.  ;  the 
Americans  who  have  subscribed  to  the  Anglo-French  Loan  have  a  better 
bargain.  This  is  a  5  per  cent,  loan  issued  at  96,  and  redeemable  five  years 
hence  at  par :  this  yields  the  investor  £5  4s.  3d.  per  cent.,  while  the  redemp- 
tion stipulation  adds  a  further  16s.  per  cent,  to  its  value.  The  actual 
yield  of  the  Anglo-French  Loan  is  therefore  a  fractional  amount  above  6  per 
cent. 

There  has  been  some  disappointment  and  much  criticism  over  the  terms 
of  the  Anglo-French  Loan  floated  in  the  United  States.  The  rate  of  interest 
is  higher,  the  amount  lent  is  lower,  than  had  been  anticipated  ;  and  the 
loan  itself  is  burdened  with  an  unexpected  restriction.  It  is  not  to  be  used 
for  the  purpose  of  financing  munitions,  but  of  restoring  the  American  Ex- 
change. These  are  all  proper  criticisms,  well  justified  by  the  terms  of  the 
Loan  ;  and  practical  men  have  put  on  one  side  the  chorus  of  praise  which 
Lord  Eeading  and  Mr.  Choate  and  others  have  lavished  on  each  other,  and 
concentrated  on  two  points : — (1)  The  Loan  has  been  over-subscribed  by  the 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR.  813 

American  public,  and  has  thus  achieved  its  purpose,  albeit  at  a  price  which  is 
perhaps  unduly  generous  ;  and  (2)  It  has  given  a  proof  that  the  American 
people  believe  in  the  final  victory  of  the  Allies.  Neither  Germany  nor  Austria 
could  have  raised  a  loan  in  the  United  States  on  any  terms.  More  than  this 
cannot  profitably  be  said. 

A.  WYATT  TILBY. 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR. 

IT  is  difficult  for  those  who  have  not  followed  the  evolution  of  the  present 
Balkan  situation  to  realise  the  importance  of  the  part  now  being  played  by  a 
group  of  Powers  which,  taken  individually,  do  not  count  for  much.  For  years 
the  Great  Powers  had  regarded  the  Balkans  as  a  sort  of  bear-garden,  in  which 
warfare  of  a  minor  kind  might  break  out  at  any  moment,  but  neither  the  average 
Briton,  Frenchman,  nor  Eussian  felt  more  than  a  sort  of  elder- brotherly  con- 
cern in  these  small  peoples.  Their  quarrels  and  disputes  were  of  little  interest 
to  all  save  a  few  in  this  country.  Those  who  travelled  and  studied  the  people 
in  their  own  countries  became  prejudiced  in  favour  of  one  or  the  other,  but  the 
impartial  student  was  bound  to  come  to  the  conclusion,  sooner  or  later,  that 
most  of  the  debated  questions  between  them  are  as  broad  as  they  are  long. 

The  interest  of  Great  Britain  in  the  Balkans  has  always  been  bound  up  with 
the  preservation  of  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  but  more  particularly, 
since  Germany  developed  her  world-policy,  with  the  question  of  the  Near  East. 
In  view  of  the  importance  to  the  British  Empire  of  the  Suez  Canal  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  Britain  cannot  afford  to  see  any  other  great  Power  established 
in  the  regions  bordering  that  line  of  communication.  The  ambition  of  Germany, 
on  the  contrary,  has  always  been  to  secure  a  line -of  communication  for  herself 
to  the  East.  Her  only  outlet  is  to  the  north,  although  German  territory  covers 
a  great  part  of  Central  Europe,  and  the  great  main  European  line  from  Berlin 
southwards  runs  through  Vienna,  crosses  the  Save  at  Belgrade,  and  con- 
tinues through  Nish  and  Uskub  to  Salonika  (now  in  Greek  territory).  The 
control  of  the  Salonica  Eailway  has  notoriously  long  been  one  of  Germany's 
most  cherished  aims,  giving  access  to  the  yEgean  and  to  Constantinople, 
whence  the  Baghdad  Eailway  was  to  lead  to  the  East. 

The  Eusso- Japanese  War  must  be  regarded  as  an  important  factor  in  pre- 
cipitating the  present  conflict.  Whatever  may  be  the  view  of  the  Emperor 
William  II  there  is  no  doubt  that  German  military  science  and  the  teaching  of 
history  confirm  the  view  of  Bismarck,  that  Eussia  was  and  must  always  be 
the  most  formidable  rival  to  Germany.  Bismarck,  be  it  noted,  still  thought 
of  Germany  as  continental — he  had  not  entertained  the  colonial  policy  which 
led  William  II  so  far  afield.  Accordingly,  the  Balkan  States  were  con- 
tinually balancing  themselves  between  their  two  great  neighbours.  Great 
Britain  was  to  them  a  less  important  factor,  since  she  obviously  had  no  territorial 

3  I 


814  THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR. 

ambitions  to  be  gratified  and  a  more  remote  set  of  interests  to  guard.  With 
the  apparent  debacle  of  Kussia  after  the  Eusso- Japanese  War  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  scale  dipped  more  and  more  in  favour  of  German  influence. 

The  Balkan  Wars  of  1912-3,  which  ended  in  the  expulsion  of  Turkey  from 
all  but  a  small  corner  of  Europe,  did  not  materially  advance  the  interests  of 
Germany.  She  was  obviously  not  yet  ready  for  the  great  effort  which  was  to 
make  her  paramount  in  Europe,  and  it  was,  in  fact,  directly  prejudicial  to  her 
interests  that  Serbia,  the  one  Balkan  State  which  was  notoriously  anti- German, 
should  be  so  much  enlarged.  In  Rumania  a  Hohenzollern,  in  Bulgaria  a  Saxe- 
Coburg  king,  and  in  Greece  a  Hohenzollern  princess,  were  valuable  assets.  A 
German  princelet  was  also  permitted  to  try  his  hand  at  a  petty  kingship  in 
Albania,  where,  however,  his  turbulent  subjects  gave  him  little  chance  of  settling 
into  his  palace.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  strengthening  of  Serbia  and  of 
Greece  was  distinctly  unfavourable  to  German  designs,  which  were  more  likely 
to  blossom  in  the  general  confusion  of  the  previous  regime.  In  view  of  the 
close  relationship  between  the  young  Turks  and  Germany  it  is  obvious  that 
the  success  of  the  Balkan  States  in  expelling  the  Turks  from  Macedonia  must 
have  cut  across  the  designs  of  Berlin,  and  it  was  undoubtedly  to  German  advice 
that  King  Ferdinand  listened,  when  he  declared  war  on  Serbia  and  Greece  in 
1913  in  a  vain  attempt  to  upset  the  settlement  then  imminent  and  to  secure  an 
even  greater  share  for  Bulgaria. 

This  article  is  intended  to  give  a  bird's-eye  view  of  Balkan  affairs,  and 
especially  of  the  national  ambitions  which  influence  them.  Serbia,  our  gallant 
little  Ally,  is  as  ancient  a  sovereign  nation  as  any  in  Europe,  and  in  its 
greatest  days  extended  from  the  Danube  to  the  ^Egean  and  from  the  Black 
Sea  to  the  Adriatic.  In  making  these  statements,  however,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  overlordship  of  those  days  did  not  imply  effective  occupation 
or  administration.  The  true  Serbian  lands  were  smaller,  though,  even  so,  far 
greater  than  their  present  limit. 

The  Serbians  are  pure  Slav  in  race,  and  colonised  their  country  as  early 
as  the  fifth  century,  when  the  northern  migrations  of  their  race  began  to  over- 
flow into  Central  Europe.  They  were  converted  to  Christianity  in  the  ninth 
century  by  missionary  monks  from  the  Eastern  Church ;  but  while  the  bulk 
of  Serbian-speaking  peoples  are  of  the  Greek  Orthodox  Church,  the  western- 
most ones,  known  as  the  Croats,  and  forming  part  of  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Empire,  are  Roman  Catholics  ;  while  in  Bosnia-Herzegovina  one  finds  Moham- 
medans of  Serbian  origin.  Both  ethnically  and  linguistically  the  Serbians 
can  claim  a  far  more  extensive  territory  than  their  present  kingdom,  including 
the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic ;  on  the  other  hand,  by  the  Treaty  of 
Bukarest,  they  obtained  in  Macedonia  provinces  which  round  off  their  own 
territory,  but  are  jnore  Albanian  or  Bulgarian  than  Serbian  in  speech  and 
race.  The  outlet  to  the  sea,  which  was  so  important  to  them,  they  also 
obtained  at  San  Giovanni  di  Medua ;  but  in  any  future  settlement  they  will 
ask  and,  if  the  Entente  Powers  are  successful,  may  obtain,  the  provinces  of 
Bosnia-Herzegovina  and  the  Adriatic  littoral — or  part  of  it — and  also  a  large 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR.  815 

slice  of  Hungary,  extending  probably  to  the  river  Drave,  which  is  the  racial 
and  linguistic  boundary  between  them  and  the  Magyars. 

The  history  of  Serbia  is  one  of  the  strangest  in  the  annals  of  European 
nations.  Overwhelmed  after  desperate  struggles  by  the  Turkish  wave,  she 
lost  on  the  field  of  Kossovo  practically  the  whole  of  her  aristocracy,  and  for 
three  centuries  was  a  province  of  the  Turkish  Empire.  The  rule  of  Turkey 
was  not  as  oppressive  as  might  have  been  expected,  but  it  kept  the  people — 
mainly  agriculturists — in  a  stagnant  condition.  Education  was  extremely 
backward ;  and  Serbians  might  have  lost  all  traditions  of  national  greatness 
but  for  the  songs  and  ballads,  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth,  which  kept  alive 
the  names  of  ancient  heroes  and  the  consciousness  of  race.  In  the  great  nation- 
alist revival  of  the  early  nineteenth  century  both  language,  literature,  and  native 
arts  were  recovered  from  the  peasants  who  had  handed  them  on.  A  recent 
exhibition  of  sculpture  at  South  Kensington  by  the  Serbian  artist  Mestrovics 
embodies  the  soul  of  his  country  in  a  marvellous  manner.  Huge  figures  of 
mourning  widows — the  Serbian  mothers  whose  husbands  and  sons  fell  at 
Kossovo — are  most  impressive  in  a  sort  of  passive  yet  forceful  simplicity. 
Theirs  is  the  grief  which  is  at  once  calm  and  terrible,  and  their  type  is  heroic 
and  yet  primitive.  They  belong  to  a  country  of  wide  spaces  and  bleak 
mountains — they  are  no  town- dwellers — Serbia,  indeed,  was  a  nation  of 
peasants ;  only  in  the  last  century  has  she  slowly  been  evolving  a  middle- 
class — industrialists,  shopkeepers,  or  professionals. 

The  gruesome  murder  of  a  deservedly  unpopular  king  and  his  wife  brought 
the  little  country  into  unenviable  notoriety  in  1903,  and  from  that  time  until 
1912  it  is  probable  that  few  English-speaking  people  gave  more  than  a  passing 
thought  to  the  affairs  of  this  State.  But  the  fact  that  she  had  turned  over  a 
new  leaf  and  was  really  settling  down  to  internal  reforms  was  not  lost  on  her 
neighbours.  Serbia,  be  it  noted,  is  the  one  Balkan  State  which  has  a  native 
dynasty,  and  has  not  reverted  to  a  curious  Slav  tendency  to  invite  [foreign 
princes  to  rule  over  them. 

Austria's  complaint  was  that  Serbia  fomented  trouble  in  the  Serbian- 
speaking  provinces  of  her  empire.  The  truth  was  that  those  provinces — 
particularly  Croatia,  itself  an  ancient  independent  kingdom — and  the  Slovenes, 
in  South  Austria,  were  seething  with  discontent  under  the  efforts  of  Buda- 
pest and  Vienna  to  de-nationalise  them.  The  success  of  the  Czechs  in 
Bohemia  in  expelling  the  German  language  and  reviving  their  own  national 
music,  dresses,  customs,  and  traditions  was  not  lost  on  the  other  peoples  within 
the  Dual  Monarchy.  That  the  Serbs  without  Serbia  sought  encouragement 
from  those  within  is  certain.  The  formal  annexation  of  Bosnia-Herzegovina 
to  Austria-Hungary  in  1908  (previously  they  had  merely  "  occupied  "  it,  and 
it  was  a  Naboth's  vineyard  to  Serbia)  was  a  blow  to  Slav  aspirations  and  set 
the  plotters  to  work,  but  no  serious  outbreak  was  either  likely  or  possible,  for 
none  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Slavs  were  strong  enough  or  independent  enough 
to  take  any  overt  action.  Their  aim  was  rather  to  secure  national  rights  and 
privileges  within  the  Dual  Monarchy,  such  as  Bohemia  had  gained — a  bloodless 

3  i  2 


816  THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR. 

victory.  The  predominance  of  the  Slav  element  in  Austro-Hungarian  counsels 
was  inimical  alike  to  German  and  to  Magyar  influences;  and  Hungary,  a  country 
with  many  ties  of  friendship  and  interest  both  with  Britain  and  France,  was 
utterly  absorbed  into  the  German  orbit  by  her  desire  to  keep  her  Slav  popula- 
tion under  control.  In  this  effort  she  equalled  Prussia  in  her  repressive 
measures. 

The  second  great  Balkan  Power  is  Bulgaria,  also  an  ancient  State  and  an 
ancient  rival  of  Serbia.  Both  Serbia  and  Bulgaria  date  their  status  as  indepen- 
dent States  from  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  in  1878,  which  secured  their  autonomy  but 
did  not  by  any  means  gratify  their  ambitions.  To-day,  after  Bulgaria  has 
already  fought  two  wars — and  partly,  but  not  altogether,  because  she  tried  to 
get  too  much  as  the  result  of  her  defeat  of  Turkey — there  are  still  over  a  million 
Bulgarians  outside  the  kingdom.  Of  these,  286,000  are  found  in  Eumania, 
315,000  in^jreece,  and  597,000  in  Serbia.  Tradition  traces  the  Bulgars  proper — 
a  wild,  barbarous  tribe  of  horsemen  who  invaded  the  more  peaceful  Slavs  in 
the  days  before  real  history  begins — to  a  Tatar  source,  akin  to  the  Finns  and 
Magyars.  Of  their  language,  however,  no  trace  remains,  Bulgarian  providing 
the  most  ancient  examples  of  Slav  liturgies  in  a  writing  now  archaic.  But 
the  Bulgars  seem  to  have  given  a  stamp  of  character  to  the  people  they 
conquered — and  who  absorbed  them — unless,  indeed,  they  owe  their  reputed 
gravity  of  disposition  and  other  stern  traits  to  the  wild  country  they  inhabit. 
The  Balkan  range  which  runs  through  the  centre  of  their  country  was  at  one 
time  taken  as  a  division — it  is  really  a  centre,  just  as  the  Carpathians  are  for  the 
Eumanians,  and  in  their  mountains  both  Bulgars  and  Eumanians  took  refuge 
from  the  Turks.  Eacially,  however,  they  are  far  from  pure,  the  Bulgar-Slav 
stock  having  mingled  for  generations  with  Turks  and  Greeks.  The  purest 
race  is  said  to  be  one  which  embraced  Mohammedanism,  thus  securing  the 
safety  of  their  women. 

An  agricultural  people,  fine  fighters,  with  wonderful  physique  gained  in 
their  hardy  lives,  poor,  thrifty,  cunning,  largely  illiterate  despite  the  advances 
of  the  last  forty  years,  the  people  of  Bulgaria  are  still  in  a  very  backward 
condition,  and  are  little  able  to  form  a  judgment  on  their  own  national  affairs. 
As  a  matter  of  sentiment  they  owe  much  to  Eussia,  who  achieved  their  liberation 
after  four  centuries  of  subjection  to  Turkey.  Bulgaria,  alone  among  the 
Balkan  peoples,  did  not  fight  for  her  own  independence.  Not  that  the  rule  of 
Turkey  was  especially  oppressive — they  had  suffered  quite  as  much  from  their 
own  boyars  in  pre-Turkish  days — but  that  the  decay  of  Turkish  power  let  loose 
the  forces  of  anarchy.  The  nationalist  revival  centred  round  the  question  of 
an  independent  Bulgarian  Church,  which  owed  its  origin  to  the  earliest  days 
of  Bulgaria's  conversion  to  Christianity.  She  had  never  recognised  either  Eome 
or  Byzantium  as  supreme,  but  Greek  priests  had  gradually  usurped  all  spiritual, 
and  a  great  deal  of  temporal,  power,  had  burned  the  Bulgarian  liturgies  and 
established  Greek  as  the  school  language.  It  was  not  till  71872  that  the 
Bulgarian  Exarchate  was  finally  officially  recognised,  and  began  at  once  an 
educational  propaganda  on  strong  nationalist  lines.  It  was  at  this  point 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR.  817 

that  Eussia  intervened,  marched  to  the  gates  of  Constantinople,  and  by 
the  treaty  of  San  Stefano  secured  Bulgarian  autonomy  and  the  inclusion, 
in  that  term,  of  the  whole  of  Macedonia.  The  other  European  Powers  were 
not  prepared  to  see  so  large  a  territory  pass  under  Eussian  tutelage,  so  they 
intervened,  and  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  restored  Macedonia  to  Turkey,  leaving 
the  province  of  Eastern  Eumelia  also  under  Turkish  governance,  though 
autonomous,  while  Bulgaria  itself  was  obliged  to  recognise  Turkish  suzerainty. 
In  1896  Mr.  Gladstone,  in  a  celebrated  pamphlet,  revealed  to  a  shocked 
Europe  the  atrocities  of  the  Turks  on  Bulgarian  revolutionaries  who  tried  to 
shake  off  altogether  the  alien  yoke. 

The  prince  chosen  in  the  absence  of  any  native  dynasty  was  Alexander  of 
Battenberg,  a  nephew  of  the  Czar,  Alexander  II,  and  he  began  his  reign  under 
a  Eussian  tutelage  which  aroused  strong  nationalist  opposition.  How  he 
gradually  espoused  the  nationalist  cause,  fought  a  successful  war  with  Serbia, 
though  Eussia  would  not  help  him,  secured  the  annexation  of  Eumelia  to  his  own 
principality,  despite  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  and  so  incurred  Eussian  displeasure, 
is  a  matter  of  fairly  recent  history.  Practically  kidnapped  and  carried  off  to 
Eussia,  he  returned  victoriously  at  the  request  of  Stambuloff  and  a  nationalist 
Cabinet,  but  in  his  desire  to  reconcile  himself  with  Eussia  he  became  suspect 
by  the  Bulgarians,  and  was  again  forced  to  abdicate  and  leave  the  country.  The 
throne  went  begging  for  some  time,  more  than  one  prince  declining  the  honour  ; 
but  at  last  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Saxe-Coburg,  whose  mother,  a  daughter  of 
Louis  Philippe,  was  said  to  be  the  cleverest  woman  in  Europe,  was  invited. 
It  is  impossible  to  follow  the  struggle  between  Eussian  influence  and  nationalist 
aspirations  in  detail.  The  conviction  that  the  former  was  inimical  to  the 
latter  was  firmly  rooted  in  the  Bulgarian  mind,  and  in  1895  the  great 
minister,  Stambuloff,  was  murdered  in  the  street  by  political  enemies,  who 
had  returned  during  a  period  of  Eussian  ascendancy.  Eival  parties  have  used 
the  conflicting  aims  of  the  Great  Powers  as  weapons  in  their  own  smaller 
warfare. 

Ferdinand  courted  Eussian  favour  assiduously  at  one  period,  had  his  son 
and  heir,  who  had  been  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  faith  of  his  mother,  con- 
verted to  the  Greek  Church,  and  secured  his  own  recognition  when  he  finally 
threw  off  the  suzerainty  of  Turkey  and  assumed  the  title  of  Czar  in  1908.  At 
the  same  time  Bulgarians  had  never  forgotten  that  the  Dobrudja,  a  triangle  of 
land  to  the  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Danube,  valuable  as  giving  access  by 
that  river  to  the  sea,  and  also  inhabited  chiefly  by  Bulgarian-speaking  people, 
was  given  to  Eumania  by  Eussia  in  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  as  an  offset 
to  the  province  of  Bessarabia,  which  Eussia  herself  annexed,  though  it  is 
racially  Eumanian. 

Eussia  has  not  played  her  cards  as  tactfully  in  Bulgaria  as  she  might. 
Germany,  on  the  contrary,  has  gone  warily.  She  has  advanced  money,  and 
above  all  she  is  quite  prepared  to  offer  Serbia  up  to  her  hereditary  rival. 

When  the  first  Balkan  War  ended  with  great  success  for  the  Bulgarian 
arms,  King  Ferdinand  made  the  grand  mistake  of  his  life — though  he  is  now 


818  THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR. 

repeating  it  on  a  much  greater  scale.  He  tried  to  grasp  too  much — not  content 
with  what  he  had  won  from  Turkey,  he  determined  to  polish  off  Serbia  also  ;  but 
the  result  of  the  second  war  with  Greece  and  Serbia  was  to  deprive  his  country, 
which  had  fought  and  suffered  most,  of  a  good  part  of  the  legitimate  fruits  of 
their  victory.  The  Treaty  of  Bukarest  took  into  account  far  more  the  claims 
of  a  fresh  and  unblooded  Eumanian  army,  or  of  a  still  vigorous  .Serbia  and 
Greece,  than  of  an  exhausted  and  decimated  Bulgaria.  For  many  months 
the  King,  to  whose  initiative  the  disastrous  second  campaign  was  certainly 
due,  was  absent  from  his  capital  at  his  Hungarian  estates,  and  rumour  played 
freely  with  the  word  "revolution."  Ferdinand  weathered  that  storm,  but 
it  may  well  be  that  he  will  have  to  face  another,  unless  he  can  justify  his 
present  line  of  conduct  by  some  immediate  and  brilliant  success.  There  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  War  is  really  unpopular,  since  German  propaganda, 
which  has  been  let  loose  in  the  country,  has  certainly  given  the  ignorant  people 
to  believe  not  only  that  Germany  is  winning  all  along  the  line,  but  that  she  is 
prepared  to  satisfy  the  most  chauvinist  hopes  of  Bulgaria.  Still,  the  scars  and 
wounds  of  the  last  wars  are  hardly  healed.  The  people  have  not  had  time  to 
resume  their  normal  occupations,  and  the  calling  of  the  nation's  manhood 
once  more  to  the  tasks  of  war  will  be  received  with  little  enthusiasm  and  much 
covert  discontent. 

The  bribe  offered  by  Germany  is  undoubtedly  a  great  extension  of  Bulgarian 
power  in  Macedonia.  To  such  a  bargain,  however,  Greece  cannot  afford  to 
consent,  for  she,  too,  has  slices  of  Macedonia  which  are  predominantly  Bulgarian 
in  speech  and  race.  It  is,  indeed,  only  on  the  coast  of  the  .ZEgean  that  a  Greek 
fisher  population  overlaps  the  original  Slavs.  Greece,  therefore,  must  be 
prepared  to  defend  her  frontier ;  but  the  difficulty  about  these  Macedonian 
frontiers  is  that  they  are  purely  artificial — political,  and  not  racial,  or  to  any 
extent  geographical. 

The  crux  of  the  whole  Balkan  question  is  still,  therefore,  the  distribution 
of  the  Tom  Tiddler's  ground  known  as  Macedonia,  and  although  linguistic 
and  racial  experts  have  traversed  the  ground  over  and  over  again  and  have 
supplied  maps  and  statistics  galore,  yet  no  solution  can  be  found  which  will  be 
entirely  just  or  will  meet  the  legitimate  aspirations  of  the  three  Balkan  Powers 
most  concerned.  The  reason  is  that  in  this  region,  a  cockpit  of  fighters  for 
centuries,  Bulgars,  Serbs,  and  Greeks  are  inextricably  mixed,  and  Albanians— 
who  are  none  of  these  and  have  no  national  centre — also  complicate  the  question. 
A  religious  test  used  to  be  applied  at  one  time,  but  careful  observers  have 
assured  the  writer  that  the  same  village  would  be  reported  as  belonging  both 
to  the  Greek  and  the  Bulgarian  churches,  for  the  simple  reason  that  the  villagers, 
having  no  special  preference,  would  either  give  the  answer  they  thought  most 
acceptable  or  even,  under  pressure  from  one  side  or  the  other,  transfer  their 
allegiance  wholesale.  As  for  language,  Serbian  and  Bulgarian  are  variants  of 
the  main  Slavic  tongue,  and  Macedonian  is  transitional  between  them,  but 
with  a  closer  likeness  to  the  latter.  Albania  is  neither  a  racial,  linguistic,  nor 
even  a  political  unit.  It  has  no  coherence  as  a  State,  and  was  formed  into  one 
merely  as  an  excuse  of  Austria  for  preventing  Serbia  from  expanding  to  the 


THE    CAMPAIGN     IN     THE    CAMEROON. 

(See  page  822.) 


THE    COUNTRY    ROUND    GARUA. 


GARUA:     HOLES    WITH    SPEARS    EMBEDDED    AND    COVERED    UP. 


(To  face  p.  818. 


THE    CAMPAIGN     IN     THE    CAMEROON. 

(See  page  822.) 


GARUA:     ENTRANCE    TO    FORT    No.    2.      GROUP    OF    HAUSA    AND    YORUBA    SOLDIERS. 


FORT    No.    3    AT    GARUA. 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR.  819 

coast.  Some  of  the  northern  tribes  speak  Serbian,  and  are  favourable  to  inclusion 
in  Serbia  or  Montenegro,  but  others  fought  on  the  Turkish  side,  while  the 
purest  type  of  Albanian,  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Elbassan,  Koritza,  and  Avlona, 
is  submerged  in  a  sea  of  Greeks.  The  future  of  Albania  must  also  be  an  import- 
ant feature  in  the  settlement  after  the  War,  and  undoubtedly  Serbia  will  profit 
by  it ;  but  Greece  also,  if  she  cares  to  play  an  adequate  part,  might  secure  a 
share.  These  turbulent  tribesmen  are  not  altogether  desirable  subjects,  it 
is  true,  but,  as  defined  by  the  Powers,  their  nominal  state  includes  an  important 
part  of  the  Adriatic  coast,  embracing  the  port  of  Avlona  at  the  entrance  to  the 
Adriatic  and  just  opposite  Brindisi. 

This  brings  in  the  claims  and  interests  of  another  of  Britain's  Allies — Italy. 
Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  Slavonic  (Serbo-Croatian)  character  of  the 
peoples  of  the  East  Adriatic  coast,  now  the  Austrian  province  of  Dalmatia. 
But  among  these  peoples  a  Latin  civilisation  has  been  sedulously  kept  alive, 
and  the  two  races  are  closely  mingled.  Whatever  may  be  left  to  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  monarchy,  Dalmatia  and  Istria,  with  the  naval  stations  of  Trieste 
and  Pola,  will  certainly  be  taken  from  her.  Italy  makes  slow  but  sure  progress 
towards  Trieste,  and  it  is  her  grand  ambition  to  make  the  Adriatic  an  Italian 
sea.  'Whether  she  achieves  this  or  not — subject  to  the  outlet  which  Serbia 
must  secure — depends  on  the  completeness  of  the  victory  of  the  Entente  Powers ; 
but  the  friction  between  Italian  and  Austrian — the  latter  occupying  territory 
Italian  by  tradition — cannot  cease  until  the  Latin- speaking  peoples  are  freed 
from  German-speaking  rulers.  Italy's  ambitions  also  run  to  a  foothold  in  the 
Balkans — at  Avlona,  whence  she  desires  to  run  a  line  to  Monastir,  which  would 
open  up  the  country  for  trade  and  civilisation. 

There  is  another  State  of  premier  importance  at  the  present  time  in  the 
near  East — the  country  of  Rumania.  She  presents  the  curious  spectacle  of  a 
Latin-speaking  people  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  Slavs  and  on  the  fourth 
by  the  Magyars.  The  origin  of  her  people  is  said  to  be  the  Roman  colonists 
— chiefly  military — who  mingled  with  the  Slav  population  and  formed  the 
province  of  Dacia.  When  the  Roman  emperors  withdrew  their  forces  of 
occupation  from  their  more  remote  provinces  these  people  resisted  the  waves 
of  Slav  and  Magyar  immigrants,  and  retained  their  language  and  their  dis- 
tinctive nationality.  That  they  were  able  to  do  this  is  due  to  the  great  knot  of 
mountains  which  is  the  centre  of  their  country,  racially,  though  not  politically. 
West  of  these  mountains  to-day  the  Hungarian  Government  holds  more  than 
3,000,000  of  the  Rumanians  under  its  sway,  but  when  the  barbarian  invasions 
of  Slav  and  Magyar  swept  over  Europe  the  Rumanians  found  safety  in  the 
Transylvanian  ranges,  and  only  descended  from  them  on  either  side  later  on  to 
re-occupy  the  plains  and  resume  their  occupations.  They  are  very  pastoral 
people,  and  under  the  name  of  Kutzo-Vlachs  are  found  throughout  Macedonia 
and  Hungary  following  their  ancestral  pursuit.  The  Rumanian  language  was 
consciously  and  of  set  purpose  cultivated  and  revived  about  the  middle  of 
last  century,  at  the  time  when  all  the  submerged  Balkan  races  began  to  recover 
national  consciousness,  but  the  re-born  nation  could  not  "recover  a  national 
dynasty,  because  it  had  not,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  enjoyed  a  distinct  national 


820  THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR. 

and  political  existence  even  before  its  conquest  by  Turkey.  The  country 
now  called  Eumania  is  made  up  of  the  union  of  two  ancient  principalities 
of  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  to  which  was  added  Eastern  Kumelia.  A 
prince  of  the  house  of  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen  was  placed  on  the  throne  in 
1866,  after  the  first  prince  Alexander  Couza  had  been  deposed.  The  present 
king  is  the  second  of  his  dynasty,  and  his  wife  is  a  daughter  of  the  one-time  Duke 
of  Edinburgh  (who  succeeded  to  the  Dukedom  of  Saxe-Coburg  Gotha),  and 
is  therefore  a  granddaughter  of  Queen  Victoria,  and  first  cousin  to  King  George 
and  the  Emperor  William.  Kumania  is  a  curious  mixture  of  civilisation  and 
medievalism.  The  capital,  Bukarest,  is  a  miniature  Paris — gay,  luxurious,  and 
fashionable.  The  country  houses  of  the  rich  are  still  feudal  in  character,  with 
the  not-infrequent  addition  of  English  servants  and  ideas  of  luxury.  But  the 
peasants  are  poor,  and  education,  though  improving,  is  backward.  The  army 
is  highly  organised  and  believed  to  be  extremely  efficient.  The  racial  position 
in  Eumania  is  complicated  by  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  Jews,  some  of 
whom  emigrated  thither  from  Spain,  while  in  Galicia  the  peasant,  and  even  the 
landed  proprietor,  tend  to  fall  into  the  power  of  the  more  astute  Jew,  who 
also  forms  an  appreciable  proportion  of  the  numerically  small  middle  class. 

Eumanian  ambitions  are  clearly  defined  by  her  linguistic  and  racial  affinity 
to  people  now  under  Hungarian  government.  The  efforts  of  the  Magyars  to 
repress  the  nationalist  aspirations  of  their  Euman  subjects  have  been  successful 
in  driving  them  into  revolt,  but  it  is  possible  that  otherwise  they  would  have 
been  contented  with  autonomous  privileges  under  an  Austro-Hungarian  par- 
liament in  which  they  were  adequately  represented.  It  should  be  realised 
that  similar  views  prevail  in  that  part  of  Galicia  which  is  under  Austria.  Here 
adequate  representation,  and  the  Polish  and  Jewish  genius  for  intrigue,  have 
secured  almost  everything  they  want  in  the  way  of  autonomy,  and  the  Eumans 
would  have  been  satisfied  with  the  same.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Austria  used  to 
encourage  her  Slav  and  Euman  subjects  in  order  to  form  a  counterpoise  to 
Hungarian  influence.  Hungary,  on  the  contrary,  has  embarked  on  a  Magyarising 
policy,  which  is  as  severe  as  anything  devised  by  Prussia  against  her  subjects 
in  the  Polish  provinces.  In  any  case  the  Eumans  in  Hungary  are  generally 
supposed  to  be  in  favour  of  union  with  their  compatriots  in  the  independent 
kingdom,  and  it  is  well  known  that  the  Entente  Powers  are  prepared  to  consent 
to  this,  and  to  extend  Eumanian  frontiers  to  include  Transylvania  and  the 
Banat  as  far  as  the  river  Theiss.  This  will  involve  the  inclusion  of  several 
German-speaking  colonies,  which  were  planted  in  Transylvania  of  set  purpose 
for  frontier-guarding,  and  form  little  racial  and  linguistic  islands. 

Eumania  has  lately  been  supposed  to  be  more  closely  in  touch  with  Petrograd 
than  with  any  other  European  capital.  Her  army  was  trained  on  Eussian,  not  on 
German,  models.  Eussian  influence  in  Bukarest  was  responsible  for  the  change 
of  dynasty,  and  has  been  evident  at  many  crises  in  her  affairs.  Culturally, 
Eumania  still  looks  to  the  Latin-speaking  peoples  for  inspiration  and  ideals, 
rather  than  to  Germany.  Since  she  became  a  kingdom  in  1881  Eumania  has 
made  great  progress  to  prosperity  and  stability.  Her  frontiers,  however,  need 
a  great  deal  of  watching ;  crescent  shaped,  she  has  Eussia  on  the  outer  edge 


THE  BALKAN  STATES  AND  THE  WAR.  821 

of  one  horn  and  Bulgaria  (with  the  Danube  between)  on  the  other.  Her  inner 
curve — the  western  frontier — is  formed  by  the  Carpathian  Mountains,  and  in  the 
heart  of  this  wild  and  beautiful  country,  called  Transylvania,  are  those  German 
colonies  already  spoken  of. 

Here,  then,  in  baldest  outline  are  some  of  the  main  factors  in  the  Near  Eastern 
situation  which  vitally  affect  the  issues  of  the  present  War.  It  is  impossible 
for  all  these  Powers  to  achieve  their  divergent  and  mutually  destructive  national 
ambitions,  and  in  all  of  them  it  is  obvious  that  it  is  diplomatists,  and  not  people, 
who  are  watching  the  course  of  events  to  decide  how  best  to  secure  the  greatest 
possible  share  in  the  settling  up.  But  it  is  the  people  who  will  have  to  fight, 
and,  although  all  these  races  are  good  fighters,  they  need  a  national  cause  to 
spur  them  to  do  their  best. 

While  the  two  Powers  of  Central  Europe  can  obviously  offer  Serbia  nothing, 
since  she  wants  what  their  own  interests  will  not  permit  them  to  grant  (and, 
indeed,  a  strong  Serbia  under  a  native  dynasty  lies  right  across  the  path  of 
Austro-German  ambitions),  they  are  in  a  position  to  bribe  Bulgaria  far  more 
heavily  than  the  Entente  Powers,  because  they  can  offer  her  Serbia.  More- 
over, Germany,  even  in  the  teeth  of  her  own  financial  difficulties,  found  money  to 
lend  to  Sofia,  and  cleverly  arranged  the  loan  so  that,  while  the  securities  are  hers, 
Bulgaria  only  gets  the  whole  of  the  money  at  the  end  of  the  War.  Eumania's 
interests  are  so  plainly  on  the  side  of  the  Entente  that  her  hesitation  can  only 
be  explained  by  the  difficulty  in  which  she  is  placed  by  the  Eussian  retreat  in 
Galicia,  which  uncovers  her  flank.  Eumania,  also,  has  profited  once  before  by  a 
waiting  game.  Now  that  Bulgaria  has  set  the  heather  afire,  Greece,  despite  her 
German  queen  (the  sister  of  William  II)  and  her  pro- German  Court,  cannot 
hesitate  much  longer,  and  "  armed  neutrality,"  with  war  on  all  sides  of  her, 
seems  an  impossibility.  Once  the  die  is  cast,  the  iron  ring  round  the  Central 
European  Powers  must  grow  much  tighter.  Bulgaria  can  hardly  like  coming 
to  the  assistance  of  her  late  enemy  Turkey,  but  it  is  to  achieve  this  that  Germany 
has  been  desperately  working,  for  she  fears  the  opening  of  the  Dardanelles  as  a 
fatal  blow.  Whether  Greece  can  afford  to  see  Turkey  and  Bulgaria  hand  in  hand 
remains  to  be  seen  '?  And  can  Eumania,  with  the  known  ambitions  of  Bulgaria 
to  recover  her  lost  nationals,  doubt  what  is  part  of  the  bribe  for  Bulgarian 
assistance  ? 

There  are  wheels  within  wheels,  cross  and  counter-currents,  financial  con- 
siderations, questions  of  trade  and  communications  which  modify  or  intensify 
the  situation  in  various  directions  ;  but  in  the  main  the  outline  here  given  supplies 
the  outstanding  facts  in  this  Balkan  tangle,  and  shows  how  the  age-long  struggle 
between  Slav  and  Teuton  is  affected  by  the  War  into  which,  by  degrees,  one 
nation  after  another  is  being  inevitably  drawn.  One  thing  is  certain,  that  every 
fresh  frontier  which  has  to  be  attacked  or  defended  means  a  fresh  drain  on 
Germany's  resources,  for  she  has  to  supply  her  allies  with  most  of  the  material 
for  war ;  and,  what  is  equally  important,  with  German  officers  and  directors  of 
all  kinds.  In  a  war  of  exhaustion  such  an  extension  of  responsibilities  can  only 
quicken  the  pace  towards  the  end. 

ETHEL  COLQUHOUN. 

[Mrs.  Tawse  Jollie.] 


822 


THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  CAMEROON  :  A  LETTER  FROM  AN  OFFICER 

ON  SERVICE. 

I  EXPECT  you  have  by  now  seen  an  official  account  of  the  fall  of  Garua  in  the 
papers,  and  though  this  seems  a  very  small  matter  in  comparison  with  what 
is  daily  taking  place  on  the  Continent,  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  us 
out  here.  Its  moral  effect  on  the  native  mind  cannot  be  overestimated,  and 
it  is  likely  to  do  a  great  deal  to  finish  the  operations  in  the  South  Cameroon, 
as  the  natives  now  realise  that  we  are  going  to  have  the  Cameroon,  and  that 
the  Germans  are  not  going  to  have  Nigeria. 

You  will  remember  that  after  the  unsuccessful  attack  on  Garua 
in  August  1914  our  force  had  to  fall  back  to  Yola,  its  base,  to  wait  for 
reinforcements.  The  retreat  was  carried  out  under  very  trying  conditions, 
as  the  rains  had  flooded  the  country.  The  Germans  did  not  follow  us,  but  set 
to  work  on  their  fortifications  at  Garua.  They  brought  up  reinforcements 
and  collected  large  quantities  of  food,  to  be  ready  for  a  long  siege.  They  also 
enlisted  a  large  number  of  recruits,  so  that  by  the  time  we  began  operations 
round  Garua  again  they  had  more  than  they  could  arm,  and  therefore  could 
easily  replace  casualties  provided  the  rifles  were  not  lost. 

Soon  after  our  force  got  back  to  Yola  it  was  reinforced  by  several  companies 
drawn  from  different  parts  of  Nigeria  and  by  several  regular  officers.  A  number 
of  European  volunteers,  both  Government  officials  and  non-officials,  also  came 
up  ;  some  of  these  had  previous  military  experience.  The  next  two  months  were 
mostly  spent  in  strengthening  Yola,  so  as  to  reduce  the  necessary  garrison, 
thus  allowing  us  to  take  as  large  a  force  as  possible  into  the  field.  These  two 
months  were  the  last  of  the  rainy  season,  and  during  them  we  had  got  into 
communication  with  the  French  column  which  was  based  on  Fort  Lamy,  and, 
after  having  driven  a  German  force  from  Kosseri,  was  besieging  the  German 
stronghold  of  Mora.  The  French  expected  Mora  to  fall  by  the  end  of  the 
year,  but  it  did  not  do  so,  and  finally  the  French  commander,  who  had  also 
a  small  British  force  with  him,  decided  to  leave  a  detachment?at  Mora^and 

»  L_  j 

to  join  up  with  our  force  north  of  the  Benue  River  and  then  to  go  for  Garua. 

We  joined  up  with  the  French  at  Nassarau,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Benue, 
which  is  nearly  dry  at  this  time  of  the  year  (about  the  middle  of  January), 
and  the  French  colonel  who  was  in  command  of  the  Allied  forces  sent  us  across 
the  river  to  Bobele  Hill,  which  is  a  naturally  strong  position.  You  will  see 
from  the  map  that  the  great  disadvantage  of  our  position  lay  in  Garua 
being  between  us  and  our  base  (Yola),  but  the  French  colonel  thought  it 
would  be  too  dangerous  to  send  us  round  to  the  west  of  Garua,  as  it  would 
leave  too  wide  a  gap  between  us  and  the  French. 

As  you  may  imagine,  it  was  a  very  difficult  job  to  get  a  convoy  through 
from  Yola — we  had  always  to  fear  an  attack,  and  then  the  carriers  would  have 
dropped  their  loads  and  gone  "  for  bush  " — so  we  had  to  send  a  pretty  strong 
escort,  which  did  not  leave  us  many  men  to  guard  the  camp. 

After  surveying  the  Garua  position  and  hearing  the  reports  of  native  spies, 


GERMAN    OFFICERS    TAKEN     PRISONERS    AT    GARUA. 


[To  face  p.  822. 


'         rA 


A    NAVAL    12POUNDER    GUN,    1,000    MILES     UP    COUNTRY. 


SPOILS    AT    GARUA-GERMAN    MACHINE   GUNS. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  CAMEROON.  823 

we  found  that  the  place  had  been  enormously  strengthened  since  August,  as 
the  Germans  had  hundreds  of  natives  at  work  on  it  every  day.  We  knew 
from  previous  experience  that  the  German  artillery  was  not  as  good  as  ours, 
but  they  had  a  number  of  the  latest  type  of  machine  guns  worked  by  Euro- 
peans, and  judging  from  the  sound  of  firing,  which  we  heard  almost  every 
day,  they  had  plenty  of  ammunition.  Our  commander  soon  decided  that 
any  attack  on  the  place  was  bound  to  fail  without  heavier  guns  than  those 
which  we  possessed.  Heavier  guns  were  asked  for,  and  we  remained  where 
we  were  for  two  months,  spending  the  time  in  strengthening  our  position, 
improving  and  making  new  roads,  and  training  our  men.  (The  African 
soldier  forgets  very  easily,  and  has  to  be  constantly  drilled,  if  good  results 
are  to  be  obtained  in  action.)  During  this  time  we  carried  out  a  reconnais- 
sance in  force,  in  which  two  French  Europeans  were  killed,  and  ran  through 
several  convoys,  some  of  which  were  attacked,  while  some  eluded  the  vigilance 
of  the  Germans.  We  could  not  prevent  the  Germans  from  getting  up 
reinforcements  and  stores,  as  we  could  not  surround  the  place,  not  having 
enough  men.  I  have  heard  surprise  expressed  that  the  Germans  were  able  to 
get  in  or  out  as  they  pleased,  but  the  country  round  Garua  is  thick  enough  to 
hide  troops  without  being  any  obstacle  to  movement,  and  they  had  a  far 
better  knowledge  of  the  country  than  we  had,  and  a  better  intelligence  system. 

We  were  very  glad  when  we  heard  that  large  reinforcements,  including  a 
British  naval  gun  and  a  French  gun,  under  the  commandant  of  the  Nigerian 
Eegiment,  were  coming  up,  and  that  Garua  was  to  be  finished  off.  This  was 
considered  absolutely  necessary  both  for  military  and  political  reasons,  but  very 
heavy  losses  were  expected.  On  the  arrival  of  the  commandant  with  the 
reinforcements  and  the  naval  gun,  he  took  over  command  of  the  Allied 
forces.  The  French  gun  had  not  arrived  with  him,  but  it  was  expected  in  a  few 
weeks,  so  we  waited  for  it  before  attacking. 

During  the  time  we  were  waiting  a  large  party  of  Germans  managed  to  get 
out  of  Garua  and  attacked  Gurin,  a  small  town  on  our  line  of  communication, 
where  we  had  built  a  small  fort.  It  held  out  for  seven  hours,  but  the  officer 
was  killed  and  the  British  colour-sergeant  wounded.  The  native  troops 
behaved  splendidly,  although  greatly  outnumbered  and  exposed  to  a  heavy 
machine-gun  fire.  A  column  was  at  once  sent  off  to  its  relief,  but  found  on 
arrival  that  the  Germans  had  been  driven  off  with  heavy  losses. 

Our  force  moved  across  the  Benue  about  the  end  of  May  to  a  village  north- 
east of  Garua,  from  which  the  attack  was  to  be  made.  The  French  gun  arrived 
about  this  time,  and  at  the  beginning  of  June  both  the  British  and  French 
columns  were  ready  to  attack.  We  left  a  company  south  of  the  Benue  to 
cut  off  the  enemy's  retreat.  The  infantry  advanced,  digging  a  series  of 
parallel  fire  trenches  connected  by  communication  trenches,  until  they  arrived 
within  1000  yards  of  the  main  German  position.  We  could  only  advance  by 
night,  owing  to  the  fire  of  the  German  guns,  which  rained  shrapnel  over  the 
trenches  during  the  day.  Our  guns  bombarded  the  forts,  and  one  lucky  shot 
landed  in  the  magazine  of  one ;  another  dropped  into  a  shelter,  killing 


824  THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  CAMEROON. 

nearly  a  whole  section.  The  advance  took  altogether  about  ten  days,  and 
just  as  we  were  expecting  orders  to  assault,  a  particularly  heavy  bombard- 
ment proved  too  much  for  the  nerves  of  their  native  troops  and  they  mutinied, 
realising  that  we  meant  to  have  the  place.  The  Europeans  were  also  very 
much  shaken  and  their  commander  decided  to  surrender,  and  had  white 
flags  hoisted  on  the  three  forts — so  we  ceased  fire.  A  German  officer  came 
out  with  a  white  flag  and  wanted  to  discuss  terms  of  surrender,  proposing, 
amongst  other  things,  that  the  garrison  should  be  allowed  to  march  out 
with  the  honours  of  war  ;  but  our  colonel  refused  to  accept  anything  but 
unconditional  surrender,  which  they  agreed  to  after  two  hours'  consideration. 

The  forts  were  handed  over  to  us,  but  a  party  of  Germans  managed  to 
get  down  to  the  river  and  tried  to  break  away  ;  they  were  fired  on  by  our  company 
across  the  river  and  very  few  escaped,  and  those  who  did  so  were  mostly  brought 
in  or  killed  by  the  villagers,  who  do  not  "  love  "  them. 

When  we  got  into  Garua  we  found  it  even  stronger  than  we  had  supposed, 
our  native  information  having  been,  as  usual,  very  unreliable. 

jThe  place  was  enormously  strong,  and  I  don't  think  that  the  infantry  would 
have  been  able  to  fight  their  way  in  over  the  obstacles  which  they  would  have 
had  to  surmount.  The  positions,  which,  roughly  speaking,  were  on  sloping 
ridges  had  very  strongly  entrenched  forts  of  the  most  modern  type  and  all 
connected  by  telephone.  To  get  in  we  would  have  had  to  cross,  first,  a  line  of 
animal  pits  with  sharp  spears  stuck  in  them  and  cunningly  covered  over  ;  these 
pits  were  only  about  six  inches  apart,  and  extended  from  front  to  rear  for  about 
twenty-five  feet.  Behind  them  there  was  a  barbed  wire  entanglement,  then 
more  pits,  and  then  a  second  wire  entanglement,  and  after  this  they  had  dug  a 
broad  trench  eight  feet  deep  and  studded  with  spears,  and  on  the  top  of  the  near 
edge  of  this  were  planks  with  nails  sticking  out  to  prevent  our  men  from  gripping 
the  top  ;  next  came  the  wall  of  the  Fort. 

It  was  certainly  very  lucky  for  us  that  we  never  had  to  assault  the  place, 
as  we  had  quite  expected  to  do  ;  we  did  not  care  much  for  their  guns,  and 
knew  that,  if  we  could  get  into  the  place  with  the  bayonet,  they  would  not 
have  stood  up  to  us,  as  their  infantry  was  far  inferior  to  ours.  We  had,  however, 
a  great  respect  for  their  machine  guns,  which  had  always  been  very  well  handled ; 
in  fact,  nearly  all  our  losses  out  here  seem  to  have  been  caused  by  them. 

With  the  fall  of  Garua  our  campaign  in  the  northern  Cameroon  was  prac- 
tically finished  and  we  all  began  hoping  to  get  home.  We  had  a  very  rough 
time  for  the  last  four  months  ;  the  heat  was  intense,  and  while  we  were  in 
the  trenches  we  were  often  soaked  to  the  skin  by  heavy  rain.  Both  Euro- 
peans and  natives  were  in  rags,  and  there  was  not  much  European  food 
to  be  had.  Some  companies  had  marched  up  from  the  south,  hundreds  of 
miles  through  thick  bush  country,  and  the  troops  could  not  often  get  the 
food  they  were  accustomed  to.  There  were  a  good  many  cases  of  illness, 
especially  among  the  Europeans,  some  of  whom  had  been  due  for  leave  before 
the  war  started  and  were,  of  course,  very  much  run  down ;  so  altogether  we 
were  very  glad  to  have  finished  the  business,  and  we  are  all  now  hoping  to 
get  home  to  the  Continent. 


825 


THOUGHTS  ON  SOME  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  WAR. 

BEING  AN  INFORMAL  ADDRESS  AT  THE  MONTHLY  MEETING  OF  FELLOWS 

AT  THE  E.C.I. 

SIR  HARRY  WILSON,  who  presided,  in  introducing  the  speaker  of  the  afternoon, 
the  Hon.  Bernhard  E.  Wise,  K.C.,  recently  appointed  Agent-General  for  New 
South  Wales,  referred  to  his  distinguished  career  at  Eugby  and  at  Oxford, 
where  he  was  President  both  of  the  Union  and  the  Oxford  University  Athletic 
Club,  and  to  his  subsequent  success  at  the  Bar  in  New  South  Wales,  where  he 
was  Attorney-General  in  1887-8  and  again  from  1899  to  1904. 

Mr.  WISE  :  I  understood  from  my  friend,  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  when  he  asked 
me  to  address  you  this  afternoon,  that  you  neither  desired  nor  expected  any 
formal  or  elaborate  speech  ;  and  therefore  I  have  the  less  hesitation  in 
putting  before  you  some  of  the  tentative  conclusions  at  which  I  have  arrived, 
in  an  incomplete  study  of  the  social  and  economic  changes  which  followed 
upon  the  Treaties  of  Paris  and  Vienna,  in  1814  and  1815,  at  the  close  of  the 
long  Napoleonic  wars. 

I  began  this  investigation  in  the  hope  that  the  experience  of  the  past  would 
give  some  guidance  in  the  solution  of  the  problems  with  which  we  shall  be  called 
upon  to  deal  at  the  conclusion  of  the  present  War  ;  but  I  must  confess  that  my 
researches  have  not  as  yet  been  very  profitable  ;  and  if  I  put  these  before  you, 
so  far  as  they  have  gone,  it  is  not  that  I  would  either  affront  you  or  expose 
myself  by  displaying  unfinished  work,  but  that  I  hope  to  save  anyone  else, 
who  cares  to  pursue  the  same  investigation,  from  wandering  into  blind  alleys. 

I  will  begin  with  a  quotation  from  the  Summary  of  the  Events  of  the  Year 
1814,  which  appeared  in  the  "  Annual  Eegister  "  for  that  year  : 

"  The  return  of  peace  has  hitherto  been  more  efficacious  in  reviving  the 
spirits  than  in  alleviating  the  burdens  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  islands." 

And  in  the  same  publication  for  the  next  year  (1815)  the  editor  again 
writes  : 

"  There  has  rarely  been  a  time  of  more  widely  diffused  complaint  than  the 
close  of  the  current  year  ;  and  all  the  triumphant  sensations  of  national  glory 
seem  almost  obliterated  by  general  depression." 

Nor  did  the  condition  of  the  people  much  improve  during  the  next  six 
years;  indeed,  the  period  from  1814 to  1821 — the  years  of  "  The  Secret  Com- 
mittees," the  Luddite  riots,  the  Six  Acts,  the  Suspension  of  Habeas  Corpus, 
the  so-called  "  Manchester  Massacre,"  and  the  Thistlewood  Conspiracy — was 
probably  the  darkest  in  the  history  of  England  since  the  Civil  War. 

It  is  not  to  my  present  purpose  to  describe  the  manifestations  of  this 
general  distress,  or  to  discuss  the  actions  of  the  Government  in  dealing  with 
it,  because  I  would  confine  myself  to  the  more  limited  inquiry,  whether  its 
causes  were  local  and  temporary,  or  whether  it  was  the  inevitable  consequence 
of  a  transition  from  war  to  peace. 

Unfortunately  the  materials  for  forming  a  judgment  on  this  point  are 


826  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  WAR. 

not  easy  to  collect,  and,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  have  never  been  collected,  but 
remain  buried  in  forgotten  pamphlets  and  the  testimony  of  witnesses  before 
Parliamentary  Committees  and  in  the  State  Trials.  Miss  Martineau's  "  History 
of  the  Peace  "  is  a  useful  chronicle,  with  just  that  insight  into  the  significance 
of  the  narrative  which  might  be  anticipated  in  a  priestess  of  the  Benthamite 
philosophy.  The  leading  politicians  of  the  day  were  equally  blind,  although 
their  vision  was  obscured  by  other  causes.  Lord  Castlereagh  and  Canning — 
by  far  the  ablest  men  in  the  public  life  of  this  time — were  occupied  entirely 
with  foreign  affairs  ;  Lord  Eldon — who  did  not  lack  insight — set  himself 
deliberately  against  all  change  ;  and  Lord  Sidmouth,  who  was  Minister  for 
Home  Affairs,  is  the  classical  exemplar  in  our  modern  history  of  mediocrity 
in  high  places.  (Laughter.)  The  fog  is  thickened  by  the  party  prepossessions 
of  three  generations  of  Whig  historians,  to  whom,  as  to  the  Illuminati  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  period  between  Waterloo  and  the  Eeform  Bill  was  as 
the  darkness  before  the  dawn — the  last  flicker  of  our  National  Policy  of  Union 
— the  union  of  classes,  the  Union  of  the  Empire — before  the  pure  rays  of  pedantry 
and  cosmopolitanism. 

Therefore  such  conclusions  or  suggestions  as  I  can  put  before  you  this 
afternoon  are  the  result  of  such  investigation  of  contemporary  documents 
as  I  have  been  able  to  make  in  the  London  Library  with  the  assistance  of 
Mr.  Wright,  the  learned  and  ever-helpful  librarian  of  that  useful  institution. 

Contemporary  writers  and  speakers  attributed  the  distress  of  the  period 
to  one  or  more  of  the  following  causes  : — 

1.  The  high  price  of  food.  2.  The  depressed  state  of  agriculture.  3.  The 
resumption  of  specie  payments.  4.  The  burden  of  taxation.  5.  The  National 
Debt.  6.  The  demand  of  Trade  Unions  for  higher  wages.  7.  The  displacement 
of  labour  by  machinery.  8.  The  over-speculation  on  foreign  commerce. 
9.  The  existing  system  of  Parliamentary  representation.  10.  The  absorption 
of  private  capital  by  public  loans. 

It  is  noticeable  that  this  long  list  of  grievances  ignores  entirely  the  griev- 
ances*of  the'working  class  ;  and  it  is  now  generally  recognised  that  the  move- 
ment which  won  its  first  victoryTin  the  Eeform  Bill  of  1832,  and  triumphed 
finally  in  the  Eepeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  was  essentially  a  .movement  of  the 
middle  classes  against  the  aristocracy,  in  which  the  interests  of  the  wage-earners, 
who  are  a  majority  of  the  nation,  were  little  considered.  An  extract  from  a 
speech  of  Mr.  Whitbread,  the  Whig  brewer,  in  1807,  in  advocacy  of  National 
Education  reveals  what  I  think  is  the  typical  middle-class  mind  : — 

In  the  adoption  of  education,  I  foresee  an  enlightened  peasantry  :  frugal,  industrious, 
sober,  orderly  and  contented ;  because  they  are  acquainted  with  the  true  value  of 
frugality,  sobriety,  industry  and  order.  Crimes  diminished,  because  the  enlightened 
understanding  abhors  crime.  (The  practice  of  Christianity  prevailing,  because  the 
mass  of  your  people  can  read,  comprehend  and  feel  its  divine  origin  and  the  beauty 
of  the  doctrines  which  it  inculcates.  jYour  kingdom  safe  from  the  insults  of  the  enemy, 
because  every ^man  knows  the  worth  of  that  which  he  is  called  upon  to  defend. 

And  all  this  from  teaching  young  Chawbacon  the  three  E's.  Lord  Salisbury's 
famous  "  circuses  "  were  surely  better  fitted  to  produce  the  same  results.  That, 


PROBLEMS  OF  THE  WAR.  827 

with  education,  wage-earners  would  demand  a  fair  day's  pay  for  a  fair  day's 
work,  was  outside  the  ken  of  these  reformers,  who,  indeed,  were  the  first  to  pass 
repressive  measures,  when  workmen  attempted  to  protect  themselves  against 
the  political  economists  by  forming  Unions. 

I  have  come  across  one  writer  only  who  took  any  account  of  theVorking 
classes,  and  he  is  the  anonymous  author  of  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Eeflections 
and  Suggestions  regarding  the  Power  and  Prosperity  of  the  British  Empire," 
which  was  published  in  1827.  His  suggestions  are  strangely  modern.  Starting 
with  the  assumption  that  "  the  chief  aim  of  every  system  of  Government  ought 
to  be  to  unite  society  by  the  bond  of  mutual  good-will  and  mutual  interest,"  he 
examines  with  care  and  sympathy  the  grievances  of  the  wage-earners.  He 
advocates  the  fixing  of  a  minimum  wage  in  industries  by  conferences  of  em- 
ployers and  employes  ;  and  that  this,  when  it  is  fixed,  should  be  made  compulsory 
upon  all  who^are  engaged  in  the  industry  in  order  to  equalise  the  conditions  of 
competition.  He  would  fix  agricultural  wages  every  quarter,  on  a  sliding  scale 
varying  with  the  price  of  wheat.  All  these  proposals  are  discussed  with  much 
sympathy  and  insight.  The  author,  however,  stood  alone. 

The  only  remedial  measure  adopted  by  Parliament  was  the  appropriation 
in  1818  of  a  million  pounds  "  for  the  purpose  of  building  and  promoting  the 
building  of  additional  churches  in  "populous  areas." 

It  may  be — and  this,  I  believe,  is  the  conclusion  to  which  students  of  this 
period  will  be  led — that,  just  as  Waterloo  marked  the  beginning  of  the  uprising 
of  the  manufacturing  class  against  the  landed  aristocracy,  so  the  final  victory, 
which  shall  end  this  War,  will  mark  the  beginning  of  the  triumph  of  the  wage- 
earners  over  the  capitalist  employers.  The  aristocracy,  which  in  this  War  has 
established  its  claim  to  the  leadership,  may  become  the  umpire  between  these 
contending  forces. 

I  desire  now  to  bring  before  you,  without  comment,  the  state  of  England 
after  Waterloo. 

The  first  and  immediate  results  of  the  Peace  were  to  dislocate  the  trades 
which  had  been  enlarged  or  created  by  the  demands  of  the  war,  and 
simultaneously  to  throw  upon  the  market  an  excess  of  labour.  "  The  Cambridge 
History  "  states  that  "  a  million  of  men,  i.e.  one-sixteenth  of  the  population  of 
Great  Britain,  once  sailors,  soldiers  and  camp-followers,  suddenly  found  them- 
selves without  employment."  And  while  this  large  number  of  workmen  was 
thrown  thus  suddenly  upon  the  market,  the  channels  of  industry  were  con- 
tracted by  the  rapid  introduction  of  labour-saving  machinery — especially  of 
machinery  for  weaving,  which  impoverished  the  hand-loom  weavers  and  drew 
the  workmen  of  Lancashire  and  the  East  Riding  from  their  cottage  homes 
into  unhealthy  factories.  This  displacement  of  labour  caused  wide-spread  dis- 
tress. Nor  was  it  possible  to  relieve  the  labour  market  by  increasing  employment 
on  the  land  ;  because,  simultaneously  with  the  Peace  came  a  series  of  bad 
seasons,  which  reduced  the  landed  interest  to  great  distress. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  such  crises  of  the  past  may  repeat  themselves  at  the 
close  of  the  present  War. 

Scarcity  of  labour  has  led  to  the  increased  use  of  machinery,  so  that  after 


828  PROBLEMS  OF  THE  WAR. 

the  War  a  certain  number  of  workers  will  be  displaced  on  this  account.  These, 
and  others,  it  has  been  argued,  will  find  an  outlet  in  the  Dominions  Overseas. 
But  I  would  like  to  take  this  opportunity  of  saying  that  I  deprecate  any  attempt 
to  send  men  out  except  under  some  proper  system  of  emigration.  (Applause.) 
The  British  Government  might  acquire  tracts  of  suitable  land — and  there  are 
many  such  tracts  (Hear,  hear) — which  could  be  sub-divided  and  let  out  to 
men  who  have  been  thoroughly  trained  in  the  work  required  of  them.  But 
it  would  be  the  height  of  unwisdom  to  send  any  man  to  a  place  where  perhaps 
he  might  find  himself  a  hundred  miles  from  the  nearest  railway,  or  where  other 
conditions  might  render  it  impossible  to  carry  on  profitable  work.  (Hear,  hear.) 

In  the  second  place,  the  British  market  is  likely  to  be  depressed  by  a  large 
inflow  of  German,  and  probably  Austrian,  goods.  German  manufacturers 
are  accumulating  great  quantities  of  goods  for  export  after  the  War.  Where 
the  German  manufacturers  cannot  get  a  price  sufficient  to  recoup  the  cost  of 
production  it  is  not  unlikely  that  their  Government  will  step  in  and  make  up 
the  difference,  so  as  to  enable  them  to  carry  the  matter  through,  and  thereby 
restore  the  rate  of  exchange — so  vital  to  their  interests.  Our  Government 
might  subsidise  our  manufacturers,  with  a  view  to  maintaining  our  export 
trade.  You  may  be  sure  that  Germany  will  not  be  behind  in  such  measures. 

Perhaps,  too,  there  are  troubles  ahead  of  us  through  a  too  rapid  expansion 
of  trade,  which  might  lead  to  an  undue  dominance  of  the  labour  section  of  the 
community.  And  here  it  is  necessary  to  be  upon  one's  guard  against  mis- 
apprehension, because  the  ghosts  of  dead  controversies  still  walk.  The  high 
prices  of  food  which  prevailed  during  the  Napoleonic  wars  were  not  in  any 
degree  due  to  the  duty  on  imported  wheat.  On  the  contrary,  throughout  the 
whole  period  of  ^the  Napoleonic  wars  England  had  practically  a  free  trade 
in  corn,  because  its  price  in  the  home-market  was  above  the  point  at  which 
importation  was  permitted  from  abroad.  From  1804  to  1815  the  duties  were 
on  a  sliding  scale  : — 

When  the  price  was  40s.    -    -     the  duty  was  24*.  3d. 
„  „  60s.  to  63s.        „        „        2*.  6d. 

„  „  63s.  or  over       „        „  Qd. 

"  The  price,"  said  Mr.  Whit  bread,  himself  a  Free  Trader  and  an  opponent 
of  the  landed  interest,  speaking  in  Parliament  in  1826,  "  always  rose  up  to  that 
at  which  low  duties  were  payable  and  virtually  gave  us  a  free  trade  in  corn, 
subject  to  a  duty  of  2s.  Qd.,  or  generally  of  only  6d." 

Mr.  Tooke  points  out,  in  his  "  History  of  Prices,"  that  the  cause  of  the 
high  price  of  corn  up  to  the  middle  of  1814  was  seasonal  not  fiscal,  because  the 
same  climatic  conditions  which  affected  the  harvest  in  England  also  affected 
all  other  European  corn-growing  countries  :  so  that,  when  the  price  was  high 
in  England,  other  countries  had  either  no  exportable  surplus,  or  one  so  small 
that  it  could  not  affect  English  prices.  The  real  cause  of  the  high  prices  of  food 
was  a  succession  of  bad  harvests  and  a  lack  of  means  of  transport.  From  Id. 
to  3d.  per  mile  per  bushel  was  the  ordinary  price  of  carting  corn  to  a  market 
town  fifteen  miles  distant.  A  succession  of  years  of  high  prices,  arising  from  a 
shortage  of  supply  through  bad  seasons,  caused  a  large  area  of  common  land  to 


PROBLEMS  OF  THE  WAR.  829 

be  enclosed  and  cultivated,  and  led  also  to  improved  agricultural  methods. 
Eents  and  tithes,  of  course,  increased  ;  and  the  agricultural  interest  enjoyed 
its  last  period^of  prosperity.  It  would  be  wrong,  however,  to  assume  that 
this  was  at  the  expense  of  the  rest  of  the  community.  England  at  this  time 
was  an  agricultural,  not  a  manufacturing  country  ;  and  the  prosperity  of  its 
main  industry  was  diffused  among  all  classes.  Thus  the  paradox  of  the  dear 
loaf,  high  prices,  and  high  wages.  "  There  is  a  sympathy  and  a  connection," 
wrote  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  to  Lord  Sidmouth  in  1816,  when  the  tide  had 
turned,  "  between  the  agricultural  and  the  manufacturing  interests,  which 
render  it  impossible  for  one  of  them  to  prosper  while  the  other  experiences  an 
unnatural  depression."  ("  Life  of  Lord  Sidmouth,"  v.  in.,  p.  144.)  * 

It  is  important  to  keep  in  mind  the  prosperity  of  the  agricultural  classes 
during  the  first  fourteen  years  of  the  last  century,  because  it  was  by  the  resources 
of  the  landed  interest  that  the  war  was  brought  to  a  successful  issue. 

Sir  John  Sinclair,  writing  in  1816  "  On  the  State  of  the  Country,"  gives 
an  interesting  analysis  of  the  incidence  of  the  Property  (or,  as  we  call  it,  the 
"  Income  ")  Tax  upon  the  landed  interest. 

The  total  assessment  to  the  tax  for  the  year  1814  was  £15,300,000  ;  of  this 
sum,  £6,473,475  was  assessed  on  lands,  and  only  £3,021,187  upon  all  other 
trades,  manufactures,  professions.  The  actual  contribution  to  the  tax  was 

From  occupiers  of  the  soil £474,  596. 

From  all  trades,  manufactures,  professions  -    -  £152,  926f 

Another  Member  of  Parliament,  Mr.  Preston,  in  his  "Beview  of  the 
present  ruined  Condition  of  the  Landed  and  Agricultural  Interest  "  in  1815, 
estimated  that  the  landed  interest  paid  two-thirds  of  the  moneys  raised  by 
taxation.  These  figures  must  be  borne  in  mind  in  considering  the  change 
which  came  over  England  after  the  peace. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1814 — before  there  was  any  expectation  of  a 
general  peace — the  price  of  wheat  fell  suddenly,  J  on  the  assurance  of  a  good 
season  ;  and  a  cycle  of  good  seasons  kept  it  low.  Eents,  taxes,  and  tithes, 
however,  remained  unaltered,  so  that  immediately  the  whole  agricultural 
interest,  upon  which  the  manufacturing  evidently  depended  for  its  prosperity, 
lost  most  of  its  purchasing  power.  The  crisis  was  aggravated  by  a  wild  specu- 
lation in  foreign  trade  when  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  opened  the  continental 
ports.  On  this  crisis  Miss  Martineau  may  be  taken  as  a  safe  guide : — 

In  1815,  she  writes,  the  declared  value  of  British,  and  Irish  produce  and  manu- 
factures exported  was  £51,000,000,  being  £6,000,000  more  than  in  18H.  Well  might 

*  It  is  erroneous  to  assume  that  the  benefit  of  this  prosperity  went  chiefly  to  the  land- 
lords in  rent  and  the  parsons  in  tithes.  Back-renting  does  not  seem  to  have  been  usual, 
and  few  parsons  exacted  full  tithes.  There  was  considerable  "  give  and  take  "  between  the 
different  classes  of  the  landed  interest.  The  Welsh  mine-owners,  who  rack-rented  at  30«.  an 
acre  the  moorland  which  the  miners  by  assiduous  toil  had  taken  up  when  it  was  worth 
only  la.  an  acre,  were  an  exception  to  the  general  rule.  It  is  interesting  to  read  that  they 
were  compelled  to  give  way  by  the  outbreak  of  popular  indignation  in  London. 

f  The  same  writer  states  that  in  1814  there  were  589,374  individual  occupiers  of  the  soil, 
and  that  895,998  families  were  dependent  on  the  soil.  Allowing  six  to  a  family,  he  gives 
5,400,000  persons  out  of  a  total  population  of  16,000,000  who  depended  upon  the  land. 

J  Price  in  January  1813  was  120s. ;   in  November,  67s.  lOd. 

3  K 


830     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND    PRESENT. 

the  commerce  of  the  country  seem  to  be  flourishing.  jThose  who  knew  the  real  workings 
of  that  commerce  were  not  so  deceived.  Mr.  Baring,  on  the  second  night  of  the 
Session,  declared  that  "  he  saw  more  loss  than  gain  in  this  great  increase  of  exports." 
When  the  destruction  of  the  power  of  Napoleon  in  1814  had  opened  the  ports  of  the 
Continent  to  our  vessels,  it  was  universally  thought  that  there  would  be  no  limit  to 
the  demand  for  British  manufactures  and  colonial  produce.  The  most  extravagant 
profits  were  expected.  The  shippers  found,  when  it  was  too  late,  that  the  effective 
demand  of  the  Continent  had  been  greatly  over-rated ;  for,  whatever  might  be  the 
desire  of  the  foreign  consumers  to  possess  articles  so  long  out  of  their  reach,  they  were 
limited  to  their  means  of  purchase  ;  and  accordingly  the  bulk  of  the  commodities 
exported  brought  very  inadequate  returns.  "  English  goods,"  said  Lord  Brougham 
iu  1816,  "  were  selling  for  much  less  in  Holland  and  the  North  of  Europe  than  in  London 
and  Manchester.  In  most  cases  they  were  lying  a  dead  weight  without  any  sale  at 
all.  .  .  .  The  people  in  Europe  had  the  greate  distfficulty  to  maintain  life  :  they 
had  little  to  spare  for  indulgence." 

To  me  this  passage  suggests  that  it  would  not  be  impolitic  if,  at  the  close  of 
the  War,  the  Government  subsidised  our  exports,  so  that  we  might  both  main- 
tain and  recover  our  trade  by  selling  British  goods  at  a  rate  at  which  our  Allies 
could  afford  to  purchase  them.  Germany  will  adopt  this  method  of  recovering 
her  export  trade. 

I  have  not  referred  to  the  much  debated  question,  whether  the  contraction 
of  the  note-issue  and  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  had  any  substantial 
effect  in  lowering  prices.  So  long  as  London  remains,  as  it  is  now,  a  free  market 
for  gold,  the  currency  problem  is  not  likely  to  trouble  us  when  peace  comes. 

After  the  address  an  informal  but  extremely  interesting  discussion  took 
place.  Among  those  who  spoke  were  Mr.  David  Lindsay  (Melbourne), 
Mr.  H.  E.  Pratten  (ex-President,  N.S.W.  Chamber  of  Manufacturers),  Mr. 
A.  C.  Kessel  (W.  Australia).  A  cordial  vote  of  thanks  was  accorded  to 
Mr.  Wise  for  his  address  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  J.  E.  Boos6  (Travelling 
Commissioner),  seconded  by  Colonel  Duncan  G.  Pitcher. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

IX — THE  EMPIEE  PAELIAMENTAKY  ASSOCIATION. 

THE  formation  of  the  Empire  Parliamentary  Association  arose  directly  out 
of  the  historic  meeting  between  Members  of  the  Home  Parliament  and  their 
guests  from  the  Parliaments  of  the  Dominions,  which  took  place  at  the 
Coronation  of  His  Majesty  King  George  V  in  1911. 

As  pointed  out  in  the  official  account  of  the  visit  *  issued  by  the  joint  Com- 
mittee of  Members  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  who  entertained  the  Oversea 
Eepresentatives  at  the  Coronation,"  for  the  first  time  in  history,  representatives 
were  chosen  from  the  Parliaments  of  the  self-governing  Dominions  to  repre- 

*  See  "  Parliaments  of  the^Empire — The  First  Meeting  of  Representatives,    1911,"  edited 
by  the  present  writer,  as   Hon.  Secretary  of  the   "Lords'  and  Commons'  Committee,  1911." 


KINDRED    SOCIETIES— PAST   AND   PRESENT.       831 

sent  them  in  London,  so  that  Members  of  the  United  Kingdom  Parliament  and 
of  the  Parliaments  Oversea  met  together  on  a  basis  of  absolute  equality,  at  the 
centre  of  the  Empire,  to  do  honour  to  their  common  Sovereign." 

It  is  interesting  to  recall  that  the  idea  first  found  public  expression  in  a 
lecture  delivered  by  Mr.  L.  S.  Amery,  M.P.,  before  the  Eoyal  Colonial 
Institute  in  June  1910,  when  he  said  : — 

Why  should  not  that  Coronation  be  made  the  occasion  for  calling  together  Repre- 
sentatives of  all  the  free  Parliaments  of  the  Empire  to  attend  the  formal  inauguration 
of  a  reign  destined,  we  all  believe,  to  be  of  such  momentous  significance  for  the  whole 
future  of  the  Empire  ?  .  .  .  Why  should  not  the  King's  "  faithful  Commons  " 
from  each  part  of  the  Empire  meet  in  grand  assembly  to  do  honour  to  his  crowning  ? 

The  suggestion  above  set  forth  had  long  been  entertained  by  other 
Imperialists,  and  notably  by  Mr.  Arthur  Steel  Maitland,  M.P.  (now  Under- 
secretary for  the  Colonies),  who,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  the  Imperial 
Co-operation  League  on  July  12,  1910,  moved  that  it  should  be  entrusted 
to  Members  of  the  League  who  were  also  Members  of  Parliament  informally 
to  approach  other  Members  to  form  a  Committee  of  both  Houses  who  should 
consider  the  propriety  of  issuing  an  invitation  to  the  oversea  Parliaments  to 
send  delegates  to  the  Coronation. 

As  a  result  of  this  practical  move,  meetings  were  held  at  the  house  of  the 
late  Lord  Onslow  (then  President  of  the  Imperial  Co-operation  League)  and 
at  other  places,  and  a  large  general  Committee,  respresentative  of  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  was  definitely  formed  after  the  General  Election  in  December 
that  year.  From  the  first  H.M.  the  King  manifested  a  keen  personal  interest 
in  the  idea  of  the  visit,  and  at  a  later  stage  received  the  delegates.  Lord 
Bosebery  accepted  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Executive  Committee,  Mr. 
W.  Hayes  Fisher,  M.P.,  the  Deputy  Chairmanship,  and  the  present 
writer  was  appointed  Hon.  Secretary  ;  and  though  it  is  not  possible  in  this 
article  to  speak  of  the  elaborate  scheme  of  hospitality  by  means  of  which  the 
Oversea  Members  were  lavishly  entertained  for  a  fortnight  in  London  and 
a  further  fortnight  in  the  Provinces,  attention  may  be  directed  to  two 
important  Conferences  which  were  held  between  the  Oversea  Eepresentatives 
and  Members  of  the  Committee  in  the  Home  Parliament. 

The  first  Conference  took  place  on  June  28,  1911,  at  the  House  of 
Commons,  Committee  Room  15,  when  Eepresentatives  from  Oversea  Parlia- 
ments assembled  to  meet  Eepresentatives  of  the  Home  Parliament  in  joint 
Conference.  Mr.  Hayes  Fisher  occupied  the  chair,  and  submitted  a 
memorandum  to  the  meeting  in  which  it  was  stated  that  it  was  felt  by  many 
of  various  shades  of  political  thought  amongst  those  who  had  been  actively 
concerned  in  promoting  the  success  of  the  visit  of  the  Eepresentatives  of  the 
Dominion  Parliaments  that,  with  a  view  to  promoting  Imperial  Unity,  this 
visit  should  be  utilised  to  establish  some  permanent  machinery  to  provide 
more  ready  exchange  of  information,  and  to  facilitate  closer  understanding 
and  more  frequent  intercourse,  between  those  engaged  in  the  Parliamentary 
Government  of  the  component  parts  of  the  Empire. 

3  K  2 


832     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND   PRESENT. 

It  was  suggested  that  an  organisation  should  be  formed  upon  strictly  non- 
party  lines,  having  a  branch  in  each  Parliament  of  the  Empire,  for  the  purpose 
of  providing  introductions  and  hospitality  in  any  self-governing  country  of 
the  Empire  for  members  visiting  from  other  countries,  and  also  providing  for 
travel  facilities,  special  information,  Parliamentary  privileges,  meetings  amongst 
Members  of  Parliament  for  the  discussion  of  matters  of  mutual  interest,  and 
general  machinery  enabling  Parliamentarians  both  to  hold  more  constant  inter- 
course by  visiting  other  portions  of  the  Empire  with  a  minimum  of  expense 
and  also  to  obtain  the  maximum  of  useful  information  they  might  require 
to  collect  in  the  time  at  their  disposal. 

The  Chairman  treated  the  memorandum  as  a  Bill  which  was  before  the  first 
joint  meeting  of  the  Representatives  of  the  Parliaments  of  the  Empire  that 
had  ever  been  held,  and  the  second  reading  was  moved  by  the  Hon.  Harry 
Lawson,  M.P.  The  adoption  of  the  scheme  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Cecil  Beck, 
M.P.,  and  at  the  subsequent  discussion  Representatives  of  the  United  Kingdom, 
Canada,  South  Africa,  Australia,  and  Newfoundland  took  part.  A  sub-com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  deal  with  the  details,  with  instructions  to  report  to  a 
second  Conference,  which  was  held  at  the  end  of  the  official  visit  on  July  18. 

At  the  second  Conference,  when  Mr.  Balfour  (now  Chairman  of  the  Executive 
of  the  U.K.  Branch  of  the  E.P.A.)  was  amongst  those  present,  various  amend- 
ments1 made  at  the  previous  meeting  and  by  the  sub-committee  were  considered, 
and  the  adoption  of  the  amended  scheme,  in  which  it  was  suggested  that  the 
new  organisation  should  be  called  the  "  Empire  Parliamentary  Association," 
was  moved  by  Mr.  L.  S.  Amery,  M.P.,  and  seconded  by  Mr.  (now  Sir)  Hamar 
Greenwood,  M.P.,  and  carried  unanimously.  Representatives  from  each  delega- 
tion were  then  chosen  to  represent  each  Dominion  as  joint  Hon.  Secretaries,  and 
the  delegates  undertook  to  form  committees  of  the  Empire  Parliamentary 
Association  in  each  Parliament. 

PRELIMINARY  ORGANISATION. 

The  organisation  of  the  United  Kingdom  Branch  of  the  Association  was 
commenced  in  August  1911,  and  it  was  found  convenient  that  the  Executive  of 
the  "  Lords'  and  Commons'  Committee  (1911)  "  should  form  the  first  Executive 
of  the  new  Association  in  the  Home  Parliament.  Some  re-arrangement  of  the 
actual  offices,  however,  took  place,  as  it  was  agreed  that  the  Lord  Chancellor  and 
the  Speaker  should  be  ex-officio  Presidents  of  the  Home  Branch  of  the  Associa- 
tion, while  the  present  Prime  Minister  and  ex-Prime  Ministers  and  the  present 
Colonial  Secretary  and  ex-Colonial  Secretaries  should  be  elected  Vice-Presidents. 
Lord  Grey  was  unanimously  elected  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
Mr.  W.  Hayes  Fisher,  Deputy  Chairman,  Lord  Blyth  and  the  Hon.  Harry 
Lawson,  M.P.,  joint  Honorary  Treasurers,  and  the  present  writer  Honorary 
Secretary. 

The  Canadian  Branch  of  the  Association  was  organised  at  a  meeting  of 
Senators  and  Members  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  March  80,  1912,  with 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      833 

Mr.  (now  Sir)  Herbert  B.  Ames,  M.P.,  in  the  chair.  The  Prime  Minister  and  the 
Leader  of  the  Opposition  were  elected  Presidents,  and  Mr.  Herbert  B.  Ames 
Chairman  of  the  Executive. 

The  Newfoundland  Branch  was  formed  on  April  9,  1912,  with  the  Prime 
Minister  as  President ;  and  the  South  African  Branch  on  June  18,  1912, 
with  the  President  of  the  Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly  as 
Presidents,  and  Dr.  John  Hewat,  M.L.A.,  as  Chairman  of  the  Executive. 

The  New  Zealand  Branch  was  formed  in  July  1912,  and  the  Australian 
Branch  on  August  7,  1912,  both  these  Branches  choosing  the  Heads  of  their 
two  Houses  of  Parliament  as  their  Presidents. 

WOKK    OF    THE    UNITED    KINGDOM    BRANCH. 

The  United  Kingdom  Branch  of  the  Association  began  active  work  in  March 
1912,  when  it  took  offices  in  Westminster  in  order  to  provide  a  centre  for  Oversea 
Members  to  meet  and  to  obtain  the  privileges  attaching  to  membership  of  the 
Association.  One  of  the  first  of  these  was  the  granting  of  Parliamentary 
privileges  to  all  visiting  Members  of  the  Association,  which  was  accomplished 
by  the  courtesy  of  one  of  the  joint  Presidents,  the  Eight  Hon.  J.  W.  Lowther, 
M.P.,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons.  By  this  means  Oversea  Members,  on 
arrival  in  London,  are  provided  by  the  Secretary  of  the  United  Kingdom  Branch 
with  a  specially  prepared  card,  which,  on  presentation  at  the  House  of  Commons, 
entitles  the  holder  to  the  use  of  the  Special  Gallery,  the  Members'  Lobby,  the 
Dining  and  Smoking  Eooms,  and  the  Terrace. 

These  privileges,  during  the  three  and  a  half  years  of  the  Association's  exist- 
ence, have  been  greatly  appreciated  by  Oversea  Members,  and  also  indeed  by 
Home  Members,  who  have  thus  been  able  to  meet  and  exchange  views  without 
difficulty  with  their  colleagues  from  the  Parliaments  Oversea. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Association's  work,  the  Speaker  also  made 
a  departure  from  previous  practice  by  notifying  to  Oversea  Members  of  Parlia- 
ment, through  the  Association,  that  should  they  desire  to  attend  the  Speaker's 
levees  he  would  be  glad  to  welcome  their  presence. 

During  the  comparatively  short  period  in  which  the  Association  has  been 
actively  at  work,  the  United  Kingdom  Branch  has  registered  at  its  office  in 
Victoria  Street  the  names  of  nearly  one  hundred  visiting  Members  of  Parliament, 
most  of  whom  were  accompanied  by  members  of  their  families,  from  Canada, 
South  Africa,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  Newfoundland.  In  addition  a  number 
of  prominent  visitors  from  oversea,  who  have  been  associated  with  the  reception 
of  Home  Members  in  the  Dominions,  have  been  registered  and  have  received 
many  of  the  courtesies  extended  to  members. 

Through  the  Hospitality  Committee  of  the  Association  in  the  Lords  and 
Commons  (the  members  of  which  Committee  are  notified  of  the  arrival  of 
an  Oversea  Member),  many  luncheon,  tea,  dinner  and  garden  parties  and 
"  at  homes  "  have  been  arranged  to  meet  Oversea  Members  ;  while  a  large 
number  of  functions  of  a  public  and  private  character  have  been  held  by  the 


834    KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND    PRESENT. 

Executive  Committee  and  individual  members  at  the  Houses  of  Lords  and 
Commons  for  the  same  purpose. 

By  acting  in  close  touch  with  the  heads  of  departments  and  representative 
bodies,  the  Home  Branch  of  the  Association  has  been  able  to  secure  the  recog- 
nition of  the  special  status  of  visiting  Members  of  Parliament  by  their  inclusion 
at  various  official  functions.  Tickets  or  hon.  membership  cards  have  also 
been  most  kindly  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Association  for  the  use  of  Oversea 
Members  by  such  bodies  as,  for  example,  the  M.C.C.  at  Lord's,  Eanelagh  Club, 
Hurlingham  Club,  &c.,  &c. ;  while  special  privileges  have  been  accorded  at  race 
meetings,  and  numberless  other  advantages  of  a  similar  nature. 

The  Hon.  Membership  of  the  leading  political  and  social  clubs  in  London, 
including  the  Carlton  and  Keform,  have  also  been  extended  to  Oversea 
Members  on  the  application  of  the  Executive  Committee ;  while  special 
facilities  for  the  inspection  of  many  institutions  in  London  and  elsewhere  have 
been  arranged. 

Oversea  Members  desiring"~to  pursue  special  investigations  have  received 
much  individual  help  and  numerous  special  privileges,  when  their  desires  have 
been  made  known  to  the  heads  of  the  various  departments  through  the  organisa- 
tion at  the  disposal  of  the  Association. 

Members  travelling  throughout  the  provinces  have  been  supplied  with 
numerous  letters  of  introduction  to  municipal  and  commercial  representatives, 
either  through  local  Members  of  Parliament  who  are  Members  of  the  Association, 
or  from  the  office  direct ;  and  both  Home  and  Dominion  Members  of  the 
Association  have  received  many  advantages  from  the  various  shipping 
companies  when  travelling  oversea. 

When  the  Association  was  started,  it  was  intended~that  Members  should 
meet  together  every  year  at  an  annual  dinner,  as  near  the  month  of  the  first 
meeting  at  the  Coronation  as  possible  ;  and  at  the  first  annual  dinner,  held 
on  July  16,  1912,  one  of  the  joint  Presidents  of  the  Canadian  Branch  of  the 
Association,  Mr.  (now  Sir)  Eobert  L.  Borden,  M.P.,  the  Prime  Minister  of 
the  Dominion,  was  the  principal  guest.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  well- 
known  statesman  gave  expression  to  those  prophetic  words  which  were  recently 
recalled  by  the  present  Colonial  Secretary,  namely  : 

The  next  ten  or  twenty  years  will  be  critical  in  the  history  of  this  Empire  ;  they 
may  even  be  decisive  of  its  future.  God  grant  that  whether  we  be  of  these  Mother 
Islands  or  of  the  great  Dominions  beyond  the  seas,  we  may  so  bear  ourselves  that 
the  future  shall  not  hold  to  our  lips  the  chalice  of  vain  regret  for  opportunity  neglected 
and  dead. 

At  this  dinner  a  considerable  number  of  Oversea  Members  of  Parliament 
were  present  amongst  the  representative  gathering  of  Home  Members. 

The  second  annual  dinner  was  held  in  November  1918,  and  though  many 
Oversea  Members  of  Parliament  were  present,  the  main  object  of  the  dinner 
was  to  welcome  back  Lord  Emmott  and  the  Delegation  from  the  Home  Branch 
of  the  Association  which  had  been  touring  the  Empire  at  the  invitation  of  the 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      835 

Australian  Branch  of  the  Association.  At  this  dinner  Lord  Haldane  presided 
in  his  capacity  as  Lord  Chancellor,  and  therefore  one  of  the  joint  Presidents 
of  the  Home  Branch.  The  annual  dinners  were  not  held  in  1914  and  1915 
on  account  of  the  War. 

Many  other  functions  of  a  public  character  have  also  been  held  at  the  House 
of  Commons  to  enable  Oversea  Members  to  express  their  views  before  a  repre- 
sentative Assembly  of  Home  Legislators.  Amongst  these  may  be  mentioned 
luncheons  in  the  Harcourt  Eoom  of  the  House  to  meet  Sir  Joseph  Ward,  M.P. 
(ex-Prime  Minister  of  New  Zealand  and  Vice- President  of  the  New  Zealand 
Branch  of  E.P.A.),  with  Mr.  Lewis  Harcourt  (one  of  the  Vice-Presidents  of  the 
Home  Branch)  in  the  chair  ;  to  Colonel  James  Allen,  M.P.  (Minister  of  Defence, 
&c.,  in  New  Zealand  and  an  officer  of  the  Branch  in  the  Dominion),  when  Colonel 
Seely,  M.P..  as  Secretary  for  War,  presided  ;  to  the  Hon.  Digby  Denham,  M.L.A. 
(then  Premier  of  Queensland)  ;  to  Mr.  Arthur  Myers,  M.P.  (ex-Minister  of 
Defence  and  a^Member  of  the  Executive  of  the  Branch  in  New  Zealand),  when 
Mr.  Lewis  Harcourt  presided. 

The  most  recent  public  function  of  this  character  was  to  congratulate  Sir 
Eobert  Borden,  as  Prime  Minister  of  Canada  and  joint  President  of  the  Canadian 
Branch  of  E.P.A.,  upon  "  Canada's  Part  in  the  War,"  when  Mr.  Arthur  Balfour, 
(the  newly  elected  Chairman  of  the  Home  Executive)  presided  over  a  crowded 
and  distinguished  gathering  in  the  Harcourt  Eoom,  two  days  after  Sir  Eobert 
Borden's  arrival  in  England.  On  this  occasion,  the  Premier  of  the  Dominion 
delivered  what  was  considered  to  be  the  most  notable  of  his  speeches  during 
the  historic  visit,  in  reply  to  the  congratulatory  toast  proposed  by  Mr.  Bonar 
Law,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
luncheon,  a  telegram  was  dispatched  to  General  Botha  (Vice-President  of 
South  Africa  Branch  E.P.A.)  upon  his  "  great  achievement  for  our  common 
Empire  "  by  the  conquest  of  German  South- West  Africa. 

So  many  prominent  statesmen  from  oversea  have  addressed  Home  Members 
and  their  colleagues  from  other  Parliaments  in  the  Harcourt  Eoom  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  on  the  problems  of  their  respective  States,  that  the  luncheons 
held  there  under  the  auspices  of  the  Association  have  come  to  be  regarded 
as  a  recognised  platform  for  leading  members  of  Oversea  Branches  to  lay  their 
views  before  the  legislators  of  the  Mother  of  Parliaments. 

As  an  instance  of  the  generous  interest  of  His  Majesty  the  King  in  the  work 
of  the  Association  it  should  be  recorded  that  His  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased 
to  grant  the  use  of  the  Eoyal  Arms  upon  the  cover  of  the  Annual  Eeports 
issued  by  tha  Association.  Thus  was  a  reminder  furnished  to  Oversea  Parlia- 
ments of  the  connecting  link  of  the  Crown  with  all  the  Branches  in  each  Parlia- 
ment of  the  Empire. 

VISITS  TO  THE  DOMINIONS. 

While  the  main  purpose  of  the  work  of  the  United  Kingdom  Branch  has 
been  to  receive  and  arrange  for  hospitality  and  supply  of  information  to  Oversea 
Members,  the  main  object  of  Oversea  Branches  has  been  to  receive  and  entertain 


836       KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

Home  Members  visiting  the  Dominions  and  to  provide  them  with  special 
facilities  for  obtaining  both  knowledge  and  pleasure. 

Soon  after  the  Canadian  Branch  was  established  in  the  Dominion  Parliament, 
arrangements  were  concluded  with  the  various  railway  lines  in  Canada  for 
granting  half-rates  on  all  the  railways  to  Members  of  the  Association  travelling 
in  the  Dominion  from  other  Parliaments,  and  the  necessary  transportation 
certificate  entitling  Members  to  half -rates  is  now  issued  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Home  Branch.  Many  Home  Members,  and  several  Oversea  Members 
returning  to  other  Dominions  by  way  of  Canada,  have  benefited  by  these 
arrangements. 

In  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  free  travel  on  all  the  railways  is  granted 
to  visiting  Members  of  the  Association. 

In  South  Africa,  free  travel  has  hitherto  been  generously  granted  by  the 
Eailway  Department  to  every  visiting  Member  of  the  Association  whose  presence 
has  been  notified  by  the  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  South  African  Branch. 

Much  generous  hospitality  has  been  extended  to  Home  Members  by  their 
colleagues  in  the  Dominions,  acting  through  the  Secretary  of  the  local  Branch 
of  the  Association — to  whom  introductions  have  been  given  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Home  Branch ;  and  though  the  visits  of  individual  Members  to  Canada 
and  South  Africa  have  been  more  frequent  than  to  the  other  Dominions,  the 
memorable  invitation  of  the  Australian  Branch  of  the  Association  in  1913 
enabled  a  body  of  Home  Members  to  visit  Australia  and  New  Zealand  under 
the  best  conditions. 

It  was  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Association  in  April  1918,  that  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons  (presiding  as  one  of  the  joint  Presidents 
of  the  Home  Branch)  announced  the  receipt  of  a  cable  from  the  joint  Secretaries 
of  the  Australian  Branch,  which  stated  that  the  Empire  Parliamentary  Associ- 
ation in  the  Commonwealth  Parliament  extended  a  cordial  invitation  to  twenty 
Members  of  the  British  Parliament  to  visit  Australia  that  year.  Eound-the- 
world  passages  were  provided,  and  the  Prime  Minister  and  State  Premiers 
extended  official  welcomes  and  courtesies. 

In  seconding  the  resolution  of  thanks  at  this  meeting  for  the  generous 
invitation,  Mr.  Arthur  Balfour  said  that  there  could  not  be  a  more  striking 
testimony  to  the  value  of  the  Association  than  the  invitation  they  had  just 
received. 

The  Delegation  which  actually  proceeded  to  Australia,  via  Canada,  consisted 
of  sixteen  Members  of  both  Houses  and  the  present  writer  as  Hon.  Secretary  ; 
and  Lord  Emmott — then  Under-Secretary  for  the  Colonies  and  then,  as  now,  a 
Member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Home  Branch — was  elected 
Chairman. 

Space  does  not  permit  of  detailed  reference  to  this  historic  tour,  but  it 
should  be  said  that  the  initiation  of  the  idea  of  a  Parliamentary  visit  from 
Home  Members  to  Australia  was  due  to  Dr.  J.  W.  Barrett,  C.M.G.,  of 
Melbourne,  and  it  was  acknowledged  by  the  Home  Branch  that  without  his 
tactful  guidance  in  its  early  stages,  and  the  extremely  handsome  financial 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      837 

assistance  he  gave  towards  the  heavy  expenses,  the  project  could  not  have 
been  taken  up  and  carried  through  in  the  way  that  it  was  by  the  Branches  of 
the  Association  in  all  parts  of  the  Empire. 

Though  the  transportation  arrangements  and  general  planning  of  the  scheme 
of  travel  between  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  various  Dominions  were  organised 
by  the  Home  Branch  of  the  Association,  the  Secretaries  of  the  Oversea  Branches 
were  responsible  for  the  splendid  organisation  in  their  respective  Dominions. 
Tributes  in  this  regard  were  paid  both  by  the  Delegation  and  the  Home  Execu- 
tive to  Mr.  W.  Massy  Greene,  M.P.,  Mr.  E.  M.  0.  Clough,  Major  Ernest 
Chambers,  and  Mr.  A.  S.  Malcolm,  M.P.  (the  Hon.  Secretaries  respectively  of 
the  Commonwealth,  South  Africa,  Canadian,  and  New  Zealand  Branches  of 
the  E.P.A.). 

During  the  visit  opportunity  was  taken  to  hold  Conferences  between  the 
Members  of  the  Executive  Committee  travelling  in  the  party  (Lord  Emmott, 
Mr.  L.  S.  Amery,  and  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood)  and  the  Executive  Committees 
in  the  Parliaments  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand  in  order  to  discuss  matters 
of  mutual  concern. 

As  a  result  of  these  Conferences  two  very  definite  conclusions  were  arrived 
at :  first,  to  admit  Members  of  the  Australian  State  Parliaments  (as  well  as 
of  the  Commonwealth  Parliament)  to  membership  of  the  Association  ;  and, 
secondly,  to  establish  better  methods  of  exchange  of  information  between 
Members  of  the  Association,  so  that  the  fullest  possible  knowledge  of  the  work 
accomplished  by  Members  in  each  Parliament  should  be  made  readily  available  to 
individuals  during  the  intervals  when  the  exchange  of  visits  was  not  convenient 
or  possible.  One  step  in  the  latter  direction  was  the  decision  to  establish  a 
journal  of  an  entirely  Parliamentary  character  for  the  use  of  Members  in  each 
Parliament,  and  the  first  number  was  about  to  be  issued  when  War  broke  out. 

EFFECT  OF  THE  WAR. 

Though  one  of  the  most  immediate  effects  of  the  War  upon  the  Empire 
Parliamentary  Association  was  to  delay  the  publication  of  the  above-mentioned 
journal,  which  was  designed  to  convey  inter  alia  adequate  information  to 
individual  members  as  to  the  proceedings  and  Bills  in  the  various  Parliaments  of 
the  Empire,  the  outbreak  of  the  great  conflict  caused  the  Executive  Committee 
to  decide  to  issue  various  war  publications  from  time  to  time,  as  occasion 
required,  mainly  for  the  use  of  Oversea  Members  of  the  Association.  The 
first  number  was  published  in  February  1915,  and  the  number  which  is  now 
about  to  be  published  summarises  the  War  Legislation  of  the  various  Parliaments 
of  the  Empire. 

As  to  the  effect  of  the  War  upon  the  visits  between  Members  of  Parliament, 
the  result  has  been  materially  to  reduce  the  visits  of  Home  Members  to  the 
Oversea  Dominions,  but  to  increase  the  visits  from  Oversea  Members  to  the 
Home  Country.  Practically  all  the  latter  have  come  over  in  connection  with 
the  War,  and  the  effect  has  naturally  been  to  increase  substantially  the  work  of 


838      KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

the  Home  Branch.  It  would  be  quite  impossible  to  attempt  to  enumerate  the 
various  activities  of  the  Home  Branch  in  connection  with  the  War,  but,  kf  close 
association  with  the  State  Departments,  it  has  rendered  numberless  services  to 
Oversea  Members  and  those  connected  with  them  who  are  serving  with  His 
Majesty's  Forces,  &c. ;  while  by  special  request  it  has  often  formed  the  means 
of  receiving  and  offering  courtesies  to  officers  and  men  of  the  Overseas  Forces 
who  desired  to  visit  the  Houses  of  Parliament.  In  the  direction  of  the 
supply  of  information,  a  scheme  for  furnishing  Oversea  Members  with  various 
publications  in  connection  with  the  War  was  undertaken  by  the  Association,  in 
conjunction  with  one  of  the  Government  Departments,  shortly  after  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities. 

Of  course,  it  goes  without  saying  that  the  somewhat  extensive  nature  of  the 
hospitality  offered  to  visiting  Members  has  been  considerably  curtailed  on 
account  of  the  War,  but  the  courtesies  offered  have,  as  already  indicated,  been 
of  a  constant  and  very  practical  nature  ;  and  the  Executive  Committee  have 
not  allowed  the  presence  in  London  of  any  Oversea  Member  of  the  Association 
to  be  notified  without  arranging  that  such  Member  is  afforded  opportunities  of 
meeting  Home  Members  at  the  House  of  Commons  at  private  luncheons  or 
otherwise. 

With  regard  to  actual  participation  in  war  work  upon  the  Continent,  the 
Executive  Committee  decided  at  a  meeting  held  at  the  House  of  Commons  on 
June  29,  1915,  to  grant  the  partial  use  of  their  offices  in  Victoria  Street  for  the 
use  of  King  Albert's  Civilian  Hospital  Fund,  of  which  one  of  their  Presidents 
(the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons)  had  become  a  Vice-President,  several 
Members  of  the  Executive  had  become  Officers,  and  their  Hon.  Secretary  had 
been  appointed  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Fund.  In  addition,  therefore,  to  the 
extension  of  the  ordinary  work  of  the  office  on  account  of  the  War,  the  Executive 
Committee  have  undertaken  to  assist,  in  a  direct  way,  the  urgent  needs  of  the 
unfortunate  people  still  remaining  in  the  non-invaded  portion  of  stricken 
Belgium. 

To  sum  up,  however,  the  result  of  the  three  and  a  half  years'  work  of  the 
Empire  Parliamentary  Association,  without  attempting  to  forecast  the  very 
obvious  increase  of  its  activities  which  must  inevitably  be  brought  about  on 
the  cessation  of  hostilities,  it  can  be  said,  in  the  words  of  the  last  Annual  Report, 
that  the  Branches  of  the  Association,  under  the  Heads  of  the  Two  Houses  in 
each  Parliament  of  the  Empire,  are  now  regarded  as  the  recognised  machinery 
by  which  Members  of  every  Parliament  may  readily  exchange  information  and 
be  provided  with  introductions,  hospitality,  travel  facilities,  and  Parliamentary 
privileges  when  visiting  the  various  countries  of  the  Empire. 

HOWARD  D'EGVILLE. 


839 


THE  TRAVELLING  COMMISSIONER  IN  SCOTLAND. 

AT  the  last  Annual  General  Meeting  of  Fellows  the  retiring  Chairman  of 
Council,  now  Chairman  of  the  Organisation  Committee  (Lieut.-General  Sir 
J.  Bevan  Edwards,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.),  drew  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Institute  derives  practically  no  support  from  the  great  cities  and  towns  of  the 
United  Kingdom,  outside  of  London  and  the  country  for  fifty  miles  round,  and 
that  as  far  as  Scotland  was  concerned  there  were  only  seventy-seven  Fellows  and 
Associates  resident  in  that  part  of  the  Kingdom.  The  Organisation  Committee 
therefore  instructed  their  Travelling  Commissioner,  Mr.  J.  K.  Boose,  to  proceed 
to  Scotland  for  the  purpose  of  arousing  interest  in  the  work  of  the  Institute 
and  of  drawing  attention  to  its  aims  and  objects.  The  tour  commenced 
in  Edinburgh,  where  the  valuable  co-operation  of  Professor  Eobert  Wallace,  of 
Edinburgh  University,  who  has  acted  as  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  since 
March  1914,  enabled  Mr.  Boose  to  meet  many  of  the  influential  citizens.  The 
Lord  Provost  became  a  President  Follow,  and  made  valuable  suggestions  on  the 
question  of  forming  an  Edinburgh  branch.  Mr.  Boose  also  had  interviews 
with  the  editors  of  the  Edinburgh  Press,  and  obtained  their  co-operation  in 
giving  publicity,  from  time  to  time,  to  matters  affecting  the  work  of  the 
Institute.  Professor  Wallace  undertook  to  communicate  by  letter  wibh  a 
large  number  of  people  in  Scotland,  inviting  them  to  become  Fellows  of  the 
Institute,  and  further  consented  to  undertake  the  formation  of  a  local 
committee.  Whenever  possible,  attention  was  drawn  to  the  work  of  the 
.Trade  and  Industry  Committee,  the  settlement  of  ex-soldiers  on  the  land 
.after  the  War,  and  the  series  of  lectures  arranged  by  the  Imperial  Studies 
Committee.  The  question  of  the  settlement  of  ex-soldiers  on  the  land 
met  with  approval  and  support,  and  the  opinion  was  generally  expressed  that 
a  local  committee  would  be  able  to  render  useful  assistance  in  that  direction. 
Amongst  those  who  assisted  the  Commissioner  in  Edinburgh,  in  addition  to 
Professor  Wallace,  special  mention  must  be  made  of  Mr.  James  Adam,  Secretary 
of  the  Unionist  Association,  and  Mr.  Stirton,  Secretary  of  the  Highland 
Agricultural  Society,  who  both  undertook  to  place  the  machinery  of  their 
organisations  at  the  Institute's  disposal  in  furtherance  of  its  work. 

In  Perth  the  Institute  has  previously  received  little  support  owing  to  the 
fact  that  no  special  effort  had  been  made  to  increase  the  membership  or  to  get 
into  touch  with  the  residents  of  the  city  and  district.  Mr.  F.  Norie-Miller, 
J.P.,  who  occupies  the  position  of  Manager  of  the  General  Accident,  Fire, 
and  Life  Assurance  Corporation,  consented  to  accept  the  office  of  honorary 
corresponding  secretary  and  to  assist  in  obtaining  Fellows,  and  to  take  part 
in  any  movement  for  furthering  the  cause  of  Imperial  unity.  His  position 
brings  him  into  close  touch  with  the  people,  and  a  substantial  increase  in 
the  membership  at  an  early  date  will  no  doubt  result.  Mr.  E.  D.  Pullar 
also  undertook  to  help  in  any  movement  for  the  formation  of  a  local  com- 
mittee, and  Sir  John  Dewar,  who  is  one  of  the  leading  residents  of  the  district, 


840       TRAVELLING  COMMISSIONER  IN  SCOTLAND. 

not  only  became  a  Fellow,  but  volunteered  his  valuable  co-operation.     Steps 
for  the  formation  of  a  ladies'  committee  will  also  be  taken. 

In  Dundee  considerable  success  was  achieved,  owing  to  the  help  received 
from  Mr.  Peter  Swan  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  leading  residents  for  any 
movement  of  [an  Imperial  character.  Mr.  Swan  would  make  an  ideal 
honorary  corresponding  secretary,  but  as  he  is  at  the  present  time  serving  on 
several  local  committees  connected  with  the  War,  he  is  unable  to  give  the 
necessary  time  to  the  Institute's  work.  He  placed  his  services  at  the  disposal 
of  Mr.  Boose  for  two  days,  with  the  result  that  the  foundations  have  been 
laid  in  Dundee  for  a  strong  and  representative  committee — which  is  all  that 
would  be  necessary,  in  the  event  of  a  branch  being  formed  in  Edinburgh, 
representing  the  East  of  Scotland.  Valuable  assistance  was  also  rendered  by 
Mr.  A.  Mackay,  of  Messrs.  Mackay,  Irons  &  Co.,  and  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Taylor, 
the  President  of  the  Dundee  Chamber  of  Commerce,  who  referred  in  eulogistic 
terms  to  the  work  of  the  Institute  at  the  quarterly  meeting  of  the  Chamber 
held  on  the  80th  September.  Mr.  Boose  is  revisiting  Dundee  at  an  early 
date. 

Everyone  was  absorbed  in  Aberdeen  in  questions  regarding  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  War,  and  it  was  therefore  somewhat  difficult  to  create  an  interest  in 
anything  outside  the  subjects  of  recruiting  and  compulsory  service.  Owing  to 
the  kindness,  however,  of  Mr.  Alexander  Wilson,  solicitor  and  ex-Lord  Provost, 
Mr.  Boose  was  introduced  to  the  Lord  Provost,  who  expressed  his  interest  in 
the  objects  of  the  Institute,  more  especially  in  the  subject  of  the  settlement  of 
ex-service  men  on  the  land  after  the  War,  and  volunteered  his  assistance  as 
a  member  of  any  local  committee  that  might  be  formed  with  that  object. 
With  the  assistance  of  the  Lord  Provost  and  Mr.  Wilson,  the  services  of  Mr. 
J.  A.  Nicol  were  obtained  as  honorary  corresponding  secretary  in  Aberdeen. 
Mr.  Nicol  is  a  solicitor,  and  occupies  the  position  of  Honorary  Secretary  of 
the  Prince  of  Wales'  Fund,  and  is  an  enthusiastic  Imperialist.  A  considerable 
increase  in  the  membership  is  expected  to  take  place  in  the  near  future. 

The  Institute  had  hitherto  been  entirely  unrepresented  in  Inverness.  There 
is  no  active  industry  in  the  city,  which  is  essentially  a  tourist  resort.  An 
endeavour  was  made  to  interest  the  chief  commercial  and  professional  men 
of  the  city  in  the  Institute's  work.  Unfortunately  the  Provost  was  away, 
but  the  assistance  of  Dr.  William  Mackay  was  invaluable.  He  undertook  to 
call  a  meeting  in  his  office,  so  that  the  Commissioner  might  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  meeting  some  of  the  representative  people.  Several  gentlemen 
attended,  and,  after  the  Commissioner  had  addressed  them,  they  all  became 
members  of  the  Institute,  and  decided  to  constitute  themselves  a  local  com- 
mittee, with  Dr.  William  Mackay  as  chairman  and  Mr.  S.  G.  Alexander  as 
honorary  corresponding  secretary. 

Dr.  Mackay  mentioned  that  the  Provost,  who  was  prevented  from  attending, 
had  stated  that  he  would  be  glad  to  promote  the  objects  of  the  Institute  in  any 
way  in  his  power. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  an  attempt  to  form  a  branch  in  Glasgow  was 


TRAVELLING  COMMISSIONER  IN  SCOTLAND.     841 

i 

made  during  the  year  1913,  but  difficulties  were  then  stated  to  exist  which  pre- 
cluded further  action  being  taken  at  the  time.  It  is  the  view,  however,  of  the 
Travelling  Commissioner  that  there  is  a  promising  field  for  extension  in  the 
city.  The  Lord  Provost,  who  is  in  active  sympathy  with  the  objects  and 
work  of  the  Institute,  having  expressed  the  wish  that  Mr.  Boose  should  see 
Mr.  Montagu  Baird,*  the  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  the 
head  of  one  of  the  largest  commercial  firms  in  Glasgow,  an  interview  was 
arranged,  with  the  result  that  it  was  decided  that  Mr.  Boose  should  meet 
and  address  the  President's  Advisory  Committee.  The  Glasgow  Chamber  of 
Commerce  is  a  very  powerful  body  and  exercises  considerable  influence  in 
the  commercial  world.  The  Committee  met  as  arranged,  and  a  long  dis- 
cussion took  place.  The  Commissioner  assured  the  meeting  that,  while  anxious 
to  work  in  co-operation  with  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  the  Institute  would 
not  wish  to  be  officially  connected  with  that  body.  The  desire  of  the  Institute 
was  to  obtain  the  active  support  of  the  commercial  men  of  the  city,  with 
the  object  of  forming  a  local  committee  entirely  distinct  from  any  existing 
body,  but  co-operating  with  all  societies  which  had  in  view  the  furtherance 
of  the  question  of  closer  unity  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Overseas 
Dominions.  This  view  met  with  the  approval  of  the  Committee,  and  the 
President  undertook  to  submit  a  statement  regarding  the  work  of  the  Institute 
to  the  next  General  Meeting  of  the  Chamber,  and  to  invite  the  Members 
present  to  give  it  their  support.  Mr.  John  McLeod,  M.P.,  and  Sir  Archibald 
Mclnnes  Shaw  expressed  their  willingness  to  become  Fellows  andj[to  give 
their  active  support  to  any  movement  for  extending  the  influence  of  the 
Institute  in  Glasgow.  It  was  suggested  that  a  public  meeting  should  be 
arranged,  and  that  an  eminent  statesman  should  be  invited  to  give  an 
address  upon  the  present  aspects  of  Empire,  in  which  he  might  be  asked 
to  refer  incidentally  to  the  work  of  the  Institute.  It  was  further  suggested 
that  a  Member  of  the  Council  should  be  invited  to  speak  upon  the  Institute 
and  its  development,  with  particular  reference  to  an  extension  of  its 
activities  to  the  chief  provincial  centres  of  "the  United  Kingdom. 

Mr.  Boose  inquired  as  to  the  possibilities  attending  the  formation  of  a 
Ladies'  committee  of  the  Institute,  and  Lady  Mclnnes  Shaw,  who  is  deeply 
interested  in  Imperial  questions,  expressed  her  willingness  to  take  part  in  the 
Institute's  work.  It  is  hoped  that  she  may  see  her  way  to  the  organisation'of 
such  a  committee. 

The  Commissioner  is  of  opinion  that  every  endeavour  should  be  made  to 
show  that  the  work  of _, the  Institute  is  commercial  as  well  as  political — more 
especially  in  cities  such  as  Glasgow  and  Dundee.  In  this  connection  he 
took  every  opportunity  of  referring  to  the  increased  activity  of  the  Trade 
and  Industry  Committee  ;  the  practical  work  it  is  doing  in  strengthening j 
the  commercial  relations  between  the  constituent  parts  of  the  British  Empire, 

*  Since  Mr.  Boose's  visit  to  Glasgow  the  Council  have  heard  with  deep  regret  of  the  death 
of  Mr.  Montagu  Baird,  who  was  taking  a  keen  interest  in  the  work  of  the  Institute,  and  was 
striving  to  bring  about  not  only  the  formation  of  a  Local  Committee  but  the  establishment 
of  a  Branch  in  Glasgow  representing  the  West  of  Scotland. 


842  ROUND    THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

in  attempting  to  consolidate  the  trade  of  the  Empire  within  itself,  and  in 
securing  for  British  firms  a  portion  of  the  trade  formerly  enjoyed  by  Germany 
and  Austria-Hungary.  He  also  found  that  the  co-operation  of  the  Institute  in 
the  activities  of  the  Imperial  Studies  movement  will  greatly  assist  in  the  present 
propaganda  work.  As  a  result  of  the  tour  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
work  of  the  Institute  now  exists  in  the  chief  cities  of  Scotland  and  the 
membership  there  shows  an  increase  of  75  per  cent. 


ROUND  THE   EMPIRE  NOTES. 

Imperial  Air-Flotilla. — The  response  to  the  appeal  made  last  February  by  the 
Overseas  Club  for  funds  to  provide  an  Imperial  aircraft  flotilla  has  been  striking. 
Already  thirty-one  aeroplanes  have  been  provided  at  a  cost  of  £57,730. 

CANADA. 

War  Gift  from  Nova  Scotia. — The  Halifax  Branch  of  the  Committee  of  the  Overseas 
Club  has  given  orders  for  the  construction  of  an  armoured  biplane  which  is  to  cost 
£2,250.  This  will  be  presented  to  the  British  War  Office  for  the  Royal  Flying  Corps 
and  will  be  called  "  Nova  Scotia." 

French-Canadian  Hospital  for  France. — On  the  occasion  of  his  recent  visit  to 
France,  Sir  Robert  Borden  offered  to  the  French  Government,  on  behalf  of  the  Dominion,  a 
hospital  for  the  treatment  of  French  wounded.  The  ofler  was  gratefully  accepted,  and 
the  hospital  will  shortly  be  provided  near  Paris.  The  staff  will  consist  of  French- 
Canadians,  in  charge  of  Colonel  A.  Mignault  of  Montreal,  and  will  be  the  same  which 
has  been  engaged  for  several  months  past  at  a  British  military  hospital  on  the  English 
south  coast. 

Labour  on  the  Farms. — Leave  of  absence  for  one  month  has  been  granted  to 
a  certain  number  of  non-commissioned  officers  and  men  of  the  Expeditionary  Force 
still  in  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  them  to  take  part  in  the  harvesting. 
Return  transportation  will  be  furnished  upon  proof  being  given  that  harvesting  employ- 
ment has  actually  been  obtained  within  a  radius  of  so  many  miles  of  the  headquarters 
of  the  respective  units.  This  arrangement  should  materially  assist  in  solving  the 
problem  of  shortage  of  labour  on  the  Canadian  harvest-fields,  for  which  the  War  is 
largely  responsible. 

War  Orders  for  the  Allies. — The  Eastern  Car  Company  of  New  Glasgow,  Nova 
Scotia,  has  shipped  the  first  consignment  of  the  order  placed  by  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment for  two  thousand  box  cars.  The  consignment  consists  of  250  complete  cars, 
and  is  being  delivered  via  the  Panama  Canal  to  Vladivostock  by  one  of  the  vessels 
controlled  by  the  Nova  Scotia  Steel  and  Coal  Company.  The  Pat  Burns  Company 
of  Calgary,  Alberta,  has  already  sold  fifty  thousand  head  of  cattle  to  the  French 
Government,  while  Canadian  woollen  mills  are  now  working  to  complete  an  order  from 
the  Italian  Government  for  100,000  blankets  and  600,000  woollen  shirts. 

AUSTRALIA. 

Wealth  of  the  Dominion.— The  fact  that  a  second  Loan,  probably  for  £25,000,000, 
will  shortly  be  proposed,  in  addition  to  the  £20,000,000  already  announced,  is  further 
proof  of  the  extent  to  which  Australia  is  in  a  position  to  finance  herself.  The  policy 
in  the  past  of  borrowing  in  Great  Britain  for  development  purposes  has  undoubtedly 


ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES.  843 

been  a  wise  one,  for  the  money  supplied  by  British  investors  has  helped  to  build 
up  the  Commonwealth,  and  it  is  the  revenue  from  railways  and  other  public  works 
that  chiefly  supplies  the  interest,  which  has  been  paid  with  unfailing  regularity  and 
punctuality.  State  borrowing  in  the  Mother  Country  has  also  enabled  Australians 
to  utilise  their  own  profits  in  the  extension  of  the  great  pastoral  and  agricultural 
industries,  and  in  the  furtherance  of  industrial  and  commercial  enerprise.  Now  that 
the  usual  channels  for  financing  the  States  in  cases  of  emergency  have  been  closed, 
owing  to  the  ever-increasing  demands  on  the  English  Money  Market  by  the  Imperial 
Government  for  war  purposes,  it  has  become  necessary  for  Australia  to  fall  back  upon 
her  own  resources,  which  are  proving  very  substantial.  At  the  end  of  last  year  the 
deposits  in  the  various  State  Saving  Banks  amounted  to  over  £85,000,000,  which 
amount  was  practically  held  by  one  half  of  the  population,  and  the  assets  of  the 
various  Australian  cheque-paying  banks,  including  the  Commonwealth  Bank  of  Australia, 
amounted  to  well  over  £183,000,000.  These  figures  sufficiently  indicate  the  wealth, 
progress,  and  development  of  the  Commonwealth  since  Federation  came  into  existence 
in  1901. 

Conditions  in  Victoria. — In  common  with  the  rest  of  the  States,  Victoria  has 
been  receiving  financial  assistance  from  the  Commonwealth  since  the  beginning  of 
the  year,  wherewith  to  continue  the  public  works,  authorised  and  in  course  of  con- 
struction, and  the  necessity  for  following  a  policy  of  strict  economy  during  the  current 
financial  year  has  been  explained  by  the  Premier  and  Treasurer  at  a  conference  of 
the  permanent  heads  of  Government  Departments.  The  State  has  unfortunately 
passed  through  a  period  of  drought,  with  the  result  that  last  year's  harvest  was 
practically  ruined  and  losses  in  sheep  were  numerous.  But  the  outlook  for  the  present 
year  is  distinctly  bright.  The  effort  to  extend  the  wheat  area,  in  order  to  provide 
additional  foodstuffs  for  the  Empire,  has  resulted  in  the  total  acreage  under  wheat 
in  Victoria  for  the  season  1915-16  being  4,160,800  as  against  3,056,097  for  the  previous 
season.  For  the  two  years  before  the  drought  the  wheat  yield  was  over  twelve 
bushels  to  the  acre,  and  with  an  increased  area  under  cultivation  there  is  every 
reason  to  look  forward  to  a  record  harvest.  This  will  naturally  reflect  on  the  railway 
receipts,  which  constitute  the  principal  source  of  the  State's  revenue.  Covered,  as 
Victoria  is,  with  a  well-regulated  network  of  railways,  there  is  no  difficulty  in  getting 
the  produce  to  market  or  to  the  nearest  port  of  shipment,  and  with  the  high  prices 
now  ruling,  farmers  are  bound  to  do  well.  In  spite  of  the  splendid  recruiting  for 
the  Expeditionary  Forces,  no  shortage  of  labour  has,  up  to  the  present,  been  experienced 
in  Victoria. 

Trans-Australian  Railway. — The  Federal  House  of  Representatives  has  agreed 
to  a  further  appropriation  for  the  Trans-Australian  Railway,  which  will  connect  Western 
Australia  with  the  Eastern  States.  The  Prime  Minister  has  announced  that,  at  the 
present  rate  of  construction,  trains  should  be  running  on  the  lines  by  the  close  of 
1916. 

Growth  of  Taxation  in  New  South  Wales.— When  this  State  entered  Federation 
in  1901  it  was  very  lightly  taxed,  the  total  for  the  year  1899-1900  having  been 
£2,617,000,  or  £1  18s.  Id.  per  head.  This  year,  although  the  population  has  grown 
considerably,  the  rate  of  taxation  will  be  nearer  £7  than  £6  per  head,  even  if  the 
State  Government  does  not  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the  Federal  Government  and 
further  increase  the  State's  burdens.  The  Commonwealth  collects  a  large  revenue  in 
New  South  Wales ;  the  Customs  and  Excise  collections  for  the  past  financial  year 
reached  £6,814,000,  in  addition  to  £1,000,000  derived  from  other  sources  of  taxation. 

Tasmanian  Exports. — At  the  close  of  the  export  season  for  Tasmanian  fresh 
fruit  it  was  announced  that  some  34,000  cases  of  apples  had  been  exported,  and 
although  some  of  the  fruit  did  not  reach  England  in  the  best  of  condition,  the  prices 


844  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

realised  were  satisfactory  on  the  whole.  Of  course  no  fruit  ^went  to  Germany  this 
year,  and  the  shrinkage  in  the  quantity  sent  to  Great  Britain  was  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  Admiralty  had  taken  over  so  many  of  the  regular  steamers  for  the 
purposes  of  war,  and  also  by  the  necessity  for  retaining  extra  space  for  the  carriage 
of  meat  for  the  use  of  the  fighting  forces  in  France.  Exports  of  butter  and  jam 
realised  good  prices,  and  an  order  for  2,000,000  Ib.  of  Tasmanian  jam  was  placed 
through  the  British  War  Office. 

NEW    ZEALAND. 

Help  for  the  Wounded. — The  Dominion  is  fitting  out  its  second  hospital  ship, 
and  citizens  from  all  over  the  country  are  contributing  generously  towards  its  equip- 
ment. A  remarkable  offer  has  been  made  to  the  Government  by  a  New  Zealand  lady 
who  owns  certain  mineral  rights  in  the  Marlborough  district.  Her  gift  consists  of  a 
deposit  of  scheelite — an  ore  yielding  tungsten,  used  in  the  hardening  of  steel — contain- 
ing 30,000  tons,  now  worth  £631  per  ton,  which  represents  a  total  value  of  consider- 
ably over  £15,000,000.  The  offer  has  been  made  on  the  condition  that  all  moneys 
received  for  stuff  actually  worked  shall  be  paid  over  to  the  wounded  soldiers. 

Promising  Trade  Outlook. — Whatever  the  after-effects  of  the  War  may  be  with 
regard  to  Colonial  trade,  it  is  fairly  safe  to  assume  that  New  Zealand  will  find  an 
outlet  at  remunerative  prices  in  Great  Britain,  the  Continent  of  Europe,  and  the 
United  States  of  America  for  her  wool,  frozen  meat,  and  dairy  produce.  New  trade 
routes  are  already  being  marked  out  on  the  map,  and  new  markets  will  have  to 
be  exploited.  Attention  is  being  drawn  to  the  fine  field  offered  by  Japan,  with  which 
country  there  is  a  possibility  of  the  early  inauguration  of  a  direct  service,  while  the 
forward  bound  taken  by  the  trade  with  the  United  States  and  Canada,  due  largely 
to  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal,  is  another  significant  feature.  There  are  also 
immense  trade  possibilities  with  China  and  Russia.  At  the  present  time,  the  balance 
of  trade  is  on  the  side  of  the  Dominion,  the  exports  for  the  year  ended  December 
last  having  exceeded  the  imports  by  over  £5,000,000;  but,  with  a  decline  in  the  value 
of  commodities,  this  situation  might  be  very  materially  changed. 

SOUTH  APBICA. 

Bechuanaland  Protectorate. — A  local  subscription  of  £180,  as  we  learn  from  the 
Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  at  Francistown,  has  been  raised  for  the  purpose  of 
presenting  a  machine-gun  to  the  Imperial  forces.  Correspondence  has  already  taken  place 
with  the  War  Office  on  the  subject  and  an  acceptance  has  been  cabled. 

South  African  Hospital  Ship. — The  hospital  ship  Ebani,  which  has  hitherto  been 
employed  in  conveying  the  sick  and  wounded  from  South-West  Africa  to  Cape  Town, 
has  been  transferred  to  the  Imperial  Government  for  use  in  European  waters.  The 
fittings  and  equipment,  which  were  provided  by  subscriptions  raised  throughout  the 
Union,  have  been  handed  over  to  the  War  Department  as  a  free  gift  on  behalf  of  the 
subscribers. 

INDIA. 

Output  Of  Munitions. — In  response  to  a  request  from  the  Imperial  Government, 
the  Government  of  India  has  undertaken  to  supply  munitions  of  war  for  use  in  Europe. 
For  this  purpose  a  special  department  has  been  created  for  the  period  of  the  War,  and  it  is 
hoped  that  every  available  workshop  will  shortly  be  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  muni- 
tions. India,  as  a  whole,  is  not  an  industrial  country,  its  industries  are  centred  in  a  few 
large  towns  ;  while  of  the  labour  available  for  factory  work,  only  a  proportion  is  qualified 
to  produce  munitions,  as  the  average  Indian  mechanic  is  not  distinguished  for  the 
accuracy  of  his  work.  It  is  recognised,  however,  that  even  if  India's  contribution  should 
ultimately  prove  to  be  not  very  extensive,  any  assistance  is  of  value  in  helping  the 
Allies  to  establish  an  unquestioned  superiority  over  the  enemy  in  respect  of  the  supply 
of  armaments  always  available. 


REVIEWS.  845 

Red  Cross  Work. — At  a  meeting  of  the  St.  John  Ambulance  Association,  His 
Excellency  the  Viceroy  paid  a  well-deserved  tribute  to  the  splendid  Red  Cross  work 
done  in  India  since  the  beginning  of  the  War.  From  the  first,  the  Association  has 
discharged  its  functions  with  resource  and  ability,  and  the  record  is  a  wonderful  one. 
Over  three  and  a-half  lakhs  of  rupees  have  been  collected  in  hard  cash  during  the 
past  year,  and  Red  Cross  gifts  of  material  to  the  value  of  ten  lakhs  have  been  sent 
to  the  various  theatres  of  war.  In  addition  to  organising  a  scheme  for  the  continuous 
supply  of  gifts,  the  Indian  branch  has  sent  fourteen  motor-ambulances  and  a  small 
fleet  of  motor-boats  for  duty  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  the  personnel  being  duly  provided. 
The  military  war-hospitals  in  India  have  received  comforts  and  also  special  apparatus 
for  the  treatment  of  the  wounded,  while  religious  books  for  Indian  soldiers  have  been 
sent  to  the  European  hospitals,  and  the  claims  of  the  Indian  Soldiers'  Fund  have  not  been 
overlooked.  One  and  a-half  wards  in  the  hospital  established  at  the  Front  by  the  Order 
of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  have  been  endowed,  and  the  Red  Cross  Societies  of  the 
Allies  have  been  helped  generously.  Finally,  a  war-hospital  is  being  provided  in 
India  for  the  reception  of  severely  wounded  officers  and  men.  The  Ruling  Chiefs  have 
contributed  handsomely,  and  public  support  has  been  liberal. 

BRITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  PATAGONIA. 

Patriotic  Funds. — Shortly  after  the  outbreak  of  the  War  a  Widows'  and  Orphans' 
Fund  was  started  by  British  subjects  in  Patagonia.  A  sum  of  £3,855  Is.  Qd.  was 
collected,  and  this  amount  has  been  seat  to  the  Prince  of  Wales's  Fund.  A  further 
Patriotic  Fund  was  opened  at  Punta  Arenas  to  provide  passages  for  those  who  wished 
to  join  the  army  at  home,  and  by  this  means  sixty-five  men  were  able  to  return  to 
England  at  a  cost  of '£1,070  11s.  6d.  Between  thirty  and  forty  others  paid  their  own 
passages  home ;  forty -two  men  were  sent  with  money  advanced  by  British  subjects  in 
Valparaiso,  and  there  was  still  in  hand  at  the  middle  of  September  a  sufficient  sum 
to  pay  the  passages  of  more  than  twenty  others.  The  British  Red  Cross  Fund  has 
benefited  to  the  extent  of  £210  by  contributions  from  Patagonia,  while  a  local  Tobacco 
Fund  raised  £150  to  supply  the  men  from  Patagonia  with  tobacco  and  cigarettes, 
as  well  as  to  make  similar  gifts  from  time  to  time  to  the  ships  of  the  Fleet  when 
hi  Patagonian  waters.  As  the  total  British  population  eight  years  ago  was  only  1,052 
and  can  hardly  be  double  that  amount  now,  the  British  subjects  in  Patagonia  can 
reflect  that  they  have  certainly  "done  their  bit." 


REVIEWS. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  AUSTRALIA. 

THERE  is  much  of  interest  in  the  "  Recollections  "  *  of  Dr.  John  Mildred  Creed,  a 
Member  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  New  South  Wales.  Dr.  Creed  has  had  a  long 
and  distinguished  career  in  that  State,  where  it  is  to  be  presumed  he  has  occasionally 
been  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  authorities,  but  where  nevertheless  he  has  also  frequently 
performed  useful  work  in  "  bucking  up  "  the  Government  whenever  he  considered  it 
necessary.  Dr.  Creed  was  born  in  England,  but  went  to  Australia  when  he  was 
nineteen,  and  a  few  years  later  was  elected  a  member  of  the  New  South  Wales 
Parliament,  largely  through  his  interest  in  "  Closer  Settlement " — then  and  still  a 
burning  question  in  that  portion  of  the  continent.  Dr.  Creed  gives  an  interesting 
account  of  his  political  career,  which  has  been  marked  by  an  independence  in  judgment 
and  action  not  always  associated  with  members  of  either  the  Imperial  Parliament  or 
Colonial  legislatures.  For  this  reason  his  "  Recollections  "  should  be  read  by  those  who 
realise  how  seldom  it  is  that  political  life  is  tempered  by  broad-mindedness  and  ability 

*  My  Recollections  of  Australia  and  Elsewhere.     By  the  Hon.  John  Mildred  Creed.     Portraits 
and  Ulust.     8vo.     Pp.  xiii.-338.     London  :    Herbert  Jenkins,  Ltd.     1916  [1915].     28  oz.— 16*. 

3  L 


846  REVIEWS. 

to   grasp   and   follow  the  essentials  of   a   policy   without   swimming  on   the   top   of   the 
advancing  wave  of  popularity. 

There  are  several  portions  of  Dr.  Creed's  volume  which  are  of  more  than  ordinary 
interest.  In  particular  the  reader  should  carefully  study  Dr.  Creed's  account  of  his 
experiences  in  the  Northern  Territory ;  for  it  is  not  often  that  any  writer  upon  this 
portion  of  Australia  is  prepared  to  go  contrary  to  the  main  stream  of  Australian 
opinion.  Dr.  Creed,  in  common  with  Mr.  Alfred  Searcy,  whose  book  on  the  Northern 
Territory  contains  the  best  account  of  that  immense  and  untenanted  country,  believes 
that,  so  far  as  the  tropics  are  concerned,  the  policy  of  a  "  White  Australia "  is  a 
mistaken  one  both  from  the  hygienic  and  economic  point  of  view.  In  a  paper  read 
before  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  when  Dr.  Creed  was  in  England  two  years  ago, 
he  ably  upheld  this  opinion,  and  a  perusal  of  the  present  volume  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt  that  the  author  believes  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  Australia  to  carry  out  the 
policy  of  White  Settlement  in  face  of  the  stern  economic  lessons  that  must  be  learned 
and  the  extreme  pressure  that  in  the  future  will  be  exerted  by  other  nations.  "  The 
legitimate  desire  of  the  Labour  Party  in  Australia,"  writes  Dr.  Creed,  "  to  prevent 
any  lessening  of  the  wages  of  the  white  labourer  and  artisan,  and  to  preserve  and  even 
increase  his  standard  of  domestic  comfort,  will,  I  submit,  be  much  more  probably 
defeated  by  its  present  attempt  (certainly  destined  to  ultimate  failure)  blindly  to  exclude 
inferior  races  from  the  tropical  parts,  than  by  a  discriminating  policy  permitting  their 
employment  under  such  conditions  as  will  foster  enterprise,  increase  production,  and 
consequently  create  more  employment  for  the  whites.  No  danger  to  white  interests 
would  arise  if,  in  the  hotter  parts  of  the  continent,  coloured  labour  were  permitted 
under  the  conditions  that  the  men  imported  would  be  subject  to  a  standard  contract, 
defining  their  occupation,  fixing  their  remuneration,  and  compelling  their  return  to 
their  own  country  on  the  termination  of  their  engagement." 

It  is  not  possible  within  the  space  of  a  short  notice  to  do  justice  to  the  many 
interesting  questions  discussed  by  Dr.  Creed,  ranging  from  Spiritualism  (about 
which  the  author  offers  some  most  pertinent  remarks)  to  Bushrangers  and  the  romance 
of  gold-mining.  Nor  can  attention  be  drawn  to  Dr.  Creed's  own  political  career, 
which  included  such  interesting  episodes  as  his  connection  with  the  case  of  the  "  Costa 
Rica  Packet "  (which  is  to  be  noticed  as  an  instance  of  official  timidity  on  the  part  of 
the  Imperial  Government  and  rewarded  pertinacity  on  the  part  of  the  Colonial  authorities) 
and  his  attempts  to  persuade  the  people  of  New  South  Wales  to  adopt  his  Cremation 
Bill.  The  latter  led  to  one  of  Phil  May's  inimitable  cartoons,  which  is  reproduced  in 
Dr.  Creed's  volume.  Not  only  will  those  who  know  Dr.  Creed  personally  read  his 
"  Recollections  "  with  peculiar  pleasure — because  they  will  recognise  a  good  deal  of  the 
strongly  marked  characteristics  of  the  writer  in  its  pages — but  others  who  have  not 
that  privilege  will  find  much  that  is  amusing,  a  great  deal  that  is  of  real  interest, 
and  not  a  little  that  is  of  some  value  in  a  book  which  comes  as  a  relief  from  the 
prevailing  output  of  "  war  literature." 

E.  L. 

THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  MESOPOTAMIA.* 

PARAGUAY  is  the  Mesopotamia  of  South  America,  being  shut  in  on  every  side  by  large 
rivers,  excepting  a  short  distance  between  the  upper  waters  of  the  Rio  Apa  and  the 
Guayua  Falls.  Mr.  Macdonald  states  in  his  excellent  book  f  entitled  "  Picturesque 
Paraguay,"  the  only  book  in  English,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  dealing  exhaustively 
with  the  country,  that  the  average  Briton  really  knows  a  great  deal  more  about  the 
heart  of  Africa  than  about  the  untrodden  wilds  of  Central  South  America.  With  this 

*  Treaties  Affecting  the  North  Pacific  Coast.  By  F.  C.  Wade,  K.C.  12mo.  Pp.  19.  Van- 
couver. 1914. 

f  Picturesque  Paraguay.  By  Alexander  K.  Macdonald  4to.  Pp.  498.  London :  Charles 
Kelly.  1915.  32  oz.— 16s. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  847 

statement  we  thoroughly  agree,  for  Paraguay  itself  is  practically  an  unknown  land.  Mr. 
Macdonald  does  well  in  reminding  his  countrymen  that  this  South  American  State, 
wedged  between  Bolivia,  Argentina,  and  Brazil,  offers  great  opportunities  to  the  emigrant 
who  is  prepared  to  work  hard  for  his  living.  By  most  people  Paraguay  is  remembered, 
on  account  of  the  successful  work  so  long  carried  on  by  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  as 
the  land  of  parrots  and  monkeys,  and  as  the  scene  of  the  unfortunate  communistic 
experiment  known  as  "  New  Australia,"  which  failed  owing  to  the  dissensions  of  the 
optimistic  colonists.  As  Mr.  Macdonald  points  out,  however,  the  failure  of  the  experi- 
ment was  not  the  fault  of  Paraguay,  for  a  considerable  number  of  the  Australian 
colonists  have  settled  permanently  in  the  country,  whilst  others  are  desirous  of  returning 
there. 

Mr.  Macdonald,  although  he  states  that  he  makes  no  pretence  to  the  use  of  classic 
language  or  honeyed  phrases,  gives  an  excellent  and  attractive  account  of  the  country, 
which  will,  it  is  hoped,  draw  attention  to  the  economic  possibilities  of  a  region  which 
has  been  too  long  neglected  by  British  settlers — although  a  considerable  amount  of 
British  capital  is  invested  in  its  railway  undertakings  and  a  large  portion  of  the 
country  is  owned  by  British  capitalists.  Paraguay,  however,  has  not  escaped  the 
attention  of  German  colonists.  The  latter  are  settled  in  well-defined  regions,  such  ns 
the  Colonia  Hohentau,  the  Colonia  Gaboto,  the  Colonia  Nueva  Germania,  and  other 
districts,  where  they  have  their  German  schools  and  are  otherwise  engaged  in  building 
up  another  outpost  of  Teutonism  in  South  America.  It  is  a  pity,  thinks  Mr.  Maodonald, 
that  the  British  Government  does  not  similarly  foster  the  welfare  of  British  communities 
settled  in  foreign  countries. 

Mr.  Macdonald  gives  a  comprehensive  review  of  the  economic  possibilities  of  Paraguay 
based  upon  a  close  acquaintance  with  the  country.  "  It  seems  quite  incredible,"  he 
states,  "  that  during  the  second  decade  of  the  twentieth  century  that  any  country 
possessing  an  almost  inexhaustible  fund  of  natural  resources  should  languish  in  poverty 
and  obscurity,  while  comparatively  arid  and  valueless  portions  of  the  earth's  surface 
are  being  developed  to  their  full  capacity  by  a  hard-working  and  industrious  popula- 
tion." The  economic  position  of  Paraguay  is  prejudiced,  however,  owing  to  its  geographical 
situation  and  the  difficulties  that  are  encountered  through  the  exactions  of  South 
American  customs  agents.  The  vexatious  restrictions  on  trade  have  tended  towards 
monopolies  in  favour  of  big  capitalists.  The  former  river  monopoly,  now  overcome  by 
the  opening  of  through  railway  communication  with  Buenos  Aires,  which  has  only 
recently  come  into  operation,  and  the  fact  that  most  of  the  foreigners  in  Paraguay, 
who  are  generally  shopkeepers  and  tradesmen,  have  done  little  to  advance  the  interests 
of  the  country,  have  retarded  economic  and  commercial  progress.  An  influx  of  skilled 
agriculturists  and  the  breaking  down  of  stupid  regulations  would  convert  what  is  in 
reality  a  South  American  Arcadia  into  a  thriving  self-supporting  community.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  Mr.  Macdonald's  book  will  do  something  to  direct  attention  to  this 
portion  of  South  America,  and  will  help  to  remedy  the  perfectly  correct  impression  that 
Central  Africa  is  better  known  to  most  Britons.  South  America  is  undoubtedly  the 
continent  of  the  future,  and  it  is  necessary  that  every  portion  of  this  vast  land  should 
be.  carefully  and  systematically  studied.  It  is  a  pity  that  a  book  so  well  illustrated 
does  not  contain  a  map  of  the  country. 


BOOK   NOTICES. 

(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

India  and  the    War,  with  an  introduction  by  Lord  Sydenham  of  Combe.     Post  8vo.     Pp.  xi-76. 

Portraits  and  coloured  illust.     London  :    Hodder  and  Stoughton.     1915. 

This  is  an  excellent  little  book  illustrated  with  coloured  plates  showing  the  different  types  of 
native  troops  in  India  and  containing  portraits  of  the  leading  Indian  princes.  The  coloured 
illustrations  are  reproduced  ^from  "  The  Armies  of  India."  published  by  Messrs.  A.  &  C. 

3  L  2 


848  BOOK  NOTICES. 

Black,  and  the  portraits  are  taken  from  "  The  Historical  Record  of  the  Imperial  Visit  to 
India,"  issued  by  Mr.  John  Murray.  In  a  concise  introduction  Lord  Sydenham  shows  how 
the  establishment  of  the  Pax  Britannica  throughout  India  was  accomplished  mainly  by  Indian 
soldiers  trained  by  British  officers  and  supported  by  small  bodies  of  European  troops.  This 
little  book  is  merely  designed  to  show  the  different  types  of  such  troops,  but  it  is  particularly 
opportune  at  the  present  moment  when  Indian  princes  have  rallied  so  nobly  to  the  common 
cause  of  humanity. 

The  International  Crisis  in  its  Ethical  and  Psychological  Aspects  :    Lectures  delivered  at  Bedford 
College    for    Women.     8vo.     Pp.    154.     London :     Humphrey     Milford.     1915.     16  oz. — 
85.  6d. 

This  volume  contains  six  lectures  delivered  under  the  scheme  for  Imperial  Studies  in  the 
University  of  London  by  Mrs.  Henry  Sidgwick,  President  of  Newnham  College,  Professor 
Gilbert  Murray,  Mr.  A.  G.  Bradley,  Professor  L.  P.  Jacks,  of  Manchester  College,  Oxford, 
Professor  Stout,  of  St.  Andrews,  and  Dr.  Bernard  Bosanquet.  As  might  be  expected  they 
contain  clear  and  scholarly  statements  of  certain  aspects  of  the  war.  In  particular  the 
address  by  Professor  Jacks,  entitled  "  The  Changing  Mind  of  a  Nation  at  War,"  is  a  notable 
contribution  to  the  psychology  of  nationalism  and  should  be  studied  with  careful  attention. 
It  is  not  only  a  model  of  critical  English,  but  a  real  study  in  oratory  worthy  to  rank  with 
some  of  the  best  specimens  of  contemporary  literature.  Professor  Jacks,  with  forceful 
eloquence,  points  out  the  two  great  dangers  of  modern  civilisation — militarism  and  indus- 
trialism— his  remarks  upon  the  latter  topic  being  specially  noteworthy.  "  If,"  he  states,  "  the 
war  merely  yields  the  negative  result  of  destroying  militarism,  we  may  lay  our  account 
with  the  certainty  that  there  are  yet  greater  troubles  in  store  for  the  world " — a  gloomy 
but  well-founded  view  of  the  present  trend  of  events. 

The  Year-book  of  the   Universities  of  the  Empire,  1915.  Published  for  the  Universities  Bureau  of  th» 

British  Empire.  8vo.  Pp.  xii-717.  London :  Herbert  Jenkins,  Ltd.  1915.  Is.  6d. 
This  is  the  second  issue  of  the  admirable  year-book  which  was  first  published  last  year  under 
the  able  direction  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Dawson.  The  work  has  been  considerably  enlarged,  but, 
as  is  pointed  out  in  the  preface  by  Dr.  Alexander  Hill,  several  features  which  it  had  been 
proposed  to  include  have  necessarily  been  omitted  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  editor,  Mr. 
Dawson,  has  enlisted  in  H.M.  Forces.  In  compiling  this  year-book  the  Committee  had  in  view 
the  preparation  of  a  conspectus  of  the  Calendars  of  the  several  Universities  within  the 
Empire  in  order  to  present  a  picture  of  their  various  activities.  A  work  of  this  nature, 
showing  as  it  does  what  is  being  achieved  in  different  portions  of  the  Empire,  is  of  great 
value  to  the  student  of  educational  movements,  and  the  only  suggestions  that  can  be  offered 
for  the  improvement  of  this  volume  are  that  in  future  issues  illustrations  of  the  chief 
University  buildings  in  the  Overseas  Empire  should  be  included,  together  with  brief  accounts 
of  the  foundation  and  history  of  the  Universities  and  a  more  detailed  statement  of  any 
special  or  peculiar  features  of  the  work  that  is  being  carried  on.  A  special  section  of  the 
present  issue  contains  the  War  Rolls  of  the  different  University  staffs. 

Sleeman,  Major-General  Sir  W.  H. — Rambles  and  Recollections  of  an  Indian  Official. 
Revised  annotated  edition  by  Vincent  A.  Smith.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xxxvii-667.  Oxford  •  Univer- 
sity Press.  London  :  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  24  oz. — 6s. 

A  new  edition  of  Sir  William  Sleeman's  book,  one  of  the  best  and  most  widely  read 
works  of  Indian  travel,  is  to  be  heartily  welcomed.  It  was  first  published  in  1844,  when 
the  author  had  had  thirty-five  years'  varied  experience  of  Indian  life,  and  was  republished 
in  1893.  Few  books  give  a  better  or  more  detailed  account  of  Indian  life  and  customs  as 
they  appeared  to  an  experienced  Anglo-Indian  administrator  who,  during  a  long  and  honour- 
able career  in  the  service  of  his  country,  performed  such  notable  work  in  Oude  and  in  other 
portions  of  India  in  suppressing  crime  and  improving  the  administration  of  the  country. 
His  book  has  long  been  regarded  as  a  classic  of  Anglo-Indian  literature,  and  the  present 
edition  is  supplied  with  copious  notes  by  its  distinguished  editor,  Mr.  Vincent  A.  Smith.  ^ 

Foster,   William. — The   English  Factories  in  India,  1651-1654:    A  Calendar  of  Documents  in  the 

India  Office.  8vo.  Pp.  xxxix-324.  Oxford :  Clarendon  Press.  1915.  12*.  6d. 
This  volume  continues  the  admirable  series  of  historical  works  dealing  with  the  early 
period  of  Company  rule  in  India.  The  outstanding  feature  of  the  present  volume  is  the 
war  between  England  and  Holland  in  1652-54  and  its  consequences  in  the  East.  Owing 
to  their  naval  power  the  Dutch  were  able  to  sweep  English  shipping  from  the  Indian  seas 
and  to  inflict  considerable  loss  upon  the  East  India  Company.  Other  points  of  interest 
are  the  renewed  struggle  between  the  Portuguese  and  the  Dutch,  the  mission  of  Lord 
Bellomont  to  the  Shah  of  Persia,  and  the  efforts  of  Shah  Jahan  to  recapture  Kandahar 
from  the  Persians.  The  introduction,  an  account  of  the  history  of  the  period  founded 
upon  the  documents  in  the  volume,  gives  a  clear  and  concise  description  of  these  struggles 
and  their  effect  upon  the  British  position  in  India. 


849 

DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

Sept.  25.  Allies'  attack  on  Western  front.    British  advance  4,000  yards  over  5-mile 

front,   capturing  Loos  and  Hulluch.    French  advance   1-4  kilometres 

over    25 -kilometre    front    in    Champagne.    French  gains    at    Souchez. 

20,000  German  prisoners  taken. 
„     27.  Bombardment  of  Dvinsk. 

„     28.  American  5  per  cent,  loan  of  £100,000,000  to  the  British  and  French  Govern- 
ments. 
„     29.  British  success  in  Mesopotamia.     Turks  routed  at  Kut-el-Amara,  in  flight 

towards  Baghdad.     German  counter-attacks  at  Hulluch  and  Hooge. 
„     30.  German  offensive  in  East  arrested.     Struggle  for  Dvinsk  continues. 
Oct.  2-4.  Austro-German  and  Bulgarian  menace  to  Serbia.     Allies  land  troops  at 

Salonika. 
„        3.  Germans  attack  Hulluch  and  recapture  greater  portion  of  Hohenzollern 

redoubt. 
„        4.  Russian  ultimatum  to  Bulgaria.    Debate  in  Greek  Chamber.    M.  Venizelos' 

policy  supported  by  142  to  102  votes. 
.„        5.  Entente  Powers  break  off  relations  with  Bulgaria.    M.  Venizelos,  refused 

support  by  King  Constantine,  resigns. 
„        6.  French  troops  capture  village  of  Tahure  in  Champagne.      Austro-German 

forces  invade  Serbia.    M.  Zaimis  appointed  Greek  Premier. 
,,        8.  German  attack  on  Loos  repulsed  with  heavy  loss. 
.„        9.  Belgrade  occupied  by  Austro-German  forces. 
„      10.  Russian  victory  on  the  Strypa. 
„      11.  Bulgarians  invade  Serbia. 
„      12.  Greece  refuses  Serbia's  request  for  help  under  the  terms  of  the  Greco-Serbian 

Treaty  of  1913.    Italian  success  in  the  Carnia. 
„      13.  M.   Delcasse,  French  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  resigns.    Miss  Edith 

Cavell,  charged  with  aiding  British  and  French  soldiers  to  escape  from 

Belgium,  executed  at  Brussels.    Zeppelin  raid  on  London,  56  killed, 

114  injured. 
.,,      14.  British  advance  near  Hulluch.    Bulgaria  officially  at  war  with  Serbia : 

attacks  all  along  Serbian  frontier.     Two  German  destroyers  sunk  by 

British  submarines  in  Baltic. 
.,,      15.  Great   Britain   officially    at   war   with   Bulgaria.    Austro-German   forces 

capture  Pozarevatz. 

,,      16.  French  recapture  summit  of  Hartmannsweilerkopf  (Vosges). 
.„      17.  Martial  law  proclaimed   in  Moscow   and  district.     Franco -Serbian   force 

occupies  Strumnitza  (Bulgaria). 
„      18.  Germans  closing  in  on  Riga. 
.,,      19.  Fresh  German  attack  on  Hulluch  repulsed.     Bulgarians  occupy  Vrania, 

cutting  Salonika-Nish  railway. 

„      21.  Bulgarian  coast  bombarded  by  Allied  Fleet. 
„     .22.  Bulgarians  capture  Uskub. 
.„      23.  German  cruiser  sunk  by  British  submarine  near  Libau. 


850 


THE  IMPERIAL  STUDIES  SCHEME. 

THE  Senatus  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh  has  appointed  a  Committee  to  arrange 
plans  for  the  increased  study  of  Imperial  matters  in  the  University,  and  for  the 
organisation  of  series  of  great  public  lectures  on  topics  of  Imperial  interest.  The  Com- 
mittee numbers  amongst  its  members  Professors  Robert  Wallace  and  Hudson  Beare, 
while  Professor  A.  Berriedale  Keith  is  acting  as  its  Convener.  All  these  gentlemen 
are  Fellows  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  of  long  standing. 

From  the  Bristol  Times  and  Mirror  of  October  5  we  extract  the  following  account 
of  the  lectures  arranged  at  the  Bristol  Branch  of  the  Institute  : 

"  A  good  start  was  made  last  night  with  the  lectures  at  the  Colonial  Institute, 
Sir  Herbert  Warren  having  a  large  and  representative  audience  to  hear  him  on  '  The 
Poetry  of  the  Empire,'  a  lecture  which,  we  need  hardly  say,  was  greatly  enjoyed. 

"  Professor  F.  J.  C.  Hearnshaw  is  to  be  the  next  lecturer,  a  month  hence ;  his 
topic,  '  The  Empire  and  the  War.'  He  is  Professor  of  History  in  the  University  of 
London,  and  has  a  considerable  reputation  as  a  student  and  teacher  of  history.  Mr. 
Ben.  H.  Morgan,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  is  to  follow 
in  December  with  '  The  New  Outlook  in  Britannic  Affairs.' 

"  In  January,  Mr.  J.  Saxon  Mills,  formerly  editor  of  The  Cape  Times,  will  deal  with 
the  Panama  Canal.  Mr.  Ellis  T.  Powell, '  managing  editor  of  The  Financial  News,  and 
a  member  of  the  Empire  Trade  and  Industry  Committee  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute, 
will  talk  of  '  The  Scientific  Aspect  of  Imperialism  '  in  February ;  and  Sir  Harry  Wilson, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Institute  in  London,  is  down  to  give  the  last  lecture  of  the  season 
in  March,  his  subject  being  JMr.  Chamberlain,  the  great^Colonial  Secretary  of  1895-1903." 


OBITUARY. 

Mr.  N.  DARNELL  DAVIS,  C.M.G. — The  Institute  has  lost  an  old  and  valued  Fellow 
in  Mr.  Darnell  Davis,  who  died  on  September  29  at  Bath,  after  a  considerable  period 
of  failing  health.  He  was  born  at  Grenada  in  1846,  being  the  son  of  the  then  Chief 
Justice,  of  that  Colony.  He  served  for  some  years  in  the  Governor's  Private  Secretary's 
office,  and  then  became  Private  Secretary  to  Mr.  Baynes  the  Administrator,  and  acted 
as  clerk  of  various  departments  of  the  local  Government  from  this  time  onwards. 
He  was  secretary  to  the  Des  Vceux  Commission  of  Enquiry  into  the  treatment  of  East 
Indian  immigrants  in  1870-71  and  of  the  Commission  to  Mauritius  on  the  same  subject 
in  1872-3.  From  1873  to  1874  he  was  Commandant  at  Sherbro,  Sierra  Leone,  and  Post- 
master-General in  British  Guiana  from  1874  to  1881,  when  he  became  Comptroller  of 
Customs,  and  in  1888  Auditor-General.  In  1898  he  retired  from  the  Colonial  Civil 
Service,  and  devoted  himself  to  historical  research,  becoming  one  of  the  greatest 
authorities  on  West  Indian  history.  His  most  important  work  was  "  The  Cavaliers 
and  Roundheads  of  Barbadoes."  He  was  obliged,  for  reasons  of  health,  to  give  up 
a  comprehensive  historical  work  on  the  West  Indies,  and  he  spent  the  winter  of 
1913-14  in  those  islands.  His  collected  articles,  together  with  MSS.  notes,  he  presented 
to  the  Institute  shortly  before  his  death. 

Mi-.  T.  HESLOP  HILL. — We  regret  to  have  to  record  the  death  of  Mr.  Heslop  Hill,  which 
took  place  on  October  19,  at  Andover.  Mr.  Hill,  who  had  resided  for  many  years  in  the 
Malay  Peninsula,  was  an  ardent  Imperialist,  and  became  a  Fellow  of  the  Institute  in  1888. 
His  name  is  associated  with  the  Empire  Lectures  Fund,  which  he  helped  to  start  and 
to  which  he  gave  a  contribution  of  £150.  When  at  the  outbreak  of  the  War  the  pamphlet 
"  Our  Just  Cause  "  was  prepared  by  Professor  W.  Lawson  Grant  and  the  late  Mr.  Archibald 
Colquhoun,  Mr.  Hill  made  a  generous  contribution  to  the  expenses  of  printing  and  circulating 
25,000  copies  throughout  the  British  Dominions  and  in  neutral  countries. 


851 

CORRESPONDENCE. 

"  English  ''  and  "  British." — I  read  Mr.  Jas.  P.  Murray's  letter  on  the  above  subject 
in  your  last  issue  with  much  interest,  and  I  thoroughly  sympathise  with  him  in  the 
stand  he  makes  for  fair-play  and  justice  by  the  English  people  to  their  Scottish,  Irish, 
and  Welsh  fellow  subjects  in  the  matter  of  our  Imperial  nomenclature.  Allow  me, 
however,  to  express  my  surprise  at  the  tone  and  character  of  your  footnote  to  Mr. 
Murray's  letter.  What,  may  I  ask,  Has  the  fact  that  Mr.  Murray  writes  in  the  English 
language  to  do  with  his  nationality  ?  Do  you  mean  to  imply  that  such  an  usage 
makes  him  an  Englishman  ?  Then  you  say,  should  Irish  Home  Rule  be  accomplished, 
you  wonder  if  he  will  still  grudge  the  Parliament  at  Westminster  its  time-honoured 
name  of  "  English "  ?  Really,  sir,  you  forget  or  ignore  one  of  the  most  important 
points  of  British  history,  viz.  the  Treaty  of  Union  between  Scotland  and  England,  by 
which  the  two  kingdoms  agreed  to  unite  for  ever  under  the  name  of  Great  Britain. 
That  condition  is  in  the  first  article  of  the  Treaty ;  and  the  third  article  is  as  follows  : 
"  That  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  be  represented  by  one  and  the  same 
Parliament,  to  be  styled  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain." 

English  people  generally  have  expressed  great  horror  at  the  breach  of  faith  of 
Prussia  in  not  recognising  the  Treaty  of  1839,  by  which  &he,  along  with  several  other 
of  the  Great  Powers,  recognised  the  neutrality  of  Belgium.  What,  then,  are  we  to  think 
of  the  gross  breaches  by  Englishmen  of  the  Treaty  of  Union  of  1706-7  ?  These 
breaches  have  been  of  the  most  flagrant  character,  and  have  been  offensive  to  the 
national  sentiment  and  the  national  honour  of  the  Scottish  people,  inasmuch  as  they 
have  implied  that  they  are  "  English  subjects,"  and  that  Scotland  is  an  English 
Province.  It  is  surely  time  that  untrue  and  unjust  nomenclature  of  this  character 
should  be  banished  so  far  as  possible  from  English  speech  and  English  journalism  ;  and 
more  especially  from  the  pages  of  a  magazine  with  such  a  title  as  the  UNITED  EMPIKE. 

I  am,  &c., 
EDINBURGH.  T.  D.  WANLISS. 

[We  are  sorry  to  have  provoked  the  wrath  of  Mr.  Wanliss  by  our  perhaps  too  flippant 
footnote.  It  is  ill  joking  on  such  serious  subjects.  Obviously  the  only  adjective  which  will 
exactly  suit  him  is  "  Great- Britannic." — ED.] 

Excess  Profits  Tax. — It  is  now  abundantly  clear  that  all  sections  of  the  community, 
and  all  portions  of  the  Empire,  are  resolved  to  shrink  from  no  sacrifice,  either  personal 
or  pecuniary,  which  patriotism  demands,  and  striking  evidence  of  this  is  found  in  the 
popular  reception  of  the  Budget  proposals. 

They  are  regarded  as  an  honest  attempt  to  raise  the  required  funds  without  in- 
justice or  unnecessary  hardship.  But  there  are  at  least  two  directions  in  which 
I  submit  revision  is  imperative.  They  both  have  reference  to  the  case  in  which  I 
am  personally  interested,  that  of  the  Australian  merchants.  By  this  class  double 
Income  Tax  has  long  been  regarded  as  a  grievance.  The  proposals  before  us  to-day 
in  Australia  and  London  threaten  their  existence.  Apart  from  other  burdens  which  are  heavy, 
the  new  Australian  Income  Tax  works  out  at  4*.  or  more  in  the  £,  and  this  is  to  be  levied, 
uot  only  on  dividends,  but  on  sums  carried  forward  or  placed  to  reserve,  and  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  bulk  of  the  proceeds  of  this  tax  will  be  devoted,  not  to 
local,  but  to  Imperial  purposes. 

On  the  top  of  this  come  the  proposals  of  the  British  Exchequer  as  to  the  assess- 
ment and  taxation  of  so-called  "  war  profits."  It  is  true  that  all  houses  holding  heavy 
stocks  have,  as  the  result  of  the  war  and  the  consequent  appreciation  in  values, 
made  very  large  apparent  profits.  It  is  equally  incontrovertible  that,  when  values 
recede  to  their  normal  level,  these  houses  will  incur  at  least  proportionately  heavy 
losses.  In  practice  it  is  probable  that  the  losses  will  prove  higher  than  the  gains, 
as  the  latter  are  taking  place  at  a  restricted  volume  of  trada.  It  follows  therefore  that, 


852  NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 

while  an  honestly  struck  balance-sheet  must  take  cognisance  of  these  apparent  profits, 
no  sound  business  house  can  regard  them  as  otherwise  than  a  book  entry,  which  in 
the  course  of  time  must  disappear.  But  if  this  book  entry  were  regarded  by  the 
Exchequer  as  war  profits,  and  taxed  accordingly,  there  would  be  no  means  for  pro- 
viding for  the  eventual  depreciation  of  stock  except  by  the  deflation  of  capital. 

I  would  suggest  therefore  that :  (1)  A  substantial  concession  be  made  by  the  British 
Exchequer  to  those  who  are  called  upon  to  pay  Australian  Income  Tax.  (2)  A  very 
wide  discretion  be  accorded  to  the  Income  Tax  commissioners  to  discriminate  between 
realised  profits,  directly  the  product  of  the  war,  and  so  called  profits  which  must  even- 
tually be  written  off,  and  which  no  sane  commercial  institution  would  regard  as  available 
for  dividend. 

I  must  not  trespass  further  upon  the  hospitality  of  your  columns,  but,  if  space  were 
at  my  disposal,  I  think  I  could  prove  conclusively  that  the  Budget  proposals,  as  at 
present  drafted,  mean  for  the  class  to  which  I  belong  not  taxation  but  extinction. 

W.  A.  BRISCOE. 

LONQSTOWE  HALL,  CAMBRIDGE. 

If  elucidation  is  desirable,  take  a  concrete  example : 

£ 

June  30,  1914,  A  has  stock  valued  at 100,000 

June  30,  1915,  A  has  made  : 

(1)  Ordinary  Trade  Profits  (say  5  per  cent.) 5,000 

(2)  Appreciation  in  Stock  Values  (say  20  per  cent.) 20,000 


Total    .         .         .  25,000 

He  pays : 

Australian  Income  Tax  at  4s.  in  the  £ 5,000 

English  Income  Tax  and  Super  Tax  or  Ordinary  Trade  Profit  (say  4s.  in  the  £  on 

£5,000) 1,000 

War  Profit  Tax  and  Super  Tax  (say  60  per  cent,  on  £15,000)      ....  9,000 


Total  ....        15,000 

Thus  if  A  has  no  other  taxation,  Imperial  or  local  to  pay,  no  Death  Duties  to  insure 
against,  no  family  to  support,  and  nobody  to  keep  alive,  he  has  still  only  £10,000  in 
hand  wherewith  to  provide  for  his  eventual  loss  in  stock  values  of  £20,000. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 
THE  FOLLOWING  HAVE  BEEN  ELECTED: 

Resident  Fellows  (43) : 

George  W.  Allen,  Sir  George  W.  Baxter,  LL.D.,  John  Harry  Beaver,  William  Bonnar, 
Percy  V.  Brook,  David  M.  Brown,  John  Brown,  John  Charles  Buist,  Frank  Coad,  Sir  John  Cowan, 
Charles  J.  Crawford,  Sir  John  A.  Dewar,  Bart.,  M.P.,  Frederick  Digby,  D.  J.  Doherty, 
A.  J.  Dorman,  Albert  E.  Duchesne,  B.A.,  M.J.I.  (Honorary  Fellow),  Col.  William  H. 
Fergusson,  Lieut.-Col.  W.  Lachlan  Forbes,  Lieut.  A.  Maurice  Gordon,  John  Grant  (Junior), 
Albert  E.  H  olden,  R.  K.  Inches  (Lord  Provost  of  Edinburgh),  George  Johnstone,  John 
N.  Kyd,  William  L.  H.  Lang,  William  Low,  J.P.,  James  Lyall,  John  S.  Macarthur, 
John  Mackintosh  MacLeod,  C.A.,  M.P.,  Francis  Norie  Miller,  J.P.,  Charles  R.  Orr, 
M.I.Mech.E.,  Wildred  G.  Partington,  William  R.  Patterson,  Alma  Roper,  C.  A.  Rowe, 
John  Q.  Rowett,  F.  J.  Shand,  Sir  Archibald  Mclnnes  Shaw,  LL.D.,  David  Riddell 
Stavert,  Provost  David  Stewart,  J.P.,  Peter  Swan,  John  Brown  Taylor,  William  C. 
Thomson,  Alexander  Wilson. 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS.  853 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (191) : 

AUSTRALIA. — lion.  Thomas  C.  Beirne,  M.L.C.  (Brisbane),  William  Bowie  (Melbourne), 
John  P.  Campbell  (South  Yarra),  Percy  V.  Cotter  (Newcastle),  George  P.  Fitzgerald  (Hobart), 
John  E.  Garvan  (Sydney),  Henry  T.  Gould  (Hobart),  Capt.  Percy  W.  Grierson  (Sydney), 
George  H.  H.  Hardy  (Hobart),  Horace  G.  Harper  (Sydney),  William  H.  Harris,  M.B., 
Ch.M.  (Sydney),  George  Hind  (Sydney),  John  G.  Duncan  Hughes  (Medindie),  Walter 
Hutt,  M.D.  (Sydney),  Allan  L.  Joubert  (Papua),  Reginald  Latimer  (Papua),  John  C. 
Lind  (Manly),  H.  E.  Pratten  (Sydney),  Francis  B.  Starky  (Springsure),  John  Stewart 
(Fremantle),  Lieut.-Colonel  Alfred  H.  Sturdee,  A.A.M.C.  (Melbourne),  A.  Hopkins 
Thwaites,  M.B.,  B.S.  (Melbourne),  Major  Thomas  G.  Wilson,  F.R.C.S.  (Adelaide). 

CANADA. — Capt.  George  H.  Cook  (Levis),  Alfred  Dobell  (Quebec),  Lieut.  John  J.  Hill 
(Merrickville),  Captain  Hillier,  M.D.  (Leamington),  Capt.  Kenneth  E.  Kennedy  (Sher- 
brooke),  Henry  N.  Kittson  (Hamilton),  Frederic  R.  Taylor  (St.  John,  N.B.),  Lieut.  Alfreil 
S.  C.  Trench  (Montreal),  Henry  J.  Waddie  (Hamilton),  N.  A.  Wallinger  (Cranbrook), 
Capt.  Conway  W.  Ward  (Toronto). 

NEW  ZEALAND. — Kenneth  0.  De  Cent  (Gisborne),  Major  Thomas  J.  C.  Warren  (Hawkes 
Bay). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — John  A.  Cowling  (Pretoria),  Samuel  B.  Cunningham  (Middelburg), 
Charles  H.  Davidson  (Grahamstown),  Major  William  Downes  (Cape  Town),  Lieut.  Thos. 
J.  Kendrick  (Keetmanshoof),  John  Mapstone  (NelsRust),  Major  Walter  E.  Puntis  (Pretoria), 
Gustaf  O.  Roos  (Johannesburg),  Capt.  W.  H.  Satchwell  (Pretoria),  James  B.  Teague 
(Durban),  Percy  W.  Teague  (Durban),  Dr.  H.  Trew,  Capt.  R.  M.  Trew,  Arthur  de  M. 
W.  Vickers  (Johannesburg),  Everard  White  (Johannesburg). 

BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA.— Kenneth  J.  T.  Gardiner  (Nairobi),  Edward  W.  Hickes 
(Magadi),  James  A.  Warrett,  Capt.  Albert  E.  Webber  (Nairobi).  BRITISH  NORTH 
BORNEO.— Capt.  Harry  S.  H.  H.  Hall.  BRITISH  SOLOMON  ISLANDS.— Rev.  John  F. 
Goldie  (Roviana).  CEYLON. — Charles  B.  Prettejohn  (Norwood),  George  J.  Rutherford, 
M.R.C.S.,  L.R.C.P.  (Colombo),  Henry  J.  Temple  (Amtawella),  Devapoora  J.  Wimalu- 
surendra  (Colombo).  EGYPT. — Alfred  L.  Evans  (Cairo),  Lieut.  Herbert  N.  Hartnell  (Cairo), 
George  S.  Mackay  (Suez).  FEDERATED  MALAY  STATES.— Harold  Ball  (Kuala  Lumpur), 
Henry  C.  Bathurst,  Gerald  H.  Bradley  (Perak),  James  R.  Crawford  (Ipoh),  Alexander  G.  G. 
Ellis  (Perak),  Alexander  Goldie  (Perak),  Percy  H.  Henshaw  (Kuala  Lumpur),  John  E.  Kempe 
(Perak),  Hon.  Arthur  N.  Kenion  (Perak),  Claud  H.  Mack  (Perak),  William  E.  Maddocks 
(Perak),  Alexander  H.  Orr  (Perak),  Dr.  Alfred  Reid  (Kuala  Lumpur),  Alfred  C.  Times 
(Kuala  Lumpur),  Frank  A.  Vanrenen  (Perak),  Frederick  Wickett,  M.I.M.E.  (Perak), 
Philip  S.  Williams  (Perak).  FIJI. — Arthur  Bartenay  (Suva),  Cecil  W.  R.  Hooker  (Suva), 
Richard  R.  Kane  (Ba),  Frederick  0.  Robinson  (Nodi),  Maurice  D.  Price,  M.R.C.S., 
L.R.C.P.  (Suva),  Douglas  F.  Somerset  (Suva).  HONG  KONG.— Capt.  Arthur  McKinnon. 
INDIA. — Alexander  Bremner  (Calcutta).  JAMAICA. — James  Morgan  (Kingston).  GILBERT 
AND  ELLICE  ISLANDS.— Harold  S.  Newton  (Ocean  Island).  RHODESIA.— John  Tawse  Jollie 
(Melsetter),  Richard  L.  Martin  ( Wankie),  E.  Tryon  Wing  (Shamva).  NORTHERN  RHODESIA. 
— Edwin  Taylor  (Fort  Jameson),  George  M.  Withers  (Fort  Jameson).  STRAITS  SETTLE- 
MENTS.— Capt.  J.  L.  K.  Cockburn  (Singapore),  Charles  T.  Smith  (Penang).  TRINIDAD. — 
Van  Robert  Harris  van  Buren  (Arima).  UGANDA. — Harry  Evans  Lees  (Jinja),  Douglas 
G.  Tomblings  (Entebbe).  WEST  AFRICA.— George  N.  Barrell  (Tarquah),  William  F. 
Becker  (Duala),  Percival  E.  Buchan  (Lagos),  Guy  0.  Canning  (Jos),  Stanley  Delany 
(Tarquah),  Lieut.  Donald  J.  G.  Dunbar  (Lagos),  Percy  T.  Griffin  (Lagos),  H.  F.  Heath- 
field  (Axim),  William  Hopkins,  Cyril  Hornby,  A.M.I.M.E.  (Ibadan),  Thomas  Holmes 
(Burutu),  Herbert  Jump  (Duala),  Ian  D.  Macpherson,  B.Sc.  (Lagos),  James  P.  Ross, 
M.A.,  W.S.  (Enchi),  Algernon  R.  Wileman,  C.E.  (Sierra  Leone).  ARGENTINE.— Francis 
G.  Battantine  (Buenos  Aires),  Gordon  T.  Beardmore  (Buenos  Aires),  David  J.  Bellhouse 
(Buenos  Aires),  Sydney  H.  Berry  (Buenos  Aires),  John  P.  Bibby  (Santa  Elena),  Stanley 
8.  Boote  (Lazo),  Capt.  Edward  Louis  Boyle,  R.N.  (Buenos  Aires),  Hugh  Brodhurst,  M.A., 
A.M.Inst.C.E.  (Buenos  Aires),  Robert  Cameron  (Buenos  Aires),  Alexander  J.  Campbell 
(Buenos  Aires),  Donald  Campbell  (Entre  Rios),  John  Burnet-Craigie  (Cuchilla  Redonda), 
Charles  Tree  Davis  (Rivera),  John  H.  G.  Davis  (Germania),  Frank  R.  Darbyshire  (Buenos 
Aires),  Charles  J.  W.  Dawney  (Buenos  Aires),  Philip  A.  S.  Dawney  (Buenos  Aires), 
Victor  E.  A.  Fenton  (Buenos  Aires),  Thomas  G.  Ferguson  (Cordoba),  Thomas  Fraser 


854  NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 

(Buenos  Aires),  Eustace  J.  Haddock  (Martinez),  Lionel  A.  Harris  (Santa  Cruz),  Charles 
Hay  (Buenos  Aires),  Peter  C.  A.  Head  (Ranch,  F.C.S.),  Neville  Hemsley  (Buenos  Aires), 
Mackenzie  M,  Campbell-Henderson,  Rowland  E.  Hunt  (Buenos  Aires),  George  A.  Huxley 
(Buenos  Aires),  Henry  C.  H.  James  (Chubut),  R.  E.  Jones  (Corrientes),  Douglas  J.  Laird 
(Dixonville),  William  R.  MacBean  (Buenos  Aires),  John  W.  MacKinnon  (Buenos  Aires), 
Alasdair  S.  Mackintosh  (Buenos  Aires),  Frederick  J.  A.  McKittrick  (Buenos  Aires), 
Gerald  Maples  (Bahia  Blanco),  Robert  G.  Monkman  (Buenos  Aires),  Rev.  William  C. 
Morris  (Buenos  Aires),  Fred  W.  Orman  (Bahia  Blanca),  Henry  E.  Powell-Jones  (Buenos 
Aires),  Capt.  0.  V.  Schlanbusch,  Charles  W.  Scholes  (Tucuman),  Henry  Smith  (Guale- 
guaychu),  John  C.  Sommerville  (Buenos  Aires),  Norman  Squire  (Buenos  Aires),  William 
A.  Sturgeon  (Moron),  John  E.  Turner  (Buenos  Aires),  Enoch  W.  Turner  (Buenos  Aires), 
J.  Dodds  Watson  (Buenos  Aires),  Arthur  C.  Williams  (Buenos  Aires),  Ernest  H.  Williams 
(Chubut),  Roderick  G.  Williams  (Buenos  Aires),  Samuel  Williamson  (Buenos  Aires),  John 
A.  Wilson  (Buenos  Aires).  BELGIAN  CONGO. — John  Kreser  (Kikondje),  James  Mayers 
(Elisabethville).  BRAZIL. — Smith  Thomson  Bryan  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  John  D.  de  la  Cour 
(Santos),  Sidney  W.  Freeman  (Santos),  Albert  L.  Gillan  (Victoria),  William  E.  Gotelee  (Riode 
Janeiro),  Gustavus  Gudgeon  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  Harry  E.  Gwyther  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  Herbert 
F.  Hampshire  (Santos),  Ernest  L.  Harrison  (Rio  de  Janeiro).  William  F.  Knowles  (Sao 
Paulo),  Oscar  Lowenthal  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  William  J.  McMurtrie  (Sao  Paulo),  Albert 
E.  Morris,  Francis  C.  Moreton  (Santos),  Alan  J.  Nelson  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  A.  H.  Parsons 
(Rio  de  Janeiro),  Edward  G.  Paton  (Pernambuco),  Harold  W.  Stacey  (Sao  Paulo),  Francis 

D.  Stock  (Rio  de  Janeiro),    Victor  N.  Tatam  (Rio  de  Janeiro),  G.  H.  Tattersall  (Rio  de 
Janeiro),  Arthur  F.  Lockwood-Thompson  (Uruguayana),  Douglass  Price-Williams  (Rio  de 
Janeiro).    CHILI. — Arthur  B.  Bayes  (Punta  Arenas),  Archibald  D.  Cameron  (Punta  Arenas), 
Herbert  0.  Waller  (Punta  Arenas).     CHINA. — W .  S.  Burns  (Shanghai),  Eric  Hope  (Shanghai), 
Walter    H.    Howard    (Shanghai),    Frank  P.    West    (Shanghai).    COSTA    RICA. — William 
McAdam  (H.B.M.  Consul).    CUBA.— Ernest   P.    V.  Brice  (Santiago).     DUTCH  BORNEO.— 
James   MacMillan   (Balik   Papan).     ITALY. — George  B.  Beak,  M.A.  (H.B.M.  Vice-Consul, 
Venice).    MEXICO. — Sydney  C.  Palmer  (Mexico  City),  William  J.  Cellas  (Tampico),  Harold 
C.   Reis   (Tampico).    NICARAGUA.— J.   L.   Griffith   (Corinto),  John  May  (Corinto).    PARA- 
GUAY.— Norman  0.  Brown  (San  Lorenzo),  Reuben  H.  Harvey   (Asuncion),  Edmund  G.   C. 
Hawes  (Villa  del  Pilar).     PORTUGUESE  EAST  AFRICA.— Henry    Parker  (Beira),  John  A. 
Sawer  (Lourenco  Marques),  Richard  C.  Townshend  (Macequese).  PORTO  RICO. — Edward  R. 

E.  Bonar     (Guayama).      SLAM. — Clark    S.    Richardson    (Bangkok).      URUGUAY. — Charles 
W.  Bayne  (Montevideo),  Percy  Bridal  (Montevideo),  David  Goldsmith  (Montevideo).     UNITED 
STATES. — Arthur  L.  Aylmer  (Minneapolis),  James  H.  Balmer  (New   York  City),  The  Hon. 
William  A.  de  la  P.  H.  Beresford  (Providence),  Arthur  H.   C.   Gibson  (New   York  City), 
N.  Sydney  Coleman  (New    York  City),  Alex.  T.  Maclean  (Brooklyn),  Henry  Moir    (New 
Jersey),  Kenneth  M.  Morrison  (Minneapolis),  Herbert  Morton  (Portland,  Oregon),  Alexander 
McL.   Nicolson   (New    York   City),    George    W.    Smith    (Minneapolis),    Kenneth    L.    Street 
(New  York),  Arthur  E.  Trotman  (Rhode  Island),  Theodore  L.  Wenger  (New  York  City).} 

Associates  (38) : 

S.  G.  [Alexander,  Evan  [W.  \Barron,  Mrs.  J.  Fairlie,  Mrs.  H.  Finch,  William 
V inlay,  James  A.  Gossip,  Miss  Marion  Grieve,  William  Heggie,  Arthur  D.  Holland, 
William  Howarth,  Thomas  C.  Irving,  Adrian  J.  S.  Jerome,  William  Lindsay,  James 
Lyle,  Kenneth  Macdonald,  R.  Stewart  MacDougall,  M.A.,  D.Sc.,  Mrs.  James 
Macfarlane  (Tasmania),  Donald  P.  MacGillivray,  William  Mackay,  LL.D.,  R.  L.  Mackin- 
tosh, P.  D.  Mactavish,  William  H.  Massie,  John  A.  Moor,  Mrs.  Cecilia  K.  Morris 
(Buenos  Aires),  John  Nisbet,  Mrs.  G.  B.  Norris  (Buenos  Aires),  Miss  Nancy  Norris, 
Mrs.  E.  A.  Quarrell,  James  Reid,  Mrs.  S.  Dudley  Roddick,  Walter  A.  Smith,  John 
Stirton,  John  D.  Sutherland,  James  Walker,  James  S.  Watson,  Miss  Mary  Wilson, 
Charles  M.  Wolstenholme,  Walter  Douglas  Woods. 

Bristol  Branch,  Associates  (24) : 

Miss  F.  J.  Baker,  Miss  V.  M.  Barwell,  Mrs.  M.  M.  Bradley,  Mrs.  Buchan,  E.  H. 
Chetwood-Aitken,  Mrs.  I.  Colthurst,  Miss  Curnook,  Mrs.  E.  T.  Daniell,  Mrs.  Dunlop, 
Miss  M.  Dunlop,  Mrs.  Everingham,  Mrs.  E.  Ford,  Miss  Harrison,  Mrs.  F.  Hooper, 
Mrs.  E.  M.  Hunton,  V.  Hunton,  Mrs.  M.  Holborow,  Miss  Mary  Lock,  Mrs.  Lancaster, 
General  Miller.  Miss  J.  P.  Nott,  Miss  Mary  Nott,  R.  C.  Sayer,  W.  G.  Sikocks. 


Advertisements. 


XVI 


S.SmitlkSon 


6  Grand  Hotel  Buildings, 

Trafalgar  Square,  W.C., 

and  68  Piccadilly,  W. 


tESTD.  1851)  Ltd. 

By  Appointment  to  H.M.  the  late  King  Edward  VII. 

Watch  &  Chronometer  Makers  to  the  Admiralty. Holders  of  5  Royal  Warrants. 

SMITH'S   FLAT  LEVER 
ALARM    WATCH. 

With  Luminous  Dial   showing   Time  distinctly 
at  Night.  Side  View  WT 


In  Nickel  or  Oxydised 
Steel  Cases, 

£3  :  3  :  O 


Sterling-  Silver 
Cases, 

£3:10:0 


The  back  of  the  Case  is  arranged  for  standing 
on  table  In  a  slanting   position. 

No  Officer    should    be  without  one  of 

these  watches. 

They  are  perfect  Time-keepers. 
The   Alarm    will    arouse   the    Heaviest 

Sleeper. 
The  Time  can  be  seen  as  well  by  Night 

as  by  Day. 
The  Cases  are  damp-proof  and  cannot 

be  dented. 

Every  watch  has  a  guarantee. 
"JM  Actual  Size  Side  View  MT 


Note  Address:  6  GRAND  HOTEL  BUILDINGS,  LONDON 


DISSOLVED  GUANO 


The   Great    Fertilizer  for 


Also  SPECIAL  MANURES  for 


COFFEE,  COCOA,  RUBBER,  COCONUTS, 
COTTON,  TOBACCO,  &c. 


TBADH 


MARK. 


ANGLO  -  CONTINENTAL  GUANO  WORKS 

(Late  OHLENDORFFS), 

DOCK   HOUSE,    BILLITER   STREET,  LONDON,   E.G. 


NOTICES   TO   FELLOWS. 

APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

S.  G.  Alexander,  Inverness,  N.B. ;  G.  J.  Altman,  Vladivostock,  Siberia ;  The  Hon. 
W.  A.  de  la  Poer  H.  Beresford,  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  U.S.A. ;  Alfred  Dobell, 
Quebec,  Canada ;  F.  Norie  Miller,  J.P.,  Perth,  N.B. ;  Henry  Reeve,  C.M.G.,  Gambia  ; 
H.  M.  Tarrant,  Kampala,  Uganda. 


OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  noted  with  regret : 

KILLED  IN~  ACTION  .-—Maurice  A.  Mervyn  Davies,  Capt.  E.  G.  J.  Moyna,  Stephen  Alfred 
Card,   Major   A.  J.  N.  Tremearne,  Brigadier-General  T.  Riddell,  H.  C.  Amos. 

DIED  OF  WOUNDS. — Capt.  E.  A.  Hume,  Capt.  G.  Crellin  Cartwright. 


Fitzwilliam  Wentworth,  C.  A.  Bruxner,  Lieut. -Colonel  W.  B.  Ramsay,  William  M. 
Hunter,  N.  Darnell  Davis,  C.M.G.,  Arthur  Braud,  J.  B.  Westray,  F.  W.  Stone,  John 
Burn,  George  Hague,  Josiah  Crew,  James  M.  Young,  Sir  Lionel  Garden,  K.C.M.G., 
Thomas  Heslop  Hill,  Eldred  Grave  Hindson,  H.  W.  Struben. 


ARRANGEMENTS    FOR    SESSION    1915-1916. 

The    following    Papers    have    already    been    arranged,    and    subsequent    fixtures    will 
appear  from  time  to  time  in  the  Notices  to  Fellows : — 

1915. 
NOVEMBER  2,  at  8.30  p.m. — "  Empire  and   Money   Market :     The   Romance   of   a   Three 

Hundred  Years'  Alliance,"   by  ELLIS  T.  POWELL,  LL.B.,   B.Sc.     (Author  of   "The 

Evolution  of  the  Money  Market  "). 
NOVEMBER  16,  at  4  p.m. — "  Cyprus  To-day  "   (with  Lantern  Illustrations),  by  ROLAND 

L.  N.  MICHELL,  C.M.G.  (late  District  Commissioner,  Cyprus). 
DECEMBER  14,  at  8.30  p.m. — "Australia  and  the  War,"  by  the  Hon.  B.  R.  WISE,  K.C. 

(Agent-General  for  New  South  Wales). 
DECEMBER  21,  at  4  p.m. — "The  Empire's  Outpost  in  the  South  Atlantic"  (with  Lantern 

Illustrations),  by  Major  J.  QUAYLE  DICKSON,  D.S.O.  (late  Colonial  Secretary  of  the 

Falkland  Islands). 

1916. 
JANUARY  11,  at  8.30  p.m. — "The  Strategic  Geography  of  the  War  in  Relation  to  the 

British  Empire"  (with  Lantern  Illustrations),  by  VAUGHAN  CORNISH,  D.Sc. 
FEBRUARY  8,  at  8.30  p.m. — "  The  British  Empire  and  the  Near  East,"  by  J.  L.  GARVIN. 
FEBRUARY  22,  at  4  p.m.    Paper  by  Sir  HARRY  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B. 
MARCH   14,  at  8.30  p.m. — "The   Reorganisation    of    Britannic  Financial  and  Industrial 

Affairs,"  by  BEN.  H.  MORGAN. 

Dr.    W.    H.  HADOW,  M.A.  (Principal  of  Armstrong  College,  Newcastle -on -Tyne)  has 
also  promised  a  Paper   during  the  Session. 


CHRISTMAS   LECTURES    FOR    YOUNG   PEOPLE. 

It  has  been  arranged  to  give  three  Popular  Illustrated  Lectures  on  January  3,  5i 
and  7,  at  3.30  p.m.    The  subjects  will  be  announced  later. 


The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  each  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 


USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rale  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
circular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 


TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams :  "  Recital  Westrand  London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London,"  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Fellow  should  be  addressed  o/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number :  Regent  4940  (three  lines). 


UNITED  EMPIRE— JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager. 

Covers  lor  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  Is.  Qd. 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMFIBH  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  Is.  6d.  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  Qd.  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  Is.  6d.  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

*„*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  side  only,  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES.; 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine. — A.  F.  Hollins,  Henry  Darbyshire,  J.  8.  Hunter,  W.  A.  McCallum,  R. 
Docherty.  Australia. — Frederick  Grimwade,  Lieut. -Colonel  W.  T.  Hayward,  A.A.M.C., 
Claud  W.  Thomas.  British  East  Africa. — W.  8.  Garnham.  British  Solomon  Islands. — • 
R.  Broadhurst  Hill.  Brazil.— -John  W.  Graham,  Capt.  O.  Goldthorpe.  Ceylon. — A.  D. 
Prouse.  Mexico. — George  Kemsley.  New  Zealand. — Major  Geoffrey  8.  Smith,  D.8.0. 
Northern  Rhodesia. — L.  Durman.  Rhodesia. — J.  Sybray,  Percy  Peech,  F.  Lomas.  South 
Africa. — Sir  Jan  Langerman,  Alex.  Cowie,  H.  A.  Carbutt,  Roderick  Jones,  H.  B.  George, 
Capt.  J.  A.  Green.  United  States.— f.  Wilder.  West  Africa — Dr.  J.  C.  8.  McDouall, 
Dr.  D.  Burrows,  Capt.  C.  E.  Cookson,  R.  Cousin,  A.  H.  Unwin,  J.  A.  P.  Lambert, 
W.  E.  B.  Copland-Crawford,  J.  T.  Furley,  W.  R.  Townshend,  R.  W.  Espeut,  G.  A. 
Wileman,  Edwin  Edwards,  Dr.  E.  H.  Mayhew,  J.  Scott  Park,  E.  J.  Arnett,  P.  B. 
Lawson,  T.  D.  Maxwell,  Dr.  E.  W.  Graham,  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  of  Accra. 

DEPARTURES. 

Australia. — G.  Binnie,  J.  G.  Mitchell,  Max  Wurcker,  Ernest  Collins,  F.  Bartlett. 
Canada. — H.  Milligan.  India. — J.  E.  Aspinwatt.  Mexico. — J.  M.  Whyte.  New  Zea- 
land.—A.  Bum,  W.  McCarthy  Reid,  J.  M.  H.  Tripp,  G.  E.  Tolhurst,  W.  G.  White, 
George  Wright.  Russia. — W.  Colder.  South  Africa. — H.  D.  Kershaw,  Sir  Louis  Michell, 
C.M.G.,  Sir  E.  Sinclair-Stevenson.  Uganda. — J.  M.  Fry.  West  Africa. — C.  F.  Cross- 
land,  J.  I.  Lauder,  H.  B.  Gascoyne,  Capt.  W.  B.  Stanley,  Dr.  W.  W.  Claridge,  A.  J. 
Philbrick,  G.  W.  Yates,  A.  8.  Cooper,  Capt.  A.  E.  Johnson,  A.  H.  Bridgman,  H.  F. 
Duncombe,  A.  W.  L.  Giles,  A.  J.  Goodwin,  E.  J.  Cameron,  C.M.G.,  Dr.  A.  C.  Parsons, 
G.  R.  Scovell,  P.  V.  Young,  Lieut.  E.  G.  Baskett,  Lieut.  L.  A.  Blackmore,  H.  Douglas 
Atten.  West  Indies. — W.  Cuddeford  (Grenada).  Zanzibar. — P.  Sherman-Turner. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  :— 

S.  G.  ALEXANDER,  ESQ.,  INVEBNESS.  W.  H.  ALLEN, 
ESQ.,  BEDFORD.  THE  REV.  T.  S.  CABLYON,  LL.D., 

BOUBNEMOUTH.  R.  CHBISTISON,  ESQ.,  LOUTH,  LlNCS. 
T.  S.  COTTEBELL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  BATH.  CAPT.  G.  CROS- 

FIELD,  WABBINGTON.  MABTIN  GRIFFITHS,  ESQ., 
BBISTOL  BRANCH.  C.  B.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G., 
PUBLBY.  WILLIAM  H.  HIMBUBY,  ESQ.,  MANCHESTEB. 
F.  NOBIE-MILLEB,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  PEBTH.  JOHN  A. 
NICOL,  Esq.,  ABEEDEEN.  A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ., 

WlNCHESTEB.      GlLBEBT    PURVIS,     ESQ.,     ToBQUAY. 

COUNCILLOR  HEBBEBT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLB-ON-TYNE. 
JOHN  SPEAK,  ESQ.,  KIBTON,  BOSTON.  PBOFBSSOB 
R.  WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 


Dominion  of  Canada  :  — 

CHARLES  L.  BABKEB,  ESQ.,  WINDSOR,  ONTARIO. 
R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALOABY.  A.  R. 
CBEELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL.  ALFRED  DOBELL, 
ESQ.,  QUEBEC.  G.  R.  DUNCAN,  ESQ.,  FORT  WIL- 
LIAM, ONTARIO.  HON.  D.  M.  EBERTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A., 
VICTORIA,  B.C.  R.  FITZ- RANDOLPH,  FBEDEBICTON, 
NEW  BRUNSWICK.  CBAWPORD  GOBDON,  ESQ., 
WINNIPEG.  W.  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON, 
C.  FBEDEBICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA.  EBNEST 
B.  C.  HANINGTON,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  VICTOBIA,  B.C.  REGI- 
NALD V.  HABBIS,  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA.  Lr.- 

COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMEB  VlBDEN,  MANITOBA.      I/T.-COL. 

HEBBEBT  D.  HULMB,  VANCOUVER,  B.C.    CAPT.  C.  E. 


HONORARY   CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES— continued. 


Dominion  of  Canada  : — continued. 

JAMIESON,  PETKBBOBO,  ONTARIO.  LEONARD  W.  JUST, 
ESQ.,  MONTREAL.  L.  V.  KERH,  REGINA.  JOHN  A. 
McDouoALL,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON.  CAPT.  J.  MOKINBBY, 
BASSANO,  ALBERTA.  J.  PHESCOTT  MKBBITT,  ESQ., 
ST.  CATHERINES,  ONTARIO.  ANDREW  MILLER,  ESQ., 
CALGARY.  J.  S.  NIVEN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT. 
T.J.  PABKES,  ESQ.,  SHERBBOOKE,  QUEBEC.  LT.- 
COL.  W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  ONTABIO. 
LT.-OOL.  S.  W.  RAY,  POET  ABTHUB,  ONTABIO.  M. 
H.  RIOHKY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC.  ISAAC  A. 
ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BRANDON,  MANITOBA.  Y.  M. 

SCLANDBBS,    ESQ.,    SASKATOON.      C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ., 

HAMILTON.  JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TOBONTO. 
C.  E.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT.  H.  L.  WEB. 

STEB,  ESQ.,  COCHRANE,  ONTABIO.      S.    J.    WILLIAMS, 

ESQ.,  BERLIN,  ONTARIO.  COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKBS, 
K.C.,  BBANTFOBD,  ONTABIO. 

Common  wealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BABBBTT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOURNE. 
MAJOB  HENBY  BREW,  BALLAEAT.  F.  W.  CEOAKEB, 
ESQ.,  BBEWARHINA,  N.S.W.  C.  EABP,  ESQ.,  NEW- 
CASTLE, N.S. W.  HON.  G.  P.  EABP,  M.L.C.,  SYDNEY. 
KINOSLEY  FAIBBBIDOE,  ESQ.,  PINJAEBA.W.A.  H.C. 
MACFIE,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  J .  N.  PABKES,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLE.  HEBBEBT  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOE,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BBISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNE,  M.L.C.,  BBISBANE.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ABTHUR  C.  TBAPP, 
ESQ.,  MELBOURNE,  VICTOBIA.  D'AscY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MORRIS  MILLER.  ESQ.,  HOBJBT. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  FEANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FEEMANTLE,  W.A.  B.  H.  DAEBYSHIRE,  ESQ., 
PEETH.W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  POET  MOEESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NORTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUNEDIN.  LEONARD  TEIPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHABLES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHBISTCHUEOH.  HON.  OLTVEB  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 

R.  D.DOUOLAS  McLBAN,ESQ.,AND  PATEICK  McLBAN, 

ESQ.,  NAPIBB.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIER,  ESQ.  AND  PEOFBSSOE  F.  P.  WOBLEY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 
R.  KIEK,  GISBOBNB.  COLIN  C.  HUTTON,  ESQ., 
WANGANUI.  C.  H.  TBIPP,  ESQ.,  TIMAEU. 
Union  of  Sontb  Africa  :— 

CAPH    OF    GOOD    HOPE  :      HABBY    GIBSON,    ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.    PEEOY  F.  FBANCIS,  ESQ.,  POET  ELIZA- 

BETH.      JOHN     POOLEY,    ESQ.,    J.P.,     KlMBEBLEY. 

DAVID  REES,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.    MAJOB 
PBEDK.  A.  SAUNDEES,  F.R.C.S.,  GEAHAMSTOWN. 

MAI  SONNENBEEO,   ESQ.,  VfiYBUBO.      F.   WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CABNABVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 
ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VEN.  ABCHDEAOON  A.  T. 
WIEGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  PORT  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL:     G.    CHUBTON    COLLINS,    ESQ.,    DURBAN. 
DACRE  A.  SHAW,  ESQ..  PIETERMARITZBURG.    E.  W. 
NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSOOBELLO. 
ORANGE  FBEE  STATE  :    MAJOE  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 

CBICHTON.    C.  A.  BECK,  ESQ.,  BLOEMFONTEIN. 
TEANSVAAL  :  W.  E.  FEERYMAN,  ESQ.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 
DARD BANK  CHAMBERS,  COMMISSIONEB  STEEET, 
JOHANNESBUBG.    F.    C.    STUBBOCK,    ESQ.,    10 
GENERAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,    JOHANNESBUBG. 
S.  C.  A.  COSSIEB,  ESQ.,  PRETORIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WARDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIRES. 

W.  B.  HARDING  GREEN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANCA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MUEPHY,ESQ.,FRANCISTOWN. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HENRY  LOCKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IRVING,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :    CHARLES  0.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 
HENBY  L.  WHEATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DE  JANEIBO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALEXANDEBDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIBOBI. 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LEGGETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  :  [ALFRED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Ceylon  :  R-  H.  FERGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 


Chile  :  W.  HUSON  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOFAGASTA. 
Cyprus  :  J-  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALEXANDBIA. 

E.   B.  BRETT,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CARPENTEH,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIRO. 
Falkland  Islands  : 
Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  ESQ., 

IPOH. 

Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHE  BROUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B. 
France  :  SIR  JOHN  FILTER,  PARIS. 
Gambia  :  HENRY  REEVE,  ESQ.,  C.M.G. 
Germany  :   R.  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBURG. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMRITAQB,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NORTHERN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  lusT.C.E.,  ACCEA. 

MAJOB  C.  E.  D.  0.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  P.  DALGLEISH,  ESQ.  (Acting). 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PBILLEVTTZ,  ESQ.,  GEONINGEN. 
Hong  Eong:   HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABRIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SIMLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHOEE.      [GONO. 
GEORGE  H.  ORMEROD,  ESQ.,  M.lNST.C.E.,  CHITTA-     ' 
JAMES  R.  PEARSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEBBUT. 

Malta  :  • ,.; 

Mauritius:    GEORGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  PORT  Louis. 

Mexico  :   C.  A.  HARDWICKE,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPICO. 

Newfoundland:    HON.  ROBERT  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 

New  Hebrid  es  :CHis  HON.  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY,   VILA. 

Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NABAGUTA.  J.  M. 
M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS.  L.  W.  LA  CHABD,  ESQ., 
ZUNGEBU.  R.  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALABAR. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,  LTVINO- 
Lr.-CoL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWERERE.  [STONB. 

A.  C.  HAYTER,  ESQ.,  FORT  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :    A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :  CHARLES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBURY. 
Samoa  :    COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 
Seychelles  :  H.E.,Lr-CoL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BBIEN,  C.M.G. 
Siberia  :  G.  J.  ALTMAN,  ESQ.,  VLADIVOSTOCK. 
Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BARNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 
Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.O.JOHNSON,  M.L.C., FREETOWN. 
Straits  Settlements  : — A.  T.  BRYANT,  ESQ.,  PENANG. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SINGAPORE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTER  M.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 
Uganda  Protectorate  :  GEORGE  D.SMITH.ESQ., C.M.G., 

ENTEBBE.    H.  M.  TABRANT,  ESQ.,  KAMPALA. 
United  States  :  DR.  G.  COOKS  ADAMS,  CHICAGO.  HON. 

W.   A.  DE  LA  POEE  H.  BERESFORD,  PROVIDENCE. 

ERNEST   D.   CRAIG,   ESQ.,  DETROIT.    FRANK    W. 

GRAHAM,   ESQ.,  DENVER.     LESLIE  P.  E.  HUNNI- 

BELL,    ESQ.,    MINNEAPOLIS.      ALLEYNB    IRELAND, 

ESQ.,  NEW  YORK.    J.  NORMAN  KERR,  ESQ.,  Los 

ANGELES,  CAL.     FREDERICK  P.  LEE,  ESQ.,  SANTA 

MONICA,  CAL.     C.    A.    PLAYER,    ESQ.,    SEATTLE. 

WILLIAM    WHITFIELD,    ESQ.,    PORTLAND.     J.    B. 

WHYTE,  ESQ.,  SAN  FEANOISCO.     G.  H.  WINDELEB, 

ESQ.,  BOSTON. 

Uruguay  :  DAVID  R.  BANKIER,  ESQ.,  MONTEVIDEO. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JACKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BAEBADOS. 

HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J  .  J.  NUNAN,  GEORGETOWN,  BBITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BRITISH  HON- 
DUBAS. 

FRANK  CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA. 

A.  H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  POBTO  Rico. 

PBOFESSOB  P.  CABMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POBT  of 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD. 

HON.  D.  S.  DE  FBEITAS,  M.L.C.,  GRENADA,  WIND- 

WABD  ISLANDS. 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BAEDO. 


.  12 
ssed 

the 
'cto- 

and 
leg. 
•age, 
bed, 
1  he 
rung 
r  his 
lave 
sady 
lole- 
ared 
been 
vard 
ition 
and 


call 
tents 
5  on 
id", 
inty 
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was 
i  the 
four 

Mr. 


•-    >    °' 


—      O       B  , 


THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE  JOUKNAL 

VOL.  VI  DECEMBER  1915  No.  12 

The  Institute  is  not  responsible  for  statements  made  or  opinions  expressed 
by  authors  of  articles  and  papers  or  in  speeches  at  meetings. 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

MUCH  concern  was  felt  throughout  the  Empire  at  the  news  of  the 
King's  unfortunate  accident,  due  to  a  fall  from  his  charger  when 

inspecting  his  troops  at  the  Front  in  France  on  Octo- 
The  King's  ber  2g.  The  animal,  a  spirited  mare,  frightened  by 

the  rousing  cheers  of  the  soldiers,  reared  twice,  and 
on  the  second  occasion  fell  over  and  rolled  on  to  her  rider's  leg. 
His  Majesty,  who  was  severely  bruised,  displayed  the  greatest  courage, 
but  had  to  be  assisted  to  his  motor-car,  and  was  confined  to  his  bed, 
until  it  was  possible  to  remove  him  to  England.  On  November  1  he 
returned  to  London,  and  the  official  bulletin  of  the  same  evening 
stated  that  although  he  had  been  much  fatigued  by  the  journey  his 
condition  was  satisfactory.  For  some  time  past  no  bulletins  have 
been  issued,  but  it  is  understood  that  the  King  has  made  steady 
progress.  His  Majesty's  unswerving  devotion  to  duty,  and  his  whole- 
hearted identification  of  himself  with  the  nation's  cause  have  endeared 
him  so  greatly  to  his  people  that  the  deepest  sympathy  has  been 
expressed  both  with  him  and  the  Queen  in  regard  to  this  untoward 
incident.  It  is  gratifying  to  learn  that,  as  the  official  information 
goes  to  show,  "  there  is  every  expectation  of  a  reasonably  early  and 
complete  recovery  ". 

SIR  JOHN  McCALL,  Agent-General  for  Tasmania,  did  well  to  call 

the  attention  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  to  comments 

in  the   Australian  and   New   Zealand  newspapers   on 

Po  it].cal       what  was  regarded  as  "  the  political  warfare  in  England  ", 

suggesting   "  considerable  unrest   and   an  uncertainty 

of  outlook  as  a  result  of  cables  describing  the  recruiting  campaign 

in  Great  Britain ".     Here  indeed  we  know,  as  Mr.  Bonar  Law  was 

able  to  point  out  in  his  reply,  that  there  is  no  political  warfare  in  the 

sense  implied  by  the  Commonwealth  press.     Speaking  of  the  four 

months  during  which  he  had  been  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  Mr. 

3  M 


860  EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

Bonar  Law  added  :  "  No  political  issue  of  any  kind  has  ever  been 
raised.  This  is  true  of  the  Government,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  judge, 
it  is  true  also  of  the  country.  The  whole  nation  is  absolutely  united 
in  its  determination  to  carry  the  War  to  a  successful  termination,  and 
the  only  difference  of  opinion  among  us  is  as  to  whether  the  strength 
which  ought  to  come  from  this  material  unity  is  being  most  efficiently 
used  in  the  prosecution  of  the  War."  Regarding  the  criticism  of  the 
Government  on  that  point  the  Colonial  Secretary  could  say  nothing ; 
but  he  closed  his  letter  with  an  extremely  felicitous  sentence  which 
will  bear  repetition  :  "  Greatly  as  we  at  home  prize  and  honour 
the  sacrifices  which  have  been  made  and  the  splendid  heroism  which 
has  been  displayed  by  our  Colonial  fellow  subjects,  I,  as  a  Colonial 
by  birth,  may  be  permitted  to  say  that  in  my  opinion  the  rest  of 
the  British  Empire  has  the  right  to  be  proud  of  the  part  which  has 
been  and  is  being  played  in  this  War  by  the  men  of  the  Old  Country." 

IF  during  October  Australians  were  exercised  in  mind  over  what 

seemed  to  them  to  be  political  wrangling  in  Great  Britain,  they  will, 

we    fear,  be  still   more  exercised    over  the  events  of 

fr.  r  November,  unless  they  have  taken  to  heart  Mr.  Bonar 

3/cL  .AstiR 

Law's  shrewd  diagnosis  of  the  situation.     A  month 

that  has  witnessed  the  resignation  of  a  second  Cabinet  Minister, 
with  the  resultant  explanation — a  series  of  acrimonious  debates  in 
both  Houses  of  Parliament,  the  ventilation  of  differences  of  opinion 
in  Government  circles,  the  suppression  of  a  newspaper,  and  still  further 
controversy  on  the  subject  of  recruiting — may  well  seem  to  confirm 
onlookers  in  their  earlier  opinions.  But  the  net  result  of  this 
somewhat  stormy  period  has  undoubtedly  been  not  only  a  very  con- 
siderable strengthening  of  the  Mother  Country's  resolve  to  prosecute 
the  War  to  a  victorious  finish,  but  also  a  speeding-up  of  the  machinery 
by  which  it  is  hoped  to  achieve  this  end.  In  common  with  our  fellow 
subjects  overseas  many  people  in  this  country  wish  that  the  result 
could  have  been  attained  by  other  means.  For  this  reason  it  is  well  that 
the  controversies  should  not  be  glossed  over,  but  that  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind  how  this  wrangling — even  though  it  be  not  actually  partisan, 
but  merely  over  details — strikes  others. 

SUCH  controversy  as  there  has  been,  it  must  be  repeated,  is  con- 
cerned solely  with  the  conduct  of  the  War — past,  present,  and  future. 
The  month  of  November  opened  with  a  long  pronounce- 
e    ledge     men^  on  thds  subject,  in  all  its  three  aspects,  by  the 
Prime  Minister.     Mr.  Asquith  reviewed  the  course   of 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND   COMMENTS.  861 

the  War  with  special  reference  to  the  Dardanelles  Expedition  and  the 
situation  in  the  Balkans.  As  both  these  matters  have  continued 
to  be  eagerly  canvassed  throughout  the  month,  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  Premier's  statement  was  not  regarded  as  conclusive.  The 
first  challenge  came  on  the  heels  of  it  when  Sir  Edward  Carson,  rising 
in  the  House  after  Mr.  Asquith,  set  forth  the  reasons  which  had  led 
him  to  resign  the  portfolio  of  Attorney-General.  His  indictment 
against  the  Government  was  twofold  :  that  a  Cabinet  of  22  members 
was  too  cumbrous  a  machine  for  carrying  on  a  war  under  present 
conditions,  and  that  the  Government's  policy  in  the  Balkans  amounted 
to  a  betrayal  of  Serbia  in  view  of  the  pledge  given  by  Sir  Edward 
Grey  on  September  28.  The  surprise  of  the  debate  came  when  the 
Foreign  Secretary  repudiated  the  charge  that  there  had  been  any  delay 
in  helping  Serbia,  and  went  on  to  explain  the  promise  he  had  given 
five  weeks  previously.  That  promise,  he  maintained,  was  not  the  un- 
conditional undertaking  that  had  been  read  into  his  words.  It  had 
reference  to  "a  request  from  Greece  to  send  a  certain  definite  number 
of  men  to  Salonika  for  the  express  purpose  of  enabling  Greece  to 
fulfil  her  treaty  obligations  to  Serbia  ",  while  the  expression  "without 
reserve  and  qualification  "  meant  that  the  Allies  would  waive  the 
concessions  to  Bulgaria  which  they  had  previously  required  from 
Serbia  and  Greece  in  order  "  to  realise  Balkan  unity  ".  In  the  circum- 
stances it  was  fortunate  that  Sir  Edward  Grey  could  assure  the  House 
that  the  official  communications  to  the  Serbian  Government  were  not 
based  on  his  utterances  in  Parliament,  and  that  consequently  the 
promise  of  September  28  had  not  necessarily  misled  the  Serbians  as 
it  had  the  Foreign  Secretary's  own  countrymen 

SIR  EDWARD  CARSON'S  objection  to  the  unwieldy  size  of  the  Cabinet 
as  an  organisation  for  carrying  on  the  War  had  already  been  met  by 

Mr.  Asquith,  who  announced  that,  while  he  considered 
.£ .  it  desirable  to  maintain  the  ultimate  responsibility  of 

of  the  War  ^e  Cabinet,  &  na(i  been  decided  to  appoint  a  Committee 

of  the  Cabinet  to  whom  "  the  strategic  conduct  of  the 
War  "  would  be  referred.  The  Committee  would  have  the  power 
"  to  summon  to  its  deliberation  and  to  its  assistance  the  particular 
Ministers  concerned  with  the  particular  Departments  whose  special 
knowledge  is  needed  or  is  desirable  for  the  determination  of  each  issue 
as  it  arises".  The  Committee  has  since  been  appointed,  and  in  the 
absence  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  War  consists  of  the  Prime  Minister, 
the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  the  Minister  for  Munitions,  the 

3  M  2 


862  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 
An  important  development  rendered  possible  by  the  appointment  of 
this  Committee  was  subsequently  announced.  The  Governments 
of  Great  Britain  and  France  had  decided  to  form  an  Allied  War 
Council  of  Ministers  of  the  Crown  and  Ministers  of  the  Republic  sitting 
together.  At  the  same  time  the  British  General  Staff  was  to  be 
strengthened,  and  would  exchange  officers  with  the  French  General 
Staff.  The  Allied  War  Council,  with  a  view  to  controlling  and  directing 
the  conjoint  military  and  naval  operations,  will  utilise  the  expert 
advice  of  the  United  General  Staffs.  At  first  only  Great  Britain  and 
France  will  be  represented  on  the  Council,  but  it  is  hoped  that  Russia 
and  Italy  will  ultimately  co-operate.  The  first  meeting  of  the  Allied 
War  Council  took  place  in  Paris  during  the  third  week  of  November. 
Its  deliberations,  we  may  hope,  will  have  marked  the  beginning  of  a 
more  vigorous  policy  in  the  Near  East. 

BEFORE  these  significant  developments  in  the  direction  of  the  War 
had  materialised,  Lord  Kitchener  had  suddenly  left  his  post  at  the  War 
Office  to  undertake  a  special  mission  to  the  Eastern 
Lord  Mediterranean.     In  the  course  of  a  subsequent  debate 

in  the  m  ^e  House  of  Lords  it  was  stated  by  Lord  Lansdowne 

Near  East.  *na*  *he  report  made  by  General  Sir  Charles  Monro, 
who  had  been  sent  to  succeed  Sir  Ian  Hamilton  at  the 
Dardanelles,  "and  the  evidence  which  came  with  it,  did  not  seem  to  us 
(the  Government)  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  come  to  a  conclusion  upon 
the  great  questions  of  policy  involved,  and  for  that  reason  we  deter- 
mined to  ask  Lord  Kitchener  to  visit  the  Eastern  Mediterranean". 
Lord  Kitchener's  verdict  on  Sir  Charles  Monro' s  recommendations 
will  have  been  considered  at  the  War  Council  in  Paris,  and  will,  no 
doubt,  be  known  in  due  course .  His  mission  to  the  Near  East,  however, 
would  have  been  incomplete,  if  he  had  left  the  situation  in  regard 
to  'Greece  in  the  indeterminate  stage  in  which  it  was  when  he  set  out. 
The  part  played  by  the  British  Secretary  of  State  for  War  in  the 
negotiations  with  Greece  can  only  be  surmised.  His  audience  of 
King  Constantine  followed  the  announcement  that  the  Allied  Fleets 
were  about  to  impose  disabilities  on  Greek  trade,  and  we  know  now 
that  Greece  has  returned  a  satisfactory  answer  to  the  Allies'  demands. 
Whether  that  represents  the  final  phase  in  Greece's  relations  with 
the  Entente  Powers  remains  to  be  seen.  If  it  does,  Greece  has  been 
treated  with  remarkable  leniency.  By  dissolving  the  Chamber  and 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.  863 

ordering  fresh  elections,  while  the  army  is  mobilised,  King  Constantino 
continued  to  carry  out  the  programme  which  the  German  Govern- 
ment assured  King  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria  would  be  adopted  by 
Greece.  At  the  same  time  the  betrayal  of  the  Serbians  as  the  result 
of  the  King's  refusal  to  allow  M.  Venizelos  to  honour  Greece's  treaty 
of  alliance  with  Serbia  remains  and  has  gravely  prejudiced  the  position 
of  the  Allies. 

PROGRESS  in  the  Cameroon  campaign  continues  to  be  made,  but 
it  is  necessarily  of  a  slow  nature.  Towards  the  end  of  October, 
however,  two  important  towns  were  captured,  Bamenda 
on  October  22  and  Banyo  two  days  later.  Both  these 
towns  are  in  the  territory  marching  with  Nigeria, 
Bamenda  being  thirty  miles  from  the  frontier,  Banyo  nearly  three 
times  that  distance.  The  latter  town  is  at  the  junction  of  two  main 
roads  leading  from  the  Benue  River  and  commands  a  number  of 
routes  to  the  south.  On  November  3,  Tibati,  which  with  Banyo  and 
Ngaundere  formed  the  chief  towns  of  the  Emirate  of  Adamaua,  fell  to 
an  Anglo-French  force.  From  Banyo  the  enemy  had  withdrawn  south- 
wards to  a  mountain  favourably  situated  for  defence  purposes,  where, 
in  the  words  of  the  official  report,  all  necessary  preparations  had 
been  made  with  a  view  to  holding  on  until  the  end  of  the  War.  This 
stronghold,  however,  was  taken  on  November  6,  the  garrison,  con- 
sisting of  twenty- three  Europeans  and  200  rank  and  file,  having  broken 
and  scattered  during  a  thunderstorm  the  previous  night.  With  this 
success  the  troops  under  Brigadier-General  F.  H.  G.  Cunliffe  will 
probably  have  disposed  of  the  last  of  the  enemy's  organised  forces  in 
the  Northern  Cameroon.  In  the  south,  where  Major-General  C.  M. 
Dobell  commands  the  Allied  forces,  two  expeditions  are  converging  on 
Yaunde :  one  consisting  of  British  troops  from  the  west,  the  other  of 
French  troops,  advancing  from  French  Equatorial  Africa,  who  are 
approaching  the  town  from  the  east  and  south-east. 

ALTHOUGH  His  Majesty's  Government  discovered  cogent  reasons 

against  holding  the  Imperial  Conference  this  year,  it  was  not  intended 

that    its    decision    should    preclude    all    consultation 

"T"  "       1 

lm  between  the  Home  Cabinet  and  the  Governments  of 

the  self-governing  Dominions.  Apart  from  the  under- 
taking that  the  Government  will  consult  the  Prime 

Minister  of  each  Dominion  "  fully  and,  if  possible,  personally,  when 


864  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

the  time  arrives  to  discuss  possible  terms  of  peace  ",  a  general  invitation 
was  issued  last  September  to  the  Dominion  Premiers  to  come  to 
London  at  any  time  convenient  to  them  to  discuss  matters  of  common 
interest  with  the  Imperial  Government.  When  the  Prime  Minister 
of  New  Zealand  proposed  to  follow  the  precedent  set  by  Sir  Eobert 
Borden,  the  Imperial  Government  improved  upon  its  general  in- 
vitation by  suggesting  to  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  Commonwealth 
that  he  should  make  his  visit  coincide  with  that  of  Mr.  Massey.  With 
the  warm  approval  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Hughes 
has  accepted  the  invitation,  and  the  informal  conference  may  be 
expected  to  take  place  in  February.  Mr.  Massey  will  be  accom- 
panied by  his  Minister  of  Finance,  Sir  Joseph  Ward,  representing 
the  other  party  in  the  Coalition  Government.  Mr.  Hughes  stated 
that  he  understood  that  Sir  Robert  Borden  had  also  been  invited  to 
visit  England  at  the  same  time.  In  these  circumstances  we  may  be 
sure  that  the  Imperial  Government  will  have  tried  to  secure  the 
attendance  of  General  Botha  as  well,  in  order  that  the  consultation 
shall  be  as  representative  as  possible,  without  in  any  way  challenging 
its  previous  veto  on  "  a  normal  conference  with  all  the  paraphernalia 
of  resolutions,  protracted  sittings,  and  resulting  blue-books".  The 
situation  in  South  Africa,  however,  may  seem  sufficiently  indeterminate 
to  General  Botha  to  prevent  him  from  committing  himself  at  this 
moment  to  a  definite  undertaking  to  come  to  England.  By  January, 
it  should  be  possible  for  him  to  form  some  idea  of  the  probable  course 
of  events  in  Parliament  and  in  the  country  as  a  result  of  the  new 
grouping  of  parties  brought  about  by  the  recent  elections.  Of  the 
popularity  in  Great  Britain  of  a  visit  from  General  Botha  there  can 
be  no  doubt ;  but  his  work  lies  in  the  Union,  and  it  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  it  would  be  politic  for  him  to  be  absent  at  this  juncture, 
even  for  two  or  three  months  only. 

ME.  M ASSET'S  original  intention  had  been  to  arrive  in  England 

before  the  end  of  the  year,  but  State  affairs  have  detained  him  in 

the   Dominion.    New   Zealand's   contribution  to    the 

New  Imperial  forces  was  fixed  at  first  at  8,000  men,  but  this 

Zealand's  number  was  soon  found  to  fall  short  of  the  Dominion's 
War  Service.  .  .  .  ,,  , 

capabilities,  and  28,000  men  in  all  have  been  sent  to 

the  War,  while  10,000  more  are  in  training.  The  number  of  the 
troops  in  training,  however,  is  not  sufficient  to  meet  the  normal 
wastage,  if  the  New  Zealand  contingent  is  to  be  kept  at  its  high- 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  865 

water  mark.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Mother  Country,  recruiting  showed 
signs  of  falling  off,  and  the  Government  was  confronted  with  a  demand 
for  compulsory  service.  Recourse  was  had  first  to  national  registration 
on  the  lines  familiar  to  this  country,  but  with  a  wider  age  margin 
and  with  terms  of  inquiry  of  a  more  comprehensive  character.  In 
commending  the  measure  the  Premier  pointed  out  that  the  duty  of 
New  Zealand  must  be  gauged  not  by  what  had  been  done  or  planned, 
but  by  the  country's  ability  and  capacity.  They  must  send  every 
man  who  could  be  spared  without  injuring  the  great  primary  indus- 
tries, which  had  to  be  maintained.  Unlike  the  Imperial  Government, 
Mr.  Massey  allowed  no  ambiguity  to  arise  regarding  the  question 
of  compulsory  service.  Personally,  he  said,  he  was  not  in  favour 
of  it,  but  the  Government  would  not  hesitate  to  enforce  it,  if  they 
were  unable  to  find  the  required  number  of  men  by  the  voluntary 
method.  It  is  partly  in  order  to  watch  the  effect  of  the  National 
Registration  that  Mr.  Massey  has  postponed  his  departure  for  England. 
In  the  meantime  the  Government  has  been  able  to  give  a  further 
earnest  of  its  determination  by  checking  a  tendency  among  some  of 
the  able-bodied  population  to  emigrate  in  the  face  of  the  possibility 
of  compulsory  service.  A  regulation  has  been  gazetted  to  the  effect 
that  no  male  between  18  and  45  years  of  age  shall  be  permitted  to 
leave  the  Dominion  for  places  overseas  without  a  military  permit. 
The  question  of  compulsory  service  has  been  mooted  in  Australia  also, 
but  the  Federal  Government  has  shown  no  inclination  to  favour 
the  proposal.  A  stage,  however,  has  been  reached  when  recruiting 
requires  to  be  stimulated.  If  the  rally  now  in  progress  does  not 
produce  the  necessary  results,  use  will  be  made  of  the  War 
census  papers  on  the  lines  initiated  by  Lord  Derby  in  the  United 
Kingdom. 

THE  outbreak  of  the  War  found  the  relations  between  the  Federal 

and  the  State  Governments  in  Australia  one  of  the  political  questions  of 

the  day.     An  attempt  to  strengthen  the  position  of  the 

The  Federal  Government  had  been  defeated  on  a  referendum 

in  1913,  but,  coming  into  office  with  the  War  in  progress, 

m  J-*-USll*£Hl£t.     ,        T     .  T^  ..  ... 

the  Labour  Party  found  fresh  arguments  in  favour  of 
amending  the  Constitution  on  the  lines  that  it  had  advocated  two  years 
previously.  There  was  much  to  be  said  for  the  desire  to  deal  with 
profits  arising  out  of  the  War,  to  regulate  prices,  and  to  prevent  indi- 
vidual States  from  acquiring  control  of  the  necessaries  of  life  to  the 


866  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND  COMMENTS. 

prejudice  of  other  parts  of  the  Commonwealth.  But  it  would  be 
natural  that  the  Federal  Government  in  resorting  to  the  referendum 
should  seek  to  obtain  the  endorsement  of  other  political  beliefs  which 
are  not  so  closely  connected  with  the  War.  In  any  case,  the  plea  that 
the  exigencies  of  the  War  rendered  the  referendum  necessary  met  with 
a  vigorous  challenge:  not  so  much  because  the  proposed  amendments 
were  objected  to,  but  because  the  referendum  was  essentially  a  political 
device  and  could  not  be  carried  through  without  arousing  the  keenest 
controversy,  which  ought  to  be  assisted  in  the  face  of  the  Imperial 
crisis.  In  the  end,  this  contention  won  the  day.  As  the  result  of 
a  compromise,  which  reflects  considerable  credit  on  the  good  sense 
of  all  concerned,  the  referendum  has  been  postponed.  It  has  been 
decided  that  the  State  Governments  shall  ask  their  respective  Parlia- 
ments to  grant  to  the  Commonwealth  during  the  War  and  for  one  year 
after  the  declaration  of  peace  the  powers  sought  by  the  referendum, 
with  certain  limitations.  Thus  the  Federal  Government  will  probably 
be  given  the  authority  it  required  in  order  to  deal  with  certain  conditions 
arising  out  of  the  War,  but  the  country  will  have  been  spared  much 
political  bickering  and  subsequent  party  bitterness. 

IN  spite  of  the  national  goodwill  which  speeded  it  on  its  course, 
Lord  Derby's  recruiting  scheme  is  only  being  steered  through  troubled 
waters  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  we  may  add, 
TfH  Prol3l.enl  thanks  to  the  skill  and  tact  of  the  officer  in  command. 
Apart  from  the  Scylla  and  Charybdis  of  obstacles  inherent 
in  the  system,  the  channel  has  been  strewn  with  mines  of  wholly  super- 
fluous talk.  The  essence  of  the  scheme  was  that  men  enlisted  should 
be  called  up  according  to  a  definite  rotation,  the  single  men  being 
summoned  first.  As  the  voluntary  method  of  recruiting  was  to 
stand  or  fall  by  the  results  of  Lord  Derby's  campaign,  it  was  obvious 
that  the  attitude  of  the  single  men  of  the  nation  formed  the  crux  of 
the  situation.  To  enlist  married  men  on  the  understanding  that  they 
would  not  be  called  up  until  the  single  men  had  been  exhausted,  and 
then  to  call  them  up  at  once,  because  there  were  so  few  single  men  to 
draw  upon,  would  have  constituted  a  clear  breach  of  faith.  Mr. 
Asquith's  attention  was  called  to  this  point,  and  on  November  2  he 
gave  what  was  regarded  as  the  Government's  ruling.  Married  men 
were  to  "  disabuse  themselves  of  the  idea  "  that  they  would  be  called 
upon  to  serve  while  younger  and  unmarried  men  are  holding  back 
and  not  doing  their  duty.  "  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  ",  added  Mr. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS.          867 

Asquith,  "  I  should  certainly  say  the  obligation  of  the  married  man 
to  enlist  ought  not  to  be  enforced  or  binding  upon  him  unless  and  until 
— I  hope  by  voluntary  effort,  and  if  not  by  some  other  means — the 
unmarried  men  are  dealt  with  first." 

WHETHER  Sir  Edward  Grey's  historic  explanation  of  his  pledge 
to  Serbia  is  to  have  the  effect  of  subjecting  all  subsequent  statements 
of  the  Government's  intentions  to  a  very  searching 
analysis  remains  to  be  seen.  The  nation  as  a  whole — 
'at  least,  in  regard  to  a  question  of  paramount  national 
importance — has  been  apt  to  accept  a  pronouncement  from  the  Prime 
Minister  as  a  statement  of  the  Government's  intentions.  Certain 
politicians  of  a  more  cautious  disposition,  however,  wished  to  have 
Mr.  Asquith's  ruling  on  compulsory  service  for  unmarried  men  con- 
firmed, without  reference  to  his  personal  views,  and  the  latter  authorised 
on  November  12  the  following  commentary  upon  his  remarks  in  Parlia- 
ment :  '*  The  Prime  Minister  on  that  occasion  pledged  not  only 
himself  but  his  Government,  when  he  stated  that  if  younger  men  did 
not,  under  the  stress  of  national  duty,  come  forward  voluntarily,  other 
and  compulsory  means  would  be  taken  before  the  married  men  were 
called  upon  to  fulfil  their  engagement  to  serve."  A  few  days  later 
when  Mr.  Asquith  was  asked  in  the  House  of  Commons  whether  he 
was  aware  "  that  many  married  men  are  now  enlisting  in  the  belief 
that  not  one  of  them  will  be  called  up  until  every  unmarried  man  in 
the  country  is  called  up  ",  he  replied  that  he  did  not  know  why  that 
belief  should  be  entertained,  and  pointed  out  in  answer  to  further 
questions  that  there  must  be  cases  of  unmarried  men  who  "  ought 
not  to  go,"  and  that  "  compulsion  cannot  be  decided  on  except  with 
the  assent  of  Parliament  ".  Mr.  Asquith  left  for  France  immediately 
after  these  jeplies ;  and  before  the  misgivings  aroused  by  his  words 
could  be  removed  by  an  authoritative  statement  from  him,  a  marked 
set-back  was  experienced  in  the  recruiting  campaign.  Fortunately, 
Lord  Derby  was  not  the  man  to  tolerate  any  "  explanation  ",  which  would 
have  the  effect  of  modifying  the  pledge  originally  given ;  and  imme- 
diately on  Mr.  Asquith's  return  to  England  the  Director  of  Kecruiting 
secured  a  very  clear  definition  of  the  Government's  intentions.  With 
Parliament  will  still  rest  the  onus  of  enforcing  conscription,  but 
it  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  avoid  placing  the 
issue  before  it  without  the  least  delay  after  the  results  of  Lord  Derby's 
campaign  are  known.  In  view  of  the  delay  caused  by  these  ambigui- 


868  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

ties  the   time-limit   for   the   campaign   has   now    been  advanced  to 
December  11. 

THE  position  in  Russia  has  not  undergone  any  fundamental  change 
during  the  last  month,  but  such  shifting  of  the  forces,  as  there  has  been, 

is  wholly  unfavourable  to  Germany.    In  the  north  the 

{  great  Hindenburg  offensive  against  Dvinsk  and  Riga 

CanrDaien        ^as  come  definitely  to  an  end  ;  indeed,  the  tide  has  so 

far  turned  that  the  Russian  armies  have  pushed  the 
Germans  back,  and  the  Germans  have  admitted  their  retirement. 
In  the  middle  of  the  line  which  reaches  from  the  Baltic  to 
Bukovina  there  has  been  little  change  and  no  very  pronounced 
activity.  In  the  south,  the  Russian  army  that  covers  Rovno  has 
shown  considerable  activity,  and  the  losses  of  their  opponents  in 
this  region  have  been  unusually  heavy.  The  Russians  are  faced 
here  mainly  by  Austro-Hungarian  troops  with  a  stiffening  of 
Prussians,  and  the  shortage  of  men  fighting  for  the  Central  Powers 
has  become  somewhat  conspicuous  in  the  Galician  campaign.  Against 
the  shortage  of  men,  however,  on  the  one  side,  must  be  set  the 
shortage  of  munitions  on  the  other  ;  but  there  is  this  profound 
difference  between  the  two :  that  the  shortage  of  men  cannot  be 
repaired,  or  can  at  most  be  repaired  by  calling  up  middle-aged  men 
of  doubtful  military  efficiency ;  while  the  shortage  of  munitions  on  the 
Russian  side  is  being  gradually  made  good,  and  the  increase  of  offen- 
sive power  in  the  hands  of  our  Ally  is,  therefore,  contemporaneous 
with  a  diminution  of  defensive  power  in  the  hands  of  our  enemy.  It 
may  be  some  months  before  the  full  consequences  of  this  change  are 
seen,  but  we  are  justified  in  believing  that,  be  the  period  short  or  long, 
the  result  is  now  certain.  Russia  has  come  triumphantly  through 
her  reverses,  and  can  contemplate  the  future  with  equanimity. 

EVENTS  in  the  Balkans  have   dominated  the  military  situation 
during  the  last  month.     It  is  beside  the  point  whether  the  Geiman 
thrust  across  the  Danube  was  undertaken  as  an  offset 
e  to  the  failure  of   the  western  and  eastern  campaigns, 

the  Balkans  or  wne^ner  ^  formed  part  of  Germany's  original  scheme 
and  was  at  last  undertaken  when  the  Entente  Powers 
were  supposed  to  be  held  on  the  two  other  fronts.  The  only  con- 
sideration now  is  that  the  movement  introduces  two  new  factors 
which  the  Allied  Governments  cannot  ignore :  it  threatens  the  exis- 


EDITORIAL  NOTES   AND  COMMENTS.  869 

tence  of  Serbia  as  a  nation,  and  it  opens  the  door  to  the  establishment 
of  unimpeded  communication  between  Berlin  and  Constantinople. 
If  anything  were  required  to  emphasise  the  shortage  of  troops  at  the 
Empire's  disposal  it  would  be  the  hesitation  of  the  British  Government 
to  embark  on  a  new  campaign  for  the  rescue  of  Serbia.  But,  fortu- 
nately, French  determination  overcame  this  hesitation — not  indeed  in 
time  to  prevent  the  Austro-German  and  Bulgarian  forces  from  over- 
running Serbia — and  a  whole-hearted  attempt  is  now  being  made  to 
meet  the  obligations  of  the  Entente  Powers  to  their  sorely  stricken 
Ally. 

THE  result  of  the  failure  of  the  Entente  Powers  to  prepare  for  all 
eventualities  in  the  Near  East  has  been  disastrous  to  the  Serbians. 
As  they  watch  the  Austro-German  and  Bulgarian 
forces  overrunning  the  country  with  almost  unerring 
precision,  the  Allies  may  well  blame  themselves  for  not 
having  taken  the  measure  of  the  enemy's  preparations.  They  will 
be  spared,  however,  any  recriminations  from  Serbia,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  at  the  time  when  Bulgaria's  adhesion  to  the  Entente  Powers 
might  have  been  secured  at  a  price,  it  was  Serbia  primarily  who 
prevented  that  price  being  made .  Her  hesitation  was  not  unreasoning ; 
for,  greatest  of  ironies,  it  was  based  in  part  on  loyalty  to  her  treaty 
with  Greece,  which  King  Constantine  had  no  scruples  in  repudiating. 
When  eventually  the  Serbian  Government  was  prepared  to  make 
every  sacrifice,  it  was  too  late.  The  sequel — though  not  without 
other  antecedent  causes — is  seen  in  the  passing  of  practically  all 
Serbia  into  the  enemy's  hands.  The  Serbian  army  has  put  up  a 
gallant  fight,  but  in  the  end  the  northern  and  southern  sections  have 
failed  to  effect  a  junction,  and  the  troops  from  the  north  have  had 
to  pass  into  Montenegro  and  Albania.  At  the  time  of  writing 
the  southern  army  is  holding  its  own  in  Monastir,  and  may  yet 
avoid  being  driven  wholly  or  in  part  across  the  Greek  frontier. 
The  Entente  Powers,  it  is  understood,  are  now  resolved  to  accept 
the  German  challenge  in  the  Balkans,  and  count  eventually  on 
having  an  army  there  strong  enough  to  reverse  the  tables  on  the 
enemy.  The  limited  forces  already  sent  by  the  French  and  British 
Governments  have  achieved  all  that  could  be  expected  from  their 
numbers.  But  the  process  of  landing  large  bodies  of  troops  is  a  slow 
one  and  the  invaders  of  Serbia  are  well  led.  A  task  naturally  difficult 
has  been  intensified  by  the  lateness  of  the  Allies'  entry  into  the  field. 


870  EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS. 

As  the  object  of  the  Entente  Powers  in  breaking  Prussian  mili- 
tarism is  to  vindicate  the  principle  of  nationality  in  Europe,  many 

people  realised  that  at  the  end  of  the  War  Great  Britain's 
e  yprus  re^en^jon  of  Cyprus  might  be  challenged.  In  some 

quarters  it  was  held  to  be  not  improbable  that,  as 
the  principle  would  entail  various  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  the  Balkan 
States,  the  British  Government  might  feel  obliged  to  set  an  example 
in  the  case  of  Cyprus.  Few  people,  however,  will  have  anticipated 
that,  when  Cyprus  came  to  be  offered  to  Greece,  it  would  be  accord- 
ing to  the  policy  adopted  by  Punch's  bridge-player  who  discarded 
from  fright.  The  idea  of  ceding  Cyprus  to  Greece,  not  in  conformity 
with  the  principle  of  nationality,  but  merely  as  a  bribe  to  induce  her 
to  honour  her  pledge  to  Serbia,  appeals  to  no  one — least  of  all,  we  may 
feel  certain,  to  the  Government  who  made  the  proposal.  But  the 
position  in  the  Balkans  was  critical  and — the  offer  was  made.  Greece 
rejected  the  offer,  which  at  once  lapsed,  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  one 
in  the  British  Empire  with  the  exception  of  a  few  Greeks  in  Cyprus. 
In  regard  to  the  principle  of  nationality  it  may  be  pointed  out  that 
territorial  changes  based  upon  it  would  presuppose  the  existence 
of  distinct  disabilities  among  the  subject  population  concerned.  The 
Greek  element  in  Cyprus  can  lay  claim  to  no  such  grievances.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  transfer  of  the  island  to  Greece  would  be  likely 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Moslem  minority  to  impose  grave  dibabilities 
on  them,  and  to  this  extent  introduce  a  breach  of  the  principle  of 
nationality.  Other  reasons  can  be  urged  in  favour  of  the  retention 
of  Cyprus  by  Great  Britain,  but  if  its  fate  is  to  be  decided  by  con- 
siderations of  justice,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  end  desired 
will  be  attained  by  subjecting  the  Mohammedan  Cyp riots  to  Greek 
rule. 

AFTER  their  defeat  at  Es  Sinn,  near  Kut-el- Amara,  on  September  29, 
the  Turkish  forces  retreated  hurriedly  in  the  direction  of   Bagdad, 
and  were  known  to  have  taken  up  a  position  at  Ctesi- 
.    e  phon,  eighteen  miles  south  of  the  city,  where  a  series 

Bae-dad  °^  mounds  offers  favourable  ground  for  defence.     Ac- 

cording to  the  testimony  of  officers  in  the  Expeditionary 
Force,  the  Turkish  leadership  is  not  bad,  the  regulars  fight  well  and 
steadily,  and  are  "  sticking  to  the  campaign  wonderfully  " .  The  Turkish 
regiments,  together  with  the  guns  which  escaped  capture  at  Es  Sinn, 


EDITORIAL  NOTES  AND  COMMENTS.  871 

arrived  at  Ctesiphon  practically  intact,  and  by  the  time  the  British 
troops  reached  the  position  on  November  22  they  had  been  able  to 
fortify  it  to  some  advantage.  As  the  result  of  a  whole  day's  fighting, 
however,  the  enemy  was  once  more  routed,  and  General  Townshend's 
Division,  with  General  Headquarters,  bivouacked  in  the  captured 
position  that  night.  The  following  night  heavy  counter-attacks  from 
the  enemy  were  successfully  repulsed  ;  but  the  next  day  the  British 
force  was  obliged,  from  want  of  water,  to  withdraw  to  the  river,  three  or 
four  miles  in  the  rear.  Before  the  battle  of  Ctesiphon  the  Turks  had 
received  considerable  reinforcements,  and  no  less  than  four  divisions 
were  opposed  to  the  single  British  division  engaged.  In  these  circum- 
stances General  Nixon  may  decide  to  await  further  reinforcements 
before  attempting  to  reach  Bagdad. 

THE  South  African  Ministry    has  met    Parliament,   which  was 
opened  with  the  usual  ceremony  on  November  19  by  the  Governor- 
General,  with  its  composition  and  the  distribution  of 
Che  South       j^s   portfolios  unaltered.     Two   of  the   Ministers   who 
A    ican  were  unseated}   ]y[j.    Burton  and   Mr.    de   Wet,   have 

been  returned  at  by-elections  for  Klip  River  and 
Potchefstroom  respectively ;  but  it  seems  probable  that  Mr.  Theron 
will  not  retain  his  position,  and  that  if  Mr.  Merriman  enters  the 
Cabinet  as  Minister  of  Finance,  vice  Sir  David  Graaff,  the  latter  may 
take  over  the  Lands  Office,  in  which  case  no  further  changes  would 
be  necessary.  There  is,  however,  an  uncomfortable  feeling  that  some 
rapprochement  with  the  Nationalists  is  impending,  and  that  one  of 
the  representatives  of  that  party  in  the  Free  State  may  find  his  way 
into  the  Ministerial  fold.  Anyone  who  is  acquainted  with  South 
African  politics  will  recognise  that  this  is  by  no  means  an  impossi- 
bility in  that  land  of  paradox.  The  unexpected  strength  exhibited 
by  the  Unionists  at  the  recent  elections  will  give  the  Dutch  furiously 
to  think,  and  should  they  consider  that  on  the  whole  it  is  the  wiser 
policy  for  them  to  close  their  ranks  we  should  not  be  greatly  surprised. 
Much  will  depend  on  General  Hertzog's  personal  attitude  ;  for  it 
would  be  too  complete  a  volte-face  to  admit  him  once  more  into  the 
Ministry,  and  he  would  probably  resent  an  invitation  being  given 
to  one  of  his  supporters.  The  situation  is  one  of  extraordinary 
interest,  and  the  eyes  of  the  whole  Empire  are  fixed  upon  General 
Botha,  who  has  played  so  noteworthy  and  honourable  a  part  in  the 


872  EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND   COMMENTS. 

recent  history  of  South  Africa  both  as  a  soldier  and  a  statesman. 
Meanwhile  the  first  trial  of  strength  between  the  Government  and 
its  Nationalist  opponents  has  taken  place  on  a  resolution  thanking 
the  Commander-in- Chief  and  his  officers  and  men  for  their  "  ability, 
devotion,  and  gallantry"  in  the  German  South- West  Africa  campaign. 
This  was  carried  by  85  votes  to  26  in  the  House  of  Assembly  and 
without  a  division  in  the  Senate. 

THE  new  American  Note,  which  reached  London  in  the  first  week 
of  last  month,  came  as  a  grievous  disappointment  to  British  people 

in  all  parts  of  the  Empire.     It  had  been  hoped  that 

^h®  the  nature  of  America's  quarrel  with  Germany  would 

merican        nave    induced    President    Wilson    to    appreciate    the 

futility  of  putting  pressure  upon  Great  Britain  to 
relax  her  sea  grip  upon  her  enemies.  But  President  Wilson  has 
surrendered  to  the  trade  and  political  interests  which  demand  further 
diplomatic  action  against  the  Allies.  The  sinking  of  the  Ancona  by 
an  enemy  submarine  has  supplied  the  best  possible  answer  to  the 
new  Note.  The  Allies  are  fighting  the  most  unscrupulous  of  enemies, 
and  it  is  idle  for  President  Wilson  on  the  one  hand  to  protest  against 
German  piracy  and  sea-murder  and  on  the  other  to  demand  that  we 
shall  tolerate  the  provisioning  of  Germany.  The  new  Note  "  main- 
tains the  right  to  sell  goods  into  the  general  stock  of  a  neutral  country  ", 
a  protest  against  the  policy  of  British  Prize  Courts  in  interfering 
with  all  cargoes  for  neutrals  which  are  destined  for  Germany.  But 
as  the  Note  practically  states  that  the  American  Government  refuses 
to  recognise  our  Prize  Courts,  complaints  against  individual  judg- 
ments of  those  Courts  seem  rather  ineffective.  The  Note  further 
objects  to  the  Order  in  Council  of  March  11  last,  the  object  of  which, 
in  the  words  of  Mr.  Asquith,  is  "  to  prevent  commodities  of  any  kind 
from  reaching  or  leaving  Germany  ".  The  Note  repudiates  our  right 
to  adopt  retaliatory  measures  and  denies  that  the  Law  of  Nations, 
as  expounded  during  the  Napoleonic  and  Crimean  Wars,  is  legitimately 
developed  owing  to  the  appearance  of  the  submarine.  Agreement 
between  London  and  Washington  seems  impossible,  as  an  article  in 
this  issue  makes  clear.  But  it  is  quite  certain  that  a  vigorous  reply 
will  be  sent  by  Sir  Edward  Grey,  and  we  may  then  hope  that  America, 
having  made  her  protest,  will  turn  her  attention  from  "  juridical 
niceties  "  in  the  case  against  the  Allies  to  the  wanton  lawlessness 
committed  by  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary. 


EDITORIAL   NOTES    AND  COMMENTS.  873 

"  THE  financial  position  ",  said  Mr.  Asquith  early  in  the  month, 
"  is   serious."     (Incidentally,  the   Prime   Minister   contradicted    his 

colleague  Mr.  Runciman,  who,  as  President    of    the 
The  FinancialBoard  of  Trade,  confided  a  day  or  two  before  to   an 

American  reporter  that  the  financial  position  gave  no 
reason  for  anxiety.)  We  are  spending  nearly  five  millions  sterling 
a  day,  and  the  rate  of  expenditure  does  not  diminish.  The  country 
is  told  of  economies  that  are  made,  but  it  does  not  see  them,  and  it  is 
uneasily  conscious  of  the  fact  that  Members  of  Parliament  still  draw 
their  unearned  salaries,  and  that  the  retrenchment  committee  has  not 
met  for  two  months.  Some  classes  of  private  individuals  certainly 
have  economised — that  part  at  least  which  has  suffered  from  falling 
incomes  and  rising  prices  ;  but  the  bulk  of  the  community  are  spending 
as  much  as  ever,  and  two  classes  are  spending  more — the  skilled 
labourer  whose  work  is  now  at  a  premium  owing  to  shortage  of  labour, 
and  the  wives  of  soldiers  whose  separation  allowances  give  them  more 
money  than  they  have  ever  had  before.  Meantime  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  Government,  which  wishes  the  country  to  economise  (and 
even  professes  the  desire  to  economise  itself,  although  it  has  not  had  the 
energy  to  do  so)  has  not  pressed  forward  the  work  of  the  Parliamentary 
War  Savings  Committee.  An  admirable  little  book  was  drawn  up 
by  this  Committee,  printed  by  the  thousand,  and  prepared  for  whole- 
sale distribution — and  withdrawn,  or  at  least  so  far  concealed  as  to  be 
supplied  only  to  those  who  ask  for  it. 

IT  must  be  admitted  that  the  country  is  not  conscious  either  of 
financial  stringency  or  the  need  for  economy.  Gold  has  disappeared 

from  circulation;  but  paper  money  increases,  and 
trompu  Dry  p0ver^y  has  disappeared — as  was  only  to  be  expected 

when  we  began  to  live  handsomely  on  our  capital. 
Inflation  is  apparent  to  economists,  but  it  is  not  yet  a  serious  matter  : 
it  will  probably  only  become  noticeable  to  the  general  public  when 
the  next  War  Loan  is  paid  up  in  full.  And  the  existence  of  inflation 
will  be  brought  home  to  the  consumer  by  a  rise  in  prices,  which  will 
cause  him  to  protest  loudly,  while  laying  the  blame  on  the  wrong 
object.  He  will  denounce  his  local  tradesmen;  but  the  real  trouble 
comes  from  the  large  subscriptions  which  the  banks  make  of  their 
deposits  to  the  War  loan.  Early  next  year,  however,  the  movement 
in  favour  of  economy  will  be  enforced  by  two  causes:  In  the  first 
place,  the  Income-Tax  collection  will  take  large  sums  from  the  private 


874  EDITORIAL   NOTES   AND   COMMENTS. 

individual ;  in  the  second,  a  new  War  Loan  will  have  to  be  subscribed 
month  by  month.  It  is  a  pity  that  these  two  will  almost  inevitably 
clash,  for  the  Income-Tax  must  be  paid  by  the  end  of  March,  and 
the  flotation  of  the  third  War  Loan  can  scarcely  be  postponed  until 
the  beginning  of  April.  As  to  the  former,  much  of  the  yield  depends 
on  the  efficiency  with  which  the  tax  is  collected  from  the  new  class 
of  contributors — that  is  to  say,  the  class  which  receives  less  than 
£160  per  annum.  At  the  present  moment  the  prospects  hardly  seem 
hopeful,  and  there  is  some  danger  lest  the  yield  should  be  so  small, 
owing  to  inefficiency  of  collection,  that  it  should  be  declared  unprofitable 
by  the  official  world,  and  consequently  dropped.  The  proper  course,  in 
our  view,  would  have  been  for  the  collection  of  these  small  amounts 
to  have  been  charged  upon  the  employer,  as  is  done  in  the  case  of 
the  Insurance  Act,  and  it  is  possible  that  Mr.  McKenna  may  yet 
have  to  resort  to  this  obvious  and  simple  method. 

As  to  the  War  Loan,  some  doubts  of  its  success  are  expressed  in 

certain  quarters.    We  do  not  share  these  forebodings,  provided  the 

proper  course  is  taken.     The  loan  will  have  to  be  issued 

Lne  sx 6w         aj.  a  higher  ra^e  Of  interest  than  before — say  5  per  cent. 

War  Loan.       ,,  V1        ,  £ 

(but  nothing  like  the  rate,  more    than  o  per  cent., 

which  the  Allies  have  had  to  pay  for  accommodation  in  the  United 
States).  Payment  should  be  spread  out  over  a  longer  period  than 
the  last  loan,  half  of  which  was  collected  in  a  single  month  (August) 
— a  fact  which  obviously  led  to  some  selling  among  those  who  had 
miscalculated  their  savings.  If  the  loan  were  spread  out  over  six 
months,  with  the  payment  of  the  latter  instalments  heavier  than 
those  of  the  earlier,  in  order  to  give  people  time  to  save  after  paying 
their  Income-Tax  in  March  and  time  also  to  cut  down  their  expenditure 
and  to  terminate  existing  commitments,  there  need  be  no  serious 
fear  of  the  third  War  Loan  drawing  less  public  money  than  its 
immediate  predecessor.  The  large  contributions  of  the  banks, 
which  raised  the  last  loan  from  four  hundred  odd  million  to  well  over 
six  hundred  millions,  are  a  different  matter ;  but  on  this  important 
point,  no  doubt  a  conference  between  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
and  the  heads  of  the  banking  world  will  achieve  a  satisfactory 
arrangement. 


875 


NEUTRALS  AND  SEA-POWER. 

THE  diplomatic  correspondence  which  has  passed  between  the  British  and 
American  Governments  has  made  at  least  one  fact  abundantly  clear — namely, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  reconcile  the  interests  of  belligerents  and  neutrals  in 
war-time.  In  palmy  days  of  peace  and  internationalism  many  attempts  were 
made  so  to  spread  the  rule  of  International  Law  as  to  provide  a  full  code  to 
which  all  nations  should  conform  when  at  war.  In  1907  a  "  Peace  "  Conference 
— its  labours  mainly  concerned  the  conduct  of  war — elaborated  a  number  of 
conventions  to  provide  what  belligerents  might  and  might  not  do,  if  war  should 
break  out.  Nine  of  these  conventions  regulated  the  conduct  of  war  at  sea, 
and  one  of  them,  the  twelfth,  provided  for  the  establishment  of  an  International 
Prize  Court,  which  should  act  as  a  final  Court  of  Appeal  from  all  Prize  Courts 
of  belligerent  nations.  Then  by  the  notorious  Declaration  of  London  of  1909  a 
new  code  of  Prize  Law  was  set  up  which  this  International  Court  should  enforce. 
The  whole  scheme  was  perfect — in  theory.  War  was  to  be  made  polite  and 
innocuous ;  and  the  principal  concern  of  everybody,  whether  belligerent  or 
neutral,  was  to  be  to  carry  on  trade  as  usual  and  to  make  as  much  money  out 
of  the  war  as  possible.  The  idea  underlying  the  whole  plan  was  that,  if  we  under- 
took not  to  make  full  use  of  our  Navy,  we  should  be  able  to  reduce  our  arma- 
ments and  spend  the  money  upon  "  Social  Eeform  ".  The  late  Lord  Chancellor, 
Earl  Loreburn,  wrote  at  the  time  that  "  unless  some  agreement  can  be  reached, 
I  foresee  a  further  increase  in  the  burden  of  naval  armaments  ".* 

Looking  back,  one  is  tempted  to  blame  the  politicians,  diplomatists,  and 
lawyers  who  tried  to  pledge  their  country  to  agreements  of  this  kind,  especially 
as  they  were  undoubtedly  prepared  in  the  interests  of  the  great  military  powers. 
But  apart  from  the  fact  that  any  criticism  is  futile  now,  one  has  to  recognise 
that  the  ideas  underlying  these  proposed  agreements  were  almost  universally 
accepted  at  the  time.  When  the  Naval  Prize  Bill  (which  was  to  give  legal 
sanction  to  the  International  Prize  Court  and  the  Declaration  of  London)  was 
before  Parliament,  the  opposition  to  it  was  strenuous,  but  mainly  on  the 
ground  that  it  enabled  other  maritime  nations  to  interfere  with  our  own  trade, 
not  that  it  limited  our  rights  to  strangle  the  trade  of  our  enemies.  There  is  no 
gainsaying  that,  before  this  War,  people  generally  not  only  failed  to  understand 
the  vital  importance  of  Sea  Power,  but  also  honestly  believed  that  it  was 
possible  to  reconcile  the  obviously  conflicting  interests  of  belligerents  and 
neutrals  at  sea.  In  that  belief  they  were  willing  that  this  country  should 
manacle  its  fleet,  in  order  to  allow  neutral  traders  to  make  their  fortunes  by 
supplying  the  enemy  with  the  necessaries  of  life.  So  strong  was  this  belief  that, 
although  the  House  of  Lords  in  December  1911  had  rejected  the  Naval  Prize  Bill, 
our  Government  on  the  outbreak  of  war  adopted  the  Declaration  of  London 
(with  a  few  modifications  of  detail)  and  thus  attempted  to  fight  Germany 
according  to  the  arm-chair  rules  of  political,  diplomatic,  and  legal  theorists. 

*  Capture  at  Sea,  by  Earl  Loreburn,  p.  159. 

3  N 


876  NEUTRALS  AND  SEA-POWER. 

Experience  has  taught  us  a  bitter  lesson/  Most  of  these  agreements  are  now 
waste  paper,  and  most  of  us  now  realise  that  when  fundamental  issues  and  even 
national  existence  are  at  stake,  nations  act  foolishly  in  not  making  full  use  of 
their  natural  weapons.  We  have  learned  that  war  and  trade  are  not  good 
bed-fellows  :  in  other  words,  that  the  interests  of  belligerents  and  neutrals  are 
not  compatible. 

It  is  because  Great  Britain  and  her  Allies  have  realised  this  that  the  American 
Government  has  sent  protests  to  London.  For  my  part,  I  fully  believe  that  the 
Allies  enjoy  the  wholehearted  sympathy  of  the  great  bulk  of  the  American 
people  and  that  the  Notes  of  the  American  Government  are  concessions  to  the 
sordid  demands  of  certain  commercial  groups  in  America.  I  dismiss  all  cant 
about  the  American  Government  "  contending  for  nothing  less  high  and  sacred 
than  the  rights  of  humanity  ".*  The  American  Government  is  doing  nothing 
more  than  upholding  these  exploded  ideas  that  warfare  should  be  so  conducted 
as  to  afford  the  maximum  opportunity  for  trade  and  money-making.  It  is 
perfectly  clear  from  President  Wilson's  Notes  to  London,  and  especially  from 
the  last  Note  of  October  1915,  that  Washington  is  trying  to  force  the  Allies 
to  carry  out  the  foolish  and  impracticable  war  programme  laid  down  by  theorists 
in  times  of  peace  and  when  Internationalism  was  rife. 

Into  the  details  of  the  American  demands  there  is  no  need  to  enter  here. 
These  details  mainly  concern  the  experts  ;  if  the  public  will  only  understand 
the  principles  at  stake  and  insist  that  there  shall  be  no  surrender  of  these  vital 
principles,  the  details  may  safely  be  left  to  the  experts.  It  was  only  because 
the  public  did  not  understand  the  principles  of  Sea  Power  that  its  experts  in 
1907  were  instructed  to  advocate  at  the  Hague  Conference  "  the  desirability 
of  freeing  neutral  commerce  to  the  utmost  extent  possible  from  interference 
by  belligerent  Powers  "  and  "  to  abandon  the  principle  of  contraband  of  war 
altogether  ". 

The  uninitiated  may  be  impressed  by  the  spectacle  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment, crowned  with  the  halo  of  injured  innocence,  "  championing  the  integrity 
of  neutral  rights  "  f — to  say  nothing  of  the  interests  of  humanity  at  large.  But 
it  is  as  well  to  realise  that  America  was  herself  a  belligerent  twice  in  the  course 
of  the  last  century.  Many  of  Washington's  demands  upon  London  appear  in  a 
new  light  when  compared  with  the  policy  of  the  American  Government  during 
the  War  with  England  in  1812  and  the  American  Civil  War. 

One  of  America's  present  grievances  is  that  without  declaring  a  blockade 
of  Germany  we  have  instituted  a  "  sort  of  blockade".  Now  the  Declaration  of 
Paris  of  1856  (to  which,  by  the  way,  America  refused  to  be  a  party)  declared  that 
"  blockades  in  order  to  be  obligatory  must  be  effective  ".  This  was  always  the 
Law  of  Nations.  Because  the  "  sort  of  blockade  "  which  was  instituted  by  the 
British  Order  in  Council  of  March  11,  1915,  is  not,  in  the  opinion  of  America, 
"  effective  "  in  the  Baltic,  the  American  Note  states  that  it  "  cannot  be 
recognised  as  a  legal  blockade  by  the  United  States  ".  Assuming  for  a  moment 

*  President  Wilson's  second  Luaitania  Note  to  Germany,  June  II,  1915. 
|  President  Wilson's  Note  to  London  of  October  1915,  para.  35. 


NEUTRALS  AND  SEA-POWER.  877 

that  the  American  Government  is  technically  correct,  we  are  entitled  to  remind 
Washington  that  the  blockade  of  the  Southern  States  declared  by  the  American 
Government  in  1862  was  notoriously  ineffective,  as  America  then  had  practically 
no  fleet  to  enforce  it.  This  was  well  emphasised  by  The  Times  on  November  8  last, 
in  the  following  passage  :  "  Our  searches  of  American  ships  have,  it  seems, 
a  deterrent  effect  upon  American  trade.  Did  not  we  suffer  grievously  from 
kindred  injuries  in  the  Civil  War  ?  Do  Americans  forget  how  they  practically 
wiped  out  the  whole  trade  of  Lancashire  and  plunged  its  population  into  dire 
distress  ?  Did  we  complain  ?  No ;  their  sufferings  were  acute,  but  the 
sympathies  of  the  whole  English  democracy  remained  true  to  the  North." 

It  is  well  to  remind  ourselves  of  these  facts  now.  When  England  and 
America  were  at  war  in  1812  American  ships  sank  all  captured  British  ships,* 
a  wanton  infringement  of  the  accepted  Law  of  Nations,  which  demands  con- 
demnation in  a  Prize  Court  before  ships  or  cargoes  can  be  forfeited.  Any 
irregularities  that  our  ships  may  have  committed  in  this  War  are  as  nothing 
compared  with  those  in  the  record  of  America  as  a  belligerent.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  our  "  sort  of  blockade  "  is  justified,  as  the  Order  in  Council  itself  admits, 
on  "  an  unquestionable  right  of  retaliation  ".  It  infringes  no  principle  of  the 
Law  of  Nations.  And  even  if  the  American  contention  were  right,  it  is  undeni- 
able that  our  illegality  pales  before  that  of  the  American  blockade  of  1862. 
Finally,  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that,  by  not  insisting  on  the  confiscation  of 
all  enemy  property,  we  are  doing  far  less  than  the  Law  of  Nations  entitles 
us  to  do. 

Each  argument  in  the  American  Note  could  be  similarly  dealt  with.  But 
space  forbids  anything  like  a  complete  answer  here.  It  is  sufficient  for  me  to 
emphasise  the  facts  that  the  Law  of  Nations  is  not  a  complete  code,  that  the 
attempts  made  before  the  War  to  limit  the  rights  of  maritime  belligerents  were 
never  legalised  and  have  proved  hopelessly  impractical,  and  that  this  country 
has  infringed  no  principle  of  the  Law  of  Nations  which  has  established  itself  in  the 
course  of  history,  while  our  enemies  have  broken  the  laws  both  of  Nations  and  of 
Humanity.  It  is,  as  I  have  said,  impossible  to  reconcile  in  practice  the  interests 
of  belligerents  and  neutrals  in  sea  warfare,  and,  when  the  American  Government 
protests  against  alleged  technical  irregularities  on  our  part,  we  are  entitled  to 
recall  America's  own  record  and  to  ask  of  the  American  people  that  tolerance 
which  their  professed  friendship  entitles  us  to  expect  and  which  we  in  our  time 
as  neutrals  have  accorded  to  America  herself.  If  America  is  not  satisfied  with 
our  conduct  in  fighting  an  enemy  that  tears  up  treaties,  sinks  the  Lusitania, 
the  Arabic,  the  Ancona,  and  even  American  ships — well,  that  is  America's  con- 
cern. Above  all,  it  is  incumbent  on  British  people  to  understand  the  vital 
importance  of  Sea  Power  and  to  denounce  any  "  juridical  niceties  "  which 
prevent  us  from  making  full  legitimate  use  of  our  obvious  and  strongest 
weapon. 

CLAUD  MULLINS. 

*  See  Professor  Oppenheim's  International  Law,  vol.  ii.  p.  243. 

3  N  2 


878 


A  MODEL  PROTECTORATE :  GILBERT  AND  ELLICE  ISLANDS, 

CENTRAL  PACIFIC.* 

THE  title  of  this  short  article  was  chosen  by  the  writer  two  years  ago  on  paying 
a  first  visit  throughout  the  Protectorate. 

Since  the  days  of  E.  L.  Stevenson  and  Louis  Becke  little  has  been  written 
of  these  far-off  isles  ;  but  in  the  November  number  of  Blackwood's  Magazine 
for  1910,  an  interesting  article  appeared  on  Ocean  Island,  the  headquarters 
of  the  Protectorate,  by  a  former  Commissioner,  Mr.  Arthur  Mahaffy. 

The  Gilbert  and  Ellice  Protectorate  includes,  in  addition  to  Ocean  Island 
— known  for  its  rich  deposits  of  phosphate — sixteen  inhabited  islands  of  the 
Gilbert  Group,  nine  of  the  Ellice,  and  three  of  the  Union,  or  Tokelau  Group. 
The  Gilbert  Group  was  formerly  known  as  the  "  Line  Islands  ",  and  the  three 
groups  can  be  found,  on  a  reliable  map,  within  a  square  of  1,000,000  square 
miles  where  north,  south,  east,  and  west  meet  at  the  antipodes  from  England's 
fireside. 

With  the  single  exception  of  Ocean  Island — the  exposed  summit  of  a  sub- 
merged mountain — these  islands  are  coral  atolls,  covered  with  cocoa-nut-trees, 
and  are  divided  into  "  reef  islands  "  and  "  lagoon  islands  ".  In  the  former 
class  the  ocean  surf  breaks  within  a  few  hundred  feet  of  the  beach,  landings 
being  effected  in  surf-boats  or  native  canoes.  In  a  heavy  surf  there  is  danger 
in  either  method,  but  the  safer  is  the  canoe  ;  for  although  a  wetting  is  assured, 
and  very  possibly  a  capsize,  there  is  no  danger  from  a  blow  from  the  light 
canoe,  which  sinks  with  the  weight  of  water,  only  to  be  supported  to  shore  by 
the  natives,  who  are  amphibious,  and  who  have  never  been  known  to  leave 
a  helpless  European  to  the  mercy  of  the  surf  and  under -suck.  The  cumbrous 
surf-boat  may  land  its  passengers  in  safety  ;  but  many  fatal  accidents  have 
occurred  to  whites  and  natives  alike  owing  to  a  blow  from  the  overturned 
boat,  or  even  through  their  being  imprisoned  under  it  against  the  inhospitable 
coral  reef. 

In  lagoon  islands  the  circle  of  coral  formation  has  been  almost  completed  ; 
one  or  more  passages  being  left  by  the  action  of  the  tides,  often  assisted  by  the 
hand  of  man  in  the  form  of  dynamite.  The  entrances  to  these  lagoons  are 
generally  both  shallow  and  narrow,  seldom  navigable  for  vessels  drawing 
over  twelve  feet.  In  some  instances  they  are  twenty  miles  or  more  across, 

*  By  an  Order  in  Council  gazetted  November  12,  1915,  the  native  Governments  of  the  Gilbert 
and  Ellice  Islands,  which  were  proclaimed  as  British  Protectorates  in  1892,  have  been,  at  their 
own  desire,  annexed  to  His  Majesty's  Dominions.  They  are  to  be  known  as  the  Gilbert  and  Ellice 
Islands  Colony. 


A  MODEL  PROTECTORATE.  879 

fringed  by  low-lying  islets,  in  no  case  over  ten  feet  above  sea-level,  and 
seldom  exceeding  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  width.  The  island  of  Tabiteauea 
in  the  Southern  Gilberts  attains  a  quarter-circle  length  of  fifty  miles.  Tarawa, 
in  the  Northern  Gilberts,  extends  for  thirty  miles  in  a  three-quarter  circum- 
ference— a  ten -mile  reef,  with  a  passage  of  sixty -fathom  width,  completing 
the  circle  of  the  lagoon. 

A  bird's-eye  view  of  these  lagoon  islands  can  most  nearly  be  compared 
to  somewhat  indistinct  chicken-pox  scars,  the  fringe  of  cocoa-nut-trees  repre- 
senting the  still  unhealed  semicircles — the  cruel  reef,  with  its  narrow  passage, 
being  hidden  under  a  thin  coating  of  newly  formed  skin  in  the  form  of  the 
treacherous  wave. 

For  information  concerning  the  probable  descent  of  the  interesting  in- 
habitants of  these  groups,  reference  should  be  made  to  the  publications  of  Pro- 
fessor Macmillan  Brown.  To-day  a  state  of  "  Home  Eule  "  exists  which  is 
probably  unique  among  native  races  under  the  protection  of  the  British  Crown. 
With  their  own  code  of  native  laws,  revised  and  amended  by  a  King's  Eegulation, 
the  people  are  wisely  and  justly  ruled  by  their  own  councils  of  Chiefs  and 
Elders  under  the  advice  and  guidance  of  the  few  European  officials  who  assist 
the  Eesident  Commissioner  as  administrative  officers  in  charge  of  a  number 
of  islands. 

The  following  constitute  the  native  courts : — The  Native  Magistrate,  the 
Chief  of  Kaubere,  members  of  Kaubere,  the  Scribe,  the  Island  Police ;  other 
native  officials  being  the  prison  warder  and  wardress  and  hospital  orderly. 

The  "  Kaubere  "  (in  the  Ellice  Islands  "  Kaupoli ")  is  composed  of  Chiefs 
and  Elders,  the  number  varying  according  to  the  size  and  population  of  the 
island,  from  about  thirty-five  to  six  or  seven.  The  meetings  of  the  Kaubere 
are  called  the  "  Bowi,"  and  are  held  monthly,  though  special  meetings  may 
be  convened  more  often  should  necessity  arise. 

These  meetings  of  the  "  Bowi  "  are  divided  into  two  sittings.  The  first 
comprises  the  criminal  jurisdiction  at  which  the  Native  Magistrate  presides 
and  passes  sentence  ;  the  Kaubere  acting  as  his  advisers.  The  Magistrate 
must  take  the  opinion  of  all  members  of  Kaubere  who  may  be  present,  and 
he  then  decides  on  the  punishment  by  the  guidance  of  his  Book  of  the  Laws, 
which  is  printed  in  the  vernacular. 

After  the  criminal  cases  are  disposed  of,  it  is  usual  for  the  Chief  of  Kaubere 
to  relieve  the  Magistrate  as  spokesman.  All  complaints  are  then  heard,  reports 
received  from  Kaubere  in  charge  of  villages  and  from  individuals.  Land 
disputes  are  looked  into  and  adjusted,  and  all  matters  affecting  the  welfare 
of  the  community  are  brought  up  for  discussion.  The  Gilbert  islander  is  a 
born  orator,  and  though  his  tones  may  be  raucous  to  our  ears,  his  graceful 
and  expressive  movements  at  once  command  attention. 

Every  island  is  equipped  with  a  well  appointed  hospital,  and  gaols  for 
males  and  females  ;  unfortunately,  in  many  instances,  a  leper  station  has 
also  to  be  included. 


880  A  MODEL  PROTECTORATE. 

From  end  to  end  of  each  island  excellent  roads  extend  which  are  kept  up 
by  free  labour.  The  inhabitants  take  much  pride  in  their  roads,  so  much  so 
that  it  is  a  criminal  offence  for  a  native  to  pass  without  removing  a  branch, 
or  any  obstruction  which  may  be  lying  in  the  path.  This  system  of  free 
communal  work  is  not  abused  ;  though  a  relic  of  former  years  it  is  freely  given, 
and  has  the  great  advantage  of  permitting  the  imposition  of  far  lighter  taxation 
than  would  otherwise  be  necessary. 

The  revenue  of  the  Protectorate  is  derived  from  a  light  Land  Tax,  payable 
in  copra,  and  graded  according  to  the  size,  population,  and  prosperity  of  each 
island.  In  times  of  drought,  to  which  the  Central  Gilbert  Islands  are  especially 
subject,  this  tax  is  reduced  or  wholly  remitted.  Import  duties  are  charged 
only  on  wines,  malt  liquor,  and  spirits  (which  does  not  affect  the  native 
population  since  the  sale  or  consumption  of  all  intoxicating  liquor  is  forbidden 
to  them  by  law),  tobacco,  scents,  and  kerosene. 

Licences  are  confined  to  dogs,  arms,  trading-ships,  stations,  and  boats. 
A  royalty  is  paid  by  the  Pacific  Phosphate  Company  at  Ocean  Island  on 
phosphate  exported.  There  is  also  a  Capitation  Tax  levied  on  all  male  non- 
natives  of  the  Protectorate.  In  addition  to  the  royalty  paid  to  the  Govern- 
ment by  the  Pacific  Phosphate  Company,  a  further  royalty  is  paid  annually 
by  that  Company  to  the  Banabans  (the  natives  of  "  Banaba  "  or  Ocean  Island), 
which  is  held  in  trust  for  the  landowners  by  the  Government.  The  natives 
of  Ocean  Island  also  receive  from  £40  to  £60  an  acre  for  mining  rights  on  their 
lands,  and  compensation  for  all  cocoa-nuts,  or  other  food-bearing  trees,  which 
may  have  to  be  destroyed  in  the  course  of  phosphate  mining. 

In  the  Ellice  Islands,  missionary  work  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  London 
Missionary  Society,  and  these  islands  are  therefore  free  from  vexed  questions 
of  denomination  which  are  too  rife  in  the  Gilbert  and  Union  Groups.  In  the 
Gilberts,  the  London  Missionary  Society  and  the  American  Board  of  Missions 
represent  the  Protestant  creed,  while  the  Eoman  Catholic  Society  of  the  Sacred 
Heart  are  steadily  increasing  their  hold,  which  has  been  rendered  more  secure 
and  easy  of  attainment  by  the  lack  of  co-operation  between  the  Protestant 
Missions. 

The  export  trade  of  these  islands  is  practically  confined  to  copra,  though  a 
small  amount  of  dried  shark's  fin  is  exported.  From  Ocean  Island  the  annual 
export  of  phosphate  exceeds  200,000  tons.  This  phosphate  is  of  the  highest 
grade  known.  The  annual  export  of  copra  from  all  the  islands  has  risen  to 
about  five  thousand  tons,  a  profitable  trade  for  the  three  firms  engaged  in  this 
industry. 

In  addition  to  the  Island  Police,  who  are  directly  responsible  to  the  Native 
Governments,  there  is  a  Protectorate  Police  Force  of  about  fifty  men,  who  are 
divided  between  Ocean  Island  and  Tarawa  in  the  Gilberts,  which  latter  island 
was  at  one  time  the  seat  of  Government.  The  transfer  of  the  Protectorate 
headquarters  to  Ocean  Island  was  brought  about  by  the  extensive  operations 
of  the  Pacific  Phosphate  Company.  The  members  of  the  Protectorate  Police 


A  MODEL  PROTECTORATE.  881 

Force  were  originally  enrolled  from  Fiji;  but  these  men  are  now  being  replaced 
by  Gilbert  and  Ellice  natives,  who  have  proved  themselves  both  willing  and 
competent  to  deal  with  brother  delinquents.  It  is  regarded  as  a  special  honour 
to  belong  to  the  Protectorate  Force,  and  the  pick  of  the  islands  can  therefore 
be  obtained. 

Small  retaining  fees  are  paid  to  Native  Island  Magistrates,  Chiefs  of  Kaubere, 
Scribes,  Island  Police,  warders,  and  hospital  orderlies  ;  in  the  cases  of  the 
Native  Magistrates  and  Chiefs  of  Kaubere,  these  small  payments  can  only  be 
regarded  as  sufficient  to  meet  "  out  of  pocket  "  travelling  expenses,  and  in 
no  way  detract  from  the  credit  of  the  good  work  which  these  officials  willingly 
give  for  the  welfare  of  their  people.  The  Chief  of  Kaubere  is  generally,  but 
not  necessarily,  the  hereditary  Chief  of  the  Island.  He  patrols  the  island, 
and  sees  that  the  village  Kaubere  and  Police  attend  to  their  duties.  There  is 
one  Kaubere  at  least  to  every  village,  and  in  a  large  island,  such  as  Tabiteauea 
in  the  Gilbert  Group — which  is  over  fifty  miles  in  length — there  are  about 
thirty  villages.  The  members  of  the  Kaubere  are  unpaid. 

Until  3913  Native  Island  Funds  were  kept  separate  from  Protectorate 
revenue,  though  the  annual  credit  balances  were  transferred  to  a  Government 
Trust  account.  Now,  however,  with  the  unanimous  approval  of  the  Island 
Governments,  these  balances  have  been  amalgamated  with  the  Protectorate 
general  revenue  on  the  understanding  that  a  sufficient  reserve  fund  will  be 
kept  for  the  alleviation  of  distress  in  times  of  drought. 

The  Island  Native  Scribe  deserves  a  special  word  of  praise.  Though  he 
is  the  clerk  to  the  Native  Government,  and  the  custodian  of  the  purse,  he  is 
generally  a  man  of  substance  and  position.  Since  the  year  1892,  when  the 
Flag  was  hoisted  in  these  Protectorates,  there  has  been  but  one  case  recorded 
of  embezzlement  by  a  Scribe,  and  although  many  months  may  pass  without 
the  possibility  of  a  visit  from  a  Protectorate  official,  it  is  seldom  that  the  cash 
is  wrong  by  so  much  as  a  penny.  Even  to-day  comparatively  few  islands 
can  boast  the  possession  of  a  safe,  but  the  Island  funds  are  as  secure  in  an 
old  box  with  the  flimsiest  of  locks  as  they  could  be  at  home  in  the  latest  "  burglar- 
proof  "  safe. 

To  what  should  be  attributed  the  present  law-abiding,  moral,  and  happy 
existence  of  these  children  of  nature  ?  In  years  gone  by,  we  know  that  they 
were  great  warriors ;  but  cannibalism  has  never  been  proved,  and  I  doubt 
if  it  ever  existed  in  these  islands  of  the  Pacific.  The  earlier  traders  and  settlers 
did  their  best  to  ruin  the  natives  by  imflaming  their  passions  with  drink,  and, 
in  those  bad  days,  the  only  restraining  influence  was  that  of  the  Missions. 

With  the  advent  of  the  Flag,  and  drastic  regulations  forbidding  the 
sale  of  liquor  and  the  use  of  firearms,  peace  was  soon  restored,  and  to-day 
it  is  difficult  to  realise  that  not  many  years  have  passed  since  the  time  of  E.  L. 
Stevenson,  when  drunken  orgies  were  prolonged  into  weeks,  when  the  crews 
of  trading  vessels  were  attacked  and  murdered,  and  when  the  daily  occupation 
of  the  old  Chief  of  Butaritari  was  to  sit  on  the  beach  with  his  rifle  across  his 


882  A  MODEL  PROTECTORATE. 

knees,  picking  off  any  of  his  labourers  toiling  at  the  construction  of  his  sea 
wall  whose  movements  did  not  please  him.  The  sea  wall  stands  in  spite  of 
the  heavy  westerly  gales  to  which  it  is  exposed,  testifying  to  the  accuracy 
of  the  aim  of  the  Chief  in  picking  off  defaulters,  and  three  of  his  grandsons 
are  members  of  the  Butaritari  brass  band  which  provides  a  large  volume  of 
sound  under  the  guiding  baton  of  a  father  of  the  Sacred  Heart  Mission. 

The  answer  may  be  that  these  islanders  are,  at  heart,  nature's  gentlemen ; 
the  spirit  of  lying  and  deceit  is  not  in  them.  They  have  been  scotched,  but 
not  spoilt,  by  contact  with  some  of  the  worst  evils  of  civilisation,  during  which 
time  the  unselfish  devotion  of  the  white  missionary  checked,  to  a  great  extent, 
the  damage  which  must  otherwise  have  been  done. 

Another  important  factor  I  believe  to  be  the  continuance  of  the  system 
of  communal  work.  This  has  without  doubt  had  the  effect  not  only  of  com- 
batting that  inertia  which  is  generally  found  among  tropical  races  for  whose 
maintenance  the  soil  provides  with  the  minimum  expenditure  of  labour,  but 
further  of.  fostering  a  pride  in  taking  a  part  in  the  social  well-being  of  the  com- 
munity. From  the  Magistrate  and  Chief  of  Kaubere  to  the  ordinary  labourer, 
every  male  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty  takes  his  share  in  the  upkeep 
of  his  island.  There  is  friendly  rivalry  as  to  which  island  can  build  the  largest 
and  finest  "  maneaba  "  or  meeting-house ;  and  should  it  become  necessary 
to  infuse  energy  into  road-cleaning,  &c.,  it  is  sufficient  for  the  inspecting  official 
to  contrast  the  state  of  the  work  on  one  island  with  that  of  the  last  visited. 

At  times  objections  have  been  raised  in  England  to  the  system  of  communal 
work,  which  is  regarded  as  a  relic  of  slavery.  Most  true ;  but  must  all  the  old 
customs  have  been  bad  because  of  evils  which  then  existed  ?  When  the  day 
arrives  for  discontinuing  communal  work  in  these  islands  there  will  surely 
be  retrogression  in  the  social  and  moral  welfare  of  the  natives,  coupled  with 
additional  taxation. 

One  other  reason  must  be  advanced  for  the  present  happy  state  of  these 
people.  In  the  past,  the  only  official  appointed  and  sent  out  by  the  Home 
Government  was  the  Commissioner  in  charge.  His  little  band  of  helpers  were 
chosen  from  men  who  had  wandered  from  home  in  search  of  a  wider  life,  and 
a  few — the  right  ones — found  their  way  to  these  distant  islands.  Starting  first — 
as  they  did  no  doubt—  under  the  charm  of  the  freedom  of  the  life,  the  affection 
and  confidence  which  they  inspired  took  a  firm  hold.  That  they  worked  for  a 
quite  inadequate  wage  was,  fortunately,  of  secondary  importance,  since  most 
had  some  private  means.  These  are  the  men  who  to-day  can  regard  the  result 
of  their  labours  with  satisfaction ;  they  will  get  little,  if  any,  recognition  from 
their  country,  but  their  good  work  mil  surely  be  carried  on,  and  their  names 
will  be  held  in  remembrance  in  the  little  island  groups  for  many  a  year  to 
come. 

E.  C.  ELIOT 
(Eesident  Commissioner  and  Hon.  Corr.  Secretary  E.C.I.). 


883 

IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT. 

A  BRITISH  COLUMBIAN  VIEW. 

I  HAVE  entitled  this  paper  "  Imperial  Unity  as  a  Business  Investment  ",  although 
empire  policies  and  empire  building  may  perhaps^be  regarded  as  involving 
solely  political  considerations,  and  as  far  removed  from  business  associations 
as  they  can  be.  It  is  not  possible,  however,  to  discuss  Imperial  unity  purely 
from  a  business  point  of  view  without  reference  to  sentiment ;  for  you  cannot 
eliminate  sentiment  from  any  proposition,  no  matter  how  worldly  it  may 
be.  We  often  hear  the  expression,  "  there  is  no  sentiment  in  business  ".  All 
good  business  is  full  of  sentiment.  The  famous  detective  in  Victor  Hugo's 
great  book,  "  Les  Miserables,"  who  strove  so  hard  to  eliminate  sentiment 
from  his  work  as  a  detective,  appropriately  wound  up  by  committing  suicide. 
I  would,  therefore,  build  an  empire  whose  soul  was  sentiment,  but  whose  frame- 
work was  pure  business. 

To  start  off  with,  there  is  no  question  of  there  being  complete  Imperial 
unity  in  the  sense  of  unity  of  spirit  and  effort.  The  War  has  made  not  only 
British  people  but  peoples  under  the  British  flag  as  one.  Never  in  the  history 
of  the  world  has  an  Empire  demonstrated  in  all  its  parts  such  loyalty  to  the 
King-Emperor  and  to  the  Motherland.  Heretofore,  in  all  the  generations  of 
the  past,  subject-peoples  were  made  to  fight  for  their  overlords.  In  our  case,  the 
people  have  cheerfully  and  voluntarily  flocked  from  all  ends  of  the  earth  to  fight 
under  British  banners.  It  is  not,  therefore,  necessary  to  discuss  that  phase 
of  the  matter.  It  would  be  like  trying  to  prove  the  theorem  that  a  straight 
line  is  the  shortest  distance  between  two  given  points.  What  I  want  to  discuss 
is  the  business  advantage  of  unity  in  the  concrete  form  of  a  constitutional 
empire  or  an  empire  with  a  political  constitution.  We  are  told  that  Imperial 
unity  exists  at  present  and  that,  as  at  present,  it  affords  an  elasticity  and 
freedom  of  action  among  the  component  parts  of  the  Empire  which  are  the  best 
guarantee  of  future  harmonious  relations.  An  impression  is  being  left  on  the 
public  mind  that  a  definite  constitutional  arrangement  of  parts  would  impose 
a  yoke  on  the  shoulders  of  Empire  and  be  more  likely  to  cause  irritation — to 
hamper  and  shackle  rather  than  direct.  I  do  not  intend  to  cliscuss  this  phase 
of  the  question  at  any  length,  and  will  simply  repeat  what  I  stated  in  a  letter 
to  the  Press  a  little  time  ago — that  where  public  sentiment  stands  behind  any 
movement — and  the  Empire  is  a  unit  in  sentiment — it  only  requires  a  law  crystal- 
lising that  sentiment  to  give  it  successful  effect.  Law  is  public  conscience 
codified.  If  the  people  of  the  Empire  were  as  one  as  to  prohibition,  for  instance, 
we  should  have  it  effective  within  sixty  days  throughout  His  Majesty's  Domin- 
ions. Prohibition,  though  strongly  advocated  for  years,  has  not  so  far  been 
successful,  because  it  has  not  had  sufficient  public  opinion  behind  it.  We  have 
Imperial  unity  in  sentiment,  and  it  only  requires  constitutional  habiliments 
to  achieve  the  highest  destiny  of  a  great  Empire  ;  and  I  am  here  to  say^that,  until 
the  Empire  gets  a  written  constitution,  that  destiny  is  not  possible.  I  have 


884     IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS   INVESTMENT. 

said  that  empire  is,  as  well  as  being  a  matter  of  sentiment,  a  business  pro- 
position. It  is  one  of  vital  importance  to  British  Columbia.  I  shall  endeavour 
to  make  this  clear.  I  intend  to  discuss  it  not  so  much  from  the  standpoint 
of  Canada  as  from  the  standpoint  of  British  Columbia  as  part  of  Canada, 
because  the  local  situation  of  this  province  is  such  as  to  make  my  arguments 
strongly  appeal  to  any  body  of  business  men  on  this  coast. 

One  of  the  main  reasons  for  an  Imperial  union  is  that  of  defence.  British 
dominions  are  widely  separated  by  the  high  seas,  and  we  have  well-established 
trade  routes  among  them.  The  markets  for  the  greater  part  of  our  Biitish 
Columbia  products  are  found  along  these  routes.  Our  lumber  finds  a  market 
in  the  Orient,  in  Australia,  South  Africa,  and  Great  Britain,  and  will  have  large 
markets  in  South  America,  the  eastern  states  of  America,  and  in  France  and 
Belgium.  The  products  of  our  province  find  their  way  to  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  and  elsewhere.  We  have  a  market  for  fishery  products  in  the  Orient, 
in  Europe,  and  the  United  States.  We  are  large  manufacturers  of  pulp  which, 
for  the  greater  part,  must  go  to  foreign  countries.  Soon  we  shall  have  iron  and 
steel  manufacture  and  ship- building  in  a  large  way.  The  grain  of  the  middle 
West,  finding  its  way  through  our  ports,  must  be  carried  to  its  destination  in 
ships.  That  commerce  must  be  protected  en  route.  Naval  defence  is  only 
another  form  of  insurance,  a  purely  business  matter.  The  Dominions  enjoying 
this  protection  should  pay  their  equitable  share  of  cost.  Heretofore,  it  has 
been  borne  by  Great  Britain. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  efficiency  and  preparedness  of  the  British  Navy 
to-day,  the  cities  of  Victoria,  Vancouver,  New  Westminster,  Nanaimo,  and 
Prince  Eupert  would  have  been  masses  of  ruins  or  the  population  held  up  for 
ruinous  indemnities.  Is  it  not  good  business  to  protect  our  coast  cities  in  some 
definite  way  ? 

It  may  be  argued,  however,  that  instead  of  going  into  any  federal  union  for 
defence  purpose,  each  Dominion  should  undertake  its  own  naval  defence.  That 
would  not  be  good  business,  for  the  very  simplest  and  most  fundamental  business 
reason :  to  build  a  navy  of  our  own  to  be  of  any  use  it  must  be  equal  in  strength 
and  efficiency  to  any  other  navy  likely  to  be  opposed  to  it.  That  would  be  true 
of  Australia,  New  Zealand,  South  Africa,  and  India.  Why  six  British  navies, 
each  created  at  enormous  cost  ?  We  have  already  the  greatest  navy,  adequate 
to  police  the  trade  routes  of  the  world.  Would  it  not  be  business  wisdom  all  to 
come  in  upon  a  defined. basis  of  contribution  and  maintain  this  as  an  Empire 
navy  at  a  maximum  of  efficiency  at  a  minimum  of  expense  ?  The  control 
would  be  central  and  representative. 

Logically,  in  common  decency,  you  must  contribute  to  the  British  Navy,  if 
you  expect  that  Navy  to  guard  the  trade  routes  and  protect  the  Dominions  ;  or 
if  you  do  not,  you  must,  in  self-defence,  build  your  own  navy  for  these  purposes ; 
and,  as  a  practical  matter,  the  thing  to  do  is  to  co-operate  on  a  common  basis. 

There  are,  in  my  opinion,  logically  and  rightly,  two  distinct  phases  of  a 
military  defence  policy  :  one  relates  to  our  coast  defences  exclusively,  and  the 
other  takes  into  consideration  our  due  share  of  the  upkeep  of  a  navy  for  general 


IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT.      885 

purposes  of  defence.  I  shall  very  briefly  deal  with  what  I  think  are  the  require- 
ments and  duties  of  each.  I  think  that  every  Dominion  of  the  Empire,  including 
the  parent  Dominion,  should  undertake  the  defence  of  its  own  shores,  and  that 
every  Dominion  should  contribute  a  certain  sum  per  annum  for  a  high-seas 
navy  for  the  protection  of  all  the  Dominions  and  the  British  trade  routes, 
which  all  are  interested  in  maintaining  free  to  Empire  commerce. 

For  the  purposes  of  home  defence  we  do  not  require  dreadnoughts.  What 
we  require  are  submarines,  destroyers,  one  or  two  fast,  armed  cruisers,  aero- 
planes, submarine  bases,  and  fully  equipped  land  defences  in  the  way  of  forts. 
Every  point  of  strategic  importance  on  either  coast  of  Canada  should  be  pro- 
tected by  forts  carrying  the  most  modern  guns.  All  these  should  be,  as  far 
as  possible,  made  and  equipped  in  the  Dominions  for  which  they  are  required. 
The  coast  of  British  Columbia  has  one  great  advantage — that  it  has  many 
commanding  positions  upon  which  to  construct  defence  works  that  would  defy 
the  most  powerful  guns  of  dreadnoughts  or  attack  from  land.  These  would  so 
effectively  supplement  the  submarines,  the  cruisers,  and  aeroplanes,  that  the 
number  of  these  craft  would  be  greatly  reduced  from  what  would  otherwise 
be  necessary,  and  thus  minimise  the  cost  of  the  whole.  This  plan  would,  in  my 
opinion,  make  the  financial  problem  a  comparatively  easy  one  in  consideration  of 
the  vast  resources  and  richness  of  these  Dominions.  I  do  not  think  that  it  is 
necessary  to  do  more  than  just  indicate  the  general  idea  involved.  To  take 
the  defence  question  entirely  out  of  politics,  it  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a 
military  board  of  experts,  constituted  entirely  irrespective  of  party  affiliations. 

I  have  already  indicated  sufficiently  the  reason  for  contribution  to  a  general 
naval  fund  for  a  navy  for  the  protection  of  the  whole  of  the  Dominions — not  only 
in  actual  warfare,  but  for  the  protection  of  trade  routes  so  essential  to  the  life 
of  the  Empire.  This  with  its  various  units  would  scour  the  seas  in  detachments, 
with  certain  naval  bases,  or  mobilise  as  exigency  demanded. 

The  next  great  business  feature  of  Empire  is  that  of  reciprocity  among  its 
various  parts.  South  Africa  has  given  Canada  preference,  and  that  has  been  of 
great  advantage  to  British  Columbia's  timber  trade.  We  are  striving  now  to 
make  some  similar  arrangement  with  Australia.  Of  the  very  large  exports 
of  lumber  to  Australia  from  the  Pacific  Coast,  British  Columbia  only  shares 
in  a  very  limited  way.  Canada  gave  substantial  preference  to  Great  Britain, 
and  that  has  greatly  stimulated  trade  between  the  two  countries.  The  develop- 
ment of  inter-Imperial  commerce  is  a  large  business  proposition,  and  it  should  be 
handled  by  a  special  department  of  the  Empire  Government.  I  am  aware  that 
Great  Britain,  pursuing  a  free  trade  policy,  is  not  in  a  position  to  give  preference 
in  return  to  the  Dominions  without  altering  to  some  extent  her  fiscal  system, 
but  I  think  that  one  result  of  the  War  will  be  some  form  of  preference. 
Preferences  have  to  be  mutual  to  be  effective. 

In  this  connection  I  wish  to  refer  to  a  proposal  of  the  Hon.  Sir  Eichard 
McBride  for  an  Imperial  Intelligence  Department.  In  a  memorandum,  which  he 
prepared  by  request  for  the  Dominions  Commission  on  Imperial  relations,  he 
advocated  this  new  departure,  which  would  be  substituted  for  the  present 


886      IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT. 

system  of  trade  agents.  The  work  of  this  Commission  was  suspended  on  account 
of  the  War  and  the  memorandum  was  not  submitted,  but  I  am  permitted  to 
quote  from  it  : 

"  What  I  wish  more  particularly  to  dwell  on  in  this  memorandum  is  the  importance 
of  what  I  would  call  an  Imperial  Clearing  House,  a  vast  trade-intelligence  bureau 
for  the  Empire.  I  have  in  mind  more  particularly  the  importance  of  our  timber 
interests  in  this  province.  Our  mill  men  will  have  as  competitors  the  mills  on 
the  south  side  of  the  line  in  the  States  of  Washington  and  Oregon,  and  while  natural 
and  other  advantages  appear  to  be  about  equal,  our  people  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
able  to  get  an  equal  share  of  export  trade  in  our  own  overseas  Dominions  and  in 
foreign  parts.  Our  timber  interests  are  very  great.  Last  year  our  provincial  revenue 
from  timber  was  about  three  million  dollars,  or  nearly  one-third  of  the  entire  revenue 
of  the  province.  A  very  large  amount  of  capital  has  been  invested  in  the  timber 
and  milling  business.  According  to  the  reports  of  the  Chief  Forester,  there  are  now 
800  logging  camps,  400  saw  and  shingle  mills,  and  four  pulp  mills  in  British  Columbia, 
in  which  are  invested  one  billion  dollars.  The  possible  annual  output,  he  states, 
is  3,000,000,000  feet.  If  employed  at  full  capacity  they  would  employ  140,000  men. 
The  value  of  the  product  would  be  $45,000,000.  We  want  to  see  our  mill  men  get 
a  fair  share  of  the  world's  trade,  and  in  the  future  I  anticipate  that  this  will  yearly 
become  a  more  important  feature.  In  the  year  1913  the  foreign  exports  of  the  Wash- 
ington and  Oregon  mills  amounted  to  550,000,000  feet,  and  those  of  the  British 
Columbia  mills  to  less  than  50,000,000 ;  so  that  you  see  with  equal  advantages  in 
most  respects,  there  is  a  wide  disparity  in  favour  of  the  former.  It  is  said  that  there 
is  no  sentiment  in  business,  but  if  we  can  develop  legitimate  business  on  sentimental 
lines,  it  would  be  a  great  thing  to  do.  Our  timber,  our  lumber,  and  shingles  are  as 
good  as,  if  not  better  than,  any  other  in  the  world.  We  naturally  should  get  the 
trade  of  the  Dominions,  if  we  can  compete  on  equal  terms  as  against  our  neighbours 
to  the  south.  Several  reasons  for  this  have  been  given  by  those  familiar  with  trade 
conditions,  reference  to  which  will  be  found  in  the  memorandum  submitted  by  Mr. 
McMillan,  Chief  Forester.  One  of  the  reasons  for  the  greater  success  of  our  neigh- 
bours is  that,  having  better  business  connections,  they  have  better  and  quicker  advices 
as  to  the  state  and  demand  of  the  market.  It  was  for  that  reason  hi  great  part  that 
I  would  advocate  a  Trade  Intelligence  Bureau  for  the  Empire.  At  least  it  was  that 
condition  in  this  part  of  the  world  that  suggested  the  advocacy  of  such  a  Bureau  ; 
but  it  would  apply  to  all  branches  of  business — commercial,  shipping,  and  industrial. 
When  the  Panama  Canal  is  open  next  year  the  opportunities  of  doing  business  with 
the  world  will  be  wonderfully  increased,  and  some  system  by  which  every  part  of 
the  Empire  could  be  kept  in  close  touch  with  every  other  part  of  the  Empire  as  to 
their  trade  requirements  and  demands  would,  it  appears  to  me,  be  of  immense  mutual 
advantage.  As  a  concrete  instance  of  what  I  mean,  suppose  that  a  big  contract  for 
docks  or  heavy  structural  work  involving  large  timbers  or  much  lumber  was  in  con- 
templation in  Australia  or  South  Africa,  British  Columbia  would  be  notified  without 
delay  by  cable,  and  as  much  information  as  possible  would  accompany  the  advice. 
Our  mill  men  would  get  busy  at  once,  and  they  would  have  the  advantage  of  this 
early  information,  or,  if  there  was  a  shortage  of  butter,  or  likelihood  of  a  shortage, 
hi  British  Columbia,  New  Zealand  would  be  notified  without  delay  by  cable.  Big 
industrial  and  public  contracts  in  the  other  Dominions  would  immediately  be  brought 
to  the  attention  of  firms  in  Great  Britain,  and  openings  in  the  United  Kingdom  would 


IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT.     887 

be  advertised  throughout  the  Empire.  These  are  simply  instances  of  what  might 
be  done.  I  am  informed  that  in  India  there  is  a  large  demand  for  railway  ties,  a 
large  order  for  which  is  at  present  being  supplied  by  Puget  Sound  Mills.  This  order 
was  obtained  through  certain  sources  of  information  to  which  our  mill  men  apparently 
had  no  access.  At  least  they  had  no  knowledge  of  the  business  to  be  had  until  after 
the  order  was  placed.  It  is  unquestionable  that  these  railways  ties  could  have 
been  supplied  in  British  Columbia  on  terms  more  favourable  than  in  the  United 
States. 

"  It  would  be  the  duty  of  the  agents  of  this  proposed  Bureau  in  every  part  of  the 
Empire  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  business  conditions,  and  advise  not  Governments, 
in  the  first  instance,  but  advise  each  other,  who  would  in  turn  advise  local  associations 
This  intelligence  would  include  complete  information  upon  all  financial  and  commercial 
matters  that  might  be  of  interest  throughout  the  Empire.  Reports  to  Governments 
in  matters  of  trade,  such  as  are  forwarded  by  agents  to  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  in  my 
opinion  do  little  good,  or  at  all  events  do  not  accomplish  all  they  should,  because  it 
takes  too  long  to  get  the  printed  information  to  the  people  to  be  benefited,  and  the 
'  other  fellow ',  our  foreign  competitor,  gets  as  much  advantage  as  our  own  people  do 
from  what  is  contained  in  these  reports.  It  should  be  a  bureau,  in  my  opinion,  that 
would  spend  a  whole  lot  more  money  in  cables  than  in  type-written  reports. 

"  I  am  not  a  business  man  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term,  and  I  do  not  pretend 
to  be  able  to  work  out  all  the  details,  but  it  seems  to  me  some  agency  such  as  I  have 
indicated  is  required,  and  that  the  representatives  of  the  Bureau  should  be  wideawake, 
practical  business  men.  Their  operations  should  also  extend  to  foreign  countries, 
and  they  should  be  specially  trained  as  to  the  business  methods  and  the  language 
of  the  country  to  which  they  are  accredited.  The  British  Empire  is  composed  of 
widely  separated  parts,  and  few  business  men  can  afford  to  make  themselves  acquainted 
with  business  conditions  in  every  part  that  might  affect  their  own  business  interests. 
If  we  are  to  develop  a  trade  within  the  Empire,  as  is  professedly  the  object  of  the 
Dominions  Commission  and  all  Imperialists,  then  efforts  must  be  made  on  broad 
business  lines  which  should  take  in  the  entire  Empire.  In  British  Columbia  such  a 
system  would  affect  our  timber,  pulp,  and  paper  industries,  our  fisheries,  and  in  many 
instances  our  minerals.  In  time  many  other  industries,  including  manufacturers 
of  iron  and  steel,  will  be  developed,  and  the  question  of  markets  is  always  a  supreme 
consideration.  The  cost  of  this  Bureau  would  of  course  be  borne  by  the  Empire  as  a 
whole  on  some  fair  basis  of  assessment  in  regard  to  each  Domiiiion  or  dependent  part 
of  the  Empire,  and  in  the  aggregate  would  not  be  at  all  burdensome." 

In  this  connection  there  is  also  the  question  of  an  All-Bed  cable  service. 
Expert  evidence  before  the  Commission  clearly  showed  the  benefit  of  the  Pacific 
cable  in  the  reduction  of  rates,  and  several  important  witnesses  strongly  favoured 
a  system  which  would  be  Imperially  complete,  so  that  each  part  of  the  Empire 
would  be  brought  closely  in  touch  with  the  other  and  be  independent  and  self- 
contained  at  all  times,  and  especially  in  time  of  war. 

Perhaps  we  do  not  attach  sufficient  importance  to  this  fact  that  in  present 
circumstances,  if  present  sentiment  is  to  continue,  every  treaty  made  with  any 
country  in  the  world,  upon  any  subject  whatsoever,  involves  consequences  to 
Canada  and  the  other  Dominions,  and  such  relations  involve  the  right  of  partici- 
pation in  all  treaty-making,  otherwise  the  attitude  of  the  Quebec  Nationalists 


888     IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT. 

was  quite  logical.  Political  responsibility  as  well  as  financial  obligations  in  our 
British  system  demand  legislative  and  administrative  co-operation. 

Witnesses  before  the  Imperial  Commission  strongly  advocated  a  sort  of 
Imperial  clearing-house  or  a  Bureau  to  report  upon  financial  securities  of  all  kinds, 
especially  Government  and  municipal  securities;  while  this  latter  would  not 
restrict  the  right  to  borrow  or  to  lend,  it  would  virtually  mean  that  securities,  so 
to  speak,  not  obtaining  the  certificate  of  the  Bureau,  would  have  little  chance 
of  being  accepted,  and  it  would  have  a  tremendously  steadying  effect  in  new 
communities.  It  would  mean  sound  Imperial  finance. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  there  should  be  uniform  patent  and  copyright  laws. 
In  other  words,  a  patent  or  copyright  filed  and  accepted  in  a  central  Bureau 
should  be  valid  throughout  the  Empire  upon  the  payment  of  one  fee  for  all. 

The  Standing  Committee  on  Emigration  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute 
has  devoted  its  attention  to  obtaining  closer  co-operation  between  the  Home 
and  Dominion  Governments,  and  to  securing  the  interests  of  Boards  of  Guardians 
in  the  emigration  of  children  under  their  control,  to  the  mutual  benefit  of  the 
children  themselves,  the  ratepayer,  and  the  Empire  at  large.  In  addition-.to 
that  there  should  be  some  method  of  regulating  immigration  throughout  the 
Empire  on  a  common  principle.  Through  the  agency  of  the  proposed  Imperial 
Intelligence  Department  there  could  be  an  exchange  of  information  as  to  the 
conditions  of  labour,  so  as  to  prevent  what  has  frequently  happened  in  the 
past — a  scarcity  in  some  lines  of  labour  in  some  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  a 
congestion  at  other  times  serious  to  the  interests  of  the  working  men. 

There  should  be  uniformity  throughout  the  Empire  in  regard  to  the  status 
of  learned  professions.  A  doctor,  a  lawyer,  an  engineer,  a  teacher,  and  so  on, 
duly  qualified  by  recognised  authority  in  any  one  Dominion,  should  have 
admission  on  equal  footing  to  any  other  Dominion.  It  has  also  been  strongly 
urged  that  there  should  be  uniform  bankrupt  and  company  laws  for  the  Empire. 

The  Dominions  Eoyal  Commission,  which  was  to  have  visited  British 
Columbia  last  autumn,  conducted  a  very  exhaustive  inquiry  in  respect  to  a 
proposed  Empire  Development  Board  and  Fund.  In  this  connection  I  may 
quote  from  the  Year  Book  of  the  Eoyal  Colonial  Institute,  which  says  : 

"  At  the  request  of  the  Royal  Commission,  the  Trade  and  Industry  Committee 
of  the  Institute  prepared  a  supplementary  memorandum  dealing  particularly  with 
the  existing  deficiencies  in  the  Empire's  maritime  communications,  with  special 
reference  to  freight  accommodation,  charges  on  emigrants,  and  speed  of  steamship 
services,  and  the  cost  of  accelerating  them.  A  note  was  also  submitted  on  existing 
deficiencies  in  telegraphic  communications." 

Other  activities  of  this  Committee  are  referred  to  in  the  following 
extracts  : 

"  The  Committee  has  been  urging  the  necessity  of  taking  steps  to  bring  about 
closer  uniformity  in  the  methods  in  use  throughout  the  Empire  of  collecting,  collating, 
publishing,  and  printing  certain  statistics  so  as  to  give  them  common  values  and  to 
make  the  figures  of  one  part  comparable  with  another, 


IMPERIAL  UNITY  AS  A  BUSINESS  INVESTMENT.      889 

"  The  Committee  has  continued  to  urge  the  establishment  of  an  all-British 
Atlantic  cable,  for  which  proposal  the  Committee  has  received  expressions  of  the 
cordial  approval  of  the  Governments  of  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  as  well  as 
Canada. 

"  The  Committee  has  continued  to  press  on  the  attention  01  the  Board  of  Trade 
the  necessity  of  appointing  permanent  Trade  Commissioners  in  those  territoiies 
to  report  to  British  manufacturers  and  traders  on  the  state  of,  and  openings  for,  British 
trade  there." 

This  is  an  era  of  big  business,  of  organisation,  of  consolidation.  It  is  the 
result  of  new  conditions — conditions  against  which  we  are  powerless  to  act. 
If  one  believed  that  Canada  would  be  better  off  as  she  is,  or  independent,  we 
would  have  to  follow  the  law  of  least  resistance ;  but  nationality  is  resolving 
itself  more  and  more  into  one  of  racial  division.  The  British  people  the  world 
over  must  hold  together.  It  is  a  question  of  mutual  co-operation  and  support, 
not  only  of  national  greatness  but  of  material  success.  Never  was  the  old 
adage  truer  than  here  applied  :  "  United  we  stand,  divided  we  fall."  Canada 
and  the  Dominions,  with  the  backing  and  prestige  of  Great  Britain,  can  achieve 
its  greatest  greatness.  Great  Britain,  with  the  co-operation  of  her  young, 
lusty  and  growing  Dominions,  will  continue  to  maintain  that  supremacy  for  good 
among  the  nations  of  the  world  that  has  distinguished  her  for  centuries. 

In  order  not  to  make  this  paper  too  long  I  have  merely  indicated  the  principal 
subjects  which  would  be  considered  and  adjudicated  upon  by  an  Imperial  Council 
or  Parliament  representative  of  the  whole  Empire,  subjects  of  common  and 
vital  interest.  They  are,  briefly  :  defence,  trade  relations,  intelligence  and 
communication,  shipping  and  navigation  laws,  finance.  They  are  all  vitally 
and  essentially  business  in  their  nature,  upon  which  judgment  can  be  passed 
by  every  business  man  in  the  country.  If  what  I  have  indicated  is  im- 
portant and  should  be  brought  about,  then  the  logic  is  irresistible  that  it 
can  only  be  done  through  some  central  representative  body,  and,  that  it  may 
be  equitable  and  definite,  it  involves  a  constitution  for  the  Empire.  It  means 
no  departure  from  the  principles  of  free  responsible  British  Government.  It 
would  only  prescribe  a  form  of  procedure  by  which  results  could  be  brought 
about.  What  the  basis  of  representation  should  be  and  how  representation 
should  be  made  are  matters  of  detail.  My  own  idea  is  that  the  volume  of  exports 
and  imports  for  each  Kingdom — I  always  liked  Sir  John  Macdonald's  suggestion 
to  call  it  the  Kingdom  of  Canada — might  be  taken  for  the  purpose,  and  repre- 
sentatives elected  by  the  Kingdom  parliaments  in  proportion  thereto.  New- 
foundland would  be  grouped  with  Canada,  and  probably  the  West  India 
Islands ;  similarly  the  great  islands  under  the  Southern  Cross  would  be 
taken  as  a  unit.  Mechanically,  economically,  or  politically  there  are  no 
serious  difficulties  to  overcome  in  framing  a  constitution  to  fit,  if  the  present 
sentiment  of  unity  is  permitted,  without  fear  of  some  bogey  in  the  veiled  future, 
to  have  its  logical  outcome. 

E.  E.  GOSNELL. 


890 


SOUTH  AFRICA'S  CONTINGENTS. 

WHEN  Mr.  Asquith  enumerated  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  November  2 
the  services  rendered  to  the  Empire  by  the  Dominions  of  the  Crown,  the  record 
of  South  Africa  seemed  to  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  the  other  oversea 
portions  of  the  Empire.  A  contingent  under  7,000  strong  is  apt  to  be  lost 
sight  of  in  an  army  of  millions  or  even  among  the  half  a  million  of  troops  ulti- 
mately to  be  raised  by  the  Overseas  Dominions.  But  it  would  be  quite  unfair 
to  South  Africa  to  judge  her  contribution  to  the  Imperial  cause  by  the  size  of 
her  European  Expeditionary  Force.  If  there  are  to  be  comparisons  of  the 
military  efforts  of  the  various  parts  of  the  Empire,  South  Africa  must  be  allowed 
to  count  the  58,000  men  who  took  part  in  the  conquest  of  German  South- West 
Africa,  in  addition  to  the  forces  she  has  sent  or  may  yet  send  to  Europe  and  to 
Central  and  East  Africa. 

~ 

A  variety  of  circumstances  have  contributed  to  restrict  the  size  of  the 
European  Expeditionary  Force,  which  in  any  case  was  not  intended  to  be  more 
than  a  Division.  In  the  first  place,  recruiting  for  the  Home  Force  was  started 
immediately  after  a  year's  campaign  in  South-West  Africa.  Although  the 
fighting  was  not  severe,  the  conditions  of  the  campaign  were  sufficiently 
trying  to  make  the  bulk  of  the  men  who  had  gone  through  it  anxious 
for  some  respite  before  they  signed  on  for  further  service.  A  large  number  of 
men,  therefore,  held  back  at  first  for  natural  reasons.  This  circumstance 
allowed  a  few  minor  mistakes  connected  with  the  earlier  efforts  to  recruit  the 
new  force — such  as  inconsistencies  in  the  medical  examinations — to  be  invested 
with  undue  notoriety  and  increased  the  tendency  among  prospective  volun- 
teers to  "  wait  and  see  ".  A  portion  of  those  who  held  back  will  also  have  been 
actuated  by  other  considerations.  Some,  however  much  inured  to  hardships 
on  land,  will  have  had  no  hankering  after  a  three-weeks'  existence  on  board  a 
troopship.  Others,  again,  will  have  felt  that  they  had  earned  a  commission  after 
the  campaign  in  South- West  Africa,  and,  as  they  could  not  expect  to  be  given 
one  in  the  South  African  contingent,  will  have  been  prompted  to  come  home 
at  their  own  expense  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  commissions  in  the  new  armies. 
By  common  consent  the  number  of  men  who  have  come  home  "  on  their  own  " 
for  military  service  is  considerable.  Statistics  are  lacking,  but  there  were 
enough  applicants  for  reduced  passages  tojjause  the  facilities  offered  at  first 
to  be  withdrawn. 


NAMES  OF  OFFICERS  OF  THE  SOUTH  AFRICAN  HEAVY  ARTILLERY  IN  THE  PHOTOGRAPH 

FACING  P.  890. 

Top  Row  (Standing).— Lieut.  E.  G.  Farrell,  Lieut.  J.  G.  Stewart,  Lieut.  L.  Edwards, 
Lieut.  L.  H.  Maasdorp,  2nd  Lieut.  C.  P.  Ward,  2nd  Lieut.  R.  Levy,  Lieut.  F.  Jenvey, 
Lieut.  R.  H.  L.  Hands,  2nd  Lieut.  S.  B.  Edwards,  Lieut.  P.  N.  G.  Fitzpatrick,  Lieut.  A.  G. 
Mullins,  Capt.  H.  R.  Purser,  Middle  Row  (Seated).— Capt.  E.  H.  Tamplin,  Major  W.  Brydon, 
Major  W.  H.  Pickburn,  Lieut. -Colonel  P.  Peacock,  Lieut. -Colonel  J.  M.  Rose,  Major  W.  H. 
Tripp,  Major  C.  W.  Alston,  Capt.  H.  R.  Mullins,  Capt.  E.  F.  C.  Lane.  Third  Row,  (on 
Ground). — Lieut.  A.  B.  Crump,  Lieut.  J.  C.  Reynolds,  Capt.  A.  E.  Rann,  Lieut.  J.  R. 
McCarthy,  Lieut.  G.  L.  Bennett,  Capt.  C.  T.  Forder,  2nd  Lieut.  E.  G.  Ridley. 


[Gale  d-  PoMen,  Aldershot. 


'BRIGADIER-GENERAL   H.  T.  LUKIN,  C.M.G..  D.S.O., 
Commanding  the  First  South  African    Infantry  Brigade. 


iBassano,  Ltd. 
LIEUT.-COLONEL  J.  M.  ROSE  AND  OFFICERS  OF  THE   SOUTH  AFRICAN    HEAVY  ARTILLERY. 


[To  face  p.  890. 


DETACHMENT  OF  THE  3RD  INFANTRY  REGIMENT 
ABOUT  TO  EMBARK  AT  CAPE  TOWN. 


S.A.   HEAVY  ARTILLERY-GUN    DRILL. 


SOME  GUNS  OF    THE  S.A.   HEAVY  ARTILLERY. 


OBSERVER  PARTY,  S.A.  HEAVY  ARTILLERY, 
WITH  THEIR  MASCOT  "BILLY." 


SOUTH  AFRICA'S  CONTINGENTS.  891 

A  further  point  to  be  borne  in  mind  is  that,  while  South  Africa  can  only 
claim  a  population  a  little  in  excess  of  one  million  and  a  quarter,  compared 
with  the  seven  and  a  quarter  millions  in  Canada  and  the  four  and  a  half  millions 
in  the  Commonwealth,  the  Dutch  population  at  this  date  cannot  be  expected 
to  feel  the  same  call  for  service  in  Europe  as  their  fellow  subjects  in  the  other 
Dominions  or  of  British  descent  in  South  Africa  itself.  No  less  important 
is  the  fact  that  the  undoubted  genius  of  the  Boer  for  fighting  is  not  adapted 
to  the  exigencies  of  a  European  campaign.  The  South  African  Contingent, 
therefore,  has  to  be  recruited  from  a  much  smaller  population  than  New  Zealand 
can  draw  upon,  and  in  this  light  the  efforts  of  the  two  Dominions — if  comparison 
there  must  be — are  not  unequal.  South  Africa  enters  the  field  last,  with  numbers 
only  just  short  of  those  originally  provided  by  New  Zealand,  although  the 
latter's  contribution  has  now  been  increased  to  38,000,  on  service  or  in  training. 
Drafts  are  still  arriving  from  South  Africa  to  bring  up  the  6,500  total  given 
by  Mr.  Asquith  to  7,000,  and  it  is  recognised  that  a  monthly  quota  of  from  500 
to  600  men  will  be  required  to  keep  the  contingent  up  to  strength. 

But  while  the  Boers  find  Europe  a  long  way  off  for  active  service  and  are 
not  well  fitted  for  continental  fighting,  they  were  ready  to  serve  the  Empire 
anywhere  on  the  African  continent.  The  Union  Government  has  now  added 
to  its  responsibilities  by  undertaking  to  raise  a  brigade  for  an  East  African 
campaign.  This,  it  is  expected,  will  include  a  number  of  Boers  and  will 
be  under  the  command  of  Brigadier- General  Gordon  Beves.  For  the  purposes 
of  this  brigade  and  its  reinforcements,  together  with  the  heavy  reinforcements 
required  for  the  European  contingent,  it  has  been  considered  necessary  to 
raise  an  additional  10,000  men.  With  this  end  in  view  a  great  recruiting 
campaign  was  to  be  begun  towards  the  end  of  November.  The  Government, 
it  need  hardly  be  said,  has  thrown  itself  heart  and  soul  into  the  movement. 

In  addition  to  maintaining  forces  in  Europe  and  East  Africa,  the  Union  of 
South  Africa  is  called  upon  to  garrison  South- West  Africa,  where  the  German 
regular  troops  are  prisoners  of  war,  and  has  helped  to  guard  the  north-eastern 
frontier  of  Ehodesia. 

The  Expeditionary  Force  for  service  in  Europe  comprises  the  First  South 
African  Infantry  Brigade  under  the  command  of  Brigadier- General  H.  T.  Lukin, 
C.M.G.,  D.S.O.  This  brigade  consists  of  four  regiments,  known  as  the  1st,  2nd, 
3rd,  and  4th  South  African  Infantry,  commanded  respectively  by  Lieut. -Colonel 
F.  S.  Dawson,  Lieut.-Colonel  W.  E.  C.  Tanner,  Lieut. -Colonel  E.  F.  Thackeray, 
and  Lieut.-Colonel  F.  A.  Jones,  D.S.O.  These  troops  are  now  in  training  at 
Bordon,  near  Aldershot.  Practically  all  the  officers  and  men  saw  service  in 
German  South- West  Africa,  but,  as  the  force  has  been  raised  by  voluntary 
enlistment,  regiments  and  battalions  have  had  to  be  formed  anew.  The  ex- 
perience gained  in  the  year's  campaign  will  have  been  invaluable,  but  the 
conditions  of  continental  warfare  require  the  training  given  in  South- West 
Africa  to  be  supplemented.  Most  of  the  well-known  regiments  in  South  Africa 
are  represented.  Thus  the  1st  Eegiment  belongs  to  Cape  Colony  and  includes 
a  company  of  the  Duke  of  Edinburgh's  Own  Volunteer  Eifles.  The  2nd 

3  o 


892  SOUTH  AFRICA'S  CONTINGENTS. 

comprises  Natal  and  Free  State  contingents.  The  3rd  Eegiment  is  from 
the  Transvaal  with  companies  from  the  Witwatersrand  Eifles,  the  Eand 
Eifles,  the  Imperial  Light  Horse  and  the  South  African  Constabulary.  The 
4th  Eegiment,  known  as  the  South  African  Scottish,  includes  companies  of 
the  Transvaal  Scottish  and  Cape  Town  Highlanders. 

Distinct  from  the  Infantry  Brigade,  but  forming  part  of  South  Africa's 
contribution,  is  the  regiment  of  Heavy  Artillery  now  in  camp  at  Cooden,  near 
Bexhill,  under  the  command  of  Lieut. -Colonel  J.  M.  Eose.  There  are  two 
brigades,  the  second  being  commanded  by  Lieut. -Colonel  P.  Peacock,  comprising 
five  batteries.  The  Heavy  Artillery  is  largely  recruited  from  Cape  Colony,  and 
comes  to  England  virtually  as  it  was  in  German  South-West  Africa,  where 
all  the  guns  have  seen  service.  Gunnery  officers  are  supplied  by  the  Eoyal 
Marine  Artillery.  ^ 

In  order  to  round  off  the  contingent,  which,  as  already  pointed  out,  was 
originally  intended  to  be  a  self-contained  Division,  the  following  units  have  also 
been  provided :  a  General  Hospital,  under  Lieut.-Colonel  B.  Stock,  a  Field 
Ambulance,  under  Lieut.-Colonel  W.  G.  Usmar,  an  Aviation  Squadron,  under 
Major  G.  P.  Wallace,  and  a  signalling  company,  to  be  attached  to  the  Eoyal 
Engineers,  commanded  by  Major  N.  Harrison.  The  Military  Eecord  Office 
attached  to  the  Expeditionary  Force  is  under  Lieut.-Colonel  Geoffrey  Helbert, 
assisted  by  Captain  J.  A.  Green  of  the  Transvaal  Scottish.  Both  these  officers 
saw  service  in  South-West  Africa.  Colonel  Helbert,  who  is  on  the  Staff  of  the 
South  African  Permanent  Force,  was  wounded  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign. 

The  Aviation  Squadron  has  had  an  interesting  history.  When  the  war  broke 
out  Major  Wallace  and  three  other  South  Africans  were  in  training  in  England 
with  a  view  to  starting  the  nucleus  of  a  South  African  Flying  Corps.  They 
were  drafted  over  to  France  ;  but  when  towards  the  end  of  1914  the  need 
for  air-craft  in  South-West  Africa  was  established,  they  were  recalled  to  form 
a  squadron  for  service  with  the  Union  forces.  Not  without  some  difficulty — 
at  a  time  when  both  Sir  John  French's  Army  and  the  Navy  wanted  more 
aeroplanes  than  they  could  get — a  squadron  was  formed  and  left  for  South- 
West  Africa.  Two  officers  had  previously  gone  to  South  Africa  to  collect 
additional  mechanics,  and  by  the  time  the  aeroplanes  reached  South-West 
Africa  the  squadron  was  completely  organised.  From  that  campaign  it  has 
come  to  England,  and  will  shortly  be  found  as  a  unit  of  the  Eoyal  Flying  Corps 
in  France  or  Flanders. 

A  small  naval  contingent  serves  to  remind  the  Home  public  that  South 
Africa  is  also  represented  in  the  Eoyal  Naval  Volunteer  Eeserve.  There  are 
about  300  Naval  Eeservists  in  Cape  Colony  and  Natal.  These  were  mobilised 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  and  a  certain  number  have  been  allowed  to  volunteer 
for  home  service.  The  contingent,  consisting  of  three  officers  and  seventy-six 
men,  is  now  in  England,  attached  to  the  3rd  Eeserve  Battalion  of  the  E.N. 
Division  at  Blandford,  and  is  under  Commander  Frank  Hoare. 


893 

KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

X. — THE  NATIONAL  SERVICE  LEAGUE. 

SOME  fifteen  years  ago  the  minds  of  thoughtful  men  were  occupied  with  the 
questions  which  now  again  confront  us.  Have  we  got  enough  fighting  men  ? 
If  not,  what  is  the  best  way  to  get  them  ? 

The  Boer  War  had  shown  that,  good  as  our  fighting  men  might  be,  there 
were  other  good  fighting  men  in  the  world,  and  that  we  had  come  up  against 
some  of  them  in  South  Africa. 

While  that  war  was  being  waged  a  young  and  able  man,  who  was  at  the  time 
recovering  from  a  long  illness,  was  hard  at  work  on  a  book  which  he  entitled 
"  The  Briton's  First  Duty."  It  contained  a  short  but  very  convincing  statement 
of  the  case  in  favour  of  Compulsory  Military  Service  for  the  British  Isles,  and 
a  strong  plea  that  such  service  might  become  universal  throughout  the  British 
Empire. 

The  book  appeared  early  in  the  year  1901,  and  though  it  advocated  a  reform 
which  ran  contrary  to  the  prejudices  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  British  people, 
it  was  very  well  received  by  the  Press  of  both  parties,  probably  because,  at  that 
time,  the  principle  of  manhood  service  had  not  yet  become  the  shuttlecock  of 
party  controversy  and  press  recrimination. 

The  writer,  Mr.  George  F.  Shee,  made  no  attempt  to  put  forward  a  complete 
and  detailed  scheme  for  compulsory  service,  but  advocated  the  formation  of  a 
Pan-Britannic  militia,  which  would  form  the  basis  of  Imperial  Manhood  Service 
throughout  the  Empire,  on  the  principle  that  each  portion  of  the  Empire  should 
train  all  its  citizens,  and  compel  them,  at  need,  to  fight  in  defence  of  their  homes, 
while  the  Navy,  and  the  Eegular  Army,  for  garrison  duty  abroad,  should  remain, 
as  heretofore,  highly  trained  professional  fighting  men,  serving  for  comparatively 
long  periods,  and  recruited  on  a  voluntary  basis,  because  their  duties  involved 
long  spells  of  service  far  from  their  homes  in  times  of  peace. 

In  the  light  of  current  discussions  as  to  the  way  in  which  compulsory  service 
would  operate  if  it  were  introduced  now,  it  is  not  without  interest  to  note  that 
Mr.  Shee  proposed  that  the  National  Militia  should  serve  in  four  age  "  Classes." 
Every  man  would  serve  one  year  in  the  First  (Active)  Class  between  the  ages  of  18 
and  23  ;  he  would  then  do  two  trainings  of  thirty  days  each  in  the  First  Eeserve 
(men  between  18  and  25).  The  Second  Keserve  (25  to  30)  would  do  two  trainings 
of  a  fortnight  each.  The  third  Eeserve  (30  to  40)  would  be  liable  to  two  trainings 
of  a  week  each.  He  proposed  that  only  men  of  the  Active  Militia  and  the  First 
Eeserve  should  be  liable  for  active  service  abroad  in  case  of  a  big  war,  while  the 
Second  Eeserve  would  only  be  called  upon  to  serve  abroad  in  case  of  a  grave 
national  emergency.  These  proposals  would  have  given  us  a  militia  on  a  peace 
footing  of  about  450,000,  with  a  war  strength  of  2,500,000,  these  figures  being 
exclusive  of  the  Eegular  Army  and  its  Eeserves. 

The  book,  as  has  been  said,  attracted  widespread  attention,  and  Lord 

302 


894     KINDRED   SOCIETIES— PAST  AND    PRESENT. 

Newton,  now  Pay  master- General  of  the  Forces,  induced  the  Army  League  to 
republish  the  book  in  cheap  form. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1901,  Mr.  Shee  was  invited  to  give  a  lecture 
on  the  question  of  Compulsory  Service,  at  the  Eoyal  United  Service  Institution, 
and  on  February  14,  1902,  the  lecture,  under  the  title  "  The  Advantages  of 
Universal  Compulsory  Military  Service  for  Home  Defence,"  was  duly  delivered, 
Lord  Newton  being  in  the  Chair.  So  great  was  the  interest  aroused  by  it  that 
the  discussion  following  the  lecture  was  extended  to  a  third  sitting  before  it 
was  finally  closured  by  the  Chairman.  Many  speeches  were  delivered,  some 
in  favour  of  and  some  opposed  to  the  views  set  forth  by  the  lecturer  ;  prominent 
among  the  speakers  were  the  late  Lord  Wemyss,  Admiral  Sir  Nathaniel  Bowden- 
Smith,  Admiral  Sir  John  Colomb,  Major-General  Bland  Strange,  Colonel  Sir 
Howard  Vincent,  Colonel  Brookfield,  M.P.,  Colonel  Pilkington,  C.B.,  and  many 
others.  A  very  eloquent  and  telling  speech  in  favour  was  delivered  by  Major 
(now  Brigadier- General)  J.  B.  Seely,  M.P.,  who  held  up  the  Swedish  militia 
system  as  a  model  for  ourselves ;  he  pointed  out  that  if  we  adopted  some 
such  system,  we  could  get  in  this  country  a  reservoir  of  three  million  men, 
at  least  partially  trained,  for  an  annual  expenditure  of  £6,000,000. 

As  a  result  of  the  interest  aroused  by  this  discussion  at  the  Eoyal  United 
Service  Institution  it  was  decided  to  form  a  League  to  promote  the  adoption 
of  Compulsory  Military  Training  for  Home  Defence.  A  meeting  was  convened 
by  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  who  took  the  Chair,  and  was  attended  by  many 
well-known  men. 

Among  the  resolutions  passed  unanimously  were  the  following  : — 

1.  That  it  is  desirable  that  drill  should  be  a  compulsory  subject  in  the 

educational  curriculum  of  all  schools. 

2.  That  it  is  desirable  that  either  Military  or  Naval  Service  for  National 

Defence  should  be  made  compulsory  by  law. 

8.  That  a  League  to  be  called  the  National  Service  League  shall  be  established 
to  promote  these  objects. 

The  following  were  elected  as  a  Committee,  with  power  to  add  to  their 
number  : — 

The  Duke  of  Wellington,  President. 
Mr.  Henry  Birchenough.  Lord  Newton. 

Mr.  Clinton  Dawkins,  C.B.  Major  Seely,  M.P. 

Viscount  Hardinge.  Mr.  Yerburgh,  M.P. 

Admiral  Sir  Nathaniel  Bowden-Smith,  K.C.B.,  and  Mr.  Arthur  Walter 
subsequently  joined  the  Committee.  Mr.  Shee  was  offered,  and  accepted,  the 
Secretaryship  of  the  League,  and  at  once  set  to  work  to  organise  the  movement 
by  preparing  literature  and  leaflets  for  a  widespread  propaganda.  This  is  not 
the  place  in  which  to  give  any  detailed  account  of  the  gigantic  undertaking 
with  which  the  founders  of  the  National  Service  League  were  faced.  But  they 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     895 

set  out  from  the  first  to  approach  every  class  of  the  community  with  an  adequate 
and  convincing  presentation  of  the  case  in  its  infinitely  varied  aspect. 

They  found  that,  as  with  every  true  and  deeply  rooted  idea,  the  principle 
of  national  service  touched  every  phase  of  national  life,  and  they  maintained 
and,  as  they  believe,  proved,  that  the  acceptance  of  national  service  was  the 
surest  path  to  the  attainment  of  a  more  efficient,  more  fruitful  and  more  vigorous 
national  activity.  They  saw  in  it,  in  fact,  the  means  to  organise  our  Man  Power, 
for  peace  no  less  than  for  war,  upon  the  basis  of  personal  self-sacrifice  for  the 
good  of  the  community. 

They  pointed  out  that  the  adoption  of  compulsory  service  in  a  Home  Defence 
Army  would  give  the  Navy  complete  freedom  of  movement,  and  also  free  the 
Regular  Army  for  its  essential  work  in  war,  as  an  Expeditionary  Force,  besides 
providing  for  it  a  truly  national  basis  of  recruitment. 

They  claimed  that  National  Service  would  bring  to  bear  upon  the  most 
important  business  with  which  a  nation  can  have  to  deal,  the  interest  and  the 
criticism  of  the  national  mind  ;  that  it  would  replace  hooliganism  and  jingoism 
by  disciplined  self-control  and  a  personal  sense  of  responsibility ;  and  finally, 
that  it  would  safeguard  the  nation  against  war  by  showing  that  we  were  prepared 
for  it,  and  ensure  that,  should  war  break  out,  the  whole  national  forces  might  be 
brought  to  bear  in  order  speedily  to  re-establish  peace. 

In  the  light  of  the  lessons  which  History  has  written  across  the  world  in 
letters  of  blood  and  fire,  the  founders  of  the  League  may  claim  that  they  saw  a 
true  vision  which,  had  it  been  grasped  and  kept  in  view  by  the  statesmen 
who  have  had  it  in  their  power  to  speak  the  words  "  Truth  "  and  "  Duty  " 
to  the  nation,  would  have  placed  us  in  a  very  different  position  indeed  from 
that  in  which  we  find  ourselves  to-day. 

Besides  dealing  with  the  varied  literature  which  embodied  the  aims  and 
views  which  have  been  described,  the  founders  of  the  League  had  to  make  their 
way,  amidst  infinite  difficulty  and  apathy,  by  the  organisation  of  meetings  and 
the  constant  ventilation  of  their  views  in  the  Press. 

At  first  the  progress,  as  measured  in  membership,  was  painfully  slow. 
At  the  end  of  nine  months  there  were  350  members.  In  1903  it  was  felt  to  be 
essential  to  their  purpose  to  publish  a  monthly  journal.  This  was  issued  at  first 
under  the  title  of  The  Journal  of  the  National  Service  League,  the  title  being 
subsequently  altered  to  that  of  The  Nation  in  Arms. 

The  number  of  subscribers  at  the  end  of  1905  stood  at  a  little  over  2,000, 
Lord  Eaglan  having  meanwhile  become  President  of  the  League  on  the 
resignation  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 

In  1906  the  great  event  happened  which  was  to  change  the  whole  status  of 
the  League  and  send  it  forward  on  a  career  of  strength  and  energising  influence 
such  as  very  few  propagandist  bodies  have  ever  enjoyed — least  of  all  societies 
engaged  in  the  advocacy,  not  of  rights  for  some  section  or  class  of  the  community, 
but  of  duty  and  self-sacrifice  for  the  nation  at  large. 

The  event  referred  to  was  the  acceptance  of  the  Presidency  of  the  League 
by  Lord  Eoberts,  who,  from  that  moment  onwards,  gave  to  the  advocacy  of 


896     KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

its  principles  all  the  influence  of  his  great  name,  and  all  the  energy  and  inspiring 
leadership  which  he  had  so  often  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  nation,  even  as 
lately  as  during  the  dark  days  of  the  South  African  War. 

It  was  during  the  years  1906-1914  that  those  who  had  the  privilege  of 
close  and  constant  co-operation  with  Lord  Roberts  realised  the  immense 
advantage  of  serving  under  one  who  was  not  only  a  great  soldier,  but  a  great 
man — great,  and  at  the  same  time  simple,  direct,  and  infinitely  considerate. 

Needless  to  say  the  acceptance  of  the  Presidency  by  Lord  Eoberts  sent  up 
the  numbers  of  the  League  by  leaps  and  bounds.  At  the  end  of  1906  the  mem- 
bers were  about  4,500  ;  at  the  end  of  1907, 10,500  ;  at  the  end  of  1908  there 
was  a  membership  of  16,700.  This  figure  was  more  than  doubled  at  the  end  of 
1909,  and  at  the  end  of  1910  the  membership  was  62,000,  while  in  December 
1911  it  was  nearly  92,000,  and  in  March  1912  it  had  reached  100,000.  These 
figures  in  no  case  included  the  very  large  number  of  adherents,  men  and  women, 
who  signified  their  adhesion  by  a  nominal  subscription  and  signed  adherence 
cards,*  nor  did  it  in  any  way  represent  the  actual  number  of  supporters  through- 
out the  country. 

Our  strength  in  that  respect  could  only  be  measured  by  the  gradual  but 
extraordinary  change  which  had  come  over  the  tone  of  the  discussion  in  the 
Press,  and  the  success  which  met  our  speakers  in  every  part  of  the  country 
where  many  hundreds  of  meetings  were  held  in  the  course  of  every  year,  at  the 
most  important  of  which  immense  crowds  flocked  to  hear,  and  see,  the  gallant 
soldier  who  was  devoting  himself  to  a  campaign  infinitely  more  difficult,  but 
certainly  no  less  glorious  or  beneficial  to  his  country,  than  any  which  had 
illustrated  his  great  career. 

The  issue  of  The  Nation  in  Arms  was  nearly  47,000  a  month.  In  addition, 
a  brief  periodical  leaflet,  entitled  "  N.S.L.  Notes,"  was  also  published  monthly 
— the  issue  being  nearly  40,000. 

Meanwhile,  the  propaganda  of  the  League  had  not  been  confined  to  work 
in  this  country.  It  had  been  in  touch  with  the  advocates  of  National  Service 
in  Australia,  New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa,  soon  after  the  League  was  founded, 
and  it  is  profoundly  gratifying  for  the  original  founders  of  the  League  to  reflect 
that  the  literature  sent  out  to  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  in  particular,  con- 
tributed largely  to  enable  our  friends  and  co-operators  in  those  democratic 
and  progressive  Dominions  to  carry  into  legislative  effect  the  great  principles 
for  which  we  were  working.  It  is  particularly  interesting,  in  this  connection, 
to  recall  the  fact  that  Mr.  W.  M.  Hughes,  then  a  private  Member  of  the  Legis- 
lative Assembly  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia,  delivered  several  admirable 
and  most  eloquent  speeches  in  favour  of  National  Service,  during  his  visit  to 
England.  This  man,  whose  stirring  oratory  will  not  easily  be  forgotten  by 
those  who  heard  him  and  who,  as  a  Labour  Member,  drove  home  with  irresistible 
force  the  arguments  which  subsequently  led  Australia  to  adopt  National 
Service,  is  now  Prime  Minister  of  the  Commonwealth.  Similar  eloquent 

*  The  total,  including  adherents,  was  nearly  220,000  in  March  1912.  No  figurea  are  given 
in  the  1914  report. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.     897 

advocacy  of  our  principles  came  from  Mr.  McNab,  now  Minister  of  Justice 
and  Marine  in  the  Government  of  New  Zealand. 

One  of  the  most  memorable  meetings  in  the  history  of  the  League  was  that 
held  at  the  Queen's  Hall  in  May  1907.  Taking  advantage  of  the  presence  of 
so  many  Colonial  Ministers  in  connection  with  the  Imperial  Conference  held 
in  that  year,  the  League  organised  this  meeting  in  order  to  bring  together 
on  the  same  platform  the  advocates  of  Compulsory  Service  who  were  its 
champions  in  different  parts  of  our  far-flung  Empire. 

No  one  who  was  present  will  ever  forget  the  reception  accorded  to  Mr.  Alfred 
Deakin,  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Australia,  who,  coming 
straight  from  the  Imperial  Confeience,  joined  the  group  presided  over  by  Lord 
Eoberts,  and  which  included  Viscount  Milner  (the  ex-High  Commissioner 
for  South  Africa),  Lord  Ampthill,  who  had  held  the  high  position  of  Acting 
Viceroy  for  India,  the  Hon.  F.  E.  Moor,  Premier  of  Natal,  and  Mr.  J.  L.  Hughes, 
a  distinguished  representative  of  Canada. 

A  marked  sign  of  the  gradual  progress  of  the  League's  principles  was  the 
steady  increase  in  the  number  of  Members  of  Parliament  who  were  committed 
to  its  support.  In  1902  only  three  Members  of  Parliament  avowed  their  belief 
in  the  principle  of  Compulsory  Service.  They  were  Colonel  Eichard  Pilkington 
(now  deceased),  Brigadier- General  (then  Major)  Seely,  whose  views  at  the  time 
were  expressed  in  the  speech  from  which  I  have  quoted  above,  and 
Mr.  Eobert  Yerburgh,  who  is  still  a  keen  supporter  of  the  League. 

In  1906  this  small  group  had  grown  to  43,  in  1910  there  were  163  Members 
of  Parliament,  and  in  1911, 177.  It  is  probably  not  too  much  to  say  that  to-day 
there  are  at  least  400  Members  of  the  present  House  of  Commons  favourable 
to  the  compulsory  system,  and,  what  is  far  more  important,  the  numbers  appear 
now  to  be  fairly  equally  divided  among  the  two  parties  in  the  House.  Indeed, 
some  of  the  most  strenuous  opponents  of  compulsion  in  the  past  are  now  found 
to  be  its  most  eloquent  and  earnest  advocates. 

In  1906  the  League  took  a  very  important  step  as  a  means  of  meeting  one 
of  the  commonest  objections  to  the  adoption  of  National  Service — namely,  that, 
it  would  prove  an  interference  with  trade  and  industry  by  the  withdrawal  of 
so  many  men  from  productive  employment. 

In  consultation  with  his  old  friend,  Colonel  Camille  Favre,  of  the  Swiss  Army, 
Mr.  Shee  organised  for  the  League  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  consisting  of  Members 
of  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  including  several  prominent  Labour  Members, 
and  a  number  of  independent  working  men  taken  from  the  big  industrial 
centres,  the  object  being  to  study,  at  first  hand,  the  conditions  existing  in 
Switzerland  and  especially  the  relationship  between  the  Compulsory  Militia 
System  which  obtains  in  that  free  Eepublic  and  the  industrial  and  civic  life 
of  the  community.  The  deputation  was  most  cordially  received  by  the  Swiss 
Government,  and  was  afforded  ample  opportunities  of  seeing  the  system  at 
work  and  of  inquiring  as  to  its  effect  in  some  of  the  largest  industrial  under- 
takings in  the  country. 

The  report,  which  was  signed  by  all  except  the  official  members  of  the 


898     KINDRED  SOCIETIES -PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

Labour  Party,  expressed  the  admiration  with  which  the  deputation  had  wit- 
nessed the  work  of  the  Swiss  system,  and  their  conviction  that  it  involved  no 
serious  interference  with,  or  disadvantage  to,  the  industrial  and  civic  life  of  the 
community. 

At  the  same  time  a  member  of  the  National  Service  League  undertook  a 
personal  inquiry  into  the  Militia  System  of  Norway,  directing  his  inquiry  to  the 
same  general  and  national  aspects  of  the  question  as  was  the  case  with  the 
inquiry  in  Switzerland. 

The  reports  on  the  two  countries  were  issued  on  behalf  of  the  League  by 
Mr.  Murray  under  the  title,  "  A  Territorial  Army  in  Being,"  with  a  preface  by 
Lord  Eoberts. 

In  pursuance  of  its  propagandist  work,  the  League  published  a  great  deal 
of  valuable  literature,  the  most  important  part  of  it  being,  naturally,  the 
speeches  of  its  President,  and  its  activity  was  witnessed  by  the  innumerable 
meetings  held  in  every  part  of  the  country,  and  in  the  constant  ventilation  of 
the  question  of  National  Service  in  the  Press. 

It  is  impossible,  in  the  course  of  a  short  review  of  a  great  national  movement, 
manifesting  itself  in  different  forms  of  activity,  to  deal  with  every  stage  which 
marked  its  progress.  But  reference  must  at  least  be  made  to  the  great  debate 
which  took  place  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  July  12  and  13,  1909,  upon  the  Bill 
introduced  into  the  House  to  embody  the  principles  of  the  League  and  enable 
the  nation  to  have  before  it  the  exact  nature  of  our  proposals,  together  with  a 
statement  of  the  numbers  of  men  and  the  cost  involved  under  the  scheme. 

Lord  Eoberts  moved  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill  in  a  most  impressive 
speech,  and  was  seconded  by  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  Among  the  distinguished 
speakers  who  contributed  to  the  debate  were  Lord  Curzon,  Lord  Milner,  Lord 
Ampthill,  Lord  Meath,  Lord  .Newton,  and  Lord  Willoughby  de  Broke. 

The  opposition  was  embodied  in  a  resolution  moved  by  the  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  which  intimated  that  the  House  was  not  prepared  to  proceed 
with  a  measure  "  which  would  supersede  the  system  accepted  as  sufficient  by 
the  Military  Advisors  of  the  Government."  This  resolution  was  carried  by 
123  votes  to  103. 

The  comments  of  the  Press  showed  that  both  the  debate  and  the  result 
of  the  voting  had  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  country. 

It  is  impossible,  within  the  brief  limits  of  a  magazine  article,  to  give  an 
adequate  idea  of  the  growth  of  the  movement  and  of  the  .vigorous  activity  of 
its  devoted  advocates.  No  account  would  be  in  any  way  complete  without 
some  reference  to  the  Special  Campaign  which  may  be  said  to  date  from  the 
great  meeting  held  at  Manchester  on  October  22,  1912.  With  this  meeting  a 
new  phase  of  Lord  Eoberts's  activity  began.  Up  to  that  date  he  had  dealt 
mainly  with  the  purely  military  aspect  of  the  great  reform  which  he  was 
advocating,  and  he  had  addressed  himself  mainly  to  general  audiences.  But, 
in  embarking  on  the  great  and  arduous  campaign  which  was  initiated  by  this 
Manchester  meeting,  he  was  attacking  the  very  arsenal  of  industrialism,  which 
was  and  is  the  centre  of  pacificism. 


KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT.      899 

The  meeting  was  a  triumphant  success,  the  greatest,  indeed,  which  had  ever 
greeted  Lord  Roberts's  efforts.  The  Free  Trade  Hall  was  packed,  and  an  over- 
flow meeting  at  the  Association  Hall  numbered  nearly  2,000  people. 

Incidentally  the  meeting  had  the  further  result  that  it  was  decided  to 
organise  a  concerted  campaign  in  the  great  industrial  centres  where,  up  to  that 
time,  the  steady,  energetic  but  quiet  work  of  propaganda  had  not  succeeded  in 
arresting  the  attention  and  seizing  the  imagination  of  the  great  mass  of  the 
people,  upon  whose  votes  the  passing  of  any  measure  of  National  Service  must 
ultimately  depend. 

The  campaign  was  organised  by  a  special  sub-committee  and  included 
meetings  at  Bristol,  Wolverhampton,  Leeds,  Glasgow,  Birmingham,  Sheffield, 
Nottingham,  Middlesbrough,  Ipswich,  Huddersfield,  Skipton,  Northampton, 
Hull,  and  Liverpool ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  meetings,  which 
were  only  the  most  remarkable  among  some  2,500  meetings  held  in  the  fifteen 
months  ending  March  31, 1914,  served  to  arrest  the  interest  of  the  most  apathetic 
and  to  draw  the  fire  of  the  most  prominent  protagonists  of  the  Peace  Party. 

But  perhaps  the  most  important  of  the  triumphs  secured  by  Lord  Roberts's 
indomitable  perseverance  and  single-mindedness  of  purpose  was  the  fact  that 
the  Prime  Minister  received  a  representative  deputation  of  the  National  Service 
League  on  February  27,  1914,  and,  what  is  more,  replied  to  the  admirable 
statement  of  their  case,  which  was  put  forward  by  its  various  exponents,  in  a 
speech  of  singular  fairness  and  open-mindedness. 

There  is  one  sentence  which  must  be  quoted,  since  it  gives  moderate 
but  clear  expression  to  the  view  of  the  flagrant  injustice  of  the  Voluntary 
System  which  the  War  has  burnt  into  so  many  minds.  "  There  is,"  said  Mr. 
Asquith,  "  an  uneven  distribution  of  the  burden  which  ought  to  be  more  widely 
borne.  I  am  entirely  in  sympathy  with  that  view.  I  think  it  is  very  much  to 
be  desired  that  the  burden  should  be  more  evenly  and  more  widely  distributed." 

The  War,  to  guard  against  the  League  had  been  working  for  twelve  years, 
broke  out  with  a  suddenness,  on  a  scale  and  with  a  gravity  of  issue  which 
not  even  the  most  far-seeing  of  the  workers  for  National  Service  had  fully 
contemplated.  What  was  the  League  to  do  ? 

It  was  of  course  obvious  that  a  body  inspired  with  the  principles  of  patriotism 
must,  for  the  time  being,  drop  all  propaganda  in  favour  of  the  principle  of  Com- 
pulsory Service.  It  may  be  urged  that  the  League  should  have  thrown  the 
whole  of  its  resources  and  the  machinery  of  its  organisation  into  the  work  of 
inspiring  the  nation  to  the  tremendous  efforts  which  were  demanded,  and  the 
extent  of  which  no  one  was  better  qualified  to  gauge.  The  view,  however, 
prevailed  that  such  overt  and  active  work  on  the  part  of  the  League  might  be 
misunderstood,  and  would  certainly  be  misrepresented,  and  it  was  decided, 
on  Lord  Robert's  advice,  to  impose  the  self-denying  ordinance  by  which  the 
League  placed  the  whole  of  its  organisation  at  the  disposal  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  War  to  use  in  any  way  and  for  any  objects  which  he  considered  most 
desirable.  As  a  result,  the  League  did  an  immense  amount  of  work  for  the 
War  Office. 


900    KINDRED  SOCIETIES— PAST  AND  PRESENT. 

It  dealt  with  a  vast  amount  of  unofficial  correspondence,  classified  thousands 
of  applications  for  interpreterships,  indexed  and  catalogued  over  188,000 
names  in  connection  with  the  Casualty  Lists  from  the  Press  ;  assisted  in  securing 
over  500  candidates  who  eventually  received  commissions  ;  sorted  and  classi- 
fied the  names  of  10,000  applicants  for  military  appointments  ;  appealed  for, 
and  sent  out,  over  25,000  field-glasses  and  telescopes,  and  over  7,000  saddles  ; 
assisted  the  Social  Service  Bureau,  which  was  worked  by  the  Cavendish  Club 
and  Association,  in  dealing  with  thousands  of  volunteers  for  social  service  ; 
and,  finally,  directly  and  through  its  branches  was  instrumental  in  recruiting 
many  thousands  of  men  for  the  military  and  naval  forces. 

As  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  organising  and  honorary  secretaries  of 
the  League  were  called  out,  or  volunteered  for  service,  and  a  great  number  of 
men  had  to  be  engaged  temporarily  to  deal  with  much  of  the  work  indicated, 
the  League  is  entitled  to  point  to  the  result  with  legitimate  satisfaction. 

On  August  19  last,  however,  Lord  Milner,  as  Chairman  of  the  Council, 
issued  a  manifesto  stating  that  "  the  whole  situation  has  changed  since  the  date 
when  a  policy  of  abstention  was  decided  upon.  The  unprecedented  intensity 
of  the  struggle,  the  absolute  necessity  of  placing  forces  of  unforeseen  magnitude 
into  the  field  .  .  .  render  it  necessary  to  reconsider  the  policy  adopted  under 
different  circumstances  a  year  ago.  ...  It  becomes  increasingly  evident  that 
to  obtain  success  we  must  put  forward  our  whole  strength  by  establishing  uni- 
versal and  compulsory  military  service  for  such  period  as  the  War  may  last. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  Council  the  time  has  come  when  all  the  efforts  of  the 
League  should  be  directed  to  attaining  this  end." 

It  is  too  early,  as  yet,  to  estimate  the  weight  and  energy  which  the  League 
now  has  at  its  disposal  to  put  the  policy  into  force,  but  it  is  clear  that  events 
are  working  in  the  same  direction  with  such  cumulative  momentum  that  the 
establishment  of  National  Service  for  the  period  of  the  War  is  one  of  the  chief 
probabilities  of  the  near  future. 

Such,  then,  is  the  record,  in  briefest  form,  of  the  National  Service  League  up 
to  the  present  time. 

It  is  a  record  of  a  movement  which,  growing  from  a  little  seed,  had  spread 
throughout  Great  Britain  and  the  Dominions,  as  a  result  of  the  sheer  hard  work, 
inspiring  energy  and  devoted  self-sacrifice  of  some  scores  of  men  and  women 
who,  working  at  first  as  pioneers,  amid  every  kind  of  discouragement  in  their 
struggle  against  national  apathy,  were  at  least  heartened  and  encouraged  by 
securing  the  leadership  of  the  great  soldier  who  made  their  cause  his  own. 

It  is  impossible  here  even  to  mention  by  name  all  those  brave  spirits  who 
bore  the  burden  and  heat  of  the  day,  and  who  gave  of  their  best,  with  no  thought 
of  gain  or  personal  credit,  to  secure  the  triumph  of  a  great  cause.  Allusion  has 
already  been  made  to  Major  Crosfield's  splendid  service  to  the  cause.  He  has 
been  for  many  months  at  the  front  as  second  in  command  of  his  battalion,  having 
also  served  in  the  Imperial  Yeomanry  during  the  South  African  War. 

This  article  is  not  a  history  of  the  National  Service  League,  but  merely  a 
sketch  of  its  foundation,  aims,  and  development ;  and  if  a  history  has  still  to  be 


WAR  HELP  FROM  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC.     901 

written  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  all  those  who  worked  well  and  truly  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  a  sound  system  of  national  defence  will,  in  the  fullness  of  time, 
receive  the  credit  which  is  so  truly  due  to  them. 

Is  it  not  fitting  that,  in  this  greatest  of  all  struggles  for  liberty,  our  empire 
should  meet  the  crisis  with  the  strength  only  to  be  gained  from  the  common 
sacrifice  of  all  its  citizens — a  sacrifice  which  has  ever  been  the  price  of  true 
freedom  as  it  is  the  condition  of  Admiralty  and  Empire  itself  ? 

E.  MACLEOD. 


WAR  HELP  FROM  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC. 

WHEN  War  broke  out  it  found  at  least  two  societies  in  being,  one  the  "  British  Society 
in  the  Argentine  Republic,"  and  the  other  the  "  British  Patriotic  Committee  " 
(in  Rosario).  The  former  society  had  been  formed  from  the  ashes  of  the  Empire 
League,  a  branch  of  the  world-wide  Empire  League,  and  was  not  at  all  in  a  flourishing 
condition.  Now  it  has  nearly  1,500  members,  with  every  probability  of  these  numbers 
being  doubled  or  even  still  further  increased  in  a  short  space  of  time.  The  British 
Patriotic  Committee  of  Rosario  was  founded  some  twelve  years  back,  and  has  been 
in  active  existence  ever  since.  More  than  99  per  cent,  of  the  British  population  of 
Rosario  and  district  are  enrolled  on  its  books. 

The  day  after  the  War  broke  out  a  meeting  was  called  in  Rosario,  and  it  made  the 
first  offer  recorded  of  help  to  Great  Britain.  A  cable  was  sent  to  Sir  Edward  Grey 
offering  to  place  100  men  free  of  all  expense,  "  ex  quay  "  in  England,  as  the  commercial 
phrase  runs,  these  men  to  be  capable  of  military  service,  passed  as  sound  by  the  doctors, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  them  with  previous  military  training.  Much  to  the  regret 
of  the  proposers  of  this  scheme,  a  reply  was  received  thanking  them  for  their  offer, 
but  stating  that  it  could  not  be  accepted.  On  looking  back  with  calmer  judgment 
on  the  decision  of  the  authorities  at  home,  we  must  consider  that  they  were  so  over- 
whelmed with  offers  from  all  parts  of  the  world  in  the  early  days  that  it  was  at  first 
perhaps  necessary  to  refuse,  or  appear  to  refuse,  until  they  had  time  to  look  round 
and  arrange  matters.  Ten  days  later  a  cable  was  received  from  Sir  Edward  Grey 
stating  that,  if  any  man  cared  to  present  himself  in  England,  and  could  fill  the  necessary 
military  requirements,  he  would  be  accepted. 

In  the  meantime  three  prominent  Britons,  on  hearing  of  the  first  reply,  undertook 
to  pay  jointly  the  passage  of  any  man  who  was  unable  to  pay  the  large  sum  required" 
for  the  journey  home  or  to  help  him  with  an  assisted  passage.  Several  other  members 
of  the  community  were  approached  and  willingly  shared  in  the  scheme,  with  the  result 
that  the  first  batch  of  volunteers  was  soon  sent  off.  Subsequently  this  work  was 
carried  on  by  the  British  Patriotic  Committee  of  the  Argentine  Republic  (formed  in 
Buenos  Aires),  who  have  been  responsible  for  a  constant  stream  of  Britons  leaving 
the  country  to  rally  to  the  flag,  and  nearly  five  thousand  men  have  gone  in  this  way 
to  join  the  Army,  but  most  of  them  have  paid  their  own  passages.  "  May  God  be 
with  them." 

Some  days  after  the  outbreak  of  War,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute,  a  meeting  was  called  in  Buenos  Aires,  and  a  body  was  formed  called 
the  "  British  Patriotic  Committee,"  to  take  in  hand  the  collecting  of  subscriptions, 


902  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

the  sending  home  of  volunteers,  and  the  helping  of  those  whom  the  War  had  incon- 
venienced.    This  Committee,  formed  for  the  period  of  the  War,  has  done  sterling  work. 

At  first  it  was  inclined  to  clash  with  the  British  Society  already  in  being,  to  the 
extent  of  duplicating  its  aims,  but  this  difficulty  has  completely  disappeared,  and 
the  two  bodies  are  working  in  harmony  for  a  common  end. 

To  those  who  remained  behind,  unable  to  undertake  active  service,  it  was  left  to 
subscribe  to  the  two  funds  opened,  the  General  Fund  and  the  Prince  of  Wales' 
Fund,  which  now  reach  $150,000  and  $135,000  (paper)  respectively.  The  Patriotic 
Committee  (Rosario)  decided  to  send  their  subscriptions  direct  to  the  Prince  of  Wales' 
Fund,  and  these  now  amount  to,  roughly,  $60,000  (paper)  from  Rosario  and  district 
— not  a  bad  sum  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  community  comprises  less  than  five 
hundred  British-born  subjects.  We  do  not  forget,  however,  that  other  nationalities 
have  also  assisted  and  shown  their  practical  sympathy  with  this  worthy  charity. 
The  British  Society  opened  a  subscription  list  for  an  aeroplane,  to  be  called  the  "  River 
Plate."  It  is  now  well  on  the  way  to  be  able  to  give  a  second  one,  which  will  probably 
be  followed  by  others.  The  Red  Cross  Society  has  appointed  a  delegate,  and  funds 
for  this  object  have  already  reached  $20,000.  The  Central  Argentine  Railway  have 
started  an  Aeroplane  Fund  and  hope  to  obtain  the  necessary  money  required  very 
shortly.  Many  men  have  gone  from  this  railway,  and  it  will  cheer  those  in  the  field 
to  know  that  their  friends  behind  are  also  doing  their  bit.  The  Belgian  Fund  amounts 
to  some  $4,600  (paper).  The  Buenos  Aires  Herald  opened  a  list  for  a  Red  Cross 
motor  car,  and  the  sum  of  $6,000  was  subscribed  within  a  week.  Subscriptions 
for  a  second  car  are  now  being  collected.  The  Irish  Argentines  have  a  War  Fund 
which  reaches  $5,850,  and  has  been  divided  between  the  Irish  Soldiers'  Relief,  the 
Prince  of  Wales',  and  the  British  Patriotic  Committee's  funds.  The  ladies  have 
also  started  a  Patriotic  Fund,  and  have  raised  $2,500  to  date.  The  British  Estan- 
cieros  have  sent  in  over  five  hundred  horses  to  be  forwarded  to  England  for  war 
service,  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  cattle,  valued  at  roughly  £20,000,  to  be  frozen 
and  shipped  for  the  benefit  of  Belgian  refugees  in  England.  The  British  Society 
have  forwarded  endless  reading  matter  to  the  sailors  of  His  Majesty's  ships  in  these 
waters,  and  have  also  sent  creature  and  material  comforts  to  them  and  to  the  lads  at 
the  front. 

Mention  has  only  been  made  of  Buenos  Aires  and  Rosario,  but  the  inhabitants 
of  other  towns  have  played  their  part  in  every  form  of  patriotic  endeavour.  From 
Bahia  Blanca,  La  Plata,  Cordoba,  Tucuman,  Salta,  Mendoza,  Parana,  and  wherever 
else  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  Argentine  Republic,  Britons  have  come  forward  to 
do  their  bit  for  the  Old  Country. 

ERNEST  M.  PIXTON. 

EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET:  THE  ROMANCE  OF  A  THREE 
HUNDRED  YEARS'  ALLIANCE.* 

By  ELLIS  T.  POWELL,  LL.B.,  B.Sc.  (Author  of  "The  Evolution  of  the  Money  Market"). 

FKOM  the  moment  when  the  German  war  crisis  burst  upon  us,  it  was  unanimously 
agreed  that  sound  finance  would  be  our  mainstay  in  the  mighty  conflict.  It  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  the  financial  foundations  of  our  economic  fabric  should 
remain  unshifted  under  the  shock  of  the  crisis  itself.  Further,  it  was  early  realised 
that  the  War  would  probably  resolve  itself  in  no  small  degree  into  a  conflict  in  staying 

*  Paper  r°ad  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  held  on  Tuesday,  November  2,  1916» 
Sir  Charles  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  Chairman  of  the  Council,  in  the  Chair. 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  903 

power ;  and  staying  power  in  the  modern  world  is  only  another  name  for  finance. 
These  were  not  our  British  views  alone.  They  were  the  very  profound  convictions 
of  our  German  enemies  also.  They  had  made  elaborate  preparations  for  the  precipita 
tion  of  a  financial  crisis  in  London  as  soon  as  war  eventuated.  They  tried  to  create 
"  runs  "  on  banks  through  the  medium  of  withdrawals  of  cash  by  Germans  and 
naturalised  Germans.  They  engineered  wholesale  "  welshing  "  on  the  Stock  Exchange. 
That  their  mean  machinations  failed,  that  no  financial  crisis  intervened,  that  the 
reserves  of  staying  power  have  so  far  proved  equal  to  every  strain  upon  them,  and  are 
destined  to  do  so  until  the  triumphant  finish  of  the  War — all  these  welcome  and  en- 
couraging facts  are  due  in  a  very  large  degree  to  our  protection,  as  an  Empire,  by  the 
adamantine  bastions  of  modern  finance. 

Finance  to  most  of  us  is  a  terrible  word — perhaps  in  more  aspects  than  one.  It 
means  so  much  to  those  who  understand  it,  that  it  means  little  or  nothing  to  those  who 
do  not.  But  yet,  contemplating  its  tremendous  and  overshadowing  importance  as  a 
factor  in  the  present  world  conflict,  some  comprehension  of  what  we  owe  to  its  activity 
is  an  intellectual  duty  to  ourselves.  If  finance  did  so  much  to  save  the  Empire, 
intelligent  Imperialists  should  possess  clear  ideas  about  its  origin,  functions  and 
purpose.  Let  me  endeavour,  therefore,  to  delineate  the  share  of  finance  in  the  building 
of  the  Empire.  For  that  purpose  I  will  try  to  answer,  as  briefly  and  as  lucidly  as  I  can, 
two  questions  :  Whence  and  how  has  modern  finance,  an  essentially  British  pheno- 
menon, come  into  existence  ?  Precisely  in  what  manner  did  the  fact  of  its  existence 
aid  the  British  Empire  in  surmounting  the  unprecedented  and  gigantic  peril  of  August 
1914? 

Modern  finance,  as  I  shall  hope  to  show  you,  is  more  than  an  organisation — it  is 
a  gigantic  organism.  There  ought  to  be  a  time,  therefore,  when  we  can  discern  its 
first  manifestations,  and  from  which  we  can  trace  its  growth  simultaneously  with  that 
of  the  Empire  itself.  That  period  of  earliest  discernment  we  may  fairly  fix  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  fourteenth  century,  that  is  to  say  in  the  period  which  saw  the  Black  Death, 
the  Battle  of  Crecy,  the  reign  of  Kichard  II.,  the  rise  of  John  Wycliffe,  and  the  poems 
of  Chaucer.  That  period  also  witnessed  one  event,  the  happening  of  which  is  little 
known  save  to  expert  historical  students,  though  it  was  destined  to  have  a  predominant 
influence  upon  our  development  into  a  world  Power.  I  mean  the  commutation  of 
the  Feudal  Dues.  Broadly  speaking,  down  to  the  year  1400  the  smaller  tenants  and 
labourers  on  the  estates  of  the  great  feudal  magnates  paid  their  rents  in  kind  or  in 
service.  They  were  pinned  to  the  soil,  and  money  was  to  them  unknown  or  un- 
familiar. But  during  the  fourteenth  century  these  dues  were  gradually  being  com- 
muted into  money  payments.  By  the  year  1450  the  process  was  practically  complete. 
Rents  throughout  the  country  ceased  to  be  paid  in  kind  and  in  services,  and  were 
discharged  by  means  of  coin.  In  technical  but  easily  comprehensible  language, 
we  passed  from  an  age  of  barter-economy  and  service-economy  into  an  age  of  money- 
economy.  We  began  to  value  everything  in  terms  of  money  rather  than  in  terms  of 
service  or  of  produce.  That  is  to  say,  instead  of  A.B.  holding  his  land  on  the  terms 
of  labouring  one  day  out  of  each  week  for  the  Lord  of  the  Manor,  he  yields  no  labour  at 
all,  but  pays  an  annual  sum.  This  change  brought  money  everywhere  upon  the  scene 


904  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

as  a  socially  invigorating  and  inspiring  force.  It  put  into  general  operation  among  us 
an  engine  of  social  progress,  which  is  now  so  inextricably  mixed  up  with  the  life 
of  the  world  that  it  is  almost  impossible  for  us  to  imagine  a  state  of  society  in 
which  it  had  only  a  very  limited  vogue.  This  beginning  of  a  money-economy 
was  the  first  stage  in  the  history  of  British  Finance. 

We  were  not  very  apt  students.     It  took  us  some  time,  as  a  nation,  to  learn  the 
value  of  money.     Of  course  we  all  know  it  now  ;    but  originally  we  were  backward 
pupils  in  the  school  of  finance.     For  a  couple  of  centuries,  that  is  to  say  from  1400  to 
1600,  our  ancestors  remained  mere  prentices  at  the  handling  of  money.     They  were 
slow  to  comprehend  the  principles  of  its  employment  by  aggregation  and  investment. 
In  fact,  they  did  not  invest,  they  hoarded.     A  huge  proportion  of  the  currency  which 
was  coined  by  the  Government,  or  which  entered  this  country  from  abroad,  went 
straight  into  hoards.     As  fast  as  coin  was  put  into  circulation  it  vanished  from  sight. 
The  wills  of  the  period  simply  swarm  with  illustrations  of  this  amazing  habit.     Let  me 
give  one  case  only  from  the  will  of  Richard  Bellasis,  dated  1597.     He  bequeathed 
£64  to  his  sister.     He  says  the  money  is  "  within  a  litelle  poursse  of  silke  rybben, 
within  a  littell  lether  bagg,  which  is  putt  within  a  white  lether  showe,  and  lieth  in  the 
west  eynd  of  the  heighest  floore  of  the  presser,  in  my  stodye  at  Morton,  where  the 
glasses  stand."     In  schedules  the  testator  recites  other  stores  of  money,  including 
£500  "  in  current  coine  of  goulde  of  severall  sorts,  all  which  is  now  lapped  up  in  one 
severall  thinne  piece  of  lead."     There  is  also  a  sum  of  £200  "in  currante  monie  put 
edgewaies   into  a  woodden  box  .  .  .  walled  up   in  a  hollowe  place  within  the  wall 
of  the  new  great  chamber  at  Morton  "  ;   £200  in  the  bottom  of  an  "  ould  litel  barrell 
in  the  store  house  "  ;    £160  in  "  a  bagge  .  .  behind  two  books  in  the  presser,"  and 
£64  "  thrust  into  an  old  lether  shoe  "  in  the  said  presser.     Practically  the  only  form 
of  investment  which  seems  to  have  been  general  was  the  putting  of  money  into  gold 
plate,  and  this  practice  was  the  foundation  of  the  money  market.     It  created  a  class 
of  dealers  in  the  precious  metals,  carrying  on  a  business  ultimately  destined  to  develop 
into  banking  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word.     The  transformation  was  natural. 
The  goldsmiths  acquired  the  reputation  of  being  a  body  of  wealthy  and  responsible 
men.     Their  shops  were  safe  deposits  at  a  time  when  financial  safety  was  very  difficult 
to  attain.     They  had  wholesome  ideas  about  credit,  and  they  were  the  only  class 
which  knew  how  to  employ  money  to  advantage.      Towards  the  year  1600  there 
were  clear  indications  of  a  tendency  to  deposit  money  with  the  goldsmiths  at  interest, 
instead  of  sterilising  it  in  a  bag  under  the  stairs  or  in  a  hole  under  the  roof.  This  function 
of  receiving  money  for  safe  custody  and  of  lending  it  in  a  rather  unscientific  fashion 
was  invariably  discharged  as  a  kind  of  side  show  to  the  original  trade  of  the  goldsmith. 
He  was  goldsmith  first  and  banker  afterwards.     Originally,  moreover,  the  ancient 
religious  sentiment  against  usury  and  the  existing  legislation  regulating  the  rate  of 
interest  by  statute  discouraged  the  aggregation  of  money.     The  man  who  lends  his 
money  expects  to  be  compensated  for  the  risk.     If  he  cannot  get  what  he  thinks  is  a 
fair  price,  he  will  refuse  to  lend  at  all.    In  1571  the  maximum  rate  of  interest  was 
fixed  at  10  per  cent.     In  1624  it  was  reduced  to  8,  and  twenty  years  later  to  6.     Queen 
Anne's  legislators  in  1714  brought  it  soon  to  5,  and  in  1824  the  legislature  repealed 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  905 

all  usury  laws  and  left  people  to  make  their  own  bargains  and  to  finance  the  Empire 
on  such  terms  as  they  and  the  Empire  could  arrange  and  agree  upon. 

Money  begins  to  be  marshalled,  then,  about  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century 
with  Queen  Elizabeth  on  the  throne  and  Shakespeare  as  the  living  interpreter  of 
national  hope  and  sentiment.  These  very  modest  aggregations  of  money, 
opened  the  way  for  the  advent  of  Imperialism.  The  new  spirit  of  enter- 
prise as  typified  in  the  exploits  of  Drake  and  Raleigh,  as  well  as  the  sense 
of  aspiring  nationality  which  found  its  voice  in  Shakespeare,  would  have  been 
impotent  as  permanent  influences  if  they  had  not  been  supported  by  financial 
resources.  Permanence  was  seen  to  be  the  fundamental  necessity  of  the  foreign 
commercial  enterprise  out  of  which  the  Empire  was  to  be  built.  It  was  useless 
to  effect  landings  and  hoist  flags  in  foreign  territory  unless  trade  followed  the 
flag.  But  trade  could  only  do  so  if  there  was  aggregated  capital  behind  it,  so  that 
the  administration  could  take  some  form  which  was  not  transient  and  temporary,' 
but  on  the  contrary  able  to  maintain  itself  in  activity  without  dependence  upon 
individual  lives.  The  problem  was  solved  when  aggregated  capital  took  the  joint- 
stock  form.  The  individual  dies  ;  the  Company  lives  from  age  to  age.  Eealisation 
of  these  necessities  gave  us  the  great  colonising  and  trading  companies  which  laid 
the  foundation  of  our  over-seas  Empire. 

When  the  East  India  merchants  asked  Elizabeth  in  1599  for  the  privilege  of 
perpetual  succession  as  a  company,  they  argued  that  the  trade  of  the  Indies  was  so 
remote  as  to  be  incapable  of  proper  management  without  a  "  joint  and  united  stock.'' 
The  first  of  the  great  joint-stock  enterprises  was  an  Imperialist  Company.  It  may 
almost  be  said  to  have  been  described  as  such  by  Queen  Mary  in  the  gift  of  incorpora- 
tion. The  Charter  describes  the  enterprise  as  the  Merchant  Adventurers  of  England 
for  the  Discovery  of  Lands,  Territories,  Isles,  Dominions,  and  Seigniories,  unknown 
or  not  commonly  frequented.  In  the  course  of  the  next  century  there  arose  three 
chartered  joint-stock  corporations  whose  names  are  very  familiar  in  Imperial  history — 
The  East  India,  The  Royal  African,  and  the  Hudson  Bay.  The  first  gave  us  the 
Indian  Empire,  the  last  created  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  What  these  have  meant 
for  us  as  an  Empire  it  would  be  superfluous  for  me  to  specify,  especially  in  the  light 
of  events  during  the  last  fifteen  months.  If  corporate  financial  enterprise,  making 
its  modest  beginnings  in  Shakespeare's  days,  had  given  us  nothing  but  the  Dominion 
of  Canada  and  the  Indian  Empire,  we  might  say  that  its  share  in  building  the  Imperial 
fabric  had  not  been  small ;  but,  in  fact,  the  joint-stock  company,  a  thoroughly  charac- 
teristic product  of  modern  finance,  has  been  a  factor  of  immense  potency  in  Imperial 
evolution.  In  the  existence  of  these  early  Empire-building  companies  lies  my  justifica- 
tion for  speaking  of  a  three  hundred  years'  alliance  between  the  Empire  and  the  Money 
Market.  Imperialism  and  joint-stock  enterprise  are  twins,  born  in  the  same  era — 
the  sixteenth  century,  and  of  the  same  parent — Finance. 

We  have  now  passed  in  review  the  first  stage  of  financial  evolution  down  to  1450 
with  the  abolition  of  the  feudal  dues  and  the  beginning  of  a  money  currency ;  we 
have  also  glanced  at  the  period  from  1450  to  (say)  1600,  which  saw  the  origination  of  a 
class  of  specialised  money  dealers,  formed  simultaneously  with  the  modest  aggregations 


906  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

of  money  devoted  to  the  initiation  of  a  modest  Imperial  programme.  The  third 
stage  carries  us  from  the  year  1600  to  the  foundation  of  the  Bank  of  England  in  1694. 
This  was  the  period  which  saw  the  Cromwellian  Civil  War.  The  aggregation  of 
capital  went  on  apace.  The  goldsmiths  developed  into  bankers,  doing  a  regular 
business  which  was  really  banking  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term.  By  the  end 
of  the  century  they  had  abandoned  the  goldsmiths'  craft  and  began  to  specialise  in 
banking  only.  But  there  was  no  Bank  of  England  to  store  their  reserves  as  nowadays. 
Therefore  they  kept  them  at  the  Exchequer.  Ultimately,  in  1672,  Charles  II.  raided 
their  funds  and  filched  a  total  of  £1,328,526,  probably  equivalent  to  something  like 
£15,000,000  of  our  money.  The  existence  of  so  large  an  aggregate  shows  how  the 
banking  business  was  extending,  and  how  increasingly  capable  it  was  becoming  of 
financing  an  Imperial  programme.  Three  years  later  (1675)  is  the  date  from  which 
the  earliest  known  cheque  has  come  down  to  us.  That  fact  is  also  of  timely  Imperial 
significance,  if  the  late  Lord  Avebury  was  right  in  calling  the  cheque  the  "  Union  Jack 
of  Commerce."  All  through  the  Cromwellian  period  the  Jews  were  returning  to 
England  after  an  exile  of  350  years.  They  brought  us  that  skill  in  the  abstract  side 
of  business,  that  capacity  for  subtle  financial  finesse,  which  is  not  part  of  the  racial 
endowment  of  the  British  people,  though  its  absence  would  have  been  a  severe  handi- 
cap to  our  establishment  of  the  financial  supremacy  of  London.  They  came  from  the 
Continent  where  they  had  established  among  themselves  a  financial  organisation 
with  extended  ramifications.  Their  advent  to  this  country,  as  members  of  a  cosmo- 
politan fraternity,  brought  our  modest  financial  system  into  touch  with  the  rest  of 
the  world.  Foreign  money  began  to  come  here  for  investment,  relying  upon  a  political 
stability  which,  if  not  very  remarkable,  was  yet  a  portent  in  comparison  with  the 
uneasy  conditions  of  the  Continent.  Before  a  Parliamentary  Committee  in  1669 
it  was  said  that  a  great  part  of  the  money  used  in  trade  and  for  the  rebuilding  of 
London  after  the  Great  Fire  was  Dutch,  so  that  even  before  the  foundation  of  the 
Bank  of  England  there  was  an  embryo  money-power  in  existence  and  clearly 
discernible. 

But  what  the  embryo  money-power  urgently  required  before  it  could  play  its 
proper  part  in  social  and  political  advancement  was  organisation.  Each  goldsmith- 
banker  stood  by  himself,  an  isolated  financial  unit.  Taken  altogether  they  were 
merely  an  indefinite  and  incoherent  rabble.  They  were  without  a  rallying  point,  and 
consequently  without  centralisation,  integration,  or  any  sense  of  common  interest 
and  responsibility.  Left  as  such,  they  could  never  have  made  a  Money  Power.  There 
were,  indeed,  by  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  beginnings  of  a  stock  market, 
and  the  well-defined  foundations  of  the  gigantic  fabric  of  joint-stock  enterprise.  But 
these  isolated,  self-sufficing  movements,  without  cohesion,  common  cause,  or  scientific 
method,  must  have  remained  ineffective  as  a  national,  and  much  more  as  a  cosmo- 
politan force,  if  there  had  not  been  created  a  central  supremacy,  a  pilot  throughout 
the  financial  perils  of  the  next  two  centuries.  Before  all  things,  it  was  essential 
that  the  new  finance  must  integrate  and  centralise.  Financial  evolution  must  con- 
form, in  its  own  sphere,  to  the  necessities  of  the  concurrent  process  in  biology.  For 
the  activity  of  the  money  market  is  the  function  of  an  organic  structure,  not  of  a 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  907 

mere  unrelated  cluster  of  interests.  The  credit-evolution,  like  the  entire  world- 
process  of  which  it  forms  a  part,  is  a  "  development  of  organic  harmony  through  the 
extension  of  control  by  mind  operating  under  mechanical  conditions  which  it  comes 
by  degrees  to  master."  Such  postulates  point  to  the  necessity  of  a  self-consciouSj 
altruistic,  centralising  force,  endowed  with  the  attribute  of  unbroken  continuity,  so  as 
to  be  aware,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  of  its  own  power,  and  capable  of  accumu- 
lating and  transmitting  stores  of  experience.  As  soon  as  we  come  to  contemplate  the 
establishment  of  the  Bank  of  England,  we  shall  see  how  such  a  force  sprang  into 
existence.  Our  task,  in  surveying  the  financial  evolution  of  the  next  200  years  down 
to  the  present  War,  will  be  largely  occupied  with  the  development  of  the  Bank's  prestige 
and  the  growth  of  its  power  ;  originally  political  and  financial,  but  in  our  own  time 
mainly  moral.  » 

The  Bank  of  England  was  started  in  1694.  The  scheme  was  that  of  William 
Paterson,  declared  by  his  admirers  to  have  been  a  far-sighted  financier,  and  by  his 
critics  to  have  started  life  as  a  buccaneer.  The  sum  of  £1,200,000  required  to  starl  the 
institution  was  subscribed  in  a  few  hours.  Jealousy  of  the  Royal  power  produced  the 
provision  that  if  the  Bank  advanced  any  money  whatever  to  the  Crown  without 
the  special  permission  of  Parliament  it  was  to  forfeit  treble  the  value  of  such  advances. 
But  the  Bank  instantly,  and  almost  magically,  eased  the  financial  strain  of  the  situation 
— for  we  were  then,  as  now,  in  the  middle  of  war.  "  The  erection  of  this  famous 
Bank,"  said  its  Founder,  "  not  only  relieved  the  Ministerial  managers  from  their 
frequent  processions  into  the  city  tor  borrowing  money,  on  the  best  and  nearest  public 
securities,  at  10  or  12  per  cent,  per  annum,  but  likewise  gave  life  and  currency  to  double 
or  treble  the  value  of  its  capital  in  other  branches  of  the  public  credit,  and  so,  under 
God,  became  the  principal  means  of  the  success  of  the  campaign  of  1695  ;  as  particularly 
in  reducing  the  important  fortress  of  Namur,  the  first  material  step  towards  the  peace 
concluded  in  1697."  Clearly  "  silver  bullets  "  were  wanted  in  those  days  as  well  as 
in  ours.  Indeed,  immediately  before  the  establishment  of  the  Bank  of  England  the 
Government  was  at  its  wits'  end  for  money,  and  national  default  was  an  imminent 
contingency.  "  Montague,  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  of  that  day,"  said  Burke, 
was  "  obliged,  like  a  solicitor  for  an  hospital,  to  go  cap  in  hand  from  shop  to  shop  to 
borrow  a  hundred  pounds,  and  even  smaller  sums.  When  made  up  in  driblets  as  they 
could,  their  best  securities  were  at  an  interest  of  12  per  cent."  Such  a  humiliating 
state  of  affairs  ended  with  the  advent  of  the  Bank  of  England.  From  that  time 
onwards  there  has  been  no  real  pause  in  the  task  of  financial  consolidation. 

The  Bank  of  England  gradually,  not  suddenly  or  by  specific  selection,  became  the 
banker  to  the  Government.  We  may  date  from  1751  the  recognition  of  the  fact  that 
the  Bank  alone  should  be  employed  in  the  management  of  the  public  debt.  But  this 
was  only  informal.  There  was  no  contract.  The  Bank  of  England  is  the  banker  to  the 
Government,  but  it  is  not  a  Government  bank.  The  Government  itself  owns  no 
Bank  Stock.  But  the  fact  of  being  the  banker  to  the  Government,  and  necessarily 
in  its  financial  confidence,  has  been  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  many  influences 
which  have  combined  to  build  up  the  primacy  of  Threadneedle  Street.  "  A  single 
movement  of  the  public  moneys  often  carries  with  it  a  State  secret,"  said  Napoleon  ; 

3  P 


908  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

and  a  glamour  grows  around  those  who  effect  it.  Out  of  the  prestige  arising  from  its 
relations  with  the  Government,  and  by  means  of  the  funds  thus  commanded,  the  Bank 
built  up  its  own  power  and  the  strength  of  modern  money  market  simultaneously. 
The  bonds  between  the  Bank  and  the  Government  are  now  practically  indissoluble, 
but  in  the  shape  of  any  alliance  or  partnership  recognisable  by  the  law  there  is  no 
relationship  whatever. 

A  half-hearted  recognition  of  financial  leadership  is  traceable,  vaguely  though 
unmistakably,  almost  from  the  foundation  of  the  great  city  institution.  The  Act  of 
1697,  by  which  the  Bank  secured  additional  privileges,  alludes  to  the  "  better  re- 
storing of  the  credit  of  the  nation  and  advancing  the  credit  of  the  Corporation  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  Bank  of  England."  These  words  almost  suggest  that 
the  credit  of  the  Bank  was  better  than  the  credit  of  the  country  at  large.  National 
credit,  it  seems,  stands  in  need  of  "  restoration,"  while  that  of  the  Bank  was  only 
"  advancement."  To  this  political- financial  predominance  there  was  added  the 
prestige  of  monopoly.  The  Act  of  1708,  amending  the  charter  of  the  Bank  of  England, 
prohibited  the  formation,  by  any  number  of  persons  exceeding  six,  of  any  other 
institution  in  the  nature  of  a  bank.  The  very  fact  that  the  Bank  Stock  was  one  of  the 
leading  gambling  counters  may  have  added  to  the  prestige  of  the  new  institution. 
Even  a  mining  Share  which  becomes  for  the  time  the  bell-wether  of  the  market  acquires 
an  enhanced  standing  from  that  fact.  Bank  Stock  in  early  days  was  the  bell-wether 
of  contemporary  world-politics,  and  was  bound  to  attract  a  lustre  around  itself. 
Thorold  Rogers  wrote  the  "  First  Nine  Tears  of  the  Bank  of  England  "  (1694-1703)  to 
demonstrate  that  the  record  of  the  movements  of  Bank  Stock  in  that  period  was 
practically  a  History  of  England  in  brief.  The  City  learned  the  lesson  of  common 
protective  action  in  the  presence  of  emergency  before  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  and  during  the  Jacobite  Rebellion  of  1745.  Amid  the  fears  caused  by  the 
progress  of  the  Pretender,  the  City  merchants  held  a  meeting  and  declared  their 
intention  of  continuing  to  receive  Bank  notes  in  order  to  measure  public  credit.  This 
action,  completely  successful,  dimly  foreshadowed  the  action  of  the  united  bankers 
at  the  time  of  the  Baring  crisis. 

In  every  direction  there  was  a  recognition  of  the  power  of  Threadneedle  Street. 
The  country  bankers  began  to  look  to  the  Bank  of  England  as  their  model,  their 
guide,  and  their  protector.  The  knowledge  of  their  dependence,  and  of  the  Bank's 
high  standards,  exercised  a  moral  effect  upon  them.  They  were  the  better  and  the 
stronger  for  the  discipline  of  this  stern  schoolmaster.  Others  saw  the  facts  also. 
When  Pitt  proposed  the  systematic  reduction  of  the  National  Debt  (1786)  he  em- 
phasised the  necessity  that  the  commissioners  be  persons  of  "  rank  and  distinction  "  ; 
adding  that  "  the  Governor  and  Deputy-Governor  of  the  Bank  of  England  ought  also 
to  be  of  the  number."  The  stability  of  the  Bank  of  England  is  "  equal  to  that  of  the 
British  Government,"  Adam  Smith  declared.  Let  us  be  quite  clear  that  the  eighteenth 
century  witnessed  nothing  in  the  nature  of  any  specific  acknowledgment  of  the  Bank's 
primacy.  But  the  gradual  permeation  of  the  public  mind  by  a  consciousness  of  the 
social  services  rendered  by  the  Bank  of  England  was  the  next  best  thing  to  a  definite 
acknowledgment  of  its  supremacy.  All  through  the  literature,  both  public  and  private, 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  909 

of  the  eighteenth  century  we  can  detect  this  appreciation  of  the  growing  influence 
of  the  Bank  and  of  the  importance  of  the  role  which  it  was  playing  with  ever-increasing 
skill.  Yet  from  1694  and  onwards  for  a  century  and  a  half  there  was  to  be  no 
formal  and  considered  recognition  of  the  fact  of  the  Bank  of  England's  leadership. 
There  was  rather  a  jealousy  of  its  advancing  strength  and  confidence,  broadening  into 
downright  resentment  when  the  fact  of  its  suzerainty  originally  dawned  upon  the 
city  about  1866.  Down  to  the  Overend-Gurney  crisis  in  the  year  1866  the  supremacy 
of  the  Bank  of  England  was  rather  an  unconscious  evolution  than  a  definite  project. 
But  after  that  cataclysm  there  is  a  clear,  unmistakable,  and  even  eager  acceptance 
of  the  Threadneedle  Street  mastership.  From  the  foundation  of  the  Bank  of  England 
down  to  1866  we  shall  discern  the  "  drift  "  of  events,  and  we  shall  meet  with  frequent 
and  striking  manifestations  of  the  progress  towards  concentrated  financial  power. 
But  we  shall  not  be  able  to  call  it  a  conscious  or  deliberate  movement,  or  to  declare 
that  finance  sees  its  goal  and  is  struggling  towards  it. 

The  prestige  of  the  Bank  was  unchallengable  by  the  time  Waterloo  was  fought. 
It  dominated  London,  and  since  London  itself  had  "  definitely  superseded  Amsterdam 
as  the  chief  seat  of  finance — and  of  commerce — in  the  West "  it  held  the  financial 
supremacy  of  the  world.  The  nucleus  had  been  created.  British  success  in  the 
Napoleonic  wars  was  dependent  upon  the  new  finance.  Without  its  aid  Britain  would 
have  been  driven  from  the  field  of  commerce  in  which  her  greatest  triumphs  were 
ultimately  to  be  achieved.  No  power  would  have  sufficed,  in  the  absence  of  the  Bank 
of  England,  for  the  creation  and  maintenance  to  meet  the  colossal  necessities  of  the 
new  era,  of  the  long-dated  obligations  of  the  community  called  the  National  Debt. 
Without  the  weapon  of  a  National  Debt  England  could  not  have  survived  the  struggle 
of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  and  this  fact  is  said  to  be  officially  recorded  in  the  Minutes  of 
the  Bank  of  England.  But  when  she  had  survived,  and  triumphed,  another  task  had 
to  be  undertaken.  What  remained  to  be  effected  was  the  marshalling  of  the  financial 
forces  of  the  Empire  around  the  Bank  in  preparation  for  the  gigantic  struggle  which 
the  centenary  of  Waterloo  was  destined  to  precipitate.  The  forces  were  all  there, 
ready  to  be  marshalled.  The  Bank  of  England  itself  was  more  than  a  century  old. 
There  was  a  banking  community  around  it,  and  there  were  localised  Share  dealings, 
companies,  negotiable  instruments,  the  beginnings  of  insurance,  and  an  increasing 
national  trade  to  whet  financial  ambition.  But  if  all  these  factors  had  developed 
without  any  centralisation  of  control  and  responsibility  they  could  never  have  played 
the  part  which  they  have  done  as  a  consolidated  and  Imperial  force.  Mutual  hostility, 
together  with  arbitrary  and  unequal  development,  would  have  opened  a  field  for  the 
intervention  of  obstructive  and  disintegrating  factors.  The  existence  of  a  centripetal 
force  is  a  primary  necessity  for  the  development  of  a  central  control.  Organisation 
can  only  take  place  under  a  prevailing  sway.  The  atoms  will  not  aggregate,  or  the 
system  integrate,  around  nothing. 

For  the  sake  of  clarity,  and  for  a  mnemonic  purpose,  let  us  recapitulate.  Down 
to  1450  we  have  the  dissolution  of  the  feudal  regime  of  barter-economy  and  service- 
economy,  with  the  simultaneous  advent  of  a  money-economy-  From  1450  to  1600 
we  see  our  forefathers  making  their  first  timid  experiments  in  the  handling  of  aggre- 

3P2 


910  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

gated  capital,  and  in  applying  it  to  the  organisation  of  early  Imperialist  colonising 
companies.  Between  1600  and  1800  we  see  the  supplies  of  aggregated  capital  vastly 
increased,  and  gradually,  almost  imperceptibly,  subjected  to  the  disciplinary,  con- 
solidating, and  integrating  influence  of  the  Bank  of  England.  By  1815 — the  year 
of  Waterloo — all  the  factors  of  the  money  market  are  in  existence,  London  is  a  great 
financial  centre,  and  all  is  ready  for  the  century  of  financial  consolidation  which  is  to 
be  the  prelude  of  Armageddon. 

With  these  considerations  in  our  minds,  we  approach  the  contemplation  of  the  last 
of  our  three  centuries — the  period  which  separates  Waterloo  from  the  German  war 
crisis  of  last  year.  Briefly  reviewing  that  marvellous  era,  we  shall  be  astonished  to 
notice  how  financial  developments  have  fallen  into  water-tight  compartments,  com- 
posed of  half  and  quarter  centuries.  In  accordance  with  a  well-known  economic  law, 
the  conditions  existing  in  the  old  pre-Waterloo  era  were  some  of  them  projected  into 
the  post- Waterloo  period.  They  introduced  an  element  of  weakness  and  malaise 
which  brought  recurring  financial  complication  in  the  shape  of  the  crises  of  1825, 
1847,  and  1857.  These  troubles  culminated  in  the  Overend-Gurney  smash  in  1866, 
almost  exactly  fifty  years  from  Waterloo  itself.  The  Overend-Gurney  crisis  marks 
the  final  elimination  of  the  old  economic  infirmities.  It  coincides,  within  a  few  years, 
with  the  propounding  of  the  great  Darwinian  hypothesis,  which  has  now  secured  the 
allegiance  of  the  majority  of  the  world's  best  intellects,  though  science  has  not  yet 
fully  grasped  the  fact  that  the  Darwinian  principles  of  evolutionary  progress  are  as 
obvious  in  economic  and  financial  as  in  biological  phenomena.  From  the  Overend- 
Gurney  crisis  onwards  the  modern  money-power  has  been  gradually  subjected  to  a 
process  of  natural  selection.  Bank  amalgamation — so  much  discussed,  and  sometimes 
dreaded — is  simply  natural  selection  in  the  financial  sphere.  By  means  of  that 
weeding-out  and  absorbing  process,  and  of  analogous  methods,  modern  finance  has 
been  steadily  centralising  the  entire  financial  control  of  the  world.  It  has  done  this 
of  deliberate  purpose,  knowing  its  own  aim,  and  not  working,  as  it  once  did,  blindly 
and  fitfully.  The  passing  of  the  Elementary  Education  Act,  just  after  the  Overend- 
Gurney  crisis,  began  the  genesis  of  the  small  investor,  so  potent  a  force  in  Imperial 
finance  to-day,  as  the  last  War  Loan  demonstrated.  Within  twenty-five  years  from 
the  Overend-Gurney  affair,  almost  to  a  month,  we  reached  another  milestone  on  the 
pathway  of  modern  economic  evolution,  when  we  were  confronted  by  the  Baring 
crisis  of  1890.  But  in  that  instance,  in  contrast  to  the  Overend-Gurney  affair,  the 
crash  was  not  allowed  to  come.  The  modern  money-power  was  strong  enough  to 
grapple  with  the  difficulty,  and  to  prevent  the  cataclysmic  collapse  which 
must  otherwise  inevitably  have  occurred.  Twenty  years  after  the  Baring  crisis 
the  Bank  of  England  inaugurated  periodical  meetings  of  the  great  bankers 
at  the  Bank  of  England.  The  Inner  Cabinet  of  the  Empire  was  reinforced  by 
the  Inner  Cabinet  of  Finance.  And  then,  practically  within  a  quarter  of  a  century 
from  the  Baring  emergency,  we  found  ourselves  face  to  face  with  the  greatest  crisis 
that  we  have  ever  witnessed  in  our  whole  history — that  which  accompanied  the  out- 
break of  the  war  with  Germany.  That  crisis  was  boldly  grappled  with,  and  in  military 
terminology  "  held."  But  how,  and  why  ?  Simply  because  the  financial  confederacy 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  911 

met  the  shock  as  a  single  united  fortress,  and  not  as  a  random  aggregate  of  disunited 
interests.  Every  bank  was  under  instant  and  effective  discipline  from  the  centre. 
Errors  here  and  there  were  inevitable,  but  in  the  whole  the  episode  was  a  demonstra- 
tion, as  magnificent  as  it  was  conclusive,  of  the  beneficent  power  of  modern  finance 
as  a  bulwark  of  civilisation.  Twelve  hundred  millions  of  money  in  the  banks  alone, 
four  thousand  millions  invested  abroad,  and  probably  forty  thousand  millions  at  home 
— these  were  the  fortifications  erected  by  the  alliance  of  Empire  and  Money  Market. 
Behind  them  the  precious  heritage  of  civilisation  is  being  safely  protected  for  us  and 
for  those  who  shall  ultimately  succeed  to  the  noblest  heirloom  ever  passed  on  from 
one  generation  to  another. 

What  is  the  Imperial  lesson  of  all  this  ?  What  light  does  this  story  of  the  Money 
Market  shed  upon  the  Imperial  outlook  at  the  moment  ?  Does  it  offer  any  suggestion, 
timely  and  momentous,  which  we  shall  do  well  to  lay  to  heart  ?  Let  us  adopt  the 
comparative  mode  of  consideration,  and  see.  Bank  and  nation  have  trodden  parallel 
paths.  Both  were  once  practically  monopolists — the  one  of  commerce,  the  other  of 
financial  resources.  But  England,  says  Mr.  Ferris,  "  if  she  has  no  longer  any  monopoly 
of  the  means  to  wealth,  holds  her  moral  primacy  among  the  nations."  Threadneedle 
Street,  if  it  has  no  longer  a  monopoly  of  money,  holds,  and  steadily  strengthens,  its 
moral  primacy  among  the  banks.  No  bank,  says  Professor  Foxwell,  has  "  played  so 
large  and  so  worthy  a  part,  not  merely  in  the  fortunes  of  a  great  nation,  but  also  in  the 
general  financial  activities  of  the  world."  In  the  magnitude  of  the  resources  it  is  now 
overshadowed  by  more  than  one  of  the  joint-stock  banks.  Yet  its  prestige  was  never 
so  brilliant  as  at  this  moment.  The  key  to  the  enigma  of  enhanced  financial  power 
is  to  be  found  in  the  words  of  Jeremiah  Harman,  who,  in  1832,  summed  up  the  whole 
policy  of  the  Bank  in  a  single  phrase  when  he  said  that  it  had  "  resolved  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  country."  In  other  words,  the  Bank  is  the  financial  pivot, 
as  the  King  is  the  constitutional  pivot,  of  the  great  Imperial  mechanism.  The  parallel 
is  really  very  intimate  and  striking.  "  The  Bank  of  England,"  said  the  Director  of 
the  United  States  Mint  in  March  1914,  "  in  the  course  of  its  long  career  has  had  every 
kind  of  situation  presented,  and,  perhaps,  made  every  kind  of  a  mistake,  but  it  has 
gained  knowledge  by  its  mistakes,  and  the  whole  world  has  profited  by  its  experience, 
Certain  definite  principles  relative  to  the  control  of  credits,  the  management  of  crises, 
and  the  maintenance  of  a  gold  reserve,  have  been  evolved  and  established  so  that  the 
world  has  accepted  them,  and  one  by  one  all  nations  have  provided  them  with  the 
equipment  to  carry  these  principles  into  effect."  The  Bank  of  England  and  the  money- 
power  around  it  have  been  built  in  the  same  slow,  circumspect,  and  experimental 
fashion  as  the  English  constitutional  fabric  itself.  That  is  to  say,  the  Money  Market 
has  inherited  a  growing  accumulation  of  tradition  and  experience  by  which  it  has 
continuously  adapted  itself  to  its  environment,  though  in  early  days  with  no  such 
conscious  purpose  as  it  has  now  realised.  A  Greek  financial  critic  has  most  truly 
declared  that  "  the  development  of  the  Bank  of  England  is  in  no  way  different  from 
the  evolution  and  completion  of  all  other  social  and  political  institutions  in  England. 
Their  foundations  have  been  laid  piece  by  piece  at  the  dictates  of  practical  needs 
instead  of  being  planned  as  a  whole  according  to  abstract  principles.  And  on  these 


912  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

foundations  the  buildings  themselves  have  been  practically  raised,  curious  in  form, 
no  doubt,  and  irregular,  but  remarkable  in  their  solidarity,  imposing  in  their 
appearance,  and  excellent  in  their  practical  working." 

Now  apply  the  analogy  a  little  more  closely.  We  saw  that  down  to  1866  the  old 
random  and  dangerous  financial  factors  survived,  and  that  since  then  they  have  been 
eliminated.  If  we  consider  the  characteristics  of  these  two  half -centuries,  that  is  to  say 
from  1815  to  1866,  and  again  from  1866  to  1915,  we  shall  find  that  they  exhibit  re- 
markably similar  phenomena  in  the  financial  and  Imperial  worlds  respectively. 
Between  Waterloo  and  the  Overend-Gurney  crisis  of  1866  we  passed  through  a  suc- 
cession of  financial  catastrophies,  those  of  1825,  1837,  1847,  and  1857.  As  each  of 
these  crises  made  its  appearance  there  was  a  momentary  rally  of  all  the  banking  and 
financial  forces  of  the  country  in  order  to  resist  the  onset  of  the  catastrophe.  But 
as  soon  as  the  peril  had  passed  away  there  was  a  reversion  to  an  isolated,  disunited,  and 
random  policy.  The  result  was  that  instead  of  there  being  a  big  financial  organisation 
in  unbroken  existence  and  capable  of  bracing  itself  against  any  strain  which  arose, 
each  of  the  various  banks  and  financial  institutions  stood  isolated  and  alone.  In  its 
policy  it  considered  its  own  interests  only.  There  was  only  an  imperfect  realisation 
that  finance  is  an  organised  and  an  indivisible  whole.  This  absence  of  financial 
organisation  reacted,  as  I  believe,  upon  the  Empire  as  it  then  was.  There  being 
no  central  driving  power  capable  of  supplying  adequate  force  for  the  progress  of  the 
Colonies,  they  languished.  Inasmuch  as  they  made  so  comparatively  small  a  figure 
on  the  Imperial  horizon  the  Home  Government  did  not  consider  it  worth  while  to 
trouble  about  them.  Therefore  we  got  the  suggestion,  so  curiously  incomprehensible 
nowadays,  about  the  desirability  of  cutting  the  painter  and  letting  the  Colonies  go. 
There  is,  in  plain  English,  during  this  period  from  1815  to  1866  the  same  random 
incoherence,  the  same  lack  of  a  vertebrate  central  Imperial  policy,  which  characterised 
the  corresponding  period  in  the  growth  of  the  financial  organism.  In  confirmation 
of  the  hypothesis  that  there  is  some  relation  between  these  two  groups  of  phemonena, 
we  may  justifiably  quote  the  fact  that  the  Overend-Gurney  cataclysm  of  1866  coincided 
almost  exactly  in  time  with  the  grant  of  self-government  to  Canada.  That  is  to  say, 
the  financial  crash  which  brought  the  old  and  sinister  conditions  to  a  final  end,  and 
convinced  bankers  of  the  necessity  of  a  central  financial  control,  was  completely 
synchronous  with  the  recognition  by  the  Imperial  Government  that  the  Colonies  must 
be  put  upon  a  different  footing,  and  that  their  relationship  to  the  Mother-country  was 
undergoing  a  revolutionary  change. 

From  1866  onwards  the  history  of  this  evolution  of  a  central  financial  control 
seems  to  me  to  illuminate  in  a  wonderful  way  the  problem  discussed  at  the  last  evening 
meeting  in  this  room.  Sir  John  McCall  expounded  the  urgent  desirability  of  some 
paramount  Imperial  tribunal  exercising  a  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  British  Empire. 
But  he,  as  well  as  the  speakers  who  followed  him,  were  all  agreed  upon  the  very  grave 
difficulties  which  beset  the  establishment  of  such  a  tribunal  and  the  definition  of  its 
jurisdiction.  That  being  the  case,  it  is  extremely  useful  to  look  at  an  existing  and 
acknowledged  tribunal  such  as  that  which  controls  modern  finance,  and  to  ask  our- 
selves in  what  way  it  has  been  brought  into  being,  and  in  what  manner  its  potent 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  913 

jurisdiction  has  been  created.  Both  those  questions  are  answered,  I  believe,  by  the 
paper  which  I  have  put  before  you  this  evening.  What  has  been  done  was  the  creation 
in  1694  of  the  nucleus  of  organisation  in  the  shape  of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  what 
has  happened  since  has  been  the  gradual  centralisation  of  a  jurisdiction  around  this 
nucleus.  There  has  never  been  any  statutory  enactment  conferring  judicial  or 
disciplinary,  much  less  legislative,  power  upon  the  Bank  of  England.  Yet  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  no  Imperial  tribunal  which  could  be  brought  into  existence  would  wield 
anything  like  the  tremendous  prerogative  which  is  now  vested  in  the  Bank  of  England 
as  the  centre  and  pivot  of  our  financial  system.  That  is  the  reason  why  I  suggest 
that  the  sound  policy  applicable  to  the  creation  of  an  Imperial  tribunal  is  this — 
Create  your  tribunal  with  modest  advisory  powers,  and  see  to  it  that  year  by  year 
the  men  who  compose  it  are  the  absolute  pick  of  the  Empire's  brains.  Then  there  will 
assuredly  happen  to  the  Imperial  tribunal  what  has  already  happened  in  the  financial 
sphere.  The  tribunal  will  create  its  own  jurisdiction,  and  come  ultimately  to  have 
a  supremacy  resting  upon  Imperial  recognition  of  its  predominant  capacity,  and  not 
in  the  least  upon  any  statutory  enactment.  If  we  were  to-day  without  such  a  banking 
system  as  we  possess,  and  were  capable  of  attempting  its  creation,  no  Parliament  could 
possibly,  by  any  specific  enactment  that  the  cleverest  Parliamentary  draughts- 
man could  devise,  confer  upon  the  Bank  of  England  the  power  which  it  admittedly 
wields.  That  power  is  a  creation,  a  heritage  which  has  grown  with  the  years  until 
it  has  become  unchallengable.  By  using  the  same  method  in  the  political  sphere 
you  can  bring  a  supreme  Imperial  tribunal  into  existence,  and  endow  it  with  powers 
and  authority  which  otherwise  could  not  be  created  or  defined  by  anything  short  of  the 
decree  of  an  archangel.  The  Imperial  tribunal,  like  the  modern  money-power,  must 
be  a  growth  and  not  a  sudden  creation,  a  result  of  patient  evolution  rather  than  a 
hazardous  leap  in  the  dark. 

One  word  more.  Do  not  let  us  suppose  that  we  are  at  the  end  of  financial  evolution 
as  a  process  concurrent  with,  and  inextricably  involved  in,  Imperial  development. 
Already,  before  the  end  of  the  War,  there  has  been  mooted  a  scheme  for  the  creation 
of  an  international  financial  control  of  an  analogous  character  to  that  exercised  by  the 
Bank  of  England  and  the  great  banks  within  the  British  Empire  itself.  Such  a  scheme 
contemplates  a  union  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Russia,  Italy,  and  the  United  States 
in  a  kind  of  financial  hegemony  which  would  dominate  the  entire  civilised  world. 
The  other  day  I  discussed  the  scheme  with  an  American  fresh  from  Germany,  where 
he  had  been  travelling.  He  said  at  once,  "  I  guess  I  know  who  would  be  at  the  head 
of  it,"  and  went  on  to  indicate  that  the  supreme  direction  of  such  an  organisation 
would  almost  of  necessity  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Bank  of  England  by  virtue  of  its 
prestige,  its  experience,  and  the  tremendous  moral  force  which  it  wields.  Whether 
the  scheme  be  realised  in  that  shape  or  not,  certain  it  is  that  the  consolidation  of 
financial  control  which  has  brought  the  whole  British  banking  system  under  the 
supremacy  of  the  Bank  of  England  must  ultimately  become  cosmopolitan  in  scope 
and  character,  so  as  to  square  itself  with  the  new  world-conditions  which  arise  from 
the  breaking  down  of  international  boundaries.  Those  of  us  who  are  not  yet  past 
middle  age  may  look  forward  with  fair  assurance  to  seeing  Britain  at  the  head  of  some 


914  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

such  financial  hegemony  as  this.  In  that  capacity,  Threadneedle  Street  would  wield 
the  united  financial  forces  of  the  whole  world,  and  thus  control  the  mighty  power 
which,  next  to  religion  and  love,  is  more  potent  an  influence  than  any  other  in  guiding 
the  destinies  of  humanity.  If  so  magnificent  an  achievement  were  ultimately  to  be 
attained,  I  can  imagine  no  more  glorious  consummation  of  the  long  collaboration  of 
Empire  and  Money  Market,  and  no  more  brilliant  conclusion  to  the  "  romance  of  a 
three  hundred  years'  alliance." 

Before  the  reading  of  the  Paper : — 

The  CHAIRMAN  (Sir  Charles  P.  Lucas,  K.C.B.,  K.C.M.G.)  said :  It  is  my  first  and 
pleasant  duty  to  present  to  Mr.  A.  E.  Duchesne  the  Institute's  Gold  Medal  and  a 
cheque  for  100  guineas  for  his  monograph  on  "  The  Application  of  the  Dictum  that  '  a 
Democracy  cannot  manage  an  Empire.' "  Mr.  Duchesne  becomes,  in  virtue  of  his 
success,  a  Life  Fellow  of  the  Institute. 

This  is  the  first  meeting  of  the  new  session.  Since  our  meeting  in  June  last  over 
twenty  Fellows  of  the  Institute  have  been  killed  in  the  War.  Outside  the  War  two 
notable  members  have  died  lately — namely,  Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton,  a  frequent  and 
welcome  attendant  at  our  meetings,  and  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  one  of  our  vice-presidents. 
Sir  Charles  Tupper 's  death  is  a  landmark ;  he  was  the  last  survivor  of  the  band  of 
men  who  federated  the  great  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  his  memory  should  be  held  in 
special  reverence.  In  spite  of  the  War  the  membership  of  the  Institute  is  keeping  up 
well.  We  have  over  11,000  members  and  associates — the  largest  number  we  have  ever 
had.  In  the  ten  months  of  this  year  1,301  have  been  elected  against  1,463  in  the  same 
time  of  1914 — ten  months  of  war  in  this  year  against  three  months  in  the  last.  Out 
of  the  total  of  1,301,  781  have  been  elected  since  our  last  meeting  on  June  8,  which 
shows  a  great  increase  on  the  first  part  of  the  year.  I  should  like,  in  his  absence,  to 
say  how  much  of  our  success  I  attribute  to  our  President,  Earl  Grey — to  his  initiative, 
his  force,  and  his  tact.  I  can  speak  freely  in  his  absence  of  what  we  owe  to  so  bold 
and  so  wise  a  leader.  We  earnestly  hope,  for  our  sake  and  for  his  own,  he  will  soon 
be  restored  to  health.  We  have  a  most  excellent  recruiting  sergeant  in  Mr.  Boose — 
an  old  friend  playing  a  new  part.  Another  most  valuable  recruiter  has  just  returned 
to  our  midst — Mr.  Harry  Brittain.  I  need  not  say  how  fortunate  we  are  in  having  the 
services  of  my  friend  Sir  Harry  Wilson  as  successor  to  Mr.  Boose ;  he  is  not  only  our 
Secretary,  but  co-Editor  of  UNITED  EMPIRE.  His  colleague,  the  late  Mrs.  Colquhoun, 
has  left  to  better  herself,  as  ladies  are  in  the  habit  of  doing,  by  changing  her  name, 
but  the  name  of  Colquhoun  will  always  be  gratefully  associated  with  UNITED  EMPIRE. 
We  have  an  able  successor  to  her  in  Mr.  Montague  Bell.  Our  finances  are  good — much 
better  than  those  of  many  nations  at  the  present  time ;  and,  unlike  some  nations,  we 
have  honestly  and  peaceably  secured  room  for  future  expansion  in  adjoining  premises. 
We  have  also  acquired  a  self-governing  colony  at  Bristol  through  the  generosity  of 
Mr.  Leonard.  Finally  we  are  doing  our  bit  as  regards  the  War,  apart  from  individual 
effort.  I  should  like  to  refer  to  the  War  Services  Committee  and  their  secretary,  Mr. 
Hyman,  and  to  the  useful  energy  of  our  motor  ambulance. 

We  stand  for  united  Empire.  The  War  is  preaching  our  gospel  and  doing  our  work. 
Think  what  Empire  means  in  fighting  men  alone.  Apart  from  the  great  Indian  Army, 
Canada,  including  those  in  training,  will  eventually  account  for  250,000  men,  Australia 
for  160,000,  New  Zealand  for  40,000,  while  the  South  African  Unit  now  in  England 
is  over  6,500,  after  having  settled  their  own  war  in  our  interests  and  their  own. 
I  am  not  counting  the  numberless  men  from  the  Dominions  who  have  joined 
the  home  Army.  There  is  again  the  West  Indian  contingent  of  2,000,  as  well  as  the 
contingents  from  Newfoundland  and  from  the  Crown  Colonies.  Moreover,  men  come  to 
serve  from  every  part  of  the  world  outside  our  own  Empire.  Over  5,000  have  come 
from  the  Argentine  Republic.  All  this  is  over  and  above  the  help  and  support  in 


EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET.  915 

manifold  other  ways  which  British  citizens  beyond  the  seas  are  giving  to  the  old  land. 
I  tell  you  it  is  worth  living  to  have  seen  this,  in  spite  of  all  the  sorrow  and  all  the 
suffering.  United  Empire  is  a  great  and  good  thing.  It  is,  I  think,  a  very  happy 
arrangement,  and  shows  the  wisdom  of  those  who  are  conducting  the  affairs  of  the 
Institute,  that  we  have  selected  one  of  our  own  Council,  Mr.  Ellis  Powell,  to  give  the 
first  address  of  the  session  on  a  subject  of  which  he  is  a  master,  being  the  author  of 
"The  Evolution  of  the  Money  Market,"  and  I  now  introduce  him  to  you,  only  remarking 
that  it  is  through  finance,  as  much  as  through  the  strong  arms  of  our  men  at  home 
and  overseas,  that  we  are  going  to  win  this  War. 

After  the  Paper  the  following  discussion  took  place : — 

Mr.  FRED  BUTTON  :  It  is  a  serious  task  to  have  to  get  up  and  open  the  discussion 
on  such  a  very  able  and  interesting  paper.  Of  course  the  subject  of  finance  is  a 
very  subtle,  delicate,  and  intricate  one.  In  order  thoroughly  to  understand  the  subject 
you  want  to  be  one  of  those  great  magnates  of  finance  of  whom  we  hear  so  much 
in  these  days.  I  do  not  in  the  least  pretend  to  any  particular  knowledge  of  the 
subject.  Like  most  of  those  present  probably,  I  am  merely  an  ordinary  person  with 
a  certain  knowledge  of  business,  and  am  not  brought  into  immediate  contact  with  the 
great  matters  which  are  no  doubt  regulated  and  governed  in  the  parlour  of  the  Bank 
of  England.  At  the  same  time  I  am  sure  I  am  voicing  the  opinion  of  all  of  you 
when  I  say  how  greatly  we  have  appreciated  Mr.  Powell's  extraordinarily  interesting 
statement.  It  may  be  remarked  as  a  passing  reflection  how  the  paper  illustrates  the 
time-honoured  theory  that  history  keeps  on  repeating  itself.  Mr.  Powell  gave  us 
some  most  interesting  particulars  regarding  the  early  habit  of  hoarding  money,  and  we 
all  know  that  that  habit  has  by  no  means  ceased  at  the  present  day.  It  is  still  a 
ruling  characteristic  of  the  French  peasant,  for  we  all  know  how  often  Jacques  Bonhomme 
has  come  forward  to  help  his  Government  in  the  hour  of  difficulty  with  the  money 
in  the  stocking,  and  how  often  do  we  read  in  our  own  newspapers  of  somebody  dying 
in  a  workhouse  or  liv  g  a  secluded  life  in  a  garret  under  every  outward  appearance 
of  abject  poverty  and  leaving  probably  two  or  three  hundred  sovereigns  sewn  up 
in  a  mattress.  In  the  gigantic  struggle  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  we  see  how 
almost  entirely  these  matters  of  finance  go v era  the  actions  of  the  nations  That  is  only 
another  evidence  of  the  way  in  which  history  repeats  itself.  Mr.  Powell  might  have 
enlarged  on  a  subject  which  he  only  slightly  touched  upon — the  period  when  the  great 
merchant  adventurer  companies  sprang  into  existence,  and  he  might  have  told  us  a 
good  deal  about  the  great  combination  known  in  history  as  the  Hanseatic  League — 
a  league  of  prominent  German  towns  and  the  German  merchants  of  those  days  to 
monopolise  practically  the  whole  trade  of  the  world,  which  they  successfully  did  for  a 
long  time.  It  was  a  common  thing  in  those  days  for  our  English  Sovereigns  to  resort 
to  the  Hanseatic  League  to  supply  their  money  requirements,  and  of  course  (on  the 
principle  that  "he  vrho  goes  a-borrowing  goes  a-sorrowing")  by  that  fact  they  put 
political  power  into  the  hands  of  the  League,  greater  than  has  ever  since  been  wielded 
by  any  organisation  of  the  kind.  It  was  not  until  the  time  of  Elizabeth  that  England 
was  freed  from  the  domination  of  German  finance.  It  is  really  this  great  trade  com- 
petition between  Germany  and  the  British  Empire,  begun  in  those  early  days  and 
continued  at  the  present  time,  which  is  the  root  and  foundation  of  the  present  War, 
and  so  in  the  evolution  of  things  you  come  back  to  the  same  old  differences  and 
difficulties,  although  probably  in  their  result  as  they  come  before  us  they  are  magnified 
until,  whereas  in  the  old  days  wars  arising  out  of  matters  of  commerce  were  not 
things  which  brought  huge  nations  into  the  field  of  battle,  yet  in  modern  days  we 
see  that  great  fatality  and  groan  under  it.  This  also  rather  leads  one  to  suggest 
how  important  it  is  that  great  financial  principles  and  questions  should  be  studied  by 
historians  and  others  a  little  more  deeply  than  I  am  afraid  was  done  or  is  done  at 
the  present  time.  Historians  seem  to  have  thought  more  of  merely  chronicling  facts 
that  occurred  instead  of  looking  beneath  the  surface  to  discover  and  record  the  circum- 
stances which  brought  great  events  about.  I  am  afraid  we  are  rather  creatures  of 


916  EMPIRE  AND  MONEY  MARKET. 

habit ;  -we  get  into  a  sort  of  groove  and  do  certain  things  every  day  without  perhaps 
sufficiently  appreciating  the  necessity  of  looking  ahead  and  trying  to  regulate  our 
lives  accordingly.  Here  we  are,  after  fifteen  months  of  this  great  War,  with  a  national 
expenditure  already  risen  to  five  millions  a  day.  If  we  were  to  figure  the  thing  out  and 
consider  what  an  expenditure  like  that  means,  we  should  see  what  a  stupendous 
problem  everybody  concerned  has  got  to  face.  I  think  that  we  can  all  of  us  at  all 
events  lay  this  lesson  to  our  hearts — that  it  is  of  the  greatest  possible  importance  we 
should  cultivate  the  habit  of  looking  ahead,  and  that  we  should  turn  over  seriously 
in  our  minds  and  put  into  practice  the  admonitions  which  have  been  addressed  to 
us  on  the  necessity  of  every  possible  form  of  economy.  We  are  apt  sometimes  to 
consider  this  question  of  finance  a  rather  dull  one.  It  is  not  dull  properly  regarded, 
and  is,  moreover,  of  the  most  vital  importance  to  us  as  a  nation. 

Mr.  GORDON  SELFRIDGE  :  I  came  here  as  a  learner  and  feel  that  in  listening  to 
Mr.  Powell's  most  interesting  paper  I  have  spent  a  very  profitable  evening.  What  most 
appealed  to  me  as  a  merchant  was  that  portion  of  the  Paper  dealing  with  the  old 
Merchant  Adventurers,  and  of  all  the  chapters  in  the  commercial  history  of  this  country 
I  think  that  is  the  one  that  gives  us  the  greatest  heart-beat.  It  was  they  who  really 
helped  most  to  build  up  the  great  commerce  of  this  country.  When  this  War  is  over 
I  should  like  to  see  this  country  recognising  trade  and  commerce  with  the  respect 
and  appreciation  which  the  public  showed  in  those  old  days — days  when  the  first 
important  steps  in  commerce  and  in  empire  were  being  taken.  I  should  like  to  see 
our  universities  teaching  the  young  men  that  work  is  a  holy  thing  rather  than  some- 
thing to  be  avoided.  I  should  like  to  see  them  teaching  the  value  of  time  and  of 
other  things  besides  those  old  moss-covered  things  which  really  do  not  so  much  matter 
after  all.  I  should  like  to  see  young  men  trying  to  spend  their  hours  in  accomplish- 
ment rather  than  in  arguing  abstruse  points.  I  should  like  to  see  them  make  them- 
selves fit  to  compete  with  the  men  of  Germany  or  of  any  other  nation  in  commerce, 
in  organisation,  in  everything  which  counts.  I  should  like  to  see  our  institutions 
trying  to  impart  virility,  force,  and  strength  of  purpose.  I  should  like  to  see  society 
look  favourably  upon  the  young  man  who  takes  his  coat  off  and  works  eight  hours  a 
day  rather  than  smile  upon  him  who  does  nothing.  It  is  to  society  and  perhaps  to 
the  methods  of  education  rather  than  anything  else  that  the  lackadaisicalism  we  see 
around  us  is  to  be  attributed.  If  this  country  is  to  maintain  the  first  place  in  trade 
and  commerce,  which  is  the  backbone  of  any  nation,  the  education  of  the  young  of  the 
so-called  better  class  must  conform  with  the  principles  and  progress  of  the  competitors 
of  this  nation. 

Mr.  HARRY  BRITTAIN,  who  asked  to  be  excused  from  attempting  any  criticism  of 
Mr.  Powell's  Paper,  mentioned  that  during  the  last  few  months  he  had  travelled  over 
11,000  miles  in  the  United  States  of  America,  with  occasional  visits  to  Canada.  That 
somewhat  lengthy  tour,  he  said,  might  not  affect  the  finances  of  the  Empire,  but  he 
hoped  that  in  the  future  it  might  at  any  rate  benefit  the  finances  of  the  Royal  Colonial 
Institute.  He  was  glad  to  say  that  there  was  now  a  string  of  small  branches  of  the 
Institute  throughout  the  United  States,  which  branches  he  had  every  reason  to  believe 
would  grow.  The  night  before  he  sailed  he  was  the  guest  at  the  first  dinner  of  the 
newly-formed  branch  in  New  York ;  it  was  not  a  very  large  band,  but  they  were  good 
British  citizens,  and  have  agreed  to  hold  a  little  informal  gathering  every  Tuesday 
evening  during  the  winter  season.  What  was  even  more  satisfactory  was  the  promise 
by  each  Fellow  present  to  bring  another  good  British  citizen  with  him  on  the  next 
occasion,  for  the  purpose  of  having  him  enrolled  as  a  member.  He  suggested  that  the 
latter  was  an  example  we  should  all  do  our  best  to  follow  at  our  meetings  at  home. 
From  the  Western  States  Mr.  Brittain  went  up  to  Victoria  and  Vancouver  to  give 
addresses  to  the  Canadian  Clubs,  and  on  many  occasions  between  British  Columbia 
and  New  Brunswick  he  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  something  of  the  perfectly  magnificent 
spirit  which  pervades  the  Canadian  people. 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR.  917 

Mr.  ELLIS  POWELL  :  Two  interesting  points  have  arisen  out  of  the  discussion.  One 
is  the  reference  by  Mr.  Button  to  the  Hanseatic  League,  a  German  organisation  which 
played  a  considerable  part  in  commerce  and  finance  for  two  and  a  half  centuries.  It 
was  a  power  which  made  and  unmade  kings  and  brought  about  the  Wars  of  the 
Roses,  with  all  the  disaster  to  us  as  a  nation  which  came  in  their  train.  I  think 
that  even  at  that  time  Germany  seemed  anxious  to  map  out  our  policy  for  us.  She 
still  desires  to  do  so :  but  I  do  not  think  she  will  succeed  this  time.  It  has  been 
mentioned  that  the  cost  of  the  War  is  approaching  five  millions  a  day.  In  1589 
Elizabeth  agreed  to  assist  Henry  of  Navarre  in  the  struggle  for  the  throne  of  France, 
and  there  was  a  little  Anglo-French  financial  deal,  as  the  result  of  which  Elizabeth 
sent  "22,000  Pounds"  to  France  to  finance  the  war.  So  delighted  was  Henry  that 
he  said  that  never  in  all  his  life  had  he  seen  so  much  money  before.  A  comparison 
between  the  "  22,000  Pounds "  and  the  millions  with  which  we  are  financing  this  modern 
War  is  fairly  illuminating  in  considering  the  history  of  our  Empire.  I  agree  with 
Mr.  Self  ridge  as  to  what  the  Empire  owes  to  the  old  Merchant  Adventurers,  who 
launched  out  boldly  into  unknown  seas ;  but  let  us  not  forget  the  noble  queen  who 
seconded  their  efforts,  and  our  great  national  poet  of  the  same  era  who  has  put 
our  imperialism  into  language  which  we  can  all  understand. 

The  CHAIRMAN  :  I  will  now  ask  you  to  give  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Powell  for 
his  delightful  lecture.  The  two  outstanding  parts  of  the  lecture  were,  I  think,  that 
joint  stock  began  at  the  same  time  as  imperial  history  began,  and  the  other  that 
the  Bank  of  England  is  a  model  for  imperial  organisation.  I  think  we  are  looking 
out  for  models,  and  our  lecturer  has  given  us  one  to-night. 

A  vote  of  thanks  was  also  given  to  Sir  Charles  Lucas  for  presiding. 


DIARY  OF  THE  WAR— (continued). 

Oct.  24.  French  success  in  Champagne,  important  position  captured.  Allied  troops 
from  Salonika  reported  in  touch  with  Serbian  Army.  Russian  troops 
landed  in  Gulf  of  Riga. 

„  25.  H.M.  the  King  visits  Army  in  France.  Fierce  German  attacks  near  Riga 
and  Dvinsk,  Russians  forced  to  give  ground.  Bombs  dropped  on  Venice. 

„     26.  British  transport  Marquelte  torpedoed  in  Mge&n  Sea. 

„     27.  Austro-German  and  Bulgarian  forces  in  touch  ;  steady  advance  maintained. 

„     28.  Accident  to  H.M.  the  King  in  France. 

„  29.  Further  French  successes  in  Champagne.  New  French  Cabinet  formed ; 
Premier — M.  Briand.  British  mine-sweeper  sunk  in  Dardanelles. 

,,     31.  Germans  capture  Tahure  Hill  from  the  French. 

Nov.  1.  H.M.  the  King  returns  to  England.  Austro-German  force  capture 
Kraguievatz. 

„  3.  Bulgarian  advance  on  Monastir  checked.  French  submarine  sunk  in  Sea 
of  Marmora. 

„  4.  Crisis  in  Greece  ;  Zaimis  Cabinet  resigns  on  adverse  vote  of  Chamber. 
British  success  in  Cameroon  announced  ;  Banyo  (Oct.  24)  and  Bamenda 
(Oct.  22)  occupied.  Lord  Kitchener  leaves  for  Near  East,  stopping  en 
route  in  Paris  to  consult  with  French  Government. 

,,  5.  Russian  advance  south-east  of  Dvinsk ;  fierce  German  attacks  repulsed  on 
rest  of  front.  Bulgarians  enter  Nish.  Turkish  attacks  repulsed  in 
Gallipoli.  British  transport  reported  sunk  in  ^Egean  on  September  19, 
loss  of  Indian  troops.  H.M.S.  Tara  torpedoed  in  Mediterranean. 


918  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

Nov.     7.  Continuous   bombardments   in   Champagne.     Bulgarians   defeated   in   the 

South  by  Allied   forces.     Italian  liner  Ancona  torpedoed  by  Austrian 

submarine  off  Sardinia  ;   many  lives  lost. 
„      8.  Austro-German  Army  captures  Krushevatz  ;  nearly  two-thirds  of  Serbia 

in  enemy  hands. 
„     10.  Russian   success   on   the    Styr ;    large    captures   of  prisoners    and    guns. 

British  transport  attacked  in  Mediterranean  ;   103  casualties. 
„     12.  Russians  capture  Kemmern  and  Anting. 
„     14.  French    advance    in    Serbia.     Bombs    dropped    on    Verona.     Admiralty 

announce  loss  of  submarine  in  Sea  of  Marmora. 
„     15.  Entire  Belgrade-Nish   railway  in   enemy's    hands.    Turkish   trenches    at 

Krithia  captured. 

„     16.  Further  Bulgarian  successes  ;    Serbian  Southern  Army  threatened. 
„     17.  British  hospital-ship  Anglia  mined  in  Channel.     Russian  warships  bombard 

Petragge  (Gulf  of  Riga).    Meeting  of  Allied  War  Council  in  Paris. 
„     18.  M.    Cochin,    French    Minister   without    Portfolio,   has  audience  of    King 

Constantine. 

„     19.  Allies  impose  restrictions  on  Greek  trade  :  Greek  vessels  searched. 
„    20.  Lord    Kitchener    at    Athens.     Interviews    with    King    Constantine    and 

M.  Skouloudis,  Premier.     German  troops  occupy  Novi  Bazar. 


ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

CANADA. 

Flour  for  the  Imperial  Government. — No  less  than  5,000  acres  have  been  con- 
tributed to  the  Saskatchewan  farmers'  patriotic  acre  scheme,  which  should  represent 
approximately  100,000  bushels  of  wheat,  or  5,000,000  Ibs.  of  flour.  The  wheat  con- 
tributed, when  turned  into  flour,  is  to  be  a  gift  from  the  grain  growers  of  Saskatchewan 
to  the  Imperial  Government.  In  order  that  a  uniform  grade  of  flour  may  be  included 
in  the  shipment,  it  has  been  decided  to  have  the  grain  ground  by  one  of  the  largest 
millers  in  the  Province,  who  is  assisting  the  fund  by  grinding  the  flour  at  a  nominal 
charge.  The  Federal  Government  is  lending  its  hearty  co-operation,  and  the  Minister 
of  Trade  and  Commerce  has  given  his  assurance  that  the  Dominion  Government  will 
make  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  the  flour  to  Liverpool  free  of  any  cost  to 
the  fund.  The  flour  will  be  carried  in  bags  showing  the  emblem  of  the  Association,  in 
order  that  purchasers  may  know  that  it  is  a  loyal  gift  from  Canada.  As  the  flour  will 
have  to  be  collected  at  one  point,  it  is  intended  to  ship  it  in  solid  train-loads  from 
Moose  Jaw. 

United  States  Consulate  in  Saskatchewan. — The  appointment  of  an  American 
Consul  for  the  Province  of  Saskatchewan  is  another  indication  of  the  importance 
attached  at  Washington  to  the  growing  trade  of  Western  Canada.  After  some  con- 
sideration and  delay  the  Consulate  has  been  established  at  Regina,  on  account  of  its 
being  the  seat  of  the  Provincial  Government  and  the  headquarters  of  a  number  of 
representatives  of  large  American  firms,  as  well  as  an  important  railway  centre.  The 
newly  appointed  Consul  has  been  transferred  from  the  United  States  Consulate  at  Turks 
Island,  West  Indies. 


ROUND   THE   EMPIRE   NOTES.  919 

Winter  Clothing  for  the  Allied  Armies. — It  is  stated  that  Canadian  factories 
are  now  at  work  on  a  contract  from  the  British  War  Office  for  600,000  sheets  and 
100,000  blankets,  to  be  supplied  in  readiness  for  the  winter  campaign  in  Flanders. 
The  contract  was  placed  in  Canada  by  the  International  War  Purchasing  Commission 
in  London,  and  amounts  to  about  £200,000.  It  is  understood  also  that  the  Dominion 
will  be  given  a  chance  to  do  its  share  in  providing  supplies  for  the  Italian  winter 
campaign  in  the  Alps. 

British  Columbia's  Timber. — The  Government  of  British  Columbia  is  making  an 
effort  to  secure  wider  markets  for  the  timber  of  the  Province.  In  connection  with 
this  movement,  pamphlets  entitled  (1)  British  Columbia  Timber,  (2)  British  Columbia 
Red  Cedar  Shingles,  (3)  How  to  finish  British  Columbia  Wood,  are  now  being  issued  for 
distribution  to  lumber  buyers  and  consumers.  The  authorities  are  prepared  to  answer 
all  inquiries,  and  copies  of  these  pamphlets  may  be  obtained  free  upon  application  to 
the  Agent-General  for  British  Columbia,  Salisbury  House,  London,  E.G.,  the  Canadian 
Trade  Commissioners  throughout  the  world,  and  the  Forest  Branch,  Victoria,  British 
Columbia. 

NEWFOUNDLAND. 

Financial  Outlook. — The  financial  position  of  Newfoundland  is  one  that  justifies 
grave  concern.  In  the  past  two  years  there  have  been  two  deficits,  amounting  in  all 
to  $1,000,000.  The  financial  showing  for  the  first  quarter  of  the  fiscal  year  1915-16, 
which  ended  on  September  20,  was  more  encouraging  than  had  been  expected.  Imports, 
since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  have  been  considerably  curtailed,  but  by  imposing  war 
taxes  the  Colonial  Treasury  has  succeeded  in  securing,  for  the  past  quarter,  an  addi- 
tional revenue  of  $107,000  over  that  for  the  same  quarter  in  1914-15.  The  local 
authorities  are  encouraged  by  this,  and,  expecting  a  similar  improvement  for  the  re- 
maining three-quarters  of  the  year,  and  also  a  corresponding  increase  in  other  sources 
of  revenue,  they  hope  that  the  betterment  over  the  previous  twelve  months  may  be  at 
least  $500,000.  Economies  are  also  being  attempted  in  the  different  departments  of 
public  service,  and  thus  substantial  savings  should  be  effected.  By  these  methods 
it  is  hoped  that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  shortage  of  revenue  for  the  last  fiscal  year 
will  be  eliminated  in  the  present  year,  at  the  end  of  which  it  may  be  possible  to 
negotiate  a  loan  which  will  enable  the  Colony  to  carry  on  operations  for  a  further 
period. 

AUSTRALIA. 

The  Corn  Law. — The  Prime  Minister  has  completed  his  scheme  for  financing  the 
Australian  harvest,  and  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  this  is  the  biggest  com- 
bination of  State  and  private  enterprise  ever  consummated  in  Australia.  The  Common- 
wealth and  States  Governments  will  jointly  control,  receive,  finance,  ship  and  market 
the  entire  wheat  crop  of  Australia,  in  co-operation  with  a  London  board  on  which  the 
principal  Australian  wheat  buyers  will  be  represented.  Farmers  in  Australia  will 
receive  advances  on  a  basis  of  3s.  per  bushel,  the  balance  realised  being  payable  at 
the  close  of  the  season.  The  control  of  the  whole  enterprise  will  be  vested  in  a 
committee  representing  the  Federation  and  the  States,  assisted  by  experts.  Special 
Government  agents  in  each  wheat-growing  State  will  receive  and  store  the  wheat,  and 
will  issue  certificates  declaring  the  quality  and  quantity  taken.  Deliveries  under  the 
scheme  will  cease  on  September  30,  1916. 

Important  Industrial  Development. — The  recent  establishment  of  the  Broken 
Hill  Proprietary  Company's  Iron  and  Steel  Works  at  Newcastle,  Australia,  marks  the 
commencement  of  a  new  stage  in  the  industrial  history  of  the  Dominion.  The  manu- 
facture of  pig-iron  and  steel,  which  hitherto  has  been  much  neglected  in  Australia, 
will  be  undertaken  for  the  first  time  on  a  large  scale,  and  it  is  hoped  that  in  the 


920  ROUND  THE  EMPIRE  NOTES. 

near  future  Australia  will  become  self -supporting  as  regards  the  production  of  a  metal 
which  is  indispensable  to  every  country  for  the  development  of  its  commerce  as  well 
as  for  purposes  of  national  defence.  His  Majesty  the  King  has  been  pleased  to  accept 
a  copy  of  the  illustrated  and  descriptive  booklet  prepared  by  the  Directors  as  a 
souvenir  of  the  official  opening  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Works  by  His  Excellency  the 
Governor-General  on  June  2,  1915. 

New  South  Wales  Budget. — The  Premier,  in  introducing  the  New  South  Wales 
Budget,  announced  that  there  was  a  surplus  last  year  of  £430,000,  the  whole  of  which 
is  to  be  devoted  to  the  reduction  of  the  public  indebtedness.  He  estimated  the 
revenue  for  the  present  financial  year  at  £19,098,000,  and  the  expenditure  at  £18,828,033, 
leaving  a  surplus  of  £269,967.  He  proposed  to  grant  from  the  revenue  £235,000  in 
aid  of  public  works.  The  super-income  and  motor  taxes,  which  were  purely  emergency 
impositions  on  account  of  the  War,  will  be  re-imposed,  and  there  will  be  created  a 
tax  on  horse-racing  which,  it  is  estimated,  will  bring  in  a  return  of  £75,000.  He 
stated  that  3,690  Civil  Servants  had  gone  to  the  Front,  and  that  £25,000  had  already 
been  paid  by  the  Government  as  the  difference  between  the  salaries  and  the  military 
allowances  of  these  men.  The  Government  guarantee  of  4s.  a  bushel  in  connection 
with  wheat  has  encouraged  farmers  to  cultivate  extensive  areas,  and  it  is  anticipated 
that  the  Government  will  pay  the  guaranteed  minimum  for  11,000,000  bushels.  The 
Government  is  entering  on  the  production  of  munitions — principally  shells — and  is 
purchasing  additional  plant  for  the  necessary  equipment  of  workshops. 

NEW  ZEALAND. 

Loyalty  of  the  Maoris. — A  message  from  Nuhaka  states  that  a  memorial  stone 
to  the  late  Chief,  Ihaka  Whaanga,  was  recently  erected  there.  The  following  resolution 
was  adopted  by  the  Maoris  present  at  the  unveiling  ceremony : — "  This  gathering  of 
Maori  people,  to  do  honour  to  the  memory  of  the  dead  Chief,  here  beside  his  tomb, 
affirm  their  devotion  to  the  Empire  he  loved  and  fought  for,  pledge  their  utmost 
resources  in  its  service  and  defence,  and  express  their  earnest  desire  that  there  be  no 
cessation  of  the  struggle  until  the  once  sacred  principles  of  justice  and  humanity  are 
firmly  re-established."  That  this  spirit  of  loyalty  is  shared  in  an  equal  degree  by  the 
women  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Government  has  been  asked  to  accept  the 
services  of  native  women  to  assist  in  nursing  Maori  soldiers  at  the  Front.  No  official 
acknowledgment  of  this  offer  has  yet  been  made,  but  there  is  no  mistaking  this  earnest 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  Maori  women  to  be  of  use  at  the  Front. 

SOUTH  AFRICA. 

Support  from  the  Rand. — Figures  have  been  published  showing  how  generously 
the  employees  of  the  Rand  Mines  group  have  contributed  to  the  War  funds.  The  spirit 
of  loyalty  and  liberality  runs  along  the  whole  reef,  and  the  proof  of  this  has  by  no 
means  been  confined  to  monetary  gifts.  Speaking  in  Johannesburg  on  September  7, 
General  Botha  acknowledged  the  assistance  which  the  people  of  the  Rand  had  given  to 
the  Government.  He  said  they  had  "  sent  more  officers  and  men  than  any  other  place 
in  South  Africa,"  while  they  had  also  "contributed  more  towards  the  War  funds  than 
any  other  place  in  the  country."  The  Workmen's  Committee  of  the  East  Rand 
Proprietary  Mines  has  raised  the  fine  total  of  £5,270,  and  regular  subscriptions  continue 
to  come  in.  Some  time  ago  General  Smuts  received  a  deputation  from  the  South 
African  Institution  of  Engineers,  which  was  anxious  to  offer  its  services  to  the  Union 
Government,  and  through  it  to  the  Imperial  Government,  in  connection  with  inventions 
and  engineering  devices  which  might  assist  in  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  War  in 
Europe.  The  Union  Government  signified  its  willingness  to  regard  the  Institution  as  an 
advisory  body  ready  to  assist  in  any  engineering  matter  that  might  be  referred  to  it. 


ROUND   THE   EMPIRE  NOTES.  921 

Steps  are  also  being  taken  to  ascertain,  through  the  High  Commissioner  in  London, 
whether  the  Imperial  Government  is  in  need  of  any  articles  which  might  be  manu- 
factured in  South  Africa.  Meantime  a  Committee  has  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
advising  on  inventions  submitted,  and  members  of  the  Institution  having  ideas  on 
maritime,  land,  or  aerial  warfare,  have  been  asked  to  submit  them  without  delay. 

EGYPT. 

Valuable  Discovery  of  Phosphate. — It  is  announced  that  a  valuable  discovery  haa 
been  made  by  certain  New  Zealand  soldiers,  who  are  farmers  by  profession,  and  whose 
attention  has  been  drawn,  while  serving  in  Egypt,  to  the  immense  natural  supplies 
of  phosphate.  At  Sofaja  Bay,  on  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea,  they  have  found  what 
is  claimed  to  be  the  richest  phosphate  field  in  the  world.  A  trial  shipment  of  500  tona 
has  been  forwarded  to  New  Zealand. 

HONQ  KONQ. 

Gift  of  a  Motor  Ambulance. — According  to  a  dispatch  from  the  Governor  of  Hong 
Kong,  the  sum  of  £450  has  been  received  from  the  Hon.  Mr.  Lau  Chu-pak,  on  behalf 
of  himself  and  his  son,  wherewith  to  purchase  a  motor  ambulance.  The  car  is  to  be 
presented  to  the  St.  John  Ambulance  Corps,  together  with  a  subscription  of  £163  19*.  4d. 
from  some  of  his  Chinese  friends  for  the  equipment  of  the  ambulance. 

CEYLON. 

Gifts  to  the  Imperial  Air  Fleet. — Ceylon,  the  premier  Crown  Colony,  has  given 
generously  of  her  wealth  to  help  Great  Britain  in  the  present  crisis.  The  scheme 
adopted  by  the  Overseas  Club  to  raise  a  flotilla  of  aircraft  which  should  be  repre- 
sentative of  all  the  outlying  parts  of  the  Empire,  has  received  enthusiastic  support  in 
this  Colony.  The  first  gift  was  a  sum  of  £1,500  wherewith  to  purchase  the  aeroplane 
which  was  named  "A  Paddy-bird  from  Ceylon."  This  was  followed  by  a  further 
£2,250  for  the  armed  biplane  named  "  A  Devil- bird  from  Ceylon,"  and  recently  another 
£2,250  has  been  received  by  the  British  War  Office,  with  a  request  that  the  third 
machine  may  be  named  "A  Night-jar  from  Ceylon."  The  cable  which  accompanied 
the  last  remittance  stated  that  subscriptions  were  still  coming  in,  and  it  is  hoped  that 
yet  another  "  bird "  may  shortly  be  dispatched  from  the  island.  Mr.  F.  J.  de  Saram, 
a  well-known  Colombo  lawyer,  has  personally  subscribed  £2,250  for  a  biplane,  thus 
making  four  aircraft  already  presented  by  this  Colony. 

ZANZIBAR. 

Gift  to  the  Imperial  Government.— The  sum  of  £10,000  has  been  offered  to  His 
Majesty's  Government  by  the  Government  of  Zanzibar,  by  unanimous  resolution  to  the 
Protectorate  Council  as  a  contribution  from  the  Protectorate  towards  the  expenses 
of  the  War.  This  generous  gift  has  been  gratefully  accepted.  The  British  Resident 
at  Zanzibar  has  further  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  that  £3,000 
has  already  been  raised  by  private  subscription  and  transmitted  to  the  British  Red 
Cross  Society  in  London,  and  that  a  smaller  sum  has  been  collected  for  the  Belgian 
Red  Cross  Society.  He  also  draws  attention  to  the  significant  fact  that  about  ninety 
per  cent,  of  the  subscribers  of  the  £3,000  referred  to  were  Mohammedans — many  of  them 
of  small  means. 

WEST  INDIES. 

West  Indian  Contingent  in  England.— The  West  Indian  Contingent,  now  officially 
known  as  the  British  West  Indies  Regiment,  has  been  encamped  for  some  weeks  at 
Seaford,  a  small  place  on  the  Sussex  coast.  As  far  as  possible  the  men  have  been 


922  ROUND    THE   EMPIRE   NOTES. 

formed  into  platoons  and  companies  representative  of  the  colonies  from  which  they 
come,  an  arrangement  which  has  given  rise  to  the  keenest  rivalry,  and  the  men  show 
by  their  military  bearing  and  general  demeanour  that  they  are  fully  conscious  of  the 
honour  they  enjoy  in  wearing  the  King's  uniform.  Since  being  in  camp,  one  man  has 
died  of  pneumonia,  but  on  the  whole  the  health  record  has  been  excellent.  The  Officer 
Commanding  is  Colonel  A.  E.  Barchard.  The  conduct  of  the  regiment  is  said  to  be 
admirable,  and  cordial  relations  have  been  established  with  the  other  troops  stationed 
at  Seaford.  No  officers  have  been  gazetted  yet,  but  several  West  Indian  residents  in 
England  have  enlisted,  and  late  arrivals  from  Barbados  and  British  Guiana  continue  to 
swell  the  ranks.  The  West  Indian  Contingent  Committee,  which  has  been  appealing 
for  funds  to  provide  for  the  welfare  and  comfort  of  the  regiment,  and  also  of  some 
hundreds  of  West  Indians  who  have  come  over  to  England  independently  to  fight  for 
King  and  country,  has  received  over  £2,153.  The  regiment  is  badly  in  need  of  band 
instruments,  which  are  not  provided  by  the  War  Office.  The  Committee  has  agreed 
to  supply  the  regimental  reading-room  with  newspapers,  pending  the  receipt  of  a  grant 
for  this  purpose,  and  the  Camps  Library  has  kindly  sent  1,000  magazines  and  500 
novels,  with  a  promise  of  more  to  follow.  A  small  sum  has  been  set  aside  to  defray 
the  cost  of  the  Saturday-night  concerts  held  in  the  Y.M.C.A.  recreation  hut,  which 
have  become  very  popular.  A  decision  has  been  arrived  at  in  favour  of  forming  a 
Ladies  Committee,  of  which  the  Countess  of  Stamford  will  be  invited  to  be  President. 
Donations  on  behalf  of  the  regiment  may  be  sent  to : — The  Hon.  Secretary,  West 
Indian  Contingent  Fund,  15  Seething  Lane,  London,  E.G. 

Jamaica's  Patriotic  Offer. — In  a  telegram  received  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies  on  November  6,  the  Governor  of  Jamaica  states  : — "  In  reply  to  His 
Majesty's  message,  elected  members  are  prepared  to  respond  to  the  fullest  extent  of 
Island's  resources,  and,  as  an  earnest  of  their  determination  to  support  the  Empire 
in  the  great  struggle  for  the  principles  of  liberty  and  civilisation,  they  offer  to  provide 
(for)  an  increased  number  of  men  from  the  Colony  and  pay  all  attendant  cost  to 
extent  of  a  total  charge  of  £60,000  per  annum  for  40  years.  Elected  members  reiterate 
their  loyalty  and  devotion  to  His  Majesty's  Throne  and  person."  A  telegram  expressing 
the  thanks  of  His  Majesty's  Government  for  Jamaica's  patriotic  offer  was  sent  by 
Mr.  Bonar  Law  on  November  9. 

BRITISH  SUBJECTS  IN  MOZAMBIQUE. 

Aiding  the  Empire. — It  is  interesting  to  learn  that  although  Beira,  the  capital  of 
Portuguese  East  Africa,  is  outside  the  confines  of  the  British  Empire,  a  successful 
effort  has  been  made  by  British  subjects  there  to  raise  money  in  aid  of  the  War  Relief 
Funds  of  the  Allies.  Between  October  of  last  year  and  the  end  of  September  1915, 
subscriptions  amounting  to  over  £1,596  have  been  contributed  to  the  various  Funds. 
This  amount  includes  subscriptions  from  the  employees  of  a  large  sugar  estate  on  the 
Buzi  River,  but  from  nowhere  else  outside  Beira.  While  mainly  supported  by  Britishers, 
subjects  of  other  nations  have  also  given  contributions,  His  Excellency  Senhor  J.  Pery 
de  Lind,  Governor  of  Manica  and  Sofala,  among  others.  Business  in  Beira  has  been 
considerably  and  adversely  affected  by  the  war,  and  many  men  have  left  the  Port  to 
join  the  fighting  forces  in  South  Africa  or  England.  In  spite  of  these  facts,  however, 
the  Fund  is  being  kept  open,  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  monthly  remittances  to  Europe 
may  be  maintained. 


923 

REVIEWS. 

BLACK  AND  WHITE. 

MB.  MAURICE  EVANS,  whose  book  "Black  and  White  in  South-East  Airlca"  was  re- 
viewed in  these  columns  about  four  years  ago,  has  made  a  life-long  study  of  the  colour 
question  as  it  affects  the  natives  of  South  Africa.  Since  the  publication  of  that  work 
he  has  been  engaged  in  a  close  examination  of  the  many  problems  connected  with  the 
presence  of  the  large  negro  element  in  the  United  States,  particularly  in  the  Southern 
States  of  the  Union.  The  result  of  this  personal  investigation — for  Mr.  Evans  spent  a 
considerable  time  in  America,  visiting  the  negroes  in  their  homes  and  studying  their 
condition  and  religious  and  social  organisation — is  now  embodied  in  a  book  entitled 
"Black  and  White  in  the  Southern  States,"  *  which  is  primarily  written  so  as  to  enable 
South  Africans  to  obtain  a  better  insight  into  the  racial  problem  in  America.  Although 
the  question  in  the  two  countries  is  essentially  different  in  many  important  respects, 
there  are  many  points  of  similarity,  and  Mr.  Evans  has  performed  a  notable  and 
useful  service  in  thus  adding  to  the  debt  we  already  owe  him  by  entering  upon  so 
fruitful  a  field  of  study  and  publishing  for  the  use  of  South  African  readers  the  results 
of  his  comparative  investigations. 

The  essential  differences  between  the  black  man  in  America  and  South  Africa  are 
threefold.  In  the  latter  country  the  native  is  in  a  vast  majority;  he  has  at  no  period 
undergone  the  degradation  of  slavery,  or  only  to  a  very  limited  extent,  and  has  thus 
retained  a  large  measure  of  that  self-respect  and  independence  of  character  which  are  so 
largely  wanting  in  the  negro  in  the  New  World ;  and  he  is  as  yet  to  a  considerable 
extent  under  the  influence  of  tribal  authority  and  subject  to  the  control  of  custom  and 
tradition.  These  three  factors  differentiate  him  from  the  descendants  of  West  and 
Central  African  negroes  in  the  States,  who  have  only  within  comparatively  recent  years 
emerged  from  a  condition  of  serfdom  which  crushed  all  initiative,  destroyed  the  power 
of  self-appreciation,  and  reduced  the  slave-population  of  the  South  to  a  state  of  absolute 
dependence  upon  their  white  masters.  From  this  spiritual  and  moral  condition  the 
black  man  in  America  has  but  slowly  emerged ;  for  the  manumission  of  the  slaves, 
although  producing  profound  and  disturbing  social  changes,  naturally  failed  to  eradicate 
the  ingrained  mental  outlook  evolved  during  two  centuries  of  serfdom,  and  did  not 
immediately  affect  the  mentality  of  the  negro.  In  short,  the  negro  in  America,  although 
enjoying  in  theory  the  full  rights  of  American  citizenship  and  exercising  the  privilege,  if 
it  be  a  privilege,  of  the  franchise,  is  still  burdened  by  the  weight  of  his  past;  whilst 
the  Bantu  in  South  Africa,  although  as  yet,  save  in  certain  instances,  deprived  of  the 
full  rights  of  a  citizen,  is  a  free  man  and  is  unhampered  by  the  record  of  past  slavery. 

These  three  factors,  as  indicated,  mark  the  essential  differences  between  the  black  man 
in  America  and  South  Africa.  But  there  are,  nevertheless,  many  points  of  similarity ; 
for  in  both  countries  the  negro  is,  and  seems  destined  to  remain,  a  drawer  of  water 
and  hewer  of  wood,  and  in  both  countries  the  problems  connected  with  his  education 
and  his  assimilation  into  the  social  and  economic  fabric  of  the  State  are  largely  similar. 
Mr.  Evans  has  studied  these  questions  with  great  care.  Although  the  conclusions  at 
which  he  arrives  do  not  present  any  striking  differences  from  the  opinions  formed  by 
many  thoughtful  observers,  they  are  nevertheless  of  the  greatest  value  and  interest  to 
students  of  the  colour  question.  Mr.  Evans  has  observed  the  negro  in  his  home,  in 
the  workshop,  in  the  fields.  He  has  moreover  studied  his  religious  life  and  outlook, 
and  examined  the  educational  system,  which  seems  destined  to  work  a  profound  change 
in  the  condition  of  the  American  negro — for  the  better  if  properly  and  systematically 
organised  upon  the  lines  followed  at  Hampton  and  Tuskegee. 

*  Black  and  White  in  the  Southern  States.  By  Maurice  S.  Evans,  C.M.G.  8vo.  Pp.  xii-299. 
Map.  London :  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  1915.  28  oz. — Is.  6d. 

3  Q 


924  REVIEWS. 

It  is  impossible  within  a  short  notice  to  do  justice  to  the  subject  of  Mr.  Evans's 
book.  So  many  problems  and  factors  have  to  be  considered,  so  many  points  of  view 
have  to  be  studied,  and  so  many  economic  and  social  conditions  have  to  be  mastered, 
that  it  is  not  possible  to  point  out  even  the  chief  difficulties  connected  with  the  regene- 
ration of  the  negro.  On  one  point  however  Mr.  Evans's  conclusions  may  be  summarised. 
He  believes,  and  this  is  probably  the  crux  of  the  matter,  that  the  social  purity  of  both 
white  and  black  must  be  rigorously  maintained.  There  must  be  no  fusion  of  the  differ- 
ent races,  such  as  is  occurring  in  the  States  of  South  America,  and  promiscuous 
intercourse  between  white  men  and  black  women,  leading  to  the  creation  of  a  "coloured" 
and  intermediary  race,  must  be  discouraged,  and,  if  the  negro  is  to  be  raised  to  his 
proper  level,  entirely  abandoned.  Already  in  South  Africa,  as  all  observers  are  aware, 
there  is  a  large  "coloured"  element  looking  down  upon  those  of  pure  native  blood  and 
in  turn  despised  by  white  and  black  alike.  In  the  States,  although  the  process  of 
miscegenation  still  goes  on,  public  opinion  regards  the  mulatto  as  a  negro  and 
even  forces  those  who  are  almost  white  to  associate  with  the  black  man.  This  is 
unjust  to  the  individual,  but  just  to  the  race.  Mr.  Evans  is  a  strong  champion  of 
racial  purity,  and  he  therefore  believes  that  the  black  man,  whilst  performing  his 
task  in  the  social  and  economic  life  of  the  whole  community,  must  be  so  guided,  led, 
and  constrained  that  his  essentially  different  mental  and  social  outlook  shall  remain 
undisturbed.  This  is,  of  course,  the  point  at  which  all  competent  observers  arrive,  and 
the  point  from  which  they  are  generally  unable  to  advance. 

The  only  material  suggestion  offered  by  Mr.  Evans,  apart  from  suggestions  of  a 
purely  social  and  economic  character,  is  "  the  appointment  of  a  permanent  non-political 
Council,  established  under  statute  law,  to  study  continuously  the  question  of  race 
relations  in  all  its  bearings,  and  the  election  of  a  limited  number  of  European  repre- 
sentatives in  Parliament  to  speak  for  the  Council  and  to  voice  native  opinion."  The 
suggestion  is  of  course  excellent,  but  it  neither  settles  nor  materially  advances  the 
settlement  of  the  fundamental  difficulties  connected  with  the  relations  between  white 
and  black  As  a  practical  means  to  any  desired  end  the  reports  of  Royal  Commissions 
would  serve,  and  have  served,  equally  well.  Mr.  Evans's  book  is  one  to  be  studied,  and 
studied  carefully,  but  it  can  hardly  be  classed  as  a  constructive  work.  It  is  suggestive 
rather  than  practical,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  at  a  future  date  the  author  will 
enunciate  a  practical  programme  of  constructive  statesmanship. 

E.  L. 

THE  CANADIAN  ANNUAL  REVIEW. 

THERE  is  no  better  annual  record  of  public  affairs  than  the  "Canadian  Annual  Re- 
view." *  Each  year  this  essentially  useful  publication  seems  to  increase  in  value  and 
interest,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  issue  for  1914  has  surpassed  all  previous 
volumes  in  the  variety  and  interest  of  its  contents.  We  have  on  several  previous 
occasions  called  attention  to  the  excellent  work  that  has  been  done  by  Mr.  J.  Castell 
Hopkins  in  describing  the  contemporary  political,  social,  and  economic  history  of 
Canada.  Mr.  Hopkins  has  for  some  years  edited  this  valuable  work  of  reference, 
which,  although  primarily  jntended  as  a  record  of  events  within  the  Dominion,  is  at 
the  same  time  marked  by-  an  admirable  grasp  of  contemporary  events  in  the  outer 
world  as  they  affect  Canadian  policy,  and  is  written  from  a  sound  and  sane  Imperialist 
standpoint.  But  on  the  present  occasion  we  wish  specially  to  emphasise  the  eclectic 
nature  of  Mr.  Hopkins's  work,  because  the  editor  has  shown  in  the  issue  under  notice 
how  admirably  he  is  qualified  to  deal  with  those  larger  matters  of  interest  which  are  so 
closely  interwoven  with  the  main  course  of  Canadian  history. 

|The  first  three  hundred  pages  of  the  review  of  the  year  1914  contain  an  excellent 

*  The  Canadian  Annual  Review  of  Public  Affairs,  By  J.  Castell  Hopkins.  8vo.  Portraits. 
Pp.854.  Toronto:,  The  Annual  Review  Publishing  Co.  48  oz.— 16s.  5d. 


BOOK  NOTICES.  925 

and  closely-reasoned  account  of  the  events  leading  up  to  the  great  War  in  Europe,  and 
of  the  part  taken  in  it  by  the  Canadian  Government  and  people.  It  will  rank,  we  have 
little  doubt,  as  one  of  the  best  accounts  of  the  War  as  it  affects  the  outer  portions  of 
the  Empire.  Not  only  is  the  part  taken  by  Canada  dealt  with  at  length,  so  that  we 
are  enabled  to  follow  the  effect  of  the  outbreak  of  war  upon  th  Dominion,  but  the 
writer  examines  the  attitude  and  action  of  other  parts  of  the  Empire  and  gives  a 
lucid  account  of  the  combined  military  activities  of  the  Overseas  Dominions  arid  India. 
In  dealing  with  this  question  Mr.  Castell  Hopkins's  previous  t  aining  in  Imperial  studies 
has  enabled  him  to  seize  upon  all  the  e  .sential  points,  and  we  have  no  lies'na  ion,  there- 
fore, in  recommending  his  review  of  the  past  year  as  it  is  reflected  in  the  War  to  the 
attention  of  all  students  of  British  Overseas  policy. 

Apart  from  this  account  of  the  Imperial  aspect  of  the  War,  the  "  Canadian  Annual 
Review"  contains  a  mass  of  information  rejecting  affairs  in  the  Dominion.  In  re- 
ferring to  this  volume  we  are  often  surprited  tLat  it  is  not  better  known  in  this 
country.  In  the  United  States,  we  believe,  the  "Canadian  /  nnual  l-eviYw"  has  a 
large  and  increasing  sale,  but  within  the  United  Kingdom  itself  the  book  does  not 
receive  the  support  that  is  so  richly  deserved.  It  contains  nearly  nine  hundred  pages 
of  closely  printed  matter,  dealing  with  every  aspect  of  political,  social,  and  economic 
activity  within  the  Dominion,  divided  into  numerous  sections,  each  more  or  less  self- 
contained,  so  that  the  English  reader  in  parties  lar  is  enabled  to  obtain  from  its  pages, 
if  he  so  desire,  a  complete  grasp  of  Canadian  affairs.  Regarded  merely  as  a  solid 
contribution  to  the  history  of  Canada,  this  book  is  of  great  value.  l>ut  it  is  some- 
thing more,  because  the  subject-matter  is  o  treated  that  it  is  of  fascinating  interest, 
and  may  thus  be  read  with  protit  by  those  whose  knowledge  of  Canadian  affairs  is 
of  the  slightest. 


BOOK    NOTICES. 
(By  the  LIBRARIAN,  R.C.I.) 

The  Indian  Emigrant:  a  Monthly  Record  of  the  Slalus  and  Doings  of  Indians  in  British  Colonies 
and  Foreign  Countries,  and  an  Advocate,  of  equal  Rights  of  British  Citizenship  within  the 
Empire.  Edited  by  T.  K.  Swaminathan.  Madras,  33  Broadway.  Inland,  5  Rs.  Foreign, 
10s. 

The  title  of  this  periodical  sufficiently  indicates  the  scope  and  nature  of  its  contents. 
The  question  of  Asiatic  immigration  into  the  Overseas  portions  of  the  British  Empire  is 
one  of  such  vast  importance  to  the  future  well-being  of  the  Britannic  system  of  States 
that  no  apology  is  needed  for  calling  special  attention  to  this  monthly  periodical.  Issued 
under  the  editorship  of  Mr.  T.  K.  Swaminathan,  it  deals  practically  and  concisely  with  the 
status  and  condition  of  Indians  in  British  and  foreign  countries,  and  contains  a  record  and 
review  of  all  questions  connected  with  this  important  sir  joe  .  The  journal  has  now  been 
issued  for  more  than  a  year,  and  it  should  be  studied  carefully  by  those  who  realise  the 
importance  of  the  pToblems  with  which  it  deals.  It  has  been  written  that  "  the  historian 
of  the  future  will  record  with  wonder  the  inability  of  the  statesmen  of  to-day  to  understand 
that  the  real  problem  which  the  twentieth  century  had  to  decide  was  not  the  question  of 
social  and  economic  reforms,  nor  even  the  international  relations  of  European  States,  but 
the  br  ader  racial  questions  of  a  modus  vivendi  f  r  the  white,  the  black,  and  the  brown 
races  of  mankind."  These  words  are  profoundly  true,  and  a  journal  such  as  this,  which 
enables  us  to  visualise  this  racial  conflict  now  in  progress,  is  to  be  heartily  welcomed. 

Clark,  Georgina  Binnie. — Tippy,  the  Autobiography  of  a  Pekingese  Puppy :  a  Story  for 
Children.  4to.  Pp.  24.  London  :  The  Fashion  Journals  Guild,  14  Woodstock  Street. 
1915.  Qd.  and  Is. 

A  little  book  published  on  behalf  of  funds  to  provide  comforts  for  wounded  soldiers 
and  horses.  An  excellent  Christmas  gift  for  small  children. 

3  Q  2 


926  BOOK  NOTICES. 

ALSO  RECEIVED. 

Robinson,  W.  S — A  Short  British  History.  2  vols.  12mo.  London :  Rivingtons.  1915. 
Is.  4d.  each. 

Higginbottom,  W.  H — King]  oft  Kulturia.  Post]  8vo.  Pp.  160.  London  and  Felling-on- 
Tyne:  Walter  Scott  Publishing  Co.  1915.  6  oz.— Is. 

McLaren,  J. — A  Concise  Kaffir- English  Dictionary.  8vo.  Pp.  xv-194.  London :  Longmans, 
Green  &  Co.  10  oz.— 3s.  Qd. 

Griffin,  A.  W — Chitonga  Vocabulary  of  the  Zambesi  Valley.  12mo.  Pp.  159.  Oxford  : 
University  Press.  London  :  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  6  oz. — 4s. 

Strong,  Archibald  T. — Sonnets  of  the  Empire  before  and  during  the  Great  War.  12mo. 
Pp.  x-69.  London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.  8  oz. — 3s. 

Stoneman,  Bertha. — Plants  and  their  Ways  in  South  Africa.  12mo.  Pp.  xi-387.  London  : 
Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  1915.  20  oz. — 5s. 

Haffkine,  W.  M. — Concerning  Inoculation  against  Plague  and  Pneumonia,  and  Experimental 
Study  of  Curative  Methods.  8vo.  Pp.  54.  Calcutta :  Thacker,  Spink  &  Co.  1915. 
4  oz. 

Thimm,  Capt.  C.  A. — Egyptian]  Self-taught.  12mo.  Pp.  8vo.  London :  E.  Marlborough  & 
Co.  1915.  2s. 

The'  Delagoa  Directory,  1915.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  166.  Louren9o  Marques :  A.  W.  Bayly  &  Co. 
2s.  Qd. 

Lawson,  Wili. — The  Three  Kings,  and  other  Verses.  12mo.  Pp.  xiv-242.  London : 
Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  16  oz.— 3«.  Qd. 

Darroch,  John. — Chinese  Self-taught  by  the  Natural  MetJiod  with  Phonetic  Pronunciation. 
12mo.  Pp.  vi-153.  London  :  E.  Marlborough  &  Co.  1914.  8  oz. — 5s. 

Bell,  Henry  James — Camp  Fire  Recitations.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  vi-126.  London  and  Felling- 
on-Tyne  :  Walter  Scott  Publishing  Co.  1915.  6  oz.— Is. 

Oil  Seeds  and  Feeding  Cakes.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xxiii-112.  London:  John  Murray.  1915. 
12  oz.— 2s.  Qd. 

Bowler,  Louis  P. — 'Twixt  Silver  and  Gold,  a  Canadian  Novel.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  184.  London 
Henry  J.  Drane.  1915.  10  oz. — Is. 

Foulkes,  H.  D. — Angass  Manual :  Grammar  and  Vocabulary.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xviii-313. 
London  :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench,  Triibner  &  Co.  1915.  7s.  Qd. 

Rawlinson,  H.  G — Shivajt  the  Mardtfid  :  his  Life  and  Times.  Post  8vo.  Portrait,  map,  and 
illust.  Pp.  125.  Oxford :  Clarendon  Press.  1915.  2s.  Qd. 

Munro,  James — A  History  of  Great  Britain :  Part  II. — The  Uniting  of  the  Nations,  1485- 
1716  A.D.  Post  8vo.  Illust.  Pp.  vi-328.  Edinburgh  and  London  :  Oliver  &  Boyd. 
1915.  Is.  Sd. 

Aspinall,  Algernon  E. — West  Indies  and  Guiana,  with  Honduras,  Bermuda,  and  the  Folk- 
lands  :  Six  Lectures  prepared  for  the  Visual  Instruction  Committee  of  the  Colonial 
Office.  12mo.  Illust.  Pp.  152.  London :  George  Philip  &  Son.  1914.  8d. 

Nivedita.  Sister  (Margaret  E.  Noble).  Religion  and  Dhama.  12mo.  Pp.  x-156.  London  : 
Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  1915.  10  oz.— 2s.  Qd. 

Muir,  Ramsay — The  Making  of  British  India,  1756-1858.  Post  8vo.  Pp.  xiv-398.  Man- 
chester :  University  Press.  London  :  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  1915.  18  oz. — 6s. 

Archaeological  Survey  of  India :  Annual  Report,  1912^-13.  Part  I.  4to.  Pp.  64.  Illust. 
Calcutta :  Superintendent  Government  Printing.  1915.  3s. 

Woodroffe,  Joseph  F. — The  Rubber  Industry  of  the  Amazon  and  how  its  Supremacy  can 
be  Maintained.  Illust.  8vo.  Pp.  xlviii-435.  London :  John  Bale,  Son,  &  Danielsson. 
1915.  34  oz.— 21s. 

Lee,  R.  W. — An  Introduction  to  Roman-Dutch  Law.  8vo.  Pp.  xxxv-360.  Oxford  :  Clarendon 
Press.  London  :  Humphrey  Milford.  1915.  28  oz.— 12s.  Qd. 

Buzzard,  Thomas. — With  the  Turkish  Army  in  the  Crimea  and  Asia  Minor:  a  Persona 
Narrative.  8vo.  Illust.  Pp.  viii-310.  London :  John  Murray.  1915.  10s.  Qd. 


927 


CORRESPONDENCE. 

Land  Settlement  in  South  Africa. — The  report  of  the  speeches  made  by  the 
deputation  of  the  "  After  the  War  "  Committee  of  the  Colonial  Institute,  which  appears 
in  your  September  issue,  will  be  read  with  interest  in  South  Africa.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  Committee  will  not  allow  the  needs  of  this  country  to  be  neglected, 
even  if  our  Government  is  unwilling  to  assist  in  a  scheme  of  land  settlement. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  South  African  contingent  has  been  recruited 
almost  entirely  from  the  British  section  of  the  community.  Its  existence,  moreover, 
has  only  been  made  possible  by  the  liberal  contiibutions  of  the  same  section  t6  the 
fund  for  dependents.  Their  determination  to  send  the  largest  possible  number  of  men 
to  Europe  is  a  witness  to  their  enthusiasm  for  the  Empire's  cause ;  for  the  departure 
of,  say,  20,000  of  our  best  fighting  men  from  South  Africa  is  a  serious  matter  for 
the  loyalists  of  both  the  white  races.  And,  apart  from  more  immediate  dangers,  it 
does  not  diminish  the  anxiety  with  which  the  British  element  inevitably  regards  the 
future  course  of.  South  African  politics.  It  is  only  too  likely  that  a  considerable  pro- 
portion of  the  Overseas  contingent  will  not  return,  and  we  can  ill  afford  to  lose  these 
men.  The  country  needs  settlers ;  but  there  is  no  chance  of  encouragement  being  given 
by  the  Government  to  immigration,  for  the  Dutch  farmers  do  not  want  it.  The 
Dutch-speaking  population,  meanwhile,  increases  more  rapidly  than  the  British  minority, 
and  we  shall  not  always  have  a  Botha  to  uphold  the  ideal  of  a  South  African  nation- 
ality irrespective  of  race.  There  are  politicians  of  both  races,  unfortunately,  who 
acquire  much  popularity  by  words  which  tend  to  foment  discord  on  racial  lines ;  but  it 
is  only  natural  that  such  politicians  should  be  less  audible  at  the  present  time  among 
the  British,  who  have  everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  racialism. 

Unless  some  scheme  of  emigration  to  South  Africa  is  undertaken  in  England,  it  is 
inevitable  that  the  British  element  will  diminish  in  proportion  to  the  Dutch,  and  that 
its  interests  will  receive  less  and  less  consideration.  Such  a  scheme  might  perhaps 
commend  itself  to  the  wealthy  individuals  who  have  made  their  fortunes  out  of  our 
gold  and  diamond  mines,  and  are  now  spending  them  in  Europe.  But  we  look  to  the 
"  After  the  War "  Committee  to  take  the  lead. 

I  am,  &c., 

"  BACKVELDER." 

Cape  of  Good  Hope. 
October  15,  1915. 


Field-Marshal  von  Mackensen. — In  the  November  number  of]  UNITED  EMPIRE, 
page  789  (Editorial  Notes  and  Comments),  you  write :  "  Von  Mackensen,  the  one  leader 
of  genius  whom  Germany  has  produced  in  this  campaign,"  &c.  May  I  call  your 
attention  to  the  fact  that  MACKENSEN  (the  von  was  a  distinction  conferred  on  him 
by  the  Emperor)  is  very  probably  a  German  corruption  of  MACKENZIE,  and  this 
field-marshal,  like  other  great  generals  who  have  distinguished  themselves  before  in  the 
service  of  countries  adopted  by  their  fathers,  is  OP  SCOTTISH  DESCENT  ? 

Our  own  Dutch  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Mr.  Loudon,  maintains  in  thisVost 
difficult  time  in  a  most  responsible  office  the  reputation  of  Scotsmen  by  descent. 

H.  DOEFF. 


928 

OBITUARY. 

THE  RT.  HON.  SIR  CHARLES  TUPPER,  BART.,  G.C.M.G.,  C.B. — The  last  days  of  October 
witnessed  the  passing  of  a  veteran  statesman  of  Empire  in  the  death  of  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety-four.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  was  born  in  Nova  Scotia  on 
July  2,  1821.  He  studied  medicine  at  Edinburgh,  where  he  took  his  degree  in  1843, 
and  returned  to  Nova  Scotia  in  order  to  practise  as  a  doctor.  In  1855  he  entered  the 
Legislature,  obtaining,  two  years  later,  a  seat  in  the  Conservative  Government  as  Pro- 
vincial Secretary.  This  Government  was  defeated  in  1859;  but  four  years  later  the 
Conservatives  returned  to  power,  and  in  the  following  year  Sir  Charles  became  Prime 
Minister.  He  was  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  Quebec  Conference,  which  settled  the 
general  plan  of  Confederation,  afterwards  embodied  in  the  British  North  America  Act, 
1867,  that  gave  Canada  its  present  constitution.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  first  took  office 
in  the  Dominion  Government  in  1870  as  President  of  the  Council.  His  second  tenure 
began  in  1878,  when  he  was  Minister  of  Public  Works  in  the  Cabinet  presided  over  by 
Sir  John  Macdonald.  It  was  in  this  capacity  that  his  name  became  associated  with 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  the  construction  and  management  of  which  he  placed 
in  the  hands  of  a  private  company  instead  of  adopting  the  plan  proposed  by  the 
previous  Government  of  making  it  a  State  enterprise.  In  1883  Sir  Charles  Tupper  was 
appointed  High  Commissioner  for  Canada  in  Great  Britain,  and  held  that  post  with  a 
brief  interval  until  1895.  He  returned  to  Canada  in  1887  to  help  the  Conservative 
Party  in  the  General  Election,  and  for  a  short  period  took  office  as  Minister  of  Finance. 
The  next  year  he  was  back  again  in  England ;  but  in  spite  of  his  absence  from  the 
country  he  was  still  regarded  as  a  power  in  Canadian  politics,  and  was  on  more  than 
one  occasion  summoned  back  to  help  his  party.  An  urgent  appeal  reached  him  at 
the  end  of  1895.  He  returned  to  Canada,  became  Secretary  of  State  in  January  1896, 
and  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  House  of  Commons.  In  May  he  became  Prime 
Minister ;  but  the  Government  was  defeated  at  the  polls  and  had  to  make  way  for 
Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Wilfrid  Laurier.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  led  the  Conservative  Oppo- 
sition from  1896  to  1900.  At  the  election  in  the  latter  year  he  lost  his  seat  tor  Cape 
Breton  and  withdrew  from  public  life.  The  last  years  of  his  life  were  spent  in  England, 
where  he  maintained  the  keenest  interest  in  Imperial  affairs  and  showed  remarkable 
physical  and  mental  vigour  up  to  the  end.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  was  a  Fellow  of  the 
Royal  Colonial  Institute  for  thirty-two  years,  and  was  latterly  one  of  its  Vice-Presidents. 
At  the  meeting  of  the  Council  which  took  place  shortly  after  his  death,  a  resolution 
of  condolence  with  the  family  of  the  late  statesman,  recognising  his  valuable  services 
to  the  Empire,  was  passed  ;  and  a  wreath  from  the  Institute  was  directed  to  be  sent 
to  the  care  of  the  Kon.  Corr.  Secretary  at  Halifax  (N.S.)  for  the  funeral  in  Canada. 
A  deputation  from  the  Council  was  also  appointed  to  attend  the  memorial  service 
held  at  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster,  on  November  10,  consisting  of  the  following : 
Sir  Charles  Lucas  (Chairman),  Lieut. -General  Sir  J.  Bevan  Edwards,  Lieut. -General 
Sir  Edward  Hutton,  the  Hon.  Sir  John  Cockburn,  and  Sir  Harry  Wilson  (Secretary). 
The  service  was  conducted  by  the  Rev.  Canon  Carnegie,  and  the  King  was  represented 
by  Lord  Ranksborough.  It  was  attended  by  many  distinguished  statesmen,  including 
representatives  of  all  the  Dominion  Governments,  and  among  those  present  was  Mrs. 
Joseph  Chamberlain,  whose  late  husband,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  was 
associated  with  Sir  Charles  Tupper  on  the  Fisheries  Commission  at  Washington  in 
1887-8. 

SIR  THOMAS  FOWELL  BUXTON,  BART.,  G.C.M.G. — The  Institute  has  lost  a  Fellow  of 
thirty-seven  years'  standing  by  the  death  of  Sir  Thomas  Buxton,  formerly  Governor 
of  South  Australia.  Sir  Thomas  Buxton  was  born  in  1837,  and  was  educated  at 
Harrow  and  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  He  had  a  short  parliamentary  career,  from 
1865  to  1868,  when  he  represented  King's  Lynn.  But  from  the  latter  year  until  he 
accepted  the  Governorship  of  South  Australia  in  1895,  his  only  public  appointment  was 
that  of  Verderer  of  Epping  Forest,  an  office  in  which  he  took  the  deepest  interest. 
His  private  activities  were,  however,  very  numerous,  and  his  generosity  to  all  good 
causes  was  unbounded.  He  took  a  keen  and  practical  interest  in  the  Volunteer  move- 
ment, and  served  as  Colonel  of  the  Second  Tower  Hamlets  Volunteers  from  1864  to 
1883,  and  as  Honorary  Colonel  from  1884  to  1903.  Sir  Thomas  Buxton  was  also  an 


ROLL  OF  HONOUR.  929 

active  member  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society,  of  which  he  was 
elected  president  on  his  return  from  Australia.  Two  of  his  sons,  Mr.  Thomas  Fowell 
Victor  Buxton,  who  succeeds  to  the  baronetcy,  and  Mr.  Noel  Buxton,  M.P.,  are  also 
Fellows  of  the  Institute.  The  Council  passed  a  resolution  of  condolence  with  Lady 
Victoria  Buxton  and  the  family  expressive  of  their  regret  at  the  death  of  one  of  the 
oldest  Fellows  of  the  Institute  and  of  their  appreciation  of  his  many  excellent  qualities. 

MR.  ROBERT  CHRISTISON. — We  regret  to  have  to  record  the  death  of  Mr.  Robert  Christison, 
a  Fellow  of  the  Institute  since  1888,  and  a  former  agricultural  pioneer  in  Queensland. 
Mr.  Christison  went  to  Victoria  in  1852  at  the  age  of  fifteen  years.  After  gaining 
experience  in  stock-raising,  he  took  up  a  block  of  2,000  square  miles  of  pastoral  country 
and  founded  the  first  meat-export  works  in  Queensland.  Mr.  Chnstison  made  a  donation 
to  the  Council  in  1913  of  £100,  which  was  applied  to  the  prize  for  the  first  monograph 
on  an  Imperial  subject  in  addition  to  the  gold  medal  given  by  the  Council. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  JAMES  FOSTER  RIDDELL. — To  have  earned  the  praise  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  as  "one  of  the  most  gallant  officers  that  ever  lived,  and  one  of  the 
best  leaders,"  is  a  distinction  in  a  war  marked  by  deeds  of  conspicuous  heroism  and 
sacrifice.  With  these  words  Sir  John  French  referred  to  the  death  of  Brigadier-General 
Riddell,  in  addressing  the  Northumberland  Infantry  Brigade  which  had  "  particularly 
distinguished  themselves  "  last  April  in  recovering  the  ground  lost  as  the  result  of  the 
first  use  of  poisonous  gases  by  the  Germans.  The  Brigade  had  to  be  rushed  into  the 
firing-line  at  all  costs,  and  it  is  supposed  that  General  Riddell  felt  the  need  of  a 
personal  example  of  fearlessness,  for  hardly  has  any  other  Brigadier  ever  exposed 
himself  to  the  risks  he  took.  His  action  enabled  his  Brigade  to  retrieve  the  situation. 
General  Riddell,  son  of  John  Riddell,  Esq.,  of  the  old  Border  family  of  Riddell  of  Riddell, 
was  born  in  1861,  and  entered  the  Army  from  Sandhurst  in  1880.  He  saw  service  in  the 
Hazara  campaign  (1888)  and  in  the  South  African  War,  for  which  he  raised  and  com- 
manded the  3rd  Battalion  of  the  Northumberland  Fusiliers.  On  its  disbandment  after  the 
war  he  was  given  the  command  of  the  2nd  Battalion.  At  the  inauguration  of  the  Australian 
Commonwealth  he  took  over  a  picked  detachment  to  that  continent  to  represent  the 
British  Army.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  present  War  he  was  one  of  the  first  Colonels  to  be 
gazetted  a  Brigadier-General. 

LIEUT.  LESLIE  WINGFIELD  SWEET-ESCOTT. — Much  sympathy  will  be  felt  with  Sir 
Bickham  Escott,  Governor  of  Fiji,  and  Lady  Escott  in  the  loss  of  their  youngest  son, 
Leslie  Sweet-Escott,  a  Lieutenant  in  the  5th  Oxfordshire  and  Bucks  Light  Infantry, 
who  was  killed  near  Ypres  on  September  25,  while  leading  a  bombing  party  to  the 
attack.  In  a  letter  to  Sir  Bickham  Escott  the  officer  commanding  the  5th  Oxford 
Light  Infantry  wrote :  "  From  the  start  out  here  he  began  to  make  his  mark  as  a 
leader,  and  had  I  been  asked  before  his  death  who  was  the  best  officer  we  had  for 
coolness,  courage,  and  presence  of  mind  for  an  emergency  or  any  specially  ticklish  job, 
I  should  have  said,  without  hesitation,  '  Escott,'  and  so  would  any  other  officer  in  the 
battalion." 


ROLL   OF   HONOUR   (Eighth  List). 

(Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  R.C.I,  serving  with  H.M.  Forces.     Additions  to  this 
list  will  be  gratefully  received  by  the  Secretary). 

ADAM,  SIR  CHARLES,  Bart.,  Royal  Naval  Air  Service  (Anti-Aircraft  Section) ; 
ALDRIDGE,  K.  W.,  South  African  Field  Artillery ;  ASCOLI,  GEORGE,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
8th  Batt.  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  BALL,  H.  STANDISH,  Royal  Engineers ;  BATEMAN, 
W.  S.,  Cape  Garrison  Artillery,  South  Africa ;  BEAL,  W.  P.  B.,  M.R.C.V.S.  (Veterinary 
Officer,  Gold  Coast  Colony),  Lieutenant,  Army  Veterinary  Corps ;  BELL,  CYRIL  M., 
Transvaal  Scottish;  BRODIE,  ALLAN,  13th  Highland  Light  Infantry;  BROTHERS,  .C.  M., 
Captain,  S.A.M.C. ;  BROWN,  A.  INNES,  Captain,  South  African  Union  Defence  Force ; 
BROWN,  G.  PRITCHARD,  Lieutenant,  East  African  Rifles ;  Cox,  J.  IEVERS,  Lieutenant,  East 


930  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

African  Force,  Provost  Marshal,  Mombasa ;  CUNINGHAM,  A.  J.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Reserve 
Regiment  of  Cavalry ;  DROUGHT,  J.  J.,  Lieutenant,  East  African  Mounted  Rifles  and  In- 
telligence Officer ;  GARD,  STEPHEN  A.,  Lance-Sergeant,  H.A.C. ;  GEORGE,  H.  B.,  S.A.M.C. ; 
GODDARD,  W.  H.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  R.G.A. ;  GRAHAM,  J.  W.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Grenadier  Guards  ; 
GILBERT,  C.  O.,  East  African  Mounted  Rifles ;  HARRIS,  W.  J.  BLACKLOCK,  2nd  Lieutenant, 
King's  Liverpool  Regiment ;  HAYWARD,  W.  T.,  M.R.C.S.,  Lieut. -Colonel,  A.A.M.C. ;  HOBBS,  J. 
Talbot,  Colonel,  C.B.  Australian  Imperial  Force ;  HORDERN,  L.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  Australian 
Imperial  Force ;  HUFFAM,  S.,  Lieutenant,  17th  West  Yorks  Regiment ;  INGLIS,  GORDON, 
Lieutenant,  1st  Batt.  Grenadier  Guards ;  JONES,  S.  RAMPLEN,  Lieutenant,  R.E. ;  KELLOCK, 
W.  T.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  18th  Royal  Scots ;  LIND,  WALTER,  2nd  Lieutenant,  8th  Batt. 
Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers ;  McCoRMACK  M.,  Major,  S.W.  African  Forces ;  McKAY,  W.  G., 
2nd  Lieutenant,  R.F.A. ;  MARSDEN,  EDGAR  J.,  Australian  Field  Artillery ;  MAY,  G.  C., 
Cameroons  Expeditionary  Force ;  MOYNA,  E.  G.  J.,  Captain,  7th  Royal  Scots  Fusiliers  j 
NELSON,  E.  G.  S.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  3/4  East  Anglian  R.F.A.  ;  RAFFLES,  STAMFORD  C., 
Kite  Balloon  Section,  Royal  Flying  Corps  ;  ST.  JOHN,  MOTTBRAY,  Captain,  16th  Bedfordshire 
Regiment ;  SCRUBY,  F.  S.,  Captain,  Cambs.  Regiment ;  SMITH,  GEOFFREY  S.,  D.S.O.,  Major, 
N.Z.E.F. ;  SMITH,  GORDON  P.,  2nd  Lieutenant,  North  Staffs.  Regiment ;  SPENCER,  DOUGLAS, 
Q.M.S.,  Artists  Rifles ;  STRUBEN,  CHARLES  F.  W.,  Lieutenant,  R.N.V.R. ;  STOPFORD,  VISCOUNT, 
Captain,  Graves  Registration  Commission ;  SWETTENHAM,  J.  P.,  Major,  R.E. ;  WARNER, 
H.  T.,  Nigerian  Land  Regiment ;  WRIGHT-REDGWELL,  J.  S.,  South  African  Forces. 


LONDON   SERVICE   WAR  AMBULANCE  MOTOR    CAR. 

(UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE  EOYAL  COLONIAL  INSTITUTE.) 

A  WELL-ATTENDED  meeting  of  the  Advisory  Board  in  connection  with  this  Ambulance 
Car  took  place  at  Mr.  Smetham  Lee's  office,  1  Central  Buildings,  Westminster,  on 
October  22,  1915,  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  the  Council's  representative  on  the  Board,  being  in 
the  chair.  The  report  of  the  Secretary  showed  receipts  £152  4s.  9d.  for  the  past  twelve 
months,  and  expenditure  £261  8s.,  leaving  a  deficit  of  £109  3*.  3d.  Since  the  accounts 
were  audited,  however,  £15  had  been  received  to  meet  the  deficit,  and  further  sums 
were  promised;  Mr.  Garrison  explaining  that  lectures  were  being  arranged  at  Earl 
Brassey's  house,  Bridgewater  House,  and  elsewhere,  which  were  expected  not  only  to  extinguish 
the  overdraft  at  the  Bank  (for  which  Mr.  Smetham  Lee  had  generously  made  himself 
responsible),  but  also  to  provide  a  working  balance  for  the  future.  After  a  full  discussion 
of  ways  and  means,  the  following  resolution  was  proposed  by  the  Chairman,  seconded 
by  Mr.  Campbell  Brown,  and  carried  unanimously :  "  That  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
car  during  the  coming  twelve  months,  guarantees  for  monthly  subscriptions  of  any 
amount  should  be  invited  from  those  interested  in  its  welfare,  and  that  a  notice  to 
that  effect  should  be  posted  at  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  and  included  in  the 
December  issue  of  UNITED  EMPIRE.  Reference  has  also  been  made  to  the  subject 
in  the  Secretary's  Quarterly  Letter  to  all  honorary  corresponding  secretaries  of  the 
Institute.  It  may  be  noted  that  by  careful  management  the  expenses  of  running  the 
car  for  a  year  are  much  less  than  the  sum  originally  estimated  (£400),  and  the  Board 
passed  a  hearty  vote  of  thanks  to  one  of  its  members  (Rev.  Hugh  Collum)  who  had 
offered  to  guarantee  one  month's  expenses  (£25).  Any  offers  of  guarantees,  or 
donations,  will  be  gratefully  acknowledged  either  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Institute  or  the 
Hon.  Secretary^of  the  Advisory  Bo?rd  at  1  Central  Buildings,  Westminster. 

HOUSE    AUD   SOCIAL   COMMITTEE. 

THE  Council  having  approved  the  holding  of  the  tea-party  in  the  Smoking  Room   twice, 
instead   of    once,  a    month  during    the    coming   winter    season   (on   the  first    and^third 


ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  INSTITUTE.  931 

Thursdays),  the  first  of  the  bi-monthly  meetings  took  place  on  November  18,  the  speaker 
on  the  occasion  being  Mr.  Harry  Brittain,  Member  of  Council,  who  has  recently  re- 
turned from  his  very  successful  tour  in  the  United  States  of  America  and  Canada  on 
behalf  of  the  Institute.  Sir  Charles  Lucas  occupied  the  chair,  and  introduced  Mr. 
Brittain  in  a  delightfully  humorous  speech.  Mr.  Brittain  then  gave  a  highly  inter- 
esting (as  well  as  amusing)  account  of  his  long  and  eventful  journey,  and  an  able 
description  of  the  various  currents  of  feeling,  both  pro-Ally  and  pro-German,  now  run- 
ning through  the  U.S.A.  A  cordial  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  at  the  motion  of  Sir 
John  Middleton  (Chairman  of  the  House  and  Social  Committee),  seconded  by  Sir  Harry 
Wilson.  A  full  report  of  Mr.  Brittain' s  mission  will  appear  in  the,  next  number  of 
UNITED  EMPIRE,  with  a  map  illustrating  his  itinerary  and  the  many  new  centres  of 
influence  created  by  him. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY    OF    FOREIGN    COLONISATION. 

AMONG  the  many  activities  of  the  Institute  the  work  of  the  library  staff,  though 
efficiently  performed,  receives  very  little  notice.  The  Library  is  so  important  a  part 
of  the  Institute  that  we  are  glad  on  the  present  occasion  to  call  attention  to  a  pub- 
lication just  issued  that  will,  we  are  assured,  be  of  the  greatest  service  to  the  many 
students  of  colonial  administration  who  are  in  the  habit  of  using  the  library.  This  is 
"A  Select  Bibliography  of  Publications  on  Foreign  Colonisation — German,  French, 
Italian,  Dutch,  Portuguese,  Spanish,  and  Belgian — contained  in  the  Library  of  the 
Royal  Colonial  Institute."  This  bibliography  reveals  at  a  glance  the  wealth  of  such 
literature  in  the  library.  It  has  been  compiled  by  Miss  Winifred  C.  Hill,  and  contains 
an  introduction  by  the  Librarian,  pointing  out  the  importance  of  the  study  of  com- 
parative administration  and  colonisation,  a  subject  that  has  hitherto  been  greatly 
neglected  in  this  country.  The  price  of  the  Bibliography  is  half  a  crown.  We  are 
glad  to  notice  that  it  has  received  most  appreciative  notices  in  the  press,  and  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  it  is  only  the  first  of  a  series  of  useful  bibliographies  of  this  nature. 
The  Librarian  has  also  prepared  a  Bibliography  dealing  with  the  Higher  Organisation 
of  the  Empire,  a  most  important  subject  at  the  present  juncture,  which  will  be  published 
when  funds  permit. 


RESULT  OF  ESSAY  COMPETITION. 

WITH  a  view  to  eucouraging  the  rising  generation  to  "  think  Imperially,"  and  in  the  pro- 
cess acquire  a  better  knowledge  and  appreciation  of  the  British  Empire,  the  Council  of 
the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  decided  two  years  ago  to  offer  Prizes  to  young  people, 
undergoing  education  at  Universities  and  Schools,  for  Essays  on  subjects  of  Imperial 
concern.  The  subject  selected  for  this  (the  third)  year's  competition  was  "  The  Probable 
Influence  of  the  War  upon  the  Relations  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the 
Dominions."  The  competition  this  year,  on  account  of  the  War,  was  limited  to  the 
section  for  Schools,  and  two  prizes  of  £10  and  £5  respectively  were  offered  to  pupils  of 
both  sexes  in  any  school  in  the  British  Empire  not  exceeding  the  age  of  nineteen 
years.  The  action  of  the  Council  has  aroused  a  great  deal  of  interest  and  met  with 
a  much  wider  response  than  on  previous  occasions.  The  result  of  the  competition  is 
that  Mr.  James  Ivor  McKie,  of  the  Liverpool  Institute,  has  been  awarded  the  First 
Prize  of  £10,  and  Mr.  James  M.  Laing,  of  Southland  Boys'  High  School,  Invercargill, 
New  Zealand,  has  been  awarded  the  Second  Prize  of  £5.  Four  first-class  certificates 
have  been  awarded :  to  Christopher  N.  Maclean,  Selwyn  House  Collegiate  School,  Wan- 
ganui,  New  Zealand ;  Henry  K.  Prescot,  St.  Edward's  School,  Oxford ;  Elsie  L. 
Williams,  City  and  County  School  for  Girls,  Chester ;  and  George  B.  Dallas,  Queen's 
College,  Taunton ;  and  also  sixteen  second-class  certificates. 

The   adjudicator   of   the   prizes   was   Professor   Egerton,    Beit   Professor   of    Colonial 
History,  Oxford. 


932  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  INSTITITE. 

ENTERTAINMENT  OF  WOUNDED  SOLDIERS  FOR  THE 
LORD  MAYOR'S  SHOW. 

ON  November  9,  the  Council  of  the  Institute  entertained  over  seventy  wounded  soldiers 
from  overseas,  representing  Canada,  Newfoundland,  each  State  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Australia — viz.,  New  South  Wales,  Victoria,  South  Australia,  Queensland,  Tasmania,  and 
Western  Australia — New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa,  to  view  the  Lord  Mayor's  proces- 
sion. Over  250  Fellows,  Associates,  and  their  friends  from  every  part  of  the  King's 
dominions  were  also  entertained  by  the  Council,  including  a  large  number  of  officers 
belonging  to  the  oversea  forces,  and  Captain  G.  de  Shoultz,  representative  of 
the  Russian  Navy  with  the  British  Fleet.  The  soldiers  gave  the  Lord  Mayor  one  of 
the  heartiest  greetings  that  he  received  along  the  route,  and  he  graciously  acknowledged 
their  ringing  cheers  as  his  carriage  stopped  before  the  Institute  building.  The  various 
overseas  contingents  taking  part  in  the  show  were  also  enthusiastically  welcomed  as 
they  passed. 

The  Council  are  greatly  indebted  to  various  Fellows,  Associates,  and  other  friends 
for  their  kindness  in  arranging  for  motor-cars  to  bring  the  soldiers  to  and  from  the 
Institute,  viz : — Mrs.  Gilbert  Anderson ;  Miss  Blackwood ;  Mr.  A.  J.  David,  K.C.  ;  Miss 
Francis ;  Mr.  P.  S.  P.  Handcock ;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J.  P.  Johnson ;  Mr.  Douglas  McLean ; 
Mr.  E.  A.  Medus ;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Alexander  Michie  ;  and  Mrs.  Rooke. 

NEW  APPOINTMENT. 

To  fill  the  vacancy  on  the  editorial  staff  of  UNITED  EMPIRE  caused  by  the  resig- 
nation of  Mrs.  Tawse  Jollie,  the  Council  have  appointed  Mr.  H.  Thurburn  Montague  Bell 
as  co-editor  of  the  Journal,  with  Sir  Harry  Wilson,  from  November  1,  1915.  Mr. 
Montague  Bell  was  educated  at  St.  Paul's  School  and  Peterhouse  College,  Cambridge, 
and  held  scholarships  at  both.  He  took  a  First  Class  in  the  Classical  Tripos  of  1895, 
Was  a  member  of  the  foreign  staff  of  The  Times  (1895-1906),  assistant  correspondent 
in  Berlin  (1896-8),  in  the  Near  East  (1898-1900),  and  correspondent  in  South  Africa 
(1900-1SC6).  He  subsequently  edited  The  North  China  Daily  News  and  Herald  at 
Shanghai  (1906-1911). 

MILITARY  AWARDS. 

TBE  Council  notes  with  much  satisfaction  that  among  those  who  have  secured 
Ccirmissicns  under  the  auspices  of  the  War  Services  Committee  two  have  already 
received  the  Military  Cress.  In  a  supplement  to  the  London  Gazette  of  November  4, 
1915,  it  was  announced  that  His  Majesty  the  King  had  been  graciously  pleased  to 
confer  the  Militaiy  Cross  on  the  undeimentioned  officers  in  recognition  of  their  gallantry 
and  devotion  to  duty  in  the  field  : — 

Temporary  Lieutenant  DAVID  CARNEGIE  ALEXANDER,  M.B.,  Royal  Army  Medical 
Corps,  attached  £th  Battalion,  The  Queen's  Own  Cameron  Highlanders. 

For  conspicuous  gallantly  and  devoticn  to  duty,  between  September  25  and  27,  1915, 
near  "Fosse  8."  He  attended  to  and  got  into  shelter  many  wounded  men  who  were 
[lying  in  the  open  under  enfilade  machine-gun  fire,  and  on  several  occasions  at  the 
'Manager's  House  at  the  Fosse  carried  out  his  duties  under  heavy  shell  fire. 

Temporary  Second  Lieutenant  ROBERT  WILLIAM  CABRIGAN,  Royal  Field  Artillery, 
attached  No.  1  Trench  Mortar  Battery. 

For   conspicuous   gallantry   on   September  25,    1915,   near    Hulluch,   when    he   took 

forward,  under  heavy  fire,  two  mortars,  in  order  to  deal  with  some  buildings  in  which 

hostile   machine-guns   were  working.      Lieutenant  Carrigan's  personal  bravery  has   been 

most  inspiring  to  the  men  of  his  battery  in  every  action  in  which  he  has  taken  part. 

Mr.  D.  C.  Alexander,  who  is  a  Fellow  of  the  Institute,  was  attached  to  a  hospital 

at  Quirigna,    Guatemala,   prior  to   the   outbreak  of  war.     Mr.   Carrigan   was   a  resident 

in  the  Argentine  Republic. 


933 

NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 

THE   FOLLOWING   HAVE^BEEN,  SELECTED : 

Resident  Fellows  (14) : 

John  Geo.  Bartholomew,  LL.D.,  Robert  Cotton,  William  C.  Dawson,  A.  J.  Edwards, 
James  Laidlaw  Ewing,  LL.D.,  Rev.  William  Davy  Filliter,  Wm.  Henry  Fox,  F.S.A.,  James 
Thos.  Hutchinson,  Hon.  Sir  Charles  A.  Parsons,  K.C.B.,  F.R.S.,  J.P.,  Sir  George  Paul, 
LL.D.,  Francis  E.  Railces,  Allan  Ramsay,  C.  T.  Stickings,  Alfred  Taylor  White. 

Non-Resident  Fellows  (83) : 

AUSTRALIA. — A.  E.  de  Marney  (Sydney),  H.  V.  Owynne  (Boandu),  William  Morris 
(Perth),  James  Robson  Scott  (Sydney),  David  L.  Thomas  (Battarat). 

CANADA.- — Capt.  the  Rev.  Christopher  Graham,  B.A.  (St.  John,  N.B.),  John  Roydon- 
Thomson  (Rothesay,  N.B.). 

NEW  ZEALAND.— Chas.  Clifford  (Christchurch),  Frederick  A.  Price  (Napier),  Harold 
M.  Price  (Hawkes  Bay). 

SOUTH  AFRICA. — Capt.  Harry  W.  M.  Bamford  (Zululand),  Capt.  Ernest  Barlow 
(Durban),  Arthur  U.  Bourne  (Cape  Town),  T.  W.  Bur-de-Wold  (Natal),  Albert  J.  S. 
Cahill  (East  London),  Frank  Cook  (Cape  Town),  8.  F.  H.  Everill  (Cape  Town),  Lovett 
Greene  (Maritzburg),  Francis  J.  Harper,  B.A.  (Clocolan),  Capt.  Wallace  F.  Hoptroff 
{Pretoria),  Reginald  Norman  Jenkins  (Ficksburg),  B.  N.  Macfarlane  (Maritzburg),  Capt. 
Ian  MacDougall  (Durban),  Hugh  J.  Parry  (Johannesburg),  Wm.  G.  Stranack  (Maritzburg), 
Douglas  P.  Tennant  (Cape  Town),  Harold  J.  Turnley  (Durban),  William  S.  Wrinch 
(Ficksburg). 

BRITISH  EAST  AFRICA.— Lieut.-Colonel  Harry  P.  V.  Bunbury  (Nairobi),  Kenneth 
F.  Chamberlain  (Elmentieta),  Phillip  J.  H.  Coldham  (Kyambu),  Evelyn  S.  Higgins 
(Nairobi).  BRITISH  HONDURAS.— Alfred  N.  Easton  (Belize).  BRITISH  SOLOMON 
ISLANDS.— C.  B.  Buchanan.  INDIA.— Rev.  J.  A.  Graham,  D.D.,  C.I.E.  (Bengal),  Sidney 
Williams  (Rangoon).  FEDERATED  MALAY  STATES. — James  Berry  (Ipoh),  Reginald 
J.  Palmer  (Padang  Rengas),  Hugh  de  Z.  Lancaster  (Padang  Rengas),  Louis  U.  Stafford 
(Perak),  Thomas  K.  Wilson  (Bruas).  RHODESIA. — Edwyn  O.  Cottcutt  (Livingstone), 
A.  H.  Lenton  (Salisbury),  Rowland  Williams,  M.R.C.V.S.  (Salisbury).  STRAITS 
SETTLEMENTS.— J^orttmer  C.  Hay  (Penang).  WEST  AFRICA.— John  D.  McKay 
(Sekondi),  W.  Henry  Phillips  (Forcados),  William  Smith  (Duala),  Eardley  B.  Reece 
(Accra).  WEST  INDIES.  Wo/m  H.  Cook,  M.B.  (Antigua).  ARGENTINE.— W.  S.  Bell 
(Buenos  Aires),  G.  W.  Burton  (Buenos  Aires),  Richard  Henry  Clarke  (Chubut),  Walter 
Ffrench  (Trebolares),  G.  A.  Gardner  (Buenos  Aires),  M.  F.  Gilderdale  (Buenos  Aires), 
John  Hall  (Rufi.no),  C.  A.  Hay  (Buenos  Aires),  J.  M.  Murray  (Buenos  Aires),  William 
Robinson  (Cordoba),  S.  M.  Rough  (Buenos  Aires),  Edmund  B.  Theobald  (Chubut). 
BELGIAN  CONGO.— Herbert  Bellerby  (Ruwe).  BRAZIL.— Charles  F.  Cruickshank  (Rio 
de  Janeiro),  I.  A.  Hayes  (Pernambuco),  Fred  W.  A.  Knight  (Pernambuco).  MEXICO. — 
H.  W.  T.  Buckingham.  PORTUGUESE  EAST  AFRICA.— Capt.  Austin  St.  J.  King 
(Macequece).  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA.— George  Bateman  (New  York),  W.  F.  Bullock 
(New  York),  Percy  S.  Bullen  (New  York),  Sydney  J.  Clarke  (New  York),  E.  M.  Dodwell 
(New  York),  J.  Herbert  Duckworth  (New  York),  Benson  G.  U.  Durant  (New  York),  Cecil 
Forsythe  (New  York),  J.  W.  Futtwood  (New  York),  Henry  N.  Hall  (New  York),  Sir 
Arthur  Herbert,  G.C.V.O.  (New  York),  Ernest  E.  St.  L.  Lawford  (New  York),  Frederick 

A.  Pirie    (New    York),    Thomas    J.    Pulling    (Baltimore).      URUGUAY. — Cyril    L.    Hains 
(Montevideo). 

Associates  (12) : 

Mrs.  M.  Anderson  (Buenos  Aires),  Mrs.  A.  E.  Ash  (Buenos  Aires),  John  Baird,  Mrs.  J. 
M.  Beeston  (Buenos  Aires),  Mrs.  Blount,  F.R.G.S.,  A.  Cowan  Guthrie,  M.B.C.M.,  Mrs.  C. 
E.  MacDougall-Rawson,  Lady  Morris  (Newfoundland),  Mrs.  W.  J.  Holt  Murison  (Canada), 
J.  M.  Rusk  (Edinburgh),  Mrs.  H.  P.  de  Simons  (Argentine),  W.  Whittock. 

Bristol  Branch,  Associates  (33) : 

B.  Allen,  Miss  J.  Allen,  J.  Amos,  Mrs.  C.  Arnaud,  Mrs.  G.  M.  Ashington,  D.  M. 
Beaton,  Her  Grace  the  Duchess  of  Beaufort,  E.  A.  Bigg,  Rev.  T.  J.  Bowen,  Miss  Bowen, 
J.  E.  Braithwaite,  Dr.  E.  H.  Cook,  Mrs.  H.  Daniell,  Miss  S.  F.  Elford,  Miss  A.  Ellis, 
Mrs.  G.  A.  Gibbs,  Mrs.  A.  M.  Gladstone,  Miss  L.  M.  Goss,  P.  Gray,  Miss  E.  Gummer, 

B.  Just,   F.  B.   Leighton,  Miss  F.  E.  Lloyd,  T.  Mansfield,  Mrs.   Nan  Mardon,  H.  A. 
Montgomery -Parker,  Dr.  M.  Nierenstein,  Dr.  H.  W.  Page,  F.  C.  Parker,  Miss  E.  Robinson, 
Colonel  G.  D.  Stowett,  Miss  H.  B.  M.  Vallancey,  Miss  G.  Wallis. 


934  NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS 

MR.  W.  WARDEN. 

The  Council  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  at  their  meeting  held  on  October  26^ 
1915,  elected  Mr.  William  Warden  of  Buenos  Aires  an  Honorary  Life-Fellow  of  the 
Institute,  in  recognition  of  his  very  valuable  services  to  the  Institute  in  the  capacity 
of  Honorary  Corresponding  Secretary  in  the  Argentine. 

APPOINTMENT  OF  HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 

Henry  N.  Hall  and  W.  F.  Bullock,  to  act  with  Mr.  Alleyne  Ireland,  in  New  York  ; 
A.  S.  Haynes  (Kuala  Kangsar,  Perak),  George  S.  Mackay  (Suez),  C.  A.  Player  (Seattle, 
U.S.A.),  Thomas  J.  Pulling  (Baltimore,  Maryland,  U.S.A.),  G.  I.  Turner  (Falkland  Islands). 

OBITUARY. 

The  following  deaths  of  Fellows  and  Associates  are  noted  with  regret : 

KILLED  IN  ACTION. — Albert  John  Smith,  Capt.  Laurel  C.  F.  Oldfield,  C.  D.  Wynher. 

DIED^OF  WOUNDS. — Captain  R.  M.  Sebag-Montefiore. 

Vernon  Travers,  Sir  T.  Fowell  Buxton,  Bart,  G.C.M.G.,  A.  D.  Essien,  Robert 
Christison,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  Bart.,  G.C.M.G.,  C.B.,  Joseph  G.  Montefiore, 
Samuel  lies,  Lieut. -Colonel  H.  W.  Perrin,  N.  J.  Ede,  Robert  Barr-Smith. 

ARRANGEMENTS    FOR    SESSION    1915-1916. 

The  following  Papers  have  already  been  arranged,  and  subsequent  fixtures  will 
appear  from  time  to  time  in  the  Notices  to  Fellows  : — 

1915. 
DECEMBER  14,  at  8.30  p.m. — "  Jsew  South  Wales  under  War  Conditions,"  by  the  Hon. 

B.  R.  WISE,  K.C.  (Agent-General  for  New  South  Wales). 
DECEMBER  21,  at  4  p.m. — "The  Empire's  Outpost  in  the  South  Atlantic  "  (with  Lantern 

Illustrations),  by  Major  J.  QUAYLE  DICKSON,  D.S.O.  (late  Colonial  Secretary  of  the 

Falkland  Islands). 

1916. 
JANUARY  11,  at  8.30  p.m. — "The  Strategic  Geography  of  the  War  in  Relation  to  the 

British  Empire  "  (with  Lantern  Illustrations),  by  VAUGHAN  CORNISH,  D.Sc. 
JANUARY    19,    at    1.30    p.m. — Luncheon   in    honour    of    Rt.    Hon.    Sir    GEORGE     REID, 

G.C.M.G.,  on  his  retirement  from  the  Office  of  High  Commissioner  for  the  Commonwealth 

of  Australia. 

FEBRUARY  8,  at  8.30  p.m. — "  The  British  Empire  and  the  Near  East,"  by  J.  L.  GARVHC. 
FEBRUARY  22,  at  4  p.m.    Paper  by  Sir  HARRY  JOHNSTON,  G.C.M.G.,  K.C.B. 
MARCH   14,  at  8.30  p.m. — "  The   Reorganisation    of    Britannic  Financial  and  Industrial 

Affairs,"  by  BEN.  H.  MORGAN. 

APRIL   11,  at  8.30  p.m. — Paper  on  South  Africa  by  Sir  LIONEL  PHILLIPS,   Bart. 
MAY  9,   at   8.30   p.m. — Paper  by    Dr.    W.    H.  HADOW,  M.A.    (Principal    of    Armstrong 

College,  Newcastle-on-Tyne). 

CHRISTMAS  LECTURES  FOR  YOUNG  PEOPLE . 

It  has  been  arranged  to  give  three  Popular  Illustrated  Lectures  on  January  3,  5, 
and  7,  at  3.30  p.m.  The  subjects  will  be  announced  later. 

CHRISTMAj    AND    NEW    YEAR    CARDS. 

The  Council  has  approved  a  suggestion  made  by  the  House  and  Social  Committee  that 
special  Christmas  and  New  Year  Cards  should  be  provided  for  the  use  of  the  Fellows. 
These  cards  bear  the  device  and  motto  of  the  Institute  in  colours,  together  with  an 
appropriate  quotation  from  the  "  Song  of  the  English,"  by  Rudyard  Kipling.  They  are 
now  on  sale  in  the  office  at  2s.  Qd.  per  dozen  for  the  double  card,  which  contains  a  picture  of 
His  Majesty  the  King  reviewing  the  Fleet,  with  H.R.H.  The  Prince  of  Wales  at  his 
side,  and  Is.  per  dozen  for  the  single  card. 

The  attention  of  Fellows  is  drawn  to  the  Nomination  Form  now  inserted 
in  eaoh  copy  of  the  Journal,  which  can  be  detached  for  use. 

USE  OF  THE  NAME  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

In  consequence  of  breaches  of  Rule  17  having  been  reported  to  the  Council  from  time 
to  time,  it  is  considered  advisable  to  call  the  attention  of  Fellows  to  the  terms  of  the 
rule  in  question  : — 

17.  "  The  name  of  the  Institute  shall  not  be  used  as  an  address  on  any 
oiroular,  letter,  report,  correspondence,  or  document  of  a  business  character 
intended  for  publication,  or  any  prospectus  of  a  public  company." 


NOTICES  TO  FELLOWS. 


935 


TELEGRAPHIC  ADDRESS  AND  NEW  TELEPHONE  NUMBER. 

Inland  Telegrams  :  "  Recital  \Vestrand   London."  Cables:  "  Recital  London. "  Telegrams 
for  any  individual  Kellow  should  be  addressed  c/o  "  Recital  London." 
Telephone  Number  :   Regent  4940  (three  lines). 


UNITED  EMPIRE -JOURNAL  OF  THE  INSTITUTE. 

Communications  respecting  advertisements  intended  for  insertion  in  the  Journal  should 
be  addressed  to  The  Advertisement  Manager 

Covers  for  binding  the  monthly  issues  will  be  supplied  at  a  cost  of  1«   <W 

Bound  volumes  of  UNITED  EMPIRB  for  the  year  1914  are  now  ready,  and  can  be 
obtained  by  Fellows  and  Associates  of  the  Institute  at  a  cost  of  7*  bd  each.  In  the 
event  of  these  being  forwarded  by  post  there  will  be  an  extra  charge  of  <W  anywhere 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  I*.  6d  to  places  out  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  Index  for  1914  is  now  available,  and  can  be  had  by  application  to  the  Secretary. 

*,*  All  communications  for  the  Journal  should  be  written  on  one  aide  onl>/  and  addressed 
to  the  Editor  at  the  Institute.  The  Editor  does  not  undertake  to  return  any  Manuscripts. 


ARRIVALS  AND  DEPARTURES  OF  FELLOWS  AND  ASSOCIATES. 

ARRIVALS. 

Argentine.— Alvan    P.    Little,    J.    H.     Webster.     Australia.— #.    B.    Christie,    D.S.O., 
8.    Hordern.     British     East    Africa. — J.    levers   Cox.     Brazil. — Ole    W.     Rolls.     Ceylon. — 

D.  H.  Unurin.     Cyprus. — A.  J.  Cunningham.     Canada. — H.  H.  Whitehead.     New    Zealand. 
— H.    W.   Barker,   Richard  Barker.      Northern    Rhodesia. — A.   E.   Crotvther.      Rhodesia. — 
C.  F.  H.  Monroe.    Roumania. — Frank  Russell.     Russia. — A.    W.  Nash.      Servia. — E.    B. 
Davenport.      South   Africa. — Capt.    H.    G.    Chevens,    Capt.    C.    R.    Heenan,    C.    M.    Bell, 
J.  McJannett,  C.  F.   W.  Struben,  R.  J.  S.  Ennis,  F.  S.  Tatham,  J.  S.   Wright- Redgwell, 
L.    G.  Bradfield,  E.  C.    Jamieson.       West    Mrlca — D.    Maclaren,    Dr.    B.    Moiser,    T.    H. 
Walmsley,    J.    D.    Sharman,    J.    L.    Peddie,    Capt.    Dale   Glossop,    W.    J.    Evans.    West 
Indies. — Dr.    J.    E.    A.    Ferguson    (British     Guiana),    Sir    George    Le    Hunte,    K.C.M.G. 
(Trinidad). 

DEPARTURES. 
Australia. — J.  F.   W.  Payne,  E.  J.  Lamb,  Miss    Alice  Hall,  Miss  Agnes  Hall,  Arnold 

E.  Davey,    Dr.    Wm.    Hutt,    A.    Goss.      Argentine. — A.     W.    Maclachlan,    R.    Docherty. 
Canada. — F.   W.  Green.     Congo. — Deane  P.  Johnson.      Fiji. — Wm.  C.  Simmons.      India. — 
L.   W.  H.    Young,  C.  P.    Weil.      Nyasaland.— Yen.  Archdeacon  C.  B.  Eyre.      Rhodesia.— 
J.  Tawse  Jollie,  Percy  Peech.      South  Africa. — Dr.  J.  Burn  Wood.       Straits  Settlements. — 
James   Brown,    W.    Makepeace.     West  Africa. — V.    F.    de    Lisle,    Sir   E.    M.    Merewether, 
K.C.V.O.,  Col.  H.  G.   Warren,  C.   W.   Welman,  A.  C.  Burn,  P.  H.  Lamb,  R.  A.  Roberts, 
R.  G.  Thomas,  Sir  Frederick  Lugard,  G.C.M.G.,  H.  E.  Beardsett,  D.   W.  Ridsdale,  F.  J. 
Dawson,    G.    Reynolds,    A.     White,    Sir    Hugh    Clifford,    K.C.M.G.,    Lady    Clifford,    Mr. 
Justice  J.  E.   Green,   A.   R.   Milliken,   F.   Sinclair,  Major  I.   Heslip,  Rt.   Rev.   Bishop  of 
Sierra  Leone,  T.  B.  Johnston,  L.  J.  Muss,  T.  A.  Finch,  E.  M.  Bland,  E.  C.  Hanson. 


HONORARY  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARIES. 


United  Kingdom  :— 

S.  G.  ALEXANDER,  ESQ.,  INVERNESS.  W.  H.  ALLEN, 
ESQ.,  BEDFORD.  THE  REV.  T.  S.  CABLYON,  LL.D., 
BOURNEMOUTH.  T.  8.  COTTERELL,  ESQ.,  J.P., 
BATH.  CAPT.  G.  CBOSFIELD,  WARRINOTON.  MARTIN 
GRIFFITHS,  ESQ.,  BRISTOL  BRANCH.  C.  B. 
HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  C.M.G.,  PURLBY.  WILLIAM  H. 
HIMBURY,  ESQ.,  MANCHESTER.  F.  NORIE-MILLER, 
ESQ.,  J.P.,  PERTH.  JOHN  A.  NIOOL,  Esq.,  ABER- 
DEEN. A.  R.  PONTIFEX,  ESQ.,  WINCHESTER. 
GILBERT  PURVIS,  ESQ.,  TORQUAY.  COUNCILLOR 
HERBERT  SHAW,  NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.  JOHN 
SPEAK,  ESQ.,  KIRTOS,  BOSTON.  PROFESSOR  R. 
WALLACE,  EDINBURGH. 


Dominion  of  Canada  :  — 

CHARLES  L.  BARKER,  ESQ.,  WINDSOR,  ONTARIO. 
R.  B.  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  M.P.,  CALGARY.  A.  R. 
CREELMAN,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  MONTREAL.  ALFRED  DOBELL, 
ESQ.,  QUEBEC.  G.  R.  DUNCAN,  ESQ.,  FORT  VV  IL- 
LIAM,  ONTARIO.  HON.  D.  M.  EBBRTS,  K.C.,  M.L.A., 
VICTORIA,  B.C.  R.  Frrz- RANDOLPH,  FREDERICTON, 
NEW  BRUNSWICK.  CRAWFORD  GORDON,  Esq., 
WINNIPEG.  W.  LAWSON  GRANT,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON, 
C.  FREDERICK  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  OTTAWA.  ERNEST 
B.  C.  HANINGTON,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  VICTORIA,  B.C.  REGI- 
NALD V.  KARRIS,  ESQ.,  HALIFAX,  NOVA  SCOTIA.  Lr.- 

COL.  E.  A.  C.  HOSMER  VlRDEN,  MANITOBA.      L/T.-Cot,. 

HERBERT  D.  HULME,  VANCOUVER,  B.C.    CAPT.  C.  E 


HONORARY    CORRESPONDING    SECRETARIES— continued. 


Dominion  of  Canada : — continued. 
JAMIBSON,  PETKEBOBO,  ONTARIO.  LEONARD  W.  JUST, 
ESQ.,  MONTREAL.  L.  V.  KEEE,  REGINA.  JOHN  A. 
McDouoAix,  ESQ.,  EDMONTON.  CAPT.  J.  MCKINEBY, 
BASS  A  NO,  ALBERT  A.  J.  PEESCOTT  MEEBITT,  ESQ., 
ST.  CATHEEIBES,  ONTAEIO.  ANDBBW  MILLEB,  ESQ., 
CALGABY.  J.  S.  NIVEN,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  LONDON,  ONT. 
T. J.  PABKES,  ESQ.,  SHBEBEOOKE,  QUEBEC.  Lr.- 
COL.  W.  N.  PONTON,  K.C.,  BELLEVILLE,  ONTAEIO. 
LT.-COL.  S.  W.  RAY,  POET  ABTHUB,  ONTAEIO.  M. 
H.  RICHEY,  ESQ.,  DANVILLE,  QUEBEC.  ISAAC  A. 
ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  BBANDON,  MANITOBA.  Y.  M. 

SCLANDEBS,    ESQ.,    SASKATOON.      C.  S.  SCOTT,  ESQ., 

HAMILTON.    JOHN  T.  SMALL,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  TOEONTO. 
C.  E.  SMYTH,  ESQ.,  MEDICINE  HAT.    H.  L.  WEB- 

BTEB,  ESQ.,  COCHBANE,  ONTABIO.      8.    J.    WILLIAMS, 

ESQ.,  BERLIN,  ONTABIO.    COLONEL  A.  J.  WILKES, 
K.C.,  BBANTFOED,  ONTARIO. 

Commonwealth  of  Australia  :— 
J.  W.  BABEETT,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  C.M.G.,  MELBOUENE. 
MAJOB  HBNEY  BEEW,  BALLABAT.  F.  W.  CBOAKEB, 
ESQ.,  BEEWAEBINA,  N.S.W.  C.  EABP,  ESQ.,  NEW- 
CASTLE, N.S.W.  HON.  G.  F.  EABP,  M.L.C.,  SYDNEY. 
KINOSLEY  FAIEBEIDOB,  ESQ.,  PINJAEEA.W.A.  H.C. 
M ACFIB,  ESQ.,  SYDNEY,  N.S.W.  J .  N.  PAEKES,  ESQ., 
TOWNSVILLB.  HEBBEET  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ALBANY, 
W.A.  HON.  W.  F.  TAYLOE,  M.L.C.,  M.D.,  BRISBANE. 
HON.  A.  J.  THYNNE,  M.L.C.,  BEISBANB.  J.  EDWIN 
THOMAS,  ESQ.,  ADELAIDE,  S.A.  ABTHUB  C.  TBAPP, 
ESQ.  ,  MELBOUBNB,  VIOTOEIA.  D' AECY  W.  ADDISON, 
ESQ.,  AND  E.  MOBBIS  MILLEB,  ESQ.,  HOBAET. 
W.  P.  DOBSON,  ESQ.,  LAUNCESTON.  FEANK  BIDDLES, 
ESQ.,  FBEMANTLB,  W.A.  B.  H.  DABBYSHIEE,  ESQ., 
PKBTH.W.A.  E.  N.WESTWOOD,  ESQ.,  POET  MOBESBY. 

Dominion  of  New  Zealand  :  LIONEL  ABRAHAM,  ESQ. 
(Acting),  PALMEBSTON  NORTH,  COL.  HON.  JAMES 
ALLEN,  M.P.,  DUNEDIN.  LEONAED  TBEPP,  ESQ., 
WELLINGTON.  HON.  SIB  CHARLES  C.  BOWEN, 
K.C.M.G.,  M.L.C.,  AND  BASIL  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ., 
CHEISTCHUEOH.  HON.  OLTVEB  SAMUEL,  M.L.C.,  AND 
DAVID  S.  WYLIE,  ESQ.,  F.R.C.S.,  NEW  PLYMOUTH. 
R.  D.DOUGLAS  MOLBAN,ESQ.,AND  PATBICK  MCLEAN, 
ESQ.,  NAPIEB.  H.  G.  SETH-SMITH,  ESQ.,  W.  J. 
NAPIEE,  ESQ.  AND  PEOFESSOE  F.  P.  WOELBY, 
AUCKLAND.  H.  H.  WALL,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  AND  CAPT.  J. 
R.  KIRK,  GISBORNE.  COLIN  C.  HUTTON,  ESQ., 
WANGANUI.  C.  H.  TBD?P,  ESQ.,  TIMABU. 

Union  of  South  Africa  :— 

CAPH  OF  GOOD  HOPE:  HAEBY  GIBSON,  ESQ., 
CAPETOWN.  PKEOY  F.  FBANOIS,  ESQ.,  POST  ELIZA- 
BETH. JOHN  POOLBY,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  KIMBEBLBY. 
DAVID  RBBS,  ESQ.,  J.P.,  EAST  LONDON.  MAJOK 
FBEDK.  A.  SAUNDBES,  F.R.C.S.,  GBAHAMSTOWN. 

MAI  SONNBNBEBG,   ESQ.,  VSYBUEG.      F.   WALSH, 

ESQ.,  M.A.,  J.P.,  CARNARVON.    J.  P.  WASSUNG, 

ESQ.,  MOSSEL  BAY.    THE  VEN.  AECHDEACON  A.  T. 

WIBGMAN,  D.D.,  D.C.L.,  POET  ELIZABETH. 
NATAL:     G.    CHUBTON    COLLINS,    ESQ.,   DUEBAN. 

DACBB  A.  SHAW,  ESQ.,  PIETERMABITZBUEG.    E.  W. 

NOYCE,  ESQ.,  BOSCOBBLLO. 
OBANGB  FEEB  STATE  :    MAJOB  K.  P.  C.  APTHOBP, 

CEICHTON.    C.  A.  BECK,  ESQ.,  BLOEMFONTEIN. 
TEANSVAAL  :  W.  E.  FEBBYMAN,  ESQ.,  C.A.,  7  STAN- 

DABD  BANK  CHAMBERS,   COMMISSIONER  STBBBT, 

JOHANNESBURG.    F.    C.    STUBBOCK,    ESQ.,    10 

GENEEAL    MINING    BUILDINGS,    JOHANNESBUBG. 

S.  C.  A.  COSSIBB,  ESQ.,  PBETOBIA. 
Argentine  :    WM.  WAEDEN,  ESQ.,  BUENOS  AIEES. 

W.  B.  HABDING  GBEEN,  ESQ.,  BAHIA  BLANCA. 
Bechuanaland  :  W.H.W.MUBPHY,ESQ.,FBANCISTOWN. 
Bermuda  :    HON.  HBNEY  LOCKWABD,  HAMILTON. 
Borneo  :  G.  C.  IEVINQ,  ESQ.,  SANDAKAN. 
Brazil  :    CHABLES  O.  KENYON,  ESQ.,  SAO  PAULO. 
HENBY  L.  WHBATLEY,  ESQ.,  Rio  DE  JANEIBO. 
British  East  Africa  :  ALBXANDEBDAVIS,ESQ.,NAIEOBI. 

MAJOB  E.  H.  M.  LBGOETT,  D.S.O.,  MOMBASA. 
Burma  :  [ALFBED  LEWIS,  COLOMBO. 

Ceylon  :  B»  H.  FBBGUSON,  ESQ.,  B.A.,  COLOMBO. 
Chile  :   W.  HUSOK  ROBINSON,  ESQ.,  ANTOIAQASTA. 


Cyprus  :  J-  R-  HOLMES,  ESQ.,  NICOSIA. 
Egypt  :    RISDON  BENNETT,  ESQ.,  ALBXANDBIA. 

GEOBGE  S.  MACKAY,  ESQ.,  SUEZ. 

H.  BOYD-CABPENTEB,  ESQ.,  M.A.,  CAIBO. 
Falkland  Islands  :  G.  T.  TUBNEE,  ESQ. 
Federated  Malay  States  :  W.  LANCE  CONLAY,  ESQ., 

IPOH.    A.  S.  HAYNES,  ESQ.,  KUALA  KANGSAB. 
Fiji  :  C.  A.  LA  TOUCHB  BEOUGH,  ESQ.,  LL.B. 
France  :  SIB  JOHN  PILTEE,  PAEIS. 
Gambia  :  HENBY  REEVE,  ESQ.,  C.M.G. 
Germany  :   R-  MELVILLE,  ESQ.,  HAMBUBQ. 
Gibraltar  :  W.  J.  SALLUST-SMITH,  ESQ. 
Gilbert  Islands  :  E.  C.  ELIOT,  ESQ.,  OCEAN  ISLAND. 
Gold  Coast  Colony:   CAPT.  C.  H.  AMEITAGE,  C.M.G., 
D.S.O.,  NOETHEEN  TERRITORIES. 

C.  S.  CRAVEN,  ESQ.,  M.  INST.C.E.,  ACCRA. 

MAJOE  C.  E.  D.  O.  REW,  ASHANTI. 
Guatemala  :  P.  DALGLEISH,  ESQ.  (Acting). 
Holland  :    J-  M.  PEILLEVITZ,  ESQ.,  GEONINGBN. 
Hong  Kong:   HON.  H.  E.  POLLOCK,  K.C.,  M.L.C. 
India  :  E.  E.  ENGLISH,  ESQ.,  BOMBAY. 

E.  VIVIAN  GABKIEL,  ESQ.,  C.V.O.,  C.S.I.,  SDJJLA. 
H.  N.  HUTCHINSON,  ESQ.,  I.C.S.,  LAHOBE.      [GONG. 
GEOBGE  H.  ORMEROD,  ESQ.,  M.lNST.C.E.,  CHTTTA- 
JAMES  R.  PBABSON,  ESQ.,  C.I.E.,  I.C.S.,  MEEBUT. 

Malta  : 

Mauritius:     GEOBGE  DICKSON,  ESQ.,  POET  Louis. 

Mexico  :   C.  A.  HABDWICKB,  ESQ.,  M.D.,  TAMPIOO. 

Newfoundland:   HON.  ROBBE*  WATSON,  ST.  JOHN'S. 

New  Hebrides :  jHIS  HON.  JUDGE  T.  E.  ROSEBY,  VILA. 

Nigeria  :  A.  R.  CANNING,  ESQ.,  NAEAGUTA.  J.  M. 
M.  DUNLOP,  ESQ.,  LAGOS.  L.  W.  LA  CHARD,  ESQ., 
ZUNGEBU.  R.  G.  S.  MILLER,  ESQ.,  CALABAB. 

Northern  Rhodesia  :  H.  A.  BALDOCK,  ESQ.,  LIVING- 
LT.-COL.  A.  ST.  HILL  GIBBONS,  INGWEBEBE.  [STONI. 

A.  C.  HAYTEE,  ESQ.,  FOET  JAMESON. 
Nyasaland  :   A.  M.  D.  TUBNBULL,  ESQ.,  ZOMBA. 
Panama  :  CHAELES  F.  PEEBLES,  ESQ. 

Peru  :  REV.  ARCHIBALD  NICOL,  M.A.,  LIMA. 
Rhodesia  :  W.  D.  COPLEY,  ESQ.,  BULAWAYO. 

F.  W.  POSSELT,  ESQ.,  WANKIE. 

THOMAS  STEWART,  ESQ.,  M.B.,  C.M.,  SALISBUBT. 

Samoa  :   COLONEL  ROBERT  LOGAN,  APIA. 

Seychelles  :  H.E..LT--COL.  C.  R.  M.  O'BEIEN,  C.M.G. 

Siberia  :  G.  J.  ALTMAN,  ESQ.,  VLADIVOSTOCK. 

Solomon  Islands:  F.  J.  BABNETT,  ESQ.,  TULAGI. 

Sierra  Leone :  HON.  E.  O.  JOHNSON,  M.L.C.,  FREE- 
TOWN. 

Straits  Settlements  :— A.  T.  BBYANT,  ESQ.,  PBNANG. 

B.  NUNN,  ESQ.,  SlNGAPOBE. 

Swaziland  :  ALLISTEB  M.  MILLEB,  ESQ.,  MBABANE. 

Uganda  Protectorate :  GEOEQB  D.SMITH,ESQ.,C.M.G., 
ENTEBBE.  H.  M.  TABEANT,  ESQ.,  KAMPALA. 

United  States  :  DR.  G.  COOKB  ADAMS,  CHICAGO.  HON. 
W.  A.  DB  LA  POBB  H.  BEEESFOBD,  PBOVIDBNOB. 
W.  F.  BULLOCK,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK.  ERNEST  D.  CEAIG, 
ESQ.,  DETEOIT.  FEANK  W.  GRAHAM,  ESQ.,  DENVBB. 
H.  N.  HALL,  ESQ.,  NEW  YORK.  LESLIE  P.  E.  HUNNI- 
BELL,  Esq.,  MINNEAPOLIS.  ALLEYNB  IRELAND, 
ESQ.,  NEW  YORK.  J.  NORMAN  KBBB,  ESQ.,  Los 
ANGELES,  CAL.  FREDERICK  P.  LEE,  ESQ.,  SANTA 
MONICA,  CAL.  C.  A.  PLAYEE,  ESQ.,  SEATTLE.  THOMAS 
J.  PULLING,  ESQ..BALTIMOEE.  WILLIAM  WHITFIBLD, 

ESQ.,      POBTLAND.       J.     B.         WHYTE,     ESQ.,     SAN 

FBANOISOO.     G.  H.  WINDELEB,  ESQ.,  BOSTON. 
Uruguay  :  DAVID  R.  BANKIBE,  ESQ.,  MONTEVIDEO. 
West  Indies  :— 

E.  C.  JAOKMAN,  ESQ.,  M.C.P.,  BARBADOS. 

HABCOUBT  G.  MALCOLM,  ESQ.,  K.C.,  BAHAMAS. 

HON.  J .  J .  NUNAN,  GBOBGETOWN,  BEITISH  GUIANA. 

H.  DENBIGH  PHILLIPS,  ESQ.,  BELIZE,  BEITISH  HON- 
DURAS. 

FBANK  CUNDALL,  ESQ.,  KINGSTON,  JAMAICA. 

A   H.  NOBLE,  ESQ.,  SAN  JUAN,  PORTO  Rico. 

PEOFBSSOE  P.  CAEMODY,  F.I.C.,  F.C.S.,  POET  01 
SPAIN,  TBINIDAD. 

HON.  D.  S.  DB  FBEITAS,  M.L.C.,  GBBNADA, 

WABD  ISLANDS. 
Zanzibar  :  CAPT.  F.  S.  BABDO. 


0    , 


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