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iimiii

3 6105 127 803 786

1 '>■

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES

OF THB

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

FOR THE

SEOONO SESSION OP THB FIFTr-THIED CONGEESS.

1893-^94.

IN SEVENTEEN VOLTJIVIES.

Volume 1.— No8. 73 to 830, inclusive, except No8. 93, 116, 200,

201, 227, 235, 240, 259, and 293.
Volume 2. — No. 227, Hawaiian Islands.
Volume 3. — No. 235, Coinage Laws of the United States.
Volume 4. — ^No. 259, Parts 1 and 2, Imports of Merchandise, eto.
Volume 5.— Nos. 331 to 519, inclusive, except Noe. 334, 358, 368,

370, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413, 415, 418, 419, 421-424, 426-

430, 436-449, 451-457, 460-463, 465-469, 473-475, 477,

485-487, 491-494, and 511-513.
Volume 6. — ^No. 334, Tarl£F Comparisons.
Volume 7.— Nos. 358, 368, 370, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413, and 415.
Volume 8.— Nos. 418, 419, 421, 422, 423, 424, 426, 427, and 428.
Volume 9.— Nos. 429, 430, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442, and 443.
Volume 10.— > os. 436, 457, 477,485, 486, 487, 606, and 624.
Volume 11.— Nos. 444, 445, 446, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 460,

and 461.
Volume 12.— Nos. 462, 463, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 473, 474, 475, 491,

492, and 493.
Volume 13.— Nos. 494, 511, 512, 513, and 559.
Volume 14. — ^Nos. 520 to 700, inclusive, except Nos. 559, 603,

606, 624, and 698.
Volume 15.— Nos. 603, 698, 701, and 702.
Volume 16.— Noe. 703, 704, 705, and 706.
Volume 17.— Noe. 707, 708, 709, and 710.

Note.— Nos. 93, 116, 200, 201, 240, 293, 447, 448, and 449 boond
YoL 2, first session Fifty-third Congress.

WASHINGTON:

OOYEIINMENT PBINTINa OFFIOB*

1895.

"^MiFORQ

INDEX

TO THE

REPORTS OF COMMITTEES

OF THB

SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES

FOB THB

SECOND SESSION OF THE FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS.

Subject.

^ ^ ,

Abb«y, George C. On bill (S. 890) granting an increase of pension to.
Abert, James William. On bill (H. R. 2582) to authorize the appoint-
ment of, to the retired list of the Army

Abert, James William. On bill (S. 2048) to authorize the appointment

of, to the retired list of the Army

AliAiuloned military reservations. On bill (H. B. 4667) to provide for

the opening of certain, and for other purposes

Afconnting in the Post-Offioe Department* On bill (H. R. 4610) to
iiiipru ve the methods of &

Accounting in the Treasury Department. On bill (S. 1831) to improve
the m<*thods of

Accounting in the Treasury Department. On bill (H. R. 6948) to im-
prove the methods of

Accounts of the Treasurv of the United States. On bills (H. R. 5529
SD(l ^^. 1552) to repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the
United States relating to

Accounts of the Treasury of the United States. On bill (S. 1552) to
repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the United States
reiatiug to

Acrnied pensions in certam cases. On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the
inyiuent of

Adanis,W.L. On bill (S. 117) for the relief of

Ad valorem and specific rates of duty on imports. Opinions of col-
lectori of customs concerning

Airrienltnral Report, 1893, etc. On joint resolution (H. Res. 139) for
the printing of 500,000 copies of the

Agri< ultore, condition of. On Senate resolution to authorize Commit-
tee on Agriculture and Forestry to have printed so much as necessary
of the evidence and other information relating to

A^etfltmal products and provisions. Replies to Tariff Inquiries.. ^

No.

672

619

620

650

(•)

293

(•)

3^7

200

230

Vol.

(•)

316

163

358

290

372

460

461

462

463

465

466

' Bonnd with vol. 2, flnt seaslon. Fifty-third Congress.

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Alden, Warren Alonzo. On bill (H. R. 2108) for the relief of.

Alford, Benjamin. On bill (H. R. 522) for the relief of

Alley in square 185, in District of Columbia. On bill (S. 2217) to pro-
vide for closing part of an

Alleys in square 751 in the city of Washington. On bill (H. R. 3629)
to close ^

American Transportation Company, etc. On bill (S. 1471) forrelief of the

Amsterdam, etc. On bill ( S. 1645) for the relief of the dependent rela-
tives of the seamen of the Netherlands steamer

Anatomical science. On bill (S. 1280) for the promotion of, an4 to pre-
vent the desecration of graves in the District of Columbia

Annual, special, and veto messages, proclamations, and inaujg^ural ad-
dresses of the PresidentH of the United States from 1789 to 1894, inclu-
sive. On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth
6,000 copies of the

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 4858) making appropriations for fortifi-
cations and other works of defense, etc

Appropriations. On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making appropri-
ations to provide for the expenses of the government of the District
of Columbia for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 5894) making appropriations for the
Military Academy for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On amendment to bill (U. R. 7097) making appropri-
ations for the legislative, executive, and Judicial expenses of the
Government, etc

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6373) making appropriations for the
support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6108) making; appropriations for the
diplomatic and consular service of the United States for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6016) making appropriations for the
service of the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year ending June
30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6937) making appropriations for the
Department of Agriculture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895. ..

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6748) making a]>propriations for the
naval service for the fiscal year ending J une 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 7097) making appropriations for the
legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6913) making appropriations for cur-
rent and contingent expenses of the Indian Department, etc., for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Appropriations. On bill (U. R. 6518) making appropriations for rivers
and harbors, etc

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 5481) making appropriations to provide
for expenses of the government of the District of Columbia, etc

Appropriations. On bill (U. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry
civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1895

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 7477) making appropriations to supply
deficiencies in the appropriations for the nscal year ending June 30,
1894, etc

Aqueduct Bridge. On bill (S. 2210) to provide for the repair of the
piers, and for its use by a street railway

Arctic. On bill (S. 286) for the relief of owners and crew of Hawaiian
bark

Arizona. On bill (H. R. 4393) to provide for the admission of

Arizona, certain couuticH in. On joint resolution (H. Res. 121) authoriz-
ing proper officers of the Treasury Department to examine and certify
claims in favor of

Arkansas. On bill (H.R. 7334) to sell certain lands in Montgomery
County, to M. E. Church South

Arkansas, Texas and Mexican Central Railway Company. On bill
(H. R. 7335) for the relief of

No.

Vol.

614
585

14
14

580

125

586

1
14

212

251

687

278

286

399

425

470

471

481
501
503

506

510
519
524

589

5
5
5

597

561

231
629

1
14

588

509

562

INDEX TO REPOBTS OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Arlington Reservation for electric railway pnrposes. On bill (H. R. 7516)
granting right' of way through the.....

Anny at institntioDB of learning. On tKe bill (S. 1644) relating to the
detail of retired officers of the

Army of the United States. On bill (S.898) in relation to "reseryed
list"

Army of the United States. On bill (S. 1209) to regulate enlistments
in the ^

Athon, LeTenia D. On bill (S. 1391) granting a pension to

IfkM. On bill (S. 1706) to provide registers for the steamers Clarihel
and

Atkins, William H. On bill (S.408) for the relief of

Attorney for the District of Colnmbia'and bis assistants. On bill (S.i

1267) authorizing tbem to administer oaths and affirmations

Auditing the accounts of customs officers, etc. On bill (S. 1738) to

iniproTe the methods for

Auditor of the Treasury for the Post-Offic&Department. On bill (H. R.

4340) to amend section 407 of the Revised Statutes so as to require

original receipts for deposits of postmasters to be sent to the

Augusta^ Mary O. On bill (H. R. 4013) for the relief of.

Babcocic, Arerj D., and wife. On bill (S. 744) for the relief of

Bscon, Ira. On bill (S. 747) granting him an additional bounty of $100.

Badger, O.C. On bill (S.943) for the relief of

Baldwin, Alexander W. On bill (S. 1365) for the relief of

Baldwin, Frank D. On bill (S. 1578) authorizing Secretary of War to
reeognize, as lieutenant-colonel of the Nineteenth Infantry Volunteers
from 15th day of May, 1885

Barnes, William B. On bill (S. 1857) granting an honorable discharge
to

Barracks, Jefferson, Missouri. On bill (S: 190) for the benefit of sundry
persons residing in the vicinity of

Btfry, Maj. Robert P. On bill (S. 1770) to place on the retired list of
the Army

Bassett, Elisha B. On bill (S. 1483) to correct the military record of ..

Btnnimffion, On bill (S.967) in relation to gunboat

Betz,Rnfus. On bill (S. 2143) for the relief of

Bews, Julia. On bill (H. R. 3992) granting a pension to

Biehn, John P. On bill (S« 501) granting a pension to

Bin H. R. 4864. On Senate resolution to print in pamphlet form for
use of Senate 15,000 copies of the

Block, S. J., and Baurman, A. P. On bill (S. 1141) for the relief of

Bobinger, William H., and George. On bill (S. 2118) authorizing the
sale of title of the United States to a tract of land in Montgomery
County, Md., to

Bouldin, Briscoe B. On bill (S. 1992) for the relief of

Boyd, Johial W. On bill (S. 1064) for the relief of

Boyd, Orsemus B. On bill (S. 2186) for the relief of the legal repre-
sentatiTesof.

Bradford, Ann. On bill (S. 237) granting a pension to

Bribery, etc., attempts at

Bribery, etc., attempts at (parts 1, 2, knd 3)

Bribery, etc., attempts at.

Bridge across the Niobrara River. On bill (S. 1403) for the repairing
of a briige near the viUage of Niobrara, Nebr

Bridge across the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. On bill (S.
1113) in reUition to.

* Bound with toL 2, flist seanioxi. Fifty- third CongreM.

662
340

•

114

151
898

616
99

124

240

116
122

280
359
220
193

664

324

112

688'

307

356

658

594

670

691
249

1
5

14
1

(•)

1
5
1
1

14
1
5
14
14
14

14
1

565

497

392

689

382

436

457

477

485

486

487

606

624

182

313

INDEX TO BBP0RT8 OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Bridge. Bteel, over th« St. Louis River between the States of Wieoondn
and Minnesota. On bill (H. R. 5978) in relation to

Brldger, James. On bill (S. 217) for the relief of the heirs of

Brooke, Brig. Oen. John R. On bill (B. 467) for the relief of

Bronghton, Mary P. On bill (H. R. 968) to increase the pension of

Brown, Jeremiah F. On bill (S. 1375) to remove the ohargif of desertion
from

Brown, Lucy . On bill (H. R. 4720 ) granting a pension to

Bryan & Co., C.B. On bill (S. 326) for the relief of

Buckmaster, William P. On biU (S. 224) for the relief of

BnUding and Loan Associations. On Senate concnrrent resolution to
print 40,000 additional copies of the Ninth Annual Report of the
CSommissioner of Labor relating to

Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department, etc. On House con-
current resolution for the printing of 11,000 copies of a special
report of the

California, Oregon, and Nevada. On bill (S. 1295) for the relief of the
States of

Canals, etc. On bill (S. 511) providing for the establishment and enforce-
ment of rules and regulations for the use and navigation of United
States

Cannon, condemned, and cannon balls. On bill (S. 168^3) loaning to
the association having in charge the monument erected on Govem-
land near Chicago, III., to the Confederate dead buried there

Cannon for ornamental purposes. On bill (H. R. 3202) douatiug to the
Saint Lawrence Stat*) Hospital at Ogdensborg, N. Y., condemned..

Cannon, Henrv M. On bill (S. 221) for the relief of

Caracas awards. On bill (S. 756) for the application of the accretions
of the Caracas awards of 1868, etc *.

Caravels of Columbus to the Columbian Museum of Chicago. On bill
(S. 1454) authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to transfer the repro-
duction of the

Carmack, Joseph W. On bill (S. 192) for the relief of

Carpenter, Thomas H. On bill (8. 179) authorizing the restoration of
the name of, to the rolls of the Army

Cary, Augustus G. On bill (S. 1948) granting a pension to

Castine, Me. On bill (H. R.4322) granting the use of certain land for
public park to the town of

Centennial celebration of the laying of the corner stone of the Capi-
tol. On bill (S. 1137) to provide for the printing of the report of the
Joint.committee of Congress, etc

Certificates of titles to vessels. On bill (S. 507) providing for the col-
lection of fees for furnishing

Certificates of the District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1896) to provide
for the payment of 8 per cent greenback

Chamberlain, Charles 11. On bill (S. 1057) for the relief W. R. Wheaton
and (part 1)

Chambers, Thomas. On bill (S. 349) for relief of

Chapman, William B., and others. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of . .

Chapter of Calvary Cathedral, Sioux Falls, S. Dak. On bill (S. 934) for
the relief of the

Chemicals, oils, and paints. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Chemical Schedule. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

No.

335

829

104

667

435

409

599

Chipman, Hon. J. Logan. On resolution authorizing the printin;; and
binding of 8,000 copies of eulogies delivered in Conp:re8s upon

Chippewa and White Earth Indian reservations, in Minnesota, to the
Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Company. On bill (8. 1458) grant-
ing a right of way through the

Choctaw Coal and Railway Company. On bill (H. R. 299) to extend the
time for the construction of the

383

879

287
145

272

255
530

830

521

107
590

555

160

143

538

203
215
345

420
363
370
401
406

132

206
142

VoL

1
1

1
14

14
1

1
14

1
1
5

7
7
7

1
1

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject*

VoL

CSril Swriee CommisBion, etc. Ou Hoose concurrent resolution to

print 38,000 copies of the Tenth Annual Report of the

Clsri^I Mid Athoi. On bill (6. 1706) to provide registers for the steam-

Clerks, railway poetal. On bill (S. 544) to reclassify and ilz salarioi^ of . .

Clift, WUUam. On bill (8. 68) for the relief of

Cosst and Geodetic Survey. On resolution to print 1,600 copies of part
1 and 2,S00 copies of part 2 of the report of the Superintendent of
the

CMien, Jacob I., and Mordecai, J. Randolph. On bill (S.269) for the
relief of, administrators of M. C. Mordecai

Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, with an appendix,
fourth editi on

Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, etc. On Senate con-
eurrent resolution to print 5,000 additional copies of the fourth edi-
tion of the document entitled

Collectors of customs, opinions of, concerning ad valorem and specltle
rates of duty on imports

CoUisiona at sea. On bill (S. 1965) for prevention of

Collisions at sea. On bill (S. 1990) to amend an act approved August
19,1890

Colored people. On bill (H. R. 7095) to provide for a national home for
aged and infirm

Columbian Museum of Chicago. On bill (S. 1454) authorizing the Sec-
retary of the Navy to transfer the reproduction of the caravels of
Columbus to the

CommiBsioner of Education. On House concurrent resolution to print
35,000 copies of the report of the, for 1891 and 1892, etc

Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries. On Senate concurrent resolution
to print 1,000 extra copies of Mis. Doc. No. 200, being report on salmon
fisheries of the Columbia River

Commissioner *of Labor. On Senate concurrent resolution to print
40,000 additional copies of the Ninth Annual Report of the, relating
to building and loan associations

Comparison of the Customs Law of 1894 and the Customs Law of 1890,
with rates of the Wilson bill (H. R. 4864) as it first passed the House;
and of the MilU bill of 1888

Comparison of the Tarift* Laws of 1890 and 1894, ete. On Senate con-
euirent resolution to print 60,000 copies of the

C&mwrd, On bill (8. 967 ) in relation to gnnboats Bennington and .*

Connell, Arthur. On bill (8. 2203) for the relief of

Conway, Mrs. Susie. On bill (H. R. 6902) granting a pension to

Conveyance, deeds of trust, and releases of land in the district of
Columbia, and for other puri)oses. On bill (S. 832) in relation to

Cook, William H. H. On bill (S. 142) to remove the charge of deser-
tion

Corbett, P. S. On bill (S. 103) for the relief of

Coroner, deputy. On bill (S. 10C7) to authorize the Commissioners of

the District of Columbia to appoint a

Corporations by general law in the District of Columbia. On the bill

(S. 1766) to provide for the creation of

Corser. David 8. On bill (8. 1190) granting an increase of pension to..
Coughlin, James. On bill (8. 1601) granting an honorable cfiBcharge to.
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 5860) to

establish a

Coorts, United States. On bill (S. 1252) to provide for the times and

places to hold terms of, in the State of Washington

Cotton manufactures. Replies to Tariff Inquiries.

Cmndall, Mollie. On bill (S. 1490) to pension

Cronk, Charles W. On bill (8. 1228) for the relief of ,

Calver, Catherine P. On bill (H. R. 684) for the relief of the hoirs of..
Camberland Female College of McMinnville, Tenn. On bill (8. 982)

for the relief of the

Conningliam, Calvin B. On bill (8.421) for the relief of.

692

616

213

141
139
235

317

581

383

559

700
356
553
593

123

111
233

669

566

583

381

353
469
473
474
355
190
292

342
288

14
1
1

1
1
8

868
364

7
5

417

652

521

500

5
1

VEU

INDEX TO BEFOBT8 OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Cnnningliaxn, Sosan £. On bill (S. 1018) granting a pension to

Cnrtis, Joseph H. On' bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of

CuBtomB Law of 1884 and comparison of the text of the Tariff Laws
of 1890 and 1894 rparts 1 and 2)

CnstoniB officers. On bill (S. 1738) to improve the methods for audit-
ing the accounts of

Cntts, J. Madisoa. On bill (8.399) for the relief of

Dakota, North. On bill (8. 686) to divide the judicial district of

Daly, Jeremiah L. On bill (8. 473) to remove the charge of desertion
from

Dana, Napuleon J. T. On bill (8. 104) for the relief of

Davenport, Jesse. On bill (H. R. 898) granting a pension to

DaviB, Enoch. On bill (S.16«8) for the relief of

Davis, JohnM. On bill (8.189) for the relief of

Davis, Mark. On bill (8. 599) for the relief of the residuary legatees
of

No. Vol.

Day, Nancy E. On bill (8. 1666) for the relief of

Dent,' Helen L. On bill (8. 1508) granting an increase of pension to. .

Desert land laws. On bill (8. 1&) to hx the price of lands entered

under the

Despatch, U. 8. 8. On bill (8. 1406) for the relief of the sufferers by the
wreck of the

Dette, John F. "On bill "(8. idsYfor thV

Digest of laws and decisions relating to the appointment^ salary, and
compensation of officers of United States courts. On joint resolu-
tion (8. B. 91) for the printing of 2,000 copies of a

Director of the Mint, etc. On House concurrent roBolution to print
10,000 extra copies of the report of the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 752) to extend North Capitol street
to the Soldiers' Home, in..

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1005) to prevent the recording of
subdivisions of land in the office of the recorder of deeds of the

District of Columbia. On the bill (8. 872) to make service connections
with water mains and sewers in the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 4-^4) making the surveyor a salaried
officer, etc

District of Columbia. On bill (S. ^1) authorizing Commissioners to
accept payment without interest of certain special assessments

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 3246) for the appointment of a
sealer and assistant sealer of weights and measures in the

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 4013) to release and turn over to
Mrs. Mary O. Augusta certain property in the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 832) to simplify the forms of deeds of
conveyance, trust, and releases of land, and for other purposes, in the.

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1267) authorizing the attorney and
his assistants to administer oaths and affirmations in the

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 3629) to dose the alleys in square
751 in the city of Washington in the

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R.4571) to make service connec-
tions with water mains and sewers in'the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1305) relating to the incorporation of
certain corporations within the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1280) for the promotion of anatomi-
cal science and to prevent the desecration of graves in the

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 655) to extend the jurisdiction of
iusticesof the peace in the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1414) to define the jurisdiction of
the police court in the

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1111) to authorize the Commis8ion-
ers of the District of Columbia to grant a permit to build on lot 43,

Bquax6 368, in the city of Washington

* Bound with vol. 2, first Msaion, Fifty -third Congress.

643
345

707

240
533

186

369
109
685
556
86

283
252
403

192

181
298

605

498

120

122

123

124

125

131

136
(156
^251

158

173

174

5 «

(•)

34
]

1
1
5

1
1

Il||n>EX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Dirtriet of ColimibiA. On bill (S. 1587) for the support of the govem-
iiient of the ..'.

District of Colmnbia. On joint resolution (S. R, 63) to change th^
name of Sixteenth street to Executive avenue

DiKtrict of Columbia. On bill (S. 1503) to establish harbor regulations
fur

No. Vol.

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1141) for the relief S. J. Block and •

A. P. Banrman, of the

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1680) to suppress gambling in the ..
District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1717) to authorize the appointment

of women as school trtistees in the

District of Columbia. On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making ap-
propriations to provide for the expenses of the government of the

District of Columbia, etc

District of Columbia. On bi^l (S. 1112) to provide for a survey for a

bridge aeroBS the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River

District of Columbia. On House concurrent resolu tion to print annual

report of the health officer of the

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 5860) to establish a court of

appeals for the j

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1359) to amend an act approved
July. 15, 1882, entitled "An act to increase the water supply of the

city of Washington," etc

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1952) to amend an act entitled *'An
act to incorporate the Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway".
District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1841) to provide that all persons
employing female help in stores, shops, or manufactories shall pro-
ride seats for same when not actively employed

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 6171) authorizing the Metropoli-
tan Railroad Company to change its motive power, etc

District of Columbia. On bills (H. R. 6893 and S.970) regulating

water-main assessments

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S. 877) to incorporate the Washington

Omtni Railway Company

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the Union Pas-
senger Railway Company of the A

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1896) to provide for the payment of

8 per cent greenback certificates of the

District of Columbia. On bills (S. 1459 and H. R. 7071) to exempt from

taxation the property of the Young Men's Christian Association

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S. 2131) to secure uniformity in names

of minor streets, etc

District of Columbia. On bill (S. ^094) to amend charter of Eckington

and Soldiers' Home Railway Company

District of Columbia. On bill (S.2&10) to provide for the repairs of

the piers of the Aqueduct Bridge, etc

District of Colombia. On bill (S. 2118) authorizing the sale of the title
of the United States to a tract of land in Maryland to Wm. H. and

George Bobinger .'.

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S.2245) to prohibit the interment of

bodies in Oraceland Cemetery in the

District of Columbia. On bUl (S.329) for the relief of the estate of

W. B. Todd, deceased

District of Columbia. On bill (S.852) to incorporate the National

Light and Fuel Company

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1148) to provide a building site for

the National Conservatory of Music of America

Dis^ct of Columbia. On bill (S. 2217) to provide for closing of a

part of ao alley in square 185

District of Columbia. On Senate resolution to print 500 copies of Ex.
Doc. No« 445, first session of Fifty-first Congress, being report of a

board of sanitary engineers upon the sewerage of the

District of Columbia. On the bill (S. 2066) to provide for continuing

the system of trunk sewers in the

Disuict of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 7095) to provide for the erection
of a national home for aged and inhrm colored persons, eto

234

247

248

249
250

281

286
313
365
381

396
402

472

479

(488
^264

536

537

538

!545
547

546

560

561

5
5

5
5
1

14
14

14
14
14

565

566

568

569

570

580

604

623

652

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMHITT£ES|.

Subject.

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1007) to authorize the appointzneiit
of a deputy collector bv the CommiBsioneni of the

District of Colnmbia. On Joint resolntion (S. R. 99) to compile and
publish the laws relating to street-railway franchises in the

Douoghue, Mary Ann. On bill (H. R. 5816) granting a pension to

Doubleday, Mary. On bill (8. 1966) granting an increase of pension to.

Douglass, E. . On bill (8. 1319) for the relief of

Dull, John C. On bill (S. 1535) to correct the naval history of

Duluth and Manitoba Railroad Com]>any. On bill (8. 176) granting a
right of way across the Fort Pembina Reservation, in North Dakota,
to the

Vol.

Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Company. On bill (8. 1458) granting
a right of way through the Chippewa and White Earth Indian rea-
ervations, in Minnesota, to the

Earths, earthenware, and glassware. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

* • • « ^

Eastern Nebraska and Qulf Railway Company. On bill (8. 1995)

granting right of way through the Omaha and Winnebago Indian

reservations to the

Eastman, Mary A. L. On bill (8. 1656) granting an increase of pension

Eckington and Soldier's Home Railway Company. On bill (8. 2094) to

amend the chai-ter of

Eckland, John. On bill (8. 1584) granting a pension to

Education, Commissioner of. On House concurrent resolution to print

35,000 copies of the report of the, lor 1891 and 1892

Eight-hour law. On bill (8. 346) relating to claims arising under

JSl (Jallao, steamship. On bill (8.432) to provide an American register

for, and change her name to Oneida

Election cases. On resolution to print 4,000 copies of the new edition

of the Senate

Electrical experiment station. On bill (8. 1170) to establish an, for

the purpose of investigating and determining whether electricity can

be profitably applied as a motive power in the propulsion of farm

machinery and implements

Eller^, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 19.35) granting a pension to

English, Margaret. On bill (H. R. 1686) granting a pension to

Enochs, W. H. On House concurrent resolution to prli^t 8,000 copies

of the eulogies delivered in Congress on the late

Episcopal Church at St. Augustine, Fla. On bill (S. 1076) to release a

certain limitation existing in an act of Congress touching the

Ericsson, .John. On bill ;8. 1083) for the relief of the estate of

Ethnology, Bureau of. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the

thirteenth annual report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.
Eyes, loss of sight of both. On bill (8. 304) to increase pension for . . . .

Facilitate the entry of steamships. On bill (8. 1886) to

Fairfax, Josephine Foote. On bill (8. 1539) granting a pension to .... .

Farmers. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Female help in stores, shops, or manufactories. On bill (8. 1841) to

provide seats for, when not actively employed, in the District of

Columbia

Field, Henry C. On bill ( H. R. 4490) panting a pension to

Final proof and payment on lands claimed under the public land laws

of the United States. On bill (H. R. 3458) extending the time for

Finance, Report Committee on. Tariff Comparisons

Finn, John. On bill (8. 1066) for relief of

Finn, John. On bill (8. 1066) for the relief of

Fish, Edward N. On bill (8. 1055) to carry into effect the findings of

the Court of Claims in the cases of

669

680
612
405
303
516

206

412
413
415

434

675

560
535

500
228

150

119

271
534
554

347

195
517

154
172

325
404
704

472
661

5(J7
334
275
690

134

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Sabjeot.

flab and Fisheries On resolution to print 8,000 extra copies of the
report of the Cummissioner of, for fiscal year eoding June 90, 1893

Fisher, Joseph W. On bill (S. 1957) to increase the pension of

FishiDK ressels. On bill (H. R. 7383) regulating lights on

Fiuhngb, Samuel. On bill (S. 1824) for the relief of, and to carry out
the findings of the Court of Claims

FiTe Cinlized Tribes of Indians. To inquire into the present condi-
tion of the

Flax, hemp, and Jute, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff In- i
qoiriM I

Fletcher, William. On bill (8.2255) for the relief of

Florids. On bill (8. 1834) to require patents to be issued to lands act-
Qslly settled under the act entitled "An act to provide for the nrmed
occupation and settlement of the unsettled part of the peninsula of,''
approTed August 4, 1842

Flonda. On bill (8. 1597) to open the naval reservation in Lafayette
County

Florida, Stote o^ etc. On bill (8. 1286) to pay balance due to

Ford's Theater dfisaster. On amendment to the bill (H. R. 5575) to com-
pensate suiTerers in

Foreign Relations, Committee on. On resolution to print copies

of Report 227 from

Fort Cnmmings Military Reservation. On bill (H. R. 356) to authorize
the Secretary of the Interior to reserve from sale certain lands in the
abandoned

Fort D. A. Russell Military Reservation. On the bill (S. 168) granting
to the State of Wyoming certain lands in the

Fort Pembina Reservation, in North Dakota, to the Dulnth and Mani-
toba Railroad Company. On bill (8. 176) granting a right uf way
across the

Franklin, Andrew. On bill ( H. R. 2627) granting a pension to

Free List. Replies to Tariff Inquiries •.

French, F. Halverson. On bill (8. 811) for the relief of

Fmeh, Henry 8. On bill (8. 57) for the relief of the legal repreKeutar
tire* of

Friedlin, John. On bill (8.471) for the relief of

Fryniire, George L. On bill (H. R.3076) granting? a pension to

Fnlford,D. On bill (8. 143) for the relief of t lie heirs of

Future Citff, h«r barges, cargoes, etc. On bill (S. 207) granting juris-
diction and authority to the Court of Cluims in the ciu»e of the tow-
boat

Gambling in the District of Colnnibia. On bill (8. 1680) to suppress. . .
Geological Survey. On Senate concurrent resolution to print 15,500
copies of the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Director of the II. S..
Gibson, Hon. Randall Lee. On Senate concnrrent resolution to print

8,000 copies of the eulogies delivered in Congress upon

Giddings, Napoleon B. On biU (S. 194) for the relief of

Giseburt, Ambrose. On bill (H. R. 3309) granting a pension to

Gleason, Johanna. On bill ( H. R. 5703) for the relief of

GoUUworikjif. On bill (S. 1426) to provide a register for the steamer . . .
Gooch, C. P. On bill (H. R. 3334) authorizing and directing the Secre-
tary of the Treasury to pay to heirs or legal representatives of, et-c. . .
Government Printing Office. On bill (S. 1462) to provide additional

accommodations for the

Graoini, Frederick. On bill (8. 187) for relief of

Graves, Clara A., Smith, Lewis Lee, Lee, Florence P., Sheldon, Mary S.,

and Smith, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 288) for the relief of

Greenback certificates of the District of Columbia. On biU (8. 1896)

to provide for the payment of 8 per cent

Greene, B.iy. On bfil (H. R. 859) for the relief of

Greene, Maj. Gen. George 8. On bill(S. 1513) for the relief of

Gmgett, Andrew L. On bill ( H. K. 1461) to remove charge of desertion
GnnjD, Calvin. Ou bill (8. Do2)for the relief of,

No.

Vol.

155

375

617

341

377

475

491

655

300
326

528

238

121
305

209

250

274

380
81
572
660
204

665

170
79

166

538
6^
312
564 \
346 \

1
1

239

70^

394

208

289

504

175

1
1

14
14

1
li

XII

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Haake, Adolph von. On bill (S. 469) for the relief of

Hagan, Peter. On joint resolution (H. Res. 79) for the relief of

HaU, Dwight. On biU (S. 574) for the relief of

Hall, Maria. On bill (S. 253) granting a pension to

Halteman, Henry. On bill (S. 1526) for tne relief of

Harbor regulations for the District of Columbia. On bul (S. 1503) to
establish

Hartley, Benjamin. On bill (S. 1294) to remove the charge of deser-
tion from

Hartt, Celestia P. On bill (H. R. 5351) granting a pension to

Hastings, Minn. On bill (H. R. 5806) to construct and maintain a
wagon bridge over the Mississippi River at

Havens, Ezra S. On bill (S. 195) for the relief of

Hawaiian Islands. On Senate resolution to print and bind for use of
Senate 1, 200 copies of Senate Ex. Docs. Nos. 45, 57, 76, and 77 of
second session of Fifty-second Congress, etc ^

Hawaiian afi'airs. On resolution to print for use of Senate copies

of all papers and messages sent to Congress by the Prcident since
January 1, 1893

Hawaiian Islands. Report from Committee on Foreign Relations

Health officer of the District of Columbia, etc. On House concurrent
resolution to print and bind in cloth 1, 500 copies of the annual
report of the

Heiner, Mrs. Helen G. On bill (S. 1427) granting an increase of pen-
sion to

Henrich, Mrs. Nicholas. On bill (S. 1355) granting a pension to

Hewitt, Henry^ J. On bill (S. 1274) for the relief of

Hislop, Washington. On bill (H. R. 5020) granting a pension to

Hobart, Harrison C. On bill (S. 1969) granting a pension to

Hoes, JT)hn W. On bill (H. R. 4328> for the relief of

Holbrook, John. On bill (S. 1482) to relieve from the charge of deser-
tion

Holmes, Eliza. On bill (H. R. 1717) granting a pension to

Holmes &, Leathers. On bill (S. 1945) for the relief of

Hoopa Valley Indian Reserv^ation. On bill (S. 1803) authorizing the
construction of a wagon road through

Hot Springs Water Company. On bill (S. 1433) granting asite for a res-
ervoir for cold water upon the permanent reservation at Hot Springs.

Howard, Hannaji. On bill ( S. 1833^ granting a pension to

Howard University, books for law department of, etc. On amendment
to bill (H. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses
of the Government, etc

Howe, John C. On bill (S. 1154) for the relief of

Hugo, William H. On bill (S. 1549) for the relief of

Hunt, .Jennie M. On bill (S. 817) for the relief of

Hurt, William. On bill (8. 1623) for the relief of

Hwaco Railway and Navigation Company. On bill (S. 634) granting a
right of way across the Scarboro Hill Military Reservation to the

Imported Merchandise Entered for Consniiiption in the United States
during the years 1890 to 1893. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of
the document entitled

Imports and Exports. American Colonies to Great Britain from 1697
to 1789, inclusive (parts land2)

Imported merchandise for 1893

Index to private claims. On letter of Anson G. McCook relating to.. .

Indian hostilities. On bill (S. 100) to reimburse certain persons, etc ... .

Indian hostilities, State of Nevada. On bill (S. 100) to reimburse cer-
tain persons, etc

Interior, Secretary of. On bill (H. R. 4242) directing him to make cer-
tain investigations concerning tbe consolidation of land districts in
California, etc

248

390
579

323
83

222

227

365

185
205
514
544
649
345

306
595
632

416

844
378

304
502
526
600
361

223

259
407
682
197

232

639

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

XIII

Subject.

iBtoniational exhibition to be held in Melbonmey Angnst 1, 1888. On
bill (S. 2024) making appropriations to pay such expenses as might
be incnrred by the Government of the United States, etc

Intenutiotial money orders. Report from experts of the Joint Com-
ini«sion of Congress, etc., recommending the discontinuance of cer-
tain statistics relatinis^ to

Invalid pensions. On bill (H.R. 7294) empowering fourth -class post-
masters to administer oaths to pensioners, etc

Iowa Reservation, Oklahoma. On bill (H. R. 4859) for the relief of cer-
tain settlers upon the ,

Irwin. Bernard J. D. On bill (S. 1273) for the relief of

Isaacs & Co., William B. On bill (S. 1288) to execute the findings of
the Court of Claims in the matter of the claim of

Isenstein, George. On bill ( H. R. 3006) for the relief of

Islands of New Hebrides. On Senate resolution in regard to the traf-
fic in drearms and intoxicants with the natives of the

Ives, Capt £. M. On bill (H. R. 2133) to correct the military record of

Jarkson, Lennes A. On bill (S. 1215) for the relief of

Jeffenou Barracks, Missouri. On bill (S. 190) for the benefit of sundry

penoDS residing in the vicinity of

Jewett, George H. On bill (S. 470) for the relief of

Jicarilla Apache Indian Reservation, etc. On bill (S. 1585) authorizing

the sale of timber on the

Johnston, J. Floyd, administrator. On bill (S. 1420) for the relief of. . .
Justices of tiie Peace. On bill (S. 655) to extend the Jurisdiction of,

in tiie District of Columbia

Kn^MariaT. On bill (S. 1230) for the relief of

Keana^e, U. S. S. On bill (H. R. 5833) providing for the rescue of the
annament and wreck of the ,

Kelleher, Patrick. Ou bill (H. R. 6405) to remove the charge of deser-
tion from

Kelton, Josephine F. On bill (S. 879) granting a pension to ,

Kineo and Chocura, U. S. gunboats. On bill (S. 1527) for relief of officers
and crews of the *

Kramer, Samuel. On bill (S.487) for the relief of the widow and
heirs of ...••• • ••

Labor Organizationa. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Laborers, workmen, and mechanics. On bill (S. 346) in relation to

claims arising under eight-hoiir law concerni ng

Lane, Amanda J. On bill (H. R. 3033) granting a pension to

Lane, James. 0|i bill (H. R. 3065) granting a pension to

Librarian of Congress for the year 1893. On Senate resolution to print

500 extra copies of the annual report of the

Liebschntz, Bvt. First Lieut. A. On bill (S. R. 45) granting a medal to. .
Lilly, William. On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies

of the eulogies delivered in Congress upon •

Lime Point Military Reservation, in California. On bill (H. R. 4961)

granting certain rights over •

Little Rock, Ark. On bill (S. 2293) to provide for the improvement of

the building and grounds of the United States court and post-office

468

449

(•)

645

137
376

1
6

257
656

1
14

410
630

Vol.

Locke, Albert, alias Shipley. On bill (S. 837) for the relief of

Lock,Jalia£. On bill (S. 828) granting a pension T.'-

Lots of the siffht of both eyes. On bill (S. 304) to increase pensions for

Luke, MrB. JB. S. On bill (H.R. 2996) for the relief of

Lyons, Haniuilu On bill (H.R.5258) granting a pension to

•Boaad with vol 2, UntBetaUm, Fifty'tbird Congvsss.

162

112
103

696
221

158

253

243

618
851

601

838

705

228
542
543

699
391

273

488

659
314
207
172
625

au\

1
1

14
1

14
6

14
14

14
6

14
1
1
1

14
1

xrv

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES

Subject.

McClermont, Capt. Robert. On bill (S. 873) for the relief of

McConnelly James. On bill (8. 857) to correct the military record of. . .

Me Cooky Anson G. On letter relating to index to private clai ma

McCool, Wells C. On bill (8. 474) for the relief of

McCormick, Paul. On bill (S. 1262) for the relief of

McLean, Sarah K. On bill (8.575) for the relief of

McLeod, Walter 8. On bill (H. R.6384) for therelief of

Mack, W. D. On joint resolution (8. R. 68) for the relief of

Magaan, Alexander P. On bill (H. R.4686) to correct the military
record of..^ -

Maholm, John. On bill (H. R. 2920) granting a pension to

Marine Corps of the U. 8. Navy. On bill (8. 1464) for the relief of cer-
tain enlisted men in the

Marine Hospital Service. On bill (8. 2880) to amend Sec. 2 of the act
approved Feb. 15, 1893, entitled "An act la^ranting additional quaran-
luie powers and imposing additional diities npon the

Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua.'' On bill ^8. 1481) to amend
the act entitled "An act to incorpornte the

Marston, 8. W. On bill (8. 198) to anthorize Secretary of Interior to
settle the claims of the legal representatives of

Martin, Ida C. On bill (8. 2032) granting a pension to

Mates in the Navy. On bill (H. S. 38) relating to the pay and retire-
ment of

Medical Society of the District of Columbia on Typhoid and Malarial
Fevers, etc. On House concurrent resolution to print 4,000 extra
copies of the special report of the select committee of the

Melbourne, Australia. On bill (8. 2024) anthorizing additional com-

Eensation to the assistant commissioners to the industrial exhibition
eld at

Menefee, Mary A. On bill (H. R. 6103) granting a pension to

Merchant marine. On bill (8.495) to establish marine be 3rd for the

advancement of the interests of the

Merchants. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Metals, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Methodist Episcopal Church South. On bill (H. R. 7334) to sell cer-
tain lands m Montgomery Connty, Arkansas, to the

Methods of accounting in the Post-Office Department. On bill (H. R.
4610) to improve the

Metropolitan Railroad Company. On bill (H. R.6171) to change its
motive power, etc

Michigan Infantry Volunteers. On bill (S. 2070) to provide for the
restoration to the State of Michigan of two flags, etc

Military post near the town of Reno, Nev. On bill (8. 98) to establish a.

Military bounty land warrants and certificates. On bill (8. 679) for the
location and satisfaction of outstanding, etc

Military road. On bill (H.R.7419) to construct, from the city of £1
Paso to Fort Bliss. Tex

Vol.

Miller, Sophia. On l>ill (8.1289) for therelief of

Miller, William R. On biU (8.529) for the relief of

Minneapolis Gaslight Company. On bill (H. R. 7449) to lay submerged

gas pipes aoross the Mississippi River at Minneapolis

Mint, Director of the. On House cononrrent resolution to print 10,000

extra copies of the report of the

395
260
682
100
549
126
631
385

687
642

515

634

831

169
640

518
499

458
676

146
708
418
419
421
422
423
424
426
427
428
429
430
437

509

157

479

490
75

296

615
284
363

496

498

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

VisrellaDeoiu. Replies to Tariff InqairiM

UofMj orders, old. Report of the experts of the Joint Commission of
Coogreis, etc., concerning the disposition of

Mooey orders, international. Report from experts of the Joint Com-
mivioD of Congress, etc., recommending the discontinuance of cer-
tain statistics relating to

M ontgoner r, Pearson C. On bill (S. 61) for the rel ief of

If oDtgomery, Wesley. On bill (S. 1583) for the relief of

Uorriaon, Jesse S. On bill (H. R. 2710) for the relief of

MorsvJerome £. On bill (8.997) for the relief of

Moss, William. On bill (S. 526) making an appropriation for the benefit
of the estate of

Vorphy, Dennis. On bill ( 8. 1963) for the relief of the sureties of

Murray, William J. On bill (S. 1692) granting a pension to

MarreU,Edward H. On bill (S. 1881) for the relief of

Mossdmao, Isaac L. On bill (S. 1866) for the relief of

Matohler, Hon. William. On resolution to print and bind 8,000 copies
of etdogies delivered in Congress upon

Mjer^B.F. On bUl (S. 459) for relief of

Katlonsl oemetery at Dover, Tenn. On bill (S. 527) to constrnct a road
to the

Kttionil cemetery near Pensacola, Fla. On bill (S. 407) making un
appropriation for the improvement of the road to the

Katiooai Conservatory of Music of America. On bill (S. 1148) to pro-
vide a bnilding site for the

National Home ior Disabled Volunteer Soldiers. On amendments to
the sandry civil bill (H. R. 5575) affecting the appropriations for the
maintenance of the

National Light and Fuel Company. On bill (S. 852) to incorporate the.

National park near Florence, S. C. On bill (S. 274) making an appro-
priation for the establishment of a

National Woolgrowers' Association. On Senate concurrent resolution
to print 5,000 copies of Seuate Mis. Doc. No. 77, being memorial of the.

National University. On bill (8. 1708) to establish a

Naral militia. On bill (8. 1399) to promote the efficiency of the

Naval Observatory. On bill (S. 17^) for the protection of the instru-
ments, etc., of the

Nartl reservation in Lafayette County, Fla. On bill (8. 1587) to open
the

No.

Nary. On bill (S. 1779) authorizing certain officers to administer oaths.

Nary. On bill (H. R.6321) authorizing certain officers to administer
oaths

Navy. On bill (H. R. 88) relating to the pay and retirement of mates
in the

Nrely, A. F. On bill (H. R. 6206) granting a pension to

Neet, John S., jr. On bill (8. 193) for the relief of

New Hebrides. On Senate resolution in regard to the traffic in fire-
arms and intoxicants with the natives of the inlands of the

New, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 2275) granting a pennion to

New Mexico. On biU (H. R. 353) to provide for the adniiHHiou of

Nicaragua Canal, etc. On Senate resolution to print 5,000 copies of
Senate report No. 331, relative to the

Niobrara River, etc. On bill (S. 1403) for the reconHtruction of a
bridge acroes the

Niver, Agnes A. On bill (S. 1254) for the relief of

North Capitol street. On bill (8. 752) to extend to the Soldiers' Home

North Dakota. On bill (8. 686) to divide the j ndicial district of

Vol.

706

448

(•)

449

(•)

183

291

367

598

523

374

627

478

584

133

315

77
115
570

480
569

360

294
433
198

371

309
349

384

518

573

410
636
628

366

182

266

186

Obscene literature and articles designed for indecent and immoral use,

«tc Oq bill (S.2065) to prevent the carrying of

• Boand -with voL S, Ant aeB»ion, Fifty •third Congrssai

476

1
1

5
14

1
5
1

1
5

5
14
14

1
1
1
1

XVI

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Oddy, Sarah. On bill (H. R. 5374) granting a i>en8ion to

Officers of the Govemment. On bill (S. lS>3) to regulate the making
of property returns by

Officers of the Army at institutes of learning. On bill (S. 1644) relat-
ing to the detail of retired

O'Keane, John. On bill (S. 646) for the relief of

Oklahoma City. On bill (H. R. 6080) to donate the military reHervation
at Oklahoma City, in Oklahoma Territory, to said city for free public
schools, etc

Oklahoma settlers. On bill (S. 2038) for the relief of

Oklahoma, Territory of. On bill (H. R. 288) to provide for two addi-
tional associate justices of the supreme court of

Oklahoma Territory. On bill (U. R. 5065) to ratify the reservation of
certain lands ... ."

Old papers^ etc., in Post-Office Department. On report of Postmaster-
General m respect to accumulation of

Omaha and Winnebago Indian reservations to the Eastern Nebraska
and Gulf Railway Company. On bill (S. 1995) granting right of way
through the

Oregon, Nevada, and California. On bill (S. 1295) for relief of the
States of

Oregon, State of. On bill (S. 819) providing for the survey of the lands
described in act of Congress approved July 5, 1866, etc

Oregon^ Idaho, and Washington, etc. On bill (S. 743) for the relief of
the citizens of

Orr, George A. On bill (S.191) forthe relief of

Oteri, S, On bill (S. 1852) to provide an American register for the
steamer '....

Otis, George K. On bill (S. 1063) for the relief of the legal representa-
tives of

Otoe and Missouria Indians. On bill (S. 1467) to provide for the sale of
the remainder of the reservation of the confederated

Owen,Isham T. On bill (S.223) for the relief of

Pacific railroads. On appropriation for the payment of the fees of
counsel employed by the Attorney-General, etc

Pan-American Congress, held in Washington, D.(.'., September, 1893.
On Senate concurrent resolution to print and bind 10,000 copies of
the proceedings of the

Papers and messages sent to Confess by the President since January
1, 1893, relating to Hawaiian affairs, etc. On resolution to print, for
the use of the Senate, copies of all

Parks, Marlin. On bill (H. R. 562) for the relief of

Passengers by sea. On bill (S. 587) to regulate the carriage of

Patton, Neil. On bill (S. 1298) to remove the charge of desertion from.

Payne, Cyrus. On bill (S. 829) granting an honorable discharge to

Peudergrass, Moses. On bill (S. 200) for the relief of

Pensioners. On bill (H. R. 7294) empowering fourth-class postmasters
to administer oaths to

Pensions. On bill (S. 435) granting the right to personally inspect,
etc., proceedings to obtain a pension

Pensions. On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the payment, in certain cases,
of accrued

Pensions. On bill (S. 1480) to codify and arrange the laws relating to.

Pension money to wives in cases where male pensioners desert or aban-
don their families, etc. On bill (S. 1175) to require payment of

Pensions. On bill (S. 473) to grant service

Pension to soldiers and sailors who are incapacitated for performance
of manual labor, etc. On bill ( H. R. 7574) granting

PepperelL W. H. L. On bill (S. 1022) for the reUef of.

Personnel of the Navy, etc. On Senate resolution to print the evidence
taken in relation to the

Phipps, Alfred T. On bill (H. R. 5459) to pension the minor children of.

Pierce^ Eliza B. On bill (H. R. 3858) granting a pension to

Vol.

592

229

846
225

508
681

118

333

179

434

287

301

110
80

459

176

184
92

217

310

222
667
144
393
285
268

645

166

316
837

646
647

679

188

388
495
607

INDEX TO REPORTS OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

XVII

Subject.

Beree, William. On bill (S. 506) granting an honorable discharge t6 . .

Plant, George H. On bill (S. 429) for the relief of

Police conrt in the District of Colnmbia. On bill (S. 1414} to* define
the jnrisdiction of the

Portsmoath nayy-yard. On bill (S. 299) for the construction of a dry
dock at the '..

Post- Office Department. On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods
of acoonnting in the

Post-Office Department. On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods
of acconnting in the 1 *

Post-Office Department. On report of Postmaster-General in respect
to accomnlation of bid papers, etc., in

Poteet, Benjamin F. On bill (H. R. 6969) for the relief of

Potomac Steamboat Company. On bill (S. 425) for the relief of

Potter, Alice K. On bill (S. 491) granting a pension to

Presbyterian Board of Home Missions. On bill (S. 870) authorizing
the issue of a patent for certain lands on the Omaha Indian reserva-
tion, etc., to ^

Pnest, Mathew S. On bill (H. R. 1814) for the relief of

Pries^ Titus. On bill (S. 15i^) to relieve firom the charge of desertion . .

Proctor, Thomas R. On joint resolution (S. R. 74) for the proper enroll-
ment of in U. 8. Navy *

Property returns by officers of the .Government. On bills (H. R. 5530,
same as S. 1553) to regulate the making of

Property returns by officers of the Government. On bill (S. 1553) to
regulate the making of *..

Props, Adaline J. On bill (H. R. 6228) granting a pension to. . « *

Public lands." On bill (8. 67) to amend an act entitled *'An act for the
relief of certain settlers on the public lands, and to provide for the
repayment of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on
void entries of

Public printing and binding, etc. On bill (H. R. 2660) relating to
eoUation and systematic reenactment of the numerous provisions of
preexisting lawregulating the, ...^ ^.. ..w*.«

Pnlhnan, Capt. John W. On biU (S. 1637) for the relief of

Pulp, papers, and books. Replies to Tariff Inquiries »

Pynmid LAke Reservation in Nevada. On bill (S.99) to secure the
relinqnishment of the Indian title to a portion of

Bsilway postal clerks. On bill (S. 544) to reclassify and iiz the sal-
Mies of ^

Ransom, Dunbar R. On bill (8. 322) to place, on the retired list of the
Army ; *..

Randolph, Fanny B. On bill (S. 694) for the relief of

Rates of duty on imports into the United States from 1789 to 1890,

inclusive, etc. On resolution to print 6,000 copies of Senate report

So. 2130, Fifty-first Congress, second session, relating to

Raymond, George S. On bill (S. 1858) to grant an nonorable dis-

diarge to

Record and Pension Office. On joint resolution (S. R. 43) for the relief

of the employees of, who were injured in the Ford's Theater disaster.
Recorder of deeds in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1005) to

prevent the recording of subdivision of land in the office of

Red Cliff Indian Reservation in Wisconsin. On joint resolution (H. Res.

140) to confirm the enlargement of the

Redfem, Joseph and Eliza J. On bill (8. 807) for the relief of

Redstone, Albert. On bill (8. 1105) for the relief of

Red Wing, Minn. On bill (H. R. 6110) to authorize the construction of

abridge acroes the Mississippi River at

Reno, Nev. On bill (S. 98) to establish a military post near the town of
Regulation of steam vessels. On bill (S. 497) to amend section 4400

of title 52 of the Revised Statutes concerning the

* BouDd vith Tol. 2, first soMioii, Fifty-tbird Congiess.

S, Eepte— 5»— 2 n

101
210

173

138

157

Vol.

179
532
130
189

135
666
695

U
14

339

201

(•)

229
675

1
14

171

574
261
513

177

213

180
153

237
664
117

527
187
258

322
75

147

1
1

(•)

1
13

1
1

14
1
1

1
1

XVIII

INDEX ro UEPOBTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Repayment of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on
void entries of public lands.'' On bill (S. 67) to amend an act entitled
"An act for the relief of certain settlers on the public lands, and to
provide for the ,

Beport 227. On resolution to print copies of (Foreign Relations

Committee) ,

Report 334, being a comparison of bill H. R. 4864 and existing law.
On Senate order to bind 200 copies of

Reservation, sale, and settlement of certain lands in several States and
Territories. On bill (8. 1691)to provide for the .*

" Reserved list " of the Army of the United States. On bill (S; 898) for
the creation of a '

Revenue-Cutter Service. On bill (S. 1681) to promote the efficiency
of the

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 4340) to amend section 407 of the. ...

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 5529) to repeal section 311 of the

Revised Statutes. On bill (S.497) to amend section 4400 of title 52^
concerning the regulation of steam vessels

Revised Statutes. On bill (S.509) to amend section 4178, in relation
to the marking of vessels' names at bow and stem, etc

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 588) to repeal section 4145 and to amend
sections 4146 and 4320, also section 1 of the act amending section
4214 of the Revised Statutes, approved March 3, 1883, and for other
purposes

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1552) to repeal section 811 of the

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1784) to amend section 3719 of the

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1542) to amend section 4746 of the

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 7072) to amend section 3816 of the . . .

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 236) to amend section 4837 of the. . .

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 4952) to amend section 2455 of the . . .

Reynolds, Russell N. On bill (S. 1383) granting a pension to

Richards, Joseph H. On bill (S. 1558) for the correction of the mili-
tary record of

Rice, John M. On bill(;H. R. 3978) for the relief of

Rigg, Druzilla J. On bill (H. R. 4290) granting a pension to

Ripley, Emma A. On bill (S. 447) to authorize Secretary of the Inte-
rior to issue a duplicate of a certain land warrant to

Rivers and harbors. On bill (H. R. 6518) making appropriations for
the construction, repairs, and preservation of certain public works
on

Robbins. Thankful. On bill (H. R. 4780) to pension

Roberts, George F., etc. On bill (S. 557) for the relief of

Robinson, M^- Oen, John C. On bill (S. 731) for the relief of

Roby, Robert. On bill (S. 1793) to remove the charge of desertion from

Rodman, Daniel C, etc. On bill (S. 814) for the relief of the represen-
tatives of

Russell, Charles T. On bill (8. 1999) for the relief of

Russell, John H. On bill (S.348) for the relief of

Russell, Rear- Admiral John H. On bill (S. 864) for the relief of

Russell, John. On bill (S. 925) granting an honorable discharge to . ..

St. Charles College. On bill (S. 211) for the relief of

St. Lawrence State Hospital at Ogdensburg, N. Y. On bill (H. R. 3202)
grantingcondemned cannon to the

St. Louis Kiver Bridge Company and the Duluth Transfer Railway
Company. On bill (H. R. 4765) to authorize construction of bridge
over St. Louis River by the

St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba Railway Company. On bill
(8. 1694) panting the right of way through the White Earth, Leech
Lake, Chippewa, and Fond du Lao Indian reservations to the

Salmon fisheries of the Columbia River Basin. On Senate concurrent
resolution to print 1,000 extra copies of Senate Mis. Doc. No. 200 re-
lating to the

* Bound with vol. 2, first seBsion, Flfty-tliird Congress.

171

238

343

332

114

362
116
200

147

148

149
230
350
352
411
525
638
673

663
522
678

211

519
641
354
76
697

357
400
128
256
311

327
255

336

328

581

INDEX TO BEPORTS OF SENATE COMMllTEES.

XIX

Subject.

Sah Lake City. On bill (H. R. 4449) fixing the limit of iDdebtedness

* which may be incurred by

SaJtwort, or RusBian thistle. On bill (S. 1287) for the extermination
uid destruction of plant known as the

Sartori, Commodore Louis C. On bill (S. 1713) to promote

Srarboro Hill Military Reservation to the Ilwaco Railway and Navi-
gation Company. On bill (8. 634) granting a right of way across
the

Sehaambnrg, James W. On bill (S. 597) for the relief of

Schmidt, Christopher. On bill (8. 573) for relief of

School trustees. On bill (8. 1717) to authorize the appointment of

women in the District of Columbia as

Scott, John. On bill ( H. R. 1313) to increase the pension of

Scott, W.T. On biU (8. 1615) for the reUef of

Schwatics, Ada J. On bill (8. 2056) granting a pension to

Scaler and assistant sealer of weights and measures in the District of
Colombia, and for other purposes. On bill (H. R. 8246) for the

appointment of a 4

Seaman, Capt. Henry C. On bill (8. 1189) for the relief of

Service pensions. On bill (8. 1173) to grant

Sewerage of the District of Columbia. On Senate resolution to print
500 copies of Ex. Doc. 445, first session of Fifty-first Congress, being

report of a board of sanitary engineers upon the

Sewers and water mains in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 872)

to make service connections with

Sewers and water mains in the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R.

4571) to mi^e service connections with

Seweis, trunk, in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 2066) to pro-
vide for continuing the system of

Sexton, James A. (& bill (8. 2281) to authorize the Postmaster-Gen-
eral to credit for amount of money stolen fh>m

Shaffer, CM. On bill (8. 361) for the relief of

3uiwnee tribe or nation of Indians. On bill (8. 661) for the relief of. .
fiherman, John, Jr. On bill (8. 763) relieving the personal representa-
tives of

Sherwin, Thomas, deceased. On bill (8. 1069) for the relief of the

estate of

Shipley, H. W. On bill (8. 120) for the relief of

Shipley, E.R. On bill (8. 199) for the relief of

Sibley, Henry H. On bill (8. 914) for the relief of the legal personal

representatives of

Silk culture in the United States. On bill (8. 115) for the develop-
ment and encouragement of

Sioux Nation of Indians in Dakota, etc. On bill (8. 145) to authorize
the Secretary of the Interior to divide a portion of the reservation

of the

Sixteenth street in District of Columbia to Executive avenue. On

joint resolution (8. R. 63) to ofaange name of

Smith, Charles B. On bill (8. 1312) for the relief of the heirs of

Smith, Thomas Rhjrs. On bill (8. 499) for the relief of

Smith, Otis. On bUl (8.1640) granting a pension to

Smith, Henry. On bill (S. 1077) for the relief of

Smith. Henry C. On bill (8. 1657) to remove the charge of desertion

Vol.

from

Smith, Pauline J. On bill (H. R. 6361) granting a pension to

Smithsonian Institution and National Museum. On resolution to print
10,000 additional copies of the reports of the Smithsonian Institution
and the National Museum for the year ending June 30, 1893, etc

Smithsonian Institution. On bill (8. 1460; to amend an act entitled
"An act to establish the Smithsonian Institution for the increase and
diffusion of knowledge among men''

Society of the Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volunteers. On bill
(S. 1381) to provide for the restoration to the, of two flags now in the
War Department.. •• <

194

202
683

85
242
246

281
551
224
626

120
609
647

604

131

623

648
657
214

389

550
241
269

159

267

226

247
152
191
318
3d6

591
677

167

216

897

1
14

1
1
1

14
1

14
14

14
1
1

14
14

14
1
1

1
1
1
5

14
14

1
1
5

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

Soldiers' additional homestead certificates, etc. On bill (S. 1590) to
validate outstanding

Soldiers' Home. On bill (S. 752) to extend North Capitol street to the

Soldiers' Homes. On bill (H. R. 236) to amend section 4837 of the
Revised Statutes relating to

Solution of the Labor Problem. On Senate resolution to print 1,000
copies of Senate Mis. Doc. No. 95, entitled a

Somerville, Hiram. On bill (S. 1301) for the relief of the legal repre-
sentatives of <

Southern Railroad Association, lessees of the Mississippi Central Rail-
road Company. On bill (S. 754) for the relief of the

Southern Ute Indians in Colorado, etc. On bill (S. 1532) to ratify and
confirm an agreement with the

Special assessments. On bill (S. 891) authorizing the Commissioners
of the District of Columbia to accept payment without interest of
certain

Spencer, William Loving. On bill (S. 1117) for the relief of

Spirits, wines, and' other beverages. Replies to Tarifi^ Inquiries <

Stanford, Hon. Leland. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of eulogies

delivered in Congress upon

Stark, Dora L. On bill (S.694) for the relief of

Starkweather, William A. On bill (S. 121 ) for the relief of

Starr, Eliza K. On bill (H. R. 3487) granting an increase of pension to.

Statistics. Tariff J

Statistical Abstract for the United States for 1893, etc. On House con-
current resolution for the printing of 12,000 copies of the

Statistical tables showing imports of merchandise, with duties col-
lected under the tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under
bill H. R. 4864 as passed by the House and Senate ; imports and
exports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expenditures of the
Government, etc. (part 2)

Statistics, Bureau of. On House concurrent resolution to print 11,000
copies of a special report of

Statute of limitation and give the right of appeal in certain cases. On
bill (S. 346) to remove the bar of the

Steamships. On bill (S. 1886) to facilitate the entry of

Steinmetz, William R. On bill (S. 812) for the relief of

Stevenson, John H. On bill (S. 1211) for the relief of

Stewart, A. P. H. On bill (S. 1325) for the relief of

Stewart. Peter Grant. On bill (S. 118) for the relief of

Stivers. Charles B. On bill (H. R. 868) for the relief of

Stivers, Charles B. On bill (S. 2119) for the relief of.

Stockwell, John. On bill (H. R. 856) granting a pension to ».. .

Street, George W. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of

Street-railway franchifles in the District of Columbia. On joint reso-
lution (S. R. 99) to coinpile and publish the laws relating to

Streets of the cities of Washington and Georgetown. On bill (S. 2131)
to secure uniformitv in the names of minor

Sugar. Replies to Tariff Inquiries <

Sugar schedule in the tariff bill of 1894

SuliivRn, George L. On bill (S. 1470) to remove the charge of desertion

from

Sundries. Replies to Tariff Inquiries *

Surgeons, assistant. On bill (S. 1594) to remove certain disabilities
of the late acting

Supervisors of elections and special deputy marshals. On bill (H. R.
2331) to repeal the statutes relating to (part 1)

Supervisors of elections and special deputy marshals. On bill (H. R.
2331) to repeal all statutes relating to (part 2). Views of minority..

Surveyor of District of Columbia. On bill (S. 444) in relation to the ..

Swift, J. M. On bill (S. 2088) granting a pension to

Swilt, Mary A. On bill (S. 489) for the relief of

No.

Vol

539

525

320

348

161

279

321

467

468

236

153

576

709

710

276

708

379

228
325
168
484
164
686
621
622
596
345

680

546
452
453
603

637
701

373

113

464

319

INDEX TO KEPORTS OP SENATE COMMITTItES.

XXI

Subject

Table of the ATerage ad yalorem rates nnder the tariff of 1883, Mills
bill of 1888, tariff of 1890, House bill 4864 as it passed the House and
ilso as amended by the Senate and passed July, 2 (calendar day
Jnly 3); also statistical tables showing imports of merchandise,
vith duties collected under the tariff of 1890 ; corresponding rates
of duty under bill H. B. 4864 as passed by the House and Senate;
imports and exports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expendi-

tniea of the Goyemment. etc. (parts 1 and 2)

TaUapoota. On bill (S. 1201) for the relief of the sufferers by the
wreck of the U. S. S

Tanner, George G. On bill (H. R. 2842) to reimburse him $200 for rent
of rooms ,

Tariff comparisons. On order to bind 200 copies of Report 334, show-
ing changes in text and rates of duty of the tariff act of 1890 and
of the administrative act of June, 1890, made by the bill H. R. 4864

Tariff comparisons. Report Committee on Finance

Tariff comparisons, 1894, 1890, and 1888

Tariff act of 1894 compared with tariff' act of 1890, with rates of the
WilaoB bill of 1894 and the Mills bill Of 1888

Tate, Harriet R. On bill (H. R. 6213) granting a pension to

Ttylor, John W. On bill (S. 144) to correct tne military record of

Tsylor, J. Seymour. On bill (S. 1012) to correct the muster roll of —

Telegraph operators. On bill (S. 1009) for the relief of

Tennessee. On joint resolution (S. R. 61) providing for the adjustment
of certain claims of the State against the United States

Tenney, Marilla. On bill (H. R. 1713) granting a pension to

Thompson, Jane. On bill (H. R. 3218) granting an increase of pension
to

Ttlton, Hemty B. On the bill (S. 901) for the relief of the owners of the
schooner

Tobsoco, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Todd, W. B. On biU (S.329; for the reUef of

Towusend, James L. On bill (S. 1468) for the relief of

Travila, Robert. On bill (H.R.894) for the relief of

Treasurer of the United States. To accompany letter of the Treasurer
of the United States, transmitting accounts settled by his office with

the First Comptroller for fiscal year ended June 30, 1893

Treasury. Warrant for the payment of money out of the

Tressury of the United States. On bills (H. R. 5529 and S. 1552) to
repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the United States relat-
ing to accounts of the

TVessury Department. On bill (S. 1831) to improve the methods of

accounting in the

Treasury Department. On bill (H. R. 6948) to improve the methods of

accounting in the

Trimble, Mary. On bill (H. R. 4811) granting a pension to

Tribunal of Arbitration at Paris. On joint resolutions (S. R. 76 and

85) providing for the printinfc of the proceedings of the

Trickey, Mar^' £. On bill ( H. R. 1196) granting a pension to

Tripler, Eunice. On bill (S. 910) for the relief of

Typhoid and malarial fevers, etc. On House concurrent resolution

to print report of Medical Society of the District of Columbia

Tyson, Bryan. On bill (S.460) for*the relief of

Tnthill, Enmiet C. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the re lief of

Uncompahgre and Uintah Indian reservations. On bill (S. 1887) pro-
viding for opening the

Union Passenger Railway Company of the District of Columbia. On

bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the*

*BonBd with vol. 2, UrstMssion, Flfty-thizd Congress.

No.

450
537

Vol.

708

297

693

343

334

698

559

611

108

651

613

245

677

218

454

455

456

568

482

302

140

447

(•)

200

(•)

293

387

635

505

541

102

499

277

345

5
U

XXII

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES

Subject.

United States conrts. On bill (S. 1252) for the holding of, in the State

of Washington

University of the United States. On Senate resolation to print 2,000

copies of Senate report No. 433

University of Utah. On bill (Q. R. 3135) granting a site off the public

domain to the

Utah, Territory of. On bill (H. R. 352) to admit into the Union, etc . ..
Utter, Joseph G. On bill (S. 1343) to remove charge of desertion from . .
Utter, Joseph G. On bill (U. R. 4671) to remove the charge of desertion

from

Vessels. On bill (S. 507) providing for the collection of fees for furnish-
ing certificates of title to

Vessels' names at bow and stern, and also to provide for marking the
draft,'' approved February 21, 1891. On bill (S. 509) to amend an act
entitled ** An act to amend section 4178, Revised Statutes, in relation
to the marking of

VesuviuB. On bill (S. 826) to remit the penalties on the dynamite-gun
cruiser

Virginius indemnity fund. On bill (S. 1703) to provide for the disposal
of the interest on the

Vosburgh, Harriet T. On bill (H. R. 4561 ) granting a pension to

Voss, Eliitabeth. On bill (H. R. 855) granting a pension to

Wacker, John W. On bill (S. 468) to remove charge of desertion from
Walker, William T. On bill (S. 1970) granting an increase of pension to
Wallawalla, State of Washington. On bill (S. 636) granting the use of

certain lands to the city of ,

Walter, etc., Olivia and Ida. On bill (S.409) for the relief of

Walters, Joel A. On bill (H. R. 3840) granting a pension to ,

War, Secretary of. On bill (S. 1683) to authorize Secretary of War to

lend condemned cannon and cannon balls to association having in

charge the monument erected on Government land near Chicago, 111.

Ward, Mrs. Abby Jane. On bill (S. 1996) granting a pension to

Warrant for the payment of money out of the Treasury

Washington College (now known as Washington and Lee University).

On bill (S. 454) for the relief of

Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway. On bill (S. 1952) to

incorporate the

Washington Central Railway Company. On bill (S. 877) to incorpo-
rate the

Washington, State of. On bill (S. 1252) to provide for the times and

places of holding terms of the United States courts in

Water mains and sewers in the District of Columbia. On the bill (S.

872) to make service connections with

Water mains and sewers in the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R.

4571) to make service connections with, in the District of Columbia.
Water main assessments in the District of Columbia. On bills (S. 970

and H.R. 6893) to regulate

Water supply of the city of Washington. On bill (S. 1359) to increase

the

Weather Bureau. On House concurrent resolution to print 5,500 copies

of the annual report of the chief of the, for year ended June 30, 1893.
Weisel, George. On bill (S. 1528) to remove the charge of desertion

from

Welch, Hannah. On bill (H. R. 1214) granting a pension to

Wells, Eugene. On bill (S. 33) to restore to the Army

Wetmoreand Bro. On bill (S. 210) for the relief of

Whcaton, William R. On bill (S. 1057) for the relief of (part 1)

Wheaton, William R., and Charles H. Chamberlain. On bill (S. 1057)

for the relief of (part 2)

^Bound with vol. 2, first sesAion, Fifty-third ConsreM.

308
414
199

520

143

148

254

408
582
219

106
674

558
178
678

272
671

447

Vol.

203

1
5
1

1
14

(•)

432

402

536

a53

131
^264

396

431

531
644
263
300
203

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES. XXIII

Subject.

Wheeler, Capt. Edward. On joint resolution (S. R. 19) to correct the mil-
itarr reeord of

Wheeler. Mrs. Lacinda C. On bill (H. R. 1463) granting a pension to..

Whittaker, George. On bill (S. 1229) to correct the military record of

Wightman, John. On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal represent-
atiyee of

Wightman, John. On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal represent-
atiTee of

Wncox, Mary R. On bill (S. 283) for the relief of

Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road Company in
Oregon. On bill (S. 1649) providing for the survey of the lapd
described in the grant to the

Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road Company. On
bill (S. 819) providing for the surrey of the land described in an act
of Congress approved July 5, 1866, granting the land therein men-
tioned to aid in the construction of a military wagon road, which
land was subsequently granted by said State to the

Williams, Thomas. On bill (S. 1571) for the relief of

Wills, A. W., administrator. On bill (S. 528) for the relief of

Winnebago Indiana in Minnesota. On bill (S. 2153) for the relief of

Woodsy and manafaotuxes of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries

Woods, Margaret A* On bill (H. R. 6050) granting a pension to

Woodworth, S. L. On bill (S. 1675) to remove the charge of dishonor-
able dismissal from, etc

Wool, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries.

Tankton tribe of Sioux Indians in the State of South Dakota. On

bill (S. 442) for the sale of their surplus lands ,

Yaqnina Bay. On bill (S. 112) to provide for the construction of a
military and commercia] telegraph line along the coast between

Yaqnina and

YeUowstone National Park. On bill (S. 166) to provide for the punish-
ment of offenses committed in the

Yellowstone National Park. On bill (H. R. 5293) concerning leases in

the

Yerger, Eliza H., and Mary Virginia Rawlins. On bill (S. 1406) for the

relief of --

Yorke, Lonis A. On bill (S.1438) for the relief of

Yorke^I^ais A. On bill (S.1438) for the relief of

Young Men's Christian Association of the District of Columbia. On

bill (H. JEL 7071) to exempt the property of, from taxation

Young Men's Cbiistian Association of the District of Columbia. On
bill (S. 1459) to exempt the property of, from taxation

270

662
127

282

196

301

602

557

629

438

439

440

441

442

443

444

445

446

451

668

610

492

493

494

511

512

295

648

633

265
489

1
6

645

647

T^BLE

OF THE

REPORTS MADE BY THE COMMITTEES

FOR THE

SEC02JD SBSSIOK OF THE FIFTY-THIRD C0KGRES8.

Subject.

COMMITTEE OK AGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY.

Od bill (S. 1237) for the extermination and destruction of the noxious
plant or 'weed known as saltwort or Russian thistle or cactus

On bill (S. 115) for the development and encouragement of silk culture
in the United States under the supervision of the Secretary of Agri-
enltare

On bill (S. 1170) to establish an electriciJ experiment station for the
pnrpoae of investigating and determinii^g whether electricity can be
profitably applied as a motive power in the propulsion of farm
machinery «na implements

COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS.

Ob bill (H. B. 4858) making appropriations for fortifications and other

works of defense, for the armament thereof, eto

On bill (U. B. 5894) making appropriations for the Military Academy,

etc

On bill {H« B. 6373) making appropriations for the support of the Army,

etc

On bill (H. B. 6108) making appropriations for the diplomatic and con-
sular service of the United States, etc j...

On bill (H. R. 6016) making appropriations for the service of the Post-

Offiee Department, etc

On bill (H. B. 6937) making appropriations for the Department of Agri-

ciiltare, etc.

On bill (H. R. 6748) making appropriations for the naval service, etc..
On bill (H. R. 7007) making appropriations for the legislative, executive,

and judicial expenses of the Government, etc

On bill (H. R. 6913) making appropriations for current and continj^ent
expenses of the Indian Department and fulfilling treaty stipulations
with variouB Indian tribes for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895. ..
On bill (H. R- 5481) making appropriations for the expenses of the gov-
ernment of the District of Columbia

Od bill CH- R- 5575) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of

the GoTemxnen t for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895

Ob bill (H. R« 7477) making appropriations to supply deficiencies in the
KBpto^riAtioJis for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, etc

COMMITTEE ON GULIMB.

On bill (Q 121} fo^ *^® relief of William A. Starkweather

On bill (S' 901) fo^ *^® relief of the owners of schooner Henry R. Tiltonf
etc "

202
267

271

Vol.

I
1

278

399

470

471

481

501
503

5
5

506

510

524

589

597

XX^

XXVI

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Sabject.

COMMITTEE ON CLAIMS — coiitinned.

On bill (8v223) for the relief of Isham T. Owen

On bill (S. 326) for the relief of C. B. Bryan & Co., of Memphis, Tenn..

On bill (S. 58) for the relief of William Clift

On bill (S.348) for the relief of John H. Rnssell

On W11(S. 574) for the relief of Dwight Hall

On bill (S. 425) for the relief of Potomac Steamboat Company

On bill (S. 269) for the relief of Jacob I. Cohen and J. Randolph Mor-
decai, administrators of M. C. Mordecai

On bill (S. 694) for the relief of Fanny B. Randolph and Dora L. Stark.

On bill (S. 914) for the relief of the legal personal representatives of
Henry H. Sibley, deceased '.

On bill (S. 754) for the relief of the Sonthem Railroad Association, etc.

On bill (S.1215) for the relief of Lennes A. Jackson

On bill (S.117) for the relief of W.L.Adams

On bill (S. 1325) for the relief of A. P. H. Stewart

On bill (S. 288) for the relief of Clara A. Graves, Lewis Smith Lee,
Florence P. Lee, Mary S. Sheldon, and Elizabeth Smith, heirs of
Lewis Smith, deceased

On bill (S. 143) for the relief of the heirs of D. Fulford

On bill (S. 409) for the relief of Olivia and Ida Walter, heirs and chil-
dren of Thomas U. Walter, deceased, and also of the late Amanda O.
Walter

On bill (S. 61) for the relief of Pearson C. Montgomery

On bill (S. 807) for the relief of Joseph Redfem and Eliza J. Redfem..

On bill (S. 499) to provide for the adjustment and payment of the claim
of Thomas Rhys Smith

On bill (S. 1365) for the relief of Alexander W. Baldwin

On bill (S. 100) to reimburse certain persons who expended moneys
and fnmished services and supplies in repelliug invasions and sup-
pressing Indian hostilities within the territorial limits of the pres-
ent State of Nevada

On bill (S. 57) for the relief of the legal representatives of Henry S.
French

On bill (S.207) granting Jurisdiction and authority to the Court of
Claims in the case of uie towboat Future Cityj her barges, cargoes, etc.

On bill (S. 1420) for the relief of J. Floyd Johnston, administrator

On bill (S. 1616) for the relief of W. T. Scott and others

On bill (S. 103) for the relief of P. S. Corbett

Onbill(S.120)fortherelief of H.W.Shipley

On bill (S. 597) for the relief of the legal representatives and devisees
of James W. Schaumburg

On bill (S. 1666) for the reUef of Nancy £. Day, administratrix of the
estate of James L. Day, deceased

On bill (S. 1288) to execute the findings of the Court of Claims in the
matter of the claim of William B. Isaacs & Co

On bill (S. 1066) to authorize the Third Auditor of the Treasury to audit
certain quartermaster's vouchers belonging to John Finn, of St. Louis.

On bill (S. 744) for the relief of Avery D. Babcock and wife, of Oregon.

On bill (S. 599) for the relief of the residuary legatees of Mark Davis,
deceased

On bill (S. i^")7or the reii'eVoFsop^^^^^

On bill (S. 421) for the relief of the legal representatives of Calvin B.
Cunningham

On bill (H. R. 684) for the relief of the heirs of the late Mrs. Catherine
P. Culver

On bill (S.203) for the relief of John F. W. Dette

On bill (S. 210) for the relief of Wetmore & Bro., of St. Louis, Mo

On bill (H. R.894) for the relief of Robert Tranla

On bill (S. 1319) for the relief of E. Douglass, etc

On bill (S. 459) for the relief of B. F.Myers

On bill (S. 1286) to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to pay to
the State of Florida the balance found to be due said State, etc

On bill (S. 211) for the relief of St. Charles College

On bill (S. 217) for the relief of the heirs of James Bridger, deceased .

Vol.

128

129

130

139
153

159
161
162
163
164

165
175

178
183
187

191
193

197
232

208

209
221
224
233
241

242

252

267

275
280

283
284

288

292
298
300
302
303
315

326
327
329

INDEX TO REPORTS OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

XXVII

Subject.

COMMiTTEK ON CLAIMS — continued.

On bill (S. 487) for the relief of the widow and heirs of Samnel Kramer

On bill (S. 1S24) for the relief of Saranel Fitzhugh, administrator of

Henry Fitzbngh, and to carry out the findings of the Court of Claims.

On bill (S. 982) lor the relief of Cumberland Female College of

McMinnville, Tenn

On bill (S. 552) for the relief of Calvin Gunn

On bill (8. 1301) for the relief of the legal representatives of Hiram

Somerville

On bill (8. 557) for the relief of George F. Roberts, administrator of

the estate of William B. Thayer, etc

On bill (S. 814) for the relief of the representatives of Daniel C. Rod-
man, deceased, and others

On bill (S. 1963) for the relief of the sureties of Dennis Murphv

On bill (S. 763) fox the relief of personal representatives of John

Sherman, jr

On bill (S. 454) for relief of Washington College (now known as Wash-
ington and Lee University), located at Lexington, Va

On bill (S.1881) for the relief of Edward H.Murrell

On bill (S. 1992) for the relief of Briscoe H. Bouldin

On bill (8.1274) for the relief of Henry J. Hewitt

On biU (S. 3978) for the relief of John M. Rice

On bill (S. 526) making an appropriation for the benefit of the estate

of William Moss

On bill (S.221) for the relief of Henry M. Cannon

On bill (S. 1262) for the relief of Paul McCormick

On bill (8.1069) for the relief of the estate of Thomas Sherwin,

deceased
On bill (S.2203) for'the'relie'f of Arth^^^ IIV.

OnbUl (H.R.522)for the relief of Benjamin Alford

On bill (8. 1471) to provide for the adjustment and payment of the
claim of the American Transportation Company for dredging done

at Fairport Harbor, State of Ohio

On joint resolution (H. Res. 121) authorizing proper officers of the
Treasury Department to examine and certi^ claims in faVor of cor-

ta in eon n ties in Arizona ./

On biU (S. 224) for the relief of William P. Buckmaster

On biU (S.817) for the relief of Jennie M. Hunt

On bill (S. 1527) for the relief of the officers and crews of the United

States ininboats Kineo and Chocura

On bill (S.1571) for the relief of Thomas Williams

On biU (H. R. 6384) for the relief of Walter S. McLeod

(>n bill (S. 1945) for the relief of Holmes and Leathers

On bill (S. 1406) for the relief of Eliza H. Yerger and Mary Virginia

Rawlins... '

On bill (S.361)fortherelief of CM. Shaffer

On bill (H. R. 3334) authorizing and directing the Secretary of the
Treasury to pay to the heirs, or legal representatives of C. P. Gooch,

certain money due him for carrying the mail

On bill (H. R. 1314) for the relief of Mathew S. Priest

On bill (H- R. 859) for the relief of B. D. Greene

On bill (8- 118 ) for the relief of Peter Grant Stewart

On bill (S. 1066) to authorize the Third Auditor of the Treasury to
andit certain quartermaster's vouchers belonging to John FiDu, of

St. lA>ni9, Mo

On bill (H. R. 2842) to reimburse George C. Tanner, late consul, etc.,

the snm of ^200, paid by him for rent of rooms

On joint resolution (H. Ees. 79) for the relief of Peter Hagan

COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE.

On bill ^S- 507) providing for the collection of fees for flemishing cer-
tificates" of title to vessels

On bill (S. 5S7) to regulate the carriage of passengers by sea

338

341

342
346

348

364

357
374

389

432
478
497
514
522

523
530
549

550
553
585

586

690

693
694

143
144

5
5

5
5
5
5
14

14
14
14

588

599

600

601

602

631

632

633

657

665

666

684

686

14
14

1
1

XXVIII . INDEX TO REPORTS OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMITTEE OX COMMERCE — continaed.

On bill (S. 611) providing for the establishment and enforcement of
rales and regulations for the use and navigation of United States
canals and similar works of navigation, etc

On bill (S. 496) to establish a marine board for the advancement of the
interests of the merchant marine

On bUl (S. 497) to amend section 4400 of Title LII of the Revised Statutes
of the United States, concerning the regulation of steam vessels

On bill (8. 609) to amend an act entitled "An act to amend section 4178,
Revised Statutes, in relation to the marking of vessels' names at bow
and stern," etc

On bill (S.688) to repeal section 4145 of the Revised Statutes of the
United States, and to amend sections 4146, 4320, etc

On bill (S. 432) to provide an American register for the foreign-built
steamship El Catlao and change her name to Oneida

On bill (S. 1426) to provide a register for the steamer GoldBworihy

On bill (S. 1645) for the relief of the dependent relatives of the seamen
of the Netherlands steamer Amsterdam, etc

On bill (H. R. 6110) to authorize the construction of a bridge aoro^the
Mississippi River at Red Wing, Minn

On bill (H. R. 6806) to authorize the city of Hastings, Minn., to con-

• struct and maintain a wagon bridge over the Mississippi River

On bill (S. 1886) to facilitate the entry of steamships

On bill (H. R. 5978) to authorize the construction of a steel bridge over
the St. Louis River between the States of Wisconsin and Minnesota.

On bill (H. R. 4765) to authorize the St. Louis River Bridge Company
and the Duluth Transfer Railway Company to construct, maintain,
and operate a bridge over the St. Louis River, etc

On bill (S. 1681) to promote the efficiency of the Revenue-Cutter Service.

On bill (S. 1965) for the prevention of collisions at.8ea

On bill (S. 1990) to adopt regulations for preventing collisions at sea..

On bill (S. 1852) to provide an American register for the steamer 8,
OteH

On bill (H. R. 7449) authorizing the Minneapolis Gaslight Company
of Minneapolis, Minn., to lay submerged gas pipes across the Missis-
sippi River at Minneapolis

On bill (H. R. 6518) making appropriations for rivers and harbors, etc.

On bill (S. 1706) to provide registers for the steamers Claribel and Athoa .

On bill (H. R. 7383) regulating lights on fishing vessels

COMMITTXE ON TUK DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

On bill (S. 752) to extend North Capitol street to the Soldiers' Home. ..

On bill (S. 1005) to prevent the recording of subdivisions of land in
the District of Columbia in the office of the recorder of deeds

On bill (S. 872) to make service connections with water mains and
sewers in the District of Columbia

On bill (S. 444) making the surveyor of the District of Columbia a sal-
aried officer, etc

On bill (S. 891) authorizing the Commissioners of the District of Colum-
bia to accept payment, without interest, of certain special assess-
ments, etc ..

On bill (H. R. 3246) for the appointment of a sealer and assistant sealer
of weights and measures in the District of Columbia, etc

On bill (H. R. 4013) to release and turn over to Mrs. Mary O. Augusta
certain property in the District of Columbia

On bill (S. 83^) to simplify the forms of deeds, of conveyance, trust,
and releases of land in the District of Columbia, etc

On bill (S. 1267) a bill to authorize the attorney for the District of
Columbia and his assistants to administer oaths and affirmations

On bill (H. R. 3629) to close alleys in square No. 751 in the city of Wash-
ington, D. C ^

On bill (H. R. 4571) to make service connections with water mains and
sewers in the District of Columbia

Vol.

145
146
147

148

149

160
204

212

322

323
325

335

336
362
3&4
417

459

496
519
616
617

87
88
90
94

97
120
122
123
124
125
131

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

XXIX

Subject.

coiQinTEE ON THB DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA — Continued.

On bill (S. 1305) to amend ''An act relating to the incorporation of
certain corporations within the District of Columbia/' approved

October 1, li<90

Od bill (8. 12S0) for the promotion of anatomical science and to prevent

the desecration of graves in the District of Co^imbia

On bill (S. lUl) to authorize the Commission'ers of the District of
Colnmbia to grant a permit to build on lot 43, square 358| in the city

of Waabinffton, D. C

On bill (S. 1597) to amend an act entitled ''An act for the support of the
/jfOTemment of the District of Columbia for the fiscal year ending

June 30, 1878," etc

On joint resolution (S. R. 63) to change the name of Sixteenth street in

District of Columbia to Executive avenue

On bill (S. 1503) to establish harbor regulations for the District of

Colombta :

On bill (S.1141) for the relief of S. J. Block and A. P. Baurmanof the

District of Columbia

On bill (8. 1680) to more effectually suppress gambling in the District

of Colnmbia

On bill (S. 970) regulating water-main assessments in the District of

Colombia

On bill (S. 1717) to authorize the appointment of women as school trus-
tees in tbe District of Columbia

On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making appropriations to provide
for tbe expenses of the government of the District of Columbia for

tbe fiscal year ending June 30, 1895, etc

On bill(S. 1112) to provide for a survey for a bridge across the Eastern

Branch of the Potomao River *..

On bill (g. 1359) to amend an act approved July 15, 1882, entitled " An
act to increase the water supply of the city of Washington, and for

other purposes

On bill (8. 1952) to amend an act entitled ''An act to incorporate the

Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway"

On bill (8. 1841) to provide that all persons employing female help in
stores^ shopSy offices, or manufactories shall provide seats for the

same when not actively employed

On bill (H. R. 6171) to authorize the Metropolitan Railroad Company

to chanee its motive power, etc

On bill (H. R.6893) regulating water-main assessments in the District

of Colnmbia

On bill (S. 877) to incorporate the Washington Central Railway Com-

^P«uy

On bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the Union Passenger Railway Company

of tbe District of Colnmbia '

On bill (8. 1896) to provide for the payment of the 8 per cent green-
back certificates of the District of Columbia, etc

On bill (H. R.7071) to exempt the property of the Young Men's Chris-
tian AJseociation of the District of Columbia from taxation

On bill (S. 2131) to secure uniformity in the names of minor streets of

the cities of Washington and Georgetown

On bill (S. 1459) to exempt the property of the Young Men's Christian

Association of the District ot Columbia from taxation

On bill (S. 2094) to amend the charter of the Eokington and Soldiers'

Home Railway Company

On bill (8. 2210) to provide for the repairs of the piers of the Aque-
duct Bridge and for its use by a street railway

On bill (8. 2118) authorizing the sale of title of the United States to a
tract of land in Montgomery County, Maryland, to William II. and

George Bobinger

On bill (8. 2245) to prohibit the interment of bodies in Graceland Cem-
etery in the District of Columbia

On bill (S. 329) for the relief of the estate of W. B. Todd, deceased.. ..
On bill (8. 852) to incorporate the National Light and Fuel Company..

136
5156
J 251

174

234
247
248
249
250
264
281

286
313

896
402

472
479
488
536
537
538
545
546
547
560
561

565

566
568
569

5
5

5
5
5

14
14
14
14
14
14
14
14

14
14
14

XXX

INDEX TO EEP0RT8 OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA— COn tinned.

On bill (S. 1148) to provide a building site for the National Conserva-

torv of Music of America

On bill (S. 2217) to provide for the closing of apart of an alley in square

185 in the city of Washington, D. C

On bill (S. 2066) to provide for continuing the system of trank sewers

in the District of Columbia, etc

On bill (H. H. 7095) to provide for a national home for aged and infirm

colored people, etc

On bill (S. 1007) to authorize the Commissioners of the District of

Columbia to appoint a deputy coroner

COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR.

On bill (S. 346) to remove the bar of the statute of limitation and give
the right of appeal in certain cases

On amendment to bill (H. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry
civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1895, etc

COMMITTEE ON EPIDEMIC DISEASES.

On bill (S. 2280) to amend section 2 of an act approved February 15,
1893, entitled ''An act granting additionid quarantine powers and
imposing additional duties upon the Marine-Hospital Service ''

COMMITTEE ON FINANCE.

Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, with an appendix.

Fourth edition :

Imports and exports. American Colonies to Great Britain from 1697

to 1789, inclusive (parts 1 and 2)

Tariff comparisons

Collectors of customs, opinions of, concerning ad valoreo^ and specific

rates of duty on imports ,

Chemicals, oils, and paints. Replies to tariff inquiries

Chemical schedule. Replies to tariff inquiries

Imported merchandise for 1893

Earths, earthenware, and glassware. Replies to tariff iQ(][airie8

Metals and manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries

Woods and manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries.

Vol.

570
580
623
652
669

228
304

634

235

259
334

358
368
370

401
406
407
(412
<413
^415
418
419
421
422
423
424
426
427
428
429
430
1437
438
439
440
441
442
443
444
445
446
1451

INDEX TO BEPORT8 OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

XXXI

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON riKAXCE — conti lined.

Sugar. Beplies to tariff inquiiies.

Tobac«o and manoflEMstnres of. Replies to tariff inqairies.

A^enltokl products and provisioiiB. Replies to tariff inquiries

^irita^ winet, and other beverages. Replies to tariff inquires .

CottoD maonfactnres. Replies to tariff inquiries.

Flax, hemp, and Jute, «nd manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries .

Wool an4 manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries

Pulp, papers, and books. Replies to tariff inquiries

Comparison of the customs law of 1894 and the customs law of 1890,
▼ith rates of the Wilson bill (H. R. 4864) as it first passed the House

and of the Mills bill of 1888

Sugar Bchedule in the tariff bill of 1894

Tariff comparisons 1894. 1890. and 1888

SnndriM. Replies to tariff inquiries

Freeliat. Replies to tariff inquiries ,

Merchants. Replies t9 tariff inquiries

Farmers. Replies to tariff inquiries

Labor organi zations. Replies to tariff inquiries

Miflcellaseous. Replies to tariff inquiries

Coftoms law of 18S4 and comparison of the text of the tariff laws of

1890 and 1894 (parts 1 and 2)

Table of the average ad valorem rates under the tariff of 1883, Mills
bill of 1888, tariff of 1890 as it passed the House and also as amended
hj the Senate and passed Julj 2 (calendar day July 3) ; also statistical
tables showing imports of merchandise, with duties, under the
tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under bill H. R. 4864, as
passed by the House and Senate; imports and exports for the fiscal
year 1894; receipts and expenditures of the Goveniment, etc. (parts

land2)

Statiatical tables showing imports of oierchandise, with duties col-
lected under the tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under
bill H. R. 4864, as passed by the House and Senate; imports and ex-
ports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expenditures of the Gov-
ernment, etc. (part 2)

8utistics, tariff

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.

On Senate resolution that the Committee on Foreign Relations shall
inquire and report whether any, and, if so,what irregularities have
occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United
States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in
Hawaii, etc

On bill (S. 286) for the relief of the owners and crew of the Hawaiian

On bill (8. 4mI) forthereiief of Mary*A.*8^^^

559
603
698
701
702
703
704
705
706

707

708

708
J 709
J 710

227

231
319

13
15
15
15
15
16
16
16
16

17
17
17

1
1

XXXII

INDEX TO REPORTS OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

Snbjeot.

VoL

COMMITTER ON FORisiGif RELATIONS— Continued.

On bill (S. 756) for the applications of the accretions of the Caracas
awards of 1868 to the new awards made in 1889 and 1890

On bill (S. 1481) to amend the act entitled ''An act to incorporate the
Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua/' approved February 20,
1889

On bill (S. 1999) for the relief of Charles T. Russell

On bill (8. 1703) to provide for the disposal of the interest on the Vir-
ginius (indemnity fund

On Senat-e resolution in regard to the traffic in firearms and intoxi-
cants with the natives of the islands of New Hebrides by Europeans
and Americans

On bill (S. 2024) authorizing additional compensation to the assistant
commissioners to the Industrial Exhibition held at Melbourne,
Australia

COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS.

On bill (S. 1055) to carry into effect the findings of the Court of Claims
in the cases of Edward N. Fish and others, etc

On bill (S. 870) authorizing the issue of a patent to the Presbyterian
Board of Home Missions for certain lands on the Omaha Indian
Reservation for school purposes

On bill (H. R. 299) to extend the time for the construction of the
Choctaw Coal and Railway Company

On bill (8. 198) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to settle the
claims of the legal representatives of S. W. Marston, late United
States Indian agent at Union Agency, Indian Territory, etc

On bill (8. 99) to secure the relinquishment of the Indian title to a
portion of the Pyramid Lake Reservation in Nevada

On bill (8. 1403) to authorize the reconstruction of a bridge across the
Niobrara River, near the village of Niobrara, Nebr

On biU (S. 1467) to amend an act entitled ''An act to provide for the
sale of the remainder of the reservation of the Confederated Otoe
and Missonria Indians in the States of Nebraska and Kansas, etc. "..

On bill (8. 442) to ratify the agreement made with the Yankton tribe
of Sioux Indians in the State of South Dakota for the sale of their
surplus lands

On bill (S. 1458) granting to the Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Com-
pany a right of way through the Chippewa and White Earth Indian
reservations in Minnesota

On bill (S.661) for the relief of the Shawnee tribe or nation of Indians.

On bill (S. 646) for the relief of John O'Keane

On bill (S. 145) to authorize the Secretarv of the Interior to carry out
in part the provisions of an act to divide a portion of the reserva-
tion of the Sioux nation of Indians in Dakota into separate reserva-
tions, etc *

On bill (8. 1532) to ratify and confirm an agreement with the Southern
Ute Indians in Colorado, and to make the necessary appropriations
for carrying the same into effect

On bill (8. 1694) granting to the St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba
Railway Company the right of way through the White Earth, Leech
Lake, Chippewa, and Fond du Lac Indian reservations in Minnesota.

On bill (8. 1623) for the relief of William Hurt

On bill (H. R. 2710) for the relief of Jesse 8. Morrison

On bill (8. 1803) authorizing the construction of a wagon road on the
Hoopa Valley Indian Reservation, in the State of California, and
making appropriation therefor

On bill (8.934) for the relief of the Chapter of Calvary Cathedral,
Sioux Falls, 8. Dak

On bill (8. 1995) granting to the Eastern Nebraska and Gulf Railway
Company the right of way through the Omaha and Winnebago Indian
reservations

On bill (8. 1887) providing for opening the Uncompahgre and Uintah
Indian reservations

330

331
400

408
410
458

134

135
142

169
177
182

184

196

206
214
225

226

279

328
361
367

416
420

434
450

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

xxxni

Subject.

COMMITTEE OX INDIAN AFFAIRS— Continued.

Ob Joint resolntion (H. Ree. 140) to confirm the enlargement of the Red
Cliff Indian Reservation, in the State of Wisconsin, made in 1863. ..
Ob bill (S. 2153) for the relief of certain Winnebago Indians in Min-

Ob bill (H. R. 7335) to grant to the Arkansas, Texas and Mezicftn Cen-
tral Railway Company a right of way through the Indian Territory . .
• Od bill (S. 1585) authorizing the sale of timber on the Jicarilla Apache
Indian Reaerration for the benefit of the Indians belonging thereto. .

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIABT.

Qb bill (H. R. 288) to provide for two additional associate Justices of
the suprrme court of vhe Territory of Oklahoma, etc

On the bill (S. 655) to extend the jurisdiction of Justices of the peace
in the District of Columbia, and to regulate the proceedings before
them

On bill (8. 1414) to amend section 4 of an act entitled* " An act to define
the juriadiction of the police court of the District of Columbia''

On bill (S. 686) to amend an act entitled *'An act to divide the Judicial
district of North Dakota,'' etc

On bill (S. 1460) to amend an act entitled "An act to establish the
SnuUiaonian Institution for the increase and diffusion of knowledge
among men "

Ob bill (S. 1252) to amend an act entitled "An act to provide for the
times and places to hold terms of the United States courts in the
State of Washington"...

Ob bill (H. R. 5860) to amend sections 4, 6, and 10 of the act of Feb-
ruary 9y 1893, entitled "An act to establish a court of appeals for
the District of Columbia," etc

COMMITTEE ON MILITARY AFFAIRS.

Qb bill (8. 112) to provide for the construction of a military and com-
Biercial telegraphic line along the coast between Yaquina, on
Taqnina Bay, and Port Orford, to connect with Newport on Yaqnina
Bay, Alaea Bay, Florence on Siuslaw Bay, etc., in State of Oregon . . . .

Ob biU (S. 98) to establish a military post near the town of Reno, in
Washoe County, Nevada

Ob bill (8.731) for the relief of M^J. Gen. John C. Robinson, United
States Army, retired

Ob bill (8. 527) to construct a road to the national cemetery at Dover,
Tenn

0&biU(S.192) for the relief of Joseph W. Carmack

On bill ^8. 187) for the relief of Frederick Gramm

On bill (8. 191) for the relief of George A. Orr

0nbill(S.194)fortherelief of Napoleon B. Giddings

Ob bill (8. 193) for the relief of John 8. Neet, jr

Ob bill (8. 195) for the relief of Ezra 8. Havens

On bill (8. 176) granting the right of way to the Duluth and Manitoba
SailrcKad Company across the Fort Pembina Reservation in North
Dakota

Ob biU (8. 634) granting a right of way across the Scarboro Hill Mili-
tary Reservation to the Uwaco Railway and Navigation Company. . .

Ob bin (8. Ii89) for the relief of John M. Davis

Ob bill (8. 408) for the relief of William H. Atkins

Ob bill (8. 474) for the relief of Wells C.McCool

On bill (8.506) granting an honorable discharge to William Pierce

Od bill (8. 910) for the relief of Eunice Tripler, widow of Charles 8.

Tripler

Ob bill (S. 470) for the relief of George H. Jewett, of Arlington, Wash-
ington Connty, Nebraska

Ob bill (S. 467) for the relief of Brig. Gen. John R. Brooke, United
States Army

S. Bepte— 53— 2 ^m

No.

527

629

562

696

118

158
173
186

216

353

381

77
78
79
80
81
82
83

100

101

102

103

104

VoL

1
1
1

XXXIV

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON MiLiTAitY AFFAIRS— Continued.

On bill (S.469) for the relief of Adolph von Haake

On bill (8.468) to remove the charge of desertion atanding against
John W.Wacker

On bill (S. 179) authorizing the restoration of the name of Thomas H.
Carpenter, late captain Seventeenth Infantry, to the rolls of the
Army, etc I

On bill (S. 144) to correct the militiftry record of John W.Taylor

On bill (S. 104) for the relief of Gen. Napoleon J. T. Dana

On bill (S. 743) for the relief of the citizens of the States of Oregon,
Idaho, and Washington, who served with the United States troops in
the war against the Nez Forces and bannock and Shoshone Indians,
etc

On bill (S. 142) to remove the charge of desertion from William H. U.
Cook

On bill (S. 190) for the benefit of sundry persons residing in the vicin-
ity of JeflPerson Barracks, Mo

On bill (S. 898) for the creation of a "reserved list" of the Army o#
the United States

On bill (S. 407) making an appropriation for the improvement of the
road to the national cemetery near Pensacola, Fla

On joint resolution (S. R. 43) relieving the employees of the Record and
rension Office who were injured in the Ford's Theater disaster, etc.

On bill (S. 575) for the relief of Sarah K. McLean, widow of the late
Lieut. Col. Nathaniel H. McLean

On bill (S. 283) for the relief of Mary R. WUcox

On bill (S. 1209) to regulate enlistments in the Army of the United States .

On bill (S. 1312) fortherelief of the heirs of Charles B.Smith, deceased.

On bill (S. 812) for the relief of William R. Steinmetz

On bill (S. 322) to place Dunbar R. Ransom on the retired list of the

* Army

On bi|l (S. 1343) to remove the charge of desertion standing against
the name of Joseph G. Utter

On joint resolution (S. R. 61) providing for the adjustment of certain
claims of the United States against the State of Tennessee and cer-
tain claims of Tennessee against the United States «.

On bill (S. 573) for the relief Christopher Schmidt

On bill (S.857) to correct the military record of James McConnell

On bill (S. 1637) for the relief of Capt. John W. Pullman

On bill (S. 1526) for the relief of Henry Halteman

On bill (S. 33) to restore Eugene Wells to the Army

On bill (S. 1683) to authorize the Secretary of War to lend condemned
cannon and cannon balls to the association having in charge the
monument erected on Government land near Chicago, 111., to the
Confederate dead there buried

On bill (S. 829) granting an honorable discharge to Cyrus Payne

On bill (S. 11295) to reimburse the States of California, Oregon, and
Nevada for moneys by them expended in the suppression of the
rebellion

On bill rS.471) to relieve John Fried^n from the charge of desertion ..

On bill (S. 168) granting to the State of Wyoming certain lands in the
Fort D. A. Russell Military Reservation for agricultural fair and indus-
trial exposition grounds, etc

On bill (S. 1482) to relieve John Holbrook from the charge of desertion.

On bill (S. 1483) to correct the military record of Elisha B. Bassett

On bill (H. R. 3135) granting to the University of Utah a site off the
public domain

On bill (S. 925) granting an honorable discharge to John Russell

On bill (S. 1513) for the relief of Maj. Gen. George S. Greene

On bill (S. 837) for the relief of Albert Locke, alias Shipley

On bill (S. 1857) granting an honorable discharge to William B. Barnes.

On bill (S. 1644) relating to the detail of retired officers of the Army
at institutions of learning 1

On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of William B. Chapman, George W.
Street^ John W. HoeS| Emmet C. Tu thill, and Joseph H. Curtis

Vol.

106
106

107
108
109

110

111

112

114

115

117

126
127
151
152
168

180

199

245
246
260
261
262
263

272
28^

287
289

305
306
307

308
311
312
314
324

340

845

INDEX TO BEPOBTS OF 8ENATE COMMITTEES.

XXXV

Subject.

coMMmsE OK MILITARY AFFAIB8 — continned.

On UD (S. 747) granting to Ira Bacon, of Company A. Fifty-second

Sediment Inoiana V olnnteers, an additional bounty of $100

[ On biU (S. 274) makins an appropriation for the eetablishment of a

sstioDilpark near Florence, 8. C

i 0DbUl(8.629) for the reUef of William B. MUler

On bill ^8. 473) to remove the charge of desertion from the military

record of Jeremiah L. Daly

On bill (8. 1594) to remove certain disabilities of the late acting assist-
ant surgeons

On bill (8. 1273) for the relief of Bernard J.D. Irwin

On ioint resolution (S. R. 68) for the relief of W. D. Mack

On bill (8. 1077) for the relief of Henry Smith from the charge of de-
sertion

On bill (8. 1294) to remove the charge of desertion from the record of

Benjamin Hartley

On joint resolution (S. B. 45) granting a medal to Bvt. First Lieut. A.

Liebschutz

0nbiU(8. 1064) for the relief of Johial W. Bovd

On bill (8. 1298) to remove from the rolls of the Army the charge of

• desertion against Neil Fatten

On bill (8. 811) for the relief of F. Halverson French

On bill (8. 873) for the relief of Capt. Bobert McClermont

On bill (8. 1381) to provide for the restoration to the Society of the
Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volunteers two flags now in the

Wit Department

On bill (S. 1375) to remove the charge of desertion from the military

record of Jeremiah F. Brown

On amendments to bill (H. B. 5575) afl'ectin(|[ the appropriations for the
maintenance of the National Home for Disablea Volunteer Soldiers..

On bill (8. 1468) for the relief of James L. Townsend

On bill (H. B. 4961) panting certain rights over Lime Point Military

fieeerration, in California

On bill (8. 2070) to provide for the restoration to the State of Michigan
two flags carried by the Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volun-
teers and now in the War Department

On bill (H. B. 4671) to remove the charge of desertion standing against

the name of Joseph G. Utter

On bill (H.B.236) to amend section 4837 of the Bevised Statutes of

the United States as to soldiers' homes

On bill (S.1549) for the relief of William H. Hugo

On bill (S. 1528) to remove the charge of desertion from the military

record of George Weisel

On bill (S. 399) fur the relief of Bvt. Lieut. Col. J. Madison Cutts

On bill (H. B.4322) granting the use of certain land to the town of

Castine, Me., for a public park

On bill (S. 1688) for the relief of Enoch Davis

On bill (8. 528) for the relief of A. W. Wills, administrator

On bill (8. 636) granting the use of certain lands in Wallawalla County,
State of Washington, to the city of Walla Walla for a public park. ..
On bill {S. 1229) to correct the military record of George Whlttaker. ..
On bill (H. B. 1461) to remove the charge of desertion n'om the record

of Andrew L. Gmgett

On bill (S. 1601) granting an honorable discharge to James Coughlin,

of North Topeka, Eans ;.

On bill (S. 1866) for the relief Isaac L*. Musselman, of Tennessee

On bill (S. 1657) to remove the charge of desertion from the military

record of Henry C. Smith

On joint resolution (S B. 19) authorizing the Secretary of War to cor-
rect the military record of Capt. Edward Wheeler, Fifty-sixth New

York Tolnnteers

On bill (8. 1189) for the relief of Capt. Henry C. Seaman

On bill (S. 1675) to remove the charge of a dishonorable dismissal, after
the battle of Stone Biver, standing against the name of S. L. Wood-
wordi, to correct the record^ and iseae him an honorable dlBchaige..

359

360
363

369

373
376
385

386

390

391
392

393
394
395

397
435

480

482

483

591

608
609

5
5

5
5
5

5
5

5
5
5

5
6

490

520

525
526

14
14

531
533

14
14

555
556
557

14
14
14

558
563

14
14

564

583
584

14
14

610 \ li

XXXVI

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON MIUTABT AFFAIBS— Continued.

On bill (S. 1009) for the relief of telegraph operators dnring the war

of the rebellion

On bill (H. R. 2108) to perfect the military record of Warren Alonzo

Alden

On bill (H. R. 7419) for the constraction of a miKtary road from the

city of £1 Paso to Fort Bliss, Tex

On bill (U. R. 6405) to remove the charge of desertion standing against

Patrick Kelleher

On bill (U. R. 2582) to authorize the appointment of James William

Abort to the retired list of the Army

On bill (S. 2048) to authorize the appointment of James William Abort

to the retired list of the Army

On bill (H.R.868) for the relief of Charles B. Stivers

On bill (8. 2119) for the relief of Charles B. Stivers :

On bill (H. R. 2133) to correct the military record of Capt. E. M. Ives.. .
On bill (S. 1470) to relieve George L. Sullivan from the charge of de-
sertion

On bill (S. 1012) to correct the muster roll of J. Seymour Taylor

On bill (S. 1578) authorizing the Secretary of War to recognize Frank

D. Baldwin as lieutenant-colonel of the Nineteenth Michigan Infantry

Volunteers from the 15th day of May, 1865

On bill (S. 2255) for the relief of Capt. WilUam Fletcher, United States

Army

On bill (H. R. 3005) for the relief of George Isenstein

On bill (8. 2143) for the relief of Rufus Betz

On bill (H. R. 7515) granting the right of way through the Arlington

Reservation for electric railway purposes

On bill (S. 1558) for the correction of the military record of Capt. Joseph

H. Richards ,

On bill (S. 1858) to grant an honorable discharge to George S. Raymond.

On bill (H. R. 562) for the relief of Marlin Parks

On bill (H. R. 4686) to correct the military record of Alexander P.

Maeaan

On bill (S. 1770) to place Maj. Robert P. Barry on the retired list of

the Anny -

On bill (S. 2186) for the relief of the legal representatives of Orsemus

B.Boyd

On bill (8. 1556) to relieve Titus Priest from the charge of desertion. ..
On bill (8. 1793) to remove the charge of desertion from the military

record of Robert Roby

COMMITTEE ON NAVAL AFFAIRS.

On bill (S. 299) making an appropriation toward the construction of a

dock at the Portsmouth Navy- Yard

On bill (8. 1405) for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the

U. S. S. Despatch on Assateague Shoals, Virginia

On bill (S. 12:^8) for the relief of Charles W. Cronk

On biU (8. 2809) to promote the efficiencv of the Naval Militia

On bill (8. 943) for the relief of O. C. Badger

On bill (H. R. 5833) providing for the rescue of the armament and

wreck of the U. S. war ship Kearsarge

On bill (8. 826) to remit the penalties on the dynamite-gun cruiser

Veauviiis ^

On bill (H. R. 3202) donating condemned cannon to the St. Lawrence

State Hospital at Ogdensburg, N. Y

On bill (S. 864) to authorize the payment to Rear- Admiral John H.

Russell of the highest pay of his grade

On bill (8. 1438) for the relief of Louis A. Yorke

On bill (S. 1254) to permit Agnes A. Niver to bring suit against the

United States

On bill (8. 1201) for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the

U.S. 8. Tallapoosa

613

614

615

618

619

620
621
622
630

687
651

654

655
656
658

662

663
664
667

687

688

689
695

697

138

181
190
198
220

243

254

255

256
265

266

297

Iia)£X TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES. XXXVII

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON NAVAL AFFAIRS — COlltillUed.

On 1>iB (S. 1587) to open the naval leservation in Lafayette Connty,
Florida, to settlement and entry ....u..

On joint Teeolation.(S. R. 74) for the proper enrollment of Thomas R.
Proctor in the Navy of the United States

On biU (S. 1779) authorizing certain officers of the Navy to administer
oaths

On bill (S. 17S4) to amend section 3719 of the Revised Statutes

On bill (8. 967) to remit the penalties on gunboat No. 3, the Concord, and
gunboat No. 4, the Bennington

On bill (S. 1769) to establish an observatory circle as a provision for
ffoardin^ the delicate astronomical instruments at tbe United States
5aval Observatory against smoke or currents of heated air in iheir
neighborhood and undue vibrations from traffic upon the extension
of public thoroughfares in the vicinity, etc ,

On bill (H. R. 6321) authorizing certain officers of the Navy to admin-
ister oatiiB

On bill (8.1211) for the relief of Pay Inspector John H. Stevenson,
United States Navy

On bill (8. 1438) for the relief of Louis A. Yorke

On bill (8. 1464) for the relief of certain enlisted men in the Marine
Corps of the United States Navy

On bill (8. 1535) to correct the naval history of John C. Dull

On bill (8. 1063) for tbe relief of the estate of John Ericsson

On bill (H. R. 38) relating to the pay and retirement of mates in the
Navy

On bill (8. 1454) authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to transfer the
reproduction of the caravels of Columbus to the Columbian Museum
of Chicago

On bill (8.397) for the relief of Jerome £. Morse

On bill (8. 1713) to promote Commodore Louis C. Sartori, etc

oomcriTES on organization, conduct, and expenditures of the

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS.

On bOl (8. 1553) to regulate the making of property returns by officers
of tbe Ck>vemment

On bill (8. 1552) to repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the
United SUtes

On bill (H. R. 6948) to improve the methods of accounting in the
Department of the Treasury, and for other purposes

On amendment to bill (H. R. 7097) making appropriations for the legis-
lative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for fiscal
year ending June 30, 16B5

COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC RAILROADS.

On the sabject of an appro]>riation for the payment of the fees of coun-
sel employed by the Attorney-d'eneral to represent the interest of
tbe United Static in matters affecting the Pacific railroads

COMMITTEE ON PATENTS.

On bin (8. 1154) for the relief of the legal representatives of John C.
Howe, deceased

OOMMITFEE ON PENSIONS.

On bill CS. 1190) granting an increase of pension to David S. Corser. ..

On bill (S.435) granting the right to personally inspect and liave
attested copies of all evidence and reports filed or used in proceed-
ings to obtain a pension, etc. .*

On bill (S. 304) to increase pensions for loss of the sight of both eyes.

On bill (8. 1427) granting an increase of pension to Mrs. Helen G.
Hfliner... .••..-••

309

339

349
350

356

371

384

484
489

515
516
517

518

521
598
683

229

230
387

425

VoL

217

502

166
172

185

6
6

5
5

5
5
5

14
14
14

1
1
5

1
1

zxxym INDEX to reports of senate committees.

Subject.

COMMiTTSB ON PEK8I0KS— continued.

On bill (S.491) granting a pension to Alice K. Potter, widow of Gen.

Joseph H. Potter, deceased r

On bill (S. 1355) granting a pension to Mrs. Nicholas Henrich

On bill (S. 828) granting a pension to Julia £. Lock

On bill (H, R. 3218) granting an increase of pension to Jane Thompson.

On bill (H. R. 865) granting a pension to Elizabeth Voss ,

On bill (S. ) granting a pension to Andrew Franklin, alias Andrew

McKee

On bill (H. R. 5258) granting a pension to Hannah Lyons

On bill (8.1230) for the relief of Maria T.Karge

On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the payment of accrued pensions in cer-
tain cases

On bill (S. 1640) ^nting a pension to Otis Smith

On bill (8. 1117 ) tor the relief of William Loring Spencer

On bill (S. 1480) to codify and arrange the laws relating to pensions. ..
On bill (S. 879) granting a pension to Josephine F. Keltnn, widow of

Brig. Gen. J. C. Keltou, late Adjutant-General United States Army.
On bill (S. 1542) to amend section 4746 Revised Statutes of the United

States ,

On bill (S. 1490) granting a pension to Mollie Crandall ,. . ,

On bill (S. 1957) granting an increase of pension to Joseph W. Fisher

On bill (S. 1833) granting a pension to Hannah Howard

On bill (S. 237) granting a pension to Mrs. Ann Bradford, widow of

Daniel R. Bradford and mother of William K. Bradford ,

On bill (S. 1391; granting a pension to Mrs. Levenia D. Alton

On bill (S. 1508} granting an increase of pension to Helen L. Dent

On bill (S. 1956) granting an increase of pension to Mary Doubleday,

widow of Bvt. Maj. Gen. Abuer Doubleday

On bill (S. 1539) granting a pension to Josephine Foote Fairfax

On bill (H. R. 4720) granting a pension to Lucy Brown

On bill (S. 2088) granting a pension to J. M. Swift

On bill (H. R. 54^) to pension the minor children of Alfred T. Phipps..

On bill (H. R. 3076) granting a pension to George L. Frymire

On bill (S. 1935) granting a pension to Elizabeth EUery

On bill (S. 1584) granting a pension to John Eckland

On bill (H. R. 1463) granting a pension to Mrs. Lucinda C. Wheeler,

widow of John H. Wheeler : ,

On bill (H. R. 1196) granting a pension to Mary E. Trickey

On bill (H. R. 3033) granting a pension to Amanda J.rLane

On bill (H.R.3065) granting a pension to James Lane

On bill (H. R. 5020) granting a pension to Washington Hislop

On bill (H. R. 1313) granting an increase of pension to John Scott

On bill (S. 1686) granting a pension to Margaret English

On bill (H. R. 953) granting an increase of pension to Mary P. Brongh-

ton

On bill (H. R. 3309) granting a pension to Ambrose Giseburt

On bill (H. R. 6206) granting a pension to A. F. Neely

On bi]l(S. 1656) granting an increase of pension to Mary A. L. Eastman.
On bill (H. R. 3487) granting an increase of pension to Eliza K. Starr. ..

On bill (H. R. 1713) granting a pension to Marilla Tenney

On bill (H. R. 3840) granting a pension to Joel A. Walters

On bill (H. R. 5351) granting a pension to Celestia P. Hartt

On bill (H. R.4561) granting a pension to Harriet T. Vosburgh

On bill (8. 1948) granting a pension to Augustus G. Gary

On bill (H. R. 5374) granting a pension to Sarah Oddy

On bill (H. R. 6902) granting a pension to Mrs. Susie Conway

On bill (H. R. 3992) granting a pension to Julia Bews

On bill (H. R. 1717) granting a pension to Eliza Holmes

On bill (H. R. 856) granting a pension to John Stockwell

On bill (H. R. 3858) granting a pension to Mrs. Eliza B. Pierce

On bill (H.R.6213) granting pension to Harriet R. Tate

On bill (H. R.5816) granting a pension to Mary Ann Donoghue

On bill (H. R. 2996) for the relief of Mrs. E. S. Luke, widow of John L.

Luke

No.

VoL

189

205

207

218

219

239

244

253

316

318

321

387

351

352

355

375

378

382

398

403

405

404

409

464

' 5

495

504

534

535

540

541

542

543

544

551

554

567

572

573

575

576

577

578

579

582

590

592

593

594

595

596

607

611

612

625

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

XXXIX

Sabject.

OOMMITTKK ON PBN8ION8 — Continued.

On b£D (8. 2066) mnting a pension to Ada J. Sehwatka, widow of the
late Ldent. Frederick Schwatka

On bill (S. 16d2) granting a pension to William J. Murray

Ob bill (H. R. 4811) granting a pension to Mary Trimble

On bill (8. 2275) granting a pension to Elizabeth New, widow of Jethruw
New

On bill (8. 2032) granting a pension to Ida C. Martin

On bill (H. R. 47tj0) grautiiig a pension to Thankful Bobbins

On bill (H. R. 2920) granting a pension to John Maholm

On bill (S. 1018) granting a xieusion to Susan E. Cunniuffham

On bill ( H. R. 1214) granting a pension to 3annah Welch

On bill (U. R.7294) empowering fourth-class postmasters to adminis-
ter oaths zo pensioners 1

On bill (S. 1175) to lequire payment of pension money to wives in cases
where male pensioners desert or abandon their families, or are habit-
nal dmnkards^ or for any reason fail and neglect to support their
fsmiliea

On bill (8.1173) to grant service pensions

On the bill (S. 1969) granting a pension to Harrison C. Hobart

On bill (S. 253) granting a pension to Maria HaU, widow of Joseph
Doak, deceased

On bill (H. R. 5703) for the relief of Johanna Gleason

On bill (H. R. 4490) granting a pension to Henry C. Field

On bill (H. R. 6050) granting a pension to Margaret A. Woods

On bill (8. 501) granting apension to John P. Biehn

On bill (S. 1996) granting a pension to Mrs. Abby Jane Ward

On bill (S. 890) granting an increase of pension to George C. Abbey ..

On bill (S. 1383) granting a i^ension to Russell N. Reynolds

On bill (8. 1970) granting an increase of pension to William T. Walker.

On bill (H. R. 6228) granting a pension to Adaline J. Props

On bill (H. R. 6103) granting a pension, to Mary A. Menefee

On bill (H. R. 6361) granting a pension to Pauline J. Smith

On bill (H. R. 4290) granting a pension to Druzilla J. Rigg

On bill (H. R.7574) to amend section 3 of an act entitled "An act
granting a pension to soldiers and sailors who are incapacitated for
the perfbrmance of manual labor, and providing for pensions to
widows^ minor children, and dependent parents/' approved June 27,
1890

On the bill (H. R. 898) granting a pension to Jesse Davenport

COMMITTBB ON POST-OFFICES AND POST-ROADS. ,

On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods of accounting in the Post-

Offioe Department, and for other puqioses

On bill (S. 1063) for the relief of the legal representatives of George

IC Otis doc^ased
On bill (S. 1022) for the 'relief of wVH.LfPeppere^^^^^
On bill (S.544) to reclassify and fix the salaries of railway postal

clerks «

On bill (8. 349) for the relief of Thomas Chambers

On bill (S. 200) for the relief of Moses Pendergrass, of Missouri

On bill (S 199) for the relief of E.R.Shipley

On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal representatives of John

Wightman, deceased

On biil(8. 460) for the relief of Bryan Tyson

On bill (8. 2065) to prevent the carrying of obscene literature and

articlea deaiKned for indecent and immoral use from one State or

Territory into another State or Territory

On bill (6. 386) for the relief of the legal representatives of John

Wightman. deceased

On bul (8. ^281) to authorize the Postmaster-General to credit the

aseonnt of Jamea A. Sexton with amount of funds stolen

626
627
635

636
640
641
642
643
644

645

679
685

167

176
188

213
215
268
268

270
277

476
552
648

Vol.

14
14
14

14
14
14
14
14
14

646

647

649

653

660

661

668

670

671

672

673

674

675

676

677

678

14
14

5
14
14

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMITTEE ON PRINTINO.

On Senate resolation to print and bind for use of Senate, 1,200 copies
of Senate Ex. Docs. Nos. 45, 57, 76, and 77 of second session of
Fifty-second Congress, relating to the Hawaiian Islands ,

On resolution to print 4,000 copies of the new edition of the Senate
election cases .,

On resolution authorizing the printing and binding of 8,000 copies of
eulogies delivered in Congress upon Hon. J. Logan Chipman

On resolution authorizing the printing and binding of 8,000 copies of
eulogies delivered in Congress upon Hon. William Mutchler

To accompany letter of the Treasurer of the United States, transmit-
ting accounts settled by his office with the First Comptroller for
fiscal year ended June 30,1893

On resolution to print 1,500 copies of part 1 and 2,800 copies of part 2
of the report of the Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey.

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the Thirteenth Annual Report of
the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology

On resolution to print 8,000 extra copies of the report of the Commis-
sioner of Fish and Fisheries for fiscal year ended June 30, 1893

On bill (S. 1137) to provide for the printing of the report of the Joint
Committee of Congress on the centennial celebration of the laying
of the comer stone of the Capitol, etc

On resolution to print 10,000 additional copies of the reports of the
Smithsonian Institution and the National Museum for the year end-
ing June 30, 1893, etc

On resolution to print for use of Senate copies of all papers and

messages sent to Congress by the President since January 1, 1893,
relating to Hawaiian affairs

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the document entitled Imported
Merchandise Entered for Consumption in th^ United States during
the years 1890 to 1893

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of eulogies delivered in Congress
upon Hon. Leland Stanford

On resolution to print 6,000 copies of Senate Report No. 2130, Fifty-
first Congress, second session, relating to rates of duty on imports
into the United States from 1789 to 1890, inclusive, etc

On resolution to print copies of Report 227 from Committee on

Foreign Relations

On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies
delivered in Congress upon William Lilly

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 15.500 copies of the Four-
teenth Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological
Survey, etc

On House concurrent resolution for the printing of 12,000 copies of the
Statistical Abstract for the United States for 1893, etc '

On joint resolution (H. Res. 139) for the printing of 500,000 copies of
the Agricultural Report, 1893, etc

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 5,000 copies of Senate Mis.
Doc. No. 77, being memorial of the National Woolgrowers' Associa-
tion

On Senate concurrent resolution to print and bind 10,000 copies of the
proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, held in Washington,
D. C, September, 1893

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 5,000 additional conies of the
fourth edition of the document entitled Coinage Laws of tne United
States, 1792 to 1894, etc

On Senate resolution to print 1,000 copies of Senate Mis. Doo. No. 95,
entitled a Solution of the Labor Problem

On Senate order to bind 200 copies of Report 334, being a comparison
of bill (H. R. 4864) and existing law

On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies
delivered in Congress on the late W. H. Enochs

On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth 1,500 copies of
the annual report of the Health Officer of the District of Columbia, etc .

98
119
132
133

140
141
154
155

160

167

222

223
236

237
238
273

274
276
290

294

310

317
320
343
347
365

VoL

5
5
6

INDEX TO BEP0BT8 OF SEJTATB COMMITTEES.

XLI

Subject.

COMMiTTEK ON PAINTING— Continued.

On Senate resolntion to print 5,000 copies of Senate Beport No. 331
reUtiTe to tbe Nicarauga Canal^eto

On Senate resolution to authorize Committee on Agriculture and For-
estry to haTe printed so mnch asnecesbary of the evidence and other
information relating to condition of agriculture

On House concurrent resolution to print 11,000 copies of a special
report of Bureau of Statistics

On senate concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies
deliTered in Congress upon Hon. Bandall Lee Gioson

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 40,000 additional copies of
the Ninth Annual Beport of the Commissioner of Labor, relating to
building and loan associations

On Senate resolution to print the evidence taken in relation to the
personnel of the Navy, etc

On bill (H. B. 7072) to amend section 3816 of the Bevised Statutes

On House concurrent resolution to print 5,500 copies of the annual
leport of the Chief of the Weather Bureau, for year ended June
90,1893

Ob House eoneurrent resolution to print 10,000 extra copies of the
report of ttie Director of the Mint, etc

On House resolution to print 4,000 extra copies of the special report of
the select committee of the Medical Society of the District of Colum-
bia on typhoid and malarial fevers, etc

On House concurrent resolution to print 35,000 copies of the report of
the Commissioner of Education for 1891 and 1892

On joint resolutions (S. B. 76 and 85) providing for the printing of the
proceedings of Tribunal of Arbitration at Paris

On Senate resolution to j^rint 2,000 copies of Senate Beport No. 133,
rating to the University of the United States

Oil bill (H. B. 2650) relating to collation and systematic reenactment
of the numerous provisions of preexisting law regulating the public
printin g and bindin g, etc •

(!)n Senate concurrent resolution to print 1,000 extra copies of Senate
Mis. Doe. No. 200, relating to the salmon fisheries of the Columbia
Btver Basin

On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth 6,000 copies
of the annual, special, and veto messages, proclaYiiations, and inau-
gvral addresses of the Presidents of the United States from 1789 to
18B4, inclusive

On Senate resolution to print500 copies of £x. Doc. No. 445, first session
of Fifty-first Congress, beinjs^ report of a board of sanitary engineers
upon ^e sewerage of the District of Columbia

On joint resolution (S. B. 91) for the printing of 2)000 copies of a digest
of laws and decisions relating to the appointment, salary, and com-
pensation of officers of UnitMl States courts

On joint resolution (8. B. 99) to compile and publish the laws relating
to street raUway mnchises in the District of Columbia

On letter fit>m Anson Q. McCook relating to index to private claims. ..

Od Senate resolution to print in pamphlet form for the use of Senate
15,000 copies of the bill H. B. 4864

On House concurrent resolution to print 23,000 copies of the Tenth
Aminal Beport of the Civil Service Commission, etc

On Senate resolution to print 500 extra copies of the Annual Beport of
the Librarian of Congress for the year 1893

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 60,000 copies of the Compari-
son of the Tariff JLawB of 1890 and 1894, etc

COMMITTES ON PBIYATB LAND CLAIMS.

On bin (8. 1076} to release a certaiuvlimitation existing in an act of
Coogress'tonchiD^ the episcopal Church at St. Augustine, Fla

^ bin (S. 447) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to issue a
ioplicsteof a certain land warrant to Emma A. Bipley

366

372
379
380

383

587

604

605

VoL

195
211

5
5
5

388
411

431

498

499

500

505

571

574

581

680
682

14
14

691

692

699

700

1
1

XLII

INDEX TO REPOBTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

COMMTTTEB ON PBIVILBOB8 A3XD XUECTIOIIB.

On bill (H. B. IXSSi) to repeal the statntes relating to supenrisors of
elections and special deputy marshals, etc. (part 1)

On bill (H. R. ^1) to repeal the statutes relating to saperrisors of
elections and special depu ty marshals, etc. (part 2, views oi minority) . .

COMMITTBB ON PCBUC BUILDINGS AND OBOUND8.

On bill (S. 1462) to proTlde additional aooommodations for the Gov-
ernment Printing Office

On bill (S. 2293) to provide for the improvement of the building and
grounds of the United States court and post-ofiice at Little Rock,
Ark

COMMITTBB ON PUBLIC LANDS.

On bill (H. E. 866) to authorize the Secretarv of the Interior to reserve
from sale certain lands in the abandoned f\)rt Cummings Military
Reservation, etc

On bill (H. R. 4859) for the relief of certain Settlers upon the Iowa
Reservation in Oklahoma

On bill (S. 67) to amend an act entitled ''An act for the relief of cer-
tain settlers on the public lands ; and to provide for the repayment
of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on void
entries of public lands''

On bill (S. 160) to fix the price of lands entered under the desert-land
lavrs

On bill (S. ioSTrfOTthe riiiVf of" WUliam r! Wheaton an^^^ Charles H.
Chamberlain, of California ,

On bill (S. 1057) for the relief of William R. Wheaton and Charles H.
Chamberlain, etc. (part 2, views of minority)

On bill (S. 1105) for the relief of Albert Redstone

On bill (S. 1649) providing for the survey of the land described in
the grant to Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road
Company, in the State of Oregon

On bill (8. 1583) for the relief of Wesley Montgomery

On bill (S. 679) for the location and satisfaction of outstanding mili-
tary bounty land warrants and certificates of location under section
3 of the act approved June 2, 1858

On bill (S. 1834) to require patents to be issued to land actually settled
under act entitled ''An act to provide for the armed occupation and
settlement of the unsettled part of the peninsula of Florida," ap-
proved August 4, 1842

On bill (S. 819) providing for the survey of the lands described in act
of Congress approved July 5, 1866, etc

On bill (S. 1591) to provide for the reservation, sale, and settlement of
certain lands in several of the States and Territories

On bill (H. R. 5065) to ratify the reservation of certain lands made for
the benefit of Oklahoma Territory, etc

On bill (S. 1433) granting the Hot Springs Water Company a site for
a reservoir for cold water upon the permanent reservation at Hot
Springs

On bill (H. R. 3458) extending time for final proof and payment on lands
claimed under the public land laws of the United States

On bill (H. R. 6080) to donate the military reservation at Oklahoma
City, in Oklahoma Territory, to said cit^ for free public schools, etc.

On bill (H. R. 7334) to sell certain lands lu Montgomery County, Ar-
kansas, to the Methodist Episcopal Church South

On bill (H. R.6969) for the relief of Benjamin F. Poteet

On bill (S. 1590) to validate outstanding soldiers' additional homestead
certificates, etc

On bill (H. R. 4952) to amend soctitm 2455 of the Revised Statutes of
the United States

113
113

170
659

121
137

171

192

203

203
258

282
291

296

299
301
332
333

344

607

508

509
532

539

638

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

XLIII

Sabjeot.

Vol.

coMMirna on pubuo i.4ND0— oontinaed.

Ob bill (H.K.4342) directing the Secretary of the Interior to make
certain investigations eoBccming the consolidation of land districts
in California, etc

On bill (H.R.4667) to provide for the opening of certain abandoned
military reaervations, etc

On bill (8.2038) for the relief of Oklahoma settlers

COMMITTBE ON TERRIT0RIS8.

On bill (H. R. 4449) fixing the limit of indebtedness which may be

incurred by Salt Lake Cit^

On bill (8. 1^) to provide for the punishment of offenses committed

in the Yellowstone National Park

On bill (H. R. 352) to enable the people of Utah to form a constitution

and State government and be admitted into the Union on an equal

footing with the original States

On bill (H.R.5293) concerning leases in the Yellowstone National

Park

On bill (H. R. 363) to provide for the admission of the Territory of

Kew Mexico into the Union , etc ^

On bill (H. R. 4393) to provide for the admission of the State of Ari-

soaa into the Union, etc

SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE FIVE CIVIUZED TRIBES OF INDIANS.

On Senate resolution directing the Committee on the Five Civilized
Tribes of Indians to inquire into the present condition of the Five
Civilized Tribes of Indians and of the white citizens dwelling among
them, etc

SELECT COMMITTEE TO ESTABLISH THE UNIVERSITY OF THE UNITED

STATES.

On bill (8. 1706) to establish a national university

SELECT COMMITIEE ON FORD THEATER DISASTER.

On the amendment to the bill (H. R. 5575) relating to the Ford Theater
disaster

JOINT COMMISSION OF CONGRESS TO INQUIRE INTO THE STATUS OF
LAWS ORGANIZING THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS.

On bill (S. 1260, same as H. R. 4610) to improve the methods of ac-
counting in the Post- Office Department, and for other purposes

On bill (d. R. 4^10) to amend section 407 of the Revised Statutes so as
nqnire original receipts for deposits of postmasters to be sent to the
Auditor of the Treasury for the Post-Omce Department

On bill (S. 1552. same as H. R. 5529) to repeal section 311 of the Revised
Statutes of the United States

On bill (S. 1553, same as H. R. 5530) to regulate the making of property
returns by officers of the Government

On bill (S. 1738) to improve the methods for auditing the accounts of
eastoms officers, etc

On bill (S. 1S31) to improve the methods of accounting in the Treasury
Depaitment

For toe payment of money out of the Treasury, report of the experts
of the eommiaaioii recommending a change in the form of the war-
rant

Old money orders, report of the experts of the commission concerning
the disposi ti on of - - - •••;-'

hitenistional money orders, reports from experts of the commission

iMofflmendin^ di»oontinuance of certain statistics relating to

* Bound with vbL 2, first aesaion. Fifty-third Congress.

&50
681

194

2a5

414

548

628

629

877

433

628

(•)

116

200

201

240

293

447

448

449

\ ^

XLIV

INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

Subject.

SPECIAL COHMITTEB TO INVE8TIOATB ATTEMPTS AT BBIBERT, ETC.

On Senate resolation to inrestigate attempts at bribery

On Senate resolution to investigate attempts at bribery (parts 1, 2, 3).

On Senate resolution to iurestigate attempts at bribery.

JOINT COMMITTEE TO EXAMINE ACCUMULATIONS OF FILES IN THE

POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT.

On report of Postmaster-General in respect to accumulation of old
papers, etc., in the Post-Office Department

Vol.

10
10

> 10

BEPORTS OF COMMITTEES, BY WHOM MADE, AND FROM WHAT

COMMITTEE.

COMMITTXB ON AGRICULTURB AlTD FORE8TBT. Ko.

BjMr.Peffer 267,271

^Mr. Hansbrough 202

COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS.

BfMr.Cockrell : 606,510,589,597

SjMr. CaU 278,501

StMt. Gonnaii 503,524

By Mr. Blackburn 470,471,481

ByMr.Brice 399

COMMITTEE ON CLAIMS.

By Mr. Pasco 95, 96, 129, 190, 139, 178, 183, 221,224, 252, 292, 300, 826, S27, 346, 857,

37^,522,523,530,550,585,586,588,601,631,657,665,666,684,698,694

BjMr. Cafferv 163,478,632

By Mr. McLaurin 497,633

By Mr. Berry 176

By Mr. Daniel 159,257,283,284,288,341,342,432,653

^ Mr. Allen 848

By Mr. Mitchell, of Oregon 73, 162, 163, 164, 187, 191, 241, 242, 275, 302, 303, 829,

354,3^,602,686,690

By Mr. Stewart 92,165,193,197,232,233,280,298,316

ByMr. Peffer 91,128,161,338,432,514,549,599

ByMr. Patton 600

ByMr. DaTls 208,209

COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE.

ByMr. Ransom 519

ByMr. White, of Lonisiana 204

By Mr. White, of CaUforuia 364,417,616,617

By Mr. Frye 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 212,326, 382,459

ByMr. Washbom : 322,323,335,336,496

COMMITTEE ON THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

By Mr. Fanlkner 97,122,123

^Mr. Gibson 250,652

^Mr. Hunton 538,565

ByMr. Martin 124,125,136,281,286,568,569,570

^Mr. McMillan 87,88,120,247,248,402,479,536,537,560,561,580

By Mr. GalliD^er 156,249,251,313,472,566,669

^Mr. Proctor 90,94,131,174,234,264,396,488,645,646,547,623

COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR.

ByMr. Kyle 304

ByMr. Lodge 228

COMMITTEE ON EPIDEMIC DISEASES.

ByMr.Gallinger 634

ZLV

XLVI INDEX TO REPOBTB OP SENATE COMMITTEES.

OOMMITTBX ON FINAKCX.

Vow

By Mr. Yoorheea 235, 259, 834, 858, 368, 870, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413,

415, 418, 419, 421, 422, 423, 424, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 437, 438, 439, 440,
441, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 460, 461, 462, 463,
465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 473, 474, 475, 491, 4£^, 493, 494, 511, ^12, 513, 559

By Mr. Harris 603,698,701,702,703,704,705,706,707,708,709,710

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.

By Mr. Morgan 227,331 1

ByMr. Turpie 330,408,410 1

By Mr. Daniel 319 ^

ByMr. Frye 400 :

ByMr. Dolph 458

ByMr. Davis 231

COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS.

By Mr. Jones, of Arkansas 169

ByMr. Roach 279

ByMr. Blanchard 416,420,529

ByMr. Allen 182,434,562

ByMr. Stewart 177,361 *

ByMr. Piatt 134,142

ByMr. Manjlerson 135,184,206 \

ByMr. Pettigrew 225,226,328

ByMr. Shoup 196,214,367,450,527,696

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY.

ByMr. Vilas 118

Bv Mr. Wilson 353

By Mr. Piatt 216

By Mr. MitcheU, of Oregon 158,173,186,381

COMMITTEE ON MILIT^RT AFFAIRS.

ByMr. Walthall 74,75,76,114,115,117,151

By Mr. Bate 77, 311, 314, 324, 359, 397, 483, 556, 557, 583, 584, 614, 615, 630,

654, 687, 688, 689

By Mr. Cookrell 78,79,80,81,82,83,84,85,86,112,245,285,308,390,391

ByMr. Palmer 533,608,609,610,656,662

By Mr. Mitchell, of Wisconsin 127,260,360,480

By Mi. Pasco 345, 363, 376, 386, 531, 563, 591, 637, 651, 663, 664, 667, 695, 697

ByMr. Hawley 180,312,482,490,555,558,613

By Mr. Manderson . 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 152, 246, 262,

. 263, 272, 289, 305, 340, 369, 385, 435, 525, 526, 564, 618, 619, 620, 621, 622, 658
By Mr. Davis 126, 168, 199, 261, 287, 306, 307, 373, 392, 393, 894, 395,520, 655

COMMITTEE ON NAVAL AFFAIRS.

By Mr. McPherson 349,350,371 (for Mr. Gibson), 884

By Mr. Butler 190 (for Mr. McPherson), 265, 266, 809

By Mr. Blackburn , 254,356

By Mr. Gibson 220,243,683

By Mr. Camden 484

By Mr. Hale 138,181,297,489,618

By Mr. Perkins 198,255,256,521

By Mr. McMillan 515,516,517,598

By Mr. Proctor 339

COMMITTEE ON ORGANIZATION, CONDUCT, AND EXPENDITURES OF THE SXECUTIVR

DEPARTMKXT8.

ByMr. Proctor 229,280,887

By Mr. Lodge 425

COMMITTEE ON PACIFIC RAILROADS.

ByMr. Faulkner 217

INDEX TO BEPOBTB OF SENATE COMMITTEES. XLVU

COMUITT8K ON PATENTS. Ko.

9y Mr. Dixon 602

COMMITTEE ON PENSIONS.

Bj Mr. Palmer 166, 207, 218, 219, 239, 837, 351, 352, 37S, 382, 398, 409, 501, 541, 542

543, 5U, 577, 578, 579, 593, 594, 595, 596, 611, 612, 661, 675, 676, 677, 678, 679

BjMr. Brice 561,670,671,672,673,674

ByMr. Yilaa 590,649

ByMr. Peffer 316,495,572,573,592,640,646,647

ByMr. Shonp 355,378,403,685

By Mr. GaUinger 89, 172, 189, 205, 244, 318, 321, 464, 534, 535, 540, 567, 582, 607, 625,

626, 627, 635, 636, 641, 642, 643, 644 (645 for Mr. Paluier), 653, 660, 668

ByMr. Hawley .* 404,405,554

^Mr. Quay 185,253,575,576

COMMITTEE ON POST-OFFICES AND POST-ROADS.

By Mr. Vilas 157,476,648

ByMr. Mills 268,269

ByMr. Hunton 270,552

^ Mr. Mitchell, of Oregon 176

By Mr. McMillan 213,215,277

ByMr. Wolcott 188

COMMITIES ON PRINTING.

By Mr. Gorman ... 96, 119, 132, 133, 140, 141, 154, 155, 160, 167, 222, 223, 236, 237, 238, 273,
274, 276, 290, 294, 310, 317, 320, 343, 347, 365, 3 6, 372, 379, 380, 383, 388,
498, 499, 600, 506, 571, 574, 581, 587, 604, 605, 680, 682, 691, 692, 699, 700

By Mr. Manderson 411,431

COMMITTEE ON PRIVATE LAND CLAIMS.

ByMr. Hale 211

ByMr. Pasco 195

COMMnTBB ON PRIYILE6E8 AND ELECTIONS.

By Mr. Vance (parti) 113

ByMr. Chandler (part 2, views of minority) 113

COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND OROrNDS.

By Mr. Vest : 170

ByMr.Brice 659

COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC LANDS.

ByMr. Berry 137,344,638

ByMr. Pasco 203 (part 2), 299, 507. 509, 532, 650

ByMr. Vilaa 681

ByMr. Martin 282,301,333,508,539,639

By Mr. Allen 291

ByMr.DoIph 171,203

By Mr. Pettigrew 258

By Mr. Carey 121,192,296,332

COMMITTEE ON TERRITORIES.

By Mr. Fanlkner 194,414,548,629

By Mr. Blackburn 628

By Mr. Carey 296

SKLXCT COMMITTEE OK THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES OF INDIANS.

Bylfr.TeUer 377

SILKGT COMMITTEE TO ESTABLISH THE UNIVERSITY OF THE UNITED STATES.

Bylfr.Hnnton 433

XLVm INDEX TO REPORTS OF SENATE COMMITTEES.

8ELBCT COMMITTEE OX FORD THEATER DISASTER.

By Mr.Manderson ..^ 628

JOINT COMMISSION OF CONGRESS TO INQUIRE INTO THE STATUS OF LAWS

OROANIZINQ THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS.

ByMr.Cockrell 93, 116, 200, 201, 240, 293, 447, 448, 449*

SPECIAL COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE ATTEMPTS AT BRIBERT, ETC.

By Mr. Gray 436,457,477,487,606,824

By Mr. Davis 485,486

JOINT COMMITTEE TO EXAMINE ACCUMULATIONS OF FILES IN THE POST-OFFICB

DEPARTMENT.

ByMr.VUas 179

*AJ1 boiud with ToL 8, tnt MMion Fifty-ihird CongroM.

53d Cokgkess, ) SENATE. ( Bepobt

2dSeuum. ] \ Ko.227.

IS THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.

Febbuabt 26, 1894.— Ordered to be printed*

Mr. Morgan submitted the following rex)ort irom the Oommittee on

Foreign Relations:

The following resolution of the Senate defines the limits of the
antbority of the committee in the investigation and report it is required
to make:

^^Re^olvedj That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and
report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the
diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii
in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end
said committee is authorized to send lor persons and papers and to
administer oaUis to witnesses."

The witnesses were examined under oath when it was possible to
secnre their appearance before the committee, though in some instances
affidavits were taken in Hawaii and other places, and papers of a scien-
tific and historic character will be appended to this report and pre-
sented to the Senate for its consideration.

The committee did not call the Secretary of State, or any person con-
nected with the Hawaiian Legation, to give testimony. It was not
thought to be proper to question the diplomatic authorities of either
government on matters that are, or have been, the subject of negotia-
tion between them, and no power exists to authorize the examination
of the minister of a foreign government in any proceeding without his
consent.

The resolutions include an inquiry only into the intercourse between
the two governments, and regard the conduct of the officers of the
United States as a matter for domestic consideration in which Hawaii
is not concerned, unless it be that their conduct had some unjust and
improper infiuence upon the action of the people or Government of that
country in' relation to the revolution.

The future x>olicy of the two gove^rnments as to annexation, or in
respect of any other matter, is excluded by the resolutions from the
consideration of the committee, and such matters are alluded to only as
being incidental to the investigation which was ordered by the Senate.

The inquiry as to irregularities tliat may have occurred in our diplo-
matic or other intercourse with Hawaii must relate, first, to the con-
duct of the Government as shown in its official acts and correspondence;
and, second, the conduct of its civil and military officers while they
were engaged in the discharge of ^ their public duties and functions.

As a Government dealing with Hawaii and with any form of govern-
ment in that country, whether de fa4:io or de jurcy the United States
can have no separation or break in its line of policy corresponding to

2 HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

any change iu the incumbency of the office of President. It is in
all respects as much the same Oovernment in every right and resx)on-
sibility as if it had been under the same President during the entire
period covered by the recent revolution in Hawaii and the succeeding
events.

This view of the situation will enable us to examine more dispas-
sionately the conduct of our Government, and to ascertain whether it
has been such that it can be safely drawn into precedent in any future
questions that may arise in our intercourse with this or other Ameri-
can governments.

The right of the President of the United States to change his opin-
ions and conduct respecting a course of diplomatic correspondence
with a foreign government is no more to be questioned than his right
to institute such correspondence i^and it can not be assumed that the
opinions of one President, difiering from those of his predecessor, has
any other eftect upon the attitude of the Government than would fol-
low a change of opinion in the mind of the same person if there had
been no change in the incumbency of the office. This is a view of
the situation in which all foreign nations may have an interest, under
the usages of independent powers and the international laws. But
the question now under consideration is regarded as being peculiar to
what we may term the American system. It may be true that Hawaii
can not be considered as a separate and independent power in respect
of all its relations with the United States, yet the acts of successive
Presidents of the United States which affect it must be regarded as the
acts of one Resident. But there are many good reasons and a long
and consistA) course of dealing between the United States and Hawaii
that materiaUy affect, if they do not entirely change, the actual rela-
tions between Hawaii and the United States and make them excep-
tional. "When we claim the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of
(Hawaii, as we would not interfere with those of a European nation, we
must also admit her right to whatever advantages there may be in the
closeness and interdependence of our relations, and her right to ques-
tion us as to any conflicts of policy between Mr. Harrison and Mr.
Gleveland that may be justly said to work a disadvantage to the inter-
ests of Hawaii, if there are any.

And another principle which does not apply in our dealings with
European powers comes into application in this case to influence the
rights of Hawaii in her intercourse with the United States.

Hjaw^ is an American state, and is embraced in the American com-
mercial and military system. This fact has been frequently and firmly
stated by our Government, and is the ground on which is rested that
peculiar and fjEU*-reaching declaration so often and so earnestly made,
that the United States wiU not admit the right of any foreign govern-
ment to acquire any interest or control in the Hawaiian Islands that is
in any way prejudicial or even threatening toward the interests of the
United States or her people. This is at least a moral suzerainty over
Hawaii In this attitude of the two Governments, Hawaii must be
entitled to demand of the United States an indulgent consideration,
if not an active sympathy, when she is endeavoring to accomplish what
every other American state has achieved — ^the release of her people
from the odious antirepublican r^gim^ which denies to the people the
right to govern themselves, and subordinates them to the supposed
divine right of a monarch, whose titie to such divinity originated in
th«» most slavish conditions of pagan barbarity.

The paint at whicb. it is alleged that there was a questionable inter-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 3

•

ference by onr minister aud onr INavy with the affairs of Hawaii was
the landing of troops from the ship Boston in Honolulu on the 16th
day of January, 1893, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. That ship, on
which the minister was a passenger, had been oif on a practice cruise
at Hilo, a distance of nearly 100 miles, since the 4th day of January.
On her retarn to the harbor a condition of affairs existed in Honolulu
which led naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil com-
motion would ensue, in which the x>^ace and security of American
citizens residing in that city would be put in peril, as had been done
on three or more separate occasions previously when changes occurred
or were- about to occur in the government of Hawaii. Whatever we
may conclude were the real causes of the situation then present in
Honolulu, the fact is that there was a complete paralysis of executive
government in Hawaii. The action of the Queen in an effort to over-
turn the constitution of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience and
support, had been accepted and treated by a large and powerful body
of the people as a violation of her constitutional obligations, revolu-
tionary in its character and purposes and that it amounted to an act
of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and the rights of the
people under the constitution of 1887 were concerned. This state of
opinion and this condition of the executive head of the Hawaiian
Government neutralized its power to protect American citizens and
other foreigners' 'in their treaty rights, and also their rights under the
law^ of Hawaii. There was not in Honolulu at that time any efficient
executive iK>wer through which the rights of American citizens
residing there could be protected in accordance with the local laws.
It is evident that the Queen's Government at that time had no power
to prevent the landing of troops from any quarter, no power to protect
itself against invasion, no power to conduct civil government, so far
as the executive was concerned, if the effort to exert such power was
antagonized by any opposing body of people in considerable numbers.
Indeed, no effort seems to have been made to exert the civil authority
except through the presence of a small and inefficient body of police-
men. The authority of the Queen was not respected by the people; it
was opi)osed, and no force appeared to be used for the purpose of
overcoming the opposition. It yielded to a silent but ominous opposi-
tion. Without reference to the question whether, in strict law, the
action of the Queen in her effort to overturn the constitution of 1887,
and to substitute one by a proclamation which she had prepared, was a
revolution in government, or an effort at revolution, or amounted to
an actual abdication, the result was that an interregnum existed.

If we give full effect to the contention that this interregnum occurred
because of the apprehensions of the Queen that force would be used by
the United States to compel her abdication, those apprehensions could
not have occurred before the landing of the troops from the Boston, or,
if they existed, they were idle, unfounded, and unjust toward the
United States. It was her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large
portion of them, that paralyzed the executive authority and left the
citizens of the United States in Honolulu without the protection of any
law, unless it was such as should be extended to them by the American
minister, in eoiyunction with the arms of the United States then on
board the Boston.

It will appear hereafter in this report that there is well-settled author-
ity for the position that at the moment when the Queen made public
her decision to absolve herself from her oath to support the constitution
of 1887 her abdication was complete, if the people chose so to regard
ii That constitation and the Queen's oatb to support it was the OBiy

4 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

foundation for her regal authority and, when she announced that her
oath was annulled in its effect upon her own conscience, she could no
longer rightfully hold office under that constitution. In such matters
the word of the Queen, once sedately uttered, fixes a ^condition that is
irrevocable, unless by the consent of those whose condition or rights
would be injuriously affected by its subsequent withdrawal ; as in the
case of a voluntary abdication in favor of a named successor; or of a
pardon granted to a person accused or convicted of crime; or the sig-
nature to a legislative act, or declaration of war. The official act of
the chief executive of a nation is uniformly regarded as creating a con-
dition or status which can not be altered or revoked at pleasure. In-
deed, in every case, the word of the king that works a change in exist-
ing conditions is the final act of the king. In the crime of treason and
the misprision of treason, the word that is spoken by the culprit, though
quickly repented of or recalled, has completed the crime and placed
the offender beyond the reach of all mercy except that of the sovereign
power. In this instance the sovereign power to pardon or condone the
Queen's offense resided in the people, and they have so far decided and
have adhered to the decision that her abdication was complete. The
recantation was two days later than the completed crime and was tem-
porary and conditional, and, in the meantime, popular sovereignty had
risen to the assertion of its rights, an indignant resentment had aroused
the people, and a large body of citizens claiming to represent them had
inaugurated a government of the people and for the people. Whether
the people opposing the Queen were strengthened in their purpose to
accept and act ux)on this abandonment by the Queen of her obligations
to keep her oath to support and obey the constitution by the presence
of the troops of the United States, or whether the Queen was dismayed
by their presence and was deterred from supporting her criminal act
by the employment of her household soldiery, did not alter the fact that
she had openly renounced the constitution of 1887 before the troops
were landed or any preparation was made or any order was issued to
land them, and the people were preparing to substitute the monarchy,
which was still existing in the constitution, by a ruler of their own
choice before any troops leift the Boston,

Whether the people would permit the restoration of the Queen, or
whether they would constitute a new executive head of the Government
of Hawaii, was a matter then undetermined, and as to that the Govern-
ment of the United States had but one concern, and that was that the
interregnum should be ended, the executive head of the Government
should be supplied, and the laws of Hawaii and the treaty rights of
American citizens should have full effect, peacefully, in the protection
of their rights and interests. When the Queen found that her Govern-
ment was opposed by a strong body of the people she did not attempt
to reassemble the Legislature, but left the public safety in charge of a
committee of thirteen men, organized by those who were endeavoring
to preserve the peace and to restore the Government to its ftill con-
stitutional powers by choosing an executive head. This condition of
things continued from Saturday until the succeeding Tuesday, during
all of which time the citizens of the United States residing in Honolulu
had no protection of law, except such as was guarantied to them by the
presence of the Boston in the bay of Honolulu, or the moral influence
of the American legation and consulate.

When the Kamehameha dynasty ended, the monarchy in Hawaii was
doomed to a necessary dissolution. The five kings of that family,
assisted by their premiers, who were Kanaka women, and by such mis-
sionaries as Judd, Bingham^ Ghamberlaini Goan, Goodrich, and Damon

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 5

maintained the progress ot civilization and prosperity, bnt when Kala-
kaoa was elected king, the most surprising and disgraceful corruptions
infected the Government. Without detailing in this report the C/on-
stant decline from bad to worse, which the evidence discloses, without
contradiction or explanation, when Liiiuokalani was enthroned the
monarchy was a mere shell and was in condition to crumble on the
»Hghtest touch of firm opposition. Under her brief rule, it was kept
^live by the care and forbearing tolerance of the conservative white
people, who owned $50,000,000 of the property in Hawaii, until they
saw that the Queen and her party had determined to grasp absolute
power and destroy the constitution and the rights of the white people;
When they were compelled to act in self-defense the monarchy disap-
peared. It required nothing but the determined action of what was
called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy, and that action
had lieen taken before the troops from the Boston landed.

There was then no executive head of the Government of Hawaii; it
had perished.

In landing the troops from the Boston there was no demonstration ol
actual hostilities, and their conduct was as quiet and as respectful as
it had been on many previous occasions when they were landed for the
purpose of drill ai^d practice. In passing the palace on their way to the
point at which they were halted, the Queen appeared upon the balcony
and the troops respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and dipping
the fiag, and made no demonstration of any hostile intent. Her atti-
tude at that time was that of helplessness, because she found no active
or courageous support in her isolated position, which was self-imposed
and was regretted by few of her former subjects. In this condition of
Hawaii the laws for the protection of life and property were, in fact,
suspended so far as the executive power was concerned, and the citi-
zens of the United States in Honolulu and all the islands, and their
property rights, were virtually outlawed. The citizens of Honolulu
were not held amenable to the civil authorities, but were treated by
the Queen, as well as by the people, as if the country was in a state of
war. A policeman was shot down on the streets by a person who was
conducting a wagon loaded with arms to the place of rendezvous where
the people had assembled, and no action was taken for the purpose of
arresting or putting on trial the man who did the shooting.

In a country where there is no power of the law to protect the
citizens of the United States there can be no law of nations nor any
rule of comity that can rightfully prevent our flag from giving shelter
to them under the protection of our arms, and this without reference
to any distress it may give to the Queen who generated the confusion,
or any advantage it might give to the people who are disputing her
right to resume or to hold her regal powers. In every country where
there is no eftective chi*f executive authority, whether it is a newly-
discovered island Hnere only savage government prevails, or one
where the government is paralyzed by internal feuds, it is the right,
claimed and exercised by all civilized nations, to enter such a country
with sovereign authority to assert and protect the rights of its citizens
and their property, and to remain there without the invitation of any-
body until civil government shall have been established that is adequate,
in a satisfactory sense, for their protection.

The committee agree that such was the condition of the Hawaiian
Government at the time that the troops were landed in Honolulu from
the steam warship Boston; that there was then an interregnum in
Hawaii as respects the executive oflBce; that there was no executive
power to enforce the laws of Hawaii; and that it was the right ot t\iQ

& HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

United States to land troops upon those islands at any place where it
was necessary in the opinion of our minister to protect our citizens.

In what occurred in lauding the troops at Honolulu there may have
been an invasion, but it was not an act of war, nor did it create that
condition of the public law in Hawaii.

In the period of reconstruction, as it is called, which followed the civil
war of 1861-'65 in the United States, a very similar condition existed,
or was assumed to exist, which caused Congress to provide for vacat-
ing the gubernatorial offices in several of the Southern States and
filling them by appointments of the President.

In these States strong military bodies were stationed and general
officers of the Army took command and enforced the laws found on their
statute books and also the laws of the United States. All the civil
officers in those sovereign States were required to obey the commands
of those Army officers, and they did so, often under protest, but with
entire submission to the military power and authority of the President,
exerted through the instrumentality of the Army. That was not war.
Yet it was the presence of military force, employed actively in the
enforcement of the civil laws, and in full supremacy over the civil
authority.

The only reason that could justify this invasion of sovereign states
by the armies of the United States was the declaration by Congress
that the executive governments in those states were not in the lawful
possession of the incumbents; that there was an interregnum in those
states as to the office of governor.

If the Queen, or the people, or both acting in conjunction, had opposed
the lauding of the troops from the Boston with armed resistance, their
invasion would have been an act of war. But when their landing was
not opposed by any objection, protest, or resistance the state of war
did not supervene, and there was no irregularity or want of authority
to place the troops on shore.

In this view of the facts there is no necessity for inquiring whether
Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, in arranging for the landing of the
troops, had any purpose either to aid the popular movement against
the Queen that was then taking a definite and decisive shape, or to
promote the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
But justice to these gentlemen requires that we should say that the
troops from the Boston were not sent into Honolulu for any other pur-
pose than that set forth fully and fairly in the following order from
Capt. Wiltse to the officer in command of the detachment:

U. S. S. Boston (Second Rate),
Honolulu^ Hawaiian Islands^ January 16j 1893.

Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne, U. S. INTavy,

Executive Officer ^ U, 8, 8. Boston:

Sir : You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu
for tlie purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order.
Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, aod no
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.

You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change
in the situation.

Very respectfully,

G. C. Wiltse,
Captain^ U. 8. Navy^ Commanding U* 8. & Boston.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 7

As between the XTnited States and Hawaii, aa separate and inde-
pendent governments, that order defines the fall liability of the Oov*
erniDent of the United States in respect of landing the troops at
HodoIqIq. As between the Government of the IJnit^ States and it^i
officers^ the question may arise whether that order was issued in good
fikith and for the purposes declared upon its face, or whether it was a
pretext used for the purpose of assisting in the overthrow of the
Qaeen's Grovemment and the ultimate annexation of Hawaii to the
United States.

In reference to this last suggestion, the committee, upon the evidence
as it appears in their report (which they believe is a full, fair, and
impartial statement of the facts attending and precedent to the landing
of the troops), agree that the purposes of Capt. Wiltse and of Minister
Stevens were only those which were legitimate, viz, the preservation
of law and order to the extent of preventing a disturb«ice of the
pnblic iieace which might, in the absence of the troops, iiyuriously
affect the rights of the American citizens resident in Honolulu.

The troops from the Boston having rightfully and lawfully entered
HoDolnla, and having carried with them the protection of the laws of the
United States for their citizens who otherwise were left without the pro-
tection of law, it was the right of the United States that they should
remain there until a competent chief executive of Hawaii should have
been installed in authority to take upon himself the civil power and to
execute the necessary authority to provide for the protection of all the
rights of citizens of the XJnitedStates then in Honolulu, whether such
rights were secured by treaty or were due to them under the laws of
Hawaii. It was the fdrther right of the officers representing the United
States in Hawaii to remain there with the troops until all the conditions
were present to give full assurance of security to the rights of all the
citizens of the United States then in Honolulu.

Before the landing of the troops a committee of safety had been
organized that sent a request to the commander of the Boston that
troops should be landed for the purpose of preserving the public peace.
To this request no response was made, and later in the day the com-
mander of the Boston was informed that the committee of safety had
withdrawn its request and then desired that no troops should belauded.
But, disregarding all the action of the committee of safety and acting
only upon his sense of duty to the people of the United States who were
in Honolulu, Gapt. Wiltse came to che conclusion that the troops should
be landed, and he put them in a state of preparation for that purpose
by lowering the boats, filling the cartridge belts of the men, and sup-
plying them with proper accouterments for a stay on shore. After these
preparations had been completed Minister Stevens went on board the
ship (on Monday), and had an interview with Gapt. Wiltse. The evi-
dence shows that this interview related alone to the question of the pre-
servation of law and order in Hawaii and the protection of Americans
in their treaty rights. It seems that neither Minister Stevens nor Gapt.
Wiltse then ftilly comprehended the fact that the United States had
the right, of its own authority, to send the troops on shore for the pur-
pose of supplying to American citizens resident there the protection of
law, which had been withdrawn or annulled, be-cause of the fact that
there was then an interregnum in the executive department of the Gov-
enitnent of Hawaii. The rights of the United States at that moment
were greater than they were supposed to be by Minister Stevens or
Cj^)t. Wiltse, and they were not the result of treaty rights or obliga-
tions, bat of that unfailing right to give protection to citizens of the

8 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

United States in any country where they may be fonnd when the
local authorities have, through their own mismanagement or conmv-
ance, rendered nugatory the power of the government to perform its
proper duties in the protection of their lives, property, and peace.

A further statement of ascertained facts may be necessary in order
to bring out more clearly the situation in Hawaii on Saturday, the
14th day of January, and to render more conspicuous the justification
of the United States in entering with its troops upon the soil of Hawaii
for the protection of all the rights of its citizens.

On Saturday afternoon and Sunday earnest and decisive steps were
being taken by the people of Honolulu who were most prominent in
Boci^ influence and in commerce and the professions to arm the people
who resented the disloyalty of the Queen to the constitution and to
install a new executive head of the Government. This movement had
resulted in the organization of a committee of safety that proposed a
programme lor the purpose of inaugurating a provisional government.
This was an open, public movement, which the Queen took no steps to
suppress. No arrests were made, and even the apprehension of arrests
seems to have been almost entirely absent from the minds of the people
engaged in this movement. An effort was made to divert those people
firom their purpose, on Monday morning, by the Queen and her minis-
ters, who caused the following notice to be posted on the streets of Hon-
olulu:

**BY AUTHOEITY.

•

"Her Maiesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the
quiet and order which have prevailed in this community since the
events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken
by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution
was under the stress of her native subjects.

"Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in
the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by the methods
provided in the constitution itself.

"Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance
of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is given. "

This paper purported to be signed by the Queen and her ministers,
Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Corn well, minister
of finance; John F. Colbum, minster of the interior; and A. P. Peter-
son, attorney-general.

The Queen did not sign it in her official character by affixing the
letter B to her name, and the tenor of the paper indicates that it was,
in fact, the act of her ministers, to which she had not given her royal
assent and pledge. This paper in itself contains undeniable evidence
that the Queen had instituted a coup WHat on Saturday by the pro-
mulgation of '^a new constitution,'' as far, at least, as she could bind
herself by such an act, and that she offered the excuse for this revolt
against the existing constitution which she had sworn to support, that
she acted "under stress of her native subjects."

Passing by the fact that the existence of this "stress" is not estab-
lished by any satisfactory evidence, the reference to it in this procla-
mation discloses her willing connection with the purpose to disfranchise
her foreign-born subjects, that being the effect of the provisions of the
"new constitation" that she in fact promulgated, so far as she could,
but hesitated to swear to for the want of sufficient support from " her
native subjects." The assurance given that future efforts "to change"

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 9

Die eon^titation of 1887 should be conducted only in the method therein
pr&M!ribed, was no assurance that her foreign-bom subjects should be
protected in their vital liberties. To the reverse, it was a continuing
threat that they should be disfranchised and placed at the mercy of
racial aggression, backed by the power of the crown. The declarations
of the Queen made in person to Minister Willis, on three occasions,
and at long intervals of time after the lapse of nine months of sedate
reflection, show that this assurance, given in fact by her ministers, was
oaly a thin disguise of her real purpose to drive out the white popula-
tion and confiscate their property, and, if need be, to destroy their
liTes. The people made no mistake as to her animosity toward them,
ftiid proceeded iti the same orderly manner, for which the ministers
gave them thanks in this proclamation, to designate an executive
head of the Government in place of the abdicated Queen, the abdica-
tion being completed and confinned by the only authentic expression
of the popular will, and by the recognition of the supreme court of
Hawaii.

Another fiEM^t of importance connected with the situation at that time
is that a committee of law and order, consisting of supporters of the
Queen, bad on Monday morning posted in public places in Honolulu
the following call for a public meeting and explanation of the purposes
of the Queen in abrogating the constitution of 1887 and in substituting
one which she desired and attempted to promulgate by their authority
as the organic law of the land. This proclamation was printed in the
Hawaiian language, and a translation of it is appended to this report.
It was printed in an extra edition of a newspaper called the Ka Leo O
Ka Lahui, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language. ^'The
stress of her native subjects," which is mentioned by the Que.en in the
proclamation which was posted in English on the morning of Januarv
16, is evidently expressed in the terms of this announcement and call,
ui<l it shows tiiat it was based upon racial distinction and prejudice
entirely, and indicates the feeling of resentment and controversy which,
if carried into effect as the Queen proposed to carry it into effect under
the constitution which she intended to proclaim, would have resulted
in the destruction of the rights of property and lives of those persons
who were styled "missionaries" and their iwsterity, from whom Hawaii
had derived her enlightened civilization, Christianity, constitution,
laws, progress, wealth and position amongst the nations of the earth.
This was a threat of dangerous significance, and it shows the spirit
of the controversy that was then pervading the minds of the people of
Honolulu, and illustrates how easy it was to foment strife that would
result in the worst of evils, in a community thus divided and thus
exdted. The abuse of the missionaries and missionary party in this
call shows that the Queen and her immediate followers had concentrated
their efforts upon the disfranchisement of all white people in Hawaii,
and the return of the Government to that condition of debasement from
vhich these very people and their fathers had relieved it*

The second paragraph in this call is as follows:

"THB VOICB OP THE OHIEF.

"On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the Sacred Chief of
Hawaii, Lilinokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows:

"*0, ye 2>eoi>le who love the Chief, I hereby say to you, I am now
1^7 to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that
itvoold be snccessfol, but behold obstacles have arisen! Therefore

10 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

I say nnto yon, loving people, go with good hope and do not be dis-
torbed or troubled in your minds. Because, within the next few days
now coming, I will proclaim the new constitution.

'''The execative officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in
this new constitution, bat they, said nothing.

" 'Therefore, 1 hope that the thing which you, my people, so much
want wiU be accomplished ; it also is my strong desire.' "

Here is a direct accusation by the Queen against her cabinet, all of
whom^ with one exception, were white men, that they had misled her
as to the effect of the constitution, and had failed to point out errors in
it which, as a pretext, led to its rejection by them, causing them to
refuse at the last moment to join with her in its promulgation. This
call was, in fact, a new promise which was made by the Queen, with the
evident consent of her immediate native followers, that within the
next few days now coming she would proclaim the new constitution^
notwithstanding her failure to give it a successful promulgation on the
preceding Saturday. The intensity of the Queen's opposition to the
missionaries and the white people was caused by her intention that the
Kingdom should return to its former absolute character, and that the
best results of civilization in Hawaii should be obliterated.

Civilization and constitutional government in Hawaii are the foster
children of the American Christian missionaries. It can not be justly
charged to the men and women who inaugurated this era of humanity,
light, and justice in those islands that either they or their posterity
or their followers, whether native or foreign, have faltered in their
devotion to their exalted purposes. They have not pursued any devious
course in their conduct, nor have they done any wrong or harm to the
Hawaiian people or their native rulers. They have not betrayed any
trust confided to them, nor have they encouraged any vice or pandered
to any degradin g sentiment or practice among those people. Among the
native Hawaiians, where they found paganism in the most abhorrent
forms of idolatry, debauchery, disease, ignorance and cruelty 75 years
ago, they planted and established, with the free consent and eae:er
encouragement of those natives and without the shedding of blood,'the
Christian ordinance of marriage, supplanting polygamy; a reverence
for the character of women and a respect for their rights; the Christian
Sabbath and freedom of religious faith and worship, as foundations of
society and of the state; universal education, including the kings and
the peasantry; temperance in place of the orgies of drunkenness that
were all-pervading; and the separate holdings of lands upon which the
I>eople built their homes. In doing these benevolent works the Amer-
ican missionary did not attempt to assume the powers and functions of
political government.' As education, enlightenment, and the evident
benefits of civilization revealed to those in authority the necessity of
wise and faithful counsels in building up and regulating the govern-
ment to meet those new conditions, the kings invited some of the best
qualified and most trusted of these worthy men to aid them in devel-
oping and conducting the civil government As a predicate for this
work they freely consented to and even suggested the giving up of
some of their absolute powers and to place others under the constraint .
of constitutional limitations. They created an advisory council and a
legislature and converted Hawaii from an absolute despotism into a
land of law. The cabinet ministers thus chosen from the missionary
element were retained in office during very long periods, thus estab-
lidiing the cond&dence of the kings and the people in their integrity^

BAWAnAN ISLA]n>& 11

wjadoin, snd loyalty to the Government. No charge of defection or dis*
bonesty was ever made against any of these public servants during the
reign of the Kamehamehas, nor indeed at any time. They acquired
property in moderate values by honest means, and labored to exhibit
to the people the advantages of industry, frugality, economy, and
thrift.

The progressive elevation of the country and of the people from the
▼uy depravity of paganism into an enlightened and educated oommon-
vealth and the growth of their industries and wealth will be seen at a
fiance in the statements of the most important events and in the tables
showing the most imxK)rtant results of their work and influence, which
He set forth in the evidence accompanjdng this report. This array of
undisputed facts shows that, with Christianity and education as the
basis, t^ere has come over Hawaii the most rapid and successful improve*
Dent in x>olitical, industrial, and commercial conditions that has marked
the course of any x>eople in Christendom.

In the message of President Tyler to Congress he says:

<'The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest,
vhieh is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are
making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent
to maintain regular and orderly government. They lie in the Pacific
Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become
m important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and
Soropean vessels.

"'Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which pre-
mi in this quarter of the world the Sandwich Islands are the stopping
place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across
the Pacific Ocean. They are esx>ecially resorted to by the great numbers
of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery
m those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of
property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those
itiusdsin the course of a year are stated probably with sufficient
accuracy in the letter, of the agents.

" 'Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Oovemment of the
i^nds is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and
pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people by
the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions^
means of education, and the arts of civilked life.' "

la the House of Bepresentatives this subject was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Hon. John Q. Adams, in conclud-
ing his report upon the subject, says:

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human
improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of
Qiristian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel,
unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century the
people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest
debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel ; united
under one balanced government; ralfied to the fold of civilization by a
written langna^r^ and constitution, providing security for the rights of
persons^ property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of right
nd power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren
of the human race as a separate and independent community. To
tte ooDsamiDatiaa of their acknowledgment the people of the North

12 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

Ameiioan Union are urged by an interest of thetr own deeper than
that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — ^by a viitual
right of conquest, not over the ireedom of tlieir brother man jy the
brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the
celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

It can not be other than a proud reflection of the American people
that the free institutions of the United States gave origin and impulsive
zeal, as well as guidance, to the good men who laid these foundations
of civil government in Hawaii upon written ccmstitutions supported
by the oaths of those in authority and loyally sustained by those of
the people who are virtuous and intelligent. Nor can the American
people condemn the firm adhesion of those whose rights are guaranteed
by constitutional law in Hawaii to the demand that is now made for
the maintenance of its permanent integrity. If nothing but a decent
respect for our national example was in question, if there was no
question in Hawaii that concerned the people of the United States
except that of a relapse of that Government into absolute monarchy, if
there was no degradation of society involved in this falling away, no
destruction of property and liberty in contemplation, there would
still be enough in the conditions now presented there to excite the
most anxious interest of our people. Citizens of the United States with
wisdom, charity. Christian faith, and a love of constitutional govern-
ment, have patiently, laboriously, and honestly built up Hawaii into a
civilized power under a written constitution, and they can justly
claim the sympathy and assistance of all civilized people in resisting
its destruction, either to gratify a wanton lust of absolute power on
the part of the Queen, or the abuse of its authority in fostering vice
and rewarding crime. The facts of recent history present broadly and
distinctly the question between an absolute and corrupt monarchy in
Hawaii, and a government in which the rights and liberties guaranteed
by a written constitution shall be respected and preserved. The facts
do not show that the people who built up this constitutional system
and have based upon it wholesome laws and a w^ll balanced and well
guarded plan of administration have had any desire to abrogate the
organic laws, corrupt the statute laws, or to dethrone the Queen. In
every phase of their dealings with these questions their course has
been conservative, and the defense of their lives, liberty, and property,
and the honest administration of the government has been the real
motive of their actions. They are not, therefore, to be justly classed
as conspirators again st the Government. That they turn their thoughts
toward the United States and desire annexation to this country could
not be denied without imputing to them the loss of the sentiment of
love and reverence for this Republic that is utterly unknown to our
people.

On Monday, the 16th of January, 1893, Hawaii was passing through
the severe ordeal of a trial which was conducted by the people who
arrayed themselves on the side of the Queen and those who were organ-
ized in opposition to her revolutionary purposes. The Queen seems to
have abandoned the controversy into the hands of the people, and made
no effort to suppress the meeting of the citizens opposed to her revolu-
tionary proceedings by calling out her troops to disperse the meeting
or to arrest its leaders. Both the meetings were quiet and orderly, but
the meeting at the arsenal was intensely earnest, and men were heard to
express their opinions freely and without interruption at both meet*
ingSy and they came to their resolutions without disturbance. When

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 13

these meetings dispersed, the Queen's effort to reject the constitution
of 1887 had been approved by the one meeting held on the palace
grounds and composed almost entirely of native Kanakas; the ocher
meeting bad resolved to establish a provisional government, and formed
a committee to proceed with its organization. The Queen, though thus
strongly indorsed by her native-born subjects, as she calls them, did
not venture any arrests of the alleged revolutionists, but, evidently
cous<*ious that the revolution which she had endeavored to set on foot
had failed of efficient support, she did not use her troops or the police
or any other x>ower in the direytion of asserting her royal authority.
The meeting of the people at the arsenal was followed by organization,
the arming of.the citizens, the strong array of forces, and a determined
spirit of success which has materialized into an established government
that has continued to exist for more than a year, practically without
my opposition in Hawaii, and with the recognition of many great
powei-8, including the United States. These events show, beyond rea-
sonable dispute, the acceptance by the people of Hawaii of the judg-
ment and determination of the meeting at the arsenal that the Queen
had abdicated, that her authority had departed, that she and her
mimsters had submitted to the inevitable, and that they retained no
longer any substantial ground of hope or expectation that the Queen
vould be restored to her former office.

The question whether such a state of affairs as is shown by the
imdisx>uted facts in this case constitute an abdication and created an
interregnum was passed upon in England with more care, because of
the serious results that followed the decision, than seems to have been
hestowed upon a like controversy in any other country.

The people of Great Britain have many liberties that are firmly
established in the traditions of that country, and on many occasions
they have asserted their rights, as the basis of governmental power, with
gr^t determination and success. In 1688, when James II was on the
throne, his severe conduct, exercised through the judiciary of the King-
dom and in other ways, and a strong adhesion to the Catholic religion,
caus^ the people of Great Britain to accuse him of an intention to vio-
late their unwritten ccmstitution. He was a great and powerful king,
wd had accomplished very much for the glory and honor of England.
But the i>eople of England held him to an observance of the spirit o£
his oath of loyalty to the constitution of that country, and, when they
became satisfied that he had made an efibrt to subvert it, they in their
Parliament passed upon the question of his abdication and held that
his intention and efl'ort to violate the constitution robbed him of his
title to the crown and opened the door to the establishment of a new
dynasty. Blackstone, in speaking of these events, says:

^Eing James II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, and
might have enjoyed it during the remainder of his life but for his own
infatuated conduct which, with other concurring circumstances, brought
on the revolution in 1688.

"The true ground and principle upon which that memorable event
proceeded was an entirely new case in politics, which had never
before happened in our history — the abdication of the reigning mon-
wch and the vacancy of the throne thereupon. It was not a defeas-
ance of the rig'ht of succession and a new limitation of the crown by
the King and both Houses of Parliament; it was the act of the nation
»k)De upon the conviction that there was no king in being. For, in a
liiU assembly of the lords and commons, met in a convention upon the

14 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Bnpposition of this vacancy, both houses came to this resolution: 'That
King James II, having endeavored to subvert the constitution of the
Kingdom by breaking the original contract between King and people;
and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked x>ersons, having violated
the fundamental law and having withdrawn himself out of this King-
dom has abdicated the Government, and that the throne is hereby
vacanf '

Proceeding further, this eminent jurist says:

''For whenever a question arises between the society at large and
any magistrate vested with powers originally delegate^ by that soci-
ety it must be decided by the voice of the society itself; there is not
upon earth any other tribunal to resort to. And that these conse*
quences were fairly deduced from these facts our ancestors have sol-
emnly determined in a full parliamentary convention representing the
whole society."

Further quoting from Blackstone, he says:

^'They held that this misconduct of King James amounted to an
endeavor to subvert the constitution and not to an actual subversion
or total dissolution of the Government, according to the principles of
Mr. Locke, which would have reduced the society almost to a state of
nature; would have leveled all distinctions of honor, rank, offices, and
property; would have annihilated the sovereign power, and in conse-
quence have repealed all positive laws, and would have left the people
at liberty to have erected a new system of State upon a new foundation
of polity. They therefore very prudently voted it to amount to no
more than an abdication of the Government and a consequent vacancy
of the throne, whereby the Government was allowed to subsist though
the executive magistrate was gone, and the kingly office to remain
though King James was no longer King. And thus the constitution
was kept entire, which upon every sound principle of government must
otherwise have fallen to pieces had so principal and constituent a part
as the royal authority been abolished or even suspended.

"This single postulatum, the vacancy of the throne, being once estab-
lished the rest that was then done followed almost of course. For, if
the throne be at any time vacant (which may happen by other means
besides that of abdication, as if all the blood-royal should fail, with-
out any successor appointed by Parliament) — if, I say, a vacancy, by
any means whatsoever, should happen, the right of disposing of this
vacancy seems naturally to result to the Lords and Commons, the trus-
tees and representatives of the nation. For there are no other hands
in which it can so properly be intrusted; and there is a necessity of its
being intrusted somewhere, else the whole frame of government must
be dissolved and perish."

The principle on which this decision in regard to the abdication of
King James II rests is still stronger when it is applied to persons who
are citizens of the United States but who reside in Hawaii, and by
the constitution and laws of Hawaii are admitted into an active par-
ticipation in the conduct of government, both as officeholders and as
qualified electors. If they, in connection with the native or natural-
ized subjects of the Kingdom of Hawaii, unite in demanding the pres-
ervation of their constitutional rights, there should be no captious or

EAWAIUN ISLANDS. 15

technical objections taken to the assertion of that right, or to the man*

oer of its exercise.

In reference to all citizens of the United States residing in Hawaii
and not actual members, or officers of that Government, the spirit of
our laws, in accordance with the principles of the Constitution and the
taditions of the people, should be applied to their protection, when it
is the duty of the United States to protect them, and especially are
thej entitled to the full advantage of the protection that is aiforded
nnder that doctrine of personal Jiberty and security which upholds the
aathority of governments de facto. When such a government arises
oat of alleged abases and grievances and is set up in good faith by the
intelligent classes to succeed a monarchy in a state that is the only
monarchy in a sisterhood of many republics, the rules governing its
reoogttitioii are not those that seem to control in cases where the state
is a sole republic surrounded by an environment of monarchies.

In Europe, where governmental successions have no relation to the
will of the people, every presumption that can be made to support the
regal system is adopted and enforced with rigid care. The old condi-
tions are presumed to exist in a regal government until the new gov-
ernment has accomplished a complete revolution and until nothing
remains to be done to secure an uninterrupted and unembarrassed
installation of its authority. Those presumptions are all in £a.vor of
the crown and are easily applied in practical use, as the crown is a
pditical unit and acts with certainty in the assertion of its claims.
When the rights asserted against the crown are set up by the people,
or for the people, the act is necessarily a representative act, and the
Mithority of the alleged representative is severely questioned. Indeed,
it is not considered as existing in European countries until, through
bloodshed or an overwhelming exhibition of forces, its acknowledgment
is literally compelled. The reverse of this rule should obtain in that
part of the world where it is held, universally, that the right to govern
depends ux>on the consent of the governed and not upon a divine inher-
itance of iK>wer. In a controversy like that in Hawaii the presumption
is in favor of those who unite to assert the constitutional rights of the
people, that they are acting in good faith, and that they are not seek-
ing personal aggrandizement, but the good of the people. When such
% popular movement engages the evident support of those whom the
people have trusted for their integrity to an extent that inspires a just
eonfidence of success a sufficient foundation exists, at least, for a gov-
emmeut de faeto; and it is no more necessary to its validity that every
possible obstacle to its final success has been removed than it would be
necessary, on the other hand, to the permanency of the crown that
evay rebellious subject of the Queen had been slain or banished and
their estates had been confiscated.

The supporters of Liliuokalani seem to be forced into the attitude of
daiming that it is of no consequence that she may have forfeited her
right to the crown and had placed it in the power of the people law-
lolly to claim that this was an abdication, unless the people had over-
come and removed every vestige of her power before they proclaimed
the Provisional Government. Her known purpose to press the abso-
lute powers claimed by her in the new constitution to the extent of
tike banishment or death of the white population seems not to be per-
nutted to excuse the action of the people in displacing her, if they had
not captured her small force of policemen and soldiers before the
iUierican minister had recognized the Provisional Qovernmenti

16 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Liliuokalani did not seem to take this narrow view of the revolution
she had inaugurated.

The banishment or death of the white people and the confiscation
of their estates was the final decree recorded in the Queen's heart and
mind, as she freely stated to Minister Willis, and until this cruel work
had been accomplished she held that her policy of revolution would
be a failure. There is some ground for hope that these were not her
sincere purposes or wishes but that in giving expression to them she
was ^^ playing a part.'' As opposed to such purposes, or to a Queen
who could imagine them in the presence of the constitutional protec-
tion given to the rights and liberties of the people throughout this
hemisphere, Americans should not hesitate in the support of a govern-
ment de facto j set up to opx)ose her, because she had not made a formal
surrender of a place where a few soldiers and policemen had been
stationed, who were powerless to hold it against the people then under
arms. It was an act of mercy to her and her retainers that they were
not forced into the commission of acts of violen(;e. An interregnum
existed in the executive Grovernment of Hawaii, which was caused by
the effort of the Queen to destroy the constitution of 1887, and by the
act of the people in accepting her will for the completed coup Witat^
and, in making that the occasion for supplying the executive depart-
ment of the Government with a chief.

A carefdl Investigation has failed to show that any conspiracy now
exists that is directed to the virtual displacement of the Provisional Gov-
ernment. The personal efforts of the Queen seem to have been directed
toward a provision for a safe and comfortable life, free from the anxie-
ties of office and **the stress of her native subjects." Her power of
attorney to Paul IS'ewman and his mission to the United States indicate
a reliance on the ^^arts of peace" rather than of war for indemnity for
the past and security for the future. The opinions, or sentiments,
expressed by her in the three interviews she had with Mr. Willis, in
which she uttered the severest denunciations against the white race in
Hawaii, and declared her willingness, if not her purpose, to confiscate
their estates and to banish or to destroy them, while they are a seeming
expression of the lofby indignation of an offended ruler, are so unsuited
to the character of a queen crowned by a Ghristian and civilized people,
and so out of keeping with her character as a woman who had received
kindly recognition and personal regard from other good and refined
ladies, that they shock all right-minded people in Christendom. The
Government of the United States should willingly forbear to regard
these utterances as her official expression of such designs upon the
hves and liberties of those whom she would find in her power, upon her
restoration to the throne, and accept them as a means adopted by her
to convince Mr. Willis that her restoration to the throne was imposi^i-
ble, and was not in accordance with her wishes.

The President, on the first intimation of these harsh declarations of
the Queen, at once laid them before Congress, and abandoned the
further exercise of his good offices to bring about a reconciliation between
her and those who were conducting and supporting the Provisional
Government.

Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as continuing to
require his intercession beyond the point where the President consid-
ered that it should cease, held a second and third interview with Lili-
uokalani. After these interviews had closed, the Queen being still
firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a trusted friend, obtained her signa-
ture to a pledge of amnesty,, ^q4 fflf^^l^ ^^^^ ^^^ basis of his proposition

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 17

to Mr. Dole for the abandonment of the Provisional Government, which
vas sommarily refused. This closed that incident. Mr. Willis, in
irhat he did, obeyed what he conceived to be his instructions, and being
so distant from Washington, it is a matter of regret, but not of surprise,
that there was an apparent want of harmony between his action in con-
tioning his interviews with Liliuokalani after the President had deter-
mined that the full duty of the Government had been performed.

The attitude of Liliuokalani at the conclusion of this proceeding is
tJiat of waiting for a pleasant retirement £rom the cares of public life,
rather than of waiting for an opportunity to bring about a hostile col-
lision with the people who support the new order of government in
Hawaii.

In dealing with a grave subject, now for the first time presented in
America, we must consider the conditions of public sentiment as to
monarchic government, and we ^hall derive also material help from the
light of English history. In the Western Hemisphere, except as to
tJie colonial relation, which has become one of mere political alliance
chiefiy for commercial reasons, and does not imply in any notable
ease absolute subjection to imperial or royal authority, royalty no
longer exists. When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western
Hemisphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter departs, it departs
lorever; and American opinion can not sustain any American ruler in
the attempt to restore them, no matter how virtuous and sincere the
reasons may be that seem to justify him. There have been heathen
temples in the older States in this hemisphere where the bloody orgies
of pagan worship and sacrifice have crimsoned history with shame; and
?ery recently such temples have been erected in the United States to
abuse Christianity by the use of its sacred name and ritual. When
the arms of invaders, or mobs of the people, have destroyed these
temples, no just indignation at the cruelties that may have been perpe-
trated in their destruction could possibly justify their restoration.

It is a great blessing to this Western World thatthenations are to be
spared the calamities which Blackstone describes as ^^ imbruing the
tingdom of England in blood and confusion," growing out of claims ot
saccession to the crown. In almost every reign prior to that of the
present house of Hanover, the lives and property of the people of
England, amid the greatest cruelties, have been sacrificed in settling
pretensions to the crown. It was these conflicts and this distress of
innocent sufiferers that caused the people to claim through the judges
tlie protection of the doctrine, that service rendered to the king who
beld the scepter was lawful, although he was not rightfully in possession
of the crown. No greater liberty of the people was ever devised or
granted than the right of protection under a king dfe/acto against a king
ie jure,

be facto governments, when they seek to supply the gap created* by
in interregnum, are favored in the international law, and when they
aie also based on the right of popular government in conflict with regal
government, or to prevent its reestablishment, once it has disappeared
in a State of the Western Hemisphere, it is so rooted and established in
the foundations of the rightful authority to rule that it is justly to be
ranked among the cardinal liberties of the people.

This doctrine is not new, and yet it is modern in England, where the
right to the crown and its prerogatives have bled the people for fifteen
centuries. The stringent doctrine that a d^ facto government must be
established firnoily and in all respects before it is entitled to recognition

S. Bep. 227 i

18 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

by another sovereign and independent power had no application to
the facts and circumstances that attended the recent revolution in
Hawaii; moreover, if the revolution there had been directed against
the entire government and for the overthrow of the constitution of 1887,
and all monarchic rule, if it was a sincere, strong, earnest and success-
ful movement of the people for the recovery of their natural right to
rule themselves, they should not be narrowly questioned and held to
rigid account for a proper and discre6t4)erformance of every act neces-
sary to their resumption of their natural rights, but all America must
unite in the declaration that, under such circumstances, the presump-
tions of law should be favorable to such movements, rather than
unfriendly to the establishment by the people of the foundations of their
liberties, based upon their right to govern themselves.

The parliament of Hawaii had been prorogued by the Queen on the
14th day of January, and could not be again assembled under the con-
stitution, except by the chief executive authority. Until that author-
ity was supplied in some way, therefore, the Legislature could not be
reconvened. It was the establishment of that authority, the chief
executive head of the nation, which was the question at issue, and
when that was decided, an appeal to the Legislature of Hawaii for its
confirmation or ratification was not only unnecessary, but might have
resulted in a counter revolution. It was, therefore, in the interest of
peace, good order, and right government, that the people of Hawaii,
who were unopposed in their process of organizing an executive head
for the Government, should proceed to do so as they did, regularly and
in an orderly, firm, and successful manner. Thus the abdication of Lil-
iuo^alani was confirmed and has so continued from that day to this.
The Government of the United States has on various occasions recog-
nized the succession to the exeeutive authority as residing in the Pro-
visional Government initiated at that public meeting at the arsenal and
consummated on the 17th day of January by public proclamation.
Then, on the 17th day of January, according to the recognition of the
United States, from which there has been no dissent or departure, the
interregnum ceased, and the executive head of the Government of
Hawaii was established. Until this was completed, on the 17th day of
January, • by the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the
United States was still charged, under every principle of law and jus-
tice and under the highest obligation of duty, to keep her forces in
Honolulu, and to enforce, in virtue of her sovereign authority, the
rights of her citizens under the treaty obligations and also under the
laws of Hawaii, relating to the safety of person and property and the
rights of industry, commerce, and hospitality in their free pursuit and
enjoyment. And when the Provisional Government was thus estab-
lished, it rested with the United States to determine whether the Gov-
ernment of Hawaii was so far rehabilitated and so safely established
that these rights of her citizens could be intrusted to its keeping. The
recognition of such a state of affairs, within a country whose executive
department has been made vacant in consequence of domestic strife, is
quite a separate and different proceeding, both in form and effect, from
the recognition of the political independence of a government that is
complete in its organization. In the latter case, the recognition excludes
all right of interference in its domestic affairs, while in the former it is
the right and duty of supplying the protection of law to the citizen
that makes interference necessary as well as lawful.

The independence of Hawaii as a sovereign State had been long
teaognized by the United States, and this unhappy occasicoi did not

EIWAIIAK ISLANDS. 19

ro^gest the need of renewing that declaration. The qaestion presented
in Uonolttlu on and after the 12th of January, 1893, was whether the
Qneen continued to be the executive head of the Government of
Hawaii. That was a question of fact which her conduct and that of
her people placed iii perilous doubt until it was decided by the proc-
lamation of a new executive. Pending that question there was no
responsible executive government in Hawaii. On the 17th of January
that doubt was resolv^ to the satisfaction of the American minister,
and of all other representatives of foreign governments in Hawaii, in
fiivor of the Proviaional Government. This recognition did not give
to the Croverument of Hawaii the legal or moral right to expel the
troops of any government, stationed in Honolulu in the period of inter-
regnum, until it had so firmly established its authority as to give to
foreigners tbe security to provide for which these troops had been
landed. Good faith and an honest respect for the rights of friendly
nations would certainly require the withdrawal of all further interfer-
ence with tbe domestic affairs of Hawaii as soon as that government
had provided security that was reasonably sufficient lor the protection
of the citizens of the United States. But the Government of the.
United States had the right to keep its troops in Honolulu until these
eonditionB were performed, and the Government of Hawaii could cer-
tainly acquiesce in such a x>olicy without endangering its independence
or detracting from its dignity. This was done, and the troops from
the Boston cami)ed on shore for several months. The precise hour
▼ben or tbe precise conditions under which the American minister
recognized the Provisional Government is not a matter of material
importance. It was his duty, at the earliest safe period, to assist by
his recogfnition in the termination of the interregnum, so that citizens
of the United States might be safely remitted to the care of that Gov-
ernment for the security of their rights. As soon as he was convinced
that the Provisional Gk>vemm6nt was secure against overthrow it was
his duty to recognize the rehabilitated State. Whether this was done
an hour or two sooner or later could make no substantial difference
as to his rights or duties, if he was satisfied that the movement was
safe against reversal. If no question of the annexation of Hawaii to
the United States had existed, the conduct of the American minister
in giving official recognition to the Provisional Government would not
have been the subject of adverse criticism. But the presence of that
qaestion and his anxious advocacy of annexation did not relieve him
from tbe duty or abridge his right to call for the troops on the Baton
to protect the citizens of the United States daring an interregnum in
the office of chief executive of Hawaii. They were not to be put into
a state of outlawry and peril if the minister had been opposed to
annexation, nor could his desire on that subject in anjrway afi'ect their
rights or lus duty. He gave to them the protection they had the
right to demand, and, in respect of his action up to this point, so far
as it related to Hawaii, his opinions as to annexation have not affected
the attitude of the U. S. Government, and the committee find no cause
of censure either against Minister Stevens or Oapt. Wiltse, of the
Botton.

Afterward; on the 1st day of February, 1893, the American minister
caused the flag of the United States to be raised on the Government
bnilding in Honolulu, and assumed and declared a protectorate over
that nation in the name of the United States. This act on the part of
our minister was without authority, and was void for want of power.
It irw disavowed by Secretary Fqstw ftft4 rebuk^ by Secretary

20 HAWAIIAN ISLAia)8.

Gresbara, and the order to abandon tbe protectorate and hanl down
the flag was in accordance with the duty and honor of the United
States. To haul down the flag of the United States was only an order
to preserve its honor.

The diplomatic ofiicers of the United States in Hawaii have the right
to much larger liberty of action in respect to the internal affairs of that
country than would be the case with any other country with which
we have no peculiar or special relations. In our diplomatic corre-
spondence with Hawaii and in the various treaties, some of them trea-
ties of annexation, which have been signed and discussed, though not
ratified, from time to time, there has been manifested a very near rela-
tionship between the two governments. The history of Hawaii in itsj
progress, education, development, and government, and in OhristianityJ
has been closely identified with that of the United States — so closelyj
indeed, that the United States has not at any time hesitated to declarer
that it would permit no intervention in the affairs of Hawaii by any
foreign government which might tend to disturb the relations with the
United States, or to gain any advantages there over the Americans
who may have settled in that country. The United States has assumed \
and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a relation which is entirely \
exceptional, and has no parallel in our dealings with any other people. ^

The justification for this attitude is not a matter with which the pres-
ent inquiry is necessarily connected, but its existence furnishes a good
excuse, if excuse is needed, for a very lively concern on the part of our
diplomatic representatives in everything that relates to the progress of
that people.

The causes that have led to this peculiar situation are altogether
apparent. They are in every sense honorable, just, and benevolent.
One nation can not assume such an attitude toward another, especially
if the latter is, by contrast, small, weak, and dependent upon the good
will or forbearance of the world for its existence, without giving to it
a guaranty of external and internal security.

The attitude of the United States toward Hawaii, thus voluntarily
assumed, gives to Hawaii the right to regard it as such a guaranty.

In the abs^ace of a x>olicy to estabhsh a colonial system and of any
disposition for territorial aggrandizement, the Government of the United
States looked with approbation and gave encouragement to the labors
and influence of their citizens in Hawaii, in laying the groundwork of
a free and independent government there which, in its principles and
in the distribution of x>owers, should be like our own, and ultimately
become republican in form. This has been the unconcealed wish of the
people of the United States, in which many of the native Hawaiians
have participated.

Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the United States, in the
beginning of our relations with Hawaii, made a firm and distiDct decla-
ration of the purpose to prevent the absorption of Hawaii or the political
control of that country by any foreign power. Without stating the
reasons tor this policy, which included very important commercial and
military considerations, the attitude of the United States toward Hawaii
was in moral effect that of a friendly protectorate. It has been a settled
policy of the United States that if it should turn out that Hawaii, for
any cause, should not be able to maintain an independent government,
that country would be encouraged in its tendency to gravitate toward
X>olitical union with this country.

The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United States, as fixed
by several conventions that have been ratified| and by other negotia*

HAWAHAN ISLAin>8. 21

tfons, have been characterized by a sentiment of close reciprocity. In
addition to trade relations of the highest advantage to Hawaii, the
United States has so far interfered with the internal policy of Hawaii
as tosecure an agreement from that Government restricting the disx)08al
of hays and harbors and the crown lands to other countries, and has
secured exdosive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great importance to
tiiis Govenunent.

This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar friendship of
the two peoples, together with the advantages given to Hawaii in com-
merce, induced a large and very enterprising class of people from the
Cnited States to migrate to those islands and to invest large sums of
money in the cultivation of sugar and rice, and in other trade and
industry. The introduction of laborers from Japan and China in great
nambers gave te the governing power in Hawaii a new and very sig-
nificant importance, and made it necessary, for the protection of the
interests of the white or European people and of the natives, that the
safi^raards of the organic law of the Kingdom should be carefully
preserved. In the efforts to secure these guarantees of safe govern-
ment, no distinction of race was made as to the native or Kanaka x>op-
nlation, but Chinese and Japanese were excluded from participation in
tiie government as votern, or as officeholders.

Apprehensionsof civil disturbance in Hawaii caused the United States
to keep ships of war at Honolulu for many years past, almost without
intermission, and the instructions that were given to our diplomatic
and consnlar officers and to the naval commanders on that station went
beyond the customary instructions applicable to other countries. In
most instances, the instructions so given included the preservation of
order and of the peace of the country, as well as the protection and
preservation of the property and of the lives and treaty rights of Amer-
ie&n citizens.

The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence shows to
have existed, create a new light under which we must examine into the
eonduct of our diplomatic and naval officers in respect of the revolution
that occurred in Hawaii in January, 1893. In no sense, and at no time,
has the Oovemment of the United States observed toward the domes-
tie affairs of Hawaii the strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined
by the general law of noninterference, in the absence of exceptional
conditions. We have always exerted the privilege of interference in
the domestic policy of Hawaii to a degree that would not be justified,
under our view of the international law, in reference to the affairs of
Canada^ Cuba, or Mexico.

The cause of this departure from our general course of diplomatic
conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii has been all the time under
a virtual suzerainty of the United States, which is, by an apt and
^miliar definition, a paramount authority, not in any actual sense an
aetual sovereignty, but a de facto supremacy over the country. This
sense of paramount authority, of supremacy, with the right to inter-
Tene in the affairs of Hawaii, has never been lost sight of by the United
States to this day, and it is conspicously manifest in the correspondence
of Mr. Willis with Mr. Dole, which is set forth in the evidence which
loeompanies this report.

Another fact of importance in considering the conduct of our diplo-
matic and naval officers during the revolution of January, 1893, is that
the annexation of Hawaii to the United States has been the subject of
etrefnl study and almost constant contemplation among Hawaiians and
their kings since tiie beginning of the reign of Kamehameha L This

22 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

has always been regarded by the ruling power in Hawaii as a coveted
and secure retreat — a sort of house of refuge — whenever the exigencies
of fate might compel Hawaii to make her choice between home rule and
foreign domination, either in the form of a protectorate, or of submis-
sion to some foreign sovereign.

Hawaii has always desired an escape to a freer government, when
she has to be forced to the point where the surrender of racial pride
and her standing as a nation would be the severe penalty of her
weakness. Hawaiians prefer citizenship in a great republic to the
slavery of subjection to any foreign monarchy. Annexation to the
' United States has never been regarded witli aversion, or with a sense
of national degradation, by the Hawaiian people. On the contrary, it
has been adopted as a feature of political action by those who have
attempted to recommend themselves to the support of the people in
times of danger.

In the revolution of January, 1893, those who assumed the sovereign
power, declaring that there was an interregnum, made it a conspicuous
part of their avowed purpose to remain in authority until Hawaii
should be annexed to the United States. This was stated as an argu-
ment for the creation of a provisional government, without which there
would be less advantage in the change of the situation. Annexation
was an avowed purpose of the Provisional Government, because it
would popularize the movement, Ko one could project a revolution
in Hawaii for the overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise
the question among the people of annexation to the United States.

In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States with our min-
isters to Hawaii, frequent and favorable allusion is made to this sub-
ject as a matter of friendly consideration for the advantage of that
country and people, and not as a result that would enhance the wealth
or power of the United States. This treatment of the subject began
very early in the history of Hawaiian civilization, and it was taken up
and discussed by the people of the islands as a topic of patriotic inspi-
ration. It was their habit to celebrate the anniversary of the independ-
ence of the United States as a national fete day. So that, there was
no thought of conspiracy against the monarchy in openly favoring the
, project of annexation. Whether annexation is wise and beneficial to
both countries is a question that must receive the consideration of both
governments before it can be safely settled.

The testimony taken by the committee discloses the well-considered
opinion of several of our most eminent naval and military officers, that
the annexation of Hawaii is a tact indispensable to the proper detense
and i)rotection of our Western coast and cities. But this is a matter
with which the committee is not especially charged, and reference is
made to these opinions as supporting the statement that all intelligent
men in Hawaii and in the United States, who have taken pains to con-
sider the subject, are convinced that the question is one deserving of
thorough investigation and a correct and friendly decision. The ques-
tion of annexation, however, is distinctly presented in the proclama-
tion of the Provisional Government as one to be settled by the action
of the Government of the Unit-ed States.

Commissioners to treat with the United States for the annexation of
Hawaii were sent to Washington immediately upon the adoption and
promulgation of the Provisional Government, and they negotiated and
signed a treaty in (conjunction with Mr. Secretary Foster, which was
submitted to the Senate of the United States and was subsequently
withdrawn by the present administration. Accompanying tlmt treaty

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 23

▼M a paper signed by Liliaokalani, in which she stated no objection
to the project of annexation to the United Statcjs, but in which she pro-
tested earnestly against her dethronement, and alleged that the United
States, through the abuse by its diplomatic and naval officers of the
powers entrusted to them, had virtually compelled her abdication.
The President of the United States, after a further examination of the
subject, concluded that it was his duty to withdraw this annexation
treaty ^m the Senate for further consideration, and so notified the
Provisional Government through Mr. Wilhs, our present minister.

The recognition of the Provisional Government was lawful and
authoritative, and has continued without interruption or modification
up to the present time. It may be justly claimed for this act of recog-
nition that it has contributed greatly to the maintenance of peace and
(nrderin Hawaii and to the promotion of the establishment of free, per-
manent, constitutional government in Hawaii, based upon the consent
of the people.

The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she sent to the
President of the United States and dated the 18th day of January, is
not, in the opinion of the committee, well founded in fact or in justice.
It appears fix>m the evidence submitted with this report that she was in
&ct the author and promoter of a revolution in Hawaii which involved
the destrnction of the entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn
oath to observe and support it, and it was only after she had ascertained
that she had made a demand upon her native subjects for support in
this movement which they would not give to her, that she, for the time,
postponed her determination to carry this revolution into eQect, and
made known her determination to do so as soon as she could feel that
she had the x>ower to sustain the movement.

But the President of the United States, giving attention to Liliuoka-
laDfs claim that this Government had alarmed her by the presence of
its troops into the abdication of her crown, believed that it was proper
and necessary in vindication of the honor of the United States to
appoint a commissioner to Hawaii who would make a careful investiga-
tion into the facts and send the facts and his conclusions to the Presi-
dent, for his information. The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to
Hawaii under circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed
Mb instructions with impartial care to arrive at the truth, and he pre-
sented a sincere and instructive report to the President of the United
States, touching the facts, the knowledge of which he thus acquired.
In the agitated state of opinion and feeling in Hawaii at that time, it
was next to imx>08sible to obtain a full, fair, and free declaration in
respect of the facts which attended this revolution, and particularly
was this difficult to obtain from the persons who actively participated
in that movement.

The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition to that which
was presented by Mr. Blount, having been taken under circumstances
more favorable to the development of the whole truth with regard to
the situation, has, in the opinion of the committee, established the fact
that the revolutionary movement in Hawaii originated with Liliuoka-
lani, and was promoted, provided for, and, as she believed, secured by
the passage of the opium bill and the lottery bill through the Legisla-
ture, from whicli she expected to derive a revenue sufl3.cient to secure
the ultimate success of her purpose, which was distinctly and maturely
devised to abolish the constitution of 1887, and to assume to herself abso-
tate power, £ree from constitutional restraint of any serious character.

24 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS*

The fact cannot be ignored that this revolutionary movement of
Liliuokalani, which had its development in the selection of a new
cabinet to supplant one which had the support of all the conservative
elements in the islands, was set on toot and accomplished during the
absence of the American minister on board the ship Boston during
the ten days which preceded the prorogation of the Legislature. The
astonishment with which this movement was received by the American
emigrants and other white people residing in Hawaii, and its inaugura-
tion in the absence of the Boston and of the American minister, show
that those people, with great anxiety, recognized the fact that it was
directed against them and their interests and welfare and that when
it was completed they would become its victims. These convictions
excited the serious apprehensions of all the white people in those
islands that a crisis was brought about in which not only their rights
in Hawaii, and under the constitution, were to be injuriously affected,
but that the ultimate result would be that they would be driven from
the islands or, remaining there, would be put at the mercy of those
who chose to prey upon their property. This class of people, who
were intended to be ostracised, supply nine-tenths of the entire tax
receipts of the Kingdom; and they were c'bnscious that the purpose
was to inflict taxation upon them without representation, or else to
confiscate their estates and drive them out of the country. This pro-
duced alarm and agitation, which resulted in the counter movement
set on foot by the people to meet and overcome the revolution which
Lilioukalani had projected and had endeavored to accomplish. Her min-
isters were conscious of the fact that any serious resistance to her revo-
lutionary movement (of which they had full knowledge before they
were inducted into office) would disappoint the expectations of the
Queen and would result in the overthrow of the executive government:
and, while they had evidently promised the Queen that they would
sui>port here in her effort to abolish the constitution of 1887 and sub-
stitute one which they had secretly assisted in preparing, when the
moment of the trial came they abandoned her — they broke faith with
her. The Queen's ministers took fright and gave information to the
people of the existence of the movements and concealed purposes ot
the Queen and of her demands upon them to join her in the promulga-
tion of the constitution, and they appealed to the committee of safety
for protection, and continued in that attitude until they saw that the
kindled wrath of the people would not take the direction of violence
and bloodshed without the provocation of a serious necessity. Being
satisfied that they could trust to the forbearance of the people, who
were looking to the protection of their interests and had no desire for
strife and bloodshed, they began to finesse in a i)olitical way to effect
a compromise between the people and the Queen, and they induced
her to make the proclamation of her intentions to postpone the com-
,pletion of her revolutionary purposes, which was circulated in Honolulu
on Monday morning. These men, whose conduct can not be character-
ized as anything less than perfidious, hastened to give to the President
of the United Stotes false and misleading statements of the facts lead-
ing up to, attending, and succeeding this revolution. To do this they
made deceptive and misleading statements to Mr. Blount. Upon them
must rest the odium of having encouraged the Queen in her revolu-
tionary intentions; of having then abandoned her in amoment of appar-
ent danger : of having thrown themselves upon the mercy of the people,
and then oi making an attem])t, through falsehood and misrepreaenta-

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 25

tioD, to regain x>oweT in the Government of Hawaii, which the i)eople
would, naturally, forever deny to them.

A question has been made as to the right of the President of the
United States to dispatch Mr. Blount to Hawaii as his personal repre-
sentative for the purpose of seeking the farther information which the
President believed was necessary in order to arrive at a just conclusion
regarding the state of affairs in Hawaii. Many precedents could be
quoted to show that such power has been exercised by the President
on various occasions without dissent on the part of Congress or the
people of the United States. The employment of such agencies is a
necessary part of the proper exercise of the diplomatic power which is
intrusted by the Constitution with the President. Without such
authority our foreign relations would be so embarrassed with difficulties
that it would be impossible to conduct them with safety or success.
These precedents also show that the Senate of the United States, though
in session, need not be consulted as to the appointment of such agents^
or as to the instructions which the President may give them.

An authority was intrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the American
flag from the Government building in Hawaii, and to disclaim openly
and practically the protectorate which had been announced in that
comitry by Minister Stevens, and also to remove the troops from Hono-
lolu to the steamer Boston. This particular delegation of authority
to Mr. Blount was paramount over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who
was continued as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu,
and it raised the question whether the Government of the United
States can have at the same foreign capital two ministers, each of
whom shall exercise separate and special powers.

There seems to be no reason why the Government of the United
States can not, in conducting its diplomatic intercourse with other
countries, exercise jx^wers as broad and general, or as limited and
peculiar, or special, as any other government. Other governments
have been for many years, and even centuries, in the habit of intrust-
ing special and particular missions to one man representing them at a
foreign court, and to several men in combination when that was tound
to be desirable. In fact, there has been no limit placed upon the use
of a power of this kind, except the discretion of the sovereign or ruler
of the country. The committee fail to see that there is any irregularity
in such a course as that, or that the power given to Mr. Blount to with-
draw the troops from Honolulu or to lower the flag of the United States
was to any extent either dangerous or interrupting to any other lawftd
authority existing there in any diplomatic or naval officer. There may
be a question as to the particular wording of the order which Mr. Blount
gave to Admiral Skerrett for the lowering of the flag and the with-
drawid of the troops, but that is a hypercriticism, because the substan-
tial fact was that Mr. Blount executed the command of the President
in communicating to Admiral Skerrett such order, as the order of the
President of the United States. Mr. Blount's authority had been made
known to Admiral Skerrett; his instructions had been exhibited to
Admjral Skerrett; and they both understood that what Mr. Blount
▼as then doing had received the sanction of the President of the United
States before Mr. Blount had entered upon the discharge of his minis-
terial functions, and that his act would receive the unqualified approval
of the President of the United States. That being so, the mere form
in which the order was addressed to Admiral Skerrett seems to be a
natter of no flerious consequence.

26 , HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The control given to Mr. Trist over the military operations in Mexico,
when war was flagrant, was far greater than that which was contided
to Mr. Blount. The secret orders given to the commanders of the
Army and of the Navy on that occasion are set out in the appendix to
this report.

When Mr. Willis arrived in Honolulu he was received by the Pro-
visional Government, to which he was accredited, and an interchange
of the usual courtesies was had betweeu them. He carried instructions,
as minister of the United States, which did not concern the Govern-
ment of Hawaii until they had been attended with a certain result
which he endeavored to bring about. That result was that Liliuokalani
should agree that, in the event of her restoration to the throne, not by
the action of the President of the United States, but in any other event,
or by any agreement, she would bind herself to grant full and free
amnesty to all persons who had been engaged in opposition to her
alleged authority. When that agreement had been obtained Mr. Willis
was instructed to submit it to the Provisional Government and ascer-
tain whether they would agree to restore the Queen to the throne under
those circumstances and upon those conditions. If this was inter-
vention, it was in the interest of Americans in Hawaii. It was an
exaction upon Liliuokalani which would forbid, under the penalty of war^
that should she acquire the throne by whatever means, that she should
openly disavow any purpose to inflict any pains and penalties upon
those who had supported the Provisional Government. Liliuokalani,
after several efforts on the part of Mr. Willis to obtain her consent
to this proposition, finally signed it without the assent of her min-
isters, and it was attested by Mr. Carter, who was a personal and
political friend. Her declaration or agreement thus signed and deliv-
ered to Mr. Willis was by him presented to the President of the Pro-
visional Government (who was also minister of foreign affairs), and
the question whether or not it would be accepted by the Government
of Hawaii was submitted to him. Whereupon the President of the
Provisional Government declined to accept the proposition; declined
to yield the power which had been vested in him as the chief execu-
tive of Hawaii; and nothing more was done either to induce him^ or to
compel him, to consent to, or to assist in, the restoration of Libuoka-
lani to the throne or the restoration of the Monarchy.

If, in this course of proceeding, the President of the United States
had intended to compel obedience to what is termed his "decision'' in
the matter by using the force of the United States to assist the Queen
in being enthroned, that would have been an act of war, entirely beyond
his power, and would not have received the sanction of any consider-
able part of the American people, and would have no warrant in inter-
national law. But such was not the intention of the President, as is
shown by contemporaneous acts, by his declarations, and by his subse-
quent treatment of the stibject. Therefore, the question between the
United States and Hawaii touching the propriety of an intervention in
the domestic affairs of Hawaii* to the extent of gaining the final deci-
sion and agreement of both parties upon these propositions is one that
is strictly within the accepted right or authority of a sovereign to ten-
der his good offices to reconcile the conflicts of two or more factions,
or parties, that may be opposed to each other within any country. The
tender of good offices has often been voluntarily made in the interest
of humanity, of peace, of law, and of order, or at the suggestion of one
of two belligerent powers actually engaged in war, Sometimea it haft

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 27

been made at the suggestion of that party in a govemment, engaged
Id actual hostilities, which had the evident power to crash its opponent
by prosecutiug the war to extremities. In such cases the intervention
has often been accepted as a merciful interposition^ and it has been con-
sidered an honor by other governments that they should be requested,
under such circumstances, to exercise their good oflBces in favor of pro-
eoiing pea.ce through a submission to inevitable results. When the
tender of good offices is made at the request of both of the contending
parties it is difficult to conceive how any sovereign of a foreign country
eoold refuse to act in such matter.

In the public act by which the Provisional Government of Hawaii was
established there was a distinct declaration that that Govemment was
to continue until Hawaii was annexed to the United States. That
declaration, apart from every other consideration, would have justified
the United States in an interference for the protection of the Provi-
sional Government which would not have been tolerated under other
drcomstances. That declaration created an intimacy of relationship
between the United States and the recognized Government of Hawaii
which is entirely exceptional, and which placed within the reach and
control of the United States very largely, if not entirely, the disposal
of those questions collateral to that of annexation which might have
interfered with the peaceful and appropriate solution of any difficulty
which might arise in its execution. So that the Provisional Govem-
ment of Hawaii, having thus thrown itself into the arms of the United
States in the first declaration of its existence, can not justly complain
tiiat the Hnited States should scrutinize, under the authority thus
g^iven, all its pretensions of right thus to dispose of an entire country
and people. And Liliuokalani, having reference to the same project of
annexation, of which she was fhlly cognizant, made complaint that the
United States had assisted in driving her from her throne by bringing
its troops on shore in military array at a time when there was no neces-
sity for it, distinctly announced at the moment of her final and avowed
abdication that she would abdicate provisionally and would await the
decision of the United States as to whether that abdication and the
destruction of the Kingdom and the annexation of Hawaii to the United
States should become completed facts. Under such circumstances the
President of the United States, believing that the information then in
possession of the Government was not sufficient to justify summary
annexation, could not have done justice to himself, to his country, to
the people of Hawaii, to the Provisional Government, or to Liliuokalani,
without having made an effi)rt to use his good offices for the purpose
(tf ascertaining whether it was practicable that the Queen should be
restored to her authority, leaving the question to be determined by the
people interested in Hawaii whether such restoration would be accept-
able to them or not. If Liliuokalani had been restored to her throne
by the consent of the membership of the Provisional Govemment, upon
the terms and conditions of the proposition which she signed and
delivered to Mr. Willis, the President of the United States would not
have been in any sense responsible for her restoration, would not have
espoused the monarchy, nor would he have done anything that was
contradictory of American sentiment, opinion, or policy. He would
only have been the mutual friend, accepted, really, by both parties,
whose intervention would have secured, with their consent, the final
solution of tbMt question. In the absence of such committal on his
part to the claims of Liliuokalani or resistance on his part to the

28 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

recognized rights of the Provisional Gk)vemmeiity there is no reason for
withholding approval of the conduct of the President of the United
States in thus accepting and executing a function which he was entitled
to perfoi m, in submitting the question, in due and final form, to the
contending parties or factions in Hawaii, whether they preferred to
maintain the authority of the Provisional Government, with whatever
results may follow from that, or a return to the monarchy under Liliuo-
kalani.

Therefore your committee conclude to report that the President of
the United States has not, in this particular, in any wise been a party
to any irregularity or any impropriety of conduct in his high office.

The committee find nothing wortliy of criticism in the negotiation
of the treaty of annexation with the Provisional Government of
Hawaii.

The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing one chief of
the executive department and substituting another. Except the
Queen and her cabinet, no officer of the Government was removed.
The legislative body, including the house of nobles and house of
representatives and their presiding officers, remained in commission.
The supreme court and all other judicial magistiacies and the officers
of the courts were left undisturbed, and, when the inten*egnum ended,
they pursued their duties without change or interruption 5 commerce
with foreign countries and between the islands was not in any way
prevented, and the commercial and banking houses were open for busi-
ness, which resumed activity when the executive head of the Gx)vern-
ment was again in the exercise of lawful authority.

The Government had not been displaced and another substituted, but
only a department which was left vacant had been rehabilitated.

When this was done and the fact was recognized, the Government of
Hawaii was as competent to treat of annexation to the United States
as it had ever been, or as it ever will be, until the United States shall
decide that it will annex no more territory unless with the consent of
the people to be annexed, to be ascertained by a plebiscite.

Complaint is made also that this project of annexation was attempted
to be consummated in too great haste.

That raises a question of due consideration ; for, if the people of both
countries desired it, or if, according to every precedent to be found in
the various annexations of countries and States to the United States,
the respective governments desired it, speedy action in completing the
cession was desirable for many obvious reasons, among which the inju-
rious disturbance of commerce and danger to the public peace grow-
ing out of a protracted agitation of so grave a matter, are conspicuous.

But this is a question of long standing, which has ueen under favor-
able consideration by the kings and people of Hawaii and the Govern-
ment and people of the United States for more than fifty years.

It is weU understood, and its importance increases with every new
event of any consequence in Hawaii, and with the falling-in of every
island in the Pacific Ocean that is captured by the great maritime
I)Owers of Europe. The committee have copied, in the Appendix to
this report, portions of the remarks of Hon. William. F. Draper in the
House of Eepresentatives on the 4th of February, 1894, which refer in
a very clear and concise way to the progress of foreign intervention in
the Pacific Ocean 'by European powers. The committee also present
the following message of President Grant to the Senate, with the
accompanying letter of Hon. Henry A. Peirce, then our minister to

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 29

Hawaii^ which shows that the snbject of cession and annexation have
beeo on several occasions carefully considered by the governments of
Hawaii and the United States.

[Comflde&tlal.~!BxecatiYe B.— Forty-aoooBd Congress, first session.]

Message of the President of the ITmted States^ transmitting a copy of a
dispatch relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands^ addressed
to the Department of State by Henry A, Pierce^ minister resident of
ike United States at Honolulu.

Apbil 1, 1S71. — Bead and, with the dispatch referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of
the Senate, a copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last, relative
to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Depart*
mcDt of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the dnited
States at Honolnln. Althoagh I do not deem it advisable to express
any opinion or to make any recommendation in regard to the subject
al this juncture, the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper
to express them, would be very acceptable with reference to any future
course which there might be a disposition to adopt.

U. S. Gbant.

Washington, April 5, 1871.

Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish.

No.I01«] Lboation of thb Uniteb States of Amebioa,

Honolulu^ February 25^ 1871.

Sis: Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented
tor consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period
has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the TJ. S.
Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian
Islands to the territory of the Bepublic. That such is to be the
pohtical destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in
the opinion of aU who have given attention to the subject in this
eountry, the United States, England, France, and Germany.

A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of
this coantry , as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for
the consummation of the measure named.

The event of the decease of the present sovereign of Hawaii, leaving
no heirs or successor to the throne, and the consequent election to be
made by the legislative assembly of a king, and new stirps for a royal
&iDily, will produce a crisis in x>olitical affairs which, it is thought, will
be availed of as a propitious occasion to inaugurate measures for
umexation of the islands to the United States, the same to be effected
as the manifest will and choice of the ms^ority of the Hawaiian
people, and through means proper, peaceful, and honorable. .

It is evident, however, no steps will be taken to accomplish the
object named without the proper sanction or approbation of the U. B.
Government in approval thereof.

The Hawaiian people for fifty years have been under educational
iiiAiinictioii of .American missionaries^ and the civilizing inflaences of

30 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

New Eng^laDd people, commercial and maritime. Hence they are puri*
tan and democratic in their ideas and tendencies, modified by a trop-
ical climate. Their favorite songs and airs are American. Sherman's
"Marching Through Georgia'' and "John Brown's Soul is Marching
On" are daily heard in the streets and in their schoolrooms. The
fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States has
made the project of annexation to our Union more popular than ever
both here and in the United States.

The native population is fast disappearing; the number existing is
now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the
census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between
5.000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are firom the United States, and
tney own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented
in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the
Kingdom.

This country and sovereignty will soon be left to the possession ot
foreigners, " to unlineal hands, no sons of theirs succeeding." To
what foreign nation shall these islands belong if not to the great Repub-
lic f At the present those of foreign nativities hold all the important
offices of government and control legislation, the judiciary, etc. Well
disposed as the Government now is towards the United States and its
resident citizens here, in course of time it may be otherwise, as was the
case during our civil war.

I now proceed to state some points of a more general character,
which should influence the U. S. Gi)vemment in their decision of
the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geo-
graphical position occupying, as it does, an important central,
strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps neces-
sary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and
to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hem-
isphere is destined to increase enormously from our intercourse with
the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humbolt
predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would, in time, rival that
on the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy
fulfilled.

The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce
by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possessions of
Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the
English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the
wars between those nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of
anticipating and preventing, when we can, similar evils that may issue
from these islands if held by other powers. Their proximity to the
Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical produc-
tions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goatskins, salt, cotton, fine
wool, etc., required by the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber,
shocks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles are
evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region.

Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at
war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this
weak kingdom, in view of the great injury that could be done to our
commerce through their acquisition of them?

It is said that at a proper time the United States may have the
sovereignty of these islands without money and without price, except,
perhaps, for purchase of the Grown and public lands, and moderate
annnities to be given to the five or six high chiefs now living witii
uncertain olsvinrs as successors tp the Grown.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 31

His Hawaiian Majesty, althoagh only in his forty-first year, is liab)%
to a sudden decease, owing to frequent attacks of difficulty in breath-
ing and danger of suffocation from congestion caused by obesity. His
weight is 300 pounds. He is sole survivor of the royal race of Kame-
buneha; unmarried, no heir, natural or adopted; possesses the consti-
tutional prerogative of naming his successor, but it is believed he will
not exercise it, from a superstitions belief his own death would follow
immediately the act.

Prince Alexander and Lott Kamehameha (the former subsequently
became the fourth Hawaiian King and the latter the fifth) and Dr. G.
P. Judd, my informant^ visited England in 1850 as Hawaiian commis-
oonera.

Lord Palmerston, at their interview with him, said, in substance,
«that the British (Tovemment desired the Hawaiian people to maintain
proper government and preserve national independence. If they were
nnable to do so he recommended receiving a protectorate government
nnder the United States or by becoming an integral part of that nation.
Such," he thought, '^was the destiny of the Hawaiian Islands arising
from their proximity to the States of Galifwnia and Oregon and
natural dependence on those markets for exxK>rts and imports, together
with probable extinction of the Hawaiian aboriginal population and its
subetitation by inmiigration from the United States." That advice
seems sound and prophetic.

The following historical events in relation to these islands are thought
worthy of revival in recollection:

February 25 j 1843,— Lord George Paulet, of Her Britannic Majesty's
ship Carys/ori^ obtained, by forceful measures, cession of the Hawaiian
Islands to the Government of Great Britain, July 31, 1843. They were
restored to their original sovereignty by the British Admiral Thomas.

Kavember 28y 1843, — Joint convention of the English and French
Governments, which acknowledged the independence of this archi-
pelago and reciprocally promised never to take possession of any part
of same. The United States Government was invited to be a party to
the above but declined.

August', 1849. — ^Admiral Tromelin, with a French naval force, after
making demands on the Hawaiian Government impossible to be com-
l^ed witii, took unresisted possession of the fort and Government
buildings in Honolula, and blockaded the harbor. After a few weeks'
occupation of the place the French departed, leaving political affairs
as tiliey were previous to their arrival.

January J 1851, — ^A French naval force again appeared at Honolula,
aod threatened bombardment and destruction of the town.

The King, Kamehameha HI, with the Government, fearing it would
be carried into effect, and in mortal dread of being brought under
French rule similar to that placed by the latter over Tahiti, of the
Society Islands, executed a deed of cession of all the Hawaiian Islands
and their sovereignty forever in favor of the United States of America.

The document in a sealed envelope was placed in charge of Mr. Sev-
erance, United States commissioner here, with instructions to take
formal official possession of the soil of these islands on occasion of the
first hostile shot fired by the French. On learning the facts the latter
desisted further aggressive acts and departed from the country.

Since that period the French authorities have pursued a conciliatory
eoDTse in their relations with the Hawaiian Government, and fully of
opinion, it is said, that a secret treaty exists between the United States
Goyemment and that of Hawaii, by which tbese islands pass into th^

32 . HAWAIIAN ISLANDS

possession of the former in case of aggressions made ux>on them ther»
after by any hostile powers.

In 1854 the administration of President Pierce authorized the
United States commissioner, Mr. Gregg, to negotiate a treaty with the
Hawaiian authorities for the cession of the sovereignty of these islands
to the United States; bat Mr. Gregg succeeded only in obtaining a
protocol for a treaty, by which the United States were to extend a
protectorate government over them. The matter in that form did not
meet with the approval of Mr. Secretary Marcy, and farther negotia-
tions ceased.

I omitted to state in proper sequence that the deed of cession of 1851
was, by order of the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, returned to the
Hawaiian Government.

In conclusion, I herewith inclose Annual Review of the Agriculture
and Commerce of the Hawaiian Islands for the year 1870, published by
the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 25, 1871. Additional
copies will accompany my dispatch No. 102. Permit me to refer you to
a lithographic ma]), published in 1867 by U. S. Bureau of Statistics, as
showing in convenient form the relative position of these islands to the
continents of America, Asia, etc.; also, steamship lines radiating there-
from.

With great resx>ect, your obedient, humble servant,

Hensy a. Piebos.

Hon. Hamilton Fish,

Secretary of State^ Washington^ D. 0.

A President informed as to the history of his country could find no
difficulty in dealing with the question of the annexation of Hawaii to the
United States on the ground that it is new; and a minister to Hawaii
who should fail to inform his Goverumeut of the political changes in
Hawaii that would affect that question would neglect his duty.

It is not a just criticism upon the correspondence of Minister Stevens
witti his Government that he earnestly advocated annexation. In this
he was in line with Mr. Marcy and nearly every one of his successors
as Secretary of State, and with many of Mr. Stevens's predecessors as
minister to Hawaii. His letters to his Government were written under
the diplomatic confidence that is requisite to secure freedom in such
communications, and were not expected to come under the scrutiny of
all mankind. They show no improper spirit and are not impeachable as
coloring or perverting the tr^th, although some matters stated by him
may be classed as severe reflections. Whatever motives may have
actuated or controlled any representative of the Government of the
United States in his conduct of our affairs in Hawaii, if he acted within
the limits of his powers, with honest intentions, and has not placed the
Government of the United States upon false and untenable grounds,
his conduct is not irregular.

But, in his dealings with the Hawaiian Government, his conduct was
characterized by becoming dignity and reserve, and was not in any
way harsh or offensive. In the opinion of the committee, based upon
the evidence which accompanies this report, the only substantial irregu-
larity that existed in the conduct of any officer of the United States,
or agent of the President, during or since the time of the revolution of
1893, was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a protectorate of the
United States over Hawaii, and in placing the flag of our country
upon the Government building in Honolulu. Ko actual harm resulted

HAWAIIAN JSLAm>8. 33

from this nnantborized act, bat as a precedent it is not to be con-
sidered as being justified. The committee hare not considered it
necessary to present any resolutions stating the conclusions that are
indicated in this report/and ask that they be discharged from the further
consideration of the resolutions under which this report is made.

We are in entire accord with the essential findings in the exceed-
ingly able report submitted by the chairman of the Committee on For>
eign Belations. But it is our opinion —

First That the appointment on the 11th day of March, 1893, with-
out the advice and consent of the Senate, of Hon. James H. Blount as
^* special commissioner" to the Hawaiian Government under letters
of credence and those of instruction, which declared that ^* in all mat-
ters affecting relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands
his authority is paramount" was an unconstitutional act, in that suc^
appointee, Mr. Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was
apx>ointed without its advice and consent, although that body was in
session when such appointn^ent was made and continued to be in ses-
sion for a long time immediately thereafter.

Second. The orders of the Executive Department by which the luwal
force of the United States in the harbor of Honolulu was in effect
placed under the command of Mr. Blount or of Mr. Willis were with-
out authority or warrant of law.

Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral Skerrett to lower
the United States ensign from the Government building in Honolulu
and to embark the troops on the ships to which they belonged, was an
order which Mr. Blount had no lawful authority to give. Its object
was not to terminate a protectorate. That relation had been disa-
vowed by the administration of President Harrison immediately upon
receiving information of its establishment. The flag and troops, when
such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the positions from which
he ordered them to be removed for the purpose of maintaining order
and protecting American life and property. Their presence h^ been
effectual to those ends, and their removal tended to create, and did
create, public excitement and, to a degree, distrust of the power of the
Provisional Government to preserve order or to maintain itself. That
order of Mr. Blount was susceptible of being construed as indicating
an unfriendly disx>osition on the part of the United States toward the
Provisional Government, and it was so construed, particularly by the
people of Hawaii.

In the light of subsequent relations between Mr. Bloumt and hie suc-
cessor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen, whose office had become vacant by
her deposition and abdication under the attack of a successful revolu-
tion, this order and its execution were most unfortunate and untoward
in their effect. Such relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and
Willis with the head and with the executive offices of an overthrown
government, conducted for t^ purpose of restoring that gervernment
by displacing its successor, were in violation of the ooBStitution and of
the principles of international law and were not warranted by the cir-
cumstances of the case.

Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the revolutiom^ of the
lawfulness of the means by which ^e deposition and abdicati«n of the
Queen were effected, and the right of the ProvisieDal Gkovemment to

& Aep. 227 3

34 ' HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

exist and to continue to exist was conclusively settled, as the Tei)ort
so forcibly states, against the Queen and in favor of the Provisional
Government, by the act of the administration of President Harrison
recognizing such Provisional Government, by the negotiation by that
administration with such Provisiona^l Government of a treaty of annex-
ation to the United States; by accrediting diplomatic representation
by such administration and by the present administration to such Pro-
visional Government; therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the
President of the United States had no authority to attempt to reopen
such determined questions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to
overthrow the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy
which it had displaced.

While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender its good
offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that under present con-
sideration, it is also true that the performance of such offices of media-
tion or advice ought not to be entered upon without the consent previ-
ously given by both the parties whom the action or decision of the
friendly power may affect. Such consent was not given in the present
instance. The Provisional Government never so consented ; it was never
requested to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present admin-
istration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by the
President, which had for their result his request and monition to the
Provisional Government to surrender its powers, to give up its exist-
ence and to submit to be displaced by the monarchy which it had over-
thrown, had no warrant in law^ nor in any consent of one of the parties
to be affected by such proceedings.

Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United States,
In substance, that it is the duty of this Government to make repara-
tion to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by
all constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the x>olicy of the
present administration to that end. The instructions to Messrs. Blount
and Willis must be construed to be other and more ample forms of ex-
pression of that policy. No other presumption is permissible than that
their actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed
policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this
connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection, or good taith of
these gentlemen in the performance of the task to which they had been
plainly conuuauded by the piesent administration.

John Sherman.
Wm. p. Fbye.

J. K DOLPH.

OusHMAN K. Davis.

ADDITIONAL VIEWS SUBMITTED BY MEMBERS OF THE

COMMITTEE.

The undersigned, members of the Committee on Foreign Bela-
tionSy snbmit herewith the following views adverse to the report of the
committee, ax>on the subject of the recent political revolution in Hawaii.

Agreeing as we do with the conclusions submitted by the chairman
of the committee that no irregularities were committed either in the
appointment of Special Commissioner Blount or iu the instructions
given him by the President, and without deuyiug or conceding in any
manner the correctness of the facts as claimed, or of the statements as
made, in said report concerning other matters therein mentioned, we
especially dissent from that portion thereof which declares that the
oidy substantial irregularity in the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the late
mini^r, was his declaration of a protectorate by the United States
o?er Hawaii. We are of the opinion also that there are no valid rea-
sons and no course of dealing iu our past relations with those islands
which justifies interference by the United States with the political
internal affairs of Hawaii any more than with those of any other inde-
pendent state or nation in this hemisphere. We can not concur, there-
fore, in so much of the foregoing report as exonerates the minister of
the United States, Mr. Stevens, from active officious and unbecoming
participation in the^events which led to the revolution in the Sandwich
Ulands on the 14th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893. His own admis-
mons in his official correspondence with this Government, his conduct
for months preceding the revolution, as well as the facts established
bjthe evidence before, the committee, clearly justify such a conclusion.

On the other hand, we are not inclined to censure Gapt. Wiltse,
eommandiug the United States war-ship Boston^ or the officers of that
vessel. Their position was one of extreme delicacy and difficulty, and
we appreciate their anxiety to afford protection to the lives and prop-
erty of American citizens. The force of United States marines of the
Btium with their ordinary arms stationed at the American legation,
and at the consulate in HonolukL would have effectually represented
the aathority and power of the United States Government, and would
have afforded whatever protection American interests might have
required; and at the same time would have avoided the appearance
of coercion or duress, either upon the people of Honolulu or the Queen
in the controversy between them. This is our opinion, after a careful
examination of all the facts and circumstances disclosed in the evi-
dence. But, as we have observed, the position was a delicate and
difficult one. Perhaps if we had been on the gronnd in the presence
of the minister, under the influence of his advice and counsel, and
(tf the environments and conditions surrounding Gapt. Wiltse, his
officers and men, we might have landed the forces as he did; but a less
formidable arraj would have removed from the Queen the excuse for
snerting that she and her government were overawed by the United
States forces, to which she claims under protest to have surrendered,

36 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

and at the same time have afforded all necessary protection to the
lives and property of onr citizens at that port, if they were in any
jeopardy.

The moral support and good offices of this Government, or of any
government, is always permissible in promoting the moral tone and polit-
ical improvement of the government of foreign countries on terms of «
amity with their own; l^ut there is nothing in international law, in
sound public policy, or in our past history and traditions which justifies
a representative of this Government in interfering ofi^ciously or improp-
erly in the domestic or political affairs of a foreign country, whatever
may be the character of its rulers, its form of government, or its politi-
cal condition. We have enough to do to attend to our own business.

We can not, therefore, avoid the conviction that the inopportune zeal
of Minister Stevens in the project of annexation of the Sandwich
Islands to the United States caused him to exceed the proper limits of
his official duty and of his diplomatic relations to the government and
people of those islands. His conduct as the public representative of
this Government was directly conducive to bringing about the condition
of affairs which resulted in the overthrow of the Queen, the organiza-
tion of the Provisional Government, the landing of the United States
troops, and the attempted scheme of annexation; and upon this con-
clusion his conduct is seriously reprehensible and deserving of public
censure.

M. 0. BUTLEB,

David Turpib,
John W. Daniel,
Geobgb Gray,

Memberi of Minority.
Febbuaby 22, 1894.

The question of annexation is not submitted for the consideration of
the committee, except as it incidentally affects the main question dis-
cussed; but it may not be improper for me to say, in this connection,
that I am heartily in favor of the acquisition of those islands by the
Government of the United States; and in a proper case and on an appro-

Eriate occasion I should earnestly advocate the same. But I am unwil-
ng to take advantage of internal dissentions in those islands, for
which I believe we are in some measure responsible, to consummate at
this time so desirable an object.

M. C. BUTLEB.

I concur in the above.

David Ttjbpebl

APPENDIX TO THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.

L Thb following is the translation op the obioinal posteb

R£F£SB£D TO BY MB. HOES IN HIS STATEMENT.

[Translation.]

THB VOICE OP THE PEOPLE.

1. A maas meeting will be held in front of the opera honse, outside
of the Palace yard, at 2 o'clock this afternoon^ Monday, January 16, to
consider the condition of the country.

By order

Committee of Law and Obdeb.

the voice of the chief.

2. On the affcemoon of Saturday last the voice of the sacred chief
of Hawaii, Liliuokalaui, the tabued one, speaking as follows:

" Oh, ye people who love the chief, I hereby say to you, I am now
ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that
it would be successful; but behold obstacles have arisen. Therefore I
sajr unto you, loving people, go with good hope, and do not be dis-
torbed or troubled in your minds, because within the next few days
now coming I will proclaim the new constitution.

^<The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in
this new constitution, but they said nothing.

"Therefore, I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much
want will be accomplished; it also is my strong desire."

And her last order was that we should pray to Gk)d to bless this
Kingdom and the throne of Hawaii.

STUBBOBNNESS.

3. From the day of the passage of the lottery bill until the proroga-
tion of the Legislature the members of the Eeform party in the House
have been refractory. It is seen that this is the Missionary party. This
is a childish act, showing the lack of principle of the Eeform party and
the nnexampled pride of the missionaries. The missionaries are the
parents of these actions, and their reason for so doing is because of
their regret and vexation by reason of the failure of their schemes in
the Legislature. The National party is not this way. If the Eeform
part J is saccessfal the Hawaiian party does not show its disappoint-
fl»ent, bat, witli its customary patience, continues on working for the
good of all without feelings of strife.

The foreig'n members of this session have shown their wicked
ifiteotions tlieir causeless jealousy, when the majority of the people,
' 37

38 HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

the Hawaiian party, voted as tbey wished. Daring all the bribery there
has grown np a united determination on the part of the National party
to hold their prerogatives and carry out the desires of their constitu-
ents who elected them. Great is our contempt for this causeless
opposition of the missionaries and their friends, and for the first time
we are able to congratulate the Hawaiian members on account of their
unanimity during these few days.

DEPPEEENT VIEWS.

4. We hear that the representatives of the foreign countries have
met and decided to help the Queen's cabinet and support her, except
the American minister. The Annexationists are seeking some pretext
to injure the Queen, and, order the American naval forces on shore to
protect their property without knowing what they are afraid of^ for
the ghosts which they are conjuring up will act as they acted in 1887.

OH, YE HAWAIIAN PEOPLE.

5. To-day a public meeting has been called by the missionaries of
the Beform party and those who are deceived by them at Manamana,
with the intention of injuring the Queen because of her love for the
I>eople in consenting to promulgate a new constitution, to depose her
from being Queen, and to turn the monarchy into a republic. There-
fore, those who love the country, those who are bom in the country,
stand fast in support of the monarchy and do not let one true Hawaiian
go to this meeting to which you are invited. Oh, all ye true Hawaiians,
let us support our Queen, and consecrate our lives for the benefit of
our Queen and the peace of the land. All of the people who love the
chief are invited to go straight to the meeting in front of the oi>era
house at 2 o'clock this afternoon. One loving heart in our breai^ts
throughout the land, oh, descendants of Kamehameha. -

THE HELPERS OF THE CABINET.

6. The banks of Bishop and Spreckels are ready to help the Oovem-
ment with money. Certain merchants are also ready to support the
Government. It is apparent that it is only certain missionaries who are
secretly meeting and seeking a riot as a reason for landing the men of
war when there is no reason.

LET THE PEOPLE BE BEADY.

7. To give their thanks today at the meeting to be held at 2 this
afternoon in front of the Opera House, to their Queen, who wanted to
execute the desires of her people, but by reason of obstacles she could
not lawfully do so. On account of this love of our Queen, and what
she tried to do under her spirit of love, but she could not accomplish
it, and when she saw that it could not be done she expressed her regret
with sorrow, and instructed the committee of the people to go and wait,
and their desires would be carried out in accordance with the right,
and for them to keep the peace.

MASS meeting!

8. The meeting which is to be held in front of the opera hous^ is to
bo held by the party which supports the Government, and the subjects
of the Queen are invited to attend and listen to the voices of the

HA^AIUN ISLANDS. 39

leaders of the people* We are being plotted against without reason.
The index^endence of Hawaii is being assaolt^ by the wicked and
refractory ones because the Queen listened to the pleadings of her own
people to give a new constitution. She has left this thought to her
cabinet, and thanks are due for this loving thought of the chief in
leaving to them this desire of the people of the land, and they have
restrained the love of the chief until such time as it may seem good.
Because it can not be helped, we had better be patient and listen to her
words: "I regret that your desires are not complied with, but you must
go and keep the peace, and the time will come when your desires will
be satisfied."

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a correct translation of the
accompanying extra issued by tbe Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, a Honolulu
newspaper, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language^ on Jan-
uary 16, 1893.

LoBBm A. Thubstqn.

n. By OKDVR OP the OOMMITTJBB the FOIiLOWIWO INSTRTJOTIONS
OP THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY TO OOMMODORE PERRY, DATED
APRIL 15, 1847, WERE MADE PART OF THE REOORD.

[ConfldentUd.]

Navy Department,

WashinffUm^ April 15j 1847,

Commodore M. 0. Perry,

Commanding the Home Squadron:

Sib: The successes which have recently crowned our arms would
seem to justify the expectation that the Government of Mexico would
feel disxM>8ed to submit proposals for peace. That there ma^* be no
umecessary delay in acting on such proposals, if they shall be made,
the President has directed Nicholas P. Trist, esq., of the State Depart-
ment, to proceed to the headquarters of the Army or to the squadron,
as he shall deem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any
proposition for a settlement of the questions at issue. Mr. Trist i6
dothed with such diplomatic power as to authorize him to enter into
arrangements with the Mexican Government for the mutual suspen-
sion of hostilities. If he shall communicate to you in writing that the
contingency has occurred, you will act in accordance with his directions
and suspend actual hostilities until further orders from the Department,
unless the enemy shall continue or recommence them. In doing so
you will not relinquish any x)osition which you may occupy, or abstain
firom any change of position which, in your judgment, may be neces-
Koj for the security or health of your command..

You will afford to Mr. Trist every facility and accommodation in your
power and a speedy passage to New Orleans when he may desire to
return. You will not relax the vigor of your operations while he may
remain in Mexico, unless he directs you to suspend them, but during
thtit time it is desirable, if it does not conflict with your arrangements,
that yon shall be in the harbor of Vera Cruz, or as accessible as may be.

You will be pleased to make your communications to .the Depart*
BMDt as fireqaent as you may find opportunity.

I aoou very respectfully, your obedient servant,

John T. Mason..

40 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

XJ. S. Flagship Mississippi,

Ant^m lAzardOy May 5, 1847.

SiB: I have received by Mr. Trist your confidential communication
of the 15th instant, and in a personal interview with that gentleman
have made the requisite arrangements for carrying out the wishes and
intentions of the Department.

It is highly necessary that I should no longer delay a visit to the
eastern coast as far as Laguna and Campeche. This I can do before any
communication of interest can be received from Mr. Trist, and we both
agree that it \& better for me to make the visit now, that I may be at
Vera Cruz about the time he shall have been informed of the result of
his mission; but to prevent any inconvenience I shall leave a. steamer
at Vera Cniz to bring me any communication that Mr. Trist might
transmit during my absence.
The Potomdc will also be left at Vera Cruz.

With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

M. C. Peeby,
Commanding Home Squadron,
Hon. John Y. Mason,

Secretary of the Navy, Washington^ D. 0.

m. Also the following treaty of annexation made in the
time op kamehameha in, which failed of the king's sig-
nature BY reason of his DEATH, THE ORIGINAL BEING ON
FILE IN THE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

[Confidential.]

Treaty of annexation concluded bettceen His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands and the United States of America.

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, being convinced
that plans have been and still are on foot hostile to his sovereignty
and to the peace of his Kingdom, which His Majesty is without power
to resist and against which it is his imperative duty to provide in
order to prevent the evils of anarchy and to secure the rights and
prosperity of his subjects, and having, in conscientious regard thereto
as well as to the general interests of his Kingdom, present and future,
sought to incorporate his Kingdom into the Union of the United States
as the means best calculated to attain these ends and perpetuate the
blessings of freedom and equal rights to himself, his chiefs, and his
people, and the Government of the United States, being actuated solely
by the desire to add to their security and prosperity and to meet the
wishes of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of his
Government, have determined to accomplish, by treaty, objects so
important to their mutual and permanent welfare.

For that purpose His Majesty, Kamehameha III, King of the
Hawaiian Islands, has gvanted full powers and inetructions to Robert
Chrichton Wyllie, esq., his minister of foreign relations, his secre-
tary at war and of the navy, member of his privy council of state,
member of the house of nobles, and chairman of the commissioners of
his privy purse, and the President of the United States has invested
with like powers David Lawrence Gregg, esq., commissioner ot
said States to the said Kingdom; and the said plenipotentiaries, after
exchanging their full powers, have agreed to and concluded the fol-
lowing articles:

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 41

Abticlb L

ffis Majesty, the King of jfche Hawaiian Islands, acting In conformity
vith the power vested in him by the constitution of his Kingdom, and
vith the wishes of his chiefs and people and of the heads of every
department of his Government, cedes to the United States his King-
dom, with all its territories, to be held by them in fall sovereignty,
subject only to the saine constitational provisions as the other States
of the American Union. This cession includes all public lots and
squares, Government lands, mines and minerals, salt lakes and springs,
fish xK>nd8, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, forts, ports, and
harbors, reefs, docks, and magazines, arms, armaments, and accouter-
ments, public archives, and funds, claims, debts,^ taxes, and dues exist-
ing, available, and unpaid at the date of the exchange of the ratifica-
tions of this treaty.

A11TIOI.E n.

The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into
the American Union as a State en joyins: the same degree of sover-
dgoty as other States, and admitted as such, as soon as it can be done
in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal
CoDstitntion, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a State as
iforesaid, on a perfect equality with the other States of the Unioii.

Article III.

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and sub-
jects of every class, shall continue in the enjoyment of all their
existing personal and private rights, civil, political, and religious, to
the utmost extent that is i)ossible under the Federal Constitution, and
shall possess and forever enjoy all the rights and privileges of citizens
of the United States on terms of perfect equality^ in all respects^ with
other American citizens.

ASTICLE IV,

The decisions of the Board of Land Commissioners, made and not
appealed from at the date of the final ratification of this treaty, shall be
aod remain forever valid and undisturbed, and all titles to real estate,
which are now or shall have then been declared valid under the laws of
the Hawaiian Kingdom, shall be held to be equally valid by the United
States, and measures shall be adopted by the United States for the
speedy and final adjudication of all unsettled claims to land in con-
&nnity with the laws and usages under which they may have originated*

Article V.

An engagements of whatsoever kind, affecting the rights of corpora-
tions or individuals, validly construed and lawfully incumbent upon
the King's (Jovernment or the Hawaiian nation to pay and discharge,
ihall be respected and fulfilled in as prompt, full, and complete a man-
ner as they would have been respected and fulfilled had no change of
BOTereignty taken place.

Aetiolk VI.

ThepnWfc lands hereby ceded, shall be subject to the laws regulat-
ing the public Jands in other parts of the United Statea, liable, \iow-

42 HAWAIIAN I8LAND&

eyer, to such alterations and changes as Congress may from time to
time enact. The grants of land for the promotion of edaeatiou here«
tofore made by the Grovernment of the 'Kmg of the Hawaiian Islands,
shall be confirmed by the United States, which, in addition thereto,
shall grant and set apart, for the purposes of common schools, semi-
naries of learning, and nniversities, so much of the public lands and of
the proceeds thereof, as may be eqaal, proportionally, to the grants for
such purposes in any of the States of the Union.

Abtiole VIL

The laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, so far as they are compatible
with republican institutions, and conformable to the Constitution of the
United States, shaU be and remain in ftdl force and effect until modi-
fied, changed, or repealed by the legislative authority of the State con*
templated by this treaty.

ABTicnLiE vm.

in consideration of the cession made by this treaty, and in compen-
sation to all who may suffer or incur loss consequent thereon, the
United States shall pay the aggregate sum of $300,000 as annuities,
to the King, the Queen, the Crown Prince, those standing next in suc-
cession to the throne, the chiefs, and all other persons whom the King
may wish to comx)ensate or reward, to be apportioned as may be deter-
mined by His Msyesty, the King, and his Privy Council of State, which
amounts, to be apportioned as aforesaid, shall be paid ratably, without
deduction or offset on any ground or in any shape whatever, to the
parties severally named in such apportionment, at Honolulu on the
1st day of July of each successive year so long as they may live. It
is, however, expressly agreed ui)on, that on the demise of his present
majesty, the annuity of the immediate heir to the throne shall then be
increased to the same amount before allowed and paid to the King
himself.

As a further consideration for the cession herein made and in order
to place within the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the
means of education, present and future, so as to enable them the more
perfectly to eiyoy and discharge the rights and duties consequent upon
a change from monarchical to republican institutions, the United
States agrees to set apart and pay over for the term of ten years the
sum of $75,000 per annum, one-third of which shall be applied to con-
stitute the principal of a tiind for the benefit of a college or university,
or colleges or universities, as the case may be, and the balance for the
support of common schools, to be invested, secured, or applied as may
be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands
when admitted as a state into the Union as aforesaid*

Abticlb IX.

Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the
President of the United States shall appoint a commissioner who shall
receive in due form, in the name of the United States, the transfer of
the sovereignty and territories of the Hawaiian Islands, also all public
property, archives, and other things hereinbefore stipulated to be con-
veyed, and who snail exercise all executive authority in said islands
necessary to the preservation of peace and order and to the proper

HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 43

execQtioii of the laws nntil the state contemplated ia this treaty can be
duly organized and admitted as such state; and until the arrival of
sach commissioner all departments of His M^esty's Government shall
eondniie as now constituted.

Abtiolb X.

This treaty shall be ratified by the respective high contracting par-
ties sod the ratifications exchanged at the city of Honolulu within
dght months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible ; but it is agreed
tlukt this period may be extended by mutual consent of the two par-
ties.

In witness whereof we. the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of the United States
of America, have signed three originals of this treaty of annexation in
Hawaiian and three in English, and have thereunto affixed our respeo-
tiye official seals.

Done at Honolulu, this day of , in the year of our Lord one

Hiousand eight hundred and fifty-four^

SEPABATE AND SEOBET ABTICLE.

Whereas it is desirable to guard against the exigencies declared in
the preamble to the foregoing treaty, and to secure the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and all who reside under his jurisdiction,
from the dangers therein referred to an|i expressed, it is hereby pro-
Tided and expressly agreed that at any time before the final exchange
of the ratifications of said treaty, if the same shall be duly ratified on
the part of His Majesty the King, and satisfactory notice thereof given
to tiie commissioner of the United States, it shall be competent for
His Majesty, by proclamation, to declare his islands annexed to the
AiDerican Union, subject to the provisions of such treaty as negotiated,
and the conmiissiouers of the United States for the time being shall
receive and accept the transfer of the jurisdiction of the said islands,
in the name of the United States, and protect and defend them by the
anned forces of the United States as a part of the American Union,
holding the same for and in behalf of his Government, and exercising
the jurisdiction provided for in said treaty, with the understanding,
however, that in case the said treaty is not finally ratified, or other
arrangement made, by the free consent and to the mutual satisfaction
of the contracting parties, the sovereignty of the islands shall imme-
diately revert, without prejudice, to His Majesty, or his hnmediate
heirs in the same condition as before the transfer thereof; and it is
farther understood and agreed that this ai'ticle shall be as binding for
aQ the ends and purposes herein expressed as if it formed a pa^ of
the foregoing treaty.

IV. AI.SO THE POLLOWINa INSTBUOTIONS FBOM HON. W. L. MABOT,
SECBETASY OF WAB, TO MAJ. GEN. WINFIELD SOOTT, GOMDIANDINO
THIS ABUT OF THB UNITED STATES IN MEXIOO.

Wab Depabtment,
Washington^ B. 0., January 18, 1894,

81B: As requested in your letter of the 13th instant, I have the
honor to transmit herewith a copy of a confidential letter, dated April
14, 1847 addressed by the Secretary of War to Mfo. Gen, Wiufteld

44 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

Scott, commanding IT. 8. Army in Mexico, and advising him that
Nicholas P. Trist, esq., has been commissioned by the President cf the
United States to proceed to the headquarters of the Army in Mexico,
or to the naval squadron, for the purpose of receiving any proposal
which the enemy may make for peace with the United States, and
informing Maj. Qen. Scott as to the diplomatic powers with which Mr.
Trist is clothed under his instructions.

Attention is invited to House Ex. Doc. ISo. 56, Thirtieth Congress,
first session, "Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Gen-
erals Scott and Tajdor, and between Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist,'' which
contains all the information in possession of this Department on the
subject.

Very respectfully,

Daniel S. Lamont,

Secretary of War.
Hon. John T. Mobg^an,

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs^ U. S. Senate.

[ConAdential.]

War Department,

Washington^ April 14j 1847.
Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott,

Commanding the Army j^f the United States y Mexico: ^

Sib: The signal successes which have attended our military opera-
tions since the commencement of the present war would seem to justify
the expectation that Mexico will be disposed to offer fair terms ot
accommodation. With a view to a result so desirable, the President
has commissioned Nicholas P. Trist, esquire, of the State Department,
to proceed to your headquarters, or to the squadron, as to him may
seem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposal
which the enemy may see fit to make for the restftration of peace.

Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic powers as will authorize
him to enter into arrangements with the Government of Mexico for the
suspension of hostilities. Should he make known to you, in writing,
that the contingency has occurred in consequence of which the Presi-'
dent is willing that farther active military operations should cease,
you will regard such notice as a direction from the President to suspend
them until further orders from this Department, unless continued or
recommenced by the enemy; but, in so doing, you will not retire from
any place you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position
which you may deem necessary to the health or safety of the troops
under your command, unless, on consultation with Mr. Trist, a change
in the position of your forces should be deemed necessary to the suc-
cess of the negotiation for peace. Until hostilities, as herein proposed,
shall be interuiitted, you will continue to carry on your operations with
energy, and push your advantages as far as your means will enable
you to do.

Mr. Trist is also the bearer of a dispatch to the Secretary of Foreign
Affairs of the Government of Mexico, in reply to one addressed to the
Secretary of State here. You will transmit that dispateh to the com-
mander of the Mexican forces, with a request that it may be laid before
his Government, at the same time giving information that Mr. Trist,
an officer from our Department for Foreign Affairs, next in rank to its

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 45

chief; is at your headquarters, or on board the squadron, as the case
may be.

You will afford Mr. Trist all the accommodation and facilities in your
power to enable him to accomplish the objects of his mission.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

W. L. Maboy,
Secretary of War.

P. S. — ^Should a suspension of hostilities take place, you will lose no
time in communicating the fact to M%j. Gen. Taylor.

V. Also the following treaty op beciprocit^y between the

UNITED states AND HAWAII, DATED AND SIGNED THE 20TH OP
JULY. 1S55« BUT WHIOH WAS NOT BATIPIED BY THE SENATE.

[Confldential. Exeoutiye, No. 7. Special session.]

TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND HIS MAJESTY THE

KING OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

March 9, 1857, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Committee on Foreign
Belations, and ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate.

The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, equally animated by the desire to strengthen and
perpetuate the friendly relations which have heretofore uniformly existed
between them, and to consolidate their commercial intercourse, have
resolved to enter into a convention for commercial reciprocity. For this
purpose the President of the United States of America has conferred
fall powers on William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, and His Majesty
the King of the Hawaiian Islands has conferred like powers on the hon-
orable William-Little Lee, chancellor and chief justice of the supreme
court of those islands, a member of his Hawaiian Majesty's privy council
of state and cabinet, president of the board of land commissioners, and
His Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the
United States of America.

And the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full
powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed to the foUow-
ing articles:

Abticle I.

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by His
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in the next succeeding article
of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, the United States of
America hereby agree to admit all the articles named in the following
schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the Hawaiian Islands,
into all the ports of the United States of America free of duty:

Schedule,

Muscovado, brown, clayed, and all other u£ refined svgars*

Sirups of sugar; molasses;

Coffee; arrowroot.

Live stock and animals of aU kinds.

Cotton^ unmanufactured.

B^s, and vegetables not preserved

Undried fiuits not preserved.

46 HAWAnAN ISLAND&

Poultry; eggs.

Plants, shrubs, and trees.

Pelts; wool, unmanufacturedt

Bags.

Hides, fiirs, s^ns, undressed.

Butter; tallow.

Abticle IL

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges grtnted by the
CJnited States of America in the preceding article of this convention,
and as an equivalent therefor. His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian
Islands hereby agrees to admit all the articles named in the following
schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the United States
of America, into all the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty:

Schedule.

Flour of wheat.
Fish of all kinds.
Goal.

Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed, and sawed, unmanu-
factured, in whole or in part.
Staves and heading.
Ootton, unmanufactured.
Seeds, and vegetables not preserved*
XJndried fruits, not preserved.
Poultry; eggs.
Plants, shrubs, and trees.
Pelts; wool, unmanufactured.
Bags.

Hides, furs, skins, undressed.
Butter; tallow.

Abticle in.

The evidence that articles proposed to be admitted into the ports ot
the United States of America or the ports of the Hawaiian Islands
free of duty, under the first and second articles of this convention, are
the growth or the produce of the United States of America or of the
Hawaiian Islands shall be a certificate to that effect from the Ameri-
can or Hawaiian consul or consular agent of the port from which such
articles are exported, or, in case there shall be no such consul or con-
sular agent resident in such port, a certificate to that effect from the
collector of the port.

ASTIOLE IV.

The present convention shall take effect as soon as the law required
to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of
the United States of America and the convention shall have been
approved by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in council.
The convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date at
which it may go into operation, and further, until the expiration of
twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give
notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high
contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at
the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time %fterwards.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 47

Article V.

The present convention shall be duly ratified, and the ratifications
shall be exchanged at Honolcda within eighteen months from the date
hereof, or earlier if possible.

In ikith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed this
eoDTfflition, and have hereunto affixed their seals.

Done, in triplicate, in the English language, in the city of Wash-
ington, this twentieth day of Ji^y^ anno Domini one thousand eight
hundred and fifty-five.

W. L, Marcy.

W. L. Lbb. [seal.]

SEAL.]

[Oonfitlential. Exeoatiye, No.?. Thirty-fonrtli Congress, first session.]

JfitMfe of ikt F/endtnt of the United Statee, communicating a treaty between the United

States and the King of the Hawaiian Islands,

Juiaaiy 3, 1S56, read first time, and, on motio^i by Mr. Mason, referred to the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations.
January 10, 1856, ordered to be printed in confidence for the nae of the Senate.

To ike Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate for consideration, with a view to ratification,
a treaty between the United States and His Majesty the King of the
Hawaiian Islands, signed in Washington, the twentieth day of July,
A. D. 1855.

FBAliKLIN PlEBOE.

Washington, December ^, 1855.

VT. Also the following report on the physical features,

FACTS of landing, SUPPLIES, CLIMATE, DISEASES, ETC., OF THE
HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, PREPJlRED ^T CAPT. GEORGE P. SCRIVEN,
OF THE SIGNAL CORPS, ASSISTED BY LIEUT. J. Y, MASON BLUNT,
OF THE FIFTH CAVALRY, WITH THE ACCOMPANYING MAPS.

Biport an the physical features^ ports of landing^ supplieSj olimatej

diseasesj etc,

[Oompllad from the beet avaiUble soaroeB for the informatioii of the Anny.]

CONTENTS.

Page.

Loeatioii, distances flrom the Pacific coast 12

Conunanications with the United States... 12

Hamea, areas 13

Gcoeral physical characteristics 13

8oils 14

CUmates 14

Earthquakes 16

Population, characteristics, religions, education 15-17

Laws, military forces, police 17

LsDi^nage, Government 17,18

Business, currency, finance, commerce 18, 19

Products, iMonrces, yegetation 19

Ifldustrias ^- 19

Diiesses (other than leprosy) 20

HiDBir of lifflb clothing « 20

48 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

iDdividnal characteristics of islands:

Oahu 1 21

Coast 21

Interior 21

Cities, towns, and ports, Honolaln 22

Other than Honolula 25

Hawaii ..; 26

Coast 26

Interior 26

Cities, towns, and ports 28

Maui 30

Coast 30

Interior 31

Cities, towns, and ports 31

Kanai , 33

Coast 33

Interior 33

Cities, towns, and ports 34

Molokai 35

Coast 35

Interior 35

Cities, towns, and ports » 36

Lanai 36

Niihau 36

Cities, towns, and ports. .^ 36

Kahiilaui.-l '. 37

Kaiila 37

Lenua : 37

Molokini 38

Communications 38

Railroads 38

Roads 39

Telegraphs, telephones 39

Inter-island steamers and vessels 39

Leprosy 39

Report on the Hawaiian Islands.

The Hawaiian Islands lie between parallels 18° 50' and 23° 6' north
latitude, and between meridians 154^ 40' and 161^ 50' west from Green-
wich. A line drawn through the axis of the group would approximate
roughly the segment of a circle convex towards the northeast; the
chord connecting the most widely separated points would have a length
of about 400 statute miles.

Honolulu, the capital and chief city, lies 2,080 miles from San Fran*
cisco; approximately 3,800 miles from Auckland; 4,500 miles from Syd-
ney; and 4,800 miles from Hongkong.

Mean time Honolulu noon is equivalent to lOh. 31m. 26s. Greenwich
mean time.

COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES.

8an Francisco to Honolulu. — The Australia of the Oceanic Steamship
Company and the Zealandia (W. J. Irwin) leave San Francisco and
return every other Tuesday.

The Oceanic Steamship Company's steamers Alameda^ Mariposa;
and the Union Steamship Company's steamer Monowaij leave San Fran-
cisco for New Zealand via Honolcdu once a month.

Time, — San Francisco to Honolulu, seven days'

Sailing vessels, with good passenger accommodations, ran regularly
from Sau Francisco to Honolulu.

HAWAIIAN ISLAND&

&ii% time. — San Francisco to Honolula, ten to eighteen days.

Pacific mail steamers, San Francisco to China and Japan, stop at
Honolula every otlier trip.

t<A Dew company sends it« first steamer this month (Febrnary, 1893),
from Tacoma and. Seattle to Honolula. steamers of the Occideutai
ttd Oriental line to Cliina and Japan [N. Y. Tribune, February 16^1 arc
dnetostop at Honolulu."

Steamers of tlie Oceanic and Pacific Mail companies are under the
United States fla^.

POSITIOlCy AS£AS, AND aEOaBAPHICAL FEATUBES.

The strategic value of the islands and their geographical position
m indicated on tlie accompanying chart (A). In general the islands
are mountainous, covered with verdure, and in parts, especially of
Hawaii, possessing very considerable areas of forest, whose vegetation
is that of the tropics.

The Hawaiian group is composed of eight inhabited, and of four
ininhabited islands. [Chart B.] The names and dimensions of the
inhabited islands are :

Name.

LeDgtb.

Breadth.

Ares.

M»ll|., „..,..

MilM.
00
4A
48
25
40
17

ao
11

MiUs.

Square mUM,

3,050

530

Qlki

Ibu

620

Ktsai .-

500

Miiflkai

IBO

Itttt

100

Siikaii

ikiknlui ,

The first five of these islands contain the bulk of the population as
Tell as the chief industries.

Three of the four uninhabited islands of the group are Kaula, Lenna,
and Molokini.

The total area of the inhabited islands is about 6,040 square miles.

^' All of these islands are volcanic. !N^o other rocks than volcanic are
foand upon any of them, excepting a few remnants of raised sea beaches
composed of consolidated coral sands. All the larger ones are very
moontainous.

'*The colminating points of the island Hawaii are Manna Eea^ 13,900
ftet, and Mauna Loa, 13,700 feet," the highest points of the group.

^In general the island group consists of the summits of a gigantic
submarine mountain chain, projecting its loftier x>eaks and domes above
the water.'' •

On the island of Hawaii the volcanic forces are still in operation; on
the other islands they are extinct.

Xooe of the inoautains are of sufficient height to reach the line of
eternal snow.

*86e Hawaiian volcanoeB, Capt. C. E. Dutton, XJ. S. A. Capt. (now Mi^or) Datton
iddi: '^Manxia Loa and Mauna Kea, referred to their true bases at the bottom of the
^ific, are therefore moantains not far from 30,000 feet in height.^' Maj. Button is
f^nentlj quoted, in the foUowing paragraphs relating to the physical charticter-
Kipi 0/ ^« ifliaiuU.

3.Bep-227 ft

50 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

SOIL.

^'Oiily a small proportion of the area of the islands is capable of sus-
taining a dense population. The most habitable tracts are near the
seacoast, and only a part or even a small part of these are really fertile.

'^The interior portions are mountainous aud cj^aggyy with a thin'soil,
admirable in a few localities for pasturage, but unit for agriculture.

''Many parts of the shore belt are arid and almost barren. Others
are covered with lavas too recent to have permitted the formation of
soil, and still others are trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that
access is difficult.

'' Deep rich soils at altitudes adapted to the growth of the sugar cane
probably form less than the fortieth part of the entire area.

''Shallower soils, however, are a little more extensive and yield other
crops of tropical staples in abundance."

CLIMATE.

The climate of the Hawaiian Islands is warm but salubrious, the tem-
perature e<)uable, and the sky usually clear. In the shade it is never
hot and seldom chilly, and there is so little humidity in the air that it
is rarely sweltering, though during the months of January, February,
and March the wind blows strongly from the southwest, and the atmos-
phere is damp and unpleasant. After such seasons the arid westerly
slopes are clothed with verdure and the capacity of the pastures vastly
increased.

"Upon the islands themselves it may be said that there are almost as
many climates as there are square leagues, and the differences of cli-
matic conditions exhibited by localities separated only half a dozen
miles are extreme.

"As a general rule the windward sides are excessively rainy, the pre-
cipitation frequently exceeding 200 inches in a year. The leeward sides
are generally arid, but to this there are some striking exceptions ; when-
ever the land barrier is low enough to permit the trade winds to blow
over it the lee of the barrier is invariably dry and sometimes is as parched
and barren as the sage plains of the Eocky Mountains ; the winds throw
down their moisture copiously as they rise to the dividing crest and
descend hot and dry : but when the barrier is lofty enough to effectually
oppose the drift of the air, the lee becomes subject to the simple alter-
nation of daily land and sea breeze. As the sea breeze comes in and
ascends the slope it sends down rain ; as the land breeze floats down
ward and outward it is dry and clear.

"The sea breeze sets in a little before noon and the land breeze goes
out a little before midnight. *

"Eelatively to human comfort, the climate is perfection. It is never
hot, and at moderate altitudes it is never cold. The heat of summer
is never sufficient to bring lassitude, and labor out of doors is far more
tolerable than in the summer of Kew England or Minnesota."

When the mountains are low, as in Oahu, the rains extend over them
and maintain copious streams for irrigation of the leeward lands where
little rain falls. Very much more rain falls on the windward north-
east sides of the large islands. At Ililo in Hawaii as much as 20 feci
has been measured in one year. At Honolulu the mean annual rain-
fall foi* five years ending 1877 varied from 3230 to 46*40 iucUes, giying
an average of 38 inches.

ElAWAIUN ISLANDS.

Hnrricanes and typhoons are said to be inftequent. There is, how-
ever, at Kawaihae, in the island of Hawaii, a wind ciJled the mumuJca
which mshes violently down between the mountains, and is dangerous
to shipping. When hurricanes occur on the island of Maui, great
damage to the sugar crop ensues.

The temperature varies from 55^ in winter to 70^ in summer for the
early mornings, and attains an average maximum of 75^ in the winter
and 85^ in the sommer for afternoon heats.

There is no rapid, sudden change; cold or hot waves are unknown.

Daring the heat of the day the sun-heated lava and rocks create a
Ktrong draft, loaded with vapor from the ocean ; this vapor, at 2,000
feet elevation, forms a continuous cloud bank, covering the mountains.

Hail sometimes falls in the vicinity of Hawaii.

TahUfrom Pacific Coast Commeroial Seccrd skotoing temperatures in Honolulu:

Ifazimani temperature for 1891 in Honolnln 89^

Mininmm temperature for 1S91 in Honolaln 54^

llaximiim daily range of the year 22^

Arenge weekly maximum from July 1, to Odtober 1 86^

Tabic from " Vistas of Hawaii" showing temperature for 1890:

Date.

Febrosrr 4..

lliiTbi

▲prfll

?*J»

JoftS

Jilyl

lainist 5. . .

SepteBberS

October'...

Sfvcaber 4

6 a. m.

1 p.m.

•

«7

«2

e»

Op. m.

From the above it is evident that the climate of the Hawaiian
Islands is in general that of a mild summer. The hottest months are
July and Angnst, when the thermometer sometimes rises to 90^, bat
this is considered nnusnal. Frost is unknown; rains are warm; and
the days and nights are of so nearly the same temperature that little
diily change of clothing is necessary.

EABTHQUASIES.

Earthquakes are of common occurrence in the islands, but they
Qsoally have their center of disturbance in Hawaii. In the islands to
the northwestward the shocks are infrequent and feeble. The shocks
are seldom of a very alarming or destructive character, but small or
moderate tremors are frequent.

POPULATION.

rhe total population of the Hawaiian
ich d8y714 are males, 31,276 females.

The

vhich

Islands in 1890 • was 89,990, of

'" 1 1. ■' J '

* Stftteeman's Year 3ooki 1893.

"r^rv

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Latest official census of the Hawaiian lAande,

[Taken December 28, 1890.]

BY DISTRICTS AND ISLANDS.

LaDai •,..• 174

Hawaii:

Hilo 9,935

Pima 834

Kau 2,577

North Koua 1,753

Sontli Kona 1,812

North Kohala 4,303

South Kohala 538

Hamakna 5,002

26,754
Mani:

Lahaina 2,113

Wailukii 6,708

Hana 3,270

Makawoo 5,266

17, 357
Molokai 2,632

Oaltu:

Honolnla 22,907

Ewa 2, Ion

Waianae 903

Waialna 1,286

Koolauloa 1,444

Koolaupoko 2,499

31,194
Kanai :

Waimea 2,523

Niihau 216

Koloa 1,755

Kawaihau 2,101

Hanalei 2,472

Lihue 2,792

11,859

BY NATIONALITY — 1890 AND 1884 COMPARED.

Native* ,

Half-castes

ChiDeae

A meri cans

Hawaiian-bom, foreign par-
ents

Japanese

1890.

1884.

84,436
6,186

15, 301
1,928

7,495
12,360

40,014
4,218

17,937
2,066

2,040
116

l^orwegfan ......

Britons

Portufnioso

Germans

French

Other foreigners
Polynesian

1890.

1884.

227

392

1,344

1,282

8,602

9.:m

1,034

1,GA0

192

419

416

588

956

Total population 1800 89.990

Total population 1884 ,. 80.578

Populaiion by nationality and sex of the Hawaiian Islands, and also of the principal toten^

ship districts,

[Compiled from the latest census, 1890.]

Nationalities.

Natives, males

females

Half-castea, moles

females

Chinese, males

females

Ha\raiian-bom, foreign parents, males. .

females

Americans, males

females

Britisb, males

females

Grermans, males

females .-.

French, malcM

females ^

Portuguese, males

feni ales

Japanese, males

females

Norwegians, males

females

Polynesians, males

femaleis

All others, males

females

Totri

Honolulu,

Wailnku,

Lahaina,

Hilo.

Lihue,

Popula-
tion whole
islands.

Oahu.

Mani.

Hawaii

Kanai.

4,404

1,260

687

1,076

411

18,364

4,068

1,178

599

900

310

16,072

1,257

267

199

175

3,085

1,846

248

101

189

3,101

3,950

1,202

1,264

347

14, 552

457

779

1,260

254

537

203

8,909

1,236

215

513

177

3.588

767

1,298

431

6:10

529

082

267

362

261

163

729

105

108

805

933

402

860

237

4,770

799

326

686

195

3. 8V2

277

842

249

2,703

363

lO.OTSI

111

183

708

2,281

21
49

11
22

404

184

151

871

22,907

6,708

2,113

9 085

2,793

89.990

HAWAIIAN I8L.ANDS. 53

GHABACTEBISTICS, BSLIGION, EDUOATIOW.

The natives are a good-tempered, light-hearted, pleasare-loving peo-
ple. It is probable that little difficulty is found in governing them as,
of themselves, they are not inclined to turbulence nor disposed to
revolt against any form of government. Like children, they are easily
led and controlled. Even when the Hawaiian Islands were discovered,
tiie people were by no means savages, but had an organized state of
society. After discovery, civUization made progress as rapidly, it is
fisid, with these people as with the Japanese; and in twenty-five years
ifter the landing of the missionaries (1820), the whole people had, in a *
great measure become Americanized. But today, except politically as
\he one- time owners of the islands, the natives are but an unimportant
element of the i>eople and their consent or opposition could have but
little influence ai>on the course of events. They are a peace-loving
noe, and, in a military sense, are not worth consideration, but they are
brave individually and make, it is said, excellent seamen. Little resist-
anee could be anticipated from them even in defense of their country.

BELIOION.

An forms of religion are tolerated. According to the latest statis-
tics there are:

Pratostenla 29,685

idoian Catholics 20,072

MoimoiiB 3,576

HfltoewByless than... 100

EDUCATION.

Education is general.

There are 178 schools, with 10,000 pupils, of whom 5,559 are natives
iod 1,573 balf-castes. In 1890-'92 $326,922 was allotted for public
instruction. (Sum allotted for public instruction^ 1892-'94, $210,600.
Statesman's Year Book, 1893.)

LAWS.

The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a
mpreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices
of Uie i»eaoe.

MILITABY FOBCES AND POLICE.

The military forces authorized by law consist of the household
piards, fixed at 65 men. It is reported that all but 16 of these men
lave been discharged, that number being retained as a guard for the
deposed qneen (February, 1893). Volunteer military organizations
are prohibit^ by law.

There is also an organized police force.

LANGUAGE.

The langna^re is very largely made up of vowels, giving to the spoken
toBgiie a pleasant liquid sound somewhat difficult to acquire. The
consoDants all have the English sound, the vowels that of the Grerman

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

vowels, except t, wbich is the same as the German ie. ^i?here are no
silent letters in the written Hawaiian language.
English is very generally spoken throughout the group.

OOYESNMENT.

Under the great chief Kamehameha the islands of the Hawaiian
group became consolidated into a kingdom about the beginning of the
present century, and continued, with occasional interference from
European i)owers, as an independent nation under the rule of the
desccDdents of the first great chief.

At the beginning of the present year the Government was a consti-
tutional monarchy, ruled by a queen aided by a cabinet consisting pf
4 ministers, and by a legislature composed of 24 members of the house
of nobles and 24 representatives. These, with the ministers, made a
total of 52. Members of both houses were elected by a popular vote.
An educational qualification was necessary for all voters, and a prop-
erty qualification for electors for nobles. In January of this year the
revolution occurred which resulted in the present Provisional Gtovem-
ment.

BUSINESS.

Business is almost entirely carried on by foreigners, principally
Americans, British, Germans, and Chinamen. Many of the principal
offices are filled by foreigners or by native-bom whites.

OUBBENCY.

Gold and silver coins of all nations are current as legal tender at
real or nominal value. From 1884 only United States gold coins have
been legal tender for more than $10; no paper money exists excepting
in form of treasury certificates lor coin deposited.

FINANCE.^

The budget is (was) voted for a biennial period. The following table
shows the revenue and expenditures in dollars for the last five financial
periods:

1882-84.

1884-'86.

1886-'88.

1888-*90.

1890-'92.

RfivennA .......................

$3, 092, 085
2,216,406

$3,010,655
2,988,722

$4,812,576
4,712,285

$3,632,197
3,250,510

$4,408,033

¥<xDAnditiu*oA ..................

4.005,891

The revenue is largely derived from customs ($1,204,305, 1890-^92)
and internal taxes ($963,495, 1890-'92), while the largest item ol
expenditure was for the interior ($1,641,848, 1890-'92). The debt,
March, 1892, was :

Bonded debt $2,314,000

Dae depositors' postal-savings bank 90^162

Interest varies from 5 to 12 per cent.

• Btateaman's Year Book, 1893.

HAWAIIAN IBLAKTS.

GOIDCEBCE— EXPOBTS AND IMPOSTS.

Sogar and rice are the staple industries, while coffee, hides, bananas,
and wool are also exported.
The following table shows the commerce and shipping for five years:

Tears.

Imports.

Natire ex-
ports.

Coatoms
receipts.

Ships en-
t(»^.

Toimage.

$4,044,000
4, 541. 000
5,439,000
6. 062, 000
7, 439, 000

^,435,000
11,631,000
14,040.000
13.113,000
10, 25a 000

$595,000
546.000
550,000
696,000
660,000

254
246

288
295
810

210, 703

221, 148

2*23, 567

230. 120

284,155

The chief exi)orts in 1891 were:

SagiT pounds.. 274,983,580

Biee do 4,900,450

BuiaDM.... bunches.. 116,660

Wool pounds.. 97,119

The imports are mainly groceries, provisions, clothing, grain, timber,
machinery, hardware, and cotton goods.
Ninety -one per cent of the trade is with the United States.*

PKODUCTS, BESOUBOES, VEGETATION.

Besides sugar and rice, the staple products, coffee, bananas, oranges,
and other fruits are largely grown. Food products are abundant,
especially of the kind suitable to a hot climate.

Tlie native food consists largely of the tare plant, of which the best
Tarieties are grown in shallow ponds of fresh water. It is stated that
about 40 square feet of taro will yield enough to supply one man for
a year, this being his principal food. From this plant is made the j>ot,
which is the ordinary food of the Kanaka.

The sweet potato grows even amongst the rocks and flourishes
abundantly in good soil, while the common iK)tato sometimes grows
weU, though is often injured by worms.

Wheat and corn are grown; the former was once cultivated for
export. Flour is made, but it is said that the islands now receive all
tbeir cereal products from California.

The quality of the coffee raised is said to be equal to the choicest.

The climate is also very favorable to the growth of the long. staple
lea-iftland cotton; but as this variety must be picked by hand the high
[dee of labor in the islands renders its culture unprofitable.

Tropical fruits of nearly all kinds grow in the greatest abundance,
the orange, lemon, time, mango, pineapple, chirimoya or custard apple,
the alligator x^ear, pomegranate, and guava, all of which are exotic.

The banana is indigenous, and is the most abundant of all fruits;
besides it there are the ohia apple — a fruit peculiar to the Pacific
idands, soft, juicy, and mildy acid — many varieties of palms, the
choicest trees of India, the caoutchouc, the papaya, the traveler's tree
of Madagascar, and other foreign plants.

INDUSTBIES.

"The chief industry of the islands is the cultivation of sugar cane.
For this the soil (although the area is limited) seems better adapted

^statesman's Tear Book, 1893.

56 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

than any other in the world. The yield will average about 5,000
pounds of sugar to the aore, and choice fields sometimes 3deld twice
that amount. Large amounts of American capitaUhave heen invested
in the plantations and in the accessory commerce.''

Large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle are found. These animals
are raised chiefly for their wool and hides. On the island of Lanai
great flocks of sheep pasture, while in Hawaii considerable numbers of
wild cattiie are still found in the mountains;* wild goats and wild hogs
also exist in great numbers^ and it is said that wild horses and asses
are also found.

DISEASES (OTHEE THAN LEPBOSY).

It is asserted that diseases, other than leprosy, are not as trouble-
some as in most places considered healthful. Malarial fevers are
thought to be infrequent, nevertheless in the monthly table (March,
1891) the greatest number of deaths for the year, 89, is recorded as due
to "fever."

Consumption (probably imported cases) comes next with 74; "old
age'' next with 59. Amongst the other more important causes of death
are diarrhea, 29; dysentery, 15. From diseases of the liver but 2 died,
while 25 died of disease of the heart.

From this it would seem that the diseases common to the tropics —
fever and stomach troubles — are to be guarded against. Eheumatism
is prevalent in many of the damper localities; smallpox occasionally
appears; and measels has on one or two occasions carried off many of
the natives, owing to their manner of life, but this disease is now easily
controlled when it makes its appearance. Lung and chest troubles are
aJmost unknown to natives of the islands. In fact, the Hawaiian Islands
are regions of unusual healthfulness.

The general health of the natives is steadily improving; leprosy,
now largely under medical control, is gradually being stampeid out.
( Sue Leprosy.)

MANNER OF LIFE, OLOTHINa.

The whites live, of course, nluch as they live at home, and usually in
well-constructed houses of European style. The natives live as a rule
in grass huts, upon native food, largely taro and fruit, and wear clothing
of light cotton stuff, a straw hat, but shoes rarely.

Woolens are not in general use, but very light flannels are recom-
mended for strangers at all seasons.

At night blankets are rarely needed, but a light blanket is often com-
fortable. Houses have no fireplaces.

For troops clothing for all seasons should be light flannel drawers
and shirts, wide straw hats or helmets, and the light quality of outer
garments issued to troops on the southern stations.

Ample tentage should be provided for use in localities where heavy
and sudden rainfalls are frequent, and light blankets should be carried.

The ration shonld be suit.ed to the requirements of a warm cUmat^e.

'Descended from the aiiimaltf introduced by Vaaoonyer in 1792.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 57

mifTDUAL CJECAJtACrERTSTTCS OF THE EIGHT INHABITED ISLANDS

OF THE HAWAIIAN GROUP.

Island of Oahu (Map 0).

This island lias the form of an irregular quadrangle; it lies 23 miles
northwest of the nearest island of the group, Molokai. Length about
^ breadth about 25 miles.

Oahu, though not the largest, is the most important of the Hawaiian
group, as it contains Honolulu, the capital, chief seaport, and principal
city.

GtHuf. — The greater part of the island is surrounded by a coral reef
often half a mile wide.

The windward side of the island presents a gigantic cliff hardier acces-
sil)Ie, except at one point reached by a road cut with great labor from
the mountain side; but the leeward side descends from the mountain
to the sea in very moderate slopes deeply cut by ravines.

The northeastern coast of the island is generally a rugged plateau
descending by gentle slopes to the water. When viewed from the
,ooean, this coast appears to be formed of detached hills rising steeply
ud covered with woods. The intervening valleys are fertile and well
eoltivated. From the southeast extremity of the island, called Makapuu
Point, to the Mokapu Peninsula, the coast is often marked by scattered
L«iet8 and rocks; and beyond, the peninsula is indented by a con-
siderable bay extending to Kaoio Point, thence to Kahuku, the northern
point of Oahu. Along this part of the coast is a narrow strip of land,
varying from a half to 2 miles in breadth, only a few feet above the
level of the sea. It is very fertile, and has a gradual ascent to the foot
of the mountains.

From Kahuku to the vUlage of Waimea lies a level plain from 2 to 6
miles wide, and but slightly above the level of the sea. It is a good
pasture, and at many of its frequent holes and crevices may be secu
stieams of clear and cool fresh water making their subterranean waj**
from the mountains to the outlets in the sea below low-water mark.

The southwest side of the island is composed chiefly of craggy moun-
tains, some descending abruptly to the sea, others terminating a small
distance from it; thence a low border of land extends to a shore formed
by sandy beaches, bounded by rocks on which the surf beats heavily.

The southwest extremity is Laeloa, or Barber Point; thence the shore
eontinaes low, flat, and covered with bushes to the entrance of Pearl
Siver, about 12 miles from Honolulu.

Some of the land in this vicinity is of extreme fertility.

Interior. — ^Two parallel ranges of hills traverse Oahu from southeast
to northwest, separated by a low plain. The highest point is Kauia,
4,0GO feet, in the west range. The east range is much longer than the
<^er, and its ridge is very broken; lateral spurs extend from many
mines on the land side, but for 30 miles on the other side the range
presents to the sea a nearly vertical wall without a break. There are
few craters in the loftier heights; volcanic activity seems to have ceased ;
Uit several groups of small cones with craters, some of lava, some of
tofii, exist. Valleys.are numerous, with lateral ravines, in which water
eoarses and cascades are found.

A chain of mountains rises near the center of the east part of the
island to 3,175 feet, and descends near the middle into the Bwa Plain,
which divides this range from the distant and elevated mountains that

58 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

rise in a line parallel with the southwest shore. The E wa Divide lies 5
miles west of Honolulu. This Ewa Plain is nearly 20 miles in len^h
from Pearl River to Waialua, and in some parts is 9 or 10 miles across;
its soil is fertile, and watered by a number of rivulets running , along
deep water courses emptying into the sea.

Plain of Honolulu. — ^This plain is some 10 miles in length, and in
some parts 2 miles in width from the sea to the foot of the mountains.

The whole plain is covered with rich, alluvial soils, in places 2 or 3
feet deep. Under this lie volcanic ashes and cinders 14 to 16 feet deep,
resting on a stratum of solid nonvolcanic rock, a kind of sediment
deposited by the sea, iii which branches of white coral, bones of fish
and animals, and several varieties of marine shells have been found.
A number of wells have been dug to a depth of 12 to 13 feet in the
substratum of rock, always reaching good clear water, which, though
free from salt or brackish taste, rises and falls with the tide.

Inland from Waikiki, near Honolulu, and reached by the Punahou
road, lies the Manoa Valley, whose upper portion divides into numerous
canyons.

There is a broad valley called Nuuanu^ bounded by a mountain wall
20 miles in length, which rises from the green, rolling plain below.

Less than 5 miles from Honolulu, in a westerly direction, lies the
valley of Moanalua. Here are fine rice fields, coeoanut groves, and
fish ponds.

In the district of Waianae the bases of the mountain lie farther from
the sea and a narrow valley, presenting a fertile and cultivated aspect,
seems to wind for some distance through hills.

In the Waialua bay district the soil is sandy and poor, but a short
distance inshore an agreeable change takes place.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, OAHU.

Honolulu.

Honolulu is the capital and principal port of the Hawaiian Islands,
and is situated on the south side of Oahu, on a narrow plain at the
foot of the eastern range of mountains.

The aspect of the country around Honolulu, as seen from the roads,
is baiTcn; and the plain on which the town stands is destitute of ver-
dure. This plain extends east and west from the town, while behind it
the land rises gradually towards the Nuuanu Valley. Several crater-
shaped hills are in sight, one of which, named Punch Bowl Hill, 498
feet high, lies close to the northeast side of the town.

The central part of Honolulu consists of regularly laid out streets,
on either side of which stand houses and warehouses of European style,
frequently placed within spacious, inclosed gardens. The outer por-
tions of the town are chiefly composed of grass huts inhabited by
natives. Honolulu would, probably, burn easily to the ground.

Amongst the ijrincipal buildings are the spacious Government houses,
in which all the public offices are inclosed, the Bang's palace, a fort,
two hospitals, several churches and chapels belonging to the different
religious denominations, custom house, sailors' home, and several
schools.

Hospitals. — There is a quarantine hospital on the west side of the
harbor, and a good general hospital to which sailors and others are
admitted at $1.25 per diem.

Shops. — There are foundries, workshops, and shipyards, where con-
fdderable repairs can be efi'ected.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Patent slip. — A. patent slip has been constmcted by the Government
on the east side: of the harbor opposite the outer light- hoasc. This slip
can take a vessel of 1,700 tons.

The harbor is formed by an opening in the coral reef, about 150 yards
wide at the entrance and 300 yards wide off the town, and rather more
thao a mile in length. Though small it is capable of accommodating
i|;ood namber of vessels. Depth on bar is 30 feet.

Wharves. — The railway crosses the flats on the north side of the har-
bor »id terminates at two wharves, with 19 feet of water alongside
each of them. The west wharf is used by ships.

There is in the harbor altogether 1,900 feet of wharf frontage, with a
depth of 21i feet, and 700 feet with depths of from 17 to 19 feet, and
abont 1,200 feet with less depth.

Tides, — ^Tbe tidal streams are regular, running six hours each way.
The flood is to the westward. Springs rise from 2^ to 3 feet.

Supplies. — Supplies of all kinds are plentiful. Beef, mutton, fowls,
efgs, vegetables, and fruit can be obtained at moderate prices.

Water can be procured from the shore in a tank. It is good, but very
expensive, even in the inner anchorage being $2.50 a ton. This for

Implements and building materials (with the exception of timber,
thich is good and moderate in price) are excessively costly in Hono-
hla. The demand for and sale of articles required for the equipment
of ships have ^eatly diminished.

Probably material for repair of arms, equipments, and munitions of
Iroops coidd be obtained with difftculty, or not at all.

Watet and lighting. — Honolulu has an abundant supply of excellent
water — ^pnre, free from limestone or alkali, soft, and adapted to all the
mes of the city. It is brought from reservoirs at the upper end of the
lovely Nnnana Valley, and conveyed by pipes through the business
and principal residence districts. The city is lighted by electricity,
Ihe power for the generation of which is derived from the reservoirs
referred to. Both the water and lighting systems are controlled by the
Government.

Coal. — ^^Telsh or Austi-alian coal of good quality can be obtained from
Knt)pean firms. About 15,000 tons is the quantity generally kept in
stoek.

Climate. — ^The climate of Honolulu is generally very pleasant and
kealthfol, especially when the northeast trade wind prevails. The
switherly and southwesterly winds are called by the natives the " sick
winds," because they are followed by small ailments, gastric maladies,
and intermittent fevers, as is the case with, the sirocco in Europe.

The following table* gives meteorological observations taken at
Himohda, 1876:

MoDtlis.

Mean thermometer.

RaIti
days.

Koon.

MidDigbt.

ProTailiiig winds.

NE., force 8, maximum.

NE., ftirce 3, areragp.

S.. foi-re 3, calm at night.

XE., force 4, light at night.

XE., force 4.

NE., force 3.

NE., calm at nigbi.

NE.

NK., 21 days ; SB., 9 days.

• PiM^ific talondB. Sailing directions. Admiralty.

60 HAWAIIA.N ISLANDS.

The barometer generally falls below 30 during southerly winds.

Population. — Honolulu has a population of 23,000 or 24,000, of various
nationalities, consisting principally of whites, natives, Chinese, and
Portuguese. Of these the whites are the controlling element in com-
mercial, manufacturing, and general affairs, though there are several
business houses in the hands of the Chinese. The Portuguese are
chiefly engaged in manual labor.

The most intelligent class of Hawaiians are employed in government
or commercial positions; of the lower classes of the natives some are
laborers; others exist by fisiiing, farming, and various occupations.

Of the whites, Americans or those of American descent largely pre-
dominate in ntimbers and influence, though those of German and
British extraction are very prominent.

HorseSj carriages, etc. — Hacks are very common in Honolulu. They
are stationed at the corners of all the main thoroughfares, and the fare
to any part of the city is 25 cents. The horses in use are said to be
superior to those of many large cities. There are four livery stables,
well equipped with saddle and carriage animals.

Hotels. — The Royal Hawaiian has accommodations for 150 guests,
electric lights, electric bells, water from artesian wells; Eagle hotel:
Arlington; Waikiki Villa, at Waikiki, 3 miles from Honolulu, connected
by tram cars from Honolulu.

Tram cars. — About 12 or 14 miles of tram-car lines exist. These cars
are drawn by mules or horses. The cars are of American make.

Tel^hones. — ^There is said to be an excellent system of telephonic
communication; two companies; rates low; 1,300 telephones in use.

Public buildings, — lolani Palace, in King street, said to have cost
$500,000.

Aliiolani hall, the main Government building, in which the Legisla-
ture meets.

The Queen's hospital, intended for the relief of afflicted Hawaiians
of both sexes, gratis.

The opera house, seating capacity 1,000.

The Lunalilo home, a home for aged Hawaiians.

The insane asylum, from 50 to 75 inmates.

The Oahu jail. Prisoners are required to do road work and other
labor in and around Honolulu.

The flsh market.

The Boyal Mausoleum.

Honolulu Free Library^ contains 10,000 volumes, on general subjects.

Young Men's Christian Association building.

Post ofi&ce building.

Police station house for the reception of petty offenders.

Current publications. — Pacific Commercial Advertiser, frequency^of
publication unknown.

The Hawaiian Gazette, a weekly publication.

The Kuokoa, a weekly publication.

The BuUelin, an evening daily.

Ka Leo, native, daily and weekly.

Holomua, native, weekly.

Elele, native, weekly.

Monthly publications. — ^The Friend, The Anglican Ghnrclimany The
Planter's Monthly, The Paradise of the Pacific.

A Tourist's Guide is issued annually.

The Hawaiian AnnuaL

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 61

The Hawaiian Gazette Publishing Company possesses a very com-
plete prlntiiig establislunent. *

MoMufaciuring. — ^Honolulu Iron Works, incorporated 1877. Knmbor
of hands employed, usually about 200. This institution is said to be
equipped with excellent appliances in all its departments.

Honolulu Stearin Bice Mills — ^Large quantities of rice milled for home
a&d foreign use.

Hawaiian Carriage Manufacturing Oompa/ny. — ^Manufacture to order
tod attend to all kinds of repairing: deal in and keep on hand wagon
makers' supplies.

Hopper's Planing Mill and Iron WorJca. — ^Extensive plant, said to
eieente all kinds of work in wood and iron.

Enterprise Planing Milt. — Sash, doors, etc

Imcos Bros. — Sash, doors, etc.

Howaiian Gazette. — Bookbinding, etc.

Tress Publishing Company. — WeU equipped printing house.

TshM Lemonade Works. — ^For manutacture of all kinds of aerated
waters.

Another establishment of the same kind.

The usual number of blacksmith and wagon shops, cooi>erages, etc.

Banking houses. — ^Bishop & Go.^ Glaus Spreckles & Go., whose Cali-
farnia correspondent is the Anglo-Galifornia bank.

The mercantile houses are numerous.

OITTBS OF OAHU (OTH£B THAN HONOLULU).

KanehoCj in the Kulau district, the principal place on its side of the
klaod, situated near Waialai harbor, just beneath the Pali, back of
Honolulu. No detaOs of settlement. The climate here is cooler by a
fev degrees than on the leeward side, and frequent showers keep up
the verdure.

Waialua^ a large village, lies at the northern end of the plain which
leparates tibe two ranges of mountains. No details.

Waianacj nearly in the middle of the southwest coast of the island,
a Tillage lymg at the base of the mountains in a narrow valley, fertile
and cultivated. The shore here forms a small sandy bay, and on the
MatJiem side, between two high rocky precipices, in a grove of cocoa-
last trees, stands the village.

Pearl Cityj situated on the south side of the island, is a large, irregu-
lady-shaped lagoon or inlet, greatly cut up by projecting points and
islands. This is Puuloa Eiver and Pearl Lochs, where the United
States Crovemment has acquired certain rights.* On the west side of
tbe channel lies Puuloa village, in the neighborhood of which are large
salt works. Along the inshore side of the Pearl Lochs is a strip of
Tery fertile land of variable breadth, part of which is under cultivation ;
belund the land rises gradually to the Ewa plain.

Pearl City is said to be one of the pleasantest spots on the island,
Bade accessible by the building of the Oahu liailroad. It is situated

'In 18S7 » treaty between Hawaii and the United States was made which agreed
that, on condition of the remission of duties on certain articles of Hawaiian produce,
t^ IJnited States was ceded the exclusive right to establish and fortify a iiaval sta-
tion in the Hawaiian Islands. Pearl Harbor was designated as the station.

In 1S89 *D enlargement of the treaty provisions, so as to confer special advantages
>poo both parties, was proposed by the United States. It was suggested that the
cntion of a naval station be perpetual as well as exclusive. Another provision was
proposed, riz, to aUow the United States to land troops in Hawaii whenever neces-
my to preserve order. These provisions have not bo far been taken advantai^e of by
tbe Doited Stotee.

62 HAWAIIAN ISLAND&

in the midst of a highly productive and fertile district, 12 miles distant
from Honolulu, and is now a beautiful town, with an abundant supply
of pure artesian water, with wide streets, a substantial station, and
several modem residences already built, aud with improvements going
on as rapidly as a large force of workmen can push them to completion.

The Oahu Land and Bailroad Company founded the town.

Water supply. — Pearl City is said to have &cilities for supplying
10,000 inhabitants. There lis now an artesian well which flows to a
height of 28 feet, and has a capacity, when pumped, of 2,000,000 gallons
per day. The water from this well will be pumped into a reservoir 100
feet high, and be used to supply the peninsula.

There is another reservoir on the more elevated ground, 200 feet
above sea level, with a capacity of 1,500,000 gallons, which can be
increased to 16,000,000 as soon as necessary. This is supplied from
mountain streams.

Pearl City consists of 2,200 acres of land, which was owned in fee
simple by the Oahu Baih'oad and Land Company, 18,000 acres adjoin-
ing which is held by the same company under a iifty-year lease, and is
being sublet for fruit-growing purposes. Three companies have recently
been incorporated, two of them with a capital of $30,000 each, and have
rented a choice portion of this land, which will be planted principally
in bananas and pineapples.

The 2,200 acres which the town proper comprises, includes the whole
of the ]>eninsula extending into the harbor, and the lots on the main-
land, the latter of which are on a gradual slope of land inclining toward
the mountains.

The site of Pearl City has long been a favorite spot where boating,
bathing, and fishing can be enjoyed under the most favorable circum-
stances. A good breeze is always blowing from the ocean. The tem-
perature of the water is perfect for bathing all the year round.*

Diamond HiU. — ^About 3^ miles southeast of Honolulu; a signal
station for incoming vessels.

Waikiki, — ^A village lying about 1 mile northwest of Diamond TTIII,
There is no anchorage in front of it.

ISLAio) OF Haw An. (Map D.)

In shape the island of Hawaii is a wide triangle, sides 85, 75, and 65
geographical miles. Almost the whole surface is a gentle slope from
one of the four volcanic mountains : Mauna Kea, on north, 13,805 feet,
the highest peak in the Pacific Ocean; Mauna Loa, on south, 13,600
feet; Mauna Hualalai, on west, 8,275 feet; and Mauna Kohala, on north-
west, 5,505 feet. The slopes on the west are so gentle that the base of
terminal cones may be reached on horseback. In the Mahtikona dis-
trict the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from coast
to summit of highland.

The plain lying between the mountains of Hawaii is many square
miles in extent.

Coast. — The south point of the island of Hawaii, called Ka Lae, is
very low, rising with a gentle slope to the hills behind. The southern
side of the island is much drier and the country more open and free
from forest than on the north, where, indeed, the forests are very dense.

From the south to Kumukahi, the east point of Hawaii, there are no
bays or good anchovages.t The coast is exposed to wind and swelL

* Pftoiflo CoMt Commeroial Record. t £:i >ept the ■mall bay at Kaaloalii,

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 63

Fn»m the east point almost to Hilo Bay the coast is precipitous, and
against it the seA continually beats with violence; thence for thirty
lules the shore is remarkable for the number of streams (85), running
at the bottom of ravines, 1,800 to 2,000 feet deep, which furrow the side
of Matma Kea and. render travel along its coast very laborious. Eidges
between the ravines, terminating at the sea in precipices from 100 to
500 feet high, obligee the road to run inland. The northeastern coast is
Toy generally steep and rocky, though here and there are small bays or
breaks in the clifis ^w^Iiere the natives are able to land their canoes.

Upolu Paint is tlie northern extremity of the island. Behind it lies
an extensive plain in good state of cultivation, rising gradually to the
fcofof the mountains.

From the nortli x>oint of the island the west coast is at first barren,
owing to want of rain ; the face of the country is regular, ascending
gradually from tlie coast to the summit of highland in the interior.
From Eawaihe Hay to the village of Kailua there is no anchorage or
ikelter.

Kmldeehua Say, T^bere stands the monument to Gapt. Cook, B. K, is
the best ancliorag^e of the south coast; but south of it lies a rugged
iava^vered sbore, where large masses of rock, miles in extent, often
form perpendicular cliffs against which the sea beats with fury.

This formation extends half a mile into the interior, and as the dis-
tiacefirom the sea increases the soil becomes richer and more productive.
The face of the country within this rocky barrier is rough and covered
fith blocks of lava more or less decomposed, but at a distance of 2
miles from the coast begins to be well covered with woods of various
Ma, which are rendered almost impassable by an undergrowth of
Tines and ferns.

The interior of tbe island of Hawaii is a strange blending of fertility
ttd desolation. In the valleys are often found regions of extraordinary
riehness, that are reached only by crossing arid districts strewn with
neks and bowlders, or overlaid by recent streams of lava still uncovered
WeoD.

Barren wastes are succeeded by vegetation so dense as to be almost
impenetrable, or by pleasant grass lands lying near forests of the pecu-
liar koa tree, w^bicb is characteristic of this island. The trees in the
koa forests frequently grow close together from a soil carpeted with
long rich grass; tliey are large in size, of hard, dark wood, and were
fonnerly greatly u&;ed to make the canoes of the islanders.

The density of tbe forests is proportional to the amount of rainfall,
which, upon the windward side of Hawaii, is phenomenally great.*

On Hawaii is found a peculiar grass, said to have been brought to
tbe island by accident. In its green state it is hardly fit for pasture.
Ca^le and borses eat it, but it apparently affords very little nourish-
ment, though more when cured. So dense and high is this grass that
it is difficult to ride through it. Another, and perhaps the best variety
of grass, comes from Mexico; it is called, locally, maniania grass, and
wherever it grows forms the richest and most velvety sward imagin-
Ale, It is highly nutritious and animals are very fond of it.

Such being: tbe character of the interior of the island, roads are in
peneral bad, and communication difficult.

*Haj. Dntton says that this may attain to more than 300 inches aiuiually in the
itoitfftf ff^iy|tii| ^iO WCli^9 Ii»v9 h^en pi^a&uxed ftt Bilo.

64: HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

^ CITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, HAWAn.

Hilo, — Hilo, or Bjrron Bay, on the northeast side of Hawaii, is the
only anchorage on the northeast coast; the bay is about 7 J miles wide
and 3 miles deep. It is fully exposed to the northeast trade wind.

The scene which the island presents, as viewed from the anchorage
in Hilo Bay, is novel and beautiful; the shores are shielded with exten-
sive groves of cocoanut and bread fruit trees, interspersed with plan-
tations of sugar cane, through which numerous streams are seen hur-
rying to the ocean. To this belt succeeds a region some miles in width,
tree from woods, but clothed in verdure, while beyond is a wider belt of
forest, whose trees, as they rise higher and higher from the sea, change
their character from the vegetation of the tropics to that of the polar
regions. Above all tower the snow-capped summits of the mountains.*

On the coast of the bay near Cocoanut Island lie the creek and vil-
lage of Whyeatea, where landing may be effect.ed in all weathers.
There are two piers to the northward of the entrance of the creek,
alongside the northernmost of which ships drawing 15 feet of water can
lie. The shore then turns westward along a sandy beach for nearly 1
mile to the bottom of the bay, where the town of Hilo is situated.

Hilo is the principal town in Hawaii, and ranks next to Honolulu in
importance and population. The town may be easily recognized from
the seaward by the tall white square towers of the Eoman Catholic
church and the xwinted white spire of the Protestant church. There are
also several other large buildings, both public and private, such as a
court-house, schools, governor's house, stores, etc.

There are several sugar plantations in the vicinity of Hilo on which
the town is mainly dependent for prosperity.

Besides sugar and molasses, Hilo exports hides, tallow, goatskins,
arrowroot, rice, and a small amount of coffee.

As before stated, the rainfall here is very great, and accounts for
the luxuriant verdure of the district.

The Hawaiian Government steam vessels communicate with Hilo from
Honolulu once a week, and schooners ply constantly between the two
porta. (See Communications and Appendix i.)

Supplies. — Supplies of nearly all descriptions can be obtained: Beef,
10 cents per pound; bread, about 9 cents, and vegetables at 6 cents.

A smaU pier has been built in front of the town, but in 1888 the sand
had washed up and closed it as a landing place. The only landing
place is at Whyeatea.

Close to the west of the town is Waterfall Creek, the mouth of
Wailuku Eiver, and about 2 miles from the entrance is Coco&nut Point.
There is a good watering place up this creek which is generally easy of
access, except when the wind is blowing hard from seaward; on such
occasions the surf is high, and the rocky bar at the entrance becomes
dangerous for boats to pass. The water is excellent and abundant.

Hilo Bay is a safe anchorage, and next to Honolulu may be con-
sidered the best in the Hawaiian Islands. With a strong trade wind
there is a slight sea, unpleasant enough for boats but not sufficient to
endanger the safety of a ship. The westerly wind, which is felt most,
seldom blows strongly.

A well-sheltered anchorage can be picked up anywhere under the
lee of Blonde Eeef in from 5 to 7 fathoms. A vessel drawing 15 feet or

* Pftcifio Islanday Vol. u, Hydrographio Office. Admiraltj.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 65

less BMiy anchor so as to bo quite under the lee of Cocoannt Isl imd and
KJeo Kea Point.

Makukana. — ^A small village with anchorage off it about 6 miles south
of Upolu Point. The place is becoming important, through the energy
ol a Mr. Wilder, who has made a most convenient landing place, nnd
eonstnicted a railway 15 miles long to bring sugar from the Kohala
district round the north end of the island.

The cargo boats lay along the side of the pier and are laden and
cleared very quickly by means of a steam ''crab "^ which works a truck
op and down tlie incline.

lliere is no water in the place. All the fresh water has to be brought
fnm Kohala by train. An attempt to obtain artesian water failed.

The anchorage is indifferent, and with winds to the westward of
Borth or soutli would be untenable. Freight is disembarked, and ship-
ped at ni^ht, during the greater part of the year*

The soil along the shore is barren for 3 or 4 miles inland owing to
^ want of rain. The face of the country is regular^ ascending grad-
ilty from the coast to the summit of the high land.

Kawaihae village is situated in a grove of cocoauut trees, just behind
a aandy point near the center of the bay of the same name. The vil-
hge consists (1801) of a general store, 2 or 3 houses, and several
hate along the shore. In front of the village is a pier for boats.

So much of the soil of this district as lies along th^e coast, though
rich, is badly watered; 7 or 8 miles inland from Eawaihae Bay it
beeomes exceedingly rocky and barren.

The climate is upon the whole unpleasant, especially at Waimea,
about 9 miles eastward of Kawaihae, in consequence of the exceed-
in^y strong trade wind, which brings with it a mist toward sunset.
I^ wind rushes fru*iously down between the mountains which bound
the valley of Waimea and becomes very dangerous to the shipping in
fee bay. It is called by the natives mumuku, and is foretold by an
flliiminated streak seen far inland, believed to be caused by the reflec-
ts of the twilight on the mist that always accompanies the mumuku.

The principal exports of the district are hides, tallow, and beef.

On approaching the anchorage a good landmark is a conspicuous
Bound situated a short distance south of the village. Another con-
ipkoons landmark is a white tomb in the form of a pyramid.

There is a coral reef in front of the village, but a boat passage exists
mmnd the north end and close to the shore, where landing is easy.

With strong westerly winds the anchorage would be very exposed
and unsafe. The sea breeze from the westward lasts all day, and the
northeast trade or land breeze sometimes blows strong all night.

SmppUes. — Beef may be obtained here at 6 cents a pound; potatoes are
iboncLuit, and plenty of flsh may be caught with the seine.

The watering place, which is in a small sandy bay, is only a pool of
nio water collected in a hole, and would require 500 feet of hose to
puDp into a boat. In the summer the water becomes somewhat stag-
nant and unfit for drinking; in winter more rain falls, and it then
beeomea a stream.

Battlement — Kailua Bay. — ^The bay affords a good anchori^^e at most
iewDDS of the year. (In 1841 the residence of the governor of Hawaii
hLmd was established here, and great advances were being made in the
cirilized arts and industries.) Tliere i s a most convenieut landing place
«& a saudy beach on the west side of the bay, formed by the jutting out

<tf two points, between which is a small cove protected from the surf by

VKka.

B. Bep. 227-

66 HAWAIIAN I8LANDB.

Bain seldom fitlls here except in showers, and a rainy day »nce in tlie
year is looked upon as remarkable. This, together with the absence of
all dew, prevents the existence of much cultivation. There grows,
nevertheless, a coarse vegetation sufficient to pasture a few hundred
goats, and a mile back from the shore the surfiEtce is covered with herb-
age which maintains cattle, etc.; 2 miles in the interior there is suffi-
cient moisture to keep up a constant verdure.

The temperature is mild and equable. During the winter the ther-
mometer ranges from 64P to 85<^; summer, 68^ to 86^.

The prevailiug winds are the land and sea breezes, which are very
regular; the most severe gales are those from the southwest, which last
from a few hours to two or three days,* and render anchorage unsafe.

On approaching Eailua Bay, the town may be recognized by the 2
churches and the cocoanut groves on the shore to the westward.

There is a most convenient landing place, as noted above.

Kana. — Settlement near Kealakekua Bay, situated west side Hawaii;
best anchorage on that coast. Climate nuld, 62^ to 76^ in winter, 7(K>
to 86^ in summer. Strong winds are seldom felt. During day, cool
sea breeze; during night, land breeze. It was at Kealakekua Bay that
Capt. Cook was killed (1779). On west of E^anwalda Cove is a village
of same name, where the monument to Cook now stands. The shore
all around the bay is i:ocky, making landing dangerous when there is
a swell setting in, except at Kealakekua village. Here there is a fine
sandy beach, with burying place at one extremity and a small weU of
fresh water at the other. The bay is easy of access; but anchorage is
not good, owing to the great depth of water and foul bottom. Kan-
walda Cove, though exposed to winds south and southwest, may be con-
sidered safe anchorage, except in winter.

Kona is a village a few miles inland, and is considered one of the
most healthy spots in the whole group, and esx>ecially beneficial to peo-
ple suffering from weakness or disease of lungs or ches£. It is said
that many visitors come here from California to pass the winter, and
there are one or two commodious boarding houses for their accommo-
dation.

From the landing place, about half a cable southwest of Cook's mon-
ument, there is a good road leading to Kona.

Supplies. — ^Beef, fowls, sweet potatoes, and plantains can be obtained
in Kealakekua; also water at Napnpu, a village south of Kealakekua;
but the tank is falling to decay, and the water is brackish in all wells
in the vicinity of Kanwalda Cove.

Island of Math. (Map E.)

The island of Maui lies northwest of Hawaii. The channel which
separates them has a width of 28 miles.

The island is 48 miles long in a west-by-north and east-by-south direc-
tion; it is divided into two oval-shaped peninsulas, connected by a low
isthmus 6 miles across, and only a few feet higher than the beach.

The whole island, which is volcanic, was probably produced by the
action of the two adjacent volcanoes.

Coast — ^The southwest point of Maui, Cape Hanamanioa, is formed
by rugged, craggy rocks. From here along the coast 25 miles to
Alau islet the wbole shore is rugged and offers no anchorage or
shelter. From seaward the land appears to ascend abruptly; it is
densely covered with trees and vegetation, while here and tiiiere a few

HAWAIIAN I8LAND& 67

habitatioiiB appear. Alan islet, lying off the east coast of Mani, is very
smalL Kaniki head, the eastern point of Maui, is an old crater which
is connected by a low spit to the mainland, and at a distance appears
like an island.

Near this x>eiiin8ula lies Hana harbor, from which a coast that affords
no shelter extends for 31 miles.

The north coast of East Maui is a succession of deep ravines, which
gradnally diminish in breadth as they ascend, and are finally lost in
the flanks of the mountains; traveling along the coast, in consequence,
becomes almost impossible. Cascades several hundred feet in height^
but having little volume of water, are seen falling into these ravines.

The east coast o/ West Maui is an abrupt precipice several hundred
feet in height, terminating at Kahaknloa Point, the northern extremity
of the island. The southern side of West Maui has a forbidding appear-
ance. The shores, however, are not so steep and rocky as elsewhere,
and have generally a sandy beach.

Off Makena, near the southwest extremity of the island, lies a small
barren islet called Molokini, only visited by fishermen who dry their
nets on its barren surface.

Interior. — ^The eastern peninsula of Maui, the larger of the two, is
lofty; but though the mountains are often seen above the clouds, they
are never covered with snow.

Eiut Maui rises in an unbroken mountain.

East Maui, although mountainous, has much cultivated land; and
the rich volcanic soil of the Kula district, on the southwest side of the
island, raises abundant crops of x>otatoes. Wheat and other grains
are also cultivated.

We$t Maui has many sharp peaks and ridges, which are divided by
deep valleys, descending towards the sea, and opening out into sloping
plains of considerable extent in the north and south sides.

The highest peak of West Maui is Mauna Ika, 6,130 feet.

The connecting isthmus consists of sand, which is constantly shift-
ing and m thrown up in'dunes; this region is naturally dry, but dur-
ing nine months of the year affords fine grazing, feeding large herds
of cattle that are mostly owned by foreigners.

The productions of Maui are those of the other islands, with the
iddition of a few fruits, such as grapes, etc.

The highest point of Maui, named Kolakole, is 10,030 feet above the
sea. It is destitute of trees to the height of about 2,000 feet; then
Nicceeds a belt of forest to the height of about 6,500 feet, and again
the summit is bare.

The crater of Haleakala is a deep gorge, open at the north and east,
forming a kind of elbow. The inside is entirely bare of vegetation.
The natives have no tradition of an eruption.

Though arid and sandy in appearance, the soil of the isthmus con-
necting the two parts of the island is good, deep, and exceedingly fertile
▼here irrigation has been introduced. At Spreckelsville, in the north-
em part of the peninsula, lie the largest sugar estates of the island.

OITIES, TOWNS, AND POBTS, MAUI.

Sana Harbor. — ^The anchorage is well protected from the wind and
sea, and is very convenient. There is a town here. Details unknown.

Kakului Harbor. — Situated between the coral reefs on the northern
side of the low isthmus joining the two peninsulas. Channels about
H c^les wide, 4 cables deep, fully exposed to the northward*

68 HAWA.IIAN ISLANDS.

Kdhului. — An important place for exporting the produce of the north-
em part of Mani; there are railways connecting it withrWailaku to
the westward, and Spreckelsville and Haika on the east. {See Com-
mnnications.)

There was being built in 1881, oat from the shore near the custom-
house, a jetty which it was proposed to extend as far as the edge of
the reef.

Anchorage may be obtained in from 2^ to 7 fathoms.

Wailuku, — A flourishing village about 2 miles northwest of Kahu-
lui. Here there is a' female seminary occupying an extensive ran^re
of coral buildings, beautifully situated on an inclined plane, with high
precipices behind. It is considered one of the best organized establish-
ments in the Hawaiian Islands.

Lahaina. — A town situated on the west side of West Maui, and at
one time a flourishing place much frequented by whaling vessels for
refitting and for obtaining supplies, but now only visited by vessels
loading with sugar, which is grown on the estates in the vicinity.

The town is built along the beach for a distance of three-fourths of
a mile. It is principally composed of grass houses situated as near
tlie beach as possible. It has one principal street, with a few others
at right angles to it. From seaward the town may be recognized by
some conspicuous buildings, especially Government House, which is
near the beach and has a tall flagstaff before it. The seminary of
Lahainaluna is situated on the side of the mountain above the town.

Oft' the town there is an open roadstead which is completely shel-
tered from the trade wind by the high land of Maui, but the holding
ground is reported indifferent.

Supplies. — Supplies of all sorts can be obtained here — beef, vegeta-
bles, fruit, and water in abundance.

Landing. — The landing place is at a small pier, extending from the
light-house, and protected by a breakwater.

The tide is irregular, generally running northwest sixteen hours out
of the twenty-four.

Patoa, — A roadstead (so called by Vancouver) situated on the south-
ern side of West Maui. ^< The anchorage at Patoa is abreast of the
easternmost of these valleys, which appeared fruitftd and well culti-
vated."

Kamalalaea Bay settlements, — ^The bay is on the west side of Maui,
lying between two peninsulas, the western side formed by rocky cliffs
and precipices. Nearly in the middle of this side is a village called
Mackerrey, off which is an anchorage in 7 fathoms* No details known.

Maalaea, — Near the head of Kamalalaea Bay, in the northeast cor-
ner, is the small village of Maalaea. Here there are some houses for
storing sugar. Besides sugar there is a great quantity of wheat,
maize, and potatoes grown in this district, and supplies of fresh pro-
visions are obtained in plenty from Wailuku, which is about 6 nules
distant.

The anchorage off this place is not good, as the trade wind blows
across the low isthmus in heavy gusts, and communication with the
shore by boats is sometimes interrupted.

There is a small pier here for loading schooners and boats can
always go alongside, the channel leading to the landing place being
about 20 yards wide, between two coral reefs.

MaJcena^ or Makees Landing. — A small indentation in the west coast
of East Maui| near the southwestern extremity of the island. It

HAWMIAl^ ISLANDS. 69

deriveB fhe latter name from a planter whose estate is sitnated on the
nde of Manila Haleakala,on a platean 2,000 feet above the sea an^
aboat 5 miles east of the landing place. Near the landing are a stone
church and several J^^onses. The anchorage is exposed to the heavy
squalls which occasionally blow over the low isthmns in the center of
Maai, and landing is at times impracticable for ships' boats owing to
the heavy surf. The holding ground is cot good.

Island of Kauai. (Map P:;

Kauai lies 64 miles west by north of Oahn, and is separated from it
by the Kaieie l^aho channel. This island is of volcanic formation,
somewhat circular in shape, 25 miles long and 22 miles wide, and rises
iu the center to a peak 5,000 feet in height.

CoasL — ^From the seaward the northeast and northwest sides appear
broken and m|^ged, but to the south the land is mope even; the hills
rise with a gentle slope from the shore, and at some distance back are
oo?ered with woods.

The sonthem point of the island is a bold, barren, rocky headland,
£d)iiig perpendicularly into the sea.

NUini Paintj north point of Nawiliwili Harbor, is low, level, grassy
land, sprinkled with volcanic bowlders extending from a range of low
lulls that stretch along the coast at a short distance from the beach,
vhich eiAends northward to Wailna.

Along the coast from Wailua sugar cane appears to be cultivated in
large qnantitie-s, especially in the vicinity of Wailua and Kanala Point,
vhere there are several factories.

From this point to Hanalei Bay are several small villages scattered
ikmg the coast near the mouths of mountain streams which are closed
bv sand bars. The land near the sea is flat and very fertile, but soon
rises to the mountains behind. The rivers as weU as the sea abound
iafiah.

The northwest coast of Kauai, forming the district Na Pali, has a
Tery ragged appearance, rising to lofty abrupt cliffs that jut out into
STarie^ of steep rocky points destitute of both soil and verdure, but
terminating nearly in uniform even summits, on Which, in the valleys
or chasms between them, are several patches of green. Here and
there a stream running from the lofty mountains behind finds its way
to the ocean.

Mama Pointy the western extremity of Kauai, is along, low sand spit,
eommenciug at the foot of a high range of mountains, and from it a
andy plain extends to the town of Waimea. This plain is from «*
quarter to a mile wide and 150 feet above the sea, whence it rises grad-
odly to the mountains.

It has a sunbornt appearanc6 and is destitute of trees, except on the
bv gronnds where the cocoanut thriven. The sea here abounds in fish.
Between Waimea and Kaloa Bay, the south point of Kauai, extends a
leries of snnbamt hills and barren plains, sloping gradually to the
dnnre from the moantains, and here and there intersected by ravines.
There is no cultivation, and the soil only produces a kind of coarse
Smss quite an fit for pasture.

Interior. — ^The island of Kauai is considered one of the most pleasant
^f the group. Portions of it appear better adapted to agriculture than
tba other islands, and the coffee and sugar plantations on the weather

70 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

side, which is well watered with streams and by frequent rains, are
yery prodactive; bnt the lee side is dry and adapted to cultivation
only in valleys.

. OITIES, TOWNS, AND PORTS, KAUAI.

Kawiliwili Bay village. — The harbor of Nawlliwili is a small cove on
the southeast side of the island, at the head of a bay of this name.
The greater part of the harbor is blocked by shoals and reefs.

At Nawiliwili Bay is a large village; the soil in the vicinity is rich,
producing sugar cane, taro, beans, sweet potatoes, etc.

There is a small pier in the northwest corner of the harbor, where
landing may be easily effected; but the pier should be approached with
caution, as a reef extends from the shore to the southward of it for
two cables in an easterly direction.

The local mall steamer runs to this point. (See Communications.)

Wailua. — Formerly a place of some importance, 5^ miles from Ninini
Point, situated on a small river of the same name, in a barren sandy
spot, surrounded by an extremely fertile district. The river, in common
with the others along this coast, is closed at the mouth with sand bars,
but inside is deep and navigable by canoes for several fiiiles.

Coast villages, — From Kanala Point, north and west, 14 miles to
Hanalei Bay, there are several small villages scattered along the coast,
near the mouth of mountain streams closed by sand bars.

Hanalei. — Situated near the bottom of a bay of this name.

Anchorage ground in the bay is spacious in fine weather, but there is
only room for about three vessels in bad "weather under the lee of the
reef near the eastern point of the bay.

A landing is generally effected inside the mouth of the river.

Supplies. — Supplies are plentiful — ^beef, vegetables, and fruits may be
obtained in abundance. Water may be procured by sending boats into
the river, which is easy of access in fine weather, and a short distance
from the mouth the water is perfectly fresh. The town is very pictur-
esquely placed; the mountains rise to a height of from 3,000 to 4,000
feet, and are clothed with verdure from base to summit, with numerous
rills running down their precipitous sides.

In front of the town is a good beach where great quantities of fish
may be caught with a seine.

The district derives its name from the numerous rainbows formed by
passing showers. The rains are so frequent as to clothe the country in
perpetusd green.

On the eastern side of the entrance is a conspicuous dark bluff- head,
with two sandy beaches a short distance to the eastward.

A little way to the southward of this bluff' is the mouth of a small
river, in front of which is a bar that may be crossed by boats at hali
flood; inside, the bar carries a depth of from one to three quarters
of a fathom and is navigable for several miles for boats drawing 3
feet. About 4 cables from the mouth of the river, on the northern
bank, is a large farm, called ^< Charlton farm,'' owned by the English
consul, who keeps a large number of cattle of good breed.

Waimea village. — Situated on Waimea Bay, southwest coast, placed
at the mouth of river of the same name, which runs about 15 miles
inland. At one time a popuious native town, but now (1891) only a
small village of little importance. It contains a church.

Boats may ascend the river for about three-quarters of a mile; this
is the only water here that is not brackish* A little to the eastward

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 71

of tin village a shoal projects. The trade winds, deflected by the
moiantims, often raise a surf which renders landing at times very
anpleasant, sometimes impracticable.

Waimea Bay sboald be approached with caation^ as reefs extend to
the southward. There is a railroad from Waimea to Kekaha. No
detMls known.

Kdlaa Bay village, — ^About 1 mile west of the south point of Kauai
ift a slight indentation of the coast, where there is a considerable vil-
lage called Kaloa, off which anchorage may be obtained but in a very
exposed position.

The conn try around the village of Kaloa is much broken by hills
and inactive craters; but the soil is good, though dry and very stony,
and is capable of cultivation in many places. There is a sugar plauta-
tbn here, and there are several large cattle ranches in the vicinity.

Hie village may be recognized by many high buildings and two
duuehes; it extends from th^ beach to a distance of 2 miles up the
slope of a hill. Between the village and Makanucna, the southern
extnmity of the island, there is a low point running out into a rocky
ledge that somewhat protects the anchorage.

There is a gooil landing place at Kaloa, in a small cove protected by
aieef extending about 1 cable from shore; an artificial creek has been
Bide at the head of this cove, with sufficient space for one boat to enter.

Supplies, — Supplies of beef, vegetables, and fruit may be obtained in
atendonce.

Island of Molokai. (Chart B.)

Molokal is situated north of Lanai, from which it is separated by
Plailolo Channel, 6^ miles wide.

It is apparently formed by a chain of volcanic mountains about 40
ndles long and 7 miles broad. The mountains are higli and broken by
deep ravines and water courses; the sides are clothed with verdure and
onamented with shrubs and trees.

CoatL — ^Lae o Ka Laau, the southwest extremity of Molokai, is a
hw black jwint^ On the south side of the island are several small
htfborSy the best of which is Kaunakakai, midway between the two

' From this point to the southeast extremity of the island the distance
}tj the coast is about 21 miles, thence northward to Kalaua, the north-
cist point, about 2 miles.

Some 16 miles from Kalaua, and on a peninsula projecting about 2
Kites into the sea, is placed the leper settlement of the Hawaiian
Idands.

Interior. — One-third of the island of Molokai, towards the west end,
is a barren waste not susceptible of cultivation, except in the rainy sea-
BOD. It has in consequence but few inhabitants, who are engaged
BKKtly in fishing.

The eastern two-thirds is almost one entire mountain, rising gradu-
afly from the sonth nntil it attains an elevation of 2,500 feet, while on
tte north it is almost i)erpendicular. On the south side there is a
oarrow strip of land not exceeding a quarter of a mile in width, where
dwdl the greater part of the population. The soil is very rich, but
otini^ to the want of moisture few plants will thrive even here, liesort
isdierefore had to the uplands, which are found to be susceptible of
tte higheat decree of coltivatiou*

72 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND POETS, MOLOKAI.

Kaundkdkai. — ^A town oi* village situated on the south side of Molokai,
midway between the extremes. There are outer and inner anchorages:
former not good, latter limited.

No supplies are to be obtained at Kaunakakai. No details of town
known.

Kalanao. — Situated near the center of the north coast of Molokai, at
the base of very precipitous mountains. The leper establishment was
erected here about 1865. The anchorage is to tlie southward of a low
point, extending from the foot of two remarkable, steep mbuntains.
It can not be considered safe, being exposed to a heavy swell; landing
at Kalanao, always difficult, is at times dangerous.

Supplies. — ^No supplies can be obtained.

Island of Lanai, ob Banai. (OhartB.)

Lies 16 miles northwest of Kahulaui, and is separated from West
Maui by Auau Channel, 7^ miles wide. Lanai is a dome-shaped island,
about 17 miles long and 9 miles broad. Large fissures are visible on its
sides.

The center of this island is much more elevated than Kahulaui, but
is neither so high nor so broken as any of the other islands.

Great part of it is barren, and the island in general suffers much
firom the long droughts which prevail. The ravines and glens, not-
withstanding, are filled with thickets of small trees.

The island is volcanic : the soil shallow and by no means fertile. The
shores abound with shellfish.

Sheep in large numbers, it is said, are pastured here.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND POETS, LANAL

No towns noted; probably none exist.

Island op Niihau. (Chart B.)

The island lies 17 miles west-southwest of Kauai, firom which it is
separated "by Kumukahi Channel. It is about 20 miles long by 7 miles
broad.

This island is mostly lowland, except on the eastern side, where it
rises directly from the sea to a height of 1,500 feet, and is rocky and
unfit for cultivation. On the western side is a level plain from 2 to 4
miles wide, where the natives cultivate yams, fruits, sweet potatoes, etc.
The soil being dry, the yams grow to great size. The natives are few
in number and very poor^ they live almost entirely on the western side
of the island.

Of late years Niihau has been used as a sheep run, and in 1875 there
were said to be about 70,000 sheep on the island.

The eastern shore of Niihau is rocky and wholly destitute of shelter,
but on the western shore there are several open roadsteads.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND POETS, NIIHAU.

Tarn Bay. — An open roadstead about a mile and a half south of Kona
Point, where, in fine weather, anchorage may be obtained. There is

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 73

only one place in the bay where boats can effect a landing in safety
when the sea sets in, a common occurrence; this is on the ^Vesteru side
behind a small reef of rocks that lies a little way oH' tlie beach ; even
here it is necessary to guard against sunken rocks. No inhabitants
i:oted.

Cook anchorage. — On the southwest of Niihau, about 4 miles south of
Kona Point; is exi>osed to the heavy northwesterly swell; the bottom
is composed of large rocks, with patches of sand.

Near the beach are a few huts, a ch arch, and a derrick for loading
and unloading boats.

Landing. — ^The landing place is protected by some rocks forming a
breakwater in the northeast part of the bay, and is situated just inside
u lava patch which fronl seaward appears like a point. Landing can
be effected easily in moderate weather, but with a heavy swell it is
impracticable.

Supplies. — ^Whalers call here occasionally for fresh meat, but the'
Aeep being bred for wool only, very little meat can be procured ; and
only a limited quantity of vegetables and fruit.

Fresh water can only be procured during the rainy season, when the
water courses are full; at other times of the year there is no water but
That the natives have collected in wells in the rock for their own nm}
these wells are chiefly near the south end of the island.

Caution. — As the rollers set in with but little warning at Oook anchor-
age, sailing vessels should proceed to sea on first indications of them.
These rollers generally last from three to four days.

Island of Kahulaui. (Chart B.)

Called also Tahurowa, separated from East Maui by Alalakeiki Chan-
nd, 6 miles wide, is about 11 miles in length and 8 miles wide.

It is low and almost destitute of every kind of shrub or verdure,
excepting a species of coarse grass. The rocks of which it is formed
are volcanic, but nothing is known of any active or extinct craters on
the island.

At one time this island was used as a x>enal settlement; but it is
now chiefly used as a sheep run, the soil of decomposed lava being of
too poor a qoality for cultivation.

CITIES, TOWNS, AND POBTS, KAHULAUI.

ITo towns noted; probably none exist.

Island* OF Kaula. (Chart B.)

This island, called also Tahura, lies 17 miles southwest one-half west
from Niihan. It is a small, elevated, barren rock, destitute of vegeta-
tion, and uninhabited. It is visited to collect the eggs of sea birds,
vhich aboond«

Island of Lenua. (Chart B.)

Lenua, or Egg Tsland, lies oflf the north point of Fiihau. It is a
«aall, rugged, barren rock, apparently destitute of soil and without
^ofhabitatioo.

74 HAWAIIAN ISLAICDtL

ISLAKD OF MOLOKSfl. (Chart Tl)

A small islet of the idaod of Maai, which see.

CoMMinacATioifs of the Hawahah Islahinl

. BAILBOADS.

There are^ according to the StAtesman's Tear Book for 1893, 56 mOes
of railway iu the islands of Hawaii, Maai, and Oahiu These roads
were bailt prindpaliy for the transportation of products from the interior
to the seaports.

BAILROADS OF OAHU.

Oahu Bailroad. -^This line extends from Honolnln, 19 miles, to Ewa
plantation; passing aronnd Pearl Lochs, with a branch along the pen-
insula to Pearl City, and a spar extending into a qaarry at Palama.
Boadbed good. It is proposed to ran the railroad completely arojind
the island.

Depots, — ^There is an excellent dex>ot at Honolulu; also turntable.
Stations, with suitable houses, at intervals along the line. A fine depot,
also turntable, exists at Pearl City.

Wharfage, — ^The company's wharf at Honolulu is 60 feet wide and
200 feet long and is ample for present needs. Products can be unloaded
directly from cars to vessels and vice versa.

Rolling stocky etc, — ^The rolling stock and equipments are of the most
approved and modem style.

At the iKirt of Waiauae, in northwest portion of Oahu, there are sev-
eral small railroads, in all about 4 or 5 miles, branching to plantations
in the interior and along the coast. About these there are, however,
no obtainable data.

BAILBOADS OF HAWAII.

In Hawaii, from Mahukona to the Kohola district, some 16 miles of
railroad exist. .

BAILBOADS OF MAUI.

In the island Maui a little railway of venr narrow gauge now con-
nects Wailuku and Kaluilni. The railway also extends 3 miles further
eastward to the sugar mills of the great plantation of Sprecklesville, in
all 13 miles.

(The distances between these places are given firom the overland dis-
tance tables in the Hawaiian Annual for 1893.)

Data concerning gauge, quantity of roUing stocky etc., as well as reli-
able maps, are at present unobtainable.

BAILBOADS OF EAXJI.

On the island of Kaui there is (according to the Hydrographic OflBoe
chart of Waimea Bay) a railroad from W'aimea village to Kekaha. No
details known.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 75

BOADS.

There are a few well-constructed roads on the Island of Oaliu,leadin|2:
bom Honolulu to places of interest to tourists; but in general the roads
on the island are not good, being frequently heavy with sand and
muddy in wet districts. "So i)ositive information obtajnable,

TELEGRAPHS.

There are telegraphs round the island of Oahu as well as in Hawaii
iDd Maoi. Oahu and Hawaii are connected by telegraphic cable.
Total l^igtli of telegraphs, 250 mQes.

TELEPHONES.

Telephones are in general use in Honolulu and probably elsewhere
on tlie islands.

POSTAL SEBVICB. *

For Hawaiian Islands XK>s.tal service and post-offices.

INTEB-ISLAND STEAMERS AND VESSELS.

There are 22 coasting steamers plying between the ports of the island,
of which 9 belong the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company, 7 to
the Wilder Steamship Company^ and the remainder to various private
ovnera.
There are also 25 sailing vessels belonging to various firms and owners, v
There are, besides, 2 steam and 6 sailing merchantmen and traders
of Hawaiian register plying between the islands and foreign ports.

LEPBOSY.

In his rei>ort to the Hawaiian legislative assembly of 1884, the presi-
dent of the board of health makes the assertion that '^ Hawaii has to
Ewet a calamity of widespread disease. * * At least 2 per cent
of her entire native population is attacked by a fearfnl and supposed
incurable malady [leprosy], of an exceptional character, that demands
Kftaration and isolation." In the same report it is shown that the
a^Topriation of $90,000, for the segregation and care of lepers, voted
is 1882, for the biennial period closing March 31, 1884, had fallen short
of ^e demands apon the health authorities. The Hawaiian law has
provided for the strict segregation of lepers since 1865, and the district
tf Ksilawao on Molokai, a territory of about 5,000 acres, was selected
at that time for the leper settlement.

It is asserted that up to 1882 at least, the law requiring segregation
^^ not carried out with vigor, but it is shown that under the partial
enforcement of the law during sixteen years prior to June 1, 1882,
2}n2 casesy an average of 162*62 cases per year, had been sent to the

76 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

leper settlement. The biennial report of the president of the board of
health for 1890 states that ^< the work of collecting and segregating
lepers had been carried on with firmness and impartiality, and that the
number of lepers collected and sent to Molokai for the biennial period
closing March 31, 1890, was 798. Of these 2 were of British and 2
were of AmericaH birth." The report shows that $331,057.80 was
expended by the board of health during the biennial period, and it is
asserted '^ that the maintenance of the leper establishment is the almost
bottomless pit into which more than three-fourths of the money appro-
priated is casf

It is hopefully claimed, however, "that its requirements are on the
wane, and judging from the most reliable information obtainable there
are but very few undoubted cases of leprosy now at large in the country,
and they will come under the care of the board as rapidly as it is pos-
sible to get control of them." In proof of this it is stated that on the
31st of March, 1888, it was estimated that there were then at large
throughout the Kingdom 644 lepers, while at the date of the report
under consideration, March 31, 1890, "according to the best informa-
tion obtainable, there are ♦ ♦ ♦ about 100 persons supposed to be
affected by the disease still at large who have not been before the
examining board." The reasons why these suspected lepers have not
been examined are stated to be that some very bad and unmistakable
cases are hiding in fastnesses of the mountains, while some mild cases
change their residence so often as to baffle the efforts of the officers of
the law for their arrest.

In regatd to the contagious character of the disease and the precau-
tions necessary to be taken it is claimed by Surg. Tyron, U. 8.
Navy,* that the spread of the disease in the Hawaiian Islands is due,
or was due at that time, 1883, to the general belief that "the disea^
is only slightly contngious, and its treatment as such from the begin-
*ning, allowing free individual intercourse, with weak enforcement of
the laws for its suppression."

That leprosy has not always been regarded by the authorities of the
Hawaiian Islands as eminently contagious is shown by the following
extracts firom the report of the president of the board of health to the
legislative assembly of 1884. He says: "Such a characterization is
entirely uncalled for, is not warranted by experienced medical opinion,
and the violent and hasty segregation which it would inspire is a wrong
to a suffering community." "The confirmed leper should be separated
from the community, but there should be no alarm in consequence of
the temporary presence in the street of a leper, or on account of any
ordinary intercourse with a sufferer from the disea^se."

On the other hand the report of the board of health for 1890 declares
in the most emphatic manner that " complete, thorough, and absolute
segregation offers the only safeguard" against the ravages of leprosy.
The same re))ort asserts that if, from the time when leprosy was first
recognized as an established fact in the islands, the policy of absolute
segregation had been firmly decided upon and unflinchingly pursued,
* * ♦ Hawaii would be as free from leprosy to-day as any civilized
nation." The report concludes with the liopeful words: "It is safe to
say that if we do not relax our efforts we have seen the worst of lep-
rosy in this country." The average leper population of the lex)er set-
tlements in Molokai for the two years ending March 31, 1890, was
1,035.

* American Journal Medical Science, April, 1883.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 77

A. Latz, M. D., a spccinlist employed by the Hawaiian Government
as •^'government physician for the study and treatment of leprosy,"
reports, ander date of April 1, 1890, as follows: ''The infection from one
person to the other furnishes probably the largest number of patients;
heredity, if it really exists at all, is quite secondary, being perhaps only
simulated by family infection. The intiuence of vaccination appears
most doubtful."

From the Sanitary Instructions for Hawaiians, by the chairman of
the sanitary committee of the Hawaiian legislature, the following state-
ment of predisposing causes of leprosy and rules to be observed is
made up :

"Be careful that where the operation of vaccination is performed
pure vaccine is used."

"Avoid a leprous bedfellow as you would a pit of fire,'*

" Eat regularly and of the best obtainable food."

"Avoid dark, damp, badly* ventilated rooms."

"Never lie down to repose in damp or dirty clothing, and keep the
body clean."

"Nearly all the lepers come from among the poor, who have fared
badly and have lodged in damp and ill ventilated huts."

"Take care of the first symptoms of leprosy. The moment numb-
ness of feeling, or any marks or swellings that indicate leprosy are
observed, a physician should be consulted."

Venereal diseases favor the attack of leprosy. "If two men, one
perfectly well and clean in body and the other diseased with venereal
virus, were each brought into intimate contact with a leprous individ-
ual, the diseased man would be affected and become a leper far sooner
than the sound man."

Dr. Lutz, Hawaiian Government physician for the treatment and
study of leprosy, was encouraged to declare, under date of April, 1890,
that he believes "we shall • ♦ ♦ see cures, which may be attrib-
uted, not to extraordinary chance, but to our methods of treatment." It
appears, however, from later reports, that the study of leprosy by spe-
cialists employed by the Government was soon abandoned. Dr. Lutz
resigned September, 1890, without having effected a permanent
cure.

The president of the board of health reports to the legislative assem-
bly, session of 1892, on ^ihe subject of the study of leprosy by Govern-
ment specialists, as follows: "In deference to the oft- repeated requests,
• • • the board of health opened correspondence with the leprosy
commission of England and with Dr. E. Arning, of Hamburg, Ger-
many, with a view of ♦ * • continuing the study and treatment
of leprosy." The substance of Dr. Arning's reply is: "That the scien-
tific work connected with the etiology and pathology of leprosy can,
with surer prospects of success, be carried on here in its European
centers, and this is actually being done; there are a number of bac-
teriologists • • ♦ at work on this intricate question and slowly
unraveling knot on knot towards its solution."

The report of the board of health for 1892 states that on "December
31, 1890, there were 1,213 lepers in the custody of the board, that being
the highest number ever reached, and on March 31, 1892, there were
only 1,115, a decrease of 98 during the period." In regard to the segre-
iration of lepers the report afl^rms that at this date, March 31, 1892,
''there are very few known lepers at large, with the exception of per-
bap« 17 at Kalalau, Kau'i, but there are about GO suspects at liberty in

78 HAWAUAN ISLANDS.

Honolnla, and some in the onter districts, and more or less of them
will, iu time, become confirmed cases."

The same report shows that the cost of the << se^egation, support,
and treatment of lepers " for the biennial x>eriod closing March 31, 1892,
was 9224,331.88.

In regard to venereal diseases, so well known as prevalent in the
Hawaiian Islands, the statement is made in the Medical Record for
April, 1889, that the " effects of hereditary inmiunity • ♦ • has
resulted.in the production of a much milder form of the disease in the
course of three or four generations. At the present day syphilis in the
Sandwich Islands is comparatively a benign disease, and furnishes but
a small contingent to the sum of mortality." The writer, Dr. P. A.
Morrow, states that ^' not only has the disease moderated in severity,
but, according to the testimony of numerous physicians, * * * it
has materially decreased in frequency." The writer also asserts the
^^comparative rarity of hereditary transmission" of syphilis iu the
islands, and explains it by the fact that the native Hawaiians of to-day
are a sterile race. ^^ In some of the districts the percentage of births
does not exceed 2 per 1 ,000 instead of 28 per 1,000, as it should be, to bal-
ance the mortality rate."

NoTB. — ^The maps and charts mentioned in this paper omitted.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 79

VIL ALSO THE FOLLOWING LECTUBB, DBLIVBBED AT THE U. S.
NATIONAL. MUSKUM, FEBRUARY 9, AND MARCH 15, 1884, BY OAPT. 0.
S. BUTTON, OF THE U. S. ARMY, IN WASHINGTON, D. O.

[Ordiuuioe notea— No. 843, Washington, April 23, 1884.]

THE HAWAILA.N ISLAISDS AND PEOPLE.

Ieetwre9 delivered at the U. 8. National Museum February 9 and March
i5, 1684, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and of the
Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington.

•

(By C»pt. C. E. Bntton, Ordnance Btjpartaient, U. S. A., on U. 8. Geological duty.]

Ladies and Oentleii an: The Hawaiian Islands are tbe summits of
a gigantic submarine mountain range. If the waters of the Pacific were
removed from their vicinity we might behold a range of mountains as
loDg as our Appalachian system, from Lake Champlain to Chattanooga,
uid quite as wide, with summits live times as high as Mount Washing-
ton. Tbe summits of Mauua Loa and Mauna Kea are nearly 14,000 feet
above tbe ocean, and their bases are from 15,000 to 18,000 feet beneath
it Referred to the bottom of the ocean these mountains are higher
than the Himalayas. Standing ui)on the northeastern coast of Hawaii
the crest of Mauna Kea is less than 20 miles away, and is nearly 3 miles
above us. At a distance of 30 miles at sea the ocean floor is about 3^
nileB below us. I am not aware of any other place in the world where,
along a line less than 50 miles in length, may be found a difference in
altatade of more than 6 miles.

The Hawaiian group consists of four larger and four smaller islands.
The largest island is named Hawaii. It has a length of about 90 and a
width of 70 miles. Its area is nearly 4,000 square miles, being a little
leas than two-thirds of the area of the entire group. * It is not, however,
die most i>opulou8, for that distinction belongs to the islands of Oahu,
on which is situated the principal town and capital, Honolulu, which is
the center of trade and the seat of the Government.

Only a small portion of each island is capable of sustaining a dense
popolation. The interiors are mountainous and generally rough, craggy,
and cut with profound gorges of J;he wildest description. The habit-
able portions are, near the seacoast, forming a ring around each island;
bat only a part of each ring is habitable or cultivable. Some portions
are arid and barren; others are covered with recent floods of lava, and
81^ others are bounded by lofty rocky coasts, and trenched with ravines
to deep and abrupt that access is difficult. Generally speaking, the
[proportion of habitable area is singularly small. But those portions
▼hieh are well favored are probably capable of sustaining as dense a
population as any tracts in the world.

The climate of these islands is the climate of Paradise. It is never
kot, and, except at considerable altitudes, it is never cold. Barely has
the thermoiheter been known to reach 90^ on the seacoast, or to faU
bdow 65^. The temperature in most localities may be averaged the
year round as varying between 75^ and 85^. But while the tempera-
ture of any given locality is uniform, there is wonderful variety in the
dimate as we pass from one place to another. Indeed, there are almost
» many climates as there are square leagues. As a rule the windward
or eastern sides are rainy and the leeward sides dry. On the eastern
coast of Hawaii the annual rainfall varies from 150 to 250 incbes. On
the oorthwesc coast of the same island it is probably less than the

80 HAWAUAN ISLANDS.

twentieth part of those amounts. The islands being situated within
the trade- wind belt, the wind blows constantly from the east and north-
east during the greater part of the year, and is only subject to brief
interruptions during midwinter. Violent storms occur only in the
winter time, and these, coining once or twice a year from the southwest,
are known as konas, which means in the native language the south-
west. During a stay of six months on the islands I oiHy heard a single
peal of thunder.

These islands are all of volcanic origin. They are composed of
basaltic lavas, and no other rocks are found there excepting a few con-
solidated coral sands, which are remnants of old sea-beaches, upheaved
from 50 to 200 feet. In the two westerly islands the volcanic activity
has long been extinct. Most of the ancient craters have been obliter-
ated, and the volcanic piles built up during the periods of activity have
been greatly ravaged and wasted by subsequent erosion. Next to the
plateaus and canyon country of the Eocky Mountain region, it would be
difficult to find anywhere more impressive and suggestive examples of
the wasting and slow destruction of the land than those presented by
these islands. We find there grand illustrations of the two methods
by which the general process of erosion accomplishes its work. First,
is the action of the rains, followed by the decomposition of the massive
rocks and their conversion into soil, and also the action of running
water and decay of the rock masses, resulting in the formation of
ravines and mountain gorges of imposing grandeur; secondly, we find
the slow but incessant inroads made by the waves of the ocean upon a
seacoast, gradually wearing back the cliffs and slowly paring away the
rocky shore, until, after the lapse of thousands of years, the sea has
eaten its way several miles into the land. Thus we have on the one
hand striking examples of one way in which mountains are built, and
we have on the other hand equally striking examples of the ways in
which those mountains are destroyed.

Travelers in the lofty volcanic islands of the Pacific have frequently
noted with some surprise the singularly sharp, angular, abrupt features
of their mountain scenery. It is very impressive in the Fyis and
Samoa, in the Ladrone, Garoline, and Society groups. But none of
them rival in wildness and grandeur the still loftier islands of Hawaii.
Gorges little inferior to Yosemite in* magnitude are rather numerous.
But in a certain sharpness of detail and animation in the sculpture they
are unique. The island of Kauai and the western portion of the island
of Maui consist of old volcanic piles as high as Mount Washington, and
much broader and longer. They are literally sawed to pieces by many
immense canyon-like gorges, which cut them to their foundations. Over
all is spread a mantle of tropical vegetation in comparison with which
the richest verdure of our temperate zone is but the garb of poverty.
Whoever reads Shakspeare's Tempest and visits the Bermudas will
be disenchanted from some of the most pleasing illusions of the play.
But, if Shakspeare could have known the eastern shores of Maai or
Hawaii and made them the scenes of his play, it would have had, if
possible, another claim to immortality.

This wealth of verdure and splendor of scenery usually occur upon
the windward sides of the islands, for upon those sides is found the
cause which produces them. This cause is the copious rainfall brought
by the perpetual trade winds. Nothing can be more pleasing to the
lover of beautiful scenery than a ride along the windward coasts of
Maui and Hawaii. The land terminates in cliffs, varying from i^O to
600 feet in height, plunging down almost vertically into the Pacifia

. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 81

fheloBg heavy swell, driven for thousands of miles before the trade
wind, breaks with great force against these iron walls. The surface
above slopes upward toTvards the mountainous interior, at first with a
frentle acclivity, which Ijecomes steeper inland, and at length precipi-
tous. This plat formis gashed at short intervals by true canyons, which
head far np tbe mountain slopes, and open seaward in the great ter-
minal wall. A mile or two inland from the brink of the cliif-bound
shore is a forest so dense that it can be penetrated only by hewing a
way through it or following a path already hewn. To describe the
glories of this tropical vegetation is impossible. Only those who have
beheld it can conceive of its splendor and Insurance. Yet there is one
oDhvaled feature of the island vegetation which has no parallel else-
where than in the Pacific and Austral islands, and which may be men-
tioDed. This is the ferns. There are more than 300 species of them in
the Hawaiian Islands, and the most conspicuous are tree ferns which
^w in amazing abundance and sumptuousness. They often cover
the sides of the ravines, foiming a thipket which is quite impenetrable,
and become a mantle of green velvet so deep, rich, and exquisitely
patterned that it makes an imperial robe seem ridiculous.

But there are contrasts. There are portions of the islands where
Uie features have at first sight no more in common with those just
^ken of than if they belonged to another planet. The beautiful or
grand scenery is found in those parts where the volcanic activity has
long been dormant. The contrasted portions are those where the
Tolcanoes are still in action, or have recently put out their fires.

The southern half of the great island of Hawaii is covered with the
two grandest volcanoes in the world — Mauna Loa and Kilauea. The
great central pile is Mauna Loa, which is certainly the monarch of
modem volcanoes. Its name signifies the Great Mountain. No other
in the world approaches it in the vastness of its mass or in the magni-
tude of its eruptive activity. There are many volcanic peaks higher in
air, but these are planted upon elevated platforms of stratified rock,
where they appear as mere cones, of greater or less size. Regarding
the platforms on which they stand as their true bases, the cones them-
lelves and the lavas which have emanated from them never approach
the magnitude of Mauna Loa. ^tna and all its adjuncts are immeas-
orably inferior; while Shasta, Hood, and Banier, if melted down and
nm together into one pile, would still fall much below the volume of
the island volcano. In the greatness of its eruptions, Mauna Loa is
also without a rival. Some of the volcanoes of Iceland have been
known to disgorge at a single outbreak volumes of lava quite equal to
th^D. But in that island such extravasations are infrequent, and a
c6itnry has now elapsed since any such have been emitted. The
eruptions of Mauna Loa are all of great volume and occur irregularly,
with an average interval of about eight years. Any one of its moderate
eruptions represents more lava than Vesuvius has outpoured since the
last days of Pompeii. The great flow of 1855 would nearly have built
Vesuvius, and those of 1859 and 1881 were not gi'eatly inferior.

The Hawaiian volcanoes are in some respects abnormal. The most
distinctive of their characteristics is the quiet and undemonstrative
nethod of their eruptions. Karely are these portentous events attended
by any of that explosive action which is manifested by all other vol-
eaDoes. In only one or two instances within the historic period have
ckey been accomx>anied by earthquakes and subterraneous rumblings.
The vast jets of steam blown miles high, hurling cinders and lapillifar
and wide and filling the heavens with vapor, dust, and ashes, have never

8, Eep. 227 — -6

82 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

been observed here. Some action of the sort is iodeed represented
sometimes, but only in a feeble way. OrdiDarily the lava spouts forth
in stupendous quantities, but as quietly as water from a fountain. So
mild are the eruptive forces that the observer may stand to the wind-
ward of one of these fouutaius and so near it that the heat wiU make
the face tingle, yet without danger. Usually the outbreak takes place
without waruing, and even witbout the knowledge of people in the
vicinity, who first become aware of it at nightfall, when the heavens
are aglow with the reflected light and the fiery fountains are seen
playing. As the news spreads hundreds of people flock to witness the
sublime spectacle, and display as much eagerness to approach the
scene of an eruption as the people of other countries show to get away
from one.

All this is in contrast with the ordinary volcano. At the other
extreme is such an eruption as that which happened last August, at
Krakatoa, in the Straits of Suuda. With the published details of this
catastrophe .you are all familiar. Appalling as it was, the eruption ot
Sumbawa in 1815 must have bedu, if can rely upon the accounts of
it, even more energetic and destructive. The eruption of Coseguina,
in ^Nicaragua, in 1835, appears to have been of the same character, or
upon a scale quite equal; while once or twice in a century Cotapaxi
shakes the chain of the Andes through half its length, fills the sky
with dust, and converts noonday into midnight for a hundred miles
around. The eruptions of ^tna have all been on a smaller scale, but
still sufficient to fill all Sicily with terror. Vesuvius is usually regarded
as an obstreperous vent, but its performances are mere Fourth of July
fireworks in comparison with these Day-of- Judgment proceedings at
Sumbawa, Krakatoa, and Cotapaxi.

The explosive agent in these terrible convulsions is steam. In their
original seat, miles deep in the earth, the lavas contain considerable
quantities of water; but the condition of this water is such as we have,
at the surface of the earth, no experience with, except as we observe it
in volcanoes. It is water red hot, or even yellow hot, and under a
pressure hundreds of times greater than that of the steam in a loco-
motive boiler — a pressure probably comparable to that exerted by
gunpowder in a powerful cannon. Under the enormous pressure,
occurring at a depth of several miles within the earth, water is absorbed
by the lavas in much the same way as water itself absorbs ammonia
gas, or as wine absorbs carbonic acid. When the lavas rise to the
surface where the pressure is removed their explosive energy becomes
terrible. The steam is given off as the uncorked bottle of wine gives
off its gas, only a thousand times more violently and energetically. So
densely charged with vapor of water are some lavas that when, as in
the case of I^akatoa, a vent is found, the explosive energy becomes so
great that the lava is blown into fine dust and dissipated in the sur-
rounding atmosphere. Although this extreme of explosive activity is
far too common for the comfort and safety of the human race it is by
no means the most frequent. The more ordinary type of volcano is
one in which the explosiveness is not so intense as to blow the whole
of the ejected matter into impalpable dust, but blows it into pellet«
termed lapilli. These grains of lapilli are of all sizes, from that of a
kernel of wheat up to those of cannon balls, and sometimes weigh a
hundred tons or more. With a majority of volcanoes, whether active
or extinct, the greater part of the material ejected is cast ihto the air
in this fragmeutal form. Falling back around the orifice it builds up a
fairly regular cone, with a cup o^ the summit. This is termed a cinder

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 83

cone. Most ot the volcanic piles of the world are crowned with cinder
cones, the principal bulk of which consists of lapiHi and scoriaceous
lomx^s, with some massive portions of flowing lava streams mixed in.
It is probable that quite half of the volcanic material now visible npon
tiie globe consists of accumulations of such fragmental matter.

To this general method of extravasation Mauna Loa and KDaueaare
remarkable exceptions. They ccmsist almost wholly of massive sheets
and floods of lava. On Mauna Loa there are but the most insigniflcant
traces of fragmental products, and on Kilauea there are only a dozen
or two of small cinder cones. The lavas of these great volcanoes flowed
quietly out in enormous deluges, running sometimes for months, or even
a whole year, with little or no explosive action throughout the entire
duration of the flows.

One consequence of this quiet method of eruption has been to give to
these colossal piles a wholly exceptional form among volcanoes. Instead
of a huge cone crowning the apex of Mauna Loa, its summit is nearly
a flat plain, 5^ miles long and ne^^rly 4 miles wide. Within this plain is
sunken a pit 3 miles long, 2 miles wide, and 1,000 feet in depth. In
the floor of this pit at certain times may be seen a lake of red-hot liquid
lava, varying in size from time to time, but occasionally as large as 30
or 40 acres. At intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes a column of
liquid lava of great brilliancy, as large and as high as the Washington
monument will be when it is completed, is shot upward and falls back
into the lava pool in a flery spray. This grand display is sometimes
kept up for months, and is generally terminated by an eruption.
When an outbreak occurs it does not take place usually at the summit,
hot a fissure suddenly ox>ens in the side of the mountain, out of
▼hich a sheet of lava spouts hundreds of feet into the air, and.
£dling, collects into a river of fire half a mile in width, and rushes
at firet with great velocity down the slope. After running some
miles it reaches more level ground, where it spreads out in great lakes
or fields. It also cools on the surface, which gradually freezes over.
Bat it is still hot withip, and beneath its hardened covering the liquid
rivers are still running, and at the edges and along the front of the
great sheet the limpid lava constantly breaks forth, pushing out fiery
rivulets in advance and laterally.

These rivulets are shot out in quick succession here, there, and every-
where, gradually covering the ground by repeated oft'shoots. They
soon blacken and harden, but only to be covered by another and another
belch. The later progress of the stream is slow. When the lava first
leaves the vent it may run 10 or 15 miles an hour. But later on the
stream may advance less than 100 yards in a day. In November, 1^580,
a great eruption broke forth near the summitof Mauna Loa, and the
ara poured out in heavy streams unceasingly for eleven months. There
were three great streams flowing in as many directions, and the largest
one extended from the vent a distance of nearly 50 miles. It reached
the outskirts of the beautiful little town of Hilo, whose inhabitants had
abandoned all hope that their village would escape, and had removed
their portable property. But the flow stopped just at the edge of the
village.

The massive and highly liquid character of the flows from Mauna
Loa is the cause which has given this mountain its peculiar form. It
» in contrast with all other volcanoes by virtue of its flat and gently
iloped profiles. It ia a gently rising dome whose steeper slopes are
only about 7 degrees, while its longer ones are only 4 degrees. Most
Toleanoes have slopes ranging all the way from 15 to 30 and even 40

84 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

degrees. The liquid lavas run off from the summit and upper dome and
distribute themselves at immense distances. But if fragmental prod-
ucts were ejected in any quantity they would pile up around the orifices
from which they were ejected and thus form steep conical hills.

The ascent of Mauna Loa is a feat wholly unworthy of the name of
mountaineering. It is necessary, however, to procure a guide who
knows the way, otherwise the journey is pretty sure to prove more
interesting than was expected. Many of the lava streams are masses
of clinkers of the most angular and cruel aspect imaginable; indeed,
the hummocks of an arctic ice field are good traveling in comparison,
and only a guide familiar with the mountain knows how to avoid them.

Just east of Mauna Loa, about 20 or 25 miles, is the far-famed vol-
cano Eilauea. This has been visited and described so often that little
needs to be said here. It contains a great pit similar to that on Mauna
Loa, and somewhat larger, though not so deep.

Within it are the great lakes of fire always burning. The lake at
the summit of Mauna Loa is frozen over and silent, without a trace of
volcanic activity, for several years at a time, and is open only for sev-
eral months or sometimes a year or so before a great eruption. But at
Kilauea the lava lakes are always aflame, and have been so ever since
the earliest traditions of the natives. Forty years ago there was a pit
within a pit, and in the lowest deep wa^ a lava pool half a mile or more
in diameter, always boiling, spouting, and flaming. At the present
time the inner pit is quite filled up with solid lava, and a large conical
pile of rocks is built up over the site of this former lake. Within this
pile of rocks, however, is the remnant of this lake, now about 10 acres
in area. Half a mile distant is a second lake which is easily visited,
and it is an exhilarating sight to stand at night upon the brink of it
and watch the boiling, surging, and swirling of 6 acres of melted lava.
At brief intervals the surface darkens over by the formation of a black
solid crust with streaks of fire around the edges. Suddenly a network
of cracks shoots through the entire crust, and the fragments turn down
edgewise and sink, leaving the pool one glowing-expanse of exactly the
appearance of so much melted cast iron. The heat of fusion in this lake
is maintained, in spite of the enormous loss of heat by radiation, by the
constant ascent of large quantities of intensely hot vapors from the
depths of the earth.

An hour's lecture, ladies and gentlemen, leaves no time for rhetoric
and graceful transitions from one theme to another. Having shoveled
out to you, so to speak, some incoherent remarks concerning points of
special interest in the islands, I proceed at once to a subject which
will, I hope, prove more interesting, and that is the people who inhabit
them.

When we were boys and girls our general idea of the inhabitants of
the Pacific islands was that they were typical savages. What savages
were we knew pretty well, or thought we knew, for had we not all read
Eobinson Crusoe t We thought of them as naked, black creatures,
whose principal occupation was blowing conch-shells, brandishing
thigh bones, and dancing a horrible cancan around a fire where a human
carcass was roasting. But we were mistaken. The Polynesians, as
a rule, were not savages, though many of the white people who first
visited them were so.

In the Pacific islands two very distinct races are found. Of one race
the Hawaiians or Tahitians may be regarded as the type. This race
peoples also the Society, Samoan, Navigators, and Friendly groups,
and includes the Maoris of New Zealand. All these islanders have th»

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 85

same physical features; similar social cults, and speak dialects of the
same language. The difference between the language ot a Hawaiian and
of a Society islander is not greater than that between the German and
the Dutch. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and a
Maori is less than between the Dutch and the English. This and the
community of physical type establish the identity of race sufficiently.
The western islands of the Pacific are occupied by a race which has
such apparent affinity with the inhabitants of Papua or New Guinea
as to raise a very strong presumption of their community, and the sup-
position is corroborated by many other circumstances. Of the two
races, the first mentioned is much superior physically, mentally, and
morally, and of all branches of that race the noblest is the Hawaiian.

Physically they are rather large, and have a light-brown color, straight
hair, and are handsomely formed, of good bearing, and well featured.
The women also are pleasing and comely. There is nothing about them
savoring of the squaw, hag, or wench, which is almost universal among
so many of the primitive dark-skinned races, and they are not without
beauty, even according to the taste of the white man, if he is willing to
admire a robust type of feminine grace as easily as he does the ^'pale,
pious, pulmonary" persuasion. Among the Hawaiians the old kings
and chiefs seemed to form a distinct caste and a breed greatly superior
to the common herd. They were very large, sometimes almost gigantic
in size, and of very impressive form and bearing. Their color was
lighter, and they were d more massive frames.

At the time of the discovery of these islands by Capt. Cook, in 1776,
these people were by no means savages. Their social system was as
much above savagery on the one hand as it was below civilization on
the other. A carelul study of their habits and customs discloses the
interesting fact that their social organization bore a striking similitude
to that of Europe in the tenth and eleventh centuries. It was a feudal
system almost exactly. They had kings who were in all strictness heredi-
tary suzerains. Under them were chiefs who owed them fealty, and
who held lands and titles by a tenure which can hardly be distinguished
from eni'eoffinent, and which, at all events, was a truly feudal tenure;
for it carried with it the recognition of the principle that the allodium
was vested in the king alone, and the tenure was granted to the chief
as a vassal in consideration of military service. The common people
were mere villains, bound to the soil, though in some sort as tenants at
will. The islands were divided up into several kingdoms, over each of
which a king reigned, whose power was very absolute; in all things he
was lord paramount. The kingdom was subdivided into tracts, for
which the term now used in the islands is simply the word '^ lands."
These lands were lorded over by chiefs, of whom there were several
grades. They were subdivided again and again down to the smallest
holdings, of a fraction of an acre, tenanted by the lower classes, and
all were marked off by metes and bounds.

The power of the King was absolute, and limited only by the endur-
ance of his subjects. Life and death, as well as property, were subject
to his will; and yet there was a division of power. To make the pai-
allel with mediaeval Europe more complete, the power of the King was
rivaled, and in some cases even overborne, by the power of a priest-
hood; and the priests enforced their sway with a spiritual weapon of
resistless potency. The weapons of Rome were many, chief among
which were excommunication, the inquisition, and the interdict. The
Hawaiian priest had a weapon more powerful than them all. It wa^
the tabu. This word has been adopted, metaphorically^ into the Eu(^-

86 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

lish and many other languages, but few people comprehend its signifi-
cance in the places where it originated. The word means prohibited
or forbidden, and a great deal more besides. Almost anything might
be tabu. The penalty of violating a tabu was always death. The insti-
tution derived its i)ower from the fact that there was not a native in all
Polynesia who did not devoutly believe that even if the King or priests
did not cause him to be killed for violating a tabu the gods certainly
would.

In respect to the arts possessed by these people they were few and
simple. The islands contained no metals and very few substitutes for
then^ except stone, and not the best kinds of stone for implements at
that. Considering the want of materials, however, their arts were
hardly to be despised. They made many articles of wood with sur-
prising neatness. Their only substitutes for cloth were a fabric made
of a peculiar bark, macerated in water and pounded out as thin as
paper, and mats woven from the fibers of the pandanus with no little
skill. Their houses were large, commodious structures made of grass,
often neatly woven, and attached to a framework of poles. They were
•scrupulously neat within, and matting of pleasing aspect was used
abundantly. They were wonderfully expert fishermen, and had devices
suited for capturing each kind of fish. More than that, they had fish
ponds and preserves for rearing select varieties.

Agriculture was practiced systematically. They constructed canals
for irrigating, the remains of which are still vieible in numerous places.
Their chief vegetable was the root of the taro plant, a species of arum
to which the calla lilies belong. .It may not be generally known that
this is probably the most prolific food ])lant in the world. Humboldt
gives that distinction to the banana, but the banana is nowhere in the
comparison; for a square yard and a half planted with taro will yield
food enough to support a man for a year. This plant is poisonous when
raw, but cooking completely destroys the poisonous quality and renders
it very wholesome. The Hawaiians first bake it and then pound it,
gradually adding water, which is kneaded in like oil in a mayonnaise,
and when frilly prepared it is of a consistency very much like mayonnaise.
In that state it is termed poi; and to this day the natives regard it as
we do bread, and it serves still as their favorite food. Many of the
white residents also have become exceedingly fond of it.

The primitive Hawaiians were very bold and skillful navigators.
There can be no question that they frequently visited in their little
canoes the Society Islands and Tahiti, south of the equator and 2,400
miles distant from Hawaii. How they could cross such vast wastes of
ocean seems at first mysterious ; but they had a knowledge of astronomy
8iK5h as we sometimes marvel at in the old Egyptians and Chaldeans.
They knew the planets, and had names for the brighter stars. They
also had a good calendar. Their year was three hundred and sixty-
five days long, and began when the Pleiades rose at sunset. They had
twelve months, of which eleven had thirty days each, and the twelfth
thirty-five days. They had also a primitive arithmetic and a system of
numerals in which they could number up into the hundreds of thou-
sands. It was partly decimal and partly tesseral.

The religion of this people \^as in some respects analogous to that of
the Greeks. Their gods were hero gods and of many grades. Indeed,
it is quite literal to say that the woods were full of them. Every
locality, every conspicuous rock or tree, had its tutelar, corresponding
perhaps to the Grecian fauns and dryads. They also had animal gods,
most notably the shark god^ and the divinity of the volcano of Kilauea

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 87

was a female named Pele. The amount of myth and legendary lore in
which these divinities figured was something amazing. We have for
some years been finding out that our own Indians were rich in myths,
if nothing else. But the extent of such lore among the Hawaiians
quite snrpasses anything known of other primitive peoples. Many of
them are highly poetical and ingenious.

The origin of the Polynesian rai^^e has always been a mystery. There
is very little light thrown upon it as yet by ethnologic research. The
view most favored is that they came from the East Indies at a remote
period. That the larger islands of the Pacific have been inhabited for
many centuries is an inference which finds considerable support.
Attempts have been made to ascertain whether the language has any
affinity to known languages of southeastern Asia, but the results are
little better than negative. Some coincidences have been found, or
supposed to have been found, but it does not seem that they are any
better or more significant than such as may be frequently discovered
between two languages which are surely known to have absolutely
Dothing in common. Coincidences between legends and customs have
also been discovered. But ethnologists of the present day have come
to attach less importance to them, if possible, than to languages.'
Thus the manners and customs, and also the legends, of the Maoris of
New Zealand have very little in common with those of the Hawaiians.
Yet the absolute identity of physical type and the virtual identity of
tbeir lang^aages are tantamount to proof of a common race. And primi-
tive i)eople8, world over, are constantly surprising us by furnishing
correspondences in legends and peculiar customs, when it is absolutely
certain that they are widely distinct. On the other hand, there is good
ground for believing that if the Polynesians did not come from some
known Asiatic or East Indian stock, they may at least have communi-
cated with them in one way or another.

When the islands were discovered by Capt. Cook pigs were very
abundant there, and the animal was an East Indian variety. The
peculiar tusks, the portentiously long snout like an icthyosaurus, and
ears set in the middle of its body, give us pretty reliable testimony as
to its origin. They also had dogs, and certainly no dog could have
eome either from America or Australia. Finally, and even more con-
clusively, they had common hens and chickens, which are certainly of
Asiatic origin. What people brought these animals to the islands is a
question. 1 have already mentioned to you that the Hawaiians often
made voyages to Tahiti in their little canoes, a distance of 2,400 miles;
and their ancient poems and legends are full of vague accounts of voy-
ag:es to even greater distances. They knew of the Saraoan and Tonga
islands, which are more than 3,000 miles away and farther westward.
Possibly also they knew of New Zealand, but the evidence of that is
not so clear. But I have never learned that anything in their poetry
or traditions indicated a knowledge of either America or Asia. While,
therefore, it is not impossible that they may have had communication
with Asia, there is no other evidence of it than the fact that domestic
animals of Asiatic origin were found among them.

The transition of this people from barbarism to civilization has been
wonderfully rapid and complete. It is a very remarkable fact, too,
that it is the only dark-skinned race that has ever been brought into
fall contact and relation with civilization without war and generations
of bloodshed, ending in subjugation. The reasons are many. Promi-
nent among them are the following: In the first place, there can be
little question that it is the finest and most intelligent race of dark-

88 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Qkinnod people in the world. In the second place, it i& dae in a great
measure to the wisdom, tact, and good sense of the missionaries through
whom this civilization was imparted. But it seems to me the third
reason is still more potent, and this was the great ability, wisdom, and
good sense of the kings of the line of the Kamehamehas and the abso-
lute power they originally held over their people.

Fortunately, also, at the time of the advent of the white men the con-
trol of the islands had already been consolidated into the hands of one
man, who was fully capable of wielding it. If the lot of the first
Kamehameha had been cast in Europe instead of the remotest islands
of the sea he would have been one of the most conspicuous figures of
history. Originally a little kinglet of a district at the north end of
Hawaii, he gradually conquered the whole of that island and finally
the whole group. No King in history ever knew better how to rule his
people. Brought into contact with civilization, he grasped its meaumg
with a breadth of comprehension which is perhaps without example
among barbarians. He knew instinctively how resistless was its power
and how inexorably it crowds the weaker races to the wall. But he
had the wisdom not only to avert the destruction of his own power and
the obliteration of the nationality of his people, but actually to draw
strength from it and make it his servant instead of his master. The
greatest achievement of his life was the work of his declining years, and
it was an achievement of surpassing skill. He broke completely the
secular power of the priesthood. He had the sagacity to discover alone
and unaided the grandest truth in political science, and one which white
men never discovered until three or four centuries ago. That great
truth was that church and state had better let each other alone. We
need not wonder, however, that he discovered it, for the Kings of
Europe understood it well enough; indeed they were about the only
ones who did. The marvel was that this barbarian should have had
the courage and address to make the truth a practical reality and put
it into execution. It is one thing to perceive the foolishness of super-
stition and quite another to break down a whole religion, ^hen Kame-
hameha began his career the priesthood was far more powerful than he.
When he died they were as powerless in secular matters as the Pope
now is in Italy. The finishing stroke was given when his dead body,
as yet unburied, was awaiting the obsequies. His widow and son
deliberately broke many of the most sacred tabus, and enjoined the
same sacrilegious acts upon their households and followers. They were
promptly obeyed, and the example was followed by the whole nation.
Next the temples were despoiled, the images of the gods broken and
burned, and the priests themselves driven into the forests and jungles.

An act so sweeping and revolutionary as the trampling under foot of
the most binding superstition or religious conviction that ever held
sway over the human race would never have been ventured if the peo-
ple had not been gradually wrought up to it. In truth, Kamehameha
had first revolutionized the whole social and political condition of the
people, and had elevated them immensely against the influences of a
priestcraft which, was all the time striving to hold them down. When
the issue came the King triumphed and the priest was overthrown. It
was probably this change which prepared the Hawaiian people for
what followed. It established the kingly power independently of a
priesthood and left the people without a religion.

The year following this important event the missionaries landed
there for the first time. They soon secured the good will of the second
Kamehameha and found their work a comparatively easy one. To the

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 89

mlBsioDari 38 is due the credit of having been the agents tlii'o.igli whom
dyilization -wbs imparted to he islands. Those who are specially
devoted to the interests of foreign missions have been in the habit of
regarding the Hawaiian Islands as a signal instance of the triumph of
Protestant propagandism. On the whole, there is a large measure of
justice in this claim. But, on the other hand, a closer view will prob-
My disclose to the impartial mind the fact that, while the amount of
Christian proselytism has been very considerable, the outside view of it
is somewhat overdrawn.

There are certainly many devout Christians among the Hawaiians,
bat there are also many who cherish their old religion, and the greater
port of them are more or less tinctured with the ancient superstitions.
Bat whatever doubts may arise as to the complete success of the prop-
aganda, there can be none as to the success in imparting civilization.
Fortunately, they had to deal with and through a succession of kings
who were men of preeminent sense and of practical wisdom, and who
knew how to manage their subjects. They were kings in the best pos-
sible signification. Eoyalty was inborn in them, and the loyalty of
their subjects was such that the loyalty of an Englishman is a feeble
sentiment in comparison. The Kamehamehas, from the II to the Y,
inclusive, were quick to recognize the advantages of civilization, and
had wonderful tact in discriminating between good and bad advice.
The missionaries proved to be discreet and judicious advisers, and the
transition from barbarism to civilization was effected safely, step by
step; the Government was transformed into a constitutional monarchy,
the feudal tenure of lands was changed to fee simple. Statute laws
vere enacted and codified, and suffi-age was made as broad and liberal
as in America. Perhaps the most important step was compulsory
edacation, which is provided for by the State, and today it is hard to
find a native who can not read, write, and cipher.

The economic condition of the Hawaiian is probably superior at the
INresent time to that of any other tropical people in the world; and, on
the whole, I think it quite safe to say that it is but very little sur-
passed, if at all, by that of the working classes of America. He has
e?en more to eat and better food, plenty of beef, pork, and fish, and
eonld have an abundance of flour if he desired it, but he prefers his
tare. He owns his property in fee; he makes laws and executes them;
he reads and writes; he has but one wife; he tills the soil and tends
flocks; sometimes he accumulates wealth and sometimes he does not;
he makes his will in due form, dies, and receives a Christian burial;
in no land in the world is property more secure. Indeed, I have yet to
learn of any where it is equally secure fi:*om burglary, rapine, and thiev-
ery or those subtler devices by which the cunning get possession of the
property of the less astute without giving an equivalent for it. The
few relief of barbarism remaining are of the most harmless description,
ud probably quite as good for him as anything he might adopt in
plar^ of them.

Unfortunately, the population is rapidly decreasing. A century ago
i Ikir estimate would probable have been over 150,000. Today the
native population is 45,000 to 5b,000. The causes of this decrease are
many. It has usually been attributed to diseases brought by contact
^th the whites. While it is indisputable that such diseases have in a
ineasure contributed to the result, I believe there is still another cause
U work tending to the same result, which is as follows: The Hawaiian
is the most amiable and social creature in the world. Life without
(lenty of society is intolerable to him. He is also fond of display — of

90 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

giving feasts^ of treating, and extravagantly fond of dress, borses, and
sport. His instinct is to leave the country and crowd into the towns.
This is as common among the women as among the men. But to live in
town, or to indulge in dissii)ation, requires money, and therefore a fam-
ily is a burden, especially to women, who are so fond of gaiety. There
is, therefore, a deliberate and willful curtailment of the birth rate, and,
in my judgment, this has been not much less potent in reducing the
]>opnlation than the abnormal increase in the death rate.

The Government of the islands is now a constitutional monarchy. The
King is the chief executive oflScer, and his powers, though in theory no
greater than those of the English sovereign, are in reaUty much more
extensive and effectual. The legislative branch consists of a repre-
sentative assembly, ele<;ted biennially by the people, and a house of
nobles limited by the constitution to 20 members. The nobles are
appointed for life by the King, but their titles are not hereditary. The
judiciary is organized upon a plan somewhat similar to that of New
York State, though considerably simpler. At the head of the judicial
branch is the chief justice or chancellor and two vice-chancellors, who
perform the functions of a supreme court and final court of appeals.
They have also original jurisdiction in a wide range of subjects, and
indeed in almost all important cases of whatsoever nature. Each of
these justices holds circuit courts in various parts of the Kingdom, at
which eases are tried both originally and on appeal. There are also
Ibwer courts in which petty cases are tried, and in which more impor-
tant ones may originate. The higher judges are white men truly learned
in the law, and they have reflected honor upon their profession and
upon their adopted country. All of them are Americans, who received
their education and training in law in the United States. The primary
judges are in-some cases whites, in others natives. The native judges
were formerly appointed by the chancellor, but are now appointed by
the Crown. There is generally much difliculty in finding men of native
birth who i)0sse88 the requisite legal knowledge and experience. Their
intentions are always of the best, but their tendency is to construe law
in accordance with their own notions of abstract justice rather than
upon legal principles, and few of them are capable as yet of under-
standing the value and significance of precedents. But the higher
courts are always open to appeal. The administration of law is excel-
lent and will, on the whole, compare favorably with any country in the
world. The respect of the native tor statute law is very great, and the
sheriff, policeman, or taxgatherer has no more difficulty in executing
his process than in England or Massachusetts; indeed, he has, if any-
thing, less difficulty.

The statutory code is in general modeled after that of New York,
though it is apparent that in matters of detail many minor differences
were at the first and still are necessary. But the underlyiyg princi-
ples were identical. The tenure of real estate, the laws relating to
Hens and mortgages, to wills and inheritance of property, to bank-
ruptcy and debt, to marriage and divorce, to partnership and corpora-
tions, are founded upon those of New York State. The system of
jurisprudence is also fundamentally the same. There are many differ-
ences of detail and these are sometimes wide, but never so wide as to
constitute differences of principle. The processes of the courts are
more frequently summary, and their action is much more speedy and
direct. Devices for protracting and comi)licating litigation have not
as yet been developed to any great extent.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 91

An laws are enacted by the Le^slature, which regulates taxation
and cnstoms and appropriates specifically for all public expenditures.
In tiieory the powers of this body are very nearly the same in their
broader features as those of one of our State legislatures. The mem
bersof the lower house are elected biennially and are mostly natives.
In practice, however, there is a wide diflPerence. In England and
America the representative body dominates everything and every-
body, especially the chief magistrate. In Hawaii the King dominates
tiie representative body. This arises from the fact that this people
has always been intensely loyal te the King for scores of generations,
and the habit of unquestioning submission to the royal will is far too
strongly settled and ingrained to be readily shaken off. The want of
experience in self-government on the part of the people, and the habit
of absolute comniand on the part of the kings, will suggest the expla-
nation of the greatinfluence which the King holds over the Legislature.

At the present time the condition of the people of the islands is one
of great prosperity, and they are rapidly advancing in wealth and gen-
oal improvement. The reciprocity treaty now existing between the
isIaDds and the United States has been mutually beneficial. Large
amoonts of American capital have been invested there in sugar planta-
tions and in the commerce with the little Kingdom. The result has
been to give abundant employment te tlie entire population. Wages
are high, and all the produce of the islands brings good prices. Thus
the condition of the natives has been greatly improved. They are no
longer idlers, but the recipients of well-earned wages and incomes.
They are rapidly replacing their primitive grass houses with neat
frame buildings, built in the regular California cottage style. They
have adopted civilized clothing, hats, boots, and shoes, and the women
cultivate the fashions as eagerly as our own farmers' wives and daugh-
ters, and it is by no means uncommon te see them clothed in silks or
delicate woolen fabrics, or white lawns made in scrupulous regard to
the latest numbers of Harper's Bazaar. They wear them as easily and
lotarally as the mulattoes or quadroons in our own country. The
vomen of rank are ladies who are competent te sustain with grace and
di^ty all the appearances of cultivated society, though it would be
expecting too much te look for any high degrees of mental culture
aeeording to the rigorous standard of the great white nations. Both
men and women, however, are quick to catch the externals of social
cnstoms and refinement. The better culture, however, will come in
tbne as wealth and the comforts and luxuries of civilized life increase
among them.

One of the most important agencies, and perhaps the most impor-
tant^ has been the enforcement of education. Common schools are
sustained at public expense, and a college tor the higher education has
been established. Unfortunately the natives have never been taught
to speak the English language, and this has been a serious obstacle in
Uie way of their intellectual advancement. It is far easier for a white
sao to acquire the Hawaiian language than for the Hawaiian to
acquire English, and as a consequence few of the natives are able to
eo&verse or read except in their own tongue. On the other hanil, the
vbite residents can converse easily with the natives, and some of them
bare obtained an excellent knowledge of the Hawaiian language,
Tfaile almost all the whites can at least use an intelligible jargon. The
defect is in some measure ofiset by the extensive use of books and
newspapers printed in the Hawaiian language, and by a postal system
whieh^ under the circumstances, is a highly creditable one to th^

92 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

nation. By means of the newspapers the natives are kept fully
informed about their own affairs, and receive considerable knowledge
of the great far-off world beyond the sea. That the papers and postal
system have been of great potency and utility to them is sufficiently
apparent.

Whoever wishes for a delightful and instructive journey will do well
to visit these islands. They are only seven days' sail from San Fran-
cisco in a first-class steamer, and across an ocean which is rarely
troubled with storms. He will find scenery as beautiful as any in the
world and as novel as 4t is beautiful. He will find charming society
among his own people residing there, and unbounded hospitality. If
he is philosophically disposed he wUl find many instructive subjects
for his contemplation. If, without forgetting for a moment the splendor
of the civilization in which he has been reared, he can rise above its
prejudices, and if he is able to study men and human society from a
relative rather than an arbitrary standpoint, and judge them according
to the fundamental principles of human nature, he will find his own
humanities greatly enlarged and he will be much instructed and bene-
fited.

Vin. Also the FOLLOwiNa paper prepared by hon. sanpord b.

DOLE AND READ BEFORE THE HAWAIIAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY
DECEMBER 5^ 1892.

[Papers of the H«waiian Hiatorioal Society No. 8.]

Evolution op Hawaiian Land Tenures.

[Bead before the flawaiian Historical Society, December 5, 1892, by the Hon. Sanford B. Dole.]

When the Hawaiian pilgrim fathers first landed on the lonely coast
of Hawaii from their long and exhausting ocean voyage in their canoes
decked with mats and rigged with mat sails, it was for them a new
departure in government and social and indas trial economy. Their past,
with its myths of origin, its legends of struggling and wandering, its
faiths and customs, and rites and ceremonies, its lessons of victory and
defeat, its successes over nature, was still their present authority and
paramount influence, as they feebly began a new S03ial enterprise upon
the desolate yet grand and beautiM shores of their new inheritance.

Their past still held them through its venerable sanctions, and yet
they were free in the freedom of a new and unoccupied land to add to
its accumulations and to improve on its lessons.

We may imagine that the remnant of the freight of their storm-worn
canoes included a few household idols, a live pig or two, some emaciated
chickens, a surviving bread-fruit plant, kouy and other seeds.

There were women as well as men in the company; the little children
had succumbed to the hardships of the voyage which was undertaken
to escape the indignities and confiscations incident to the status of a
defeated party in tribal warfare.

These people, lean and half-famished, gladly and with fresh courage
took possession of their new world. As soon as they recovered their
strength they built a heiau* and sacrificed to their gods.

After a little exploration they settled in a deep valley sheltered by
steep cliffs and watered by an abundant stream of clear water, abound-
ing in fish and shrimps. At the mouth of the gorge was the sea, where

*.fldiaii^-temple.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 93

there were shellflsh, crabs, and a variety of fish. Fruits of ia.riou8
kinds nourished on the hillsides, some of which they were acquainted
withy while others were new to them. They found varieties of the
kapa* plant, and understanding the process of making its bark into
cloth, they restored their wardrobes which had for the most part dis-
appeared in the vicissitudes of the voyage. They also discovered the
iaroi growing wild in mountain streams, which they hailed as an old
firiend, feeling that now their satisfaction with their new home was
complete. The cultivation of this was begun at once as a field or dry-*
land crop, as had been the practice in the home land, but as time went
on and some crops failed for want of rain, irrigation was used, until
at length, it may have been generations after, the present method of
cultivating the crop in permanent patches of standing water became
established. This result was greatly favored by the abundance of
running water, which was a feature of the country.

Children were born and grew up and intermarried, and the colony
grew and prospered. Exploring parties went out from time to tin)e, and
other watered valleys were found, and bays and reefs rich in fishing
resources. As the community began to crowd the limited area of the
valley which was their first resting place, one and another of these newly
discovered and favored localities was settled, generally by a family con-
sisting of the parents and grownup boys and girls. And now and then
new companies of exiles from the southern islands found their weary
way over the ocean, bringing, perhaps, later customs and adding new
gods to the Hawaiian pantheon.

So Hawaii was gradually populated, and when its best localities were
occupied, Maui began to be colonized, and then its adjacent islands,
until the whole group was stocked with people.

There may have been a few chiefs in the pioneer company who largely
directed the affairs of the colony, and whose descendants furnished
chiefs for the growing demands of the branch colonies. Among the new
arrivals also &om the outside world were occasional chiefs, who tv^ere
hospitably welcomed and accredited as such, and accorded correspond-
ing position and influence.

It is also probable that in the very early period when chiefs were
scarce the head men of some of the settlements which had branched
off from the parent colony acquired the rank of chiefs, from the impor-
tance of their x>o8itions and the influence which their authority over
the lands of their respective settlements naturally gave them. Such
acquired rank descended to their children, in some cases doubtless
with an increase of dignity due to marriages with women of chief rank ^
and 8o some new families of chiefs, originating from the common peo-
ple or moJcaainanaSyt were established.

This early period of Hawaiian history for a number of generations
▼as a time of industrial enterprise and peaceful and prosperous growth.
There was no occasion for fighting, for there was land and water enough
for all and every one was busily employed. It was the golden age of
Hawaii. There were taboos^ indeed, but only religious ones, l^o chief
was x)owerful enough yet to proclaim taboos for political purposes, nor
had the necessities for political taboos yet arisen. The arts prospered :
the Hawaiian canoe developed; the manufacture of kapa flourishea
and made progress iii the direction of variety of fabric and its esthetic
finish and decoration ; royal garments of birds' feathers were manu&c-

*Kapa — natiye cloth. t Makaainanas — common .people.

t Taro— ftmm eAcnlentum. t Taboo — represaive enactment.

94 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

tared; implements of stone and of wood for mechanical and industrial
work were invented and improved upon; and great engineering enter-
prises were taken, such as the irrigating systems of Wahiawa, Kapaa^
and Kilauea on the island of Kauai, and great seawalls inclosing b)ys
and reefs for fish-ponds, such as the one at Huleia, on Kauai, «,nd at
many other places all over the islands. The antiquity of some of these
is so great that even tradition fails to account for theif origin, as in the
case of the parallel irrigating ditches at Kilauea, on Kauai, the dig-
^ug of which is attributed by the Hawaiians to the fabled moo, or
dragon, and the deep water fish-pond wall at the Huleia Kiver, on
Kauai, which is supposed to have been built by the Menehunes — the
fabled race of dwarfs, distinguished for canning industry and mechanical
and engineering skill and intelligence. In reality they were the pio-
neers of the Hawaiian race, who took complete industrial and peaceful
possession of the country, and this early period is distinctly the age of
the Menehunes, or skillful workers.

Principles of land tenure developed slowly through this period, proba-
bly from some form of the patriarchal system into a system of tribal
or communal ownership. There was land enough for everyone, and
holdings at first were based upon possession and use.

As in the irrigating customs of the Hawaiians, where there was an
abundance of water, every taro grower used it freely and at all times
according to his own convenience, and there were no regulations, but
in those localities where the water supply was limited strict rules for
its distribution grew up; so that when the land was not all occupied
there was freedom in ite use, it being easier to locate new holdings than
to quarrel about old ones.

But as land irrigation developed, requiring permanent and costly
improvements in the way of irrigating ditches and the building of ter-
races on the valley slopes for the foundation of taro patches, such
improved localities acquired a special value, and the more real sense of
ownership in land, which is based upon an investment of labor in the
soil beyond the amount required for the cultivation of a crop, began.
A quality of this ownership was necessarily permanence, because of
the permanence of the improvements which created it.

Another element of tenure arose as the population increased, and the
best lands became occupied; the increasing demand gave them a mar-
ket value, so to speak, which gave rise to disputes over boundaries.
Although such feuds, sometimes attended with personal violence,
favored the development of the later feudalism of tbe Hawaiians, yet
the early period, containing many of the features of tribal government
and land tenure common to the Samoans, Fijians, and Maories of New
Zealand, probably lasted for a long time, with a gradual development of
the principle of ownership in land and descent firom parent to child,
subject to tribal control, until it was perhaps radically and violently
interrupted by the turbulent times beginning in the thirteenth century,
and lasting until the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I. This was
a period of internecine warfare, promoted by the ambition of chiefs for
political power and personal aggrandizement, and was most favorable
to the growth of feudalism, which rapidly took the place of the previous
political status. As was inevitable under the new conditions, the
importance and influence of the chiefs was greatly increased, to the
immediate prejudice of the rights and privileges of the people, who
were oppressively taxed in support of the wars brought on by the whim
of their respective rulers, or to defend them from the attacks of ambi-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 95

tfams riyala. The growing necessity for protection of life and property
eaased eTeryone to attach himself closely to some chief, who afforded
saeh protection in consideration of service and a portion of the pro-
duce of the soil. Then the chiefs, as their power increased, began to
leyy contributions of supplies arbitrarily, until it came to pass that the
chief was the owner of the whole of the products of the soil and of the
fSBtke services of the people, and so it was a natural consequence that,
he became finally the owner also of the soil itself. These results, which'
were hastened by the constant wars of this period, were yet of slow
frowth. The small valley and district sovereignties one by one disap-
peared in the clutch of rising warrior chiefs, who thus added to their
dominions and i>ower. As such principalities became formidable, it
became necessary for the remaining smaller chiefdoms to ally them-
selves to some one of them. And so this process went on until each
IsIaDd was at length under the control of its high chief, and then
finally the whole group passed under the sovereignty of Kamehameha
L, uid the feudal programme was complete.

During this x>eriod the controlof land became very firmly established
in the ruling chiefs, who reserved what portions they pleased for their
own nse and divided the rest among the leading chiefs subject to
them. The position of the latter was analogous to that of the barons
of European feudalism; they furnished supplies to their sovereign, and
in case of war were expected to take the field with what fighting men
thdr estates could furnish. These barons held almost despotic sway
oTtf their special domains, apportioning the land among their followers
according to the whim of the moment or the demands of policy, or
tanning it oat under their special agents, the konohikis^* whose opptess-
ife severity in dealing with the actual cultivators of the soil was
notorious. Thus the occupancy of land had now become entirely sub-
ject to the will of the ruling chief, who not only had the power to give
bat also to take away at his royal pleasure. This despotic control
over land developed in the direction of greater severity rather than
toward any recognition of the subjects' rights, and it finally became an
established custom for a chief who succeeded to the sovereign power,
eTcai peacefully by inheritance, to redistribute the lands of the realm.

It is evident that this status was, for the time being, disastrous and
destnictive to all popular rights in land that may have previously
existed* If there was formerly anything like succession in tenure from
fiitber to son and tribal 6wnership, such holdings were now utterly
destoyed, and the cultivators of the soil were without rights of culti-
vation or even of habitation. " The count, was full of people who
wGie kemo^ i. e. dispossessed of their lands at the caprice of a chief.
Tkree words firom a new to a former konohiki* — < Ua hemo oe^ t — would
diqxissess a thousand unoffending people and send them houseless and
homeless to find their makamaJuisX in other valleys." (Alexander's
reply to Bishop Staley.)

The redistribution of lands upon the accession of a ruling chief was
naturally carried out with great severity when his accession was the
result of civil war between rival factions or the triumph of an invading
amy. In the case of a peaceful accession of a young chief to sover-
eign power, the redistribution was mainly to his personal friends and
companions, and was less complete than in the case of a revolution of
force. Yery influential men of the previous reign would not be dis-

^Komohiki — ^]aixd agent of chief. t Ua hemooe — you are removed.

t Makamaka — ^friend.

96 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

tnrbedy both tecanse it wonld be daogeroas and impolitic to do so,
and because their asffistance was desired. A corions survival of this
feudal custom of redistribution of power and land ux)on the accession
of a new ruler is recognizable in the equally reprehensible sentiment
of modem politics expressed in the well-known words^ ^^ to the victors
belong the spoils."

When Kawehameha I conquered the group, excepting the island of
Kauai, which was accomplished only after the most desperate fighting;
his success earned with it the fullest and severest application of this
custom, and it meant to his defeated enemies loss of all political power
and of the lands which were the basis of such power. The island of
Kauai, through the treaty of annexation between the King of that
island, Kaumualii, and Kamehameha, might have escaped such mis-
fortunes but for the rebellion of Humehume, the son of Kaumualii,
some years later, which, being suppressed, subjected the insurgent
chiefs to the rigorous rule of confiscation of their lands and the annihi-
lation of their political influence.

Thus Kamehameha became at last, through these feudal customs and
by virtue of his conquest, the fountain head of land tenures for the
whole grotlp. The principles adopted by the land commission in 1847
opens with the following statement:

"When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I he followed
the example of his predecessors and divided the lands among his prin-
cipal warrior chiefs, retaining, however, a portion in his hands to be cul-
tivated or managed by his own immediate servants or attendants.
Each principal chief divided his lands anew, and gave them out to an
inferior order of chiefs or persons of rank, by. whom they were subdi-
vided again and again, passing through the hands of four, five, or six
persons, from the King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these
X>ersons were considered to have rights in the lands or the productions
of them. The proportions of these rights were not very clearly defined,
but were, nevertheless, universally acknowledged.''

During Kamehamena's long and vigorous reign affairs became set-
tled to an extent to which the country had been unaccustomed. Long
and undisturbed possession of their lands by chiefs was a preparation
for the development of a sentiment favorable to permanent individual
rights in land. Such a sentiment had become well defined in the mind
of Kamehameha before his death, and may •be regarded as the seed
germ of the systom of land tenures which afterwards developed.

Many of those who have been interested in this subject have been
accustomed to regard the idea of private rights in land in these islands
as one of foreign introduction during the reign of Kamehameha III, at
which time the remarkable change from feudal to private real estate
control took place. But the landed reforms of that reign were the
results of causes which had been long and powerfully at work. The
century plant had slowly grown, but w^hen ite full time came it swiftly
and abundantly blossomed.

At the meeting of chiefs at Honolulu, upon the arrival of the frigate
BlondCy in 1825, with the remains of Kamehameha II and his wile, to
consider the question of the succession to the throne and other mat-
ters, as reported in the Voyage of the Blonde, page 152 and following,
Kalaimoku, the regent, in his address to the council, referred to the
inconveniences arising from the reversion of lauds to the King on the
death of their occupants — a custom partially revived under Kame-
hameha II, but which it had been the object of Kamehameha I to

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. , 97

exchange for that of hereditary succession. This project of their great
King he proposed to adopt as the law, excepting in such cases as when
a chief or landholder should infringe the laws, then his lands should
be forfeited and himself tabooed. Several chiefs at once exclaimed :
^'All the laws of the great Kamehameha were good; let us have the
same!"

Lord Byron, captain of the Blonde^ presented the council some writ-
ten suggestions in regard to the administration of afifairs which are
contained the following article: <^That the lands which are now held
by the chiefs shall not be taken from them, but shall descend to their
legitimate children, except in cases of rebellion, and then all their prop-
erty shall be forfeited to the King.'' The account proceeds as follows
(page 167): "These hints, it will be at once perceived, are little more
than a recommendation quietly to pursue the old habits and regulations
of the islands. Kamehameha. I had begun to establish the hereditary
transmission of estates, and Lord Byron's notice only adds the sanction
of the British name to it." '

This principle, adopted previous to the reign of Kamehameha III,
greatly influenced the progress of events.

When, after the death of Kamehameha I, hi{) son, Liholiho, came to
the throne as Kamehameha II, the administration of the Government
was shared with him by Kaahumanu, the Kuhina Nui^'^ one of Kameha-
meha's widows, and a woman of great force of character. It was the
desire of Kamehameha II to make a redistribution of the lands of the
realm according to custom, but Kaahumanu was opposed to it, and her
influence, together with the united strength of the landed interests
which had become firmly established in the chiefs during the long reign
of Kamehamel}a I, was too strong for him, and beyond a few assign-
ments among his intimate friends, he relinquished his purpose. The
distribution of lands therefore by Kamehameha I remained for the most
part as a permanent settlement of the landed interests of the Kingdom,
to be afterwards modified in favor of the common people and the Gov-
ernment, but never ignored.

During the period from the distribution of lands by Kamehameha I,
about 1795, till the year 1839, the sovereign held a feudal authority
over the whole landed estate of the Kingdom, which included the right,
as above set forth, summarily to cancel the rights in land of any chief
or commoner. There was a growing tendency, however, during this
period toward the provision in favor of the descent of lands from
parent to child adopted by the chiefs upon the return of the Blonde^
and the feudal right of the sovereign over the laud of the subject was
more rarely exercised as time went on. Increasing security in tenure
led to increasing activity in land transactions. Chiefs transferred lands
to others, and they became a marketable commodity. There was buying
and gelling — some speculating. The sovereign gave away and sold
lands here and there. Foreigners became landholders. Still there
was no x>ermanence in the tenure, the enactment by the chiefs at the
time of the Blonde being in the nature rather of an expression of an
opinion than a binding law. The Kingdom then was under the regency
of Kaahumanu and Kalanimoku, and Kamehameha III, being still a
minor, was not a party to this provision and it was not regarded as
binding upon him.

The status of land matters at this time was similar to that which
existed in England after the Norman conquest, but here the progress
of events, owing undoubtedly to the influence of a foreign civilization,

* Kukina Nui—% premier or mlDister haTlng a veto on the King' a acta.

8. Eep. 227 7

yS HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

was far more rapid than there. The possessaon of land by forei^ers
with strong governments back of them, represented here by men of
war ^ud zealous consuls, had a stimulating effect upon this movement.
It was a transition period; the strength of the feudal despotism was
fast waning and there was as yet nothing of a positive nature to take its
place. This uncertainty in regard to land tenure was a serious obstacle to
material progress. The large landholders — the chiefs and some to whom
they had given or sold lands — felt a degree of security in their holdings
through the growing sentiment toward permanent occupation and
hereditary succession; but this was insufficient to place land matters
upon a satisfactory footing and to justify extensive outlays in perma-
nent improvements. But that class of occupiers of land known as ten-
ants, which class included a large proportion of the common people,
was still in a condition which had scarcely felt the favorable influences
which had begun to improve the status of the chiefs. They were hardly
recognized has having civil rights, although they enjoyed freedom of
movement and were not attached to any particular lands as belongings
of the soil. If a man wanted a piece of land to live on and to cultivate
he had to pay for it by a heavy rent in the shape of regular weekly
labor for his landlord, with the additional liability of being called upon
to assist in work of a public character, such as building a heiau or
making a road or fish-pond sea wall. With all this the tenant was liable
to be ejected from his holding without notice or chance of redress.
That this defenseless condition of the common people was rigoroudy
taken advantage of by the landholding chiefs and their konohikiSj we
have the evidence of those living in this period, including some of the
early missionaries, that it was a feature of the times that large num-
bers of homeless natives were wandering about the country! This
want of security in the profits of land cultivation led niany to attach
themselves to the persons of the chiefs as hangers-on, whereby they
might be at least fed in return for the desultory services which they
were called upon to perform in that capacity. This practice of hang-
ingon or of following a chief for the sake of food was a feature of the
perfected feudalism, when insecurity of land tenure was at its height,
and the word defining it — hoopilimeaai* — ^probably originated at that
period.

In 1833, Kamehameha III, then 20 years old, assumed the throne,
and soon became deeply interested in public affairs. In many ways
the unsatisfactory status of land matters was pressed upon his atten-
tion. The growing sentiment toward permanence in tenure powerfully
influenced the situation. The defenseless and wretched condition of
the common people in regard to their holdings appealed to his human-
ity and to his sense of responsibility as their ruler. The inconsistency
of his sovereign control of all the lands of the Kingdom with any prog-
ress based upon the incoming tide of civilization became more and
more evident every day. The increasing demand among foreigners
for the right to buy and hold land was an element of importance at
this national crisis and doubtless had much to do in hastening the
course of events. The King not only consulted the great chiefs of the
realm, who certainly were in favor of permanence in tenure for them-
selves, but he also conferred with foreigners on the subject. In 1836
Commodore Kennedy and Gapt. HoUins visited Honolulu in the
U. S. ships Peacock and Enterprise^ and during their stay held
e-onferences with the chiefs, in which the question of land tenure
was discussed. In 1837, Capt. Bruce of the British frigate hvhogent

^ Soopilimeaai — adhering for food.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 99

had several meetiiigs with the chiefs in regard to matter^j of govern-
ment^ whea, in all probability, land matters were considered. The
inflaence of Mr. Bichards, for a long time the confidential adviser of
the chiefs was undoubtedly very gre^st with the King in leading his
mind to the definite conclusion which he reached in 1839, in which
year, on the 7th day of June, he proclaimed a bill of rights which
has made his name illustrious, and the day on which it was
aunoonced worthy of being forever commemorated by the Hawaiian
people. This document, though showing in its phrases the influ-
ence of Anglo-Saxon principles of liberty, of Robert Burns and the
American Declaration of Independence, is especially interesting and
impressive as the Hawaiian Magna Gharta, not wrung from an unwil-
liDg sovereign by force of arms, but the free surrender of despotic
power by a wise and generous ruler, impressed and influenced by the
logic of events, by the needs of his people, and by the principles of the
new civilization that was dawning on his land.

The following is the translation of this enlightened and munificent
royal grant:

''God bath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the
earth in unity and blessedness. God hath also bestowed certain
rights alike on all men and all chiefs and all people of all lands.

*^ These are some of the rights which He has given alike to every man
and every chief of correct deportment; life, limb, liberty, freedom from
oppression, the earnings of his haifds and the productions of his mind —
not, however, to those who act in violation of the laws.

"God has also established government and rule for the purpose of
peace; but in making laws for the nation it is by no means proper to
enact laws for the protection of the rulers only, without also providing
protection for their subjects; neither is it proper to enact laws to enrich
the chiefs only, without regard to enriching their subjects also, and
bereakfter there shall b^ no means be any laws enacted which are at
Tariance with what is aboveexpressed, neither shall any tax be assessed,
nor any service or labor required of any man in a manner which is at
variance with the above sentiments.

"The above sentiments are hereby proclaimed for the purpose of pro-
tecting alike both the people and the chiefs of all these islands while
they maintain a correct deportment; that no chief may be able to
c^j^oress any subject, but that chiefs and people may enjoy thje same
protection under one and the same law.

"Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, together
with their lands, their building lots, and all their property, while
they conform to the laws of the kingdom, and nothing whatever shall
be taken from any individual except by express provision of the laws.
Whatever chief shall act perseveringly in violation of this declaration
shall no longer remain a chief of the B[awaiian Islands, and the same
shall be true of the governors, officers, and all laud agents. But if
aoTone who is dex>08ed should change his course and regulate his con-
duct by law. it shall then be in the power of the chiefs to reinstate him
in the place he occupied previous to his being deposed.''

It will be seen that this bill of rights left much to be done in defin-
ing the rights in land granted by it. It appears by the constitution
oiacted by the King, the kuhina nui, or x)remier, and the chiefs, the fol-
lowing year, that the feudal right of controlling transfers of land was
still retained in the Sovereign, in the following words: "Kamehameha
L was the founder of the kingdom, and to him belonged all the laud
from one end of the islands to the other, though it was not his own
private property. It belonged tx) the chiefs and people iu couxmoii)

IQO HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

of whom Eameliameha I. was the head and had the management of the
landed property. Wherefore there was not formerly and is not now,
any jterson who could or can convey away the smallest portion of land
without the consent of the one who had or has the direction of the
kingdom."

The bill of rights promoted activity in land matters, and for the next
few years difficulties arising from land disputes pressed upon the King,
producing great confusion and even endangering the autonomy of the
kingdom. In 1841, Ladd & Co., the pioneers in sugar cultivation in
this country, obtained from the King a franchise which gave them the
privilege of leasing any unoccupied lands for one hundred years at a
low rental. This franchise was afterwards transferred to a Belgian col-
onization company of which Ladd & Co. were partners, under circum-
stances that made a good deal of trouble for the Hawaiian Government
before the m atter fin ally disappeared from Hawaiian politics. The intim-
idation of the King by Lord Paulet, captain of the British frigate
Carysfortj under which the provisional cession of the Country to Eng-
land was made in 1843, was based largely upon a land claim of Mr.
Charlton, an Englishman, which was regarded by the King as illegal,
but which he finally indorsed under Paulet's threat of bombarding Hon-
olulu. These troubles naturally developed among the Hawaiians an
opposition against the policy of allowing foreigners to acquire land
which, in 18^, reached the definite stage of political agitation and peti-
tions to the Government.

During these years of undefined rights, the common people were pro-
tected in their holdings by law to a certain extent, but their tenure
was based mainly upon their industrious cultivation of their lands,
except as to house lots and the payment of rent in labor.

The question of the proportionate interests of the King, the. chiefs,
and the common people in the lands of the king/'ora was one of great
difficulty. As we have seen, the constitution o*' «^40 distinctly recog-
nized such a community of interest, but Hawaiian precedents threw no
light upon the problem of division. It had been a new departure to
admit that the people had any inherent right in the soil, and now to
carry out that principle required the adoption of methods entirely for-
eign to the traditions of Hawaiian feudalism.

In this transition time the necessity of an organized government sep-
arate from the person of the King, became apparent even to the chiefs,
and this was carried out by three comprehensive acts in 1845, 1846, and
1847. The first, "to organize the executive ministry of the Hawaiian
Islands;'' the second, "to organize the executive departments of the
Hawaiian Islands;" and the third, "to organize the judiciary depart-
ment of the Hawaiian Islands."

As soon as the existence of a responsible government, detached from
the person of the King, became an accepted feature of the political sys-
tem, it was felt that in some way or other the Government ought to hJEive
public lands and become the source of land titles. At its inception the
Government, as a distinct organization, was possessed of no landed
property ; it may be said to have had a right to that portion of the King's
interest in the landed property of the Kingdom which he held in his
official capacity, in distinction from that which belonged to him in his
private capacity; but this was a mere theoretic right, ^dimly recognized
at first, and only after innumerable difficulties and fruitless expedients
was it finally developed and carried out in the great mahele or division
of lands between King, chiefs, and people in 1848. Elaborate laws were
made for the purchase of land by the Government from private land-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 101

hoMen which do not appear to have added materially to the public
domain.

The act to organize the executive department contained a statute
establishing a board of royal commissioners to quiet land titles. This
statute was passed December 10, 1845. It was a tentative scheme to
solve the land problem, and though not in itself sufficiently comprehen-
sive for the situation, it was in the right direction, and led, through the
announcement of principles of land tenure by the commission, which
were adopted by the Legislature, to a better understanding of the sub-
jeetv, and finally, in the latter part of 1847, to the enactment by the King
and privy council of rules for the division of the lands of the King-
dom, which, with the statute creating the land commission and the
principles adopted by them, formed a complete and adequate provision
for the adjustment of aJl recognized interests in land on the basis of the
new departure in the principles of tenure.

At the time of the creation of the board of commissioners to quiet
land titles and up to the enactment of rules by the privy council for
land division, the nation was still feeling its way through the maze of
the difficult questions which were pressing upon it in this great reform
in laud matters. Bach step which it made threw light upon the path
for the next one. The rapidity with which this reform was accom-
plished must be attributed not only to the wisdom and fidelity of the
advisers of the nation, but largely to the earnestness and patriotism of
the King and chiefs, who cheerfully made great sacrifices of authority
and interest for the sake of a satisfactory solution of these questions.

The commissioners to quiet land titles were authorized to consider
chums to land from private individuals, acquired previous to the pas-
sage of the act creating the commission. This included natives who
were in the occupancy of holdings under the conditions of use or pay-
ment of rent in labor, and also both natives and foreigners who had
received lands from the King or chiefs in the way of grants. The
awards of the board were binding upon the Government if not appealed
from, and entitled the claimant to a lease or a royal patent, according
to the terms of the award, the royal patent being based upon the pay-
ment of a commutation of one-fourth or one-third of the unimproved
value of the land, which commutation was understood to purchase the
interest of the Government in the soil.

The principles adopted by the land commission use the words King
asd Government interchangeably, and failed to reach any adjudication
of the separate rights of the King in distinction from those of the Gov-
emment in the public domain, or, in other words, they failed to define
the King's public or official interests in distinction from his private rights,
ahhough they fully recognized the distinction. There was, however, an
implied apportionment of these two interests through the proceedings
hj which an occupying claimant obtained an allodial title. The com-
mission decided that their authority coming from the King to award lands
lepresented only his private interests in the lands claimed. Therefore,
as the farther payment of the claimant as a condition of his receiving
a title in fee simple from the Government was one-third of the originai
Talneof the land, it follows that the King's private interest was an undi-
vided two-thirds, leaving an undivided one-third belonging to the Gov-
cnunent as snch.

The commission also decided that there were but three classes of
vested or original rights in land, which were in the King or Govern-
>Mt, the chiefs, and the people, and these three classes of interests
vere about equal in extent.

The land conamission began to work February 11, 1846, and madft

102 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

great progress in adjudicating the claims of the common people, but
its powers were not adequate to dispose of the still unsettled questions
between the King, the chiefs, and the Government, though it must be
admitted that it made progress in that direction, Neither was the
chiefs ready to submit their claims to its decision.

After earnest efforts between the King and chiefs to reach a settle-
ment of these questions, the rules already referred to were unanimously
adopted by the King and chiefs in privy council December 18, 1847.
These rules, which were drawn up by Judge Lee, embodied the follow-
ing points: The King should retain his private lands as his individual
property, to descend to his heirs and successors; the remainder of the
landed property to be divided equally between the Government, the
chiefs, and the common people.

As the land was all held at this time by the King, the chiefs, and
their tenants, this division involved the surrender by the chiefs of a
third of their lands to the Government, or a payment in lieu thereof in
money, as had already been required of the tenant landholders. A
committee, of which Dr. Judd was chairman, was appointed to carry out
the division authorized by the privy council, and the work was com-
pleted in forty days. The division between the King and the chiefs
was effected through partition deeds signed by both parties. The chiefs
then went before the land commission and received awards for the
lands thus partitioned off to them, and afterwards many of them com-
muted for the remaining one-third interest of the Government by a
surrender of a portion.

After the division between the King and the chiefs was finished he
again divided the lands which had been surrendered to him between
himself and the Government, the former being known thereafter as
Crown lands and the latter as Government lands.

This division, with the remaining work of the land commission,
completed the great land reform, the first signal of which was
announced by Kamehameha III, in his declaration of rights, June 7,
1839. A brief ten years had been sufficient for the Hawaiian nation
to break down the hoary traditions and venerable customs of the past,
and to climb the difficult path from a selfish feudalism to equal rights,
from royal control of all the public domain to peasant proprietorship
and fee-simple titles for poor and for rich. It came quickly and without
bloodshed because the nation was ready for it. Foreign intercourse,
hostile and friendly, and the spirit of a Christian civilization had an
educating influence upon the eager nation, united by the genius of
Kamehameha I, with its brave and intelligent warrior chiefs resting
from the conquest of arms, their exuberant energies free for the con-
quest of new ideas; with rare wisdom, judgment, and patriotism they
proved equal to the demands of the time upon them. '

IX. Also the FOLLOwiNa extract from i'HE report of hon.

JOHN QUINOY ADAMS, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN
AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human
improvement and virtue, that by the mild and gentle influence of
Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel,
unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the
people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest
debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel ; united
under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by
a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights
of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 103

right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their
brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community.
To^econsumination of their acknowledgment the people of the North
American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than
that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — by a virtual
right of conqaest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the
bnital arm of physical x>ower, but over the mind and heart by the celes-
M panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

L Also the following haw ah an treaty and be view of its

oommeboial besults.

The Hawahan Tbeatt.
a review of its commercial besults.

The Hawaiian treaty was negotiated for the purpose of securing
political control of those islands, making them industrially and com-
mercially a part of the United States and preventing any other great
power from acquiring a foothold there, which might be adverse to the
welfiire and safety of our Paci^ coast in time of war. They are situated
nidway on the direct way from Panama to Hongkong and directly on
^e shortest line from the Columbia Biver or Puget Sound to Australia.
Here the two great lines of future commerce of the Pacific Ocean Inter-
ieet, and vessels must stop there for refreshment and refuge.

The islands prior to the treaty were declining in popidation, and
oving to the decay of the whale fishery, were declining in wealth.
Their soil is, perhaps, the most productive for sugar raising of any
known in the world. But the high tariff on sugar and the exceedingly
lov wages which must be paid in tropical countries for raising sugar to
sopply the United States rendered the industry difficult. In 1875 a
ikOTement arose in the islands for the importation of Hindoo coolies to
supply the requisite cheap labor, and the consent of England was
promised. The growth of the Australian colonies had gradually devel-
oped an improving market for Hawaiian sugar, and, after a trial of it
by some of the Hawaiian planters, it was found that better prices
oould be obtained in the free-trade port of Sydney than in San Fran-
coco, and return cargoes could be bought there much more cheaply.
Preparations were making for sending there the entire crops of 1876-
T7. These matters came to the knowledge of the State Department. ;
The Hawaiians had been pressing for many years for a commercial
treaty with the United States, but without success. It was now felt in
the State Department that the question was assuming graver impor-
taDce, and, as political supremacy in the islands must inevitably follow
tiie eommerce, it was recognized that this country must make favorable
eoDoessions to them, or else let them follow the inevitable tendency
and drift slowly into the status of an English colony. The result was
the negotiation of the existing treaty and its ratification by the con-
sent of the Senate. The efi'ect of the treaty was as follows ;

It was anticipated that the remission of duties would make the profits
of gugar culture very great. But a sugar plantation requires for the
most economical work a large amount of capital, $500,000 being very
moderate for a single plantation, and $250,000 being about as small as
is prudent. The islanders had no capital of any consequence and were
obhged to borrow it from the United States (i. e., from or through the
mercantile houses of San Francisco who import their sugar and act aiS
agents to the planters for selling it to the refineries). The opening ot
pbntatioDS proceeded rapidly until the outpu t of sugar has now neaxi^

104 HAWAIIAN ISLAin>S.

reached the fiiU capacity of the soil, and is seven or ei^ht times greater
than in 1874-'75. Our exports to the islands have increased in very
nearly the same ratio, being five or six time<s greater than in 1874-'75,
or, if measured in qqantity rather than by price, are about seven times
as great. A new merchant marine has been created, consisting of
vessels built expressly for the service, costing over $3,5Ck),000. Of this
total tonnage over 90 per cent is American built, and the rest was
bought. These mercantile houses, with their shipping, transact the
entire commerce both ways, and transport annually about $12,000,000
worth of merchandise at very high rates of freight, commission, and
exchange.

In general, the effect of the treaty has been to make the islands a
field for very profitable investment of American capital. It has created
a demand which would not have existed otherwise for American prod-
uce to an amount which may seem small ($23,000,000 in nine years)
when viewed in comparison with our total export, but which, when
viewed in connection with the fact that the population which has
made th^^t demand is less than 80,000, is remarkably large. During
the last four years it has averaged about $40 per capita per annum,
and, if the transportation charges be added as they properly should
be, it will amount to over $50 per capita per annum. This is four or
five times as much per capita as England or Canada buys of us. The
general results of the trade may be seen in the following tables :

Value* delivered by the United States to the Hateaiian Islande for nine yeare — 1S76

' to 1885.

Invoice value of United States exports to Hawaii $23,686,328

Bills of exchange to pay for all Hawaiian imports from third coutilries. 9, 868, 674

Difference between coin eiroorted to and received from Hawaii 2, 222, 181

Ontstanding liabilities of United States to Hawaii not known

Total values paid by United States 35,777,183

To balance the account:

Profits already realized on merchandise account $18^ 414, 766

Cash debts payable to United States at maturity out of future shipments . 6, 500, 000
Increased values of productive properties in the islands owned by Amer-
icans 11,680,164

72, 372, 113

Valuee received and receivable by the United States from the Hawaiian Islands for nine

years— 1867 to 1885,

Invoice value of Hawaiian exports to the United States. . . $51, 294, 764
Add freight and insurance to obtain value in United States
ports •. 2,897,185

Value of merchandise received $54, 191, 949

Liabilities of the islands to the United States for advances on

crops 3,000,000

Bonded debts payable in United States and secured on

island property 2, 500, 000

Hawaiian Government bonds paid for in silver, coined on

Hawaiian Government account 1,000,000

TotAl liabilities to United States 5,600,000

Increased value of plantation properties owned by United

States citizens, as assessed in 1883 10,180,164

Value of other productive properties 1,500,000

11,680,164

Total values received and receivable 72^872,113

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 105

Oeneral distribuiion of projit$.

To American 8liippiu£: :

Freif hto and insurance on imports from tbe iBlands $2, 897, 185

Freights and insurance on exports 5, 127, 964

Fasaenger receipts 1, 325, 000

$9,850,149

Commiasion on purchases for export to the islands 592, 158

Commission on sales of islands' produce 2, 209, 463

2, 801, 621

Premium on exchange 812,839

interest on loans and advances 2, 160, 000

Dividends and miscellaneous profits 1 3, 290, 157

Total profits already realized 18,414,766

Debts receivable held chiefly by the Sau Francisco banks 6, 500, 000

IscTeased, values of productive properties owned b^' Americans 11, 735,464

Total gross profits 36,650,230

L In the foregoing table, beginning with values delivered, the first
item is the invoice value of our exports tO'the islands, as shown in the
Treasury statistics for the uine years. It is the home value, and, since
ve are comparing San Francisco values with San Francisco values,
freights are not added.

2. The second item represents what we have paid in the form of bills
of exchange to settle the balance of trade against us. Since the
Hawaiians export almost nothing to third countries, but do import con*
^d«able from them, it follows that they must draw upon shipments to
the United States to pay for all they imi)ort from third countries.
They have no other source of credit to draw upon. Hence turning to
Hawaiian official statistics we find their total imports in nine years to
have been $9,181,522. The freight and insurance must be added, and,
as these are known to be about 10 per cent of the value, we get
110,099,674. Deducting $231,000, which is their total export to tbird
eoantries in nine years, and which liquidated just so much of their
iodebtedness to third countries, we have $9,868,674 on merchandise
accounts, which we must pay in bills of exchange drawn in San Fran-
cisco against Haw^aiian account and in favor of third countries.

3. In further settlement of the balance of trade are coin remittances.
In nine years the excess of coin shipped to Hawaii over coin received
iiom Hawaii amounts to $2,222,181. Of this $1,000,000 was a silver
eoiDage for the Hawaiian Government struck at tbe San Francisco mint,
for which that Government gave its bonds for $1,000,000, which are now
held in this country.

If we have given Hawaii any other co'hsideration it must be in the
form of obligations of some sort which do not appear in statistics. None
SQch are known, and in a small community like the islands, where
ever} body's business is known to everybody else, it is hardly possible
that if any appreciable amount of them existed it wouM not be known.
Aa the Hawaiians are deeply in debt to the United States it is not
likely that any such obligations of importance exist. This side of the
exhibit is therefore as complete as present knowledge can make it.
On tbe other side of the account we have:

(1) Value of Hawaiian exports to the United States, $51,294,764.
This is the invoice value at Honolulu. As we are comparing San Fran-
cisco values with San Francisco values it is nt^cessary to ^d freights
»nd insurance. ( The American consul at Honolulu requires invoices to
state the values delivered, less cost of transportation.) This require-
B^t^ being* a matter of indifference to shippers, is complied with. If

106 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

tlie merchandise had to pay an ad valorem dnty they ironld put the
invoice value as low as x)ossible in accordance with the actual export
costs.

(2) Liabilities of the islands to the United States. — The sugar crop
is an enormously expensive one to raise. It requires fifteen to sixteen
months to mature, and employs hundreds of laborers to each planta-
tion and sugar mill. The planter must, therefore, borrow large amounts
of money to mature it, giving a lien upon the crop as a security to his
factor. The factor in turn borrows the necessary amounts from the
San Francisco banks. On an average this lien amounts to nearly or
quite half the market value of the crop. I have estimated it for safety
at about one-third that value, or $3,000,000.

(3) Many plantations have also mortgaged debts held in San Fran-
cisco. The amount of these is not fully known; but I am sure of at
least t2,500,000, and believe the real amount to be much more than
that.

(4) The value of the plantation properties held by Americans was
assessed by the Hawaiian Government in 1883 at $10,180,164. This
was assumed to be about two-thirds the real value. This value has
been created almost wholly since 1876 out of the ground, buildings, and
machinery.*

(5) Other productive properties held by Americans are the inter-
island mercantile marine, two railroads and equipment, a marine rail-
way, warehouses, etc., all of them the creation of the treaty. The esti-
mate of $1,500,000 is a very low one. The value of these properties far
exceeds the sum of their mortgages and capital stock indebtedness.
No man is rated in this argument as an American citizen unless he has
the right to vote in the United States without naturalization and has the
right to the protection of our Government under public law.

The most striking feature of this exhibit is the very large profit to
the United States — so large that it seems at first unaccountable; but
the great discrepancy between the exports and imports will vanish
when we take full account of the fact that the whole carrying trade and
mercantile business is ours in both directions. All economists regard
transportation and mercantile iunctions in the passage of commodities
from the purchaser to the consumer as si^part of the production. To
the value of our produce at San Francisco nlust be added all further
accessions of value until it finally leaves our hands and passes into
those of the Hawaiian. Add, then, to the invoice value of our exports
the cost of transportation, commission, and insurance until we have put
the produce into the Hawaiian's hands, and the $36,000,000 becomes
not far from $44,000,000. It costs the Hawaiian not far from one-sixth
of the value of his crop to get it to San Francisco. Deduct that from
$54,000,000 and we have $45,000,000. Thus if we reckon Hawaiian
values against Hawaiian values the exchange becomes less unequal, as
it should, for the real exchange takes place in Hawaii. It is there that

* This is reckoned as profit for the foUowing reasons: Among the commodities
which we send to- the islands, and also among those which we buy in Europe and
send there on Hawaiian account, are machinery, building materials, etc. These are
used in construction. The labor which is employed, the improvements which come
from cultivation, and the natural appreciation of laud make up together the final
value of the property. The cash outlay directly applied to the creation of this value
is, of course, small in' comparison with that value. Whatever cash value has been so
applied is already accounted for and included in the table showing values delivered
to Hawaii. The value of the properties thereby acquired should of course appear
on the other side of the account, and also in the list of profits, for such it clearly is.
It pertains, however, to the capital -stock account and not to simple mercajitil« profit.
The figures here given largely understate the value of these properties.

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 107

our owl products finally leave our hands, and it is there that Hawaiian
values first come into our hands.

The Committee on Ways and Means, seeing that our exports in nine
years have shown on invoice value of $23,000,000, while our imports
show $54,000,000, have hastily concluded that the apparent balance of
trade against us of $31,000,000 had to be liquidated in coin and exchange.
In fact, only about $13,000,000 is liquidated in that way, and the
$18,000,000 remaining is paid over to our own people and may be reck-
oned as a gross profit already realized. Over $9,000,000 has gone to
American shipping, nearly $3,000,000 to San Francisco commission
houses, nearly a million to the banks, over $2,000,000 for interest on
loans and advances, and over $3,000,000 as dividends and miscellane-
ous profits.

In a'ddition to this we hold $6,500,000 of Hawaiian debts which .
they must liquidate out of . future shipments, and have created
$15,000,000 worth of magnificent productive properties in the islands
out of the soil by the combined action of capital and labor. It would
be difficult to find in all the annals of trade and production a result
more gratifying.

The Committee on "Ways and Means have taken it for granted that
the loss of revenue to the Treasury is equal to the computed remission
of duty. This is a grave error.

First. The tariff on sugar for more than twenty years has been so
graduated as to become more and more forbidding, and, finally, pro-
hibitory as the grade and quality of raw sugar increases. This excludes
all eatable raw sugar from the grocery trade and makes it more profit-
able to the refiner to buy the lowest grades he can get. But if raw
sugar is duty free, it is the interest of the refiner to buy the highest
grades and the interest of the planter to make them. Accordingly the
Hawaiian planter makes the highest grades, not exceeding No. 20,
above which grade he must pay duty.

But without the treaty he would do as the Cuban does, i. e., make
them of as low grade as possible, so as to pay the minimum duty. The
Committee on Ways and Means has computed the remitted duties on
Hawaiian sugar as actually imported in the highest grades at $3.18
l>er cwt. prior to June 30, 1883, and $2.40 per cwt. subsequently; but
Hawaiian sugars, which would have been imported had the treaty never
existed, would have been in lower grades and paying presumably the
same average duty as all imported sugars. This was, prior to 1883,
about $3.41 -per cwt. and about $1.96 subsequently. Of course we can
not reckon a duty we never could have collected as a loss of revenue.

Instead, therefore, of losing on sugar $23,000,000 in nine years the
loss has not been over $18,000,000.

Second. But this loss nuist have had very large compensations to the
Treasury. Fully five sixths of the Hawaiian crop has been bought and
paid for by exports, transportation services, and otherwise, for which
the treaty has created a demand, and for which no demand would have
existed elsewhere without the treaty. Our exports to third countries
could not possibly have been diminished by it. Kow, the free entry of
Hawaiian sugar has no doubt caused us to purchase from third coun-
tries less dutiable sugar. Obviously the exported values withheld from
the purchase of dutiable sugar remain available for other purchases.
The fuU value of our exports must come back to us somehow, and if we
get less dutiable sugar we must get just so much more of something
else. The only question is whether this " more of something else" pays
as much duty as the sugar ^Tould have paid. Probably it does not;
and so far there is a loss^ because some of these residual valuer oom^

108 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

back in the Rhape of duty-free articles and because the duty on sugar
is higher (computed ad valorem) than the average of our total imports.
A part of the Oalifornia bullion and wheat and wine sent to England
pays for Hawaiian sugar, which is duty free. About one sixth of the
Hawaiian crop is thus paid for, and to that proportion there is a total
loss of revenue. While it is impossible to compute what the real loss
is, I think it safe to say that it probably does not exceed one-third, and
certainly does not amount to one-half of the tlS,000,000 computed as
lost on sugar. In any event the duty never leaves the country. It is
paid over by the refinery to the consignee of the Hawaiian, and is paid
out again, with much more besides, to American shipping, banks, mer-
chants, and stockholders. The gross profit of $36,000,000 throws into
insignificance the possible loss of $6,000,000 or $8,000,000 of revenue.

It has been said repeatedly that all the profits of this magnificent
trade and industry go to the benefit of Glaus Spreckels and a small
^y clique of speculators. What nonsensel If it did, he would richly
deserve it, and a vote of thanks by Congress besides.

It will be going to the root of the matter at once to say that the
opposition to the treaty has arisen from the systematic and in some
measure successful attempts to saturate the public press and Congress
with utterly false ideas about Clans Spreckels and his relation to the
islands, to create a bitter personal prejudice against him, and by imph-
cation to illogically and unjustly extend that prejudice to the commerce
and industries of the Hawaiian Islands. Clans Spreckels certainly has
for many years monopolized the manufacture and sale of i^fined sugars
on the Pacific coast, and ruled that market to the extent of his powers
with a rod of iron. But the first grand mistake consists in, supposing
that the Hawaiian treaty has or could have given any assistance to
the establishment of his monopoly or to its maintonance or confer upon
it any benefit whatever. The second mistake consists in wholly false
impressions about the wholly distinct personal relations of Mr. Spreckels
. , to the industry and commerce of raw sugar. In these he is only one
*^ of many men, and though individually his relations are large, yet rel-
atively to the whole they are small, and he can no more control the
whole than the Cunard Company can control our commerce with
England. As a monopolist of refined sugar he can notescape the odium
which always attaches to a monopoly. As a planter and stockholder, as
a director of an American steamship company, and a banker, his whole
career and course of conduct will compare favorably with that of any
great and successful merchant in America.

The monopoly of refined sugar in San Francisco is, like all other
monopolies, a perfectly legitimate object of attack; and if it can be
u broken up in any way such an end is devoutly to be wished.

But Clans Spreckels's relations to the island trade and industry are
a totally different matter, and when rightly understood will present
themselves to the unprejudiced mind in a totally different aspect. In
this field his operations are perfex^tly legitimate. It is my purpose to
point out that any attempt to terminate the treaty is simply an attempt
to strengthen and fortify his monopoly and to break down commenda-
ble enterprises which should be built up and sustained, and in which
Clans Spreckels is merely one of many participants. Whatever dam-
age might be inflicted upon him in respect to his island interest would
be more than compensated to him out of enlarged profits of his monop-
oly as a refiner, while the blow would fall with full and disastrous
effect upon thousands of innocent third parties, both in Hawaii and
California, whose intctrests should be dear to Congress and to the Ameri-
can people.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 109

The Hawaiian treaty has become an object of attack by the sngar-
refining interest of the Eastern States and of the sugar- planting inter-
ests of Louisiana. The motives which have led to this attack are as
follows:

Daring the last few years the sales of sugar importea from Hawaii,
Manila, and Central America, and refined in San Francisco, have
been extending gradually into the markets of the Mississippi Valley,
advancing further eastward every year, thereby displacing the sales of
eastern sugars in the States and Territories west of the Mississippi
River. The Eastern refiners and the Louisiana planters believe that
the possibility of this arises from the free entry of Hawaiian sugars,
thus enabling (as they suppose) the San Francisco refiners to purchase
raw sugar much more cheaply than they otherwise could. Thus they
believe that the treaty discriminates severely against their interests,
and is unjust to them.

This position is den|ed by the San Francisco refiners and importers
of sugar and by the owners of Hawaiian sugar properties in California.
They contend that the San Francisco refineries get their raw sugar no
cheaper by reason of the treaty, but are obliged to pay the same price
for it as for equivalent dutiable sugar from Asia; that the ability of
the Pacific refiners to compete successfully with the Atlantic refiners
is founded ux>on conditions wholly independent of the treaty, viz : First,
because unlimited amounts of Asiatic sugar can be laid down in San
Francisco cheaper than raw sugars can be laid down in New York;
second, because through eastward freights over the Pacific railways
are scantier than westward through freights, and the railroads natur-
aUy prefer to carry sugar at low rates to hauling empty cars. They
contend that this competition is a natural one; that it is not helped
by the treaty and will not be hindered by its abrogation; that it is des-
tined to grow, and would grow if the Hawaiian Islands did not exist.

Since it is also claimed by the opponents of the treaty that it fosters
and sustains a monopoly of refined sugars, and that the benefits of the
treaty accrue only to that monopoly, and since the whole complaint is
founded in* a gross misunderstanding of the nature and conditions of
the sugar business on the Pa^cifie ooa^t, it seems proper to discuss the
facts at some length. From these it will appear that these charges, as
well as others, are utterly without foundation.

It is a self-evident proposition that a cargo of Manila sugar delivered
in New York must sell at a price just equal to that of so much Cuban
sugar of equal grade. It is evident, also, that the price of that cargo at
Manila ''free on board^ must be less than the New York price by an
amount equal to the cost of transportation. It is further evident that
the price of a similar cargo of Manila sugar delivered in San Francisco
must exceed the Manila price by ah amount equal to the total cost of
transportation. It is, therefore, an easy matter to compute whether
Manila sugar in San Francisco ought to be cheaper than Cuban or
Manila sugar in New York.

The rate of freight from Manila or Hongkong to San Francisco on
sugar is very low. A vessel can be chartered to go from San Francisco
to Manila in ballast and bring back sugar at $5 or $6 per ton, but dur-
ing the last eight years Asiatic sugar has largely come as mere balUisL
Fi eights from Manila to New York range from $9 to $12 per ton.
Interest, insurance, and shrinkage being proportional to the time of
the voyage are evidently in favor of San Francisco as compared with
New York. In brief, the San Francisco price of raw sugar is lower
than the New York price by three-eighths to five-eighths of a cent pep
pound.

110 HAWAUAN ISLANDS.

Hawaiian sugars are shipped by the agents or factors of the planters
in Houolalu to commission merchants and importers in San Fiancisco,
and sold by the latter to the refinery. The terms of purchase after the
treaty took effect were known as the "Manila basis." The refinery
agreed in substance to take the whole of each planter's crop at a price
which should be equal to that of an equivalent quantity and grade of
Manila sugar delivered, duty paid, in San Francisco. The price of a
certain grade of sugar at Manila known as "extra superior," polarizing
91, and in color No. 10 Dutch standard, was telegraphed daily to San
Francisco. To this price was added $6 per ton for freight, 2 per cent
insurance, the cost of sixty days' exchange, and a specific allowance
for the remitted duty. This constituted the Manila basis for the day
of quotation.

Just here is one point of dispute between the sugar men of New York
and those of San Francisco and Honolulu. The New Yorkers refuse
to believe that Spreckels pays the full normal price and the entire duty
to the Hawaiians. If anybody is particularly interested in knowing
^ whether he does not it must be the Hawaiian planter and his Honolulu
factor, for an eighth of a cent per pound means to them a profit or loss
of hundreds of thousands of dollars. Time and again they have exam-
ined this question and put it to the most crucial tests, and the verdict
is universal that Spreckels has dealt with them fairly and squarely, and
this is the testimony alike of friends and enemies whose bread and
butter depends on knowing the truth and abiding by it. Who ought
to know best about it, they or people who live 3,500 miles awayf

A little over a year ago Spreckels withdrew the tender of the Manila
basis and would only offer the Cuban, The result was, a new refinery
competing with him. Spreckels has always contended that the Manila
basis was higher than it ought to be; that be was overpaying the

Elanters and giving them more than Manila and China sugar would
ave cost him. A second refinery, C. Adolf Low & Co., which was
pooled with Spreckels up to 1885, also seemed to think so, for, while
having the option of taking as much Hawaiian sugar as they wanted,
they declined taking any on the ground that Manila and Central Amer-
ican sugars were cheaper. My opinion is that Spreckels was in a great
measure right* To show this would require a detailed examination,

* For the following reasons : Spreckels allows i cent per pound for the value of
every degree of polariscope. The Manila ' standard polarizes 91°. The average
polarization of the whole Hawaiian crop is about 94°, and the allowance, therefore,
iSy on the average, f cent above the Manila basis. Suppose, now, the price of
Hawaiian sugar delivered is 5 cents per pound for 91° ; for 94° it is 5| cents. But a
94° sugar contains /f more of pure sugar than a 91° sugar, which at 5 cents is ^
cent, or about i cent. In other words, Spreckels pays f cent for what is worth to
him only ^ cent. The lower cost of refining a 94° sugar than a 91° is fully covered
by the V(r cent allowance for every color above No. 10, Dutch standard. This differ-
ence, computed on the last Hawaiian crop, amounts to over $350,000. If it be asked
how Spreckels came to concede too much for quality the answer is that when it was
first agreed upon, in 1876, the price of raw sugar was very high, and at that time the
aUowanoe was not very excessive. The New lork allowance was -^ cent per degree
of polarization. Moreover, it was at that time anticipated that the run of the
Hawaiian crop would not be above 91'^ or 92°. Once fixed, the allowance became a
custom, and custom is a powerful conservative force sometimes in matters of price.

Again, the great bulk of the Hawaiian crop comes to San Francisco in December
to March, inclusive, and Spreckels must pay for it on delivery. Hence be must carry
an enormous surplus stock, worth $3,000,000 to $4,000,000, during a great part of the
year, and the interest on that is no trifle. If he could buy Asiatic sugars asne wanted
them, or take advantage of the favorable stages of the market, he would have an
.advantage he does iK>t now possess. All things considered I have no doubt that the
practical working of the Manila basis was to make Spreckels paymorefor Hawftiiaii
0ugar than Manila sugar would have cost him.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Ill

which no one but a sugar expert would easily understand. At the
same time it seems to me that the true price, while lower thau the
Manila basis, ought, during the extremely low prices of sugar last year,
to have been a little better than the Cuban basis. Be this as it may,
the vital fact remains in any event that the price on either basis would
be considerably low^r in San Francisco than in New York. It also re-
maiDS true tbat the attempt of Spreckels to better himself in respect to
the terms on which he purchases Hawaiian sugar has cost him very
dear in the org^anization of an opposition refinery, and the end is not
?et. And this brings to us the next link in the chain.
' Mr. Spreckels was obliged to buy the whole Hawaiian crop and pay
the full market price for it, including the entire duty, or else subject
himself to competition. To understand this it is necessary to look at
the nature of this monopoly. A monopoly means the want of effective
ud full eouix>etition. What are the possible sources of competition in
the sale of refined sugars in California f There can be none from
foreign refined, sugars, because the duty upon them is prohibitory.
There can be no effective competition from Eastern refined sugars,
heeaose their price is established on the Atlantic seaboard, where \^
SQiar is dearer and the railway transportation is prohibitory. Why is
there no local competition f Because there is not work enough for two
refineries. A single refinery half as large as Havemeyer & Elder's can
atarate with sugar the whole country west of Denver. If, then, there
are two refineries, as has actually been the case, they must either pool
ttd divide the market, which they did, or else begin a war of extermi-
Batien, which they are now doing. The causes which have rendered a
moQopoly easily possible ' are, therefore, a prohibitory tariff on refined
logar, the isolation of California from other States where sugar is \y
refined, its comparatively small population, and the fact that one ordi-
nary refinery is ample for all needs. Under such circumstances a monop-
ofy, or else a i)obl, which amounts to the same thing, is inevitable.
]^othing on earth- can stop it but time and the changes of conditions,
which time will ultimately bring.

The Hawaiian treaty has had nothing to do with the establishment
^this monopoly; the monopoly was fixed before the treaty, and so far ^
from being helped by it, has been embarrassed and weakened by it, and
nay be yet more seriously embarrassed by its continuance, for the
treaty rendered possible two new sources of competition. The nature
of this oomjietition is very instructive and will repay careful examina-
tion.

The duty upon raw sugars not only increases with their purity and
li^tness of color, but increases in a faster ratio than the value of the
agar itself. The result in New York is that it is cheaper and more
profitable for the refineries to purchase the impurest sugars they can
get, and that raw sugars of fine high quality are, in consequence of
this disportionate duty, dearer than refined sugars. In short, the
daty on raw sugars which are fit to eat is, to all intents and purposes,
prohibitory. This is the reason why raw sugar has entirely disap-
peared firom onr grocery stores. In England, the greatest sugar-eat-
iag oouDtiy in the world, where sugar is duty free, a large proportion
of the sugar consumed does not go through the refinery at all, but is
sold to customers just as it comes from the plantations. If the tariff
on sagar were exactly proportional to its purity vast quantities of raw
ngar would be sold in the stores in the place of just so much refined
sugar. So it would be in the Eastern States if raw sugars up to 20
Dutch standard were duty free. It is easy to see that in California

112 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

the free entry of Hawaiian sugar up to No. 20 put the refinery into fche
following difficulty: It must not pennit the sugars to go upon the open
market. How was it to prevent itf By making it more profitable to
the planter to sqII to the refinery than the grocery store. How was it
to do thatf First, by paying a maximum price for the raws, and,
second, by keeping down the price of refined sugar to points which
should not exceed the price of raws by more than a certain small
percentage. The maximum price of the raws was the Manila basis,
and if the price of the refined exceeded the Manila ba-sis by more than
a certain small percentage the Hawaiian sugar would be tempted
into the grocery trade direct.

Congress has been saturated with the idea that Spreckels has bought
Hawaiian sugar at his own price, appropriating the remitted duty to
himself and at the same time increasing the price of refined sugar.
The idea is absurd and impossible. The truth is just the reverse. The
command of prices for raw sugar up to the Manila basis rests with the
planter, and Spreckels must yield or provoke a competition in which
the planter is sure to win. Above the Manila basis the planter can not
go without loss to himself. Spreckels, moreover, has been obliged to
sell refined sugar at lower prices than he could command if the Hawaiian
crop were out of the way. To restore the duty would crush the
planter, leaving him to Spreckels' dictation and give him (Spreckels)
the power of exacting a larger price for his output without fear of
any competition from the planter. The effect of the treaty upon the
monopoly has been to hold up the price of raw sugar to the full normal
price and to bring the price of refined nearer to that of raws than it
would otherwise have been.

(2) The second source of competition is a new refinery. Mr.
Spreckels himself controls, as a majority stockholder, only one planta-
tion on the islands. He has a minority interest in each of four others
(/ (unless he has acquired more since 1884). He and his friends together
lean not control more than a fourth part of the Hawaiian crop except by
buying it on terms satisfactory to the planters. Suppose the other
' planters to become dissatisfied with the terms of purchase he may
offer, what is to prevent them from joining hands and starting a new
refinery in San Francisco to work.their own sugars? Nothing, except
the want of an inducement. The question of capital offers no difficulty
if there is anything to be gained. What would constitute an induce-
ment f Not the prospect of profit on this sale of refined sugars unless
they are prepared to crush Spreckels out completely and set up a new
monopoly in place of his. But a genuine inducement would be estab-
lished at once if Spreckels were to insist upon paying too low a price
for their raw sugar. Suppose the cost of Asiatic sugar, duty paid, in
San Francisco is 5 cents and Spreckels will only pay the Hawaiians 4^
cepts. Suppose two-thirds of the planters refuse and start a new
refinery. A war of rates instantly follows. How low can Spreckles
afford to sell refined sugar? As low as the price of Asiatic sugar plus
the cost of refining. How low could the planters afford to sell sugart
As low as the cost of raising raw sugar, shipping it to San Francisco,
and refining it. When Spreckels has touched the bottom price the
planter is still making the full profit on his raw sugar, but nothing on
his refined, and Spreckels is making no profit out of his refinery.

This is precisely what has happened. When Spreckels dropped from
the Manila to the Cuban basis some of the California stockholders and
some of the keen Yankees in the island thought he was going too low.
They clubbed together, and, with the aid of San Francisco capitalists
who hold Hawaiian plantation stocks, they started a new refinery. They

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 115

daes not stand by itself, but involves, not only in principle but in fact,
reeofiion along the whole line. In our natund, necessary, irrepressible
expansioii, we are here come into contact with the progress of another
gieat people, t^e law of whose being has impressed upon it a principle
of growth whicli has wrought mightily in the past and in the present
is Tisible by recurring manifestations. Of this working, Gibraltar,
Malta, Gypras, Bgypt, Aden, India, in geographical succession though
lot in strict order of time, show a completed chain; forged link by
ink, by open force or politic bargain, but always resulting fix>m the
itodj pressure of a national instinct, so powerful and so accurate that
itatesmen of every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves
evried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly
■odify. Unisubstatitial rumor and incautious personal utterance have
flich suggested an impatient desire in Mr. Gladstone to be rid of the
fompation of !Egypt; but scarcely has his long exclusion ftom office
ended than the irony of events signalizes his return thereto by an
JMease in tbe force of occupation. It may further be profitably
tetod, of the chain just cited« that the two extremities were first pos-
leeed^first India, then Gibraltar, far later Malta, Aden, Cyprus,
E^t— and that, with scarce an exoeption, each step has been taken,
fapite the jealoas vexation of a rival. Spain has never ceased angrily
totevul Gibraltar. *'I had rather," said the first Napoleon, ^< see the
Enfdish on the heights of Montmartre than in Malta.'' The feelings
of Franoe about Egypt are matter of common knowledge, not even
ftambled; and. for our warning be it added, her annoyance is
inoeued by the bitter sense of opportunity rejected.

It is needless to do more than refer to that other chain of mari-

tiae possessions, Halifax, Bermuda, Santa Lucia, Jamaica, which

itaigthen the British hold upon the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the

Mimils of Panama. In the Pacific the position is for them much less

atisfactory, nowhere, perhaps, is it less so, and from obvious natural

cnaea. The commercial development of the eastern Pacific has been

t» later and is still less complete than that of its western shores. The

htter when first opened to European adventure were already the seat

of ftudent civilizations, in China and Japan, furnishing abundance of

cuioiis and luxurious products to tempt the trader by good hopes of

pvoAt The western coast of America, for the most part peopled by

imges, offered little save the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and

|tte^ were jealouBly menopolized by the Spaniards, not a commercial

* * utioD, during their long ascendency. Being so very far from Eng-

Ittd and affording so little material for trade. Pacific America did not

dnw the enterprise of a country the chief and honorable inducement

of whose seamen was the hope of gain, in pursuit of which they settled

ad umexed point after x>oint in the regions where they penetrated

aid apon the routes leading thither. The western coasts of North

Asierica, being reached only by the long and perilous voyage around

Cape Horn, or by a more toilsome and dangerous passage across the

omtuieDt, remained among the last of the temx>erate productive sea-

botrds of the earth to be possessed by white men. The United States

vm already a nation, in fact, as well as in form, when Vancouver was

exploring Puget Sound and passed first through the channel separating

te mainland of British America from the island that now bears his

Bane. Thus it has happened that, from the late development of British

OdoBibia in the northeastern Pacific and of Australia and New Zea-

M in the southwestern. Great Britain is again found holding the two

'■^nBiite of A line between which she must inevitably desire th^

116 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

intermediate links; nor is there any good reason why she shonld not
have them, except the superior, more urgent, more vital necessities of
another people — our own. Of these links the Hawaiian group i)08-
sesses unique importance, not from its iutrinsic commercial value, but
from its favorable position for maratime and military control.

The military or strategic value of a naval position depends ux)on
its situation, upon its strength, and upon its resources. Of the three,
the first is of most consequence, because it results from the nature of
thiugsj whereas the two latter, when deficient, can be artificially sup-
plied, in whole or in part. Fortifications remedy the weakness of a
position, foresight accumulates beforehand the resources which nature
does not yield on the spot; but it is not within the power of man to
change the geographical situation of a point which lies outside the
limit of strategic effect. It is instructive, and yet apparent to the
most superficial reading, to notice how the first Napoleon, in comment-
ing upon a region likely to be the scene of war, begins by considering
the most conspicuous natural features, and then enumerates the com-
manding positions, their distances from each other, the relative direc-
tions, or, as the sea phrase is, their ^< bearings," and the particular
facilities each offers for operations of war. This frirnishes the ground
plan, the skeleton, detached from confrising secondary considerations,
and from which a clear estimate of the decisive points can be made.
The number of such points varies greatly, according to the character
of the region. In a mountainous, broken country they may be very
many; whereas in a plain devoid of natural obstacles there may be
few or more save those created by man. If few, the value of each is
necessarily greater than if many, and if there be out one its importance
is not only unique, but extreme, measured only by the size of the field
over which its unshared infiuence extends.

The sea, until it approaches the land, realizes the ideal of a vast
plain, unbroken by obstacles. On the sea, says an eminent I^ench
tactician, there is no field of battle; meaning that there is none of the
natural conditions which determine, and o^n* fetter, the movements
of the general. But upon a plain, however fiat and monotonous,
causes, possibly slight, determine the concentration of population into
town and villages, and the necessary communications between the
centers create roads. Where the latter converge, or cross, tenure
confers command, depending for importance upon the number of
routes thus meeting and upon their individual ^alue. It is just so at
sea. While in itself the ocean opposes no obstacle to a vessel taking
any one of the numerous routes that can be traced upon the surface of
the globe between two points, conditions of distance or convenience,
of traffic or of wind, do prescribe certain usual courses. Where these
pass near an ocean position, still more where they use it, it has an
infiuence over them, and where several routes cross near by that
influence becomes very great — is commanding.

Let us now apply these considerations to the Hawaiian group. To
anyone viewing a map that shows the frdl extent of the Pacific Ocean,
with its shores on either side, two circumstances will be strikingly and
immediately apparent. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich
Islands stand by themselves, in a state of comparative isolation, amid
a vast expanse of sea; and, again, that they form the center of a large
circle whose radius is approximately, and very closely, the distance
ft'om Honolulu to San Francisco. The circumference of this circle, if
the trouble is taken to describe it with compass upon the map, will be
seen, on the weat ajid soutbi to pasa through the outer fringe of tb»

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 117

system of archipelagoes which, from Australia and New Zealand, extend
to the northeast toward the American continent. Within the circle a
few scattered islets, bare and unimportant, seem only to emphasize the
More of nature to bridge the interval separating Hawaii from her
peers of the Southern Pacific. Of these, however, it may be noted that
lome, like Fanning and Christmas islands, have within a few years
been taken into British x>o8session. The distance from San Francisco
to Honololu, 2,100 miles, easy steaming distance, is substantially the
nme as that from Honolulu to the Gilbert, Marshall, Samoan, Society,
ttd MarquesdiS groux>8, all under European control, except Samoa, in
Thich we have a part influence.

To have a central i)08ition such as this, and to be alone, having no
ml and admitting no alternative throughout an extensive tract, are
eoDditions that at once fix the attention of the strategist — ^it may be
iddedf of the statesmen of commerce likewise. But to this striking
eombinatiou is to be added the remarkable relations borne by these
angnlarly placed islands to the greater commercial routes traversing
1^8 vast expanse known to us as the Pacific, not only, however, to
tiiose now actnaliy in use, important as they are, but also to those that
iDQst necessarily be called into being by that fnture to which the
Hawaiistfi incident compels our too unwilling attention. Gircum
lattices, as was before tritely remarked, create centers, between which
eoDUDunication necessarily follows, and in the vista of the future all,
however dimly, discern a new and great center that must greatly
modify existing sea routes, as well as bring new ones into existence.
Whether the canal of the Central American isthmus be eventually at
Panama or at Nicaragua matters little to the question now in hand,
aiyHmgh, in common with most Americans who have thought upon
tkesnbject, I believe it will surely be at the latter point. Whichever
it be, the convergence there of so many ships from the Atlantic and
the Pacific will constitute a center of commerce, interoceanic and
iaffnor to few, if to any, in the world; one whose approaches will be
jeiloasly watched and whose relations to the other centers of the
Pacific by the lines joining it to them must be carefully examined.
Sneh study of the commercial routes and their relations to the Hawaiian
bbods, taken together with the other strategic considerations pre-
nooftly set forth, completes the synopsis of facts which determine the
nine of the ^oup for conferring either commercial or naval control.

Bef^ring again to the map, it will be seen that while the shortest
nates from the isthmus to Australia and New Zealand, as well as
ftose to South America, go well clear of any probable connection with
«r interference from Hawaii, those directed toward China and Japan
ptflg either through the group or in close proximity to it. Vessels
from Central America bound to the i>orte of Northern America come,
€f eoQPse, within the influence of our own coast. These circumstances
tad the existing recognized distribution 't)f political power in the
Pacific point naturally to an international acquiescence in certain
defined spheres of influence for our own country and for others, such
w hjtt already been reached between Great Britain, Germany, and
Hdland in the Southwestern Pacific, to avoid conflict there between
tiMir respective claims. Though artificial in form, such a recognition
^'oold, in the case here suggested, depend upon perfectly natural as
nD as indisputable conditions. The United States is by far the
pieatest m numbers, interests, and power of the communities border-
SBgnpon the Iforth Pacific; and the relations of the Hawaiian Islands
te her natmaUy would be, and actually are, more numerous and more

118 HAWAIIAN I8LA]fD&

importaDt than tbey cm be to any other state. This is true, although
unfortunately for the equally natural wishes of Great Britain and her
colonies, the direct routes from British Cohimbia to Eastern Aastraiia
and New Zealand, which depend upon no building of a foture canal,
pass as near the islands as those already mentioned. Sueh a fact, that
this additional great highway i^uns dose to the group, both augments
and emphasizes their strategic importance; but it does not a£feet the
statement just made that the interest of the United States in them is
greater than that of Great Britain, and dependent upon a natural
cause, nearness, which has always been admitted as a reasonable
ground for national self-assertion. It is unfortunate, doubtless, for the
wishes of British Columbia and for the communications, commercial
and military, depending upon the Canadian Pacific Bailway, that the
United States lies between them and the South Pacific and is the state
nearest to dawaii ; but, the fact being so, the interests of our 65,000,000
people, in a xK>sition so vital to our iSle in the Pacific, must be allowed
to outweigh those of the 6,000,000 of Canada.

From the foregoing considerations may be inferred the importance
of the HawaUan Islands as a position powerfully influencing the com*
mercial and mUitary control of the Pacific, and especially of the north-
em Pacific, in which the United States, geographically, has the
strongest right to assert herself. These are the main advantagea,
which can be termed x>ositiye; those, namely, which directly advance
commercial security and naval control. To the negative advantages
of possession, by removing conditions which, if the islands were in the
hands of any other power, would constitute to us disadvantages and
threats, allusion only will be made. The serious menace to bur Pacific
coast and our Pacific trade, if so important a position were held by a
possible enemy, has been frequently mentioned in the press and dwelt
upon in the diplomatic papers which are from time to time given to
the public. It may be assumed that it is generally acknowledged.
Upon <me particular, however, too much stress can not be laid, one to
which naval officers can not but be more sensitive than the general
public, and that is the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime
enemy having a coaling station well within 2,500 miles, as this is, of
every point of our coast line from Puget Sound to Mexico. Were there
many others available we might find it difficult to exclude firom alL
There is, however, but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich Islands
as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to dis-
tances of 3,500 or 4,000 miles-^r between 7,000 and 8,000, going and
coming — an impediment to sustained maritime operations well nigh
prohibitive. The coal mines of British Columbia constitute, of course,
a qualification to this statement; but upon th^n, if need arose, we
might at least hope to impose some trammels by action from the land
side. It is rarely that so important a fiEMstor in the attack or defense of
a coast line— of a sea frontier — is concentrated in a single position,
and the circumstance renders doubly imperative upon us to secure it,
if we righteously can.

It is to be hoped, also, that the opportunity thus thrust upon us may
not be narrowly viewed, as though it concerned but one section of oar
country or one portion of its external trade or influence. This is no
mere question of a particular act, for which, possibly, just occasion
may not yet have ofi'ered; but of a principle, a policy, fruitful of many
friture acts, to enter upon which, in the fullness of our national pn^-
ress, the time has now arrived. The principle accepted, to be con*
ditioned only by a just and candid regard for the rights ana reasonabk

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 119

•

SBseeptibilitieB of ether nations — ^none of whi6h is contravened by the
step here immediately under discnssion-^the annexation, even, of
Hawftii woald be no mere sporadic effort, irrational because discon-
nected from an adequate motive, but a first fruit and a token that the
nation in its evolution has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying
its life— that has been the happiness of those under its influence — '
beyond the borders that have heretofore sufficed for its activities.
Thiit the vaunted blessings of our economy are not to be forced upon
te unwilling may be conceded; but the concession. does not deny the
nght nor the wisdom of gathering in those who wish to come. Gom-
pirative reli^on teaches that creeds which reject missionary enter-
phae are foredoomed to decay. May it not be so with nations? Oer-
tiinly the glorious record of England is consequent mainly upon the
spirit and traceable to the time when she launched out into the deep —
fitiiont formolated policy, it is true, or foreseeing the fiiture to wMch
ler 8lsr was leading, but objuring the instinct which in the infancy of
ntioDS anticipates the more reasoned impulses of exx)erience. Let us,
too, learn £rom her experience. Not all at once did England become
tke great sea x>ower which she is, but step by step, as opportunity
olfiered, she has moved on to the world wide preeminence now held by
En^h speech and by institutions sprung from English germs. How
nek i>oorer would the world have been had Englishmen heeded the
entioiis hesitancy that now bids us reject every advance beyond our
ibore lines. And can any one doubt that a cordial, if unformulated,
ndeistaiiding between the two chief states of English tradition, to
ipoMl freely, without mutual jealously and in mutual support, would
greatly increase the world's sum of happiness f
Bat if a plea of the world's welfare seem suspiciously like a cloak fbr
tttional self-interest, let the latter be frankly accepted as the adequate
votive which it assuredly is. Let us not sink from pitting a broad self-
Btecest against the narrow self-interest to which some would restrict
«. The demands of our three great seaboards, the Atlantic, the Gulf,
ad the Pacitle — each for itself, and all for the strength that comes from
drawing cl€>ser the ties between them — are calling for the extension,
tkiuugh the Isthmian Canal, of that broad sea >common along which,
and along which alone, in all ages prosperity has moved. Land carriage,
ihrays restricted and therefore always slow, toils enviously but hope-
kttly behind, vainly seeking to replace and supplant the royal high-
way of nature's own making. Corporate interests, vigorous in that
power of concentration which is the strength of armies and of minori-
te, may here for a while withstand the ill-organized strivings of the
■oltitude, only dimly conscious of its wants; yet the latter, however
temporarily opx)08ed and baffled, is sure at last, like the blind forces of
natare, to overwhelm all that stand in the way of its necessary prog*
ma* So the Isthmian Canal is an inevitable part in the future of the
Vnited States; yet scarcely an integral part, for it can not be separated
from other necessary incidents of a policy dependant upon it, whose
details can not be exactly foreseen. But because the precise steps that
iBsy hereafter be opportune or necessary can not yet be certainly fore-
Md, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a
pnBciide of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let
u start from tiie fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the
Mtrol of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by
itttMial interest or national commerce, is the chief among the merely
iBatenal elements in the power and prosperity of nations. It is so

120 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

because the sea is the woFld'9 great medium of circulation. From tbis
necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiaiy to such control, it
is imperative to take x>ossession, when it can righteously be done,
of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command. If
this principle be adopted there will be no hesitation about
taking the positions — and they are many— upon the approaches
to the Isthmus, whose interests incline them to seek us. It has its
application also to the present case of HawaiL

There is, however, one caution to be given from that military ])oint of
view beyond the need of which the world has not yet passed. Military
positions, fortified posts, by land or by sea, however strong or admirably
situated, dp not by themselves confer control. People often say that
such an island or harbor will give control of such a body of water. It
is an utter, deplorable, ruinous mistake. The phrase may indeed by
some be used only loosly, without forgetting other implied conditions
of adequate protection and adequate navi^; but the confidence of our
nation in its native strength, and its indifference to the defense of its
ports and the sufficiency of its fleet, give reason to fear that the ftdl
consequence43 of a forward step may not be soberly weighed. Napoleon,
who knew better, once talked this way. ''The islands of San Pietro,
Gorfa, and Malta,'' he wrote, ''will make us masters of the whole Medi-
terranean." Vain boast ! Within one year CorAi, in two years Malta,
were rent away from the state that could not support them by its ships.
Nay. more; had Bonaparte not taken the latter stronghold out of the
hands of its degenerate but innocuous government, that citadsd of the
Mediterranean would perhaps — would probably — ^never have passed
into those of his chief enemy. There is here also a lesson for us.

It is by np means logical to leap, from this recognition of the neces-
sity of adequate naval force to secure outlying dependencies, to the con-
clusion that the United ^States would for that object need a navy equal
to the largest now existing. A nation as far removed as is our own
from the bases of foreign naval strength may reasonably reckon upon
the qualification that distance — ^not to speak of the complex European
interests close at hand — impresses upon the exertion of naval strength.
The mistake is when our remoteness, unsupported by carefully calcu-
lated force, is regarded as an armor of proof, under cover of which any
amount of swagger may be safely indulged. Any estimate of what is
an adequate naval force for our country may properly take large account
of the happy interval that separates both our present territory and our
future aspirations from the centers of interest really vital to European
states. If to these safeguards be added, on our part, a sober recogni-
tion of what our reasonable sphere of influence is and a candid justice
in dealing with foreign interests within that sphere, there will be Uttie
disposition to question our preponderance therein.

Among all foreign states it is especially to be hoped that each pass-
ing year may render more cordial the relations between ourselves and
the great nation from whose loins we sprang. The radical identity of
spirit which underlies our superficial differences of polity will surely
so draw us closer together, if we do not wUlfully set our faces against
a tendency which would give our race the predominance over the seas of
the world. To force such a consummation is impossible, and, if possible,
wouldnot be wise; but surely it would be a lofty aim, fraught with
immeasurable benefits, to desire it, and to raise no needless impedi-
ments by advocating perfectly proper acts, demanded by our evident
interests in offensive or arrogant terms. — (A. T. Mahan.)

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 121

xn. Also the FOLLowiNa extract, from the report op hon.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, CHAIRMAN OP THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN
AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIYES, ON THE MESSAGE
OF FR£S£DSNT TYLER, DECEMBER 30, 1842.

"It is a sabject of cheering contemplation to the friends of hnman
ifflprovement and virtue tha^ by the mild and gentle influence of
Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel,
unarmed with secular x)ower, within the last quarter of a century, the
pcN^ie of this ^roup of islands have been converted from the lowest
debas^nent of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel;
uiited under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civiUza-
taon by a written language and constitution, providing security for the
ligbtB of -perBonBj property and mind, and invested with all the ele-
meEts of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged
by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent
eommunity. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the
people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their
ovn, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the
eirth — ^by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their
brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind
ind heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love."

XHL Also the following, a translation of the constitution

OF THE HAWAIIAN GOVERNMENT OF 1840.

"In the Hawaiian bill of rights, the chiefs endeavored to incorporate
iA few words the general basis of personal rights, both of the chiefs and
common i>eople, and to guard against perversion; and this they have
accomplished with, perhaps, as much precision and consistency as the
Americans, who affirm ^that all men are born free and equal, possessing
eertain inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'

'^With distinguished and 'commendable care do the Hawaiians of
1S40 acknowledge the paramount authority of God, in which Kaahu-
vuDu had set them a noble example, and the importance of an unwav-
ering purpose in legislation not to controvene his word,"

The following translation I have made with care from the original, '
published at the islands as the constitution of 1840 :

^Godhas made of one blood all the nations of men, that they might
ilike dwell upon the earth in peace and prosperity. And he has given
certain equal rights to all people and chiefs of all countries. These are
the rights or gifts which he has granted to every man and chief of cor-
wet deportment, life, the members of the body, freedom in dwelling
ad acting, and the rightful products of his hands and mind; but not
those things which are inhibited by the laws.

**From God also are the office of rulers and the reign of chief magis-
tntes for protection; but in enacting the laws of the land it is not
right to make a law protecting the magistrate only and not subjects;
wither is it proper to establish laws for enriching chiefs only without
henefiting the people, and hereafter no law shall be established in
opposition to the above declarations; neither shall taxes, servitude,
nor labor be exacted without law of any man in a manner at variance
vith those principles.

"PROTECTION FOR ALL.

** Therefore let this declaration be published in order to the ecmaV
pnteclion of all the people and all the cbiefa of these islands wml^

122 HAWAIIAN ISLANDa

maintaining a <x)rrect deportnieiit, that no chief may oppress any snb-
ject, and that chiefs and people may enjoy equal security under the
same system of law; the persons, the lands, the dwelling enclosures,
and all the property of all the people are protected while they confonn
to th'e laws of the Kingdom, neither shall any of these be taken except
by the provisions of law. Any chief who shall pei:iseveringly act in
opposition to this constitution shall cease to hold his office as a chief
of these Hawaiian Islands; and the same shall apply to governors, offi-
cers of (government, and land agents. But if one condemned should
turn again and conform himself to the laws it shall be in the x>ower ol
the chiefs to reinstate him in the standing he occupied before his tres-
pass.

"FOUNDATION OF LAWS.

"According to the principles above declared, we purpose to regulate
this Kingdom, and to seek the good of all the chiefs and all the people
of these Hawaiian Islands, we are aware that we can not succeed by
ourselves alone, but through God we can; for He is King over all king-
doms; by whom protection and prosperity may be secured; therefore
do we first beseech him to point out to us the right course, and aid our
work.

" Wherefore^ resolvedy

"I. No law shall be enacted at variance with the word of the Lord
Jehovah, or opposed to the grand design of that word. All the laws
of this country shall accord with the general design of God's law.

"II. All men of every form of worship shall be protected in their
worshipping Jehovah, and in their serving Him; nor shall any one be
punished for merely neglecting to serve God, provided he injures no
man and brings no evil on the Kingdom.

"III. The law shall support every unblamable man who is injured by
another all shall be protected in every good work, and every man shall
be punishable who brings evil on the Kingdom or individuals. Nor shall
any unequal law be established to give favor to one through evil to
another.

"IV. Noman shall bepunished unless hiscrimebe first made to apx>ear,
nor shall he be punished without being examined in the presence of his
accuser. When the accused and the accuser have met face to face, and
Idle trial proceeds according to law, and guilt is established before them
both, then punishment shall follow.

" V. It shall not be proper for any man or chief to sit as judge or
juror to try his own benefactor, or one directly connected with him.
Therefore, if one is condemned or acquitted, and it shall soon be known
that some of the triers acted with partiality to favor whom he loved, or
perhaps to enrich himself, then there may be a new trial before the
impartial.

" EXPLANATION OF THE POSITION OF THE BTJLEBS.

" The nature of the position of the chief magistrates and of the i)olicy
of the country is this : Kamehameha I was the head of this Kingdom or
dynasty. To him pertained all the lands from Hawaii to Niihan, but
they were not his own personal property; they belonged to the people
and the chiefs, and Kamehameha was their head and the dictator of
the country. Therefore no one had before, and no one has now, the
right to convey ftway the smallest portipn of these islands without the
consent of the dictator of the Kingdom.

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 123

These are the dictators or the persons who have had the direction of
it from that time down^ Kamehameha II and Kaahumanu I, and at the
present time Ej^mehameha III. To these persons only has belongecl
the directaon or dictatorship of the realm down to the present time,
ind the documents written by them only are the documents of the
Kingdom.

^Tbe Kingdom is to be perpetnated to Kamehameha HE and to his
beirSy and his heir shall be one whom he and the chiefs shall apx>oint
dnring his lifetime; but if he shall not nominate, then the appointment
ikall devolve solely on the nobles and represeutatiyes.

PBEBOGATIYES OF THB KdG*

'^This la the King's position : He is the sovereign of all the people
ud all the chiefs. At his direction are the soldiers, the guns, the
forts, and all the implements of war of the Kingdom. At his direction
» the public property, the revenne from the poll tax, the land tax, and
the three days monthly labor tax, to accord, however, with the pro-
TvaanB of law. He shall possess his own private lauds, and such as
»haU be forfeited for the annual tax.

"He is tJie ehief judge of the supreme court, and to him belongs the
execution of the laws of the land, the decrees, and the treaties with
other oomitries, in accordance with the provisions of the laws of this
ooontzy.

^It is for him to make treaties with the rulers of all other kingdoms,
ttd to hold intercourse with ministers sent hither from other coun-
tries, and to consummate agreements.

"It is for him to declare war should a period of distress arrive, and
thechie& could not well be assembled; and he shall be commander
in chief of the army. All important business of the Kingdom not com-
nitted bj law to others, belongs to him to transact.

<«OP THE PBSMXBB OF THE KIN6l>0]f.

'^It shaU be the duty of the King to appoint a chief of ability and
lugh rank to be his prime minister, who shall be entitled premier of the
Kmgdom, whose office and business shall be like that of Kaahumanu I
and Kaahamana II. For in the life time of Kamehameha, the ques*
tioDs of life and death, right and wrong, were for Kaahumanu to
decide, and at the time of his death he gave charge, ^ Let the Kingdom
be lahol^o's, and Kaahumanu the prime minister.' That policy of
Kamehameha, wherein he sought to secure a premier, is to be per-
petuated in this Hawaaiian country, but in accordance with the pro-
Ti&ons of law.

^This is the business of the premier: Whatever appropriate business
of te Kingdom the King intends to do the premier may do in the name
of the King. The words and acts of the Ejngdom by the premier are
tbe words and acts of the King. The premier shall receive and
ttteowledge the revenue of the Kingdom and deliver it to the King.
The premier shall be the King's special counsellor in all the important
business of the Kingdom. The Eang shall not transact public business
without the concurrence of the premier; nor shall the premier transact
pttUie business without the concurrence of the King. If the King shall
veto what the premier counsels or attempts that is a negative. What-
cirer important public business the King chooses to transact in person
bsaiay do, but only with the approbation or consent of the premiec.

124 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

"OP GOTERNORS.

"There shall be four governors in this Hawaiian country; one of
Hawaii, one of Maui and the adjacent isles, one of Oahu, and one of
Kauai and the acUacent isles. All the governors from Hawaii to Kauai
shall hold their o£&ce under the King.

^^This is the character and duty of the office of governor: He is the
director of all the tax officers in his island, and shall sustain their orders
which he shall deem right, confirming according to the provisions of
law, and not his own arbitrary wiU. He shall preside over all the
judges of his island and execute their decisions as above stated. He
shaU choose the judges of his district and give them their commissions.

"The governor is tliie high chief (viceroy) over his island or islands,
and shall have the direction of the forts, the soldiers, guns, and all the
implements of war. Under the King and premier shall be all the
governors from Hawaii to Kauai. Each shall have charge of the reve-
nue of his island, and shall deliver it to the premier.

,"In case of distress he may act as dictator, if neither King nor pre-
mier can be consulted. He shall have charge of all the King's business
on the island, the taxation, improvements, and means of increasing
wealth, and all officers there shall be under him. To him belong all
questions and business pertaining to the government of the island, not
assigned by law to others. •

"On the decease of a governor, the chiefs shall assemble at such a
place as the King shall appoint, and together seek out a successor of
the departed governor, and the person whom they shall choose and
the King approve by writing shall be the new governor.

<< OF OblEFS OB NOBLES I7NDEB THE ElNGt.

•

"In the public councils of the chiefs these are the counsellors for
the current period: Kamehameha III, Kekauluohi, Hoapiliwahine,
Kaukini, Kekauonohi, Kahekili, Paki, Konia, Keohokalole, Leleiohoko,
Kehuanaoa, Keliiahonui, Kanaina, Li Keoniana, a me Haalilio, and if
a new member is to enter the law shall specify it. These persons shall
take part in the couBcils of the Kingdom. But if the council choose to
admit others merely for consultation it shall be allowable, the specified
counsellors only being allowed to vote. No law shall be enacted for
the country without their consent.

"In this manner shall they proceed: They shall meet annually to
devise means for benefiting the country and enact laws for the King-
dom. In the month of April shall they assemble at such time and
place as the King shall appoint. It shall be proper for the King to take
counsel with them on all the important concerns of the Kingdom in
order to secure harmony and prosperity, or the general good, and they
shall attend to all the business which the King shall commit to them.
They shall retain their own personal estates, larger or smaller divisions
of the country, and may conduct their afi:airs on their own lands accord-
ing to their pleasure, but not in opposition to the laws of the Kingdom.

"OF BEFBESENTATIVES ELEOTED

" Several men shall be annually chosen to act in council with the
King and chiefs, and to devise with them laws for the country. Some
from Hawaii, some from IM aui, some from Oahu, and some from Kauai,
shall the plebeians choose according to their own pleasure. The law

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 125

win determine the method of choosing and the number to be chosen.
These chosen representatives shall have a voice in the Government,
and no law can be established without the consent of the minority of
tiiem.

^OV TH£ MEBTINaS OF THE LEaiSLATUBE OB PABLIAMENT.

'^There shall be an annual meeting as aforesaid, but if the chiefe
choose another meeting at another time they may meet at their dis-
cretion.

^In the assembling of Parliament, let the hereditary nobles meet by
themselves and the elected rulers meet by themselves. But if they
dioose to take counsel together occasionally at their discretion, so be it.

^'In this manner shall they proceed: The hereditary chiefs shall
choose a secretary for their body, and on the day of their assembling
he shall record all their transactions; and that book shall be preserved
that what they devise for the Kingdom may not be lost.

^^Tn the same manner shall the elected representatives proceed; they
shall choose a secretary for themselves, and on the day they assemble,
to seek the good of the Kingdom and agree on any measure, he shall
reeoid it in a book, which shall be carefully preserved, in order that
the good desired for the country may not be lost. And no new law
shall be established without the consent of a majority of the nobles
and of the elected representatives.

^ When any act or measure shall have been agreed on by them it shall
be carried on paper to the King, and if he approves and signs his name,
and also the premier, then it shall become a law of the Kingdom^ and
it shall not be repealed except by the body which enacted it.

" OP THE TAX OFFIOEBS.

^The^ King and premier shall choose tax officers and give them a com-
mission in writing. They shall be distinct for the separate islands.
There shall be three, or more or less, for each island, at the discretion
of the King and premier.

'^A tax officer, having received a commission, shall not be removed
without a trial. If convicted of crime he may be removed ; but the
nnmber of years the office shall continue may be previously limited by
law.

^This is clearly the business of the tax officers : They shall apprise the
people of the amount of assessment, that they may hear beforehand at
the prox>er time; they shall proceed according to the orders of the
governors and the provisions of law; and when the time for paying
taxes shall arrive, they shall collect the amount and deliver it to the
governor, and the governor to the premier, and the premier to the King.
Hie tax officers shall also direct the public labor for the King, but may
oommit its details to the land agents, presiding themselves over them
in this work. They shall also have charge of any new business which
the King may design to extend through the Kingdom, but in their
doings they shall be subordinate to the governors. They shall be
arbiters of the tax laws, and in all cases where land agents or landlords
oppress the peasantry, and in every difficulty between land agents and
tenants, and everything specified in the tax law established June 7th,

1839.
^In ti^iti manner shall they proceed: Each shall exercise his office

126 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

in liis own district. If a difficalty arise between fi land agent and a
tenant the tax officer shall investigate it, and if th« tenant is in fault
the tax officer and land agent shall execute the law upon him; but if
the land agent is in fault in the judgment of the tax officer the latter
shall call the other tax officers of the island, and, if they agree witli
him, judgment against the land agent is confirmed, and the governor
shall execute the law on him; but if any believe the tax officer to
have erred the governor may be apprised and try the case over again,
and if he is believed to have erred the case may be made known to
the supreme judges, and they shall try the case anew.

**OF THE JTJDGSS.

^^The governor of each island shall choose judges for the island
according to his own mind, two or more, at his own discretion, and
give them a written commission. When they receive this they shall
not be removed without trial, but the law may limit their term of office.

^^ In this manner shall they proceed : The court days shall be declared
beforehand, and when the appointed day arrives they shall proceed
with trials according to law. To them shall be given jurisdicti^m in
respect to all the laws except those connected with taxation, and to
the difficulties between land agents, landlords, and tenants. The
governor shall sustain them and execute their judgment. But if their
judgment is thought to be unjust he who thinks so may complain or
appeal to the supreme judges.

<<0F THE SUPREME JUDaBS.

*<The elected representatives shall choose four judges to assist the
Ejng and premier, and these six shall be the supreme judges of the
Kingdom. This shall be their business: Gases of difficulty not well
adjusted by the tax officers or island judges they shall try again
according to law; the court days shall be declared beforehand, that
those who are in difficulty may apply, and the decision of this court
shall stand. There is thereafter no appeal. Life and death, to bind
and release, to fine and not to fine, are at their disposal, and with them
the end of controversy.

"OP OHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION.

"This constitution shall not be considered as fhlly established until
the people-generally shall have heard it, and certain persons as herein
mentioned shall be chosen and shall assent to it, then firmly estab-
lished is this constitution.

"And thereafter, if it be designed to alter it, the people shall be first
apprised of the nature of the amendment intended to be introduced,
and the next year, at the meeting of the nobles and representatives,
if they agree to insert a passage or to annul a passage, they may do it
lawfully.

" This constitution, above stated, has been agreed to by the nobles,
and our names are set to it this eighth day of October, in the year of
our Lord 1840, at Honolulu, Oahu*
(Signed),

" Kamehameha m,
*< Kekauluohl''

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 127

"!ae house of nobles, or hereditary lords and ladiey, consisted of
the King himself; a female premier, four governors of islands, four
women of rank, and five chiefs of the third rank. The people were
allowed to choose by districts annually seven men to be members of
the national Legislature for a year: two from Hawaii, two from Maui
uid adjacent islands, two from Oahu, and one from Kauai, the Govern-
ne&t bearing their expenses. The proposition was also distinctly made
to increase the number after a time. The right of suffrage, so far as
to vote for ooe or two men to act in making laws and apjwiuting
snpreme assistant judges, was extended to all, but guarded with pecu-
liar ' — "

XIV. Also the following from the remarks of mr. draper,

OP MASSACHUSETTS, MADE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
JlSD published in THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD OF FEBRUARY
4,1894.

I believe that the true policy of this Oovernment is to negotiate a
suitable treaty with the de facto Oovernment in Hawaii, and annex the
islands.

After this (or before if necessary), if Liliuokalani is supposed to have
ay rights, purchase them (since she is willing to sell), but on no
ttooant ought we to neglect this opportunity of securing this naval and
coaling station, so important to us, both from the point of view of com-
fierce and of coast defense.

1 will first point out briefly its advantages to us from a commercial
point of view. *

Situated at the intersection of the trade route between North Amer-
kaand Australasia, with the rich commercial stream which will flow
between the China oeas and the Atlantic as soon as the Isthmus canal
(whether it be through Nicaragua or Panama) is oi)ened, the position
(^Hawaii is ideal for controlling both lines of conimerce; and, for a
nation which expects to maintain trade routes in the Paciflc, its pos-
Hsaion is a necessity.

All the great commercial powers recognize the fact that our trade
iimstbe guarded; that convenient stations, as near as possible to the
vell^eftned trade routes, must be established; and that supplies and
fiicilities for refitting may be available at distances not too widely
sqiarated.

Until 1886 Hawaii was nearer to the territory of the United States
than to that of any other power, the distance to San Francisco being
but 2,100 nules, while the British fortified port of Victoria, with its
iMghboriDg dockyard of Esquimault, and coal mines of Kanaimo, was
&M> miles distant. The next nearest British port was- Leonka, in the
Fyi group, 2,700 miles distant in an opposite direction.

French territory was 2,380 miles distant at Tahiti ; Germany held the
Admiralty Islands, distant 3,400 miles; and Spain the Caroline Islands,
^00 mUea distant, and the Ladrones, about 2,900 miles distant.

Since that time Germany has moved up to a distance of 2,098 miles,
b^ annexing the Marshall Islands and plaeing herself in a flanking
position on both the South Pacific and transpacific trade routes.
Fnnee, by the acquisition of the Low Archipelago and the Marquesas
Uands, ia 2,050 miles distant from Hawaii, on the South Pacific route.
6ieat BritaiiK has advanced from Fiji toward the intersecting point on
clearly defined lines, annexing group after group and detached islands
when they were on the line of approach, even though uninhabited or
^thoat harbors and of no commercial valuC; until in 1891 her ftag^aA

128 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

planted on Johnston Island, 600 miles from Hawaii, and the nearest
point she can approach to her American territory, unless the next move
be the occapation of Hawaii itself.

In one year, 1888, British cruisers took possession of the Savage,
Suwarrow, and Phoenix groups and Christmas and Fanning islands,
and in 1892 the occupation of the Gilbert and EUice groups and Gard-
ner and Danger islands completed the covering of the South Pacific
trade from Johnston Island to Australia. The only unannexed group
on that line remaining is the Samoan Islands, and they are closely sur-
rounded by British and French possessions.

It has not been a blind grab for territory which h^^s been going on
in the South Pacific for six years past, but a working out of strategical
schemes with definite ends in view : and the United States is the only
great power interested in the Pacinc trade which has not had the wis-
dom to acquire territory in localities where the great trade of the future
will need guarding and supplying.

Samoa and Hawaii have been ripe to our hands for years. They are
most advantageously situated for our needs, as bases from which our
cruisers could work in time of war to protect our own trade and break
up that of an enemy. The moral force of the United States is all that
has kept European hands off these two groups to the present time, but
should a strategic necessity for their occupation by either of those
powers arise moral force would lose its power and we would have to be
prepared to then fight for them or to retire at once from the absurd
dog-in-the-manger position we have so long occupied.

To appreciate fully the question of ocean trade it is well to observe
the policy which Great Britain has consistently and successfrilly fol-
lowed for generations in developing and supporting her commerce.
Trade with India was established, then the route was guarded. When
the Suez Canal was cut a different disposition was needed; and they
now have the complete chain of guard stations formed by Gibraltar,
Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, and Aden, the chain «being continued to China
by Ceylon, Penang, Singapore, and Hongkong. The route around the
Cape of Good Hope and to Australia is covered by Sierra Leone,
Ascension, St. Helena, Cape Town, Natal, Zanzibar, and Mauritius. To
America the route is guarded by St. Johns, Halifax, Bermuda, Jamaica,
St. Lucia, Barbados, Nassau, Balize, and Demerara.

The Falkland Islands at the southern extremity of America form a
guard station for the trade passing around Cape Horn, and up to this
point it is well to note that no station is farther than 3,000 mUes from
the next on the trade route it is designed to protect; and cruisers
patrolling the routes, as well as merchant vessels traversing them, need
never be farther removed than 1,500 miles from a base where supplies
of coal and facilities for refitting are available.

The foresighted statesmen of Great Britain have had a frill under-
standing of the fact that the preservation intact of the circulation of
British ships in the great arteries of trade is an absolute requisite to
the well-being and even life of the British Empire, and this it is which
has guided them in the establishing around the world a complete chain
of guarded stations, from which her commerce can be supplied and
succored, whether peace or war prevail.

Until very recent times British trade in the Pacific has not been
essential so far as the welfare of the Empire was concerned, and the
guarding stations at the Falkland Islands, Fiji, and Victoria, British
Columbia, may have been supposed to be sufficient for all needs; but
it is worthy of note that as long ago as 1877 an essayist of acknowl-
edged ability (Vice- Admiral Colombi of tlie British navy) asserted, ^^ I

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 129

hold it futile to attempt the defense of the Pacific trade route by any
sort of vessels which must rest on the bases of Yancouver, Fyi, and
Uie Falkland Islands.'' It is also worthy of note that contempora-
DeoQsly with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Eailroad, and the
establishment from its Pacific terminus of re^ilar steamer lines to
China and to Australasia, the British bases began to be moved closer
together; and when the probability of the building of the Nicaragua
Canal was established, the movement toward the trade center at Hawaii
became a very rapid one.

At present, instead of the wide gaps in the British system of 3,000-
inile stations, which existed when the Falkland Island station was
I^ miles from that at Vancouver and 6,700 miles from that at Fiji,
which in turn was 4,800 miles from Vancouver, they have established
tbe flag of the Bmpire at Easter Island, 2,400 miles from the Falkland
^up, which is in turn 600 miles from newly acquired Ducie Island,
from where Pitcaim Island is 300, and the Cook group still farther,
1,800 miles, on a line toward Fiji. On the line from Fiji to Vancouver
tbe gap has been shortened to :!,900 miles from Johnston Island to Van-
eoaver, and all the intermediate territory from Johnston Island to Fiji
isander the British flag.

Other stations are still needed, and British strategists make no secret
of ^e assertion that on the outbreak of war with a maritime power, a
Decessary fii*st move, unless the Pacific trade were to be abandoned,
Toold be the occupation and retention of Hawaii, Guadalupe Island,
«ff the coast of Lower California, and one of the islands in the Bay of
Panama, with a reliance on the frienclship or fears of the South Ameri-
can States for depots at Callao and Valparaiso. As a matter of fact,
they have sach a depot at present in the harbor of Callao.

Now, Mr. Speaker, sentiment has not hoisted the British flag over
tiiese isolated pH)rts, which, to maintain in a state of efliciency, are a
ionrce of ^eat expense without any apparent return. Their coal
depots, storehouses, repainng facilities, and at salient x>oints batteries
and garrisons, are provided by a business instinct purely, which recog-
nizes that the trade which is the lifeblood of the. empire must be
efficiently guarded; and centuries of experience have taught them the
proper means to employ.

If there is a gap in the guard stations of the Pacific trade at present,
or a salient point which should be possessed, and Hawaii is such a
potot, sentiment, which does not trouble our British friends, will not pre-
vent their cruisers, under tbe direction of far-seeing statesmen, whose
aim is to secure any and every advantage for British trade, from seizing
and holding, when the time to them seems propitious, just what is
thoaght necessary to strengthen the weak places in their trade-route
patroL

War ships to patrol a trade route efficiently, to guard their own com-
fierce and damage that of an enemy, require bases from wliich to operate
with the certainty of tindingtheir necessities supplied at any oueof them.
Merchant vessels in time of war require them as points of rendezvous
and refuge, and, as we have seen, Great Britain has foreseen the
aeoessities and provided such bases at convenient points. No other
oation has this immense advantage, although France and Germany
an making great efforts, the former in Africa, Asia, and Australasia,
and tbe latter, so far, in Africa and Australasia only, where coal depots
and bases for naval operations have been established.

The United States has the right to establish coal depots in Samoa
todHairaiiy and at present small supplies exist at both places; but

130 HAWAIIAN ISLAia)B.

unprotected they are of no value, and Germany has equal rights in the
,ibnner.

-The concession in 1887 of Pearl Eiver, in Hawaii, to the United States
for use as naval station, with exclusive privilege ot establishing a dry
dock, storehouses, and repair shops, is a valuable one, but has never
> been utilized. The situation is admirable, and the estimated cost of
necessary fortifications and harbor works is moderate in view of the
great advantage to our nation.

Our position with regard to dry docks in the Pacific is x)eculiarly
weak. Modem war vessels require docking at intervals, and a fleet to
maintain command of the sea must have dry docks in which to make
repairs and maintain the ship in a state of full efficiency as to speed.
We have not one dock outside the mainland of our country which
would be available for our ships in time of war; and on the entire
Pacific coast have at present but one large and one small dock, at the
Mare Island navy-yard, and one building in Puget Sound, and our
vessels in the Pacific would have to return to them whenever docking
was requisite.

Great Britain, on the contrary, has made ample provisions in this
respect. Bordering on the Pacific she has Government dry docks at
Esquimault, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, and Hongkong, while many
private docks are available in the ports of Australia, iNew Zealand,
Hongkong, Singapore, Penang, and India.

France has Government dry docks in Kew Caledonia and Saigon,
Cochin China. Holland has governmental dry docks, which would
probably be available for Germany, in Sourabaya and Batavia; and
Bussia has two large ones in the southeast comer of Siberia, at Yladi-
vostock. We must have additional docking facilities if we are to
maintain either naval power or trade in the Pacific waters it time of
war.

Coming now to the strategic advantages from coast defense point of
view.

No naval force can operate on a hostile coast without a Mendly base
within easy distance. Our Atlantic coast is faced by a line of foreign
bases. England has strongly fortified Halifax on our Northeast border,
and built Government dry docks both there and at St. Johns. Six
hundred and ninety miles from New York, and less than 600 from the
Carolina coast, she has at great expense fortified Bermuda, furnished
it with the largest floating dry dock in the world, and supplied it with
great stores of coal and shops for repair work, and all for the sole pur-
pose of maintaining a base from which British naval forces could oper-
ate against the Atlantic coast of the United States in time of war.
Jamaica and St. Lucia perform the same duty with regard to our Gulf
coasts and the isthmus transit; and it is a notable fact that the
defenses of all these places have been extensively augmented since an
isthmus canal became a i)ossibility of the near future.

France has St. Pierre and Miquelon on our Northeast borders, with
Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Cayenne on the South coast. Spain has
her bases in Cuba and Porto Bico; the Duteh in Curacoa, and the
Danes in St. Thomas; and it is not improbable that either of the two
latter may be available for a German base should occasion arise.

Any power which has not such a naval base off our coast can not
make successful war upon the United States, a fact which was quickly
appreciated by Italy during a late diplomatic incident; and an early
move of the United States in a war with either of the European powers
possessing these bases would have to be their capture and retention, if

HAW An AN ISLANDS. 131

possible. If the United States held all the bases named it would be
pnetacally free from attack on its Atlantic coast.

In the Pacific we now have the opportunity to secure our Western
eoast by accepting x>o8Bession of Hawaii as our most rational form of
coast defense. With adequate fortifications on these islands, and a
suitable naval force in the Pacific, our coast would be far more secure
in time of war than it could be made by any expenditure for harbor
d^enses on the mainland alone.

Further, if our commercial interests are to predominate in the future
in those waters our fleet must predominate there also, and a properly
proportionate fleet would be a sufiScient guaranty that serious attack
would not be made on this most important naval base.

The same is equally true of our entire Pacific coast, as with such a
fieet^ with bases at San Francisco, Hawaii, and the entrance to the
Skaragaa Ganal^ not only would our Pacific trade be secure and that
ai any other power untenable, but our coast line would be equally secure,
and Americcm control of the canal, so far as the Pacific end of it is
oonoemed, would be assured.

Excepting Hawaii the only base for i>os8ible extensive naval opera-
tions against the Pacific States is the British station at Esquimault,
which is sasceptible of capture by a land expedition.

It must be distinctly understood that Hawaii can not remain indei>en-
dfiftt supported only by moral force. It is of too great strategic value
uid will assuredly meet the fate of all islands and isolated points of
like viJue at the hands of either Great Britain, France, or Germany,
each of the two former having already once seized them (once in 1843
and once in 1849). Even if the United States were by moral force to pre-
fierve Hawaiian independence during time of peace the islands would
QDdoubtedly be seized by the first naval power with whom we wont to
tir, and held by all the force it could muster, as a base from which to
attack our Western coast and gain control of the prospective canal.

For the United States to exi)end great sums on the local defense
of Sjui Francisco in the shape of forts and harbor defenses, and leave
Hawaii to become a base for operations against them, is a short-sighted
and extravagant x>olicy.

As Bermuda is a standing menace in front of our Atlantic coast, so
fill Hawaii become a similar one to our Pacific coast, if we do not hold
it as an essentiai part of our coast defense.

OOAL.

To make the advantage of Hawaii to this country from a naval stand-
point clearer I will devote a little time to some details of the question
of coal and coaling stations.

The possession of unlimited coal is a great advantage to a nation, but
in order to convert it into naval advantage it must be placed on board
of a ship of war. This is a simple thing with us so long as our naval
msds are in home x>orts, or so long as we are at peace, wherever the
ibips may be. It is in time of war that the dif&cuities of making our
mfad strength felt away from our own coasts will become apparent,
^eatral ports will then be closed to our cruisers so far as supplying their
coal necessities is concerned, for coal will be contraband of war as much
M is other anounnnition. Coaling in the open sea from supply ships is,
q>to the present time, an unsolved problem, and even if satisfactory
Bedhanical arrangements be devised the supply vessels must run the
(Mudet of hostile cmiBars for great distances. A certainty of ftu(\\\^g

132 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

the collier in specified localities on definite dates, which is almost impos-
Bible without naval stations, must also be established, as a failure to
meet would result in leaving the cruiser helpless.

Wind is no longer a motive power for ships of war, and the days
when a cruiser could keep the sea and do the work she was designed
for, so long as her provisions and water held out, are gone. Coal is
now the prime nexsessity, and unless our cruisers have points provided
for them to which they can go with a certainty of finding a supply,
they will on the outbreak of war have to be brought home to operate
off our own coasts from the home bases of supply, or else be left pow-
erless in neutral harbors until the close of the war.

The only otber solution is to build cruisers of such size that they
can carry their own coal and remain at sea for long periods independent
of coal dei)ots or supply vessels.

According to the published performances of our cruisers the very best
that has yet been done by one of them is the late voyage of the Philor
delphia^ steaming from Callao to Honolulu, a distance of 5,200 miles,
burning 703 tons of coal in eighteen days, at the rate of 12 knots an
hour, and 39 tons of coal a day, which gives a distance of 7*3 knots
per ton of coal burned.

As this ship and all the others of her class (and we have a number
of them) can carry only about 1,000 tons of coal, in some cases less,
she would have been powerless to reach any other port from Honolulu
had sbe not been able t-o replenish her supply upon arrival.

It is not known that the cruisers of any forpign po^er have done so
well ; and it is a fact that, class for class, our cruisers carry more coal
and steam better than do those of other nations; but it is also a fact that
we need much greater coal-carrying capacity than we have at present,
or else we must follow foreign example and establish coal depots.

It is published that we have two commerce destroyers, with light
batteries, substantially completed, each to carry 2,200 tons of coal,
which at the Philadelphia's rat-e of 7*3 knots per ton of coal, would
enable them to cover at slow speed about 16,000 miles; but if they are
to destroy commerce they will have to occasionally steam at much
greater speed than 10 to 12 knots, and it is safe to say that in time of
war they could not cover a greater distance than 12,000 miles without
replenishing their supply. This would mean an immediate return after
a cruise of 6,000 miles, as we have now no place to which they could go
away from our mainland, with a cei-tainty of getting the coal that is
absolutely necessary to their usefulness.

England does not need a coal capacity in any of her vessels greater
than will enable them to traverse 4,000 or 5,000 miles, as we have
seen that her coal depots are planted along the trade routes at dis-
tances of about 3,000 miles.

France, where she has important commercial interests, has similar
depots; so have Germany, Holland, and Spain.

Eussia is nearly as badly off as is the United States, but she has the
fortified depot of Vladivostock in Asiatic waters and has lately acquired
the use of French ports wherever she may need them. Even with these
advantitges she is furnishing herself with crusiers of great size, carry-
ing over 3,000 tons of coal.

We have neither the depots nor the cruisers of great coal endurance;
and the most rational mode of strengthening this very apparent weakness
would seem to be t'^ obtain coal depots, as the English do, and to begin
by accex)ting the most v^uable one of Hawaii*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 133

As an example on this point, no foreign armored ships have a greater
ml endurance than those of Italy, yet not one of these immense ships
can steam over 7,000 miles without replenishing its supply, and some
of them can not do so well.

As the distance from Italy to the coast of the United States is prac-
tically abont 5,000 miles, they would have a very brief period of use-
Mness after arrival on our coasts, in the absence of the bases possessed
byotiier Earox>ean powers, and would have to rely on supply cruisers
oTer a long line of communication, which could be cut off by cruisers,
io the absence of the most efficient patrol.

The same is qnitetrueof the United States or any other power which
mdertakes a naval expedition without a base, as no number of batteries
or battalions stationed on the mainland can secure the safety of the
seeded supplies while in transit, or the uselulness of a naval force at
tnj distance from a home port.

The development of foreign commerce is one, perhaps the principal,
irgoment advanced for the free-trade policy of the Democratic party,
^^e not agreeing with this policy, 1 am willing to agree that ocean
trade is an important source of prosperity to any nation. That of the
Paeific is jnst ox)ening on an era of activity which will be vastly aug-
B»ited»on the completion of an isthmus canal, and this trade belongs
to the United States, if we are wise enough to secure it.

Bat trfMle, to establish itself on a sound basis, must feel assured of
protection at all times, and know that it will not have to be abandoned
on the outbreak of every little war which may turn loose upon it a pack
of destroyers of insignificant strength, compelling it to lie idle with all
tbe capital involved until peace prevails again.

If the United States aim at commercial supremacy in the Pacific, its
trade must have such assurances, and a first necessity is the acquisi-
tjon of bases for the protectors. Not only Hawaii is needed, but Somoa
(distant 2«260 miles) ; a station atr the mouth of the canal (say, 4,200
ailes from Honolulu and 3,000 from San Francisco) ; and another at
the Straits of Magellan (distant 4,000 miles from the isthmus and 5,000
from Somoa). With these bases, a properly organized fleet of suffi-
cient size to keep the communications open between them, will hold
the Pacific as an American ocean, dominated by American commercial
enterprise for all time.

Now, the value of these islands to the United States for the reasons
I have stated has long been appreciated by American statesmen.

Minister Stevens, whatever attacks may be made upon him, is cer-
tainly an able, farsighted, and loyal American, and his letter of
KoTember 20, 1892, to Secretary Foster, on this subject, is well worthy
of perusal.

Minister McCook wrote in 1866 to Secretary Seward in regard to the
Sandwich Islands, in part, as follows:

"They are the resting place, supply depot, and reshipping point of
ill our American whaling fleet. The greater part of the agricultural,
(onmercia], and moneyed interests of the islands are in the hands of
American citizens. All vessels from our Paciflc coast to China pass
eio6e to these shores.

"Geographically these islands occupy the same important relative
position toward the Pacific that the Bermudas do toward the Atlantic
mstof the ITnited States, a position which makes them important to
te English, convenient to the French, and, in the event of war with
ci^ of those powers^ absolutely necessary to the United States.''

134 HAWAIUN IgLAKDB.

Minister Pierce, in 1871, wrote the following to Secretary Fish:

^< Impressed with the importance of the sabject now presented for
consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period
has Dot arrived makiug it proper, wise, aud sagacious for the United
States Government to again consider the project of annexing the
Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Bepublic. That such is to be
the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion
in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this
country, the United States, England, France, and Glermany.

^<A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of
this country, as I am credibly informed, are fokvorable, even anxious for
the consummation of the measure named.

^^The native population is fast disappearing. The number existing
is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased 'about 15,000 since the
census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000
and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own
more, than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agri-
culture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom.

*<I now proceed to state some points of a more general character
which should influence the United States Government in their decision
of the i)olicy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geograph-
ical position, occupying, as it does, an important central strategical
point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps necessary, to tiie
United States for a naval dex>ot and coaling station, and to shelter and
protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is des-
tined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000
population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humboldt predicted that
the commerce on the Pacific would in time rival that of the Atlantic.
A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled.

^^The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce
by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possession ot
Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that sufiered by the
English from French privateers from the Isle of France during tlie wars
between those two nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of
anticipating and preventing', if we can, similar evils that may issue from
these islands if held by other powers.

^^ Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and
soil, and tropical productions of sugar, cofi'ee, rice, fruits, hides, goat-
skins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required in the West, in exchange for
flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and
other articles, are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other
region. Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be
at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this
weak Kingdom in view of the great injury that could be done to our
commerce through their acquisition to themf

Secretary Fish, in a letter of instruction of March, 1873, used the fol-
lowing language :

^<The position of the Sandwich Islands as an outpost, fronting and
commanding the whole of our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, gives to
the future of those islands a peculiar interest to the Government and
people of the United States. It is very clear that this Government can
not be expected to assent to their transfer fr^m their present control to
that of any powerftd maritime or commercial nation. Such transfer to
a maritime power would threaten a military surveillance in the Pacific
similar to that wiiich Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic The latter

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 135

has been submitted to from necessity, inasmncli as it was congenital
with out' Government, bat we desire no additional similar outposts in
the hands of those who may at some future time use them to our dis-
advantage."

Gen. ^hofield, in May, 1873, under confidential instructions from the
Secretary of War, made a full rei)ort upon the value of Pearl Harbor
as a coaling and repair station, recommending its acquisition, and later
he appeared before a committee of the House of Bepresentatives to urge
the importance of some measure looking to the control of the Sandwich
Islands hy the United States.

Now, the desired and desirable opiK>rtunity has arrived. The Pro-
visional Goverment proposes a treaty of annexation, and the so-called
Qaeen i» ready to part with such rights as she has for a comparatively
small sum.

The whites of the island desire earnestly to join us, and the natives
certainly are not violently opposed.

This is shown by the fact that when the American fla^ was lowered
in Hawaii, by order of Commissioner Blount, although it created some
excitement in this country, it caused no rejoicing there, according to
Mr. Blount's report.
He says:

^'Inspired with such feelings, and confident no disorder would ^sue,
1 directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the Gov-
ernment building, and the return of the American troops to their ves-
sels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or
grief on the part of the populace."
Gapt'. Hooper says:

^^ There were no demonstrations of any kind as the American flag
came down, and not a single €heer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was
raised aloft. The native men stood around iu groups, or singly, smok-
mg and chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning
idly against the trees and fences, while the women and children, which
formed a large proi)ortion of the assemblage, were talking and laugh-
ing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag
approached, many people, men, women, and children could be seen
approaching the G<)vernment square in a most leisurely manner, and
showing more interest in the gala-day appearance of the crowd than
in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured indif-
ference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the pro-
ceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white or
bright-colored dresses was more suggestive of a country "fair" or
horse race than the sequel of a ^revolution.'"

Even the presence of the "armed forces" of the Provisional Govern-
ment, numbering, perhaps, 200, parading the corridors of the Govem-
Dent house, failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment.
Mr. John F. Colburn, one of the Queen's cabinet, in describing the
tevolution, says:

'*The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentle-
men was printed and posted and distribated all over town. Later on
in the day two mass meetings were held, one by the native element
and the other by the foreign element. At the former the natives
accepted the proclamation, though it was directly contrary to what
they wanted (a new constitutioii), and the latter denounced the Queen
and left ey^'jrytliins in the hands of the committee of safety spoken
ahmt»

136 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Golburn's remark that the natives accepted the proclamation, althot gh
it was directly contrary to what they wanted, is delicious.

There is no reason against annexation in the dissimilarity of laws,
as an official document issued by our War Department in February of
this year contains the following statement:

"The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a
supreme court of justice, ia^nd, in addition, circuit judges and justices
of the i>eace.''

On the authority of this book I also state that 91 per cent of the
trade of these islands is with the United States.

The former policy of our Government toward Hawaii and the antici-
pation of their eventual annexation is detailed in the report of Secre-
tary Foster, of February 15, 1893, from which I will read briefly.

[Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fiftj-Mcond Congress, second seesioii.]

"The policy of the United States has been consistently and con-
stantly declared against any foreign aggression in the Kingdom of
Hawaii inimical t<o the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the
American people there and the uniform contemplation of their annex-
ation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that
annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and
attempted as a fact. Such a solution was admitted as early a« 1850
by so farsighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recom-
mended to a visiting Hawaii<an commission the contingency of a pro-
tectorate under tbe United States, or of becoming an integral part of
this nation in fulfillment of a destiny due to close neighborhood and
commercial dependence upon the Pacific States.

'^ Early in 1851 a contingent deed of cession of the Kingdom was
drawn and signed ,by the King and placed sealed in the hands of the
commissioner of the United States, who was to open it and act upon
its provisions at the first hostile shot fired by France in subversion ot
Hawaiian independence.

"In 1854 Mr. Marcy aadvocated annexation, and a draft of a treaty
was actually agreed upon with the Hawaiian ministry, but its com-
pletion was delayed by the successful exercise of foreign influence
upon the heir to the throne, and finally defeated by the death of the King,
Kamehameha III.

"In 1867 Mr. Seward, having become advised of a strong annexa-
tion sentiment in the islands, instructed our minister at Honolulu
favorably to receive any native overtures for annexation. And on the
12th of September, 18G7, lie wrote to Mr. McOook that *if the policy
of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexa-
tion is in every case to be preferred.'

"President Johnson in his annual message of December 9, 1868,
regarded reciprocity with Hawaii as desirable 'until the people of the
island shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for
admission into the Union.'

"In 1871, on the 5th of April, President Grant, in a special message,
significantly solicited some expression of the views of the Senate
respecting the advisability of annexation.

"In an instruction of March 25, 1873, Mr. Fish considered the neces-
sity of annexing the islands in accordance with the wise foresight of
thoae who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the lim-
its of this nation, and that will require a resting spot in midocean

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 137

betv^n the Pacific coast and the vast domains of Asia, which are now
opeuiug to commerce and Christian civilization.' And he directed oar
minister not to discoarage the feeling which may exist in favor of
anDexation to the United States, but to s^ek and even invite infoima-
tioD teaching the terms and conditions npon which that object might
be effected.

'* Since the conclnsion of the reciprocity treaty of 1875 it has been
the obvious i)olicy of the succeeding administrations to assert and
defend against other jwwers the exclusive commercial rights of
the United States and to fortify the maintenance of the existing
Hawaiian Government through the direct support of the United States
ST) long as that Government shall prove able to protect our paramount^
lights and interests.

'*Ob December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine, in an instruction to the American
minister at Honolulu, wrote:

^•It (this Government) firmly believes that the position of the
Hawaiian Islands, as the key to the dominion of the American Pacific,
demands their benevolent neutrality, to which end it will earnestly
eooperate with the native Government. And if through any cause the
maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality should be
foand by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then
unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly
American solution of the grave issues presented."'

Now, a word as to the objections to annexation and I will close. I
know that a new line of thought has been developed among us, which
lean not better characterize than by calling it a system of national
sdfabnegatiou.

If any i)olicy can be shown to be for the special advantage of the
United States gentlemen holding these views oppose it.

If Hawaii is valuable to us there will be so much the more generosity
in presenting it to England.

If our business has been more prosperous, and our labor better paid
than eLsewhere, they think this is not fair to the rest of the world, and
advocate a reduction of the tarifi' to equalize conditions.

I do not address myself to gentlemen holding such views, as I can
not understand their position nor they mine.

From my own standpoint I have heard only one objection to the
pdicy of annexation that seemed to me to have substantial weight. It
is that the population of the Sandwich Islands are in gi^eat part unfit
tor American citizenship. This may be true, but in that case we can
a&nex it as a part of one of our present States, or maintain a territo-
rial government until they are fitted, as we are doing in the case of
Alaska, and as we have done heretofore with other annexations.

The fear of annexing these small islands, which we so much need,
<» grounds ofopx)ositionto territorial expansion, seems peculiar, almost
ateurd, in a country more than three-quarters of whose territory comes
from annexations by purchase or otherwise.

Square miles.

la 1783 our territory amounted to 827,844

IVs Ixiaisiana parcha«e added 1, 179, 931

Flsfida aiided 59,268

Tosi added 376,133

IWHezittan cessioD, California, etc 545,783

5* Gadsden purchase 45, 535

TW Alaska purchase 577,390

Vakiag % total of 3,e03,S8i

138 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

After assimilating all this territory wc ought not tc be afraid of
6,000 square miles more.

To summarize: These islands will not only be valuable to as, but
their possession is a commercial and naval necessity. They are offered
to us by both of the parties who claim to be entitled to their controL
If we do not accept, their incorporation by one of the European powers
is likely, and they will be a menace to our Pacific coast from that time
forward.

As Americans, actuated by the desire to advance our country's inter-
ests, we shall never have a greater opportunity than the present one,
and I sincerely hope we shaU take advantage of it.

XV. Also the FOLLowTNa bxtbact prom an abtiole, pub-

LISHED in harper's MAGAZINE FOR SEPTEMBER, 1883, PREPARED
BT MR. MARSHALL, A SPECIAL ENVOY OF KAMEHAMEHA IH TO
THE UNITED STATES AND ENGLAND, TO ARRANGE FOR THE REVO-
CATION OF THE ACTS OF LORD GEORGE PAULET IN OCCUPYING
HAWAn AS TERRITORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

AN UNPUBLISHED CHAPTER OP HAVV^AIIAN HISTORY.

« From 1838 till 1843 the Hawaiian Islands were a bone of conten-
tion. Intrigues were constantly set on foot by agents and subjects of
France and England, having for their object the subversion of the
native Government and the seizure of the islands. In 1839 the French
compelled the King, Kamehameha III, to comply with certain unwar-
rantable demands, and as a security for future good behavior to deposit
920,000. It was thought that the demand was made in expectation
that the King would be unable to comply, and that thus the French
would have an excuse to seize the groux)s. The American merchants
came forward and raised the sum, and the peril was for a time averted.

^^But the plots continued, and in 1842 the British consul, Bichard
Gharleton, a coarse and illiterate man, incited by an ambitious adven-
turer, one Alexander Simpson, endeavored to involve the native Gov-
ernment in difficulties that would result in hoisting the British flag over
the group. In the same year Sir George Simpson, governor of the
Hudson Bay Company's territories, visited the islands. An English
gentleman of liberal views, he would not lend himself to the intrigues
of his countrymen, albeit one of them was his nephew, and by his advice
the King, harassed on all sides, decided to send commissioners to the
United States, Fnglaud. and France to try to obtain, if possible, a defi-
nite acknowledgment of his Kingdom and sovereignty.

"To this important embassy were appointed Eev. William Eichards,
formerly one of the American missionaries, but who had been for some
time acting as adviser to the King, and Haalileo, a native chief. They
quietly embarked in a small schooner for Mazatlan, and crossed Mex-
ico to Vera Cruz. As soon as it was known that they had left the
islands on this mission the British consul, Gharleton, also secretly
embarked for London, via Mexico, to lay his complaints before the
British Government, leaving Simpson as deputy to carry out their joint
designs, whom, however, the Hawaiian Government declined to
recognize.

"On the Mexican coast Gharleton fell in with Lord George Paulet,
commanding Her British Majesty's frigate, the Carysforty and made his
lordship, as his course afterward showed, a convert to his schemes,
and, by his formal and plausable complaints against the King, induced

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 139

Retf- Admiral Thomas, commaDding the British sqiladron on that sta-
tioii, to order the Carysfort to Honolulu lor the purpose of invebtigating
thiB alleged grievances.

''On his arrivsJ Lord Paulet, a hot-headed young nobleman, readily
lent himself to the designs of Simpson, without inquiring into the
merits of the ease, dazzled by the idea of so early in his career making
a brilliant stroke for his country, and extending her drumbeat round
the world by one more station. Making outrageous demands upon the
King, at the cannon's mouth, compliance with which he knew would be
impossible, be required, as an alternative, the immediate cession of the
CDgdom to England, or he would ox>en nre upon the city and declare
Tar in the name of Great Britain.

''In this terrible crisis the proclamation issued by this native King
to his people is so touching and so king- like that I will quote it here:

^ 'Where are yon, chiefs, people, and commons from my ancestors,
and people from foreign lands t

^ ' Hear ye ! I make known to you that I am in perplexity by reason
of difficulties into which I have been brought without cause, therefore
lliave given away the life of our land. Hear ye! but my rule over
joa. my ]>eople, and your privileges will continue, for I have hox>e
^tUie life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified.

"<' Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843.

^^ < Kamehameha IIL
" * Kbkauluohi.'

^Lord Panlet took formal possession of the islands, installing himself
as governor of Her Msyesty's new dominion, destroyed every Hawaiian
flag he conld get hold of, and placed an embargo on every native vessel,
10 that no one could go out and carry the news.

"An American man-of-war, the Boston^ Gapt. Long, had come in a
ftir days before the cession. Gapt. Quackenbush, late of Norfolk, Ya.,
vas then a midshipman on board of her. The Americans were very
indignant. They had their guns double-shotted in hopes of an oppor-
tonity to interfere, but, being on a cruise, could not go out of their way
to carry the news, and could only remain neutral.

''Lord Paulet would thus have cruelly prevented the King from
eomrannicating with his ambassadors, who were abroad successfully
working for the acknowledgment of his independence, hoping to com-
■it the home Government to an acceptance of this ' voluntary ' cession
at the cannon's mouth before the other side of the story could be pre-
amted to it. His young lordship and Simpson chuckled over the suc-
cess of tJie stroke by which they had, as they supposed, closed every
sftraae of egress for Hawaiian vessels, and secured the arrival of their
own dispatches in England in advance of every other version of the
Btoy. Vaoikee shrewdness was, however, too much for his lordship's
piaiiiL

*^It happened that the King had chartered his own yacht, HoiJcaiJca
(Swift Banner), previously to the cession, to an American house for a
voyage to Mazatland and back. Lord Paulet, anxious to get posses-
ion of the only creditable crafb at the islands, in order to send Simp-
aoD as his bearer of dispatches to England by the speediest way, and
beinf prevented, by its charter, from seizing the vessel without the con-
Mat of the American house, offered, in case they would relinquish
tibeir charter^ to allow them to send an agent on the ship to attend to
tto bnsisess on the coast, and to bring down any freight on the
ntnn trip tfaar^by saying them the whole expense of the (^larter.

140 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

"It mast be remwribered that in those days communication between
the islands of the Pacific and the coast Tvas very infrequent, depending
on merchant ships that came from Boston twice a year, except for
occasional chance vessels.

"Lord Paulet rightly conjectured that the Yankee merchants would
jump at the offer to have all their business transacted at his expense^
but he little dreamed of all the use that might be made of the oppor-
tunity he was giving them.

"The officers of the Boston, who would have been glad of an excuse
for a forcible interference with his lordship's plans, not being allowed
that pleasure, consoled themselves by giving a ball on board, to which
the officers of the Carysfort were not invited.

"I was then a young merchant in Honolulu, and attended the ball
with many other of the American residents. At its height I was
quietly invited Into the cabin of the J5o«^on, where I found Capt. Long,
Dr. Judd, previously a prominent American missionary, then acting as
the King's minister, and other influential citizens and warm friends of
the King. Here I was told of the King's desire to send an envoy to
England to present his protest against Lord Paulet's act of violence,
and his answer to the charges against him, and to demand the restitu-
tion of his sovereignty. I was informed also of the opportunity offered
to the Arm of Ladd & Go. of sending a messenger to the coast in the
yacht.

" Ladd & Co., who were warm friends of the island Government, had
proposed that the King should send a secret ambassador, in the
character of their commercial agent, thus turning Lord Poulet's master-
stroke against himself in the neatest possible way.

" I was asked if I would go in this double capacity of ostensible super-
cargo and actual minister plenipotentiary.

"Mr. Charles Brewer, who was one of the council, a noble-hearted
man, with whom I was about associating myself in business — now
enjoying a green old age in Boston — not only gave consent to my
going, but agreed to advance for the King the necessary funds, and
take his pay in fire-wood, all of the King's other revenues having been
cut off.

" I readily accepted the commission. No time was to be lost. Lord
Poulet had rechristened the Haikaika as *Her Majesty's tender Albert,^
and was fitting her out with all possible dispatch.

" The King and his premier, a princess almost equal in rank, without
whose signature none of his acts was valid, had left the island of Oahu
immediately upon the cession, and in sullen dignity of despair buried
themselves among the mountains of the adjacent island of Maui, leaving
Dr. Judd, his minister, to represent and protect his interests — a man
of indomitable courage, unusual ability, and unflinching devotion to
his sovereign.

" Those happy isles in that day did not boast a lawyer. My creden-
tials were copied verbatim, except necessary variations, from the old
Blue Book containing the credentials of John Adams as the first Amer-
ican minister to England. Mine were a commission as envoy extraor-
dinary and minister plentipotentiary to the court of St. James from the
native King of the Hawaiian Islands," the title Kamehameha was
allowed by Lord Paulet to retain, with some half dozen other blank
commissions signed by the King and premier, to be filled out by myself
for other countries as occasion might require. These were rendered
necessary by the unc^tainty of my finding the King's other ambaasa*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 141

docs, Haalileo and Bichards, with whom, in case I did find them, I
vas to associate myself. *

'^The pax>er8 were drawn np by Br. Jndd and a confidential clerk at
midnight, in the royal tomb in Honolulu, with a king's coffin for a table.
So secret was it necessary to keep the transaction that even this clerk
was not trusted with the name of the ambassador, which was left to be
inserted by myself after I had sailed. The papers prepared, a canoe
vith picked crew of Kanakas was dispatched from a distant point of
the island to summon His Majesty and his suite to a midnight council.
Crossing the boisterous channel in this frail conveyance, they landed at
midnight on the shores of Waikiki, a suburb of Honolulu, and in its
coeoanut grove my credentials received the signature and seal of the
king and his Kuhinanui — ^' great minister " — Kekauluohi, the " Bi^-
monthed Queen." Then the King and his attendants returned to their
mountains without Lord Paulet having a suspicion that they had ever
kit them.

'^The American consul at Honolulu took advantage of the oppor-
tunity also to make me the bearer of his dispatches to Washington,
vith details of the cession, which would, of course, have momentous
interest to the American Government, and the protest of the Ameri-
can residents against the act of Lord Paulet."

m. Also tub following bxteacts from the history of the

HAWAIIAN ISLAia>S, BY JA3MCBS JACKSON JARVES, PUBLISHED IN
1846.

"The chdefs, fully sensible of their political wants, sent, by Mr. Eich-
ards, in 1836, to the United States to procure a suitable person to fill
^e situation of legal adviser and teacher in the new policy circum-
stances were forcing upon them. In this way they were backed by
ihe opinion of the mission^ who, desirous of preserving themselves
from the responsibility, would gladly have seen it in able and disinter-
ested hands. The wants of the chiefs were fully appreciated by the
American board, but nothing was effected. Individuals of talent, by
the time they have acquired the experience suitable for such a post,
which in its real eifect would have been equivalent to the supreme
direction of public affairs, generally have fixed themselves in perhianent
relations at home.

" With all the modern favor in the cause of missions, and the very
nany excellent discourses yearly uttered from pulpits, we rarely see
e&tire disinterestedness manifested in the middle-aged — those who have
known the world and tasted its goods, however prepared they may be
by those very qualifications for the posts they so industriously urge
upon others. The path of novelty, enterprise, and benevolence is rarely
ifled by any except the young and enthusiastic. That the chiefs, rely-
ing on the philanthropy of any experienced public man to have com-
plied with their request, should have failed is what might reasonably
luve been anticipated. A young man, ambitious of the influence if
not of the actual power of a Peter the Great or an Alfred, on a petty
scale, might readily have been found, but the chiefs were suspicious of
yofith. Desiring age and experience, they should have offered a salary
equivalent to some of the highest posts in the United States. On such
a eoDtiDgency few objections would have been found unanswerable.
The path of duty would have been opened to many blind to all other
considerations. This is human nature, as we see it in the pulpit and
on the bench. In every position it requires its motive power.

"It is said that the honorable Theo. L. Frelingshuysen was invited

142 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

to become the adviser of the chiefs, bnt declined. At all events, Mr.
Bichards was wholly ansaccessful. On his return, the position of the
chiefs being none the less embarrassing, compelled them to apply to the
mission for aid. Without any definite action of their body, they com*
menced that system which by the natural course of events has led to
the direct employment of several of their number — ^having first been
disconnected irom their ranks — ^in the service of the Government. For-
eigners were required in public afiiairs. The chiefs chose those on whom
they could most rely, and whatever may have been their errors of judg-
ment, the result has shown that they were not mistaken in relying upon
their zeal and fidelity: and it may be w^ll be doubted whether, at that
time, the Kingdom furnished men more suitable, from knowledge and
experience with the people and foreigners to administer to its wants.
The history of the policy they adopt^ will be traced to the period of
its present development.

^* The mission and their seceders were united in their views to build
up a nation of Hawaiians distinct from all foreign influence. The fol-
lowing resolutions, taken from the missionary minutes for 1838, show
the just views entertained at this date:

<< ^l8t Resolved, That though the system of government in the Sand-
wich Islands has, since the commencement of the reign of liholiho,
been greatly improved through the influence of Christianity, and the
introduction of written and printed laws and the salutary agency of
Christian chiefs has proved a great blessing to the people; still, the
system is so very imperfect for t'^e management of the affairs of a civil-
ized and virtuous nation as to render it of great importance that cor-
rect views of the rights and duties of rulers and subjects, and of the
principles of jurisprudence and political economy, should be held up
before the King and the members of the national counciL

<^ < M Resolved J That it is the duty of the missionaries to teach the
doctrine that rulers should be just, ruling in the fear of Ood, seeking
the best good of their nation, demanding no more of subjects, as such,
than the various ends of the Government may justly require; and if
church members among them violate the commands of God they
should be admonished with the same faithfulness and tenderness in
their dependents.

" ^3rd Resolved, That rulers in jwwer are so by the province of God,
and in an imx>ortent sense by the will or consent of the people, and
ought not to resign or shrink from the cares and responsibilities of
their offices; therefore, teachers of religion ought carefully to guard
the subjects against contempt for the authority of their rulers, or any
evasion or resistance of government orders, unless they plainly set at
defiance the commands of God.

<^ ^4th Resolved, That the resources of the nation are at is own di8x>osal
for its defense, improvement, and perfection, and subjects ought to be
taught to feel that a portion of their time and services, their property
or earnings, may rightfrdly be required by the sovereign or nationsJ
council for the support of government in all its branches and depart-
ments, and that it is a Christian duty to render honor, obedience, fear,
custom, and tribute to whom they are due, as taught in the 13th of
Bomans, and that the sin of disloyalty, which tends to confhsion, anar-
chy, and ruin, deserves reproof as really and as promptly as that of
injustice on the part of rulers or any other violation of the commands
of God.'

" ^5th Resolved, That rulers should be allowed to do what they will
with their own, or with what they have a right to demand; we ought

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 143

to eaooniage the secarity of the right of snbjects also to do what they
will with their own, provided they render to Gsesar his due.'

^^ 6th Resolved J That rulers ought to be prompted to direct their
effortB to the xx'omotion of general intelligence and virtue as a grand
seuis of removing the existing evils of the system, gradually defining
ind limiting by equitable laws the rights and duties of all classes,
tikat thus by improving rather than revolutionizing the Oovemment,
ite administration may become abundantly salutary, and the heredi-
tiffy rulers receive no detriment but corresponding advantage.'

"'•Tth Beaolvedj Thatto remove the improvidence and imbecility of the
people, and promote the industry, wealth, and happiness of the nation,
it is the duty of the mission to urge mainly the motives of loyalty,
patriotism, social kindness, and general benevolence; but, while on
the one hand he should not condemn their artificial wants, ancient or
modern, because they depend on fancy, or a taste not refined, he
i^odd, on the other, endeavor to encourage and multiply such as
win enlist their energies, call forth ingenuity, enterprise, and patient
industry, and give scoi>e for enlarged plans of profitable exertion,
¥kich, if well directed, would clothe the population in beautiful cot-
toDB, fine linen, and silk, and their arable fields with rich and various
poduetions soited to the climate; would adorn the land with numer-
ous comfortable, substantial habitations, made pleasant by elegant
faniitore, c^sibinets, and libraries; with permanent and well endowed
school houses and seminaries, large, commodious, and durable churches,
and their seas and harbors with ships owned by natives sufficient to
export to other countries annually the surplus products of their soil,
which may, at no very distant period, amount to millions.

^^8th Besolvedy That we deem it proper for members of this mission
to devote a portion of their time to instructing the natives into the
bi^ method of cultivating their lands, and of raising flocks and herds,
aad of taming the various products of the country to the best advan-
tage for tiie maintenance of their families, the support of government
a^ of schools, and the institutions of the gospel and its ministers,
« borne and abroad.'"

^Mr. Richards entered upon his official duties by delivering to the
da^ a coarse of lectures on political economy and the general science
ef government. From the ideas thus derived, based ux)on their old
ferms, a constitution was drawn up. Although greatly limiting their
power, the chiefs passed it unanimously.

^The laws of the Elingdom were carefully revised and published. In
eofliparison with the past the progress of the nation was now rapid.
The hberal policy of other nations, and whatever of their forms could
with propriety be here transplanted, were embodied in the new
statutes, bat on a scale commensurate with the feebleness of youth of
. the people. The penal code was greatly improved: primary and courts
of app^ established; the Jury system adopted. Provision was made
for & more regular enforcement of debt — ^transmission of property,
property in trust, interest in accounts, in short sufficient was done
greatly to benefit the position of natives and foreigners. Taxation was
nedered more equal and lighter. Encouragement was profiered to
tndnstry and to the increase of x>opulation. An enlightened public-
fn^oA system was organized. Their laws, imperfect as they may seem
to the critical eyes of a superior civilization, were yet in advance of the
peoi^ But wherever they were allowed to operate fairly and system-
itically aach ^ood was effected, and they served to prepare the way
lor more important changes.

144 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

" The people were thoroughly convinced that the immunity once claimed
by chiefs for crimes of their own was at an end by an impartial trial by
jury of one of that class in 1840 for the murder of his wife. He, with
an accomplice, were both brought in guilty, and suffered the full
penalty of the law, death by hanging. The foreigners also began to
see that there was some virtue in the courts by a fine imposed upon
the English consul for riotous conduct"

"On his way to England Mr. Charlton had fallen in with Lord George
Faulet, commanding H. B. M. frigate Carysfort^ and by his represent
tions interested his lordship in his views. Simpson had also sent
dispatches to the coast of Mexico, which induced Eear- Admiral Thomas
to order the Carysfort to Honolulu for the purpose of inquiring into
the matter. She arrived on the 10th of February, 1843, before the sale of
Charlton's property had taken place. Simpson immediately went on
board to concert measures with Lord George, who, from his entire acqui-
escence in his plans, appears to have been wholly won over at this inter-
view to sustain them. The authorities on shore suspected there was
no Mendly feeling from the withholding the usual salutes. Mr. Judd,
on behalf of the Government, made an official call on board', but was
informed he could not be received. Visits from the French and United
States consuls were similarly declined. Capt. Paulet addressed the
governor, informing him that he wished to confer with the King, who
was then absent.

^^ The King arrived from Maui on the 16th, and on the next day
received the following letter and demands from Lord George Paulet:

"<H. B. M.'s Ship Carysfoet,

" ' OaJiu, inn February^ 1843.

"*SlB: In answer to your letter of this day's date, which I have too
good an opinion of Your Majesty to allow me to believe ever emanated
from yourself, but from your ill-advisers, I have to state that I shall
hold no communication whatever with Dr. G. P. Judd, who, it has
been satisfactorily proved to me, has been the Punic mover in the
unlawful proceedings of your Government against British subjects.

"*As you have refused me a personal interview I inclose you the
demands which I consider it my duty to make upon your Government,
with which I demand a compliance at or before 4 o'clock p. m. to-mor-
row, Saturday; otherwise I shall be obliged to take immediate coercive
steps to obtain these measures for my countrymen.

" ' I have the honor to be, your Majesty's most obedient, humble serv-
ant,

"< George Paulet,

"*His Majesty Kamehameha III.

" ^Demands made by the Bight Honorable Lord Oeorge PauUtj captain^
royal navy^ commanding jff. B. M^s, ship Garysfortj upon the King oj
the Sandwich Islands,

" * First. The immediate removal, by public advertisement, written in
the native and English languages, and signed by the governor of this
island and F. W. Thompson, of the attachment placed ui)on Mr. Charl-
ton's property; the restoration of the land taken by Government for
its own use, and really appertaining to Mr. Charlton; and reparation
or the hea^ loss to which Mr. Charlton's representatives have been

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 145

exposed by the oppressive and unjust proceedings of the Sandwich
Islands Government.

*'* Second. The immediate acknowledgment of the right of Mr. Simp-
fion to perform the functions delegated to him by Mr. Charlton, namely,
those of Her Britannic Majesty^s acting consul, until Her Majesty's
pleasure be known upon the reasonableness of your objections to him.
The acknowledgment of that right and the reparation tor the insult
offoed to Her Majesty, through her acting representative, to be made
hy a public reception of his commission and the saluting the British
Hg with twenty-one guns, which number will be returned by Her
Britannic Majesty's ship under my command.

^^ Third. A guaranty that no British subject shall in future be sub-
jeeted to imprisonment in fetters, unless he is accused of a crime which,
by the laws of England, would be considered felony.

"* Fourth. The compliance with a written promise given by King
Kamebameha to Gapt. Jones, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Curocoa^
ftat anew and fair trial would be granted in a case brought by Henry
Skinner, which promise has been evaded.

^ ' Fifth. The immediate adoption of firm steps to arrange the matters
in i»pate between British subjects and natives of the country, or
odiers residing here, by referring these cases to juries, one-half of whom
shall be British subjects, approved by the consul, and all of whom
shall declare on oath their freedom from prejudgment upon or interest
in the cases brought before them.

^^ Sixth. A direct communication between His Majesty, Kamehameha,
»d Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul for the immediate settlement
of all cases of grievances and complaint on the part of British subjects
against the Sandwich Island Oovemment.

"*Dated on board Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysforty at Oahu,
this 17th day of February, 1843.

' "«Geoegb Paulet,

" ' Captain.^

"Capt. Long, of the U. S. S. Boston^ then in port, was informed, by
letter, at midnight, of the anticipated attack of the British commander.
In tiie morning the Carysfort was cleared for action, springs put on her
eables, and her battery brought to bear upon the town. The English
Cunihes embarked for security on board a brig in the outer roads.
The Americans and other foreigners, having but short notice, placed
thdr funds and pax)ers on board the Boston and other vessels, intending
to retreat to them with their families in case of actual hostilities. The
town was in a state of great excitement. The dispositions of the chiefs
were uncertain, and it was feared that the rabble, taking advantage of
tJie confdsion, might pillage the place. Excited by the gross injustice
of the demands, the first impulse of the King and his council, in which
they were sustained by the indignant feeling of the entire foreign popu-
lation excepting the few who sided with Simpson, were tor energetic
measures. Arms were procured and bodies of men began to assemble.

^The common natives, unconscious of the fatal effects of disciplined
fi^mmeryy ardently desired to fight the ship. Some supposed they
might overpower her crew by numbers in boarding. But peaceful coun-
cils at last prevailed. It is m such emergencies that the real influence
of the missionaries becomes apparent. The natural desire of chiefs
uid foreigners was to resist at all hazards; but the entire indoctrina-
tion of tl^ mission, animated by the peaceful principles of the gospel,
bad bec«i of that nature that depends more upon the sword o{ tk^

a Bvp. 227 10

14G, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

spirit than the arm of flesh. Desirous of avoiding the nnhappy
consequences of strife and bloodshed, and relying, through providence,
on the justice of the nation's cause, and the magnanimity of the Queen
of Great Britain, they counseled peace. Shortly before the hour of
commencing hostilities had arrived, the King dispatched a letter to
the Carysportj informing Lord George Paalet that he yielded to his
demands, under protest, and had appointed Sir George Simpson and
William Kichards as his commissioners to the court of Great Britain
to settle the pending difficulties.

"His Majesty appointed February 20 at 11 o'clock a. m., to receive
Lord George and the vice-consul. On the same day that the King
notified Lord of his acquiescence to his demands, in conjunction with
the premier he protested against his acts in these words:

"^We, Kamehameha 111, King of all the Sandwich Islands, and
Kekauluohi, premier thereof, in accordance with the laws of nations
and the rights of all aggrieved sovereigns and individuals, do hereby
enter our solemn act of protest before God, the world, and before the
Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, Queen of the
United Blingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland :

" 'Against the Eight Hon. Lord George Paulet, captain of Her British
Majesty's ship Caryafort^ now lying in the harbor of Honolulu, for all
losses and damages which may accrue to us and to the citizens of other
countries residing under our dominion and sovereignty, in consequence
of the unjust demands made upon us this day by the said Eight Hon.
Lord George Paulet, enforced by a threat of coercive measures and an
attack upon our town of Honolulu in case of noncompliance with the
same within a period of nineteen hours, thereby interfering with our
laws, endangering the good order of society, and requiring of us what
no power has a right to exact of another with whom they are on terms
of peace and amity.

***And we do solemnly protest and declare that we, the sovereign
authority of these islands, are injured, grieved, abused, and damaged
by this act of the said Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, and we hereby
enter our solemn appeal unto the Government of Her Most Gracious
Majesty, represented by him, for redress, for justification, and for repay-
ment of all said losses, damages, and payments which may in conse-
quence accrue unto us, or unto the citizens of other countries living
under our jurisdiction.'

" 'On the 20th the King and premier visited the Carysfoot and were
received with royal honors. This courtesy, however, was but a prelude
to a further series of demands rendered necessary to accomplish Simp-
son's aim, by the unexpected compliance of the King with the first.
These were brought forward at an interview on the following day. The
total amount demanded in money was $117,330.89. The character of
these claims, and the object of the parties, may be gathered from a
brief notice of the first brought forward. This was in favor of a Mr.
Skinner, a connection of Mr. Charlton's. Indemnification to the
amount of $3,000 was demanded for him on the alleged ground of hav-
ing lost the interest and profits on $10,000 unemployed for four months,
which he had reserved to purchase the property of Mr. Charlton, if
sold on execution. The arrival of the Carysfoot had stopped the sale,
and he had lost the opportunity of thus employing his funds.' (pp.
161, 162, and 163.)

"^24th. — A meeting having been arranged for 10 o'clock a. m., the
King requested me to visit Lord George and say to him that he could
bear this course no longer; he would give up and let them do as they

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 147

pkMed, etc I accordingly met Lord George and Simpson in the
street, coming to the meeting; said I had a message from the King,
that he was sick. I went with them to the consular office, where I was
left alone with Simpson. I said, the King feels himself oppressed,
broken down, ruined, and, to ase his own expression, a dead man; that
he had been np all night and was sick; that he had determined to give
ap; that if he, Simpson, persisted in his present course ruin would
follow; that the King could not undo by his own act the action of the
eoorts and enforce these claims without time to modify the laws. I
begged him to desist and give time to modify the laws and act with
oonsistency. He would allow juries to be composed of half English in
case their interests were concerned.

" ' The Dominis case had been disposed of according to the Bang's'
written promise to Oapt. Jones. Moreover, since that time, the
parties had settled by amicable arbitration. That to require all the
late decisions of the legally organized courts to be set aside by the act
of the King would be illegal and oppressive on the part of Mr. Simp-
80D, and decidedly oppressive on the part of the King, and would
justly involve him both with Americans and French, etc. Simp-
son replied that the English had been treated harshly, and conse-
quently the Government must suffer. His course could not be altered.
"^Went with Lord George and Simpson to the council; acted as
spokesman. Eeiterated the above, and added the King was determined
to hold out no longer; do what you like, take the islands, but do not
force him to acts of injustice; it would be cruel in the extreme, better
take all. Lord George replied that his demands were not unjust; he
acted on the best information and testimony. I said, I know that you
think so but I assure you that such is not the opinion of the Govern-
ment The King remarked that he did not think that his Government
had done wrong. I said, we must be heard; your information is incor-
rect; we appeal to Great Britain; take the islands, we will yet have
justice. Lord George replied that he did not come to take the islands.
I said, you had better do it than pursue these subjects further in this
manner. He or Simpson said that they could only act on a request of
the King, and it must be in writing. Said I, let all proceedings be
stopped; let the Government have time to reflect, and I think they will
come to the conclusion that it is better for you to take the Government
of the islands than to go any further. But we must have time; you
dme the King to distraction, and I fear that he will cede the islands
to France, as he has been invited to do. Simpson said he would not
allow much delay. Lord George said, two or three days and no more,
Simpson said, to-morrow noon, and if it was not done, he should expect
the Dominis case to be tried on Saturday. I observed that the time
was too short; Monday then at the furthest. We went into certain
explanations as to manner of doing the thing, and I wrote down in
poidl the following:

^^'In consequence of the difi&culties in which the Sandwich Islands
are involved, and the impossibility of complying with the demands made
by Her Britannic Majesty's representative in the form in which they
ue presented, we cede [the Government of] our islands to Lord George
Paolet, etc., for the time being, subject to any arrangements that
iDay have beeii entered into with the Government of Great Britain, and
QntQ inteihgence shall have been received, and in case no arrangement
shall have been made previous to date, subject to the decision of Her
^esty's Government on conference with the ministers of the Sand-
^ Xslaods Government, after a full report of our affairs shal\\ia\^

148 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

been represented to Oreat Britain; and in case the ministers are
rejected by Her Britannic M%>e8tyy then subject to au^ arrangements
which may be entered into.

^< ^ Simpson took the paper and walked in the veranda with Lord
George,.and, retaming, said that would do; he would make a copy with
very few verbal alterations.

^^ < It was arranged that the chiefs should have an opportunity to
consider these things, and an answer to be given to-morrow noon. Lord
G^rge and Simpson left. King and Auhea sat with astonishment and
misery. Discussed awhile in council, when I left them in order to cake
some refreshment. When I returned I found them anxious to gain
further information. The subject of ceding to France and the United
States was a ray of hope which seemed to gleam across their dark i>ath,
but Uiey foresaw that under such circumstances they would still have
this 'fury — Simpson — to deal with until the French took possession,
and he would doubtless involve them in more trouble, and their cause
become too bad to admit of justification. France is still acting a hos-
tile part towards them. Charlton and Simpson are their enemies, but
England is their friend.

<^<To England they look up with the most filial affections. France
is picking a quarrel with them now^ and complaints are now in existence
which wUl make more trouble. If the claims of Simpson are allowed
the laws will suffer and the nation be^weakened so much that France
wiU leave them nothing. England can defend them from France, and
to cede to France would be to say England had no right here, which is
to the Government more than doubtful, reckoning right as the nations
do. This might be considered an act of treachery.

*< <May be that their independence is secured already. If so, a forcible
possession on the part of either would annul it. A cession would not
if made with provisos.

^< In the evening I went for Lord George, who, together with Simpson
and Dr. Booke, came. Begulated a few points respecting the course he
should pursue in case he took possession. Informed them that we should
take every possible step to justify the Government and get back the
islands, and he demanded a pledge that such exertions be not considered
an act of hostility to them.

^^<It was agreed that a decision should be made by 12 o'clock on the
25th.. Lord George went away. Every possible view of the case was
taken up by the council, and the result seemed to be to give up the islands
on the terms proposed.

^'^25th. The King sent for me before breakfast Wished to know
what I thought of the old proposition of ceding to France and the
United States. I said I feared it would involve the Government in
great trouble. The French admiral would soon be here and take pos-
session, which would excite hostility between Catholics and Protes-
tants; meanwhile Simpson would continue his course of conduct, and
the difficulties would become Inextricable. Give yourself into the arms
of Great Britain, trust to the generosity of that great and good nation,
you may have the benefit of the intervention of France, for the adjust-
ment of difficulties and the security of your independence. Let them
take possession, and then you can represent your case in full. Lord
George called. I informed him that the matter was nearly decided.
One of the propositions that came from me was waived, viz, that a
commission be appointed to adjust the claims of Biitish subjects.

^^ 'Dudoit called and many others. Every argument used to induce
the £ing to cede ta Fxanoe itnd the United States, But down to put

HAWAIIAN ISLANDd. 149

{he docaments into form. The Eang proposed to make a speech. I
wd thejr" could make that out among themselves, which they did.
Deed of cession being ready, the chiefs came in and it was read. Sorrow
and distress marked every coantenance. I was asked to pray. Daring
prayer sighs suppressed were often heard. I committed the case to
God, imploring His blessing on the step aboat to be taken as the only
peaceftil alternative for the nation, etc. When I rose not an individual
1^ his knees tor a full minute, and then 1 saw that tears had come to their
relief. They sat in silence for a moment when the King arose, and with
a firm step seized a pen and subscribed his name. ^^ Let it go," said he,
" if I get help I get it, if not, let it go ; I can do no more." The premier
then fuided her signatore.' (Extract from a jouraal kept by Mr. Judd,
who was minister of the King to conduct negotiations with Lord Oeorge
Paalet, pp. 164, 165, and 166.)

^'Having decided upon a provisional cession of his dominions to Oreat
Britain, the King announced the event to his snbjects in a touching
proclamation :

<< < Where are you, chiefs, people, and conunons from my ancestors, and
people from foreign lands f

^^* Hear ye ! I make known to yon that I am in perplexity by reason
of difficulties into which I have been broaght without cause; there-
fore, I have given away the life of our land, hear ye!. But my rnle
over you, my people, and your privileges, will continue, for I have hope
that the life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified.

^<Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843.

<^ KAMEH AMKHA IIL

"Kbkauluoki.'

^ On the 28th of November, the Hawaiian commissioners obtained
liom the governments of France and England a joint declaration to
the effect that —

<^ ^ Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into con-
sideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capa-
ble of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations,
have thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the Sandwich
Idands as an independent state, and never to take possession, lueither
directly nor under the title of protectorate, nor under any other form,
of any part of the territory of which they are composed.

^< The undersigned, Her Majesty's principal secretary of state forforr
og;n affairs, and the ambassador extraordinary of His Majesty the
Emg of the French at the court of Loudon, being fhmished with the
necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said majes-
ties take reciprocally that engagement.

^^'In witness whereof the undersigned have signed the present decla-
ration, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.

^^Done in duplicate, at London, the 28th day of November, in the
year of our Lord 1843.

" ^Abebdeen. [li. s.
"^St. Aulaibb. [l. s.

'' This solemn engagement on the partof these two powers was the final
act by which the Kingdom of Hawaii was admitted within the pale of
civilized nations."

^'So measore tends more to consolidate and render a nation pro&^ec*

160 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

ous and respectable than a sound and judicious code of laws. The
chiefs were early aware of their deficiency, and as soon as their new
legislative forms came into operation proposed to execute the task;
under any circumstances a difficult one; but in those of their Kingdom
doubly so from the mixed population, foreign and native, that they
were called to govern^ The first volume of statute laws was issued in
1846.

^'The departments are subdivided into numerous bureaus, compris-
ing the duties enumerated under their several heads. By this system
the business of government and its machinery have become methodized
on a simple and not expensive scale, for although the subdivisions are
numerous, yet one clerk suffices for many. The judiciary act and the
criminal code, on the new basis, are not yet completed. As in every
other step forward which the Hawaiian nation has taken, unwar-
rantable abuse and unreasonable cavil have been showered upon it for
this, chiefly upon the specious pretense that the system was too cum-
bersome and altogether beyond its growth. An impartial examination
will doubtless detect points which can be amended with benefit; this
is to be expected, and the intention of the Legislature is rather experi-
mentative than final, to feel their way as it were to a code simple and
effective. But to do this experience must be acquired in legislation
and the practical operation of laws. In the transition of the nation,
with its rapid growth from foreign sources, it has been found that there
has been felt a want rather than an overplus of system. The machinery
of government, being of a liberal and constitutional character, provides
in itself for checks on excess and remedies for evils. If Uet alone' by
foreign powers, there is ground for the belief that Hawaiian legislation
will in no whit in character be behind that of numerous new countries,
offshoots of the old, now budding into existence on the shores of the
Pacific.

"The executive government was constructed as follows:

"'His Majesty King Kamehameha III.

"*(7aMnet council created October 29^ 1845. — His highness, Keoni
Ana,^ premier and minister of the interior; B. C. Wyllie, minister for-
eign affairs; O. F. Judd, minister of finance; William Eichards, min-
ister of instruction; John Bicord, attorney-general.

" ^Nobles. — ^M. Kehauonohi; A.Keliiahonui, chamberlain; Keoni Ana,
premier; Alapai; A. Paki, judge of supreme court; Konia; I. Kaeo,
judge of supreme court; lona, judge of supreme court; Paulo Kanoa;
Kamauu; M. Kekuanaoa, governor of Oaliu; W. P. Leleiohoku, gov-
ernor of Hawaii; Buta; Keohokalole; 0. Kanaina, judge of supreme
court; loane li, guardian of young chiefs; lona Piikoi; Beniki Nama-
keha; K. Kapaakea; James Young Kanehoa, t governor of Maui.'

"The governers are honorary members of the privy council.

"Besides the 4 cabinet officers of foreign birth, there are 6 Americans
and 4 Englishmen, naturalized subjects, commissioned as judges in
foreign cases, collectors, director of Government press, heads of bureaus,
etc. In addition to these are a number of clerks transiently eniployed,
and officers connected with the several depai'tments, who depend ui>on
fees for their recompense.

"In no one respect have the Government shown more laudable zeal
than in educating the young chiefs, who, by birth, are destined to fill
important posts. For the purpose of bestowing upon them a solid and

• Son of Mr. Younnf , Kamehameha's favorite.

t Son of Kamebameha's fayorite, Mr. Voung, of the Elenora, wh« landed in 1790
and died in 1S35 at the advanced age of 93 years, highly respected by aU claMes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 151

practical edncation in the English language, embracing not only the
usual studies pursued in the better class of seminaries in the United
States, but to engraft in their minds the habits, thoughts, moral and
domestic education which children of their age and circumstances
receive in civilized countries, in 1839 they were taken from their native
parents and out of the sphere of mere Hawaiian influences and incor-
porated into a boarding school, under the charge of Mr. and Mrs.
Cooke, teachers of the American mission. During the seven years the
school has been established their progress has been rapid, and they
are now versed in the common branches of an English education, l^esides
being practically acquainted with the tastes, household economy, and
habits of refined domestic life. The annual expense of the school is
DOW about $5,000. The number of scholars 15.

^<^ Moses Kaikioewa, son of Kekuanaoa and Kinau, born July 20,
1829, expectant governor of Kauai.

^^^Lota Kamehameha, son of Kekuanaoa and Eonau, born December
11, 1830; expectant governor of Maui.

"'Alexander LihoUho, son of Kehuanaoa>and Kinau, bom February
9, 1834, beir apparant, by adoption, of the King.

"^Victoria Kamamalu, daughter of Kehuanaoa and Kinau, born
November 1, 1838, premier by birth.

'^^ William G. Lunalilo, son of Kauaina and Kehauluohi, born Janu-
ary 1, 1835.

'• ' Bemice Pauahi, daughter of Paki and Konia, born December 19,
1831.
"*Jane Loeau, daughter of Kalaniulumokee andLiliha, born 1828.
"'Elizabeth Kekaniau, daughter of Laanui, born September 11, 1834.
"'Emma Rooke, daughter of Fanny Young,* born January 2, 1836.
"'Peter Young Kaeo, son of Kaeo and Lahilahi,* born March 4, 1836.
"'James Kaliokalani, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, born May 29,
1835.

"'David Kalakaua, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, bom iN^ovember
16, 1836.

"'Lydia Makaeha, daughter of Paakea and Keohokalole, born Sep-
tember 2, 1838.
" ' Mary Paaaina.

"'Kinau Pitt, son of W. Pitt Kalaimokee.'

" The rapid progress of the Hawaiian group in commercial impor-
tance is best illustrated by their commercial statistics both before the
organization of their present Government and since, when under
improved auspices their value has more rapidly developed. The
facilities which they afforded the American vessels engaged in the
lucrative Northwest fur trade, to which was soon added the equally
profitable one of sandal wood, gave them such good repute that pre-
vious to 1820 the hardy whale tishers resoited to them for recruits and
men. As early as 1823, from 40 to 60 whale ships, mostly American,
were to be seen in the harbor of Honolulu at one time.

"From January, 1836, to December 31, 1841, 358 vessels belonging
to the United States, of which four-fifths were whalers, touched at
Honolulu; an average of 71f annually, besides 17 men-of-war. Of
Engh'sh vessels during the same period there were 82 and 9 men-of-
war. Those of France and other nations numbered not over 20. The
average annual imports for those years were to the value of $365,854,
one-h^f of which were American goods, one-quarter Chinese and Gali-

* Danghten of John Young.

152 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

forniaii, and the remainder from England, Mexico, Chile, and other
sources. i

^^Four newspapers in the Hawaiian tongue have been sustained by
the missionaries. The first, Lama Hawaii, was commenced in 1833.
The present Ka Elele, besides much religions matter, gives a summary
of general news, publishes Government hotices, and affords scope for
the literary eftor^ of the natives themselves, some of whom manifest
respectable powers of thought and composition.

"It is computed that 70,000 of the population have learned to read'
and 65,444,000 printed pages have been issued from the mission press,
embracing, among other works, two coniplete editions, of 10,000 each,
of the Holy Scriptures, three of the New Testament, amounting to
30,000 copies, Worcesters Sacred Geography, Universal Geography,
Geographical Questions, Scripture* Chronology and History, Animals
of the Earth, with a chart. History of Beasts, Hawaiian History,
Church History, Mathematics, embracing Geometry, Trigonometry,
Mensuration, Surveying and Navigation, Golburn's Algebra, Anatomy,
Wayland's Moral Philosophy, Colburn's Intellectual Arithmetic, Tract
on Astronomy, Maps of tlniversal Geography, and Bunyan's Pilgrim's
Progress.

*'The works published have been altogether of a devotional or edu-
cational class. More interest would have been awakened could some
others of a less grave and more historic character have been included.''

"A moral sentiment, founded more upon a classification of certain
actions, either as evil or as good, and their attendant punishments or
rewards than upon any definite ideas of sin and virtue considered in
their relations to moral purity and the love of the Father, pervades the
nation. With the more enlightened something superior to this pre-
vails. Consequently, as in older Christianized communities, a man
enjoys respect in proportion to his moral qualifications. Vice is con-
demned and virtue applauded. Many, of course, are to be found more
fond of a good name than of the means necessary for its attainment.
Publicly they are one being, privately another.

" The very fact of the necessity of the deception shows a great advance-
ment in moral sentiment since the days of Liholiho, and instead of being
considered a reproach to the missionaries should be hailed as a favorable
symptom of their labors, the dawn of further improvement. In human-
ity, care for the sick and aged, their domestic relations, honesty, tem-
perance, and systematic industry there has been great advancement.
From a warlike, treacherous, and cruel people they have become mild,
tractable, and desirous of knowledge. The intelligent observer will
find much in their present character to gratify him and more to sur-
prise when he contrasts them with what they were but a score of years
since. But he who goes among them, his imagination picturing a
nation changed from brutal savages, by the spirit of God, to guileless
Christians, worshiping Jehovah in all the innocence and strength of a
first loye, their family altars emblems of purity and happiness, their
congregations simple and sincere, and their dispositions and deport-
ment refined to the high standard of Christian excellence in his own
country, will be sadly disappointed.

<^It is still difficult to make the natives understand the nature of
truth. They have been so accustomed, from their earliest years, to
habits of deception, that with very many, perhaps the majority, it may
be doubted whether any other sensation arises from the detection of a
falsehood than mortification at being discovered* In no other point

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 153

an th^ more obtnse, but this moral bluntness is gradually wearing
away. LiceTitionsiiess is a chief vice of the nation ; not that they are
modb worse in this respect than nations generally residiug within the
tropicS) but it continues to be their most prominent trait. A few years
ago, in its protean forms, it was common to all, and as undisguised as
the light of day. Now it hides its head, and seeks a new garment to
coDe^ its foul markings. The following table of crime for Oahu will
serve to show the proportion of other offenses to those of sensuality.
It is taJ^en from the Kuma Hawaii, of January 16, 1839, a native paper,
but the period embraced in the report is not given. And it should be
recollected that but a small proportion of the latter offenses are ever
detected or exposed. A number of foreigners are embraced in the list,
chiefly for riot, mutiny, and desertion.

Offen»es.

Xaoskagbter 4

Tl«a 48

Ibot 82

Fa)w witaesa i6

D«Krtioii 30

Motiny 15

Mnction ^ 18

LewdiMM 8i

iidttltery 246

Total 522

"Another table of purely native cases for Honolulu, taken from the
records of the Muferior court' from January 1, 1846, to December 4,
of the same year, gives the following striking result:

Offense.

IdolteiT, fornication
IWt

Men.

Gambling

DeKcnition of Sabblith.

Berilinj^ langnajce

Heatbeuish practices . . .

iiMnlt and battery

nrankenneaa

Forioaa riding

Rape

ABtarferenee with police

Street walking

Slander

Pkain^ false coin

I>etirtioD of husband...

Total

126

1
1

275

Women.

127
3
3
8
2
1
1

152

Total.

25S

4€i

427

''The above table shows a conviction of 427 eases out of a population
^ ahottt 9,000. To these should be added 121 others, tried before the
police ooort, making in all rather more than 600 cases for 1846. Of the
121, 38 were for licentiousness and 43 for stealing. But few occur for
fighting, the Hawaiians being a very peaceable people. A great deal
of petty thieving exists, particularly towards foreigners to steal from
whom is not viewed so disreputable as from themselves. The standard
of morality^ it will be seen, is low, particularly among the men; but

154 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

crimes are rare. There have been but five executions for three murders
for ten years.

" It is incontrovertible that there yet exists in the nation a large
body of people who are equally disposed to religious rites, or to acts of
a different character, as may be most accordant to the taste of those
whom they wish to gratify. Another generation must arise, with bet-
ter homes and more civil and religious advantages, before the habits
of the old p.re sufficiently eradicated. While evidence for the more
favorable view of missionary labor, to a partial investigator, appears
conclusive, ample grounds for the opposite opinion exists. The truth
lies in neither extreme. The friends of humanity have just cause to
be grateful that so much has been accomplished, and should labor
earnestly that the remaining dark spots may be wholly effaced."

" The government of the Kingdom is essentially Christian. Founded
upon missionary teaching, it derives its principles and objects from
gospel ethics. Under its influence, the despotism <5f the chiefs over
life and property has been abolished and the nation invited to lay
hold of its rights in both. Laws favorable to virtue, industry, and
increase of population have been enacted. Fanulies having 3 children
of their own are freed from taxation; those having more are rewarded
by gifts of lands. The natives are encouraged to secure allodial titles
by a remission of all taxes on such for twenty years. Taxation i^light-
ened and made stimulative to honest industry.- The present laws are
equitable and protective. Justice is fairly administered and the sound-
est principles of classical and modern law have become the professed
guides of the courts.

"Commerce has brought among the nation many foreigners, in every
way an advantage to the morals aid enterprise of the natives. Scat-
tered throughout the group they provide them, almost at the very doors
of their huts, with ample supplies of foreign goods of all descriptions
at fair prices, receiving in return the avails of native labor. They have
ftimished them with cattle and the vegetable products of other coun-
tries, and introduced the arts, trades, and professions of civilized life.
The examples and encouragements of civUized hguseholds are thus
brought to their very thresholds. They have given a value to the time
of the native by creating a demand for his labor, and have equally
bestowed a value to his hitherto unproductive lands by practically
developing the hidden wealth of the soil.

"The most indifferent industry is sure of ample reward. Vice, as in
other lands, has no apology for an existence here on the plea of a super-
abundance of labor in the honest branchesof livelihood. Not a man need
be a thief from necessity, nor a woman unchaste from want. Lands
everywhere lie groaning in wild luxuriance, crying out for hands to till
them. The handicraft of women, and even the services of children are
In constant demand. Commerce has raised the remuneration of the
former and the wages of the laborers to the highest rate of stimulative
reward.

"The policy of the Government is essentially protective to the
Hawaiian race, to the intent to fully solve the question of their
capability of civilization. The white advisers of the King, having
this end practically in view, fail to meet the more enlarged views and
desires of white residents, who look upon the final extermination
or loss of the native race and dynasty as their destiny, and conse-
quently desire to see the fullest encouragement offered for the ingress
and permanent settlement of a foreign population and capital. While

HAWAIIAN I8LAND8. 155

Hiesewoald urge the Government on with a rapidity coinaenRurate
with Anglo-'Saxon spiiit and intelligence, the native race by their
dowDe88 of apprehension and fears for :heir security in case the full
torrent of civilized emigration and enterprise is let in unrestrained
upon them, hold them back. On the one hand the Government is as
unable folly to satisfy the cravings of the whites to advance, as it
is to bring the native mind to a clear appreciation and faithful cariy-
is^oat of the measures best adapted to benefit It and render it more
capable of assimilating with the superior intelligence of Anglo-Saxon
intellect. They steadily endeavor to preserve the Hawaiian race; to
(bristianize and civilize them; and to this end they invite a limited
cooperation of foreign aid, enough to innoculate the nation with
eoarage and enterprise, without deluging it in a torrent which in their
present condition they would inevitably fail to bear up against. In
tiu5 way a jnst middle course is adopted, which it would seem from
past experience tends to build up a mixed Hawaiian and foreign race,
dTilized, moral, and industrious^ and capable of taking an elevated
podtion in the ranks of minor nations."

XVIL Also the followino bxtbacts prom the honolxtx.u

DIRECTORY AND HISTORICAL SKETCH OP THE HAWAIIAN OR SAND-
WICH ISLANDS, BY C. C. BENNETT, INCLUDINO A CHRONOLOGICAL
TAELE OP NOTABLE EVENTS CONNECTED WITH HAWAIIAN HISTORY.

^1736. Kamebameha I bom at Kokoiki, Kobala.

"1740. The King of Oabn, on the passage to Molokai, sees a ship.

^VieS. Kaahamann born.

^1775. Kaabumana becomes tbe wife of Kamebameha I.

^1779. January 17 Capt. Cook anchored in the bay of Kealakekna,
HavaiL

^Febmary 14 Capt. Cook was slain at Kaawaloa, Hawaii.

**1782. April, Kalaniopuu died, leaving his Kingdom (western
Havaii), to filiwalao, who was his own son.

"^ July, tbe battle named Mokuahae, i. e., the fight of Kamebameha
with Eawalaoand his party at Keomo, Hawaii, Kamebameha triumphed,
Eiwaiao was slain, and Keoua became King of Kan and. Puna.

^Keawemaubili reigns as King at Hilo, Hawaii.

^Keanlnmoku composed the mele Hani Ka Lani, or a prophecy of
theov^tbrow of Hawaii by Kamebameha.

" 179D first American ship (Eleanor , Capt. Metcalf), visited the islands.

^Eeona was taken prisoner by Kamebameha at Koapapaa, Hama-
bia, Hawaii, and Kamebameha thus became sole King of the whole
iyand.

*^ John. Young and Isaac Davis became attached to Kamebameha.

"1791.* In tMs year the battle of Nuuanu was fought, in which
Salaoikupnle, son of Kahekili, King of Maui and Oahu, was slain^
and thus Maui, Molokai, Lanai, and Oahu fell into the hands of Kame-
hameha.

"17^. March 3, Capt. Vancouver first visited the islands, and left
cattle, sheep, etc.

^The Dcsdalug. store ship, visited Waimea, Oahu; a massacre.

"1793. March 12, Vancouver anchored at Lahaina.

"1794. December, first discovery of Honolulu Harbor. Entered by
Jadbo/ and Prince LeboOj American.

"Eekuanaoa bom. «.

"1795. Janoary 12, last visit of Vancouver.

^DoMus visits Kiibau; massacre. January 1, murder of captaina,

^1797. Liholibo (Kamebameha II) was born.

156 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

^^1801. The fleet of canoes called Pelelen arrived at Kawaihaid.

^^1802. The Pelelen arrived at Lahaina.

" 1803. The Pelelen arrived at Oahu.

<^ 1804. The great pestilence called a ahulau okuu.

"1812. The stone wall of Kiholo was built.

"1814. March, Elanikeaonli (Kamehameha III) was bom.

" 1817. The fort at Honolnln finished.

" 1819. May 8, Kamehameha I died.

"October, Liholiho breaks kapn on the night of kukahi.

"1820. Jannary, a battle on account of breaking kapu, at Knamoo
on Hawaii.

"March 30, first missionaries arrived at Kailna.

"April 18, missionaries first arrived at Honolulu.

"July, Messrs. Whitney and Buggies sailed for Kanai,'^

"First whaler {Maf:^, Oapt. Allen) enters Honolulu Harbor.

"1821. First house of Christian worship built in Honolulu.

"1822. January 7, printing first commenced at the islands. It is said
that King Liholiho was allowed to pull the first sheet.

"1823. April 27, the second company of missionaries arrived.

"November 27, Liholiho, his Queen, and attendants sailed for Eng-
land, leaving the Kingdom in the care of Kaahumanu.

"1824, July 8, Kamamalu, wife of Libolibo, died in London.

"July 13, Libolibo died in London.

"August, Kapiolani descended into the volcano of Kilauea.

"1825, May 4, Boki and his companions return from Eo gland with
the remains of the King and Queen in the English frigate Blonde.

"1827, October, Kinau and Kekuanaoa were married.

"1828, March 30, the third company of missionaries arrived.

"July 3, first meetinghouse at Honolulu dedicated.

"December 2, Boki and his company sailed away from the islands
and were lost.

" 1830, December 11, His Mt^esty Kamehameha Y was bom.

"1831, June 7, the fourth company of missionaries arrived. "^

"September, the high school at Lahaina was commenced.

"1832, May 17, the fifth company of missionaries arrived.

"June 5, Kaahumanu died.

"June. Kinau was appointed premier (kuhina nui).

"The Oahu Charity School was commenced.

"1833, March, Kamehameha III assumes the reins of government,
and Kinau becomes his minister (Kuhina Nui).

"May 1, the sixth company of missionaries arrived.

"The Bethel Church built at Honolulu.

"1$34, February 9, Kamehameha IV (Alexander Liholiha) was bom.

"February 14, first newspaper printed at the Hawaiian Islands,
called the Lama Hawaii, at Lahaiualuua.

"The newspaper Kumu Hawaii commenced at Honolulu.

"1835, June 6^ the seventh company of missionaries arrived.

"First Hawaiian Almanac printed.

"1836, January 2, the queen dowager, Emma, was born,

"The female seminary at Wailuku, Maui, commenced.

"The first weekly newspaper in English commenced.

"The high school of Mr. Lyman commenced at Hilo.

"December, ^N'ahienaena died.

"1837, February 4, Kamehameha III and Kalama were married*

<< April 9, the eighth company of missionaries arrived.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 157

'^Tbe basiDess of laying oat pablic streets in Honolnla was com-
Deoeed.

•"^^oveiDber 7, remarkable rise and overflow of tide tbroaghoat the
iBitDd&

"^1838, Angnst, the chiefs commence the study of political economy
with Mr. Bichards.

^Norember 1, Victoria Kamamalu was bom.
^April 4, Kinan died.

"1^. April 5, Kekaaluohi became premier (Knhina Nui.)
^Maj 10, the planting of the first edition of the Hawaiian bible
fiaJ8bed.
'*jQ]y 9, the French man-of war VArtemise (Gapt. Laplace) arrived.
"Kaikioewa died.

^1810. The school for the young chiefs commenced at Honolulu-
Mr. Mid Mrs. Cook teachers.
^Jaonary, Hoapili, governor of Naui, died.
^Tlie ston^ meeting-house at Kawaiahao, Honolulu, commenced.
^August 3, Mr. Bingham and family returned to the United States.
*^October 8, Kamehameha III gives the first written constitution to
' the people of the Hawaiian Islands.

"^October 20, Kamanawa and his servant were publicly executed for
cnme.
"September. The United States exploring expedition arrived.
**1841, May. Kapiolani died.

"May 21. The ninth company of missionaries arrived.
\ ^13ie school for missionaries' children at Punahou (now Oahu Ool-
[ kge) oommeneed.

^1^. January, Hoapili Wahine (Kalakaua) died.
^ July 8, HaalUio sailed as commissioner to the courts of France,
Ea^Dd, and the United States.
^ July 21, the meetinghouse at Kawaihal finished.
"^September 21, the tenth company of missionaries arrived,
^isis. The United States consent to the independence of the
HawiiiaD Islands.

^February 25, Lord George Paulet seized the Hawaiian Islands and
nised the English flag.

^ July 31, the sovereignty of the islands was restored by Admiral
Aonas, of the English navy.

'^September, Bartimeus Puaaiki died.

^lUL The Government of Belgium consents to the independence of
the Hawaiian Islands.

.^November 28, the governments of England and France recognize
tte independence of the Hawaiian Islands.

^ July 15, the eleventh company of missionaries arrived.

*^Silk exported from the islands — 197 pounds.

^Hai^fllo died on his return voyage to the islands.

^S15. April 2, representatives first chosen from the common people
Oder the constitution of October, 1840.

"Mr. Bichards, the interpreter of Haalilio, returned with his remains.

''Eekanluohi died.

**Fir8t export of coffee — ^248 pounds.

^John Young (Keoni Ana) is appointed premier (kuhina nui).

^1S16. February 11, commissioners appointed to settle land clatma,

March 20, Mr. Whitney died at Lahainalunat

1M7, Mr, Bichards died«

158 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

"Governor Kaakiiii died.

"First appearance of Mormons at Honololn, en route for California,

"1848. Leleiohoku (WiUiam Pitt) died.

" Moses Kaikoewa died.

" Kaiminaauao died.

"The twelfth company of missionaries arrived.

"The measles (mai puupuu ula) prevailed, and was very fataL

"1849. The fort seized at Honolulu by Admiral Tromelin, of the
French navy.

"Beef first exported from the islands — 158 barrels.

" Keliiahonui died.

"1850. James Young Kanehoa died. Kaoanaeha died.

"1851. The Hawaiian Missionary Society was formed*

" Kekauonohi died.

"June, the court-house at Honolulu built.

"First whale oil and bone transshipped.

"1852. April 2, Kaliokalani died. • •

"First export of fungus.

"1853. The smallpox (mai puupuu liilii) swept over the islands.

"1854. The fort at Lahaina demolished by* order of the Government.

"December 15, Kamehameha III (Kauikeaouli) died, and Kameha-
meha IV became King.

"1855. Paki died.

"Mr. Hitchcock, of Molokai, died.

"Flour exported — 463 barrels.

"'1856. June 2, Kamehameha TV was united in marriage with Emma
Booke.

"Isaac Davis was married to Buta Keelikolani.

"1857, the fort at Honolulu was demolished by order of the Govern-
ment.

" Konia (widow of Paki) died.

"J ohn Young (Keoni Ana), the premier, died.

"Victoria Kamamalu appointed KuhinaNui.

"May 28, William L. Lee, chief justice of the supreme court, died,
aj^ed, 36.

"David Malo, native Hawaiian historian, died.

"Honeybees first introduced, by the E. H. Agricultural Society.

"Oahu prison built. '

"1858, May 20, birth of the Prince of Hawaii.

" Eice first systematically cultivated near Honolulo.

" Sailors' Home established.

" 1859, July, Eev. L. Smith's premises burnt.

" April 20, Jona Piikoi died, aged 50.

" April 26, laying of corner stone. Odd Fellows' Hall.

" January 7, dedication of Odd Fellows' Hall.

" February, eruption of volcano on Mauna Loa, running down to Wai-
nRnalii.

" The civil code published.

" Gaslight first introduced into Honolulu.

" September 9, William Pitt Kinan, son of Leleiohoku and E. Keeli-
kolani, died at Kohala, Hawaii, aged 17.

" 18G0, May 5, arrival of Japanese embassy en route to the United
States.

"New custom-house built, Honolultu

"Queen's hospital built.

" Honolulu flour mill and foundry burned.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 159

^St^uner Kilauea arrived.

^Prince L. Kamehameha (Kamebameba Y) sailed for Oalifornia.

"September 23, Rev. Dr. R. Armstrong, minister of public instrao-
tioD, died.

"Passage of tbe 'law to mitigate,' etc.

"1862. April, Palmyra Island, in latitude 5© 50' F., longitude 161o 53'
W., taken pos»es^on of by Gapt. Z. Bent, for Kamebameba IV and bis
iqiceessors, and subsequently declared by royal proclamation to be a
part of tbe Hawaiian domain.

^August 27, deatb of tbe Prince of Hawaii, aged 4 years, 3 montbs
ftDd 7 days.

^The funeral took place September 7.

^Lahainaluua Seminary burned and was rebuilt tbe same year.

^October 11, Reformed Catbolic Cburcb mission arrived.

••1863. November 30, His Majesty Kamebameba IV died, aged 29
Tears, 9 months, and 21 days, and Prince Kamebameba ascended tbe
tfaroDe as Kamebameba V.

"ISOl. May 5, convention of delegates to amend tbe constitution
eailed by the King.

*'Jnly 7, convention opened.

^August 13, convention dissolved and constitution abrogated.

'^August 20, new constitution granted by tbe King.

'*L Haalelea died.

"1865. October 19, R. C. Wyllie, minister of foreign relations, died,
ig€d67.

'*Qaeen Emma visited tbe United States and Europe.

^January 27, arrival of tbe steamer Ajax from California.

"1865. May 29, H. R. H. Princess V. Kamamalu died, aged 27 years
(months and 29 days.

"July 20, J. Dudoit, formerly French consul, murdered.

"October 22, return of Queen Emma.

"1867. March 12, G. M. Robertson, first associate justice of tbe
^preme court, died, aged 47.

-1868. November 4, His Highness Mataio Kekuanaoa, father of the
late King and his present Majesty, died, aged 75 years.

"1869. July 21, arrival of H. R. H. Alfred Ernest, Duke of Edinburg,
in (H)nunand of H. B. M.'s ship Galatea,

"August 2, light-house at the entrance of Honolulu Harbor perma-
Bently lighted.

XVIH. Deed of cession.

''The deed of cession reads as follows:

"•In consequence of the difBculties of complying with the demands
in the manner in which they are made by Her Britannic Majesty's rep-
fc^eotative upon us, in reference to the claims of British subjects, we
do hereby cetle the group of islands known as the Hawaiian (or Sand-
indi) Islands unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain
oif Her Britannic Majesty's ship of war Carys/ortj representing Her
Majesty Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, from this date
^ the time being; the said cession being made with the reservation
tbt it is subject to any arrangement that may have been entered into
by the representiitives appointed by us to treat with the Government
^ Her BritaQniQ Majesty; and in tbe event that no agreement has b^u

160 HAWAUAH ISLANDS.

executed previous to the date hereof, subject to the decision of He?
Britannic Majesty's Gove];nmeut;On conference with the said representa^
tives appointed by us; or, in the event of our representatives not being
accessible or not having been acknowledged, subject to the decision
which Her Britannic Majesty may pronounce on the receipt of full
information from us and from the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet

1^^ In confirmation of the abov* we hereby affix our names and seals
this twenty -fifth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and forty-three, at Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich Islands.

*^* Signed in the presence of G. P. Judd, recorder and translator for
the Government.

« * KAMEHAaCEH A IH.

***Kbkauluohi.

XIX. ARTICLE 78, CONSTITUTION OF lCo3.

^^ * Every male subject of His Mi^esty, whether native or natural-
ized, and every denizen of the Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes,
who shall have attained the age of 20 years, and who shall have resided
in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the time of election,
shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of
the district in which he may have resided three months next preceding
the day of election ; provided, that no insane person, nor any person who
shall at any time have been convicted of any infamous crime within this
Kingdom, unless he sbaJl have been pardoned by the King, and by the
terms of such pardon been restored to all the rights of a subject| shall
be allowed to vote.'

CONSTITUTION OF 1864.

^^^ Constitution granted by His Majesty Kamekameha F, by the grace of

Ood^ king of the Hawaiian Islands^ on the twentieth day of August^

A. D. 1864.

•

^<< Article 1. G^d hath endowed all men with certain inalienable
rights; among which are life, liberty, and right of acquiring, x>os8ess-
ing, and prot^ting property, and of* pursuing and obtaining safety and
happiness.

'* 'Article 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dic-
tates of their own conscience; but this sacred privilege hereby secured
shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness or practices
inconsistent with the peace or safety of the Kingdom.

" 'Article 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their
sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that
right, and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech, or of
the press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of
His Majesty the King and the royal family.

'' 'Article 4. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peace-
able manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common
good and to petition the King or Legislative Assembly for redress of
ghevances.

" 'Article 6. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to
all men, and shall not be suspended, unless by the King, when in cases
of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require its suspension.

«< ' Abtxci^SJ $» ^0 person shall be subject to punishment for any

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 161

offense, except on due and legal conviction thereof in a conrt having
jarisdiction of the case.

<^<ASTICL£ 7. "So person shall be held to answer for any crime or
offence (except in cases of impeachment, or for offences within the
joiudiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings
liNr ooDtempt) unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing
laeh crime or offence, and he shall have the right to meet the witnesses
fbo are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and
proo& in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election,
to examine tbe witnesses produced by himself, and cross-examine those
imdnced agrainst him, and to be fiilly heard in his defence. In all
cases in which tbe right of trial by jury has been heretofore used it
ifaidl be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsit
ia which the amount claimed is less than fifty dollars.

^' Abtiglb 8. Fo person shall be required to answer again for an
olfiBnoe of which he has been duly convicted or of w^hich Y\fi has been
4iily acquitted upon a good and sufficient indictment.

^* ABTicrL£ 9. No person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to
be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or prop-
erty without due process of law.

^^Abtiols 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case
ii which his relative is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in
tiie iMne of which the said judge or juror may have, either directly or
tiuoagh a relative, any pecuniary interest.

^^Abtiglb 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever
prohibited in this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian
tCRilory he shall be free.

^^Abtigl.£ 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all
mreaBonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers,
and effects; and no warrants shall issue, but on probable cause sup-
ported by oath or affirmation and describing the place to be searched
and tiie persons or things to be seized.

'*'Abticlb 13. The King conducts his Government for the common
^ood, and not for tbe profit, honor, or private interest of any one man,
Cunily, or class of men among his subjects.

^^AxTiCLJ& 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected
hf it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to
bw; and, therefore, he shall be obliged tx) contribute his proportional
ibsre to the expense of this prot^tion, and to give his personal
Nrviees or an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property
of any individual shall be taken from him, or applied to public uses,
without his own consent or the enactment of the Legislative Assembly,
aeept the same shall be necessary for the military operation of the
KiDgdom in time of war or insurrection: and whenever the public
ezifencies may require that the property of any individual should be
appropriated to public use he shall receive a reasonable compensation
therefor.

^^Artiglb 15. No stibsidy, duty, or tax of any description shall be
tttablished or levied without the consent of the legislative assembly;
wt ghall any money be drawn from the public treasury without such
oMueot, except when between the sessions of the legislative assem-
Uy the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other pub-
lic disaster shall arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the
cabuetand a m^ority of tbe whole privy council; and the minister
of finance shall render a detailed account of such expenditure to the
ive sissembly

8. Bep. 227 11

162 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

"^Article 16. No retrospective laws shall ever be enacted.

*^ 'Article 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the
landc and no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house
without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war but in a man-
ner to be prescribed by the Legislature.

"'Article 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on elec-
tion days, during his attendance at election, and in going to and
returning therefrom, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of
the peace.

'''Article 19. !No elector shall be obliged to perform military duty
on the day of election as to prevent his voting, except in time of war
or public danger.

" 'Article 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom in its exercise
is divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial; these shall
always be preserved distinct, and no judge of a court of record shall
ever be a member of the legislative assembly.

"'ARTttJLE 21. The Government of this Kingdom is that of a con-
stitutional monarchy, under His Majesty Kamehameha Y, his heirs
and successors.

" 'Article 22, The crown is hereby permanently confirmed to His
Majesty Kamehameha V, and to the heirs of his body lawfull j^ begotten,
and to their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the
crown shall descend to Her Eoyal Highness the Princess Victoria
Kamamalu Kaahumanu. and the heirs of her body lawfully begotten,
and their lawful descendants in a direct line. The succession shall be
to the senior male child, and to the heirs of his body; failing a male
child, the succession shall be to the senior female child and to the heirs
of her body. In case there is no heir as above provided, then the
successor shall be the person whom the sovereign shall appoint, with
the consent of the nobles, and publicly proclaim as such during the
King's life; but should there be no such appointment and proclama-
tion and the throne should become vacant, then the cabinet council,
immediately after the occurring of such vacancy, shall cause a meeting
of the legislative assembly, who shall elect by ballot some native Alii of
the Kingdom as successor to the throne; and the successor so elected
shall become a new Stirps for a royal family, and the succession from
the sovereign thus elected shall be regulated by the same law as the
present royal family of Hawaii.

'"Article 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal
family of Hawaii, who may by law succeed to the throne, to contract
marriage without the consent of the reigning sovereign. Every mar-
riage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a mar-
riage may, by the proclamation of the reigning sovereign, be declared
to have forfeited his or her right to the throne, and, after such procla-
mation, the right of succession shall vest in the next heir, as though
such oifender were dead,

" 'Article 24. His Majesty Kamehameha V will, and his succes-
sors upon coming to the throne shall, take the following oath: I sol-
emnly swear in the presence of Almighty God to maintain the consti-
tution of the Kingdom whole and in violate,^and to govern in conformity
therewith.

" -Article 25. No person shall ever sit upon the throne who has been
convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane, or an idiot.

"'Article 26. The King is the commander-in-chief of the army and
navy, and of all other military forces of the Kingdom, by sea and land;
and has full power by himself, or by any officer or oificers he may

HAWAIIAN ISLAi.^DS.

163

appoint^ to train and govern such forces as he may judge best for the
defense and safety of the Kingdom. But he shall never proclaim
Tithoat the consent of the legislative assembly.

** •Article 27. The King, by and with the advice of his privy coun-
cil, has the power to grant reprieves and. pardon, after conviction, for
ill offenses, except in casefs of impeachment.

"'Article 28. The King, by and with the advice of his privy coun-
cil, convenes the legislative assembly at the seat of Government, or
at a different place if that should become dangerous from an enemy,
or any dangerous disorder; and in case of disagreement between His
Majesty and the legislative assembly he adjourns, prorogues, or dis-
solves it, bat not beyond the next ordinary session under any great
emergency be may convene the legislative assembly to extraordinary
sessiona.

"^Article 29. The King has the power to make trefities. Treaties
involving changes in the tarifl" or in any law of the Kingdom shall be
referred for approval to the legislative assembly. The King appoints
public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed
agreeably to the usuage and law of nations.

••'Article 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowl-
edge public ministers, to inform the legislative assembly by royal mes-
sage, from time to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and to recommend
to its consideration such measiu-es as he shall judge necessary and
expedient.

"^Article 31. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred.
His ministers are responsible. To the King belongs the executive
power. All laws that have passed the legislative assembly shall
require His Majesty's signature in order to their validity.

'**Abticle 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sover-
eign, the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age, the royal power
^ be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter pro-
vided.

••'Article 33. It shall lawful for the King at a/uy time when he may
be about to absent himself from the Kingdom to appoint a regent, or
council of regency, who shall administer the Government in his name;
ud likewise the King may, by his last will and testament, appoint a
Kgeiit,or council of regency, to administer the Government during the
minority of any heir to 'the throne, and should a sovereign decease,
leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testament, the
cabinet council, at the time of such decease, shall be a council of
re^ncy until the legislative assembly, which shall be called immedi-
ately, may be assembled, and the legislative assembly immediately
tkat it is assembled shall proceed to choose, by ballot, a regent, or
woncil of regency, who shall administer the Government in the name
of the King, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally
Tested in the King until he shall have attained the age of eighteen years,
^liich age is declared to be the legal majority of such sovereigns.

'•^Article 34. The King is sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the
le; the Kingdom is his.

Aeticle 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions
^natefrom the King.

•*'Abticle 36. The King coins money and regulates the currency
by lav.

"Abticle 37. The King, in case of invasion or rebelUon, ean place
^ whole King^dom^ or any part of it, under martial law.

«*k

164 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

^^^ Article 38. The national ensign sbaU not be changed except by
act of the Legislature.

*< * Article 39. The King's private lands and other property are
inviolable.

'^^ Article 40. The King can not be sued or held to account in any
court or tribunal of the realm.

*'* Article 41. There shall continue to be a council of state for
advising the King in all matters for the good of the State wherein he
may require its advice, and for assisting him in administering the
executive affairs of the Government in such manner as he may direct;
which council shall be called the King's private council of state, and
the members thereof shall be appointed by the King, to hold office
during His Majesty's pleasure.

^^ 'Article 42. The lying's cabinet shall consist of a minister of for-
eign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance, and the
attorney-general of the Kingdom, and these shall be His Majesty's spe-
cial advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall
be ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They
shall be appointed and commissioned by the £jng, and hold office dur-
ing His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment. No act of the King
shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by
that signature, makes himself responsible.

'< 'Article 43. Each member of the King's cabinet shall !keep an
office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the con-
duct of his deputies or clerks. The ministry holds seats ex offi^Ho as
nobles in the legislative assembly.

'' 'Article 44. The minister of finance shall present to the legisla-
tive assembly, in the name of the Govermnent, on the tirst day of the
meeting of the Legislature, the financial budget in the Hawaiian and
English languages.

" 'Article 46. The Legislative jwwer of the three estates of this
kingdom is vested in the King and the legislative assembly; which
assembly shall consist of the nobles, appointed by the King, and of
the representatives of the people, sitting together.

" 'Article 46. The legislative body shall assemble biennially in the
month of April, and at such other time as the King may judge nece-s-
sary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of. the nation. This body
shall be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom.

" 'Article 47. Every member of the legislative assembly shall take
the following oath : I most solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty
God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian
Kingdom and conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as
a member of this assembly.

"'Article 48. The Legislature has full i)ower and authority to
amend the constitution as hereinafter provided, and from time to time
to make all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the provisions
of the constitution.

'"Article 49. The King shall signify his approval of any bill or
resolution which shall have passed the legislative assembly by sign-
ing the same previous to the final rising of the Legislature. But if he
shall object to the passing of such bill or resolution he will return to
the legislative assembly, who shall enter the fact of such return on its
journal, and such bill or resolution shall not be brought forward there-
after during the same session.

" 'Article 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the
quali^cations of its own members, and a majority shidl constitute a

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. .165

qnorom to do bosiuess; but a smaller nnmber may adjourn from day
today, and compel the attendance of absent members in such manner
and oiider sach penalties as the assembly may provide.

<^^Abticlb 51. The legislative assembly shall choose its own officers
and determine the rules of its own proceedings.

'^<A£TiGL.£ 52. The legislative assembly shall have authority to pun-
ish by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person not a
member who shall be guilty of disrespect to the assembly by any dis-
orderly or contemptuous behavior in, its presence, or who, during the
time of it« sitting, shall make any false report of its proceedings or
insulting comments ux>on the same, or who shall threaten harm to the
body or estate of any of its members for anything said or done in the
usembly, or wbo shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall assault
or arrest any witness or other person ordered to attend the assembly
in his way going or returning or" who shall rescue any person arrested
l^ order of the assembly.

^^AsTiGiJS 53. The legislative assembly may punish its own mem-
bers for disorderly behavior.

'^^Articlje 54. The legislative assembly shall keep a journal of its
proceedings^ and the yeas and nays of its members, or any questiou,
fibJL, at the desire of one-fifbh of those present, be entered on the
joomaL

"'Abtioub 55. The members of the legislative assembly shall, in
an eases except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be privileged
from arrest during their attendance at the sessions of tiie Legislature
md in going to and returning Irom the same; and they shall not be held
to answer for any speech or debate held in the assembly in any other
eoort or place whatsoever.

^*Akticlb 56. The representatives shall receive for their services
aeompensation to be ascertained bylaw and paid out of the public
treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the
jear in which it shall have been made; and no law shall be passed
increasing tlie compensation of said representatives beyond the sum of
two hundred and fifty dollars for each session.

^' AsTicus 57. The King appoints the nobles, who shall hold their
appointments during life, subject to the provisions of article 53, but
^eir nnmber shall not exceed twenty.

*** Abticlb 58. No person shall be appointed a noble who shall not
Iiave attained the age of twenty-one years and resided in the Kingdom
ire years.

^^ AsTiCLB 59. The nobles shall be a court, with full and sole authority
to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives,
as the grand inquest of the Kingdom, against any officers of the King-
dooi for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but, previous
to ibe trial of every impeachment, the nobles shall respectively be sworn
tnly and impartially to determine the charge in question, according to
evidence and the law. Their judgment, however, shall not extend
tetiier than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or enjoy
aqr place of honor, trust, or profit under this Government; but the
party so convicted shall be, nevertheless, liable to indictment, trial,
jsdpieDt, and punishment according to the laws of the land. No min-
^iter shall sit as a noble, on the trial of any impeachment.

***ABriciJS 60. The representation of the people shall be based
spoBth'^ principle of equality, and shall be regulated and apportioned
I^the Legislature according to the population, to be ascertained, from
^totime^ by the official census. The representatives shall not b^

166 HA^WAUAN ISLAND&

lees in number than twenty-four nor more than forty, whii shall be
electa biennually.

" * Article 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the
people who is insane or an idiot; nor unless he be a male subject of
the Kingdom; who shall have arrived at a fall age of twenty -one years,
who shall know how to read and write, who shall understand accounts,
and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least three years,
the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding his election,
and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom of a clear value over
and above all incumbrances of at least five hundred dollars, or who
shall have an annual income of at least two hundred and fifty dollars
derived from any property or some lawful employment.

«< ^Abtigle 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom who shall have
paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and
shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately pre-
ceding the election, and shall be possessed of real property in this
Kingdom to the value ever and above all incumbrances of one hundred
and fifty dollars, or of a leasehold property on which the rent is twenty-
five dollars per year, or of an income of not less than seventy-five dol-
lars per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment,
and shall know how to read and write, if bom since the year 1840,
and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters of
his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for
the representative or representatives of that district: Providedj how-
every That no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have
beeu convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he
shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such par-
don have been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed
to vote.

"^Aetiolb 63. The property qualifications of the representatives of
the people and of the electors may be increased by law.

"'Article 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested
in one supreme court, and in such inferior courte as the Legislature
may, from time to time, establish.

"*Abtiole 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and
not less than two associate justices, any of who may hold the court
The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices during good
behavior, subject to remoual upon impeachment, and shall, at suited
times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be dimin-
ished during their continuance in office: Providedj however^ That any
judge of the supreme court or any other court of record may be removed
from office, on a resolution passed by two-thirds of the legislative assem-
bly, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King. The judge
against whom the legislative assembly may be about to proceed shall
receive notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of the causes alleged for
his removal, at least ten days before the day on which the legislative
assembly shall act thereon. He shall be heard before the legislative
assembly.

"'Abticle 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the su-
preme court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such
manner as the Legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the
tenure of office in the inferior courts of the Kingdom shall be such as
may be defined by the law creating them.

"'Aeticle 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law
and equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom,
and tieaties made, or which shall be made under their authority, to all

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 167

affecting public ministers and councils and to aU esses of admir-
alty and maritime jurisdiction.

^AsTiGLE 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the
ehancelior of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the nobles
in aU cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself, and exer-
dae sach jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law may confer
opoB him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision of the
6ii]ffieDMi cQurt <Mi appeal. Should the chief justice ever be impeached
fiome person speciaUy commissioned by the King shall be president of
the ooort of impeachment during snch trial.

"^'Articlb 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by
a majority of the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon all
partiea.

^<Abticls 70. The King, his cabinet, and the legislative assembly
fikall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the
sapreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn
occasions.

"'Abtici-b. 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court
i&d all other judges of courts of record ; their salaries are fixed by law.

^ ^Abtigls 72. Ko judge or magistrate can sit alone on an appeal or
Dew trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judgment.

"*Aktici-e 73. No person shall ever hold any office of honor, trust,
or profit under the Government of the Hawaiian Islands who shall, in
due course of law, have been convicted of theft, bribery, perjury,
for^ry, embezzlement, or other high crime or misdemeanor, unless he
shall have been pardoned by the King and restored to his civil rights,
and by the express terms of his pardon declared to be appointable to
offices of trust, honor, and profit.

^*Artiglb 74. No officer of this Government shall hold any office
orreedve any salary from any other Government or power whatever.

^-Abticlb 75. The Legislature votes the appropriations biennially,
after due consideration of the revenue and expenditures for the two
preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditures of
the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the
Binister of finance.

^^^ Article 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts
sod laws shall be, '' Be it enacted by the King and the legislative
Msembly of the Hawauan Islands in the Legislature of the Kingdom
tssembled."

**' Article 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from
intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper
relation to each other every law shall embrace but one object, and
fiat shall be expressed in its title.

"^Article 78. All laws in force in this Kingdom shall continue and
Kmain in full effect until altered or repealed by the Legislature, such
partB only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All laws
Wetofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are con-
trary to this constitution shall be null and void.

"*ARTictJE 79. This constitution shall be in force from the twentieth
day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four,
but that there may be no failure of justice or inconvenience to the
Kingdom from any change, all officers of this Kingdom, at the time this
constitntion shall take effect, shall have, hold, and exercise all the
pov«r to them granted until other persons shall be appointed in their
itead.

^^ABTidiS 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution

168 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

may be proposed in the legislative assembly, atfd if tbe ssime shaU be
agreed to by a majority of the members thereof, such proposed amend-
ment or amendments shall be entered on its journal, witb the yeas and
nays taken thereon, and referred to the next Legislature; which pro-
posed amendment or amendments shall be published for three moQtha
previous to the next election of representatives; and if in the next
Legislature such prox)osed amendment or amendments shall be agoeed
to by two-thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and
be approved by the King, such amendment or amendments shall
become part of the constitution of this country.

" i Ejlhehambha B,^ »
(Pp. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, and 33.)

Joint resolution of the Hatcaiian Legislature of 1856.

^^^Resolvedy That whereas it is desirable to codify our existing laws,
His Eoyal Highness Prince Kameiiameha, the honorable W. L. Lee,
chief justice, and the honorable George M. Robertson, associate
judge of the supreme court, are appointed a committee to prepare a
complete civil code, adding notes with reference to important decisions
of court under the laws, wherever they may think necessary, and to
report the same for the sanction of the Legislature of 1858, with an
appropriate index for facility of reference'" (p, 39).

Comment on legislative provision for publication ofRaioaiian law reports.

<<<It may not be inappropriate in this connection to state that so
highly esteemed are some of the dicta of our Hawaiian courts abroad
that their decisions have in more than one instance been quoted in
some of the higher courts of the United States. This is no small honor
to be attained by a nation which, one generation only ago, had no law
but the "word of the chief'-' (p. 40).

XX. List sHowiNa that a vbey small propobtion op thb

OFFICEES IN GHABGE OP THE CONDUCT OP THB aOVBBNHBNT
WEBE NATIVE HAWAUANS, THB LABOBB PBOPOBTION BBING
AMEBICANS.

" Tlie courty Oovernment officers^ etc.

" TJie court. — ^His Majesty Kamehameha V, bom December 11,
1830. Ascended the throne November 30, 18G3. Son of Kinau and
grandson of Kamehameha I.

<' Her Majesty Queen Dowager Ealama, relict of His M^je^ty Kaui*
keaouli, Kamehameha IIL

<' Her Majesty Queen Dowager Emma, relict of His Majesty Alex-
ander Liholiho, Kamehameha lY.

" Privy council of state. — His Majesty the King. Their excellencies
the ministers; the governors of Oahu, K^auai, and Maui. Her excel-
lency the governess of Hawaii. His honor the chancellor of the
Kingdom.

<< H. A. Kahanu, S. N. Castle, E. 6. Davis, A. Fomander, C. Kanaina,
C. R. Bishop, P. Y. Kaeo, P. S. Kalama, W. Hillebrand, W. C. Luna-
lilo,T. S. Staley, J. W. Makalena^ W. P. Kamakau, G.Ehodes, J. Mott
Smith, T. C. Heuck; secretary, D. Kalakaua.

^^The cabinet — His Mtgesty the King; minister of foreign relations,
his excellency G. de Variguy; minister of the interior, ink exc^ency

HAWiOUN ISLAND& 169

F. W. HatcbiaoQ: minister of ^nanoe, his exeellency O. 0. Hams;
tttorney-general, Hon. S. H« Phillips.

''^iirMti of imfrfto ifMAruc^Um. — President, Hon. W. P. Kamakau;
members, G. O. Harris, 0. de Yarigny, F. W. Hutchison, aod Bishop
i^ey; inqiector-general of schools, A. Fornander; secretary, W. J.
SniiUi.

^Aireav tnsm^o^ion. — ^President, minister of the interior^ members,
0. B. Bishom G. O. Harris, D. Ealakaaa, W. Hillebrand.

^AfH^eme cauart. — Chief justice, E. H. Allen; first associate justice,
Hod. A.S. Hartwell; second associate justice, Hon. H. A. Widemann;
derk, L. McOnUy, esq.; assistant clerk, W. Humphreys, esq.

^ Oireuit judges. — First circuit, Oahu, Hon« W. P. Kamakau ; second
diaiit, Miuii, Hon. A. J. Lawrence; third circuit, Hawaii, Hods. D.
E. Kaii^iaakai, O. F. Hart, and B. A. Lyman; fourth circuit, Kauai,
Hon. D. McBryde.

^Board of health. — President, minister of the interior; members, W.
HilM>rand, M. D.; Godfrey Rhodes, W. P. Kamakau, T. 0. He^ick;
port physiciaD, A. O. Buffum.

^Oavemmeni officers. — Jailer, Oahu prison, Oapt. J. H. Brown; col-
leetor-gen^ral of customs, W. F.Allen, esq.; postmaster-general, A.
P. Brickwood, esq.; registrar of conveyances, Thomas Brown, esq.;
npsrintendent waterworks, Capt Thomas Long; superintendent pub-
He works, Bobert Sterliug, esq.; harbor master of Honolulu, Oapt.
Milt Meek ; pilots in Honolulu, Oapts. A. Mclntyre and 0. S. Ohad-
lidt" (p. 75).

XXL ANI> the FOLLOWIKa STATEXEKT OF ABMIBAL BBLEIYAP,
FROX THS BOSTON HKBALD OF JANI7ABT 31, 1893^

To ike Editor of the Herald :

The revolution in the Hawaiian Islands, resulting in the deposition
of the QoeeQ and the establishment of a provisional government, is an
eient not anexx)ected to diplomatic, naval, and considar officers who
kave had any acquaintance or fomiliarily with the course of affoirs in
that island Kingdom for the past twenty years.

To the people of the United States the present situation is of momen-
toQs interest and qf vital importance. Indeed, it would seem that nature
iod established that group to be tdtimately occupied as an outpost, as
it were, of the great Republic on its western border, and that the time
hi BOW come for the fulfillment of such design.

A leasee at a chart of the Pacific will indicate to the most casual
observe the great imiK)rtance and inestimable value of those islands
u a strateiric point and commercial center. Situated in mid-north
Pidiie, the group looks out on every hand toward grand opportunities
of trade, inditical aggrandizement, and polyglot intercourse.

To the north and northwest it beckons to the teeming populations of
(Xsukf Japan, Korea, and Busaian coast of Asia; to the north and
nflitheasti it calls to Alaska and British Columbia; to the east it bows
ta the imperial domain of the western United States, holding out its
eonfiding bands for closer clasp and more biuding tie; to the southeast
it Bods to Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Chile;
to Oie south and southwest it salutes the growing influence and tropic
^Vpartnnities of Australia, New Zealand, and the numerous island
gnnps omstitoting Polynesia.

In chief oomraercial point, Honolulu, is already a port of call for our
liM of steaioaiiips to Japan and Polynesia, and for the Brituk UnM

170 HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

to "Sew Zealand and Australia from Vancoaverr Tbat port also standa
directly in the track of the commerce that will flow through the Kicara-
goa Canal when that great commercial need is completed. Indeed, in
that coming day the enchanting coral, reef-locked harbor of Honolulu
will hardly suffice to take in the ships that will put in there.

The interests in the group are mainly American, or substantially
connected commercially with the United States. In the palmy days of
the whale fishery the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina used tor be packed *
at certain seasons of the year with the ships of that great and adven- .
turous industry.

The advent of our missionaries at the islands'in 1820, and the excel-
lent work they did there, won the hearts of the natives and increased
American influence. The treaty of reciprocity made with King Kala-
kaua in 1875 welded in closest bonds the ties of friendship and trade,
and gave to the group its present wealth and prosperity.

The group now seeks annexation to the United States; the consum-
mation of such wish would inure to the benefit of both peoples, com-
mercially and politically. Annex the islands, constitute them a terri-
tory, and reciprocal trade will double within ten years. Let the island-
ers feel that they are once and forever under the folds of the
American flag, as part and parcel of the great Bepublic, and a develop-
ment will take place in the group that will at once surprise its people
and the world.

Kot to take the fruit within our grasp and annex the group now beg-
ging us to take it in would be folly indeed — a mistake of the gravest
character, both for the statesmen of the day and for the men among us
of high commercial aims and great enterprises.

Our statesmen should act in this matter in the spirit and resolve
that secured to us the vast Louisiana purchase, the annexation of
Texas, and the acquisition of California. The administration that
secures to the United States the *< coign of vantage" in the possession
of those beautiful islands will score a great measure of beneficent
achievement to the credit side of its account,.

But in the path of annexation England will throw down the gauntlet
of protest and obstruction. To that end she will bend all the powers
of her diplomacy; all the cunning of her foreign-office procedures; all
the energy, unwearied efibrt, and unvarying constancy that has ever
made her secretly hostile in her diplomatic methods and commercial
policies to the welfare, growth, and advancement of the United States.

She wants to gather the group under her own control; she would
like to Egyptianize that vital point in the Pacific; she burns to estab-
lish a Pacific Bermuda off our Western coast, to hold the same relation
toward the ports of Esquimalt and Victoria on Vancouver Island that
Bermuda bears toward Halifax, all^ strongly fortified, connected by
cable with Downing street, and stored with munitions of war.

Let the British lion once get its paw upon the group and Honolulu
would soon become one of the most important strongholds of Great
Britain's power. With her fortified port of Esquimalt dominating the
entrance to Puget Sound, constituting an ever-standing menace to our
domain in that region, she wants to supplement such commanding
advantage by another stronghold at Hawaii, where, within six days'
easy steaming from San Francisco, she could immediately threaten that
port with one of her fleets in the event of the sudden outbreak of war.

Great Britain will undoubtedly propose a joint arrangement for the
government of the islands, but we want none of that — no entangling
alliances. We have had enough of such business at Samoa.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 171

Jo; we want no joint protectorate, no occupation there by any Euro-
pean power, no Pacific Egypt. We need tlie group as part and parcel
of the United States, and should take what is offered us, even at the
bazArd of war.

Westward the star of empire takes its way. Let the Monroe doc-
toe stay not its hand until it holds Hawaii securely within its grasp.

Id this matter the undersigned speaks from personal knowledge,
gained throng*!! official visits to the islands in 1874 and 1882, and could
readily porsne the subject further and more into detail, but for the
present forbears.

George E. Belknap.

ttooKLiNM, January 30, 1893*

TESTIMOlSnr

BEFORE THE

COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS,

UNDER THE FOLLOWING RESOLUTION OF THE SENATE

OF DECEMBER 20, 1893 :

"KesoZrerf, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire
and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred
in the rliploinatic or other intercourse between the United States and
Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to
this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and pax>er8
tad to administer oaths to witnesses."

FIRST DAY.

Washington, D. 0., December J37y 1893.

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Sher-
man and Frye.
Absent: Senator Butler.

SWOKH STATEHEHT OF B£V. OUVEB P. EMEBSOV.

The Chairman. Mr. Emerson, state your agef

>lr. Emerson. I am 48. Bom in 1845.

The Chairman. Wbere were you bornf

Mr. Emrrson. I was born on the island of Maui, one of the Sand-
wich islands.

Senator Sherman, You are of American descent?

Mr. Emerson. My father and mother were New Hampshire people.

The Chairman. How long had your father and mother resided in
Bawaii before your birth f

ilr. Emerson. From 1832 to 1846.

The Chairman. What was your father's vocation!

Mr. Emerson. My father was a missionary. When I was bom he
wag a missionary. He was a teacher then at the Government school
-wa^ it was not a Government school; it was a missionary school. I
am not sure about that. It was the only college where the natives
went It was at Subiualuero, Maui. My father was stationed at Wa-
ialoa, Oahn. It is thirty miles from the city.

Senator Gray. Is that the principal island f

Mr. Emerson. It is the island on which Honolulu is situated; it is
the best port and the seat of the Government.

Senator Gray. What is your vocation!

Mr. Emerson. I am the Secretary of the Hawaiian Board of Missioi a.

The Chairman. Are you a minister of the gospel, alsof

174 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was ordained in 1871 I was settled in the
ministry first here, and was called in Jannary. 1889, to take this posi-
tion.

The Chairman. Do you speak the Hawaiian tongue f

Mr. Emerson. I do. I preach in it and think in it as well as in
English, so far as the limitations of the language are not concerned.

The Chairman. Is your father living!

Mr. Emerson. No; he died in 1867.

The Chairman. Have you relatives living in Hawaii!

Mr. Emerson. I have three brothers living in the city of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Was your father ever connected with the Govern-
ment of Hawaii!

Mr. Emerson. Ko. He was for a while road supervisor of the dis-
tiict, because there was no one else to take the position, and also acted
as surveyor of the district, which he surveyed, plotted, and divided to
give the natives land to plant. He was several years doing that.

The Chairman. Have you ever had any connection with the Hawaiian
(iovernment!

Mr. Emerson. I have not.

The Chairman. Has either of your brothers been connected with the
Hawaiian Government!

Mr. Emerson. My brother, Dr. Emerson, was connected with the
board of health ; Joseph Emerson with the survey. He was a civil engi-
neer. My brother, Samuel Emerson, was one of the postmasters of the
district where his home was.

The Chairman. You have spoken of having been in the missionary
school. Where did you complete your education!

Mr. Em:er60N. I entered the sophomore class of Williams College,
and took my three years' course in the theological seminary of Andover.

The Chairman. Were your brothers educated in Hawaii!

Mr. Emerson." We were educated in the preliminary Oahu College,
at Punahou, and then my brothers came on to this country to be edu-
cated.

The Chairman. Were you in Hawaii during the month of January.
1893!

Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Weie you residing in Honolulu at that time!

Mr. Emerson. Yes, my home was in the city.

The Chairman. How long had you resided there!

Mr. Emerson. Since January 23, 1889 — since my connection with
the secretaryship of the Hawaiian Board of Missions.

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the existence
of revolutionary purposes amongst the people of any of the cities of
Hawaii or of Honolulu! By Hawaii I mean the entire group of islands,
the whole country.

Mr. Emerson. I think the whole thing culminated the last week of
the Legislature. The first significant utterance I know of was a remark
made by a gentleman after the passage of the lottery bill. He said :
*< Kather than have that lottery bill pass and become a law of the land
I would be willing to take up my musket and fight."

The Chairman. That was the last week of what!

Mr. Emerson. That was the last week of the Hawaiian Legislature.

The Chairman. When was that!

Mr. Emerson. Saturday, the 11th of January, was the last day of
the session.

The GHiiRMAN. Was the Legislature prorogued!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 175

Mt. Emsbson. It was prorogued at noon.

T]}6 Chaibman. That was the first intimation yon had that there was
a revolntionary intent existing in the minds of any persons there!

Mr. £m£BSOn. I should say that was the first clear intimation; but
fh«« was a constant feeling in the air — talk during those days when
the Queen and Lef^rislature were coming out more and more in support
of the opium, the distillery and the lottery bills.

The Chaxbman. How many days was this before the 14th of January
that you heard this remark made!

Mr. Embbson. I think it was two or three days. I can not recall
exactly; but it wa« during that week. It was while the lottery bill
nis being cpnsidered — I think it was either Thursday or Friday that
that bill was signed by the Queen.

The Chairman. Did you hear any other persons make use of ex-
pressions of a similar character before the time that the outbreak
occurred f

Mr. £m£BSON. A great many times I talked the matter over with
ny brother, the surveyor. I heard him speak with a good deal of
Tehemenee against the Queen, feeling that the time might come,
before long, when there ought to be a change. And in fact this talk
had been the talk since 1887 — not a very common talk.

Senator Gbay. Not a very common talkf

Mr. Embbson. Not a very common talk, although among some per-
htps it was more common than among others. I had not made up my
mind that there should be a change, so long as the Queen lived, until
Saturday.

Senator Fbye. The 14th of January!

Mr. Embbson. The 14th of January.

The Ghaibman. Did you contemplate, aud^did you know that others
(ODtemplated, that at the death of the Queen there would be an efibrt
Bade to establish a new form of government in Hawaii?

Mr. Embbson. Nothing that had crystallized into shape, nothing
tiiat I knew of that had crystallized iuto a plan.

Senator Fbye. I would like to know, if the committee have no objec-
tion, what determined Mr. Emerson to change his mind and conclude
tiiat the Queen ought to be deposed, he having been a royalist up to
Uie 14th of January.

The Ghaibman. Let tne ask fir^t whether Mr. Emerson was in senti-
ment a royalist up to the 14th of January.

Mr. Embbson. I will say that, from the beginning of the reign of the
Qoeen until the very last — I would not say the last week, but toward
those last days — until the Queen's Legislature and the powers of the
wort seemed to go the wrong way, I was a supporter of the Queen,
kooestly so, and spoke in favor of her, not believing that she was a
noral woman, but, perhaps, as a ruler not so bad as some might think.
But during tho^ last days I saw more and more clearly, until Satur-
day, when it was plain to me that the change must come.

The Ghaibman. During that period of which you speak, were you
in tavor of a monarchy in Hawaii, or were you desirous of having a
republic established?

Mr. Emebson. I think I felt a good deal as Judge Judd said, so long
as oor Hawaiian chiefs lived, that is, those who were really of the line,
Muithey continued to reign — so long as they behaved themselves, I
i<4tthat I was a royalist, a loyal man to the Government; yes, sir.

Senator Gbay. Because you thought it best for all interests!

Mr. EuEBS07H» We did not see how we could

176 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS

The Ohaibhan. Improve the matter f

Mr. Embbson. Improve the sitaation. The matter of annexation to
this country waa not plain; the matter of establishing a republic
seemed to be a questionable thing.

Senator Gray. If you were a sincere royalist, as you say, it was
because you believed the best interests of the islands would be sub-
served by that form of government f

Mr. Emebson. Yes, I did so believe to the last.

Senator Fbte. On or about January 14 you changed your opinion
as to the ][^ropriety of continuing the Queen in power t

Mr. Emebson. I think it was associated first with the action of the
House of Representatives, when there was a departure of some of the
gentlemen, some of the white men who were members of the Legis-
lature, to their homes — when there was a minority of those who were
for reform measures, for good government, and there was a majority-
claimed to be a majority— of those who were for spoils — for lottery,
opium, and so on.

Senator Gbay. If those who favored reform measures had remained
would there have been a majority that wayf

Mr. Emebson. Yes; there would have been a majority. I do not
think the lottery biU could have been carried through. I saw how
things were working. This Legislature was bribed, evidently it was
bribed. It was the common talk of the natives that it was being
bribed, and the Queen began to disclose her thorough sympathy with
that party. The passage of the distillery bill and the opium bill, which
are destructive biUs, would have killed off the natives. Then there
was the passage of the lottery bill, and afterwards the discharge of the
good cabinet, the Wilcox- Jones cabinet, and the putting in a most irre-
sponsible cabinet. Then there was the proclamation, or an attempt to
put into execution a new constitution.

Senator Shebman. State what was the nature of that proposed
change.

Mr. Emebson. You mean of the constitution f

Senator Shebman. Yes.

Mr. Emebson. The constitution, it is said, was destroyed by the
Queen, and some have said that the constitution was one that would
disfranchise the white men. Those who were not married to native
women would have had the vote taken from them. It was a constitu-
tion that would have taken away the ballot from me. It would have
taken from the people the power to elect the nobles and put it into the
hands of the Queen. By the restricted ballot we were enabled, so far
at least as the Legislature is concerned, to elect men of character who
stood out against these measures of corruption.

Senator Gbay. By a restricted ballot f

Mr. Emebson. Yes; by a restricted ballot.

The Ohaibman. You spoke of the Wilcox- Jones cabinet. What was
the successor cabinet called f

Mr. Emebson. The Parker-Oomwell cabinet — Oolbum and Peterson.
I believe it was Peterson — GornweU or Peterson — ^who made the cabinet.
They were the ones who made the cabinet.

The Ghaibman. Who was premier in the last cabinet t

Mr. Emebson. Wilcox was the one previously to that — ^I do not
know — I think it was GornweU. I am not sure whether it was Oom-
well or Peterson.

Senator Pbye. What was the distillery bill of which you spoke f

Mr. Emebson. As I understood it the idea was that tiiere would be

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 177

great opportunity for makiug rum, making alcoholic drinks there from
sagar-cane juice and other products, that it might be a means of rev-
enue or wealth to the islands — enlarge the business.

Senator Fbye. Encourage the opening of saloons!

Mr. Embrson. It would have probably supplied cheaper drinks to
the saloons.

Senator Fbye. What was the opium bill?

Mr. Emerson. It was a bill that legalized the sale of opium. I do
Dot know just the nature of the bill, but it was one that made it legal
to sell opium.

Senator Prye. Have you been troubled there from the use of opium t

Mr. Emerson. We have had a good deal of trouble. It has been
smaggled into the country. There have been opium rings, and some
of the men connected with the Government were connected with the
rings, no doubt. There is no doubt that the chief marshal of the King-
dom was.

Senator Fryb. Whom do you mean; Wilson!

Mr. Emerson. Wilson. There is no doubt about that. It is com-
son talk — was common. You can hear it out on the street from every
Qtber person almost.

Senator Gray. Hearwhatf

Mr. Emerson. That Wilson was connected with the opium ring, and
tbait he was hand and glove in with Capt. Whalen, who was captain of
I jieht

sieDator Frye. A yacht used for smuggling f

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And there were also men who had come there
as smagglers and whom Mr. Wilson had handled gently. He had
poonced upon Chinamen to keep up a show of maintaining the law —
ioffle little Chinamen; but the great sinners were let go.

S^ator Frye. Did those bills all pass that Legislature!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Frye. By what majority?

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure of the majority.

Senator Frye. But they did pass, and the Queen approved them.

Mr. Emerson. The Queen signed them.

Senator Sherman. In that weekf

Mr. Emerson. That week, as I remember.

Senator Frye. And they were approved?

Mr. Emerson. And they were approved. Protests were sent in by
lading ladies of the city who had tried to stand between the Queen
Hid temptation. We recognized her as our Queen , and we tried to stand
between her and temptation. And I would like to say here that a good
deal of what has been said of how the Queen was received is true. She
vas received in our houses. She was on the throne, and we thought
we must do so, to try to keep her from evil. I went with native paS'
tore to tell her we would support her, remember her in our prayers,
«id try to help her. Again and again that was done, not as a proof
of ber eh'vracter, but to get as good a -Queen as we could in the coun-
try.

Senator Gray, flow did the Queen receive youf

Mr. Emerson. As she is very capable of receiving — ^in the most
«wffteou8 and kindly way. And she also reciprocated our sentiments
JB i spirit not only enlightened but in seeming sympathy with us, as
^ did the ladies who waited upon hept And the very next move she
Blade vas to sign the lottery bill,

ft Jtep. 227 13

178 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The GHAifiMAN. Was the Queen a commanicaiit in any of the
churches f

Mr. Emebson. I think she was not a communicant in any church;
she went around to different churches.

Senator Geay. Was she an avowed Christian t

Mr. Emerson. I think not an avowed Christian.

The Chairman. Do you mean that she adhered to the pagan ideas f

Mr. Emerson. She received Kahunas, sorcerers, in the palace.

Senator Gray. Do you know that of your own knowledge f

Mr. Emerson. I know it as well as I do my own existence.

Senator Gray. Do you know it of your own knowledge?

Mr. Emerson. I never saw the Kahunas there; I know the man who
was at her right hand sent out a proclamation for the restoration of
the Kahunas. I know that man, for I have talked with him, and
charged him with his wickedness.

The Chairman. Now, I want to get at this cabinet business; I speak
of the Comwell-Peterson cabinet, the last one. How long was that in
existence before the revolution occurred f

Mr. Emerson. I cannot be perfectly sure. I think the old cabinet
was voted out Friday, and that cabinet was appointed Dhe same day.

Senator Frye. The Friday before the revolution!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Didany of the minist-ers of the Wilcox- Jones cabinet
join the Queen in signing any of these bills — the opium biU, the distillery
bill, or the lottery bill f

Mr. Emerson. I cannot say yes or no; but my opinion is that they
stood out against it.

The Chairman. You do not know whether the later cabinet, the
Corn well-Peterson cabinet, signed those measures with the Queen!

Mr. Emerson. The later cabinet, as I understood, did support her.

Senator Gray. The cabinet that was appointed on Friday!

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir; I think it was Fnday.

Senator Sherman. The cabinet that was appointed on the 13th f

The Chairman. [ understand we have a constitution of Hawaii, and
I understand it is required by the constitution of Hawaii that in order
that a bill may become a law after it has passed the Legislature, it is
necessary that it be signed by one member of the cabinet along with
the Queen! Is that the &«t!

Mr. Emerson. I can not say as to that.

The Chairman. You do not know.

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Before going to more particular inquiries as to your
knowledge of the incidents of the revolution, I would like to ask you
something about the state of the education amongst the native popu-
lation in Hawaii — ^I mean now all the islands.

Senator Frye. Do you mean the Kanakas!

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. We have a very good system of public schools. They
are taught most of them by white men or women, some coming from
California and some farther east. All these teachers are not t^u^hers
such as would be classed as supporting the highest moral and religions
principles, but a good many of them are fine men and women.

Senator Gray. Do you mean that they are ail white men and
women!

Mr. Emerson. Most of them.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 179

Senator Gray. What do yon mean by " supporting ^he highest moral
principles'^?

Mr. Emebson. I mean in certain cases charges have been brought
against some. I know charges to have been brought against a teacher,
and so soon as he was found guilty of immorality he was removed.

Senator Gray. White men !

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I know of schools that are taught by a grad-
uate of our female seminaries.

The Chairman. I have seen it stated that every person in Hawaii
and all these islands, who is above eight years of age, can read and
write. Are you prepared to sustain that statement from your own
observation f

Mr. Emerson. I believe I would have to look a long while to find a
single person who is over twelve years of age .who can not read or
write — among the natives; not the Portugese.

Senator Gray. Ajnong the natives of the Sandwich Islands.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. As a rule, in your pastoral intercourse among them,
have you found the native Hawaiians to be an intelligent, thoughtful
people f I am asking now with regard to the native population, the
Kanakas.

Mr. Emerson. I have been greatly grieved to find — speaking of my
relations to them religiously — a growing increase, it seems to me, of a
superstitious sentiment, and that sentiment would argue a rather low
state of religious life in the churches, which 1 am sorry to acknowledge
is the case. *

The Chairman. Now, asking more particularly of practical affairs,
everyday life, do you find the native Hawaiians intelligent people,
susceptible to instruction; are they thoughtful or are they otherwise t

Mr. Emerson. Well, sir, they are Polynesians, and as Polynesians,
bright and intelligent as they may be, they have certain marked defects
in their character.

Senator Sherman. How as to honesty and integrity in their deal-
ings!

Mr. Emerson. There are some pretty bad characters among them.

The Chairman. As a genaral rule, taking the native classes as a
massf

Mr. Emerson. If I could institute a comparison, it seems to me that
they stand a good deal on a par with the negro, although my sympa-
thies are with them, perhaps, and my kindness is with them more than
with the negro. I feel that they are very loveable, happy, and in many
ways bright, interesting people.

Mr. Chairman. Kind-hearted and benevolent f

Mr. Emerson. Kind-hearted and benevolent to a fault. But they
are improvident ; they are averse to labor; and if I were going to
mention one thing which those Hawaiians need taken away from them,
I would say that they need less government affairs and more interest
in business attairs, in industry. If the brighter young men instead of
itching to get into the legislature, to pose as statesmen or as speech-
makers, would be more interested in getting to work and getting homes,
building up homes, it would be vastly better for that people. That
seems to me one of the great faults with them.

Senator Sherman. They are fond of office!

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they Jire fond of office. They get two dollars
and fifty cents a day as legislators; they think that a good deai.

180. HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Geat. But you think they need to be led by a superior
class f

Mr. Embbson. I think they need to be led by a superior class, and
inevitably they will be.

The Chairman. Are they a people who are easy to be controlled,
easy to be led, or are they rebeUiousf

Mr. Emebson. No; they are easily led, and, being easily led, they
are easily made suspicious; that is, there has been an attempt during
the Kalakaua reign, after he went to the throne, to create race preju-
dice, and he did it after he got on the throne, although the white man
was his best friend. It was so during the late revolution, since the de-
thronement of the Queen and before that, during the meeting of the late
Legislature. There has been a constant attempt on the part of such men
as Bush and Wilcox and others to stir up race feeling, and the natives
in the city of Honolulu have been influenced in that way. They go with
a rush, as it were, with this current, led by this bad literature, and the
churches and Christian life have suffered from it.

The Chairman. You are speaking of the city of Honolulu. Does
that occur throughout the islands?

Mr. Emerson. Yes; wherever the henchmen of the Queen are,
wherever there are persons subservient to her ideas, to ideas which
have been inculcated into them by the city of Honolulu. Those men by
their speeches have been enabled to lead the people. One of the
strongest elements working against them are the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. What are theyf

Mr. Emerson. The sorcerers.

Senator Sherman. The heathen f

Mr. Emerson. They are the people who practice fetichism upon the
superstitions of the people.

The Chairman. Native Hawaiiansf

Mr. Emerson. Native Hawaiian s. In 1868 Kamehameha V granted
licenses to these medicine men to practice according as they knew the
art, according as they professed to know the art.

The Chairman. What is the art!

Mr. Emerson. The natives are adepts in mctssagey with fetichism
in the background.

Senator Gray. Kamehameha Y granted licenses according to their
proficiency in the art of medicine, not the art of sorcery!

Mr. Emerson. No; he granted licenses to them as professed sor-
cerers; he granted licenses to the Kahunas.

Senator Gray. Did he grant licenses except when the applicant ex-
hibited some proficiency in the art of medicine!

Mr. Emerson. He granted a license to any man — I do not say to
any man; but licenses were given to those who claimed to be proficient,
medicine men who were called Kahunas. There is a minimum use of
drugs that these men associate with their practice, and a large — a mini-
mum of knowledge I should say; I do not know much about their use
of medicine — and a large appeal to superstition. For instance, I know
of one man who had

Senator Gray. What I want to know is, whether Kamehameha
granted licenses to those men on account of their knowledge of sor-
cery alone or on account of some professed knowledge of medicine!

Mr. Emerson. He granted licenses to them as men professing to
have knowledge of the art of healing.

The Chairman. Are the Hawaiiaus — I speak generally of the native
populatioa-^located in their separate homes !

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 181

Mr. Embrson. Tbey are more in the countr/ than in the city. In
tiie city there is more mixing up of home life. In the city of Honolulu
it is yery unfortunate; there is a good deal of that.
Senator Grat. Of what! .
Mr. Emrbson. Mixing up of home life.

The Chaisman. Speaking of the country. Have the Hawaiian
£iiDilies habitations in which they reside as families f
Senator Shbbman. That is, separate homes.
The CHAiRMAJi. Yes, separate homes.
Mr. £m£BSON. Yes.

The Chairman. Are those homes as a rule comfortable!
Mr. Emerson. Kot according to Anglo-Saxon ideas. Some of them
ue. For instance, in my tours through the islands I have stopped
sometimes at the native man's house, the judge's house. That man gets
a larger salary, and, of course, he can keep a better house, and he has
some knowledge of cookery. But the vast majority of the natives'
homes I would not like to state them to be comfortable.
The Chairman. Are they constructed of wood!
Mr. Emrrson. Mostly frame houses.

The Chairman. As a rule, do the natives build them themselves!
Mr. Emerson. I think as a rule they do, perhaps those who are able
to put up simple buildings such as they use.

The Chairman. Do they have fields, gardens, and orchards about
tbmf

Mr. Emerson. Very rarely. Kow and then you will find a native
nan who has a garden near his house. But I will say this, that gen-
erally the native has to have afield where he can raise his rice, his taro,
bis potatoes; his home may be on a hill or down by the seashore. If
the seashore, he is a fisherman, and his yard is a barren place.

The Chairman. The habitations are arranged to suit the particular
ealling in which the family is engaged?
Mr. Emerson. Some of them have thatched houses.
The Chairman. In their domestic relations have you found them
to be affectionate toward each other — peaceful f

Mr. Emerson. I think it may be stated that they are affectionate
and generally peaceful.

The Chairman. What is the tone of morality that prevails in the
kouseholds, the family establishments throughout these islands?

Mr. Emerson. Altogether there is too much of immorality — ^lack of
ehagtity among the females.

The Chairman. Would you say that this is the general rule, or only
tiie exception f
Mr. Emerson. I fear that I have to say it is the general rule.
The Chairman. That the women are unchaste!
Mr. Emerson. Yes.
Senator Gray. Are they monogamists?

Mr. Emerson. That is the law. But women will have two husbands
Kmetimes, and a man sometimes two wives. But I will say this, that
thae is an element

Chairman. You do not say that those polygamous relatioi a are
toiented by law f
Mr. Emerson. No; we have a Christian law.
Tbe CuAiRMAif. And these are transgressions of itf
Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Seoafor Gray. Monogamists are tolerated by law.
lie Chairman. Yes.

182 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. '

Mr. Emebson. I would like to say there is in the inlands, I believe,
an element which we are striving to raise up, a goodly remnant of the
men and women who are mostly chaste. They are the girls in our
seminaries and the young men in our boarding schools.

The Ohaibman. You spoke, a moment ago, of some difference be-
tween the missionary schools and the Government schools. Has the
Government over there taken charge of the secular education?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Tlie Chairman. Complete charge!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Have the missionary schools ceased to be held!

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; we have three girls' schools and two boys'
schools besides the Kamehameha School.

Senator Sherman. Are they sustained by public or private contri-
butions.

Mr. Emerson. Private contributions.

The Chairman. Those you have just spoken off

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you have a public school system beside t

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Is that sustained by taxation of the people at largef

Mr. PiMERSON. Yes.

The Chairman. What sort of system is it; a good one!

Mr. Emerson. I think there was an attempt to model it on our
American system.

The Chairman. What was the result of the attempt?

Mr. Emerson. I think it has been a great success in that country.

Senator Gray. How long has the system been in existence there!

Mr. Emerson. The missionaries started to teach so soon as they
went there. But I understand that Bichard Armstrong was the first
president of the board of education. I am not sure when he became
president of the board of education.

Senator Gray. How long ago, about!

Mr. Emerson. I should say in the neighborhood of forty years or
more.

Senator Gray. That is in addition to the general school system t

Mr. Emerson. That was the public-school system.

Senator Sherman. I would like to have you tell where you were on
the 14th day of January.

Mr. Emerson. That was Saturday!

Senator Sherman. Yes.

Mr. Emerson. I went to the prorogation of the legislature.

Senator Sherman. The legislature was dissolved that day!

Mr. Emerson. Dissolved that day.

Senator Sherman. When was the first meeting of those who
threatened to overthrow the Queen; when did that occur!

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, that occurred on that Saturday
afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Were you present!

Mr. Emerson. I was not.

Senator Sherman. Did you take any part in that!

Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Sherman. Of whom was that composed — what class of
citizens!

Mr. Emerson. I think of those who were the merchants and the

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 183

pUmters of the town. It was composed of the men who were, perhaps.
most largely interested in good government.

Senator Shsbman. To what extent did the native population par-
ticipate in that meeting f

Mr. Em£BSON. To no extent whatever, as I understood it.

Senator Skebman. Was that meeting held in the eveniugt

Mr. ExERSON. In the afternoon.

Senator Sherman. Was any resolution passed at that meeting t

Mr. Emerson. Beally, I know very little of what was done, except as
I have read the newspaper accounts. As I understand it^ they ap-
pointed a committee of safety.

The Chairman. That is hearsay. Of course, we can get nearer to it
than that.

Senator Sherman. Have we the proceedings of that«neeting^ have
they been published f

Senator Gray. Yes.

Senator Sherman. The proceedings of that first meeting!

The Chairman. Yes.

Senator Gray. When the resolutions were passed.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Sunday in connection with
tiis movement, do you remember, the day following the 16th f

Mr. Emerson. All I know is this: My brothers were interviewed.
They are laymen, and they were asked to state what arms they had.
My brother had two rifles, and he offered to loan one to another gentle-
man. And they had plenty of ammunition. This was my brother
Joseph, who was with me in the house. My other brother, Dr. Emer-
son, mentioned that he had arms, too. And it was understood that a
gentleman, a friend of ours, was making out a list of those who could
nlly at any time. It would seem in that city we got rather used to
this sort of thing. It was worked before, in 1887 ; it was worked in
1S89, and it was by the rallying of citizens in 1889 that the rebellion
was pat down. It was by the rallying of the citizens in 1887 that
Kalakana was made to accept the constitution, and it could be done

igun.

Senator Sherman. What was done that Sunday f

Mr. Emsrson. A list was gotten.

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Monday, the 16th f

Kr. Emrrson. I will say that during all this time there was intense
feehng. We felt it in the church and felt it on the street, although the
natives were quiet. You could always tell there was a good deal of
iS^eling among white men, too. Monday morning I went down to my
office. I remember being so excited. Perhaps this fact may bear a
httie on the situation. We have a room there where we sell Bibles and
other books. My clerk was sitting there, and two other native men,
tod Mr. Hall came in.

Senator Gray. Do you mean missionary menf

Mr. Emerson. Kot missionary men^ they were native Hawaiian s.

S^ator Gray. Aborigines Y

Mr. Emerson. Aborigiues. I think there were two, my clerk, and
the aborigines. I think I remember the name of oue, and the other —
I koow his face perfectly. I do not know what his alliances were,
vbether he.was a Queen man or not. But I will say this — the word
vas called oat — "We are entirely through with this Queen; we will
bte nothing' more to do with thi» Queen." I made the remark in the
<Aee ID the presence of these nativesy and I was sustained by the

184 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

white men and the natives and Mr. Hall. Such was my feeling at that
time that I had no more allegiance for this Qaeen.

Senator Sherman. That was the 16th f

Mr. EiffEESON. Yes, sir.

Senator Sherman. What day were the troops ordered there! Give
the history of the event.

Mr. Emerson. Then I went home to dinner, and in the afternoon I
attended the mass meeting. Things culminated at the mass meeting.

Senator Sherman. That was on the IGthf

Mr. Emerson. The 16th,

The Chairman. Where was that meeting heldf

Mr. Emerson. In the skating rink.

The Chairman. How many persons were present!

Mr. Emers(J!n. From a thousand to fifteen hundred. Fifteen hundred,
maybe. I sat fi*ont and could not say exactly. There were consider-
ably over a thousand.

The Chairman. Any Kanakas there f

Mr. Emerson. My clerk came and sat with me.

The Chairman. Any others!

Mr. Emerson. I did hear of others being there. I believe there were
some half- whites there. But it was a meeting mostly of white men,
white citizens. There was most intense feeling.

The Chairman. Who presided!

Mr. Emerson. Mr. William Wilder. There was most intense feel-
ing. Mr. Wilder opened the meeting and made a statement of why
they were there. In brief, he introduced the speakers. I know Mr.
Thurston was a speaker, and also a German who spoke, and there was
an Englishman who spoke. There were a great many Portuguese
there. I am not sure that there was a speech made in Portuguese.

The Chairman. Do you recollect what Mr. Wilder said in opening
that meeting! Do you think you can recall it so that you can state it
to the committee!

Mr. Emerson. !No, I can not.

Senator Sherman. And how soon after that were the troops landed
from the Boston?

Mr.' Emerson. While this meeting was being held in the skating
rink there was also a rally of the people who were the supporters of
the palace, the Queen, in the palace square. I do not know how^ many
were there.

The Chairman. You were not present there!

Mr. Emerson. I was not present, although my friend, Mr. Hooes,
was with me. He was a chaplain in the United States Favy. And
my brother was with me. They left me to go down the street to the
Palace Square, to see what was going on. I think they said some five
hundred or more were there, and that there was a good deal of feeling.
And so strong was the feeling that the speakers did not dare excite
the populace, but felt that the time had come for them to restrain their
utterances, and their utterances were quite mild afterwards — ^they were
apologetic.

Senator Sherman. They were for the Queen!

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And the feeling during all those days was that
the Queen and the Queen's government had lost its grip on the situa-
tion. During the meeting held in that skating rink I did not see any
man with any arms whatever. I saw no sidearms, and they were
within a block and a half of the barracks. But they did not dare

Senator Gray. What did that meeting do other than declare against

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 185

certain acts of the Governmeiitf Did it declare openly in opposition
to the Queen Y

Mr. Emsrson. So openly that when Mr. Baldwin said, " Let us goby the
o>nstitational methods," they cried out, "No, no." And as I remember
it the statement was made, " We have no more use for the Queen," or
words to that effect.
Senator Ghat. Who made that statement f
Mr. Emksson. I could not tell you.

Senator Gbat. Were resolutions passed other than those denounc-
io^ certain acts of the Government which the meeting disapproved T

Mr. EiCBRsoN. As I understand it the committee was empowered to
go forward and act.

Senator Sblebman. Follow that. B ow soon after that meeting closed
iras it that the troops were landed from the Boston?

Mr. EiCBBSON. My first knowledge of the landing of the troops from
tbe Boston was when I went dowii the street.
Senator Sherman. The same dayT

Mr. Emerson. The same day; oh, yes, sir. It was after that meet-
ing. I went to my home, and my brother and I went to Rev. Mr.
Bishop's home. We knew there must be a good deal of feeling around.
I said, "How about tonight; are they not going to patrolT" Mr.
Bishop said, "The United States marines have been landed, so that
there will be quiet observed."

Senator Sherman. Were the marines landed before the close of the
meeting f
Mr. Emerson. Ko.
Senator Sherman. They were notT
Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; an hour or two afterwards.
Senator Gray. Did you see any of the marines there f
Mr. Emerson. I did not.

Senator Gray. Then how did you know they were landed.
Mr. Emerson. I was told by Mr. Bishop.
Senator Sherman. At what hour was the meeting heldT
Mr. Emerson. I think it was after 2 o'clock that we met.
Senator Sherman. Were there, so far as you know, any organized
anned forces on either side at the time, during the holding of this
loeetingT
Mr. Emerson. I know of none. I know of no armed forces that were
ifi ^ght.

Senator Sherman. Did you know or hear of any that were in exist-
ence ready to fight during the time the meeting was going onT You
ay there was a meeting of both sides.

Mr. Emerson. I had no knowledge of any forces that were at that
time anywhere in sight, although that night — I will not say that night
-I had the feeling that there were men in the city not only by the
8cwe, but certainly over a hundred.

Senator Sherman. You say that the day before they made a list of
their stren^h.

Mr. Emerson. Hundreds who would have risen had there been an
OD^gency.
Senator Sherman. But you saw no armed troops in the streets T
Mr. Emerson. !No; my brother was ready at any time to take his
fon and go,

Tbe Chairman. At the time of the holding of the meeting of these
^tizens, both at the skating rink and at the palace grounds, the Queen
^ ber army f

186 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Emebson. Yes. The barracks were a block and a half Away.

The Chairman. How many were in that arinyt

Mr. Emebson. She was granted payment for only 60 or 70.

The Ohaibman. In addition to that was there a police force T

Mr. Emebson. There was a police force. I do not know how large,
but I have heard say there were 80 in the station house.

The Chairman. Were both of these forces, the civil and military
forces, under the command of the same person T

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Under the command of dififerent persons f

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Chaibman. Who commanded the military forceT

Mr. Emebson. Capt. Nowlein. I am not sure about that.

The Chaibman. Who commanded the civil force, the police forcet

Mr. Emebson. As I understand, Mr. Wilson, the marshal, was at
the head of the police.

The Chaibman. Did they occupy the same quarters or differentf

Mr. Emebson. They were nearly a mile apart.

The Chaibman. You saw nothing of the police force as a body or
the military force as a body at either of these meetings?

Mr. Emebson. No.

The Chaibman. Did you see them on the street that evening in mil-
itary array?

Mr. Emebson. No. There was a remarkable

The Chaibman. There was then no exhibition of military force, nor
exhibition of police forceT

iSenator Gbay. Let Mr. Emerson finish his sentence.

Mr. Emebson. There was a great hush about the streets.

Senator Gbay. You were going to say remarkable.

Mr. Emebson. There was an unusual aspect in the condition of
things.

Senator Gbay. You were going to say remarkably quiett

Mr. Emebson. There was a particularly pex^uliar hush; yes.

The Chaibman. During that afternoon or evening you saw no mili-
tary or police force in bodies under their appropriate officer T
• Mr. Emebson. No.

The Chaibman. No display of that kind!

Mr. Emebson. No.

The Chairman. After the troops came in from the ship — ^the marines
came in from the Boston^ where did they go?

Mr. Emebson. This, of course, I got from reports.

The Chaibman. You need not speak of anything but what you your-
self know.

Mr. Emebson. I know, this ^uuch — ^that company went up to Mr.
Atherton's house. One went to the consuFs; I saw them there. One
went to the minister's residence.

Senator Gbay. Did they stay there T

Mr. Emebson. Some twenty-five or so stayed with the consul.

Senator Gbay. All night!

Mr. Emebson. Yes. And another company, as I understand it,
stayed at the minister's residence. I saw tents pitched there for them.

Senator Gbay. Did you see men in themT

Mr. Embbson. Yes. And at Mr. Atherton's there was no place fat
them to stay; there being no place, they were removed.

Senator Gbay. That evening?

Mr. Emebson. That evening; yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 187

Senator SH£ir.kiAN. Who is Mr. Atlierton.

Mr. Emerson. He is one of our leadiDg iinanciers, a wealthy man.

Senator Sherman. He is not an oMcer of the Government T

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. A gentleman from Hawaii, Mr. Garter, sent me a
blue print of the city of Honohihi, at least parts of it. I want you to
look oyer that and see if the locations of the different houses corre-
spond with your knowledge of the facts (exhibiting diagram).

Mr Embrson ^examining). This is about the same as the diagram
tJiat I made out tor myself; a smaller one.

The Chairman. Are you prepared to say whether that is a correct
drawing of the place f

Mr. Emrrson [indicating on the diagram]. There is Mr. Atherton's
lioujse. There IS the skating rink. Thatis the place where the maso meet-
ing was held. There are the barracks around the corner. This was all open
tbere^the Queen's military barracks. This is the palace, where the Queen
was, the Government building, and that is the opera house, and this
Arion Hall.

Senator Gray. In this Government house beside are the chambers
of the Government officers T

Mr. Emerson. In fact, the treasury. All the archives are there.

Senator Sherman. Where did our soldiers stand — ^there [indicating]
or here [indicating].

Mr. Emerson. No; here [indicating]. The United States marines —
I did not see them stand in arms, as stated. I remember going there.
1 saw no marines, no guns trained on the palace.

Senator Sherman. Behind that building T [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes; here [indicating] is the yard where they had the
tent

Senator Sherman. That is the opera house t [Indicating.]

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where did those marines land!

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, they landed down on the wharf,

dNmt tliere [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not by the custom house T

Mr. Emerson. No; they landed down here [indicating].

Senator Sherman. King street seems to be the leading street!

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Merchant street — I think' they usually landed

about there; it may be they landed there [indicating].
Senator Sherman. On what street did they go toward the palace t

Mr. Emerson. I did not see them go up. But here [indicating] is the

eonsnlate. Probably they would go right up this street here [in(ficating]

ad up there [indicating] : or a squad might go up Nuuanu street to the

icfation; another squad to the consulate; another squad up Merchant

teet to Mr. Atherton's, and then back again to Arion Hall. There

[iodicating] is the police station, within a block, just across the street,

vhere Mr. Smith's committee of safety met — ^right under the nose of the

plaice station.
The Chairman. Show me the building on which the flag of the

United States was raised.
Mr. Emerson. lolani Palace.
The Chairman. When was it first raised!
Mr. Emerson. I think it was about two weeks after the landing of

tk marines that I saw it.
The Chairman. Two weefcs after the landing of the marines?
Mr. Emerson. Yew.
The Ghairhan. isetore tbe nag was raisea at all T

188 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were the troops at the time that flag waa
raised T

Mr. Emerson. They were quartered right here at Camp Boston.

The Chairman. W here was the minister of the United States re-
siding at the time that flag was raised over the Aliolani Hall T

Mr. Emerson. Bight there [indicating].

The Chairman. Is that the palace usually occupied by the Queen T

Mr. Emerson. The court has been at lolani Palace.

Senator Sherman. Is the Queen's home within the bounds of the city 1

Mr. Emerson.- Yes; the home is right there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Not the palace, but the Queen's home.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Sherman. I 8upi>osed it was out some distance.

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Mark where the Queen's home is.

Mr. Emerson, llight there [marking].

The Chairman. You say you did not see the United States flag until
two weeks after the landing of the marines T

Mr. Emerson. That or ten days. I can not say how long; but it was
considerably later.

The Chairman. Were these troops that you saw quartered in this
open park accompanied with a flag?

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag of the United States was with each
squad. Camp Boston was there [indicating].

Senator Gray. Was that where they were Friday night f

Mr. Emerson. Not Friday night.

Senator Gray. Monday night T

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Was this flag raised over Aliolani Hallf

Mr. Emerson. Not until two weeks after.

The Chairman. And they made their camp there f

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And in the meantime the Queen had retired to her
priyate homeT

Mr. Emerson. Yes. She retired Wednesday. The home has
always been kept open.

The Chairman. Were you present when the flag was raised there T

Mr. Emerson, No.

The Chairman. Of course you know nothing about the orders on
which it was donet

Mr. Emerson. No.

The Chairman. Are you pretty certain it was as much as two weeks
after the landing of the marines before that flag was raised on Alio-
lani Hall.

Senator Sherman. He said seven or ten days.

Mr. Emerson. I said in the neighborhood of ten days.

The Chairman. If there had been a flag raised on these buildings
prior to that time, would you have seen it!

Mr. Emerson. I certainly would have seen it. There was a flag on
the consulate and a great many flags in the street; on private houses
they had American flags flying; but over the Government buildings I
did not see it until some time afterwards.

The Chairman. Was any Hawaiian flag flying at any timeT

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag on the Government building was
raised and kept up, the two together.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 189

The Chairman. You think the two together!

Mr. EiEEBSON. Yea.

The Chairman. Are yon certain of that T

Mr. £m£RSOn. I am sure of that — so sure that it was a matter of
talk.

Senator Sherman. That Hawaii and the United States were in
partnership!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do you mean the flags were on the same staff!

Mr. Emerson. I think not on the same staff. I am not sure about
that. I think on different staffs.

The Chairman. You spoke of the Government building. That is
different from lolani Palace!

Mr. Emerson. I do not know whether they had two staffs there or
act But on the Government building I saw the two flags waving to-
gether.

The Chairman. What time was the flag raised on the Government
baOding!

Mr. Emerson. I think' the same time it was raised on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You do not remember to have seen the flag of the
United States on the Government building until you saw it on lolani
Palace.

Mr. Emerson. No. I am not sure of two flags on lolani Palace.

The Chairman. You saw on the Government building two, on lolani
Palace only one!

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure about that.

Senator Gray. What was the opium bill of which you spoke awhile
ago, the one which was passed by the Legislature, and which was so
objectionable to some of the good people of Honolulu.

Mr. Emerson. I can speak only in general terms of it ; it was a bill
legnlating^ the sale of opium.

Senator Gray. Did you ever read it !

Mr. Emerson. I think I have read it : I am not sure ; I have seen
it in the papers, the bills as they are published from time to time.

Senator Gray. Can you recollect what the provisions of it were!

Mr. Emerson. Ko.

Senator Gray. You say that prior to the passage of that bill there
lad been a bitter complaint about what was called the existence of an
opimn ring, that smuggled opium into the islands!

Mr. Emehson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was the importation absolutely prohibited — ^I mean
prior to the passage of the bill!

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what the law was in regard to that;
bat as I understand it there was — my impression is it was to be used
in certain ways as a drug.

Senator Gray. I want t6 know if you know.

Mr. Emerson. I would rather say I do not know.

Senator Gray. You say you do not know whether you read that bill
« not I>o you know whether the bill that passed provided for the
lioeDsing of the sale of opium under Government regalation!

Mr. Emerson. According to my recollection that was the nature of
tke bill — Government regulation of the sale.

Sttiator Gray. What was the lottery bill!

Mr. Ehersok. 1 was in the Legislature when that bill was p^ssodt

The CHAiBMAif. Were you a member of the Legislature!

Kfr Sxsssojf' ^0} I beg po-rdon, X w^s »>tteR(Ung,

190 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. In the chamber T

Mr. Emerson. I was in the chamber and saw the vote taken And
heard the bill read. I can not state just the nature of tbe bill; bat it
was a bill that granted a franchise to a certain number of persons to
establish a lottery in that country.

Senator Gray. For what purpose; did it state T

Mr. £merson. As I understood it it was for their own

Senator Gray. To raise revenue?

Mr. Emerson. Five hundred thousand dollars was offered the Gov-
ernment and an annuity. Then there was a rider put on by Mr.
Thurston and Mr. Smith, the last thing before it passed, to the eflect
that $125,000 — that there must be a certain putting down of that
money, a d(*posit made to the extent of $125,000, before this body could
operate. The idea was to stave off any attempt to do the thing unless
the Louisiana lottery would take hold. They did not want the
Louisiana lottery, and it would not be there unless the Louisiana
lottery would take hold, and the question was whether the Louisiana
lottery would take hold.

Senator Gray. And they wanted a deposit of actual money f

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The feeling was to hamper the bill as much as
possible.

Senator Gray. That rider was put on by the enemies of the billT

Mr. Emerson. Yes.
. Senator Sherman. Does gambling prevail among the natives of
Hawaii?

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that it does to a large extent. The
natives are led into it by Chinamen and by — I will say chiefly by
Chinamen.

Senator Gray. Participated in by whites at allT

Mr. Emerson. I think the whites have their own way of gambling.
I do not think they go to these little stalls and buy checks and
gamble. It is the Chinese chefa game.

Senator Gray. The Chinese have a distinct system of gambling of
of their own!

Mr. Emerson. That is the system that appeals to the natives.

Senator Gray. Is there any gambling among the whitest

Mr. Emerson. I suppose there is considerable. There is a certain
class of whites which was associated with the Kalakauan throne.

Senator Gray. I have been very much interested in the account
you gave of the native population, of their disposition and habits and
education. You say it would be very difficult, as I understood you, to
find a person over 12 years of age who could not read and write!

Mr. Emerson. I think it would be very difficult among the natives.

Senator Gray. Do you think those people capable of self-govern-
ment as we understand it heref

Mr. Emerson. lean not answer that categorically; I must qualify
it by saying this: The Hawaiian s are in the hands of two parties; one
X)arty makes for righteousness and the other for spoils.

Senator Gray. Do you think they are themselves capable of originat-
ing or maintaining popular self-government ?

Mr. Emerson. I think with their environment they can not do it

Senator Sherman. I believe we have statistics here among the
papers showing the increase among the Portuguese and the decline oi
the Hawaiians.

Senator Fryk, Yes.

Tbe Chairman. The Portuguese go there by importatioQ.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 191

Mr. £m£rson. I think the a^ent went to the Azores and negotiated
for certain laborers. They come from the islands.

Senator Shsrilan. Are they not a good deal mixed; is there not a
nixUire of Portugese and other Indian blood!

Mr. Emerson. In some there is a mixture. I do not jnst know the
fitoatiou in the Madeira or the group of the Azores Islands.

Senator 6b ay. Are they not classed as suchT

Mr. Emerson. We class them as European.

The Chairman. In coming to Hawaii, do they bring their families f

Mr. Emsrson. Many of them do.

The Chairman. And establish homes?

Mr. Emerson. Some of them are most indnstrious and thrifty.

The Chairman. In establishing homes?

Mr. Emerson. Tes.

The Chairman. They represent a good industrious element?

Mr. Emerson. We think it is a great gain.

The Chairman. Are they difficult to control ?

Mr. Emerson. We do not think so.

The Chairman. I mean in their general demeanor in the comma-
aity?

Mr. Emerson. I do not think so. They are a peaceful people.

Senator Gray. Do they maintain their language or speak the Ha-
wiiian?

Mr. Emerson. They speak Portuguese.

The Chairman. Are they members of any church?

Mr. Emerson. They are mostly Eoman Catholics; but most of them
are prejudiced against the Jesuits. And my experience has been in
the mission work that they are not very bigoted or under the control
of the priests. They have no priests of their nationality there. There
WIS no preaching in Portuguese until we introduced a preacher, and
then they introduced one.

The Chairman. Do the Portuguese build Catholic churches?

Mr. Embrson. Ko. I do not think they have separate churches.
We have two among the Portuguese.

Soiator Gray. Missions among the Portuguese?

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

Saiator Gray. To convert them from Eomauism?

Mr. Emerson. No. There was the nucleus of a protestant element.
We have a school in our mission in Honolulu. We have a gentleman
aad three ladies who have worked with him, and they have a day and
night school, a kindergarten, and a good many children of Boman
Catholic Portuguese go there to attend our schools. Our intention is
to give them a biblical Christianity; it is not proselyting. One family
alt^ another has come over to express their adherence.

Senator Gray. Does the Catholic mission have churches?

Mr. Emerson. It has its cathedral and out stations and its priests.

The Chairman. When these Portuguese arrive do they go on the
agar plantations in the country or stop in the town?

Mr. Emerson. Those who come as contract laborers have to go on
the sugar plantation. I do not think many are brought now as contract

hbarers.
The Chairman. So that you regard them as a peaceM element of

•ociety?
Mr. Emerson. I will answer in this way: My two brothers are con-

^B^iiig a Sabbath school in connection with this mission, and they

We more interest in the Portuguese work than in the Hawaiian work

192 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

because they seem to think they have something to bnild up. And
what they say has much truth in it. One of the elements of the islands
is the element represented by the Portuguese people.

The Chaikman. Are the Portuguese entitled to vote under the con-
stitution T

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Chairman. Being Europeans!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They are entitled to that privilegeJn Hawaii with-
out changing their nationality, without renouncing their allegiance to
the foreign government T

Mr. Emerson. I think all Europeans, Germans and all, who are
domiciled in the land under certain conditions. I can not tell you the
conditions that permit them to vote. While considering themselves
American citizens, some of the white men have voted. They vote and
act as citizens of that land.

The Chairman. Eetaining their citizenship in their native land, they
are permitted to vote in Hawaii under the constitution of 1887!

Mr. Emerson. As I understand it. I do not know just what rela-
tions the Portuguese Government permits.

The Chairman. When the Japanese come to Hawaii do they bring
their families!

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that the Japanese come there
rather too promiscuously. Some of them are married men; but they
tire of one wife and take another.

The Chairman. The Japanese, if 1 understand you correctly, are
introduced into Hawaii by an agreement between the two govern-
ments!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do the overseers, controllers of these Japanese,
come along from Japan!

Mr. Emerson. There is an agent, a Mr. Irwin, who ships them from
Japan. Of course, there are interpreters, men who go there to bring
them over; just how, I could not say.

The Chairman. Mr. Irwin is the agent of the Hawaiian Govern-
ment!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he resides in Japan!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And he sends out these Japanese to Hawaii!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. They come under a contract between the two gov-
ernments!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do they establish homes when they get there!

Mr. Emerson. The Japanese are rather apt to be migratory. Now
and then a bright, intelligent Japanese man will get a store. There
are certain young men in Honolulu who are establishing stores in the
city, and also the members of the legation. Barely you will find one
who is married; they are young men. Their prospects in the island
are good, but most of the laborers return.

The Chairman. They come under a contract to return, do they not!

Mr. Emerson. I believe they do. I suppose there is a contract to
jreturn.

XU$ Qhaibjia?^? The t^Wii^se who come to Hei.wfw, are they brought

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 193

under an arraDgement with the Govomment of China or do they come
of their owu accord t

Mr. Emsbson. In regard to these Government contracts, my knowl-
edge is that as to the immigration of the Chinese they are limited, as
in the case of the Japanese. As I understand it, there is a limitation
upon their coining.

The Chairman. Do you mean that a certain number may come
within a year t

Mr. £m£RSON. I can not say just what it is.

The Chairman. When the Chinese arrive there, do they bring their
bmilies with themf

Mr. Em£HSON. I know this, the Chinamen are sending to China
oft^ for wives. My cook said, ^^Mr. Emerson, if you will lend me
t200 I can get a wife."

The Chairman. In what kind of service are the Chinese employed
m Hawaii T

Mr. Emerson. The chief service is to their own people, rice planters.

Soiator Sherman. And sugar planters T

Mr. Emerson. There are not so many working the sugar plantations*
Thai there are cooks in the cities.

Senator Gray. Domestic servants f

Mr. Ebeerson. Domestic servants.

The Chairman. Have the Chinamen ownership over the lands
where they raise ricet

Mr. Emerson. I think it is mostly rented land.

The Chairman. But they have farming establishments f

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And they are engaged mainly in the raising of ricef

Mr. Emjbrson. The Chinaman, I think, is quite an item in Hawaii,
so to as his labors are concerned. There are quite a number of chil-
dren (descendants of Chinamen are numerous); they are given to
ttnying native wives, native women.

The Chairman. How is the native population, the Kanakas, related
to these different people— the Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese!
Are they friendly t

Mr. Emrrson. Friendly with anybody. A Chinaman can ingratiate
hiB^f into the native's house. He will say, ^^ You put up a building,
asd I will give you a certain rent." The Chinaman will run a store and
psj the rent, and the native will live off it. The Chinaman will go into
theeotmtry and say, ^^I will take your patch off your hand and plant
tlie patch;" and the Hawaiian rents to the Chinaman, and he makes
■oBey off it. It is a very great misfortune that the Hawaiian is being
worked oat of his independence by this race. He needs protection.

The Chairman. Do the native Kanaka women intermarry with the
Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese T

Mr. Emerson. I do not think the Japanese and Portuguese do. I
tUnk there are quite a number of Portuguese women there; there are
cntainly more Portuguese women than Chinese women. The Chinese
are most apt to marry the natives.

The Chairman. The native woman has no fastidiousness with
Jtgud to marriage — she will marry a Japanese, a Chinese, or a Portu-
guese?

Mr. Embrson. I think not^ if she get a chance to marry a Chinese
or Portuguese.

Senator Gray. Does she ever marry a white man?

Mr. Emerson. When they can not get white husbands.

a Bep. 227 13

194 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gray. Is there the same antipathy between the white race
and the Hawaiian in Hawaii as between the white and the negro in
this country?

Mr. Emerson. I think not. The Hawaiian is to be amalgamated and
a new race is to be formed there.

Senator Sherman. Some of the royal family married Englishmen —
some of the highest families of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Queen Emma's /ather was an Englishman,
married to a native princess. Bernice Pauahi married Mr. Bishop, a
banker. Idkelike, who is dead, married Mr. Gleghorn. Mr. Dominis
married the present Queen.

Senator Sherman. He was an Englishmanf

Mr. Emerson. I do not know.

Senator Sherman. He was not an Hawaiian T

Mr. Emerson. Ko; he was a foreigner. There is a little too mucu
mingling between the natives and the foreigners.

Senator Frye. Did not our secretary of legation marry a native!

Mr. Emerson. You mean the secretary of legation, Hastings? ISo}
he married a pure white.

The Chairman. Then, I understand you, it is the belief or expecta-
tion that the population in Hawaii will change, so that the Kanaka will
disappear ultimately and there will be an intermingling of the native
element there of the various nationalities that come from other countries.

Mr. Emerson. Yes; he will disappear, and will take on a little dif-
ferent personality.

The Chairman. Disappear from the pure native f

Mr. Emerson. I think it will ultimately work that way. Of course,
for many years to come there will be pure-blooded natives.

The Chairman. 1 will ask if it is your opinion that the native pop-
ulation of Hawaii, the Kanakas, in view of the iiactd you have stated,
are liable to become so powerful in government a« to be able to con-
trol the other nationalities that have come into those islands, or have
they lost the power to rule them?

Mr. Emerson. I consider that they have lost that control already,
and in my opinion they can never regain it.

The Chairjian. From your acquaintance with the white element
there, European or American, is there a disposition on the part of the
white man to sustain whatever is good and virtuous in the native char-
acter, or is there a disposition to trample it under foot — crush it outT

Mr. Emerson. There are two classes out there quite distinctly
marked. My plea is for the native Hawaiian ; we must see to it that
he get out of the hands of the man who would make gain of himr
and use him as his cat's-paw, and let him be governe I by those who
will work for his best interests, and help him to be all the man he can
become.

The Chairman. Suppose such a thing as a Kanakan government,
beginning with the Queen and going through all the different offices
of the monarchy, where the right of voting would be coniined to the
natives, and where the right to make laws and execute them would be
with them, do you believe that that native population has a political
strength and power sufficient to enable it to control those islands under
those conditions f

Mr. Emerson. N^o. There are certainly 36,000 Asiatics that they
could not control — 36,000 adult male Ast'atics. Ten thousand Hawaii-
ans could not control them.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 195

The Chaikman. Would they be received kindly by the white popu-
lation in the islands T

Mr. Embrson. No, because of the fact that the natives themselves
are in two camps, so to speak. There is an element there, making for
rigbteoasneas and an element making for heathenism.

The Chaikman. Is the latter spreading T

Mr. EM£RSOif. Spreading? It is like an ulcer eating right into the
Titals. And the court was the center of that influence.

The Chairman. The influence that tends to depravity f

Mr. Em£RSON. That tends to depravity. Not only Kalakaua with
luaopiam franchises, but the Queen herself with her opium bill. And
the best natives in the Legislature felt that she was willing to sell the
KVes of her people.

Senator Gray. Do you think there are two elements among the
white people t

Mr. EirERSON. Yes.

Senator Gbat. One bends toward gain and the other is for virtue f

Mr. EacERSON. Yes.

The Chairman. Which is the better clement T

Mr. Emrrson. I believe the element that makes for righteousness is
represented by the Provisional Government; although I will say that
every government gathers around it people who are worthy and some
who are not worthy. But I believe the most worthy elements are there.
I will say this: I can take up my annual report and read names, and
ytm will hardly find a name on that list that has contributed to the
missionary work

The Chairman. You are speaking of the religious part of the sub-
ieet?

Mr. Emrrson. That indirectly shows the character of the man.

The Chairman. I am not speaking of that; I am speaking more
pwtienlarly of the political aspect of the question. My questions are
directed to that proposition. I understand that much the larger por-
tion of the wealth of Hawaii is owned by white men, Europeans^ Amer-
icans, and natives who are white, and that that class of people, if I
mderstand you correctly, is in favor of making the Kanakas, the native
population, all that can be made of them by moral, religious, and edu-
citioual training?

Mr. Emerson. I think I can give you an instance. W. O. Smith is
the attorney-general, one of the leading men in the Government. His
brother has given 1^12,000 to establish a girl's school — impoverished
MiDi^elf— and his only sister is chief of that school. They had to dis-
Bu» the principal. They are giving their lives to the Hawaiians.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas, representing in suc-
eession the political government of Hawaii.

Mr. Emerson. There was one, Lunalilo, who was connected with the
Kamehamelia dynasty. He makes the sixth.

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas and Lunalilo, who
TU of the royal descent T

Mr. £m£RSON. Not direct royal descent, but collateral.

The Chairman. From another family, and they constitute the six
SBcteeding nionarchs in Hawaii?

Mr. £m£RSON. Yes. And Kalakaua was the last.

The Chairmajv. And with Lunalilo expired the royal blood T

Mt. Emerson. Yes. And one remains, who is a drunkard, Kumer-
ttkea. He can never come to the throne.

13be Chairman. During the reign of the Kamehamehas, commencmg

196 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

with the second or third, according to my recollection of the chronology ,
the King began introducing the missionaries into his cabinet, his
council f

Mr. Emebson. Kamehameha III.

The Chairman. Yes, one of them remained there a long while as
chief of a department of the Government.

Mr. Emebson. Yes, they resigned their missionary relations.

The Chaibman. They gave u]> their missionary relations and became
chiefs of the Government T

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. During all the time of the existence of these mon-
archa, these Kings, was there any want of confidence between the
monarch and the white element? When I speak of the white element,
I mean those who are in favor of good government and religion. Was
there any conflict between these Kamehamehas, or Lunalilo, and the
white missionaries^ and those persons who where associated with themT

Mr. Emerson. I think there was no conflict except on moral points.
The missionaries were their most stanch supporters — ^loyal subjects.

The Chairman. I want to know whether there was harmony of
action between the Hawaiians and Kamehamehas and Lunalilo during
their respective reigns.

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Then it was later that the controversy arose be-
tween the Crown and the missionary or white elementf

Mr, Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. It arose then, as I understand it, during the reign
of Kalakaua?

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha Y proclaimed a more autocratic con-
stitution. He was criticised. We felt that he was somewhat of a
heathen. In 1868 he granted these licenses to the native sorcerers.
We felt that he was a man of great force of will. We felt that he was
rather introducing heathen elemenfts. Although he was not squarely,
flatly against the missionaries, yet they were not so much in sympathy
wtih him as they were with Kamehameha III and Kamehameha lY.

The Chairman. Kamehameha Y gave the new constitution f

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chaibman. When Kalakana was put on the throne, was there
any change T

Mr. Emebson. No.

The Chaibman. It was when Kalakaua was chosen king that the
constitution of 1864 was changed?

Mr. Emebson. The coup Wetat of Kamehameha Y was in 1864, and
that constitution continued until 1887.

The Chaibman. The point I was trying to get at is this, whether the
first political disturbance between the white element and the monarchy
was during the reign of Kalakaua.

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Chaibman. And from that time to this it has 'been more or less
turbulent?

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Chaibman. And this present revolution is the fruit or result of
political movements that took place in the beginning of the reign of
Kalakaua?

Mr. Embbson. Yes.

The Chaibman. And not before!

Mr. Emebson. I think not before. In 1854 I believe there was talk

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 197

of acbange of government. That was because of certain difficulties that
the King had with foreign relations, not internal relations, as I under-
stand it.

The Chairman. During all this period of time has there been, with-
in your knowledge or belief, according to your understanding, a party
of white people existing in Hawaii for the purpose of annexing Hawaii
to the United States T

Mr. Ehsrson. I think there has been, during the latter part of the
reign of Kalakaua. I think there were people who looked to ultimate
annexation.

The Chairman. Was that because of designs on their part to over-
throw the Government and force annexation, or because they were
despairing of the power of the native element to rulet

Mr. Emerson. I think the feeling was this : " Just so long as the pres-
ent Government continuas, let us be loyal to that." I think that was
the feeling of these men who finally achieved the revolution.

The Chairman, They had been anticipating the fall of the dynasty f

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Some felt that Kalakaua ought to be the last.
That was the feeling of a great many.

The Chairman. Anticipating the fall of the Hawaiian dynasty — the
monarchy!

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. And that led to the expectation — an earnest one —
Mid hofie that the result would be that the Hawaiian Islands would be
annexed to the United States T

Mr. Emerson. Coupled with that anticipation of the downfall of the
dynasty, was the wasting away of the Hawaiian people, ceasing to be
the dominant people.

The Chairman. That is what you have been looking to all the timeT

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

S^iator Gray. You think there was a distinct party there called the
annexation party, or that the policy of annexation was approved by
some people Y

Mr. Emerson. I do not know of a distinct party that was crystaJized,
hot there was that talk.

The Chairman. What was the sentiment that you gathered from
your association with the people over there, in the event that the
Hawaiian monarchy is to perish; whether those people would prefer to
pla^ themselves within the protection of the United States or Great
Britain, or Grermany, or France, or Japan, or any other placet

Mr. Emerson. So far as I have talked with my friends (and they put
a f^ood many questions to me in regard to this matter), I feel that they
prize above aU other things annexation to this country, that is, under
the situation, seeing that they can not carry things themselves. The
Hawaiian woald prefer to have the prominenciB which he has lost. But
tbat he can never regain, and my sentiment is, and so far as I have
talked with tfaem I have so expressed it, that they should get as near
to the United States as they can, saying, '< You will then have as fully
» yon can your rights of suffrage."

Senator GRAY. Prior to that emeute of Saturday, when trouble
»BWDenced was a majority of the people of Hawaii opposingthe Queen
*wi in favor of annexing Hawaii to the United States?

Ifr. EmersoK- Oil, no.

TheCHAiRatAi^. You mean all the people!

198 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gray. All the people. Was a majority of the people oppos-
ing the Queen, and in favor of annexation to the United States? Yon
say, "(3h, no."

Mr. Kmchson. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose it had been left to the vote of the Ka-
nakas?

Mr. Emkrson. If it had been left to the vote of those thirteen thou-
sand, 1 think tlio natives, seeing their Queen there, would have felt
like supportiuft' her.

Senator (rUAY. What would the majority of those voters have done
at the time!

Mr. Emeuson. I think the majority would have voted in favor of a
continuance of the Queen's Government.

Tlie Chaieman. Do you include the Portuguese in thatt

Mr. Emerson. Ko; they are opposed to the Queen and in favor of
the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. That is one element. And the Germans?

Mr. Emerson. The Germans, one portion, the intelligent portion —
I should say that the vast majority of the Europeans were in favor of
a change of the government and annexation to the United States Gov-
ernment, leaving out a few English. A few English prefer English
institutions. Leaving out that party — the English minister, Minister
Woodhouse, has marriage relations with the late court.

Senator Gray. If the power in that country resided in those who
had the right to vote, and that I take for granted — you understand
what I mean

Mr. Emerson. I can say that here were 8,000 native votes-

Senator Gray. I am willing to hear you when you shall have an-
swered my question. Understand me first. The political power there
under the existing state of things was vested with those 13,000 people
who voted T

Mr. Emerson. Under the law.

Senator Gray. Was not that necessarily sot

Mr. Emerson. Yes, just so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. Those who were elected to the Legislature were
elected by the voting population T

Mr. Emerson. I grant that, so far as the vote would go.

Senator Gray. I ask you whether or not a majority of those 13,000
legal voters was for or against this revolution T

Mr. Emerson. A majority was against the revolution, I have no
doubt.

The Chairman. That majjority would comprise how many Hawaiian
voters, how many native Kanakas?

Mr. Emerson. I think there are about 8,000 native voters.

The Chairman. Would you count them solidly against annexation?

Mr. Emerson. No. Let me make this statement, which I think a
fair statement to make riglit here. The people there are instruments
in the hands of these two parties. In the island of Kauai, for example,
the native mind is influenced by the stronger mind, and the Queen
does not have so much power.

The Chairman. The native is influenced by his employer!

Mr. Emerson. Yes. They do not care so much; they do not feel
the interest.

The Chairman. You think there would be a decided majority of
wliat we call the Kanaka element against annexatiout

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 199

The CHArRMAN. And be in favor of retaining their Qneenf

Mr. £m£Rson. I will not say that now.

The Chaiuman. Aud would have voted in favor of retaining tlio
royal poveriiineytf

Mr. E3iEi:soN. Yes.

The Chairman. Now that the royal government has disappeared,
how do you think the native voters would cast their votes ou tlic
sobjeet of annexatiouT

yir. £h£Bson. I believe they would vote for it, in favor of it.

The Chairman. The Queen having disappeared T

Mr. Emerson. Yes.

The Chairman. Now we come to the Portuguese. They comprise
ibont how many voters?

Mr. Emerson. I can not give you figures. There are some i 1,000
Portuguese in all, and there were some 1,500 or 2,000 Portuguese voters.

The Chairman. What would be the prevailing sentiment among the
Portii^ue«e as to a maintenance of the monarchy or the establishment
of a republican form of govemmentt

^Ir. Emerson. It would be very hard to find a single Portuguese
who would vote for monarchy.

Tlie Chairman. You think it would be solidly against monarchy!

Mr. Emrrson. Yes.

The Chairman. And then, monarchy having disappeared, how about
SDiiexation f

Mr. Emerson. In favor of annexation to this country.

The Chairman. vThen, of the German, the French, and the English
who are there: What would be the sentiment among the Europeans
OR tl'.e subject of maintaining the monarchy or some other form of gov-
ernment f

Mr. Emerson. A vast majority of the Americans, a vast majority of
the Germans, and a goodly portion of the English and Scotch

The Chairman. Would be in favor of having some other form of
govern uient than monarchy?

Mr. £m£RSON. Yes.

The Chairman. And do you include in your opinion annexation f

Mr. Emerson. Yes; closer relations to this country.

The Chairman. Then it would be that the opponents of a change in
gDveniment would consist of a majority of the Kanakas and a minor-
ity of tliese other nationalities f

Mr. Emerson. Yes; that is, those who support the monarchy.

The Chairman. But the Queen out of the way, monarchy destroyed,
and it being impossible to restore it, your opinion would be, if I under-
stand it correctly, that a majority of all together, the Kanakas, the
Eoropeaii white people, the Americans, and the Portuguese, would be
in favor of aixnexation to the United States rather than to any other
country f

Mr. Emerson. I believe the vast majority would be. But let me say
tbis — ^the adventurers out there would be m favor of the establishment
of a republic.

Tho Chairman. An independent republic.

Mr. Emebson. Yes. Mr. Wilcox, who is an adventurer out th^e,
wonld operate in that direction.

Tlie ChaxbmAlN. You mean in the direction of an independent re-
pabh'ct

Ur. Emebson. Yes; where they would have a chance to get office,

200 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

a chance they would not have if Hawaii were annexed to the United
States.

The Chatbman. You think a republic is quite possible.

Mr. Emebson. Yes. We want to eliminate politics out of that coun-
try, with such a polyglot people as we have.

Senator Geay. You do not have a republic there now?

Mr. Emebson. I presume we shall have a republic if you do not
admit us.

The Ohaibman. You have been over the islands a good deal f

Mr. Emebson. I have been from end to end over the islands three
times.

The Ohaibman. You know the face of the country f

Mr. EmeAson. Yes.

The Ohaibman. What do you say as to the capacity of the Hawaiian
Islands to maintain a population as great as they have now, upon their
native productions f

Mr. Emebson. Do you mean white population!

The Ohaibman. The whole population. Will the islands sustain the
population that you have there now on native productions!

Mr. Emebson. Certainly, five times as much.

The Ohaibman. It is a fertile country where it is arable!

Mr. Emebson. Yes. I believe it would sustain ten times as much.

Senator Gbat. What is the population!

Mr. Emebson. It varies; Ohinese and Japanese coming and going.

Senator Gbay. I mean, about.

Mr. Emebson. Ninety tj^ousand.

The Ohaibman. So that you think the islands could sustain a million
of population!

Mr. Emebson. It would be better for that country if they cultivated
coffee and the fruit industries, orange industries, instead of giving all
up to sugar. We all feel that we want to have a variety of industries.

The Ohaibman. The cultivation that is going on in Hawaii is for
export!

Mr. Emebson. Yes.

The Ohaibman. What you want is for domestic use!

Mr. Emebson. Yes, and for export. We want to have a larger
variety of products for export.

Subscribed and sworn to.

O. P. Emebson.

The subcommittee adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 2, 1894,
at 10 o'cloci: a. m.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 201

SECOND DAY.

Washington, D. C, Tuesday, January 2, 1804.

The committee met pursuant to adjoarumcnt.

Present, the chairman (Senator Mbrg^n) and Senators Gray and
Frye.
Absent, Senators Butler and Sherman.

8W0HH STATEMEVT OF MB. PETEB CTTSHHAV JOVES.

Senator Fbts. Mr. Jones made a deposition in Honolulu, which
deposition was sent to me. My idea is to read it to Mr. Jones and the
eommittee, and if Mr. Jones make it a part of his testimony here it
would save to the committee one or two hours of time.

The Chairman. There being no objection, that course can be taken.

Senator Gray. Is that deposition published in any of the documents
that we have.

Senator Fryb. ^o. It is a deposition that was given by Mr. Jones
in Honolalu before he left there. It was given to be used in this
iiiTestigation. It is as follows:

BiwAiiAN Islands,

Honolulu, Oahu^ 88.:

P. C. Jones, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was bom
ia Boston, Mass., United States of America; t)iat he came to Hon-
oIqIu in the year 1857, and has resided here since that time; that
k has large business interests here, and is at present engaged with
bis son in the business known as ^<The Hawaiian Safe Deposit and
InTestmeat Company;'' that on .the 8th day of ^ovember, A. D. 1892,
he was commissioned by the then Queen Liliuokalani minister of
finance^ and retained that office until the 12th day of January, A. D.
1893, the cabinet to which he belonged being generally known as the
Wikox-Jones cabinet; that he is acquainted with James H. Blount
and knows the time when that gentleman came to Honolulu as special
c^naiissioner; that soon after his arrival he called upon him and said
in effect as follows: ^^ As I was intimately acquainted with the Govern-
ment duiiog the last two months of the monarchy I may be able to
pre some information in regard to our affairs, and I shall be pleased
to give my statement if you desire it"; that Mr. Blount thanked him,
said be would be pleased to have it, and would let him know when he
voald be ready to grant him an interview ; that a careful statement
Taft prepared by this affiant on the 25th day of May, A. D. 18^3, from
vUeh this affidavit is taken, reciting all the important events con-
fiected with the Government from the 8th day of l^ovember, A. D.
lSd2, np to the 16th day of March, A. D. 1893, that period including
^ events of January 17, of which this affiant was fully cognizant;
tbt the said James H. Blount never asked for this interview and this
affiant never had any opportunity of presenting the statement,
aMioogh he is informed and believes that other persons suggested to
Mr. Blount that he secure the statement.

Affiant further says that his knowledge of the revolution and the
^enta immediately leading up thereto is as follows: When it was
kaoim about town that the Queen was to proclaim a constitution great

202 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

excitement was created about the whole city, and all were ready to
take measures to prevent it. This seemed to be the public feeling
with men as they met and discussed the matter on the street corners.
About 3 o'clock on Saturday afternoon, January 14, an informal meet-
ing was held at the office of W. O. Smith, on Fort street, to consider the
situation, and a committee of safety, consisting of thirteen men repre-
senting different trades and professions, was appointed. On Monday,
January 16, the mass meeting was held at the armory at 2 o'clock.
Mr. £. G. Macfarlaue and others arranged for a similar meeting at the
same hour at Palace Square, hoping to draw away the crowd from the
other. J attended the meeting at the armory but took no active part
I observed the men present, and as I was chairman of the mass meet-
ing held in 1887 I can say that not only was the audience larger at the
January 16 meeting but seemed to be more determined and resolved.
I was at home on Monday afternoon at 5 o'clock, when one of our
residents rode into my yard and said that the troops from the U. S. S.
Boston had just landed to protect life and property, and though there
had been no outbreak yet there was great excitement in the city, and
it was a great relief to me and my family to know that we had the pro-
tection of the only warship in i)ort, as I ^anticipated trouble, and I
believe the presence of sailors and marines on shore was all that pre-
vented riot and possibly bloodshed.

On Tuesday morning, January 17, Mr. C. L. Carter called at my
house before breakfast and informed me that aRer breakfast he would
call upon me with Mr. Bolte, they having been appointed for that pur-
pose, and invite me to take a place in the executive council of the Pro-
visional Government which was to be formed that day. I was surprised
to know that my name had been mentioned. I told Mr. Carter that I
was not fitted for such a position, and that my experience for the last
two months had made me heartily sick of politics; that it might look
as if I was going in for revenge for having been put out of the last
cabinet, and I could not see any reason why I should accept the posi-
tion. 1 told him, however, that I would carefully consider the matter
and give him an answer when he called later with Mr. Bolte. I placed
the matter before my wife to get her opinion, and presented all the ar-
guments I could think of against taking the position. Among other
things, I said, " It is more than probable that the Queen's party will
not submit without fighting, and the chances are that I will get shot."
She said in reply, **If you do get shot I can give you up, for I feel it to
be your duty to take part in this move. The comitry needs you at this
time, and if you lose your life it will be in the discharge of your duty."

After breakfast Messrs. Carter and Bolte called and I agreed to
accept the position of minister of finance provided Mr. S. B. Dole
would consent to take the position of President. It was arranged that
I should remain at my house and when needed would receive a tele-
phone message and was to meet the others at the office of W. O. Smith.
During .the time between breakfast and noon I remained at home,
feeling all the time that there was great danger to my life, and this
feeling seemed to grow upon me during the day. On the way from W.
O. Smith's office to the Government building I thought surely we would
be shot down, for when the shot was fired just as we left Smith's office
for the building it looked to us as if the shooting would be general. I
had fears there also of an attack while the proclamation was being
read, for it was reported that there was a force in the building under
command of C. J. McCarthy, and I was not rid of these fears until I
saw a sufficient number of our men in the building to afford as pro-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 203

tection. I was wondering how others were, but my own thought was
that we could not come out of it without loss of life, and my chances
for getting shot were above the average on account of my relations
▼ith the Government only a few days before. I had no arms of any
kind with ine. ,

During the month I thought over the situation careAilly and I was
folly convinced that if ever it was necessary to take a decided stand
{a representative and responsible government it was at this time.
While the Queen had professed to take back all she had said and done
aboat a new constitution I felt it was only to gain time to make better
preparations to carry out her designs, and while I fully realized the
step we were taking was revolutionary I felt it was my duty as a man
to do what I could to assist in putting down a form of government
that was oppressive and corrupt, and I was conscious that I was doing
my duty in accepting office under the Provisional Government. The
telephone message came to me about 1 o'clock, and I went immediately
to the appointed place. The proclamation was read and after we had
all signed it we started for the Government building at 2:35 p. m. all
m a body. Just as we came out of Smith's office a shot was fired up
^rcet near B. O. Hall & Sons' store and thus diverted the crowd, so
when we arrived at the Government building there were only a few
persons present. After the surrender of the building and the reading
of the proclamation I at once took possession of the finance office
vhidi contained many of the Government records and the treasury
Tanlts. It was a surprise to us to find that there was no force at the
GoTemment building to protect it when we arrived there.

As soon as we could, after getting possession of the building, the
coDudls assembled and appointed Col. Soper the commander of the
Provisional Government forces and attended to other matters that re-
qaiml prompt action. About 6 o'clock Gapt. Wiltse, of the BostoUj
ealled upon us and said that we could not be recognized as a de facto
Government until we had possession of the station house and barracks.
We exi)ected that resistance would be made at the station house, but
8081) after Wiltse's visit the deputy marshal called ux>on us wfth a re-
qoest that we go to the station house and confer with the late cabinet.
Thin we refused to do, but sent word back that if the old cabinet desired
to meet us they could come to the building and would be guaranteed
safe entrance and exit. Soon after two members came and had a con-
ference, and later all four came and agreed to turn over the station
Wse and barracks to the Provisional Government, which was done
about 7 o'clock. It was a surprise to us to see how quickly and quietly
thtv yielded, and it is an evidence of the rottenness of the monarchy
vbK^h fell as soon as any resistance was made. And during the even-
in^ many of our best citizen^ who had taken no active part in this move
eaikd and gave their congratulations, assuring us of their support.
Martial law was proclaimed and the city guarded by volunteers during
&e night. Many threats were made, and many rumors were in circu-
htbn every day that caused much anxiety and constant watching.

The strain was very great all these days, and so many threats were
Bade we consulted with the advisory council and decided that to
bring about a st^te of quiet we would ask the protection of the American
Buoister, and suggested that the American flag be hoisted on the Gov-
ernment bailding, which he consented to do, and the flag was raised
n the morning of February 1. The strain was at once removed, not
only from the members of the council but of all good citizens of Hono-
hhif and in feyot all over the islands. Daring my term of office theite

204 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

is oue thing that impressed me very deeply and that was the unanlm
ity of feeling among the members of both the executive and advisory
councils. I remained in office untill March IG, just two months, when
I found that the strain was so great that I was fast breaking down
under it, and I retired.

And further, with regard to the events and the causes which led up
to the late revolution, this affiant says as follows: The causes which led
to the late revolution in January last are of no recent origin, but date
back to 1874 when Kalakaua secured the throne. Almost immediately
after his accession to the throne he began to use his high x>osition to
gain more power, and this he continu^ to do until the revolution of
1887. The community was patient and long suffering and for years
submitted to many annoyances before rising up and protecting its
rights.

No King ever had better prospects for a peaceful and succesfnl reign
than did Kalakaua, and if he had made a proper use of his rights and
powers might have made his reign a prosperous one. He seemed to
be wholly corrupt, and his influence was one which had its effect ui^ou
the mass of the native i>eople. Kot satisfied with the appointment of
the House of Nobles, he interfered in the election of representatives by
using liquor which was taken from the custom-house duty free and
promising offices under his patronage. He dismissed more than one
cabinet for nothing, and in some instances sent messages to their houses
in the middle of the night asking for their resignations, while others
whom he assured had his implicit confidence he discharged a few hours
after. Kalakaua surrounded himself with men of bad character and
gave himself up to habits unbecoming a King. He was always in debt
and resorted to measures for raising money that were wholly dishonor-
able for any man, much more a King. The Legislature of 1890 paid up
his debts and issued bonds to the amount ot 195,000 to meet his obli-
gations, pledging the income of the Grown lands at the rate of $20,000
a year to meet these bonds, but when his sister came to the throne she
repudiated the pledge given by her brother, and now this debt has to
be borne by the State, only $5,000 having been received on this account.

When he died the country had much hope tor the better state of
things from his sister Liliuokalani. When she ascended the throne
most of the better class of our people associated with her and did all
in our power to surround her with good influences, and many of our
best women stood ready to help and encourage her in all good works;
but it was soon evident that she was more ambitious for power than her : .^
brother, and she began to use means to pla.ce herself in power, and ^
while she professed friendship for those good women she was scheming [^
to get entire control of the Government. She evidently had not profited ^^
by the revolution of 1887 and thought herself to be sufficiently strong ^
to get back that power taken from her brother in 1887. She was more'^j.
cunning, more determined, and no coward as he had been. On my ..
arrival at Honolulu in September, 1892, after a visit of a year in the 1
United States, I found that the Widemann cabinet had been removed. .'«
by a vote of want of confidence, and in more than a week no new cab-'^
inet had been made up that, would be satisfactory to the Queen andv
Legislature. ' ^ ■

The Queen, however, did finally appoint B. 0. Macfarlane, Paul Neu- ^
maun, S. Parker, and G. T. Gulick, and as two of those were members^
of the late Widemann cabinet and Macfarlane had betrayed the mem- J^
bers of the Legislature, this cabinet was soon voted out, when tiie QueeBy^!; ^
still i>ersisting in having her own way, appointed a new cabinet withj^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 205

W. H. Gomwell at its head. This cabinet was tnrned »ut a few hours
after it presented itself before the Legislature, and it became evident to
the Queen that she must comply with the desires of the majority of the
Lei^slatare. A committee was appointed by the house to advise the
Queen that they would support a cabinet made up by either one of
three men who were named to her. After waiting for a week or more
she sent for O. N. Wilcox, one of the three men mentioned, and asked
him to form a ministry. He selected Mr. Cecil Brown, Mr. Mark Eob-
insoot and myself as his colleagues, and the Queen expressed herself
as being fully satisfied with his choice. I hesitated to* accept the posi-
tion, bat I was urged to take the position by many of our citizens and
by men who were opposed to me in politics, among them Mr. Wide-
luuiB, who came to me to prevail upon me, saying I had made my
Boney here and it was my duty to serve the country at this time.

The Queen sent for me on the evening of November G and asked me
to take the position of minister of finance with Wilcox as premier, and
18 an of the gentlemen were nren in whom I had special confidence I
leiMpted. And it was understood that we should meet at the palace
on the morning of the 7th to Ijake the oath of office and receive our
eoiiifflissions. The Queen wanted to have her way here and appoint
Mr. Brown as premier, but this we refused, as it was contrary to the
dedsioa of a majori^ of the Legislature, and we sent her word that Mr.
Wilcox must be premier or we would decline to serve. This message
v» sent on the morning of the 7th, when we had assembled at Mr.
Brown's office for the purpose of going to the palace. We soon received
> message from the Queen by the chamberlain that she was not ready
for OS, and we learned that she had hopes of sending Mr. Parker back
apin and so delayed the matter. Mr. Brown and myself at first were
iw^ed to send back word to the Qaeeu that we declined to accept the
positions, but at the earnest solicitation of manyfriendswe withdrew our
oiijections and concluded to accept if she would send for us. Suppos-
ii^ ^at she could not carry her point and appoint Mr. Parker, the
Qieai sent for us at noon, November 8. and gave us our commissions.

We went to the Legislature which had assembled to receive us and
amuned at once the duties of our respective offices. We had frequent
nitemews with the Queen and assured her that it was our desire to
confer fully with her upon all important matters and that we would do
iQ in oar power to make matters pleasant and agreeable for her. Soon
ifter we had taken up our duties we ])repared a paper setting forth our
Pdtiey which we presented to the Legislature. Before doing this, how-
tfer, we submitted and fully explained it to the Queen and had her
anorance that it met her hearty approval and that we should have her
ttpport in carrying it out. The document contained the following points
€f policy:

(1) To promote closer relations with the United States to the end
tkat the products of the Kingdom may be remunerative to those en-
gaged in their cultivation and production.

(2) To assist in the passage of such laws as will relieve the present
vant of labor.

(3) To carry on all branches of the Government economically.

(4) To oppose any measure tending to legalize a lottery or license
piabling.

(3) To opiK)se any measure that will interfere with or change the
pvttent monetary system of the Kingdom.

(6) To remove all employes of the Government who are incapable or
mi trustworthy.

206 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Early in December we presented to the Queen the nominations of
W. A. Whiting and W. F. Frear as circuit judges under the new law
that was to go into operation January 1, 1893. In this law the Queen
appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet. We
decided upon those gentlemen after conferring with the supreme court
and a large number of the members of the bar. We heard nothing
from the Queen for several days and finally waited upon her to sign the
commissions. She informed us that it was her desire to appoint Antone
Eosa, as she had^received a petition from several natives in his favor.
We told her we could not approve of a man of his habits, and alter
discussing the matter at length she said, ^'As there are tour of you
against one I will yield and will appoint Mr. Frear." We waited several
days without hearing from her, when we wrote her a letter calling her
attention to the fact that we had not received the commissions and
reminded her of her promise to send them. Mr. Paul Neumann told
several persons she showed him our letter and was angry about it. She
told him she did not want to sign Frear's commission. He said that
he replied to her, "Your Majesty, as a woman you have the right to
change your mind, but as a Queen nev^r." We learned that she fre-
quently comsulted with Messrs. Neumann, Ashford, and others outside
of her cabinet.

On December 31, the very last day, she sent to us the commission of
Mr. Whiting duly signed, but sent no word about Mr. Frear. We dis-
cussed the matter, and it was decided that I should go and see the
Queen and tell her that unless she could see her way clear to sign
Frear's commission we would decline to accept Whiting. I met her
and delivered the message, telling her also that the cabinet was re-
sponsible to the country while she was not and while we held our i>ort-
folios we should endeavor to give her good advice. She was not pleased,
but yielded very gracefully and signed Frear's commission, delivering
the same to me at that time. It was very evident from the first that she
was not in sympathy with us, although she was always pleasant and
ladylike in all her interviews, and yet she annoyed us by delaying mat-
ters, keeping back bills that had passed the house, conferring more
with others than with her cabinet. We felt satisfied that she was
using her influence against us with the native members of the Legisla-
ture and this became more apparent from day to day. We had hardly
been in office a week before we heard that a vote of want of confidence
was to be brought up against us, and this was threatened every day.

Native members were constantly coming to us informing us of the
state of things with the hope of obtaining money from us. Kanealii,
representative from Maui, came to my house on two occasions and in-
formed me that 22 votes had been secured against us and intimated
that if I would buy the other three, of which he was one, the vote could
be defeated. I refused to contribute one dollar for any such purpose
and told him if he or his friends wanted money they had better vote
against us. On January 4 Mr. Bush, representative from Oahu, brought
in the long-expected resolution of want of confidence, but only 19 votes
were secured and it failed to carry. After this it was hardly expected
that they could secure a sufiicient number of votes to remove us,
although they kept constantly at it night and day. The Queen inter-
ested herself and labored earnestly among the native members to
secure their votes, going down on her knees to Hoapili, noble from
Hawaii, so, he said, to get him to vote us out. On the afternoon of
January 11 the final passage of the infamous lottery bill came up and
was carried by a vote of 23 to 20. It is a singular &ct that the 23 who

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 207

voted for this bill all voted against as the next day, which together
with the votes of C. O. Berger and Cornwall put us out of ofEiee. It is
a fiict that the Queen signed the lottery bill, although she pledged her-
self to support us in opposing it.

At noon on January 12 the Queen gave a luau, native feast, and after
recess in the afternoon another want of confidence resolution \.hs
brought in by Kapahu, representative from Hawaii, who was decked
out ill a yellow wreath of flowers. It was seconded by Kanoa, Noble
from Kauai, who also wore the same kind of a wreath, and they were
the only members who had such wreaths which were said to have been
placed on them by the Queen. Eepreseutatives Kapahu, Pua, and
Kanealii all voted for us on the 4th of January, but on this last vot43
they all went against us. On the morning of the 12th instant the
Queen sent for C. O. Berger, who had not been in the Legislature for
several days, and had declared that he would not go there again, and
urged him to vote against us, promising him that Mr. Widemann, his
faUier-in-law, should make up the new cabinet. He agreed to this and
his vote gave her the necessary number, 25. Only three foreign mem-
bers of the House voted against us, Messrs. Cornwell, Petersen, and
Berger. Bepresentative Kanealii afterwards admitted to Mr. Bobiii-
son, one of the cabinet, that he got $500 for his vote against us. We
could have prevented this vote by the use of money, but we declined
to resort to any such measure to retain our seats. We felt all the time
we were in oftice we were between the devil and the deep sea, the
Queen and the Legislature, and it was a great reUef to us all when the
result of the vote was announced.

My experience in office was a revelation. I saw that good bills could
be defeated and bad bills passed by the use of money, and I have been
led to the conclusion by my experience in the Legislature that the native
Hawaiians are not capable of self-government. I feel quite satisfied
that the Queen and her party did not expect on the 11th of January to
secure sufficient votes to remove us from office, for oa the evening of
that day Mr. Henry Waterhouse called at my house and reveal^ a
plot that had been planned and would have been executed if they had
failed to carry the vote of want of confidence. I was informed that an
anonymous letter, written by John F. Colburn, had been sent to me
asking the cabinet to resign because the Queen hated us all. If we
did not resign on receipt of his letter the plan was for the Queen to
invite the cabinet to the palace as soon as the Legislature was pro-
rogued and demand our resignations. If we declined to resign, as we
certainly should have done, she was to place us under arrest in the
palace and then proclaim a new constitution. This I reported to my
colleagues the next morning, but at that time they could not credit the
report. The anonymous letter came through the post-office, but did
not reach me until the following Monday, January 16. The following
is a copy of the letter:

January 11, 1893.
Mr. P. C. Jones :

"It seems inconsistent with your principle to stay in office when you
were kept there by open bribery on the part of certain Germans on
Queen street. Money kept you in office, otherwise you would have been
voted out; your colleague, Robinson, paid Akani and Aki $25 a piece
betbre the voting, some days; he calls it a New Year's present; can
you stomach that! We got the proof Bolte packed money in envel-
opes just before the vote came ofi' and took it with him to the Govern-

208 HAWAIIAN ISLAND8.

ment building. George Markbam had a hand in giving it to the nobles,
Pua and Hoopili, Eepresentatives Eanealii and Kapahu. Can't you
see these things; ain't you wide awake enough for it; can you t'Cach
the Sunday school class and feel that you are acting consistent! Bald-
win makes open brags that they propose to keep you in office if it
takes coin to do it. Can you stand that! I think when you read
this and ^^attempt" to make inquiries you will find this to be true,
and I know you are too honorable to stay in office with this cloud
hanging over your official head. You better resign before it is made
public. Peterson has all the facts and he proposes to shove things
if you and your colleagues don't get out of office which you are hold-
ing /by unfair means. That is bribery. If you don't get out of office
and a new constitution is shoved on this country by the Queen you
four men and your hypocritical supporters will be to blame for it,
resorting to bribery to keep you in office. The Queen hates all four
of you and you had better retire.

*< My name is not necessary."

This letter was taken from the post-office by my son on Monday the
16th of January. He recognized the handwriting of John Colburn on
the envelope, being familiar with it, as he had been in the employ of
Lewers & Cooke for several years with Colburn. The letter itself was
written by Miss Parmenter, a niece of Oolburn's, and if it had come on
the morning of the 12th, as I fully expected it would, my colleagues
would have credited the rest of the story. Mr. Colburn denied all
knowledge of a new constitution until Saturday, January 14, when he
says it was sprung upon the cabinet, but his letter to me dated the 11th
clearly shows that he was aware of it. It is possible to get positive .
proof that this letter was dictated by Colburn, copied by his niece, and
sent in an envelope addressed by him after he himself had written
below "My name is not necessary."

On Friday, January 13, the new cabinet was announced, consisting '
of S. Parker, W. H. Oornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson. The
lottery and opium bills were both signed by the Queen and reported
back to the Legislature on the same day, which was the last one of ij
the session. On Saturday morning, about 9 o'clock, Mr. C. O. Berger
went to several members of the reform party and was anxious to join
with them and vote out the new cabinet, but this they declined to do.
Mr. Berger had been disappointed, for the Queen had not kept her
promise to him that his father-in-law should make the new cabinet, >>|
although she had invited Mr. Widemann to take the position of min- v
ister of finance with Parker, Peterson and Colburn. This he had de- .
clined to do, so Comwell was substituted for him. It is rather remark- .>^
able that on Saturday Mr. Colburn should have gone to Judge Hart- ,; \
well and Mr. Thurston and engaged their services to prevent the
Queen from proclaiming the new constitution. When he saw the st-ate
of the people he became afraid and tried to retrace his steps, but it >^
was too late. ^

There was never to my knowledge any belief or anticipation that the v
troops of the Boston would be landed for the purpose or would in any ^
way assist in the abrogation of the monarchy or the formation of the ^^
Provisional Government.

Petee C. Jones.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D; ^t

1893. • ^

[seal.] Alfred W. Carter, -^

Notary Fublia^ <];

V-

hawaiian islands. 209

affidavit of charles m. oooxx.

Hawaiian Islands,

Honolulu^ OahUj m:

C. M. Cooke, being duly sworn, dei>oses and says that he is one of
the firm of Lewers & Cooke; that John F. Colbnm was in the employ
of the said firm for many years; that he is familiar with the handwrit-
ing of the said John F. Colbam; that the words '^My name is not
necessary" at the close of an anonymous letter addressed to Mr. P. C.
Jones, dated January 11, 1893, are in the handwriting of the said John
F. Colbnm.

' Chas. M. Cookb.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D.
1^.
[seal.] Alfred W. Cabteb,

Notary Public.

affidavit of B. a. JONES.

Hawaiian Islands,

Honolulu^ Oahu^ ss:

K A. Jones, being duly sworn, dex>oses and says that on the 16th
day of Jannaiy, A. D. 1893, he took from the po8t-office an envelope
addi^sed to his father, P. C. Jones, which contained an anonymous
letter, dated January 11, 1893, signed, /'My name is not necessary."
That he has known John F. Colbum for many years, and was associated
witii him in business for many years; and that the handwriting by
which the said envelope was addressed was that of John F. Colburn, as
veil as the words, <' My name is not necessary " at the close of the said
fetter.

E. A. Jones.

Sabflcribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D.
1883.
[sBAL.] Alfred W. Cabtee,

Notary Public.

The Chairman. Did you save that anonymous letter!

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. I have it with me. If you desire I will turn it
ovw to yon.

The Chaisman. Have you a knowledge of the handwriting!

Mr. Jokes. !No. But my son and Mr. Cook, who are familiar with
it, declare that they have. There is the original letter. [Producing
psper.l Here is the second page of it. Perhaps I had better leave
tint, xoa can see where it says, <^Name is not necessary," and it is in
I different handwriting.

The Chairman. There is a memorandum that you have appended to
tiiis letter, it appears.

Mr. Jones. Omit that. I have recited that in my testimony. I
just made a note of the time I received it.

Senator Gray. That is for your own information !

Mr. JoNSS. Yes.

Hie Chaibman. At what time was the bill signed relating to the
distfllation of q^iritous liquors, which bill is mentioned there!

Mr. JojOES. ^at bill was signed some days before that, I think.

a Bep. 227 14

210 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibman. Signed by the oahinet of which you were a mem-
ber f

Mr. Jones. I think that was. That had passed the House and was
signed by the Queen, and was also approved by Minister Wilcox. That
is my impression. You refer to the distillation of spirituous liquors f

TheCHAiBMAN. Yes.

Mr. JoNBS. Yes, there was a bill of that nature passed; and I think
that was approved by the cabinet. Of course, it had passed the House,
and we were bound to recognize it.

The Ohaibman. That was a bill amending a statute that had been
on the statute books for several years t

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Was that the distillation bill, so-called f

Mr. Jones. Yes: there was a distillation bill passed.

Senator 6b at. It is the bill to which Mr. Emerson, the last wit^
ness, referred!

Senator FitYE. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And that was the bill that came to you in the regular
course, and was approved by your cabinet!

Mr. Jones. Yes. I am not very positive about that; but that was
a bill in the interest of commerce. We did not oppose anything that
passed the House; anything that passed the House we had to accept.

Senator Gbay. That was a bill that regulated the liquor traffic!

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was to encourage home manufacture. It was a
bill that I took very little interest in.

The Ohaibman. I have a copy of the bill here. I wanted to ask
Mr. Jones whether under the constitution of 1887 it was requisite, in
order that an act of the Legislature should become a law, that it be
signed by the Queen and one 6f her cabinet.

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was not valid until signed by one of the cabinet.
The minister of the interior had to approve all bills; otherwise they
were not valid.

The Ohaibman [exhibiting blue print heretofore used in the exami-
nation]. Look at that blue print and state whether you are familiar
with it.

Mr. Jones. Yes; I am familiar with it — very familiar.

The Ohaibman. Is it a correct plat of the city of Honolulu and the
buildings mentioned there!

Mr. Jones. Yes; and it is very accurate.

Senator Gbay. I would like to premise the two or three questions
that I desire to ask Mr. Jones with the statement that I have no criti-
cism at all to make upon the desire that he and other good people of
Honolulu evince for a change of Government in Hawaii; in fact, so fer
as I understand his statements, I am inclined to sympathize with the
desire. I beg him to believe that I only wish to get at the facts and
not his reasons for a desire to change the Government — ^the facts that
relate to our attitude in the matter.

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gbay. I am going to ask you in regard to this native popu-
lation about which I, for one, have very little information. The subject
is quite interesting to me. You have been in Hawaii how many years!

Mr. Jones. I have been there thirty-six years, and, outside of my
business I have had a great deal to do with the natives. I have taketi a
great deal of interest in them.

Senator Q^AT^ For that reason, what you say about tbem would be

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 211

j&j intereatmg. In the first place, are they a people of &ir intelli-
gem^el
Mr. JoNSS. Fair intelligence f
Senator Gray. Yes. '

Mr. JoxBS. Tea ; they are. And many of them are excellent mathe-
naticians; they seem to take hold of mathematics.
Senator G-bay. Axe any of them teachers f

Mr. JoN£S. They are educating them in that direction. The Kame-
htmdia schools, founded by Mrs. Bishop — she was the last of the
Kamehameha family — are very liberally subsidized by her husband,
who is now living. They are preparing a good many young men for
teaeher&i and they are doing very well. There are two young men in
New York now receiving, higher education at some normal school —
fetdng instruction to become teachers.

Senator Gbay. I did not know that they were so far advanced as
that How long has education been general among the native popula*
tkmf

Mr. Joiiss. Oh, ever since their language was reduced to a written
language by the early missionaries. I think it is almost impossible to
find a Hawaiian who is not able at least to read and write. They have
what we wonld call in this country a common-school education. They
were educated in the Hawaiian language, and are now being taught
▼ery largely in the English language, it being their preference.

Senator Gsay. Then, there has been quit'C a generation, as things
go, who have been under the influence of the common-school education f

Mr. JoiTES. Oh, yes; more than a generation.

Senator Gbay. Do they take much interest in the politics of the
islaodsf

Mr. JoiTES. Yes; they do. They have taken a good deal of interest
IB politics, and they are very easily influenced for good or for eviL

Soiator Gbay. Are they an amiable people, generally f

Mr. Jokes. Very amiable; yes.

Senator Gbay. Are they treacherous; have they the characteristics
of Gor North American Indians!

Mr. JoTHES, No; but they are untruthfdl — ^not what we would call
treadierouB ; I would hardly call them treacherous ; but sometimes they
«e antrathfaL

Senator Gbay. Have any large number of them accepted the Ohris-
tiui religion f

Mr. JoNBS. Yes; there are some of them very exemplary Christian
mea and women.

Senator Gbay. How is it among the masses — are most of them edu-
ttted in the ordinary tenets of Christianity!

Mr. JoNBS. Yes.

Senator Gbay. As are the ordinary masses of the population in
Mme of our States!

Mr. JoMBS. I would say that they would compare very favorably
^JA the early Ohristians of Corinth, and those to whom Paul gave his
instnctions. X do not wish to convey the idea that the Hawaiians are
A tmeherons people by any means; but they do not hesitate to tell lit-
tle taradiddles to cover up.

Seaator Gbait. That is the propensity of all inferior races!

ir. J0KB8. The Hawaiians are called a good-natured x)eople.

Senator FiiYJB. Are they capable of self-government!

to. JoKsa. I should si^y not; although I should be willing to give

212 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

the same privileges to them that I would ask for myself in the way of
voting.

Senator Gray. What day did you go out of office f

Mr. Jones. I went out on the 12th of January.

Senator Gray. That was Wednesday!

Mr. Jones. That was Thursday.

The Chairman. Allow me to inquire right there, what was the form
of the vote by which you were removed from office!

Mr. Jones. Mr. Kapahu, as I have said there, was the introducer
of the resolution, the one who proposed that a vote of want of confi-
dence be brought against the ministry.

The Chairman. In that form f

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he then went on to laud Mr. Wilcox, Mr.
Bobinson, and myself, and tell what good men we were— -but brought
in this vote of want of confidence. That was seconded by Kanoa.
There was no discussion on it. There was a motion made to in-
definitely postx>one that motion. That was lost. Then it went back
to the original motion, and the motion for want of confidence was car-
ried by- 26 votes.

The Chairman. Against how many!

Mr. Jones. I think there were 45 members of the house. That mat-
ter had been settled by the supreme court only a little while before.
There are 24 representatives and 24 nobles. They all sit together in
one house and vote together. There had been one or two vacancies,
and the matter was submitted to the supreme court. The question
was, how many votes constituted a majority of the vote of want of
confidence. The court decided that a majority of the whole house — 48
members and the 4 ministers. In that vote the 4 ministers could not
vote, and that leaves 48 votes; and there must be 25 votes.

The Chairman. I want to get at whether that vote of want of con-
fidence had any relation to any particular measure.

Mr. Jones. K"o.

The Chairman. It was a sweeping vote of want of confidence!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. You say this was Thursday!

Mr. Jones. The 12th of January.

Senator Gray. That you went out of office!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. And you had no public function to perform, no pub-
lic duty again, until you became a member of the committee of safety !

Mr. Jones. Minister of the executive council of the Provisional
Government.

Senator Gray. Were you not a member of the committee of safety!

Mr. Jones. Ko, I was not.

The Chairman. The committee of safety was the advisory council.

Mr. Jones. Many of them afterward 1>ecame members of the advi-
sory council.

The Chairman. The advisory council is still a separate body from
the committee of safety!

Mr. Jones. The committee of safety ceased to exist on the forma-
tion of the Government.

Senator Gray. You say you received a telephone message about
1 o'clock to go to some place, an appointed place. What day was that!

Mr. Jones. That was on Tuesday, the 17th.

Senator Gray. About 1 o'clock in the day!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 213

Senator Gkay. Where did yon go then; where was the appointed
place)

Mr. JoiTBS. The apx>ointed place was the office of W. O. Smith, where
the eommittee of safety and those who had agreed to take part in the
new GoTemment assembled before going to the Government Honse.

Senator Ob AT. Whom did yon find there!

}ltr. Jokes. I fonnd all the members of the committee of safety,
and Jndge Dole, Capt. King, and W. O. Smith.

Senator Gray. Those with you constituted afterwards the execu-
tzveeooncilf

Mr. JoN£S. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who else were there!

Mr. JoNBS. I do not remember any others. I think no others were
there.

Senator Gbay. After you got there, what did you do!

Mr. JoHss. We read over the proclamation.

Senator Gbay. It had been prepared before you got there! *

Mr. JoNBS. It had been prepared; yes, and sign^. We all signed
it, and then went to the Government House.

Senator Gbay. Whom did you walk with; do you recollect!

lb*. JoNBS. I could not tell you now. It was a very exciting time,
70Q know.

Senator Gbay. Did the whole thirteen or fourteen march up in a
body!

Mr. Jokes. No; part of us went one street and part another. I can
show yoa by the map.

Senator Gbay. Show me where you met in Mr. Smith's office.

Mr. JoNBS. Smith's office is right in there. [Indicating on diagram.]

Senator Gbay. Which street!

Mr. JoNBS. Fort street.

Senator Gbay. Near what!

Mp. Jonbs. Near Merchant — very near Merchant street. The Gov-
ernment building is there [indicating]. Some of us went up Merchant
s^eet and came in here [indicating] ; some went up Queen street and
wait into the Grovemment building. I went by the way of Merchant
^eet. I think I walked with Judge Dole.

Senator Gbay. How many were with you and Judge Dole — dimmed!-
Mtj with you, right together!

Mr. Jokes. But we were perhaps half the number. I could not say
COT. Yon see it was a very exciting time, and this shot had been fired
i^t up by Hall's comer, on Fort street— just above us.

Saiator Gbay. What sort of shot was it!

Mr. JoiTES. It was a pistol shot. Here [indicating] is Hall's corner.
We were h^re [indicating], and this shot was fired right here [indi-
cating].

Suitor Gbay. Were there any crowds on Merchant street!

Ifo. JONBS. No.

Soiator Gbay. This shot drew the people over toward the place of
ahooting. That was after you had started, or before!

Mr. JoNBS. Just as we started. Just as we came out I saw the
llaA of the pistoL

Senator Gbay. Was there any crowd around Mr. Smith's office when
jOQ came ontf

Mr. JoifBS. No.

Senator Gbay. Was there any up Queen street! Did you see up

Queen street f

214 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Jones. No; Queen street is below Merchant street.

Senator Fbyb. Were any of* you armed f

Mr. Jones. I was not. I think some of them had arms.

Senator Gray. Did you see any arms where you went that day 1

Mr. Jones. In the Government building f

Senator Gbat. No; Mr. Smith's ofBice.

Mr. Jones. No. .

Senator Gray. You say that you went to the Government build-
ing. Did you and Mr. Dole arrive first f Did you find anybody at
the Government building?

Mr. Jones. I think there were eight persons in the Grovemment
building when we got there. None of the ministers were there.

Senator Gray. What did you do when you got in!

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper immediately read the proclamation.

Senator Gray. Immediately f

Mr. Jones. Within two or three minutes of our assembling.

Senator Gray. Who was Mr. Cooper — one of the committee f

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper was one of the committee, and also one of the
advisory council. He read the proclamation.

Senator Gray. His name is what!

Mr. Jones. H. E. Cooper.

Senator Gray. One of the committee of safety, you meanf

Mr. Jones. One of the committee of safety, and afterward he was
one of the advisory council.

Senator Gray. Those who went up there, then — Mr. Dole, Mr. King,
Mr. Sn^ith, and yourself-— were afterward the executive council and
members of the committee f

Mr. Jones. And the advisory council, yes.

Senator Gray. How long did it take to complete the reading of tiie
proclamation!

Mr. Jones. I should say it took just about ten minutes, and in that
time our forces, our men, were coming in firom the armory. We were
ahead of time.

Senator Gray. Was anybody there when the reading commenced
outside f Let me ask, first, where was the proclamation read fromf

Mr. Jones. From the steps of the Government building.

Senator Gray. What street!

Mr. Jones. Facing the palace or Palace Square. Here [indicating]
is Palace Square, and it was read from that part [indicating].

Senator Gray. Facing the palace!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who were in front of the steps when they com-
menced to read the proclamation — ^how many!

Mr. Jones. Very few. I do not think there were more than a half
dozen persons.

Senator Gray. Yon spoke of ^^our menP coming up. How many had
come up!

Mr. Jones. I should say there were fifty or sixty when we got
through reading the proclamation.

Senator Gray. Were they organized as a military organization!

Mr. Jones. As they marched down the street there was very little
time for organization.

Senator Gray. Were they in fact organized!

Mr. Jones. They marched down in squads* -

Senator Frye. Armed!

HiLWA^IIAN ISLAKBS. 215

Mr. Joi9^8. Tbey had rifles; yes.

The Chatkman. Under the command of oflBcerst

Mr. JoNBS. Under the command of their different captains.

Senator Grat. How long after the close of the reading of the proc-
lamation was it that they arrived f

Mr. JoNfis. Some of them arrived before the reading of the procla-
nation was finished. ,

Senator Quay. How many do you suppose!

Mr. JoN£S. Well, I should say 40 or 50.

Senator Gray. Before the reading had been finishedT

Mr. JoN£S. Yes.

Senator Gsat. And the balance were a little while afterwards t

Mr. JoN£S. Yes; they kept coming in.

Senator Gray. How many men in that crrganization, such as it was,
were armed with rifles, and were there at the close or directly after the
dose of the reading of the proclamation f

Mr. JoNSS. Oh, a short time after, a half hour after, there must have
been 150 or 200, 1 should say.

Senator Ery£. Armed?

Mr. JoiTES. Yes; all the men were armed at that time.

The Chairman. How did the information get out in the compiunity
Uiat the proclamation was to be read there at that timef

Mr. JoNRS. It was spread abroad by the people all over the town
Of course there was a good deal of excitement in the city that day, and
people knew that something was going to be done in the way of
dethroning the Queen, and they were watching for things; and this
shot having been fired just as we started out, diverted a great many
«f the crowd up there to see what that was. It was very soon noised
ikoad, and the people came up.

Senator Gray. At the meeting the day before, at the Bifles' armory^
<rf which yon spoke, and which you attended, I believe f

Mr. JoN£S. Yes.

Senator Gray. The resolutions which were read there, and which
n have, did not proclaim this intention of dethroning the Queen f

Mr. JoN£S. They did not in so many words, but everybody under-
ilood what they meant.

Senator Gray. You say the resolutions did not proclaim that inten-

Mr. JoNSS. No.

Senator Gray. If you know accurately, state it; if you can not be
aeeurate, give your best judgment. At what time was the reading of
the proclamation through — what hour in the dayf

Mr. JoNRS. It was a quarter of 3. It was a peculiar thing. When
I weat into the finance ofiice, just as the reading of the proclamation
VM finished, the clock had stopped at a quarter to 3.

Seaalor Gray. Had it stopped just as you went inf

Mr. Jokes. It was stopped just at that time.

Senator Gray. It was not stopped just as you went inf

Mr. JoNRS. No — ^it had not been stopped more than a minute or two.

Senator Gray. How did you know thatf

Mr. JoiCRS. The clock had been going before that.

Senator Gray. But getting at the hour — I want to call your atten-
tioa to it. It would not be much of a guide to look at a clock that had
itepped, nnless yon saw it stop.

Mr. Jours. I know it from looking at my watch. We arrived there

216 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS..

about twenty minntes of 3, and it took about ten minutes to read the
proclamation.

Senator Gbay. The clock stopped about a quarter of 3f

Mr. Jones. Yes; we did not intend to be there until 3 o'clock.

Senator Gbat. After the proclamation had been read you weiit into
the finance room. Who went with yout

Mr. Jones. I think I went in there t^ notify the register of accounts
that I had taken a position as a member of the Provisional Oovem-
ment.

Senator Gbat. You were one of the Provisional Government.

Mr. Jones. Yes: he recognized me.

Senator Gbat. What did the Executive Council dof I suppose you
got together as a body, you four menf

Mr. Jones. Yes; with the Advisory Council, got together and we
appointed first Col. Soper as commander of the forces, and then pro-
claimed martial law. Then some attended to different things. Mr.
Dole notified his clerk to prepare notices to the various consuls and
diplomatic corps that we had taken possession of the Government, and
were in possession of the Government House and archives.

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect what time it was that notice was
sent to Mr. Stevens f

Mr. Jones. I think it must have been about 4 o'clock.

Senator Gbat. When did you get an answer from him I

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; it was very soon.

Senator Gbav. Before darkf

Mr. Jones. I think it was just about dark.

Senator Gbat. Kow, you say, that it was about 6 o'clock that the
captain of the Boston called upon you. When was thatf You say in
your deposition that '< Capt. Wiltse called upon us and said that we could
not be recognized as a defa>oto government until we had possession of
the station house and barracks." When was thatf

Mr. Jones. This same afternoon.

Senator Gbat. After the proclamation had been readf

Mr. Jones. After the proclamation had been read, and I think it was
before we heard fipom Mr. Stevens. Of course, it was a day of very
great excitement, and the hours were not very firmly fixed in our minds.

Senator Gbat. When did you get possession of the station house
and barracks!

Mr. Jones. I should say about half-past 7 — 7 or half-past.

Senator Fbte. That same dayf

Mr. Jones. That same evening; yes.

Senator Gbat. Did you go to the station house f

Mr. Jones. We sent a squad down there and they delivered it over.

Senator Gbat. Had you previously sent repr^lsentatives to the
Queen f

Mr. Jones. As I said a minute ago, the ministers sent for us to come
to the station house. We refused to go, and assured them if they
would come up and interview us we wo^d talk over the situation.

Senator Gbat. When was this t '

Mr. Jones. This was a very few minutes after Capt. Wiltse had
been in.

Senator Gbat. Did the ministers come upf

Mr. Jones. They came up. First Mr. Cornwell and Colbum came.
They 'went back and reported to their colleagues, and Peterson and
Parker came up with them the second time. It was then that they
agreed to turn everything over to us.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 217

Senator GuAY. Was it then that the Queen abdicated — signed her
abdication 1 .

Mr. JoKBS. No. Mr. Parker said he did not want to have any blood-
shed, and they were quite ready to deliver over everything to us. Then
we sent down to the station house, and Mr. Wilson, the marshal, insisted
on having an order from the Queen.
Senator Gbat. How far away was the station house f
Mr. JoN£S. It was about five minutes walk from the Government
bnilding.

Senator FsYis. The station house is nothing but the police head-
qnartersf
Mr. JoNSS. That is all — police headquarters.
Senator Gbay. Where are the barracks t

Mr. Jones. There [indicating on the diagram] is the station house
tnd there [indicating] is th^ government house, and that is about five
Binntes walk.
Senator Gbat. Where are the barracks f

Mr. JoNBS. The barracks are over here [indicating].

Senator Gbat. Did you have any conmiunication from the barracksf

Mr. Jones. !Not until later.

Senator Gbat. How late was it that you had communication from
tbe barracksf

Mr. JoNBS. I think about 9 o'clock Gapt. Nowlein

Senator Gbat. Was it as late as 9t

Mr. JoNBS. I think not; I think it was about 8 o'clock that he was
there. It may have been a little later.

Senator Gbat. Was that after you heard from the Queen — ^heard of
ber abdication f

Mr. JoNBS. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Her abdication f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gbat. When wan that abdication secured f I do not sup-
pose she came into your presence and made known her abdication.

Mr. Jones. Oh, no.

Senator Gbat. It was brought by her ministers f

Mr. Jones. She agreed to surrender, and she did it by being allowed
to make a protest. She made a protest.

Senator Gbat. About what time did you get that abdication and
protest f

Mr. Jones. I should say that was a little before 8 o'clock, as I
nmember.

Senator Gbat. And it was after 8 and toward 9 o'clock that you
Iiad the surrender of the barracks from Gapt. iNowlein!

Mr. Jones. Very soon after. I do not remember ; there were so many
ereots that followed so closely upon one another.

Senator Gbat. You said first 9 o'clock and then about 8.

Mr. Jones. I do not think 9 o'clock ; nothing as late as 9.

Senator Gbat. First you said 9 and then you said 8 was the time
that the surrender of the barracks occurred. The Queen's abdication
joa said was about 8 o'clock, as you say now.

Mr. Jones. I think so.

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect when you got your answer from Mr,
Stevens f

Mr. Jones. I do not.

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect getting it allt

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

218 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. Was it dark when you got itt

Mr Jones. Yes, as I remember, it was dark.

Senator Gbat. Were yon all together when this ofScer came with
these gentlemen who composed the Eoyal Government?

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Geay. I wish you would try to recollect, if you can — ^if you
can not of course you will say so — the coming in of that officer from
Mr. Stevens; I mean, as to the time.

Mr. Jones. I would not attempt to do that, because I really do not
remember. ,

Senator Gbay. Of course, if you do not remember you would not
attempt to say. This was on the 17th of January, Tuesday!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gbax- You say, <<Many threats were made and many
rumors were in circulation every day that caused much anxiety and
constant watching. The strain was very gieat all these days, and so
many threats were made we consulted with the advisory council and
decided that to bring about a state of quiet we would ask the protec-
tion of the American minister, and suggested that the American flag
be hoisted on the Government building, which we consented to do,
and the flag was raised on the morning of February 1st." Fow, when
was it that you first consulted in regard to that request to have the
American flag raised!

Mr. Jones. I think it was the last, day of January, as I remember.
We went up to see Mr. Stevens, up to his house, and to the executive
council.

Senator Gbay. How long before that had you talked it among your-
selves!

Mr. Jones. Perhaps for a day or so.

Senator Gbay. Who first told you that the troops had been landed
from the Boston t

Mr. Jones. One of our German residents told us.

Senator Gbay. What did he tell you!

Mr. Jones. He told us that they were landed to preserve life and
property.

Senator Gbay. That was the language he used, or was it your under-
standing!

Mr. Jones. Fo, I think that was his language — ^the request of che
committee, and he probably repeated what he had heard down town.

Senator Gbay. I only want your recollection. Do you recollect who
it was that so informed you!

Mr. Jones. Yes. I can not call his name. Let me see. I know he
is a clerk in F. A. Schaeffer & Go's. I can not call his name just now.

Senator Gbay. You say you do not think those native Hawaiians are
capable of self-government!

Mr. Jones. I do not think so.

Senator Gbay. Do you think they necessarily have to be governed
by a more intelligent class for their own as well as for your benefit!

Mr. Jones. I think so.

Senator Gbay. You think that the intelligent and those having prop-
erty interests will have to control the country for the good of those
islands!

Mr. Jones. It seems to me so. That is my opinion, although I would
give them the same rights that I ask for myself.

Senator Gbay. But that is your opinion of whac the best interests
of the islands require!

Hawaiian islands 219

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Is that the general opinion of those who are asso-
ciated with yont

Mr. JoNss. I think so. Mr. Lance is that gentleman's name. I
should be very sorry to live there under native rule entirely, where we
pay all the taxes.

Senator Gray. Ton went out of office on the 12th t

Mr. Jones. Twelfth of January; from the Queen's cabinet.

Senator Gray. Was there a new cabinet formed immediately t

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

Senator Gbat. Who composed itf

Mr. Jones. ComweU, Peterson, Parker, and Colbum.

The Chairman. Let me ask you just there. Under the constitution
of fiawaii is it necessary before the new cabinet take office that it
should be confirmed by the Legislature f

Mr. Jones. No. The Queen appoints, but the Legislature can vote
ttan out. The Queen can not discharge the new cabinet. What is
known as the Ck>rnwell cabinet was voted out.

Senator Gray. Are they voted out directly, or is a vote of want of
confidence the process f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Then a vote of want of confidence means that the
cabinet has ceased to hold office f

Mr. Jones. Yes. If they secure 25 votes, the cabinet must retire.

Senator Gray. Is that a majority f

Mr. Jones. That is a majority. On the 4th of January they brought
in a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox cabinet, and they secured
<mlj 19 votes. On the strength of that the minister went up to Hawaii
vith the Bo9ton and was gone until it came back, on the very day that
tlie Queen undertook to overthrow- the Government by proclaiming the
neir constitation. We felt satisfied that she could not get the Wilcox
cabinet out, and he thought there was no need of holding the Boston
there any more; that there was no danger.

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the fact that
the Queen intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887 f

Mr. Jones. On the evening of the 11th of January.

The Chaibman. About what timet

Mr. Joi^s. It was about half past 6, just after dinner.

The Chairman. Who was your informant!

Mr. Jones. Mr. Henry Waterhouse.

The Chaibman. What connection had he, if any, with the Govern-
nentf

Mr. Jones. None whatever at that time.

The Chaibman. Had he previously to thatt

Mr. Jones. He had been a member of the Legislature; not that year.

The Chaibman. He was a private citizen t

Mr. Jones. He was a private citizen. He got the information from
Colbum's brother.

The Chaibman. One of the men put into the ministry f

Mr. JoiTBS. Yes.

Hie Chaibman. Did you have any communication with any member
of tiiis cabinet upon that subject f

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chaibman. None of them gave you any information as to the
intention of the Queen to abrogate the constitution of 1887 1

Mr. Jones. No.

220 HAWAIIAN islands:

The Chairman. Was any statement made at either of these meet
mgs of which you speak — the citizens' meeting on Saturday or the meet-
ing of the new Provisional Gk)vemment — to the effect that the Queen
had abrogated or intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887 1

Mr. JoN£S. Oh, yes; at the mass meeting it was stated.

The Chairman. By whomT

Mr. Jones. By the resolutions that were introduced.

The Chairman. Who gave information to the meeting of the fact of
whicb those resolutions were predicated — that the Queen intended to
abrogate or had abrogated the constitution of '87 f

Mr. Jones. I think the committee of thirteen. You see, the mass
meeting was held on Monday, the 16th; the attempt of the Queen to
abrogate the constitution was on the 14th.

The Chairman. Saturday!

Mr. Jones. Saturday.

The Chairman. It was about that point of time that I wish to make
inquiry. How did the x>eople become possessed of the fact that the
Queen ha^l abrogated or intended to abrogate that constitution f

Mr. Jones. Why, the people who were there at the palace — Chief
Justice Judd was there and heard her speech; quite a number of the
diplomatic corps was there; a great many of the citizens and some
members of the Legislature were there whea the Queen made this
attempt.

The .Chairman. Was this after the Legislature had beenproroguedl

Mr. Jones. Yes; immediately idter.

The Chairman. Waa it in the Government buUdingt

Mr. Jones. In the palace.

The Chairman. lolanit

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And thisassemblage had met there for whatpurposet

Mr. Jones. At the request of the Queen. And tkea it was an-
nounced that there was a great deal of delay; they could not under-
stand why they were call^ there, and it got rumored about that the
Queen intended to proclaim this constitution and the ministers were
afraid to approve of it.

The Chairman. That was the rumor t

Mr. Jones. That was the rumor, and it was the fact, too.

The Chairman. Were you present at the timet

Mr. Jones. I was not; no.

The Chairman. As a matter of personal information you can not
state what actually occurred f

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. What the Queen said or what anybody else said t

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. But, if I understand you, the information that such
a movement had been made and that the Queen had spoken on that
subject was disseminated throughout the community f

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; by many witnesses who were there.

The Chairman. When did you get information that the Queen had
recalled her intention f

Mr. Jones. On Monday morning.

The Chairman. Was that the soonest you heard of it, that there
was any such intention on her partt

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. So that, between Saturday and Monday, you were
under the impression that the Queen had abrogated the constitution f

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. ^ 221

Mr. Jones. Oh, tio. She had attempted to do it, and had told the
people that she could not carry out her plans that day, bnt if they
voald go to their homes, in a very few days she would proclaim the
D6W constitutaon.

The Ghaxrman. Did you ever see that new constitution f

Mr. JoNBS. No. We offered $500 for a copy of it and could not
seenre it. Oh, they destroyed it after that.

The CHA.ISMAN. Have you any knowledge who it was prepared that
instnimentf

Mr. Jones. It was said that the Queen prepared it herself.

The Chairman. With her own handf

Mr. Jones. That is as I understand it. That is the rex>ort that came
tons— that it was her own constitution; she prepared the whole of it.

TheCHAi&MAN. With your knowledge of the intelligence of the
QaeeD, would you suppose she is capable of drawing up such a consti-
ktiont

Hi, Jokes. I should say not.

Senator Gray. Does she speak English I

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

Senator Gbay. What is her customary dialect — ^native language t

Mr. Jones. She will talk English if those who are about her speak
English; if there are those about who understand both English and
Hawaiian, she prefers to talk the Hawaiian.

S^ator Obay. What is the prevailing language in the city of Hon-
oinla; the Hawaiian language t

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do you use it in your business I

Mr. J0NS& Yes.

Senator Gray. Do the Portuguese use itf

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

Soiator Gray. Do the Germans and others use itf

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

Senator Gray. As they do our language heref

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. All the discussion in the legislature is in English
and Hawaiian, because the Hawaiians speak in Hawaiian and then it
is interpreted, translated into English, and then those who speak in
English, their language is interpreted, translated into HawaiiaiL

Seziator Gray. You all understand the Hawaiian language I

Mr.JoNRS. !Not thoroughly.

Senator Gray. Can you speak itf

Mr. JoNRS. Well, tolerably well.

Senator Gray. Do ybu understand it when it is spoken t

Mr. JoNRS. YiBS. I should hate to attempt an address in Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. But you understand itf

Mr. JoNRS. I can understand it for ordinary purposes.

Senator Gray. Have the Hawaiians any literature in their own Ian-
Snngef

Mr.JoNRS. Very little indeed.

The Chairman. Before the Monday, before the mass meeting of
tike citizens of which you speak, did you have any information of the
iKt, if it was a fact, that the Queen's ministers, the latest ministers,
ff any of them, had announced that they refused to sign the consti-
tution with her — ^to assist her in its promulgation f

Mr. JoNRS. Late Saturday they refused to.

The Chairman. Well, you had information of that on Saturday f

Mr. JoNXS. We heard of that on Saturday.

222 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibmak. Whom did that infonnation come &Qm — ^the minis-
tersf

Mr. Jones. From the ministers themselves; yes.

The Ghaibman. Did any of these ministers attend any of these
meetings!

Mr. Jones. Yes; Peterson and Oolbnrn.were there.

The Chairman. When you were present!

Mr. Joi^s. No.

The Chairman. So that yon do not know what they saidt

Mr. Jones. !No, I do not; I was not present.

The Chairman. Well, you can state whether it was commonly un-
derstood, rumored there, stated among those people, that the minis-
tears had disclosed the fact that the Queen had desired them to join
her in the promulgation of this new constitution!

Mr. Jones. Yes. They undoubtedly went into office pledged to
support her in it.

The Chairman. What reason have you for that statement I

Mr. Jones. I think Mr. Oolburn clearly pledged himself to it, and
the others, too.

Senator Gray. Do you found that opinion ux>on that letter which
you received!

Mr. Jones. Partially, and from other information. When the Queen
— ^you said I might allude to rumors!

The Chairman. That is what I was asking about.

Mr. Jones. When the Queen urged them to sign the constitution,
they asked for more time. She turned to Peterson and said, ^^ Why
more time; you have carried that constitution around in your pocket
for more than a month — why do you want more time!"

Senator Gray. Who gave that account!

Mr. Jones. That came from the Palace that Saturday.

Senator Gray. By whom!

Mr. Jones. Well, I heard it. Chief Justice Judd told me.

Senator Gray. That he heard it!

Mr. Jones. I do not know whether he heard it or not; I could not
say, but that was the rtimor that was about, and I believe it was correct.

The Chairman. Chief Justice Judd told you!

Mr. Jones. He was at the Palace.

The Chairman. He told you of the fact, that he had been authen-
tically informed!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did he state whom he heard it from I

Mr. Jones. Ko; I could not say that.

Senator Gray. He stated it as a rumor!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. That is what I want to get at, whether the common
belief of the people in Honolulu was that the Queen had caused to be
prepared, or prepared herself, this new constitution, and had asserted
her purpose to abrogate the constitution of 1887 — supplant it by a new
constitution!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And it had been carried around in the pocket of
Peterson for a month before that time!

Senator Gray. Let us understand. Do you mean that that was
understood for a month before — that he was carrying it around!

Mr, Jones. Not that for a month.

Senator Gray. That Saturday you heard that!

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. ' 223

Mr. JoifES. Tes — ^not that the ramor had been in circnlation for a
month, but the Queen declared that he, Peterson, had carried the con-
stitation in his pocket for a month.

Senator Gbat. That rumor came out on Saturday?

Mr. JoNBS. On Saturday, yes.

The Ohaibman. State whether it was a part of the understanding
of the general community that the ministry had revised to sign this
Mw constitution with the Queen.

Mr. JoNBS. That day, yes.

The Chairman. I mean on that Saturday t

Mr. JoNi:s. On that Saturday.

The Chairman. Thp^t was the public understan^ngf

Mr. JoNSS. They did. It was unquestionably so — ^they declined on
that day to sign it.

The Chairman. On Saturday t

Mr. Joints. Yes.

The Chairman. And they gave information to the community that
te Queen demanded of the ministry that they sign the constitution,
and they refused to do it f

Mr. JoNRS. On that day, yes.

The Chairman. State whether it was part of that general under-
itanding or rumor that they came to the citizens or any citizens to get
sdvice as to what they ought to do under such circumstances.

Mr. JoNRS. Yes, they £d. But I was not present at those meetings.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the common understanding of
yiex^eople.

Mr JoNRS. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that a part of it — that they had come to the
citizens for advice as to what they should dof

Mr. JoNSS. They came to Thurston and asked his advice, and they
wefB also present that afternoon at the meeting at W. O. Smith's office.
I think that is included in Mr. Blount^s report. But I was not present
tt that meetihg.

The Chairman. Then, as I understand you, it was the common be-
lief among the people of Honolulu from Saturday to Monday that the
Queen hs^ attempted to abrogate the constitution of 1887, and she had
only failed because the ministry refused to sign with hert

]fe. JoNRS. Yes.

The Chairman. And also the common belief that the ministry, or
nme of them, when they took office had pledged themselves to this
diaoge of government t

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you know of any combination or any conspiracy
or eoncerted action or agreement or understanding prior to that revela-
tion for supplanting the Queen in her government f

Mr. Jones. No; I do not. •

The Chairman. Or for establishing a republic t

Mr. JoNRS. I do not.

The Chairman. Or for annexation to the United States f

Mr. JoNRS. I do not. The whole thing was like a thunder clap to
the oommnnity, so far as I am aware, and nothing was thoaght of it
iBta Saturday, when it was made public that the Queen was to with-
tew the institution of 1887, and these things culminated very fast.
I knew nothing of anything of the kind.

The Chairman. If there had been any purpose on the part of a
timber 9f the people of Qawaiij of SoDolulu^ to dethrone tKe Qnib^u

224 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

or establiAh a republican form of government, or different form of gor-
emment, or entlu'one another royal personage, or get annexation to the
United States prior to the time that the people were informed of the
Queen's intention to abrogate the constitution of 1887, do you thin^ you
would have known of itt

Mr. Jones. I think I should, because of my intimacy with different
people there.

The Ghaibman. You would say that whatever intention was formed
in respect of these matters about which I have been inquiring, it arose
from public information that was disseminated on that Saturday with
regard to the Queen's intentions f

Mr. Jones. Yes, I say that.

The Chaibman. Are you in any way connected with the clergy t

Mr. Jones. I am not. I am a member of the Hawaiian Board of
Missions — a lay member.

The Ghaibman. To what extent, using the percentage, if you can do
so with reasonable approximation of the fact, will you say that the
native Kanaka population of Hawaii had become communicants of any
Ghristian church t

Mr. Jones. Well, I should say, speaking wi^thout an actual knowl-
edge of the facts, 75 per cent, although Mr. Emerson* who has appeared
before you, could give you much better information than I could. I
should think that such information might be furnished; but I am Very
poor at statistics, carrying things in my head.

The Ghaibman. So that you think, contrasting this Hawaiian com-
munity with pagan communities, the Hawaiian community is a Ghris-
tian community t

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman, They have the observance of the Sabbatht

Mr. Jones. Oh, they are very punctilious about that.

The Ghaibman. Have you laws also to assist them in the sanctity oi
the Sabbath f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Is the marriage relation recognized t

Mr. Joirajs. Yes,

The Ghaibman. Is it a secular relation or religious f

Mr. Jones. The marriage relation is a religious ceremony.

The Ghaibman. Is it sustained and provided for by law — licensed f

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; the marriage relations there are just as strict
as they are here.

The Ghaibman. In regard to deceased persons, do they have regular
administration of estates!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Have persons by law the right to bequeath their
property!

Mr. JoNiB^s. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Have you courts to enforce those rights!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Ghaibman. The laws in respect to temperance — what is the
general character of them !

Mr. Jones. There are quite a number of laws on the statute books
regulating the sales of liquors, and it is only for want of public opinion
that many of them are not enforced. There is a general looseness there
about enforcing some of the laws. The police are never anxious to do
any thiug of that sort unless spurred on by public sentiment.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 225

Senator Gray. They do not differ from communities here?

Mr. JoNSS. Very like here.

The Ghaibilan. Is the Kanaka element in the island addicted to
intemperance f

Mr. Jones. Many of them.

The Chaibkan. Well, take the msyority.

Mr. JoNBS. I am sorry to say that I think so, if they get the oppor
tnnity — ^not all of them, but I would say a majority.

The Ghaxbman. So that it is an evil that is not to be controlled
ftbBolntely by public opinion, but you And it necessary to enact lawsf

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Are they of a stringent character f

Mr. JoNSS. Stringent — that is, some; particularly as to licenses.
We have a high license. There are many stipulations in the license
▼hieh, if rigidly observed, would make a great deal of difference in the
bqnor habit.

The Chairman. Is the distillation of spirits by Government au-
thority t

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Whoever distils spirits there must have a Govem-
nent license t

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. And your tariff laws — do they relate to the importa-
tion of liquors f

Mr. Jones. There is a high tariff on liquors.

Senator Gray. To promote home manufacture t

Mr. Jones. I^o; that is more for the sake of revenue. There is noth-
ing done there in the way of home manufacture.

oMiator Gray. I understood you to say awhile ago that the distil-
lation law was largely for the purpose of encouraging home manufac-
toie.

Mr. Jones. This law that was passed I am not familiar with. It
ns introduced before I went into the House. I think it became a law
doling my incumbency, as I stated to Senator Morgan early in our
eoDversation. I am not familiar with it.

S^ator Gray. It was this last law to which you refer f

Mr. JoNSS. Yes. It was introduced, I think, by someone to make it
a sort of popular thing with some of the natives, and there has never
be^ anything done about it since.

The Chairman. This Provisional Government in Hawaii, as I under-
stand it, has repealed that opium lawf

Mr. JoNRS. Yes, and the lottery law.

The Chairman. They have not repealed the distillation billf

Mr. JoNRS. !No.

The Chairman. On the subject of education. You have given a
^ery flattering account of the progress of education in Hawaii. Who
b?e had that subject in charge since the first appearance of civiliza-
tion in the Hawaiian Islands — mainly in charge t

Mr. JoNRS. The missionaries, originally. Since then the board of
education, which has always been made up of our very best citizens.
Prod Alexander, who is to appear before you, has been and is now act-
isg president of the board of education, and he is very fajniliar with
tbt question.

The Chairman. Then I will not trouble you on that question. But
I will ask you this — whether in the absence of the labor of the mis-

8. Eep. 227 15

226 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

sionaries in the direction of educating the people they woold have been
educated to the degree they are now!

Mr. Jones. Oh, nO; it was owing to the missionaries that the Ha-
waiians have been brought to what they are.

The Chaibman. What King was on the throne when you went to
Hawaii f

Mr. Jones. Kamehameha lY.

The Chairman. What year did you say that wast

Mr. Jones. That was in 1857.

The GHAmM AN. That was after the constitution of 1854 had been
proclaimed f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Did Kamehameha lY have in his cabinet any of the
American missionary element t

Mr. Jones. In my day, no.

The Chairman. Did he have any American citizens in his cabinet f

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had, I think, David L. Gray. I think he took the
position of minister of finance in the cabinet of Kamehameha lY.

The Chairman. How long did he remain in office f

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; two or three years, perhaps.

The Chairman. Was there any other person who was a member of
the Kamehameha cabinet — Kamehameha LY — any American citizen t

Mr. Jones. I do not remember any American except Gray. Mr.
Wilie, a Scotchman, was in for Diany years.

The Chairman. Was he a missionary t

Mr. Jones. Oh, no; he was rather an anti-missionary.

Senator Gray. What do you mean by '* anti-missionary ?^

Mr. Jones. I do not think he was in fiiU sympathy with the mission-
aries. I would not call him what we call an anti-missionary man to-day.

Senator Gray. What was he?

Mr. Jones. He was minister of foreign affairs for many years.

The Chairman. Then Kamehameha Y had white men in his cabinet!

Mr. Jones. He had three Americans in his cabinet.

The Chairman. Who were theyf

Mr. Jones. He had Charles Coffin Harris, formerly of New Hamp-
shire; he had J. Mott Smith, who was then Hawaiian minister here;
he had Stephen H. Phillips, a lawyer. Phillips was his attorney-
general.

The Chairman. All Americans t

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. American citizens t

Mr. Jones. American citizens; yes.

The Chairman. Then did he have other white men, from Europe, in
his cabinet — I mean Kamehameha Yf

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had Dr. Hutchinson for years: I think he was
an Englishman.

The Chairman. Well, the next Kingt

Mr. Jones. The next King was Lunalilo; he lived but fourteen
months. That cabinet was comprised of three Americans. They
always speak of the missionary children there as Americans, because
they always claim to be Americans. That cabinet was composed ot
Hon. C. E. Bishop, minister of foreign affairs; E. O. Hall, minister of the
interior — he was formerly connected with the mission; and A. F. Judd,
who was attorney-general.

The Chairman. And then chief justice of the supreme conrtt

Mr. Jones. Yes. He was attorney- generaL

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 227

The Chairman. Under Lunalilof

Mr. JoNBB. Yes.

The Ghaxbman. Then, after Lnnalilo came Kalakauat

Mr. JoiTES. Yes.

The Chairman. Did he have AmericaDS in his cabinet f

Mr. JoNSS. Yes. He had A. S. Hartwell in his first cabinet and
Sam Wilder, an American. I forget the other two now. He had a great
many cabinets. There were generally one or more Americans in his
cabinet.

The Chairman. He changed his cabinet very often t

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

The Chairman. Were those changes made because of want of con-
fidence t

Mr. JoNRS. Oh, no. It was his own sweet will that he turned them
oat

Senator Frte. That is, he was King.

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

The Chairman. Did Kalakaua have the right to dismiss his cabinet
without the Legislature f

Mr. Jones. Yes, under the constitution of '87.

The Chairman. Under that provision of the constitution giving
Mthority he made frequent changes in his cabinet f

Mr. JoNRS. Yes.

Bie Chairman. Kow, speaking of these men in the different cabi-
nets, commencing with Kamehameha Y down to Kalakaua and his cabi-
Qeta, were any of these men impeached by the people of Hawaii for
any disloyalty to the Government t

Mr. JoNRS. No.

The Chairman. Or any crime against the Government t

Mr. JoNRS. No.

The Chairman. Were they men of fine character t

Mr. JoNRB. Many of them were. Do you include Kalakauat

The Chairman. I am speaking of the first cabinet of Kalakauat

Mr. JoNRS. I should say most of them were men of good character.

The Chairman. You would consider that they were not a disin-
t^rating or disloyal element in the monarchy f

Mr. Jonrs. No.

The Chairman. T^ey gave full support there t

Mr. Jonrs. They gave full support there. Yes, so far as I ever
faiew. Of course I knew nothing of the inner workings of the Govern-
ment in those days. But none of them were ever impeached for dis-
koaesty of purpose, doubted, to my knowledge.

The Chairman. What is the opinion among the more intelligent
people of Hawaii as to the reasons that influenced Kalakaua to make
aomany changes in his cabinet f

Mr. Jonrs. Well, for the purpose of gaining supreme power. K he
foand an obstacle in his way he would do it at once.

The Chairman. Was it the opinion of the people of Hawaii that
K^kaoa wanted that supreme power of government for the benefit of
tie government, or for his personal advantage!

Mr. Jonrs. For his personal advantage only.

The Chairman. There was at one time a colony of Mormons there t

Mr. Jonrs. Yes.

The Chairman. Who established that colony!

Mr. Jonrs. Gibson. He was afterwards Kalakaua's factotum.

The Chairman. In Kalakaua's cabinet f

228 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

•

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Do you know where Gibson came from before he
arrived at the Hawaiian islands f

Mr. Jones. I think he came from the Mormon settlement in Salt
Lake.

The Chairman. Do yon remember whether he brought any Mormons
over with him!

Mr. Jones. I do not.

The Chairman. Was ther^" :n any particular part of the islands a
populous Mormon colony f

Mr. Jones. The island of Lanai was set apart as a colony ibr Mor-
mons— as a Mormon settlement.

The Chairman. Who controlled that settlement f

Mr. Jones. Gibson.

The Chairman. It was after that settlement was made — set apart —
that Gibson became a member of Kalakaua's cabinet f

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; long after.

The Chairman. How long did Gibson remain in E^lakana's cabi-
net T

Mr. Jones. He remained through several changes. Gibson would
always be in the new deal.

The Chairman. During the time that Gibson was a member of Kala-
uaka's cabinet Don Celso Caesar Moreno appeared there f

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. I think Moreno— I have forgotten ; I
was away when Moreno went in; I was away in the States.

The Chairman. You do not know of that except by public reputa-
tion t

Mr. Jones. I was not there.

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet t

Mr. Jones. Moreno t

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Jones. He '^as there only three days.

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet?

Mr. Jones. Yes, minister of foreign affairs for three days, I think.

The Chairman. Do you know what circumstances led to his being
dismissed?

Mr. Jones. At the request of a public meeting.

The Chairman. Of the citizens, demanding tiijtt he should be re-
moved?

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he was. As I say, I was not there at the time.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the general rumor or historical
traditions of Hawaii on that subject. Before his removal what disxK)-
sition did he make of the foreign ministry?

Mr. Jones. Who?

The Chairman. Moreno.

Senator Frye. During the three days that he was in there, what did
he do?

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. For matters of history you will find
Prof. Alexander right up. He has written a history of the islands.

The Chairman. I was trying to get from you the general impressions
of the people of Hawaii on this subject. I know you do not know it
in detail. Did Moreno leave the islands?

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had to leave.

The Chairman. Was he banished?

Mr. Jones. The opposition was so great that he had to leave.

Xhe Chairman. He came there, to the islands, from Ohinat

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 229

Mr. Jones. I have not known anything of him since that time, only
ihat he has been here in Washington. I have heard of him occasionally.

The Chairman. Had the people of Hawaii any opinion as to the
reasons or causes which gave Moreno the ascendancy over Kalakana —
made him premier of Kalakaua's cabinet f

Mr. Jones. I am not aware of the reasons!

The Chairman. You do not know the reasons t

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. No public sentiment or belief in regard to the
reasons?

Mr. Jones. None that I know of.

The Chairman. What became of Gibson f

Mr. Jones. Gibson in 1887 — ^the revolution of 1887 — was put out of
office, and then he was virtually deported. He went to California and
never returned.

The Chairman. What became of his Mormon colony that he took
over with bimt

Mr. Jones. That disappeared, went to pieces, and then Gibson
obtained x)ossession of the island of Lanai for his own purposes, and
that is all broken up now.

The Chairman. Did he sell itf

Mr. Jones. No; his daughter inherited the property of Lanai.

The Chairman. She is in possession of the whole island f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. About how mucht

Mr. Jones. There are* crown lands there and other lands in the
island. She is the owner of the property that was originally pur-
chased for the Mormons, as I understand.

The Chairman. This daughter has succeeded to the title f

Mr. Jones. She enjoys all that Jones died possessed ofL

The Chairman. Considerable estate!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. About how muchf

Mr. Jones. I suppose it is worth perhaps $100,000. And there is
sometliing of a mortgage upon it; I do not know how much. I have
never been on the land.

The Chairman. Do you know the areaf

Mr. Jones. I do not know.

The Chairman. You do not know whether it is good land or notf

Mr. Jones. It is mostly for sheep-raising; very little for other pur-
poses. I have never been upon the land.

nie Chairman. You have mentioned two members of the Kalakana
cabinet — ^Moreno and Gibson. Was there any other man in Kalakaua's

cabinet whose reputation was not good among the people of Hawaii for

bonesty and loyalty t
Mr. Jones. I do not recall to mind any others. I do not know how

many he had. He had a large number of cabinets, but I do not recall

any of them to mind just now but those two.
The Chairman. Were Gibson and Moreno there in the cabinet

before this revolution of 1887 occurred f
Mr. Jones. Yes; Gibson was in the cabinet in the revolution.
The Chairman. During the revolution f
Mr. Jones. Yes.
The Chairman. And he was dismissed in consequence of the revo-

htionf
Mr. Jones. Yes,

230 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibmai?- Just state generally the manner in which that reve-
lation was set on foot.

Senator Gray. What revolution!

The GuAiBHAN. Of 1887. State generally the inanner in which the
revolution was set on foot. I mean by that whether it was done by
the citizens meeting or by the King himself, or how?

Mr. Jones. It was by a series of acts of the King that stirred the
citizens up, and a secret league was formed. An organization that
culminated in a mass meeting and a demand for a new constitution to
clip the wings of the King — to which the King acceded without any
question.

The Chaibman. Did he first ma>ke resistance by armst

Mr. J ONES. No ; his native soldiers all fled. He was in a much better
position to resist than Liliuokalani was when the revolution of last
year came. But he could not depend upon his native forces.

The Chairman. They abandoned himf

Mr. Jones. They abandoned him and there was no courage in hnn.

The Chairman. Did they abandon him through fear or disgust!

Mr. Jones. Oh, through fear.

The Chairman. Fear of the people!

Mr. Jones. Yes ; he did a great many things that were unbecoming
a king. His ambition was to get control of everything, and the people
rose up and stopped it. And his sister seems to have followed right,
in his footsteps.

The Chairman. Kalakaua was seated on the Hawaiian throne by an
act of the Legislature f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860!

Mr. JoNSS. 1860.

The Chairman. He was not a member of the royal family t

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Was any vote of the people of Hawaii taken as to
whether Kalakaua should be by them elected kingf

Mr. Jones. No; no vote of the people; vote of the Legislature. He
was not the choice of the people by any means.

The Chairman. Who would have been the choice of the people at
that timef

Mr. Jones. Queen Enmia.

The Chairman. She had royal blood in her f

Mr. Jones. No; she was the wife of K^mehameha lY. Lanalilo
submitted his election to the people and he got almost the entire vote
of the country. I think there were only six votes against him. When
he died he declined to appoint his successor. He was allowed by the
constitution to appoint his successor, but he declined to do it. He said
he was elected by the people, and he would rather submit it back to
the people. The Legislature had the power under the constitution to
elect a king, and they elected Kalakaua.

The Chairman. A man without any pretensions to royal blood f

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had no pretensions to royal blood f

The Chairman. There was a person at the time of his election in
Hawaii, a relative of the royal family t

Mr. Jones. Mrs. Bishop was one of the Eamehamehas, but she de-
clined to take the throne also.

The Chairman. Was there not a mant

Mr. Jones. Kuniakea, do you meanf

The Chairman. Yes; he was a scion of the royal fiimily f

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 231

Mr. JoNE^. I thiuk he was, perhaps, an illegitimate son of Kameha-
meha III; I am not sure.

The Chatkman. Not recognized as belonging to the royal family.

Mr. JoNBs. No.

The Ohaxbman. Is he still living!

Mr. Jokes. Yes, he is still living.

The Chjltbman. But no importance attaches to him as of royal
bloodf

Mr. JoNSS. No.

TheCHAiBMAN. So that the election of Kalakana was an entire
departnre, so far as the royal blood was concerned — a new dynasty t

Mr. Jones. Yes; a new dynasty altogether.

TheCHATBMAN. And Lilinokalanif

Mr. Jones. LiliuokaJani is the sister of KaJakana. Princess Kaiu-
lani is the daughter of Princess Likelike.

The Chairman. So that Kaiulani is the niece of Lilinokalanif

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. How did Lilinokalani become possessed of royal
authority!

Mr. Jones. Her brother appointed her his successor, under the old
coQstitatioD.

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that done before the revolution of 1887!

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. It was done almost, I think, as soon as he
ascended the throne. He appointed his brother and then his sister.
He appointed his brother first and then his sister Lilinokalani, and she
appointed, under the constitution of 1887, Kaiulani as her successor.

The Chairman. That was after LUiuokalani ascended the throne !

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. So that Kalakana was elected by the Legislature,
ad during his reign he appointed his sister Lilinokalani his successor!

Mr. JoN£S. Yes.

The Chairman. Then came the revolution of 1887 and the new con-
stitution of 1887 !

Mr. JoNBS. Yes.

The Chairman. That did not disturb Liliuokalani's apx>ointment
voder the constitution of 1860 !

Mr. JoN£S. No, they recognized that.

The Chairman. Were the claims of Lilinokalani in any way sub-
mitted to the people!

Mr. Jones. Kb.

The Chairman. Or of Kaiulani!

Mr. Jones, l^o.

The Chairman. None were since Lunalilo VI !

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. That was done entirely on his request!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Having his successor confirmed by the people!

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Chairman. Has any constitution ever been submitted to the
people for their vote or ratification!
Ibr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Any amendment!

Mr. Jones. Amendment! Yes — ^not to the people direct.

The Chairman. I mean to the people. The process of amendmftut

232 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

is by mc^ority vote, and it goes to the next Legislature, and by a two-
thirds vote it becomes an amendment to the constitution;

Mr. Jones. Yes. There were one or two amendments to the consti-
tution of 1887 at the last liCgislature. That is, the former Legislature
voted and it was confirmed by the present Legislature.

The Chairman. But there has been no original vote on an amend-
ment of the constitution or an original amen£nent by the people t

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Fete. The present constitution takes firom the Queen prac-
tically all power, does it not, and vests it in the cabinetf

Mr. Jones. Yes. There is no act of hers that is valid without the
signature of one of the ministers. The ministers are directly responsi-
ble, and she is not responsible.

Senator Fete. I understand that; we have the constitution. Now,
when you went into the Government building to take possession the
Queen's ministers disappeared, as I understand f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Fete. And you immediately took possession of the various
offices of the building, the archives, the treasury, and everything t

Mr. Jones. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Now, when you were at that mass meeting at the
armory building, was not information conveyed to that meeting that
the Queen was going to x>ostpone that new constitution, and was not
the question asked that meeting whether that would do f

Mr. Jones. Yes.

Senator Feye. What was the reply t

Mr. Jones. The unanimous reply was, "No, no.'' They would not
believe in it. Kalakaua tried the same dodge.

Senator Feye. In Mr. Blount's rei>ort he speaks of the Queen having
six or seven hundred troops and sixteen cannon, etc. Did the Queen
have any such people there f

Mr. Jones. No. There were about, as far as we were informed,
fifty or sixty men down at the station house, and there were seventy or
eighty troops at the barracks.

Senator Feye. What are those Hawaiian troops — ^the Queen's
Guard f

Mr. Jones. Yes; around the palace; do palace duty, do the review-
ing on state occasions, and things of that sort.

Senator Feye. That Queen's Guard and the police at the police
station made no attempt during all these proceedings against your
meeting or toward taking possession of the Government building!

Mr. Jones. No.

Senator Feye. Were your people armed at the public meeting t

Mr. Jones. Many of them may have had pistols on them, but not to
my knowledge. I saw no arms.

Senator Feye. Was any attempt made to disperse that meeting!

Mr. Jones. No. The only attempt made was by getting up a
counter meeting to draw people away from attending. But the house
was packed.

Senator Feye. Now, as to the landing of troops. You were there
shortly after the troops were landed! You were in Honolulu!

Mr, Jones. Yes, I was in Honolulu.

Senator Feye. Do you know where the troops were located and why
they were located and howf

Senator Geay. Of your own knowledge.

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. I know that there was a squad stationed at

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 233

the American minister's, and another one at the American consuPs, and
the balance of tliem at Arion Hall.

Senator Fbt£. And Arion Hall was off to the east or west of the
Goyemment building f

Mr. Jomss. West of the Government building.

Senator Fhyb. A street between!

Mr. JoHSS. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Do yon know whether or not any attempt was made
toobtaun other locations?

Mr. JoNSS. I think there was an attempt made to secure the Music
Hall, just in front.

Senator Fbte. That failed?

Mr. Joivss. That failed.

Senator Gray. Of your personal knowledge?

Mr. Jones. All I know of that is, I have read the reports of it. That
b the way I obtained the knowledge.

Senator Fbye. You were at the Government building frequently.
Did you ever see, during thisTevoIution, any of the American soldiers
marching on the streets?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Did you, as a member of the new Government, ex-
pect to receive any assistance from them?

Mr. Jones. Ko.

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not your fellows were look-
ing for any help?

Mr. Jones. I never knew that they were.

Senator Frye. As a matter of fact, did they give any assistance to
tbe revolution at all ?

Mr. Jones. No.

The Chairman. Let me ask you right there, is it your belief that

tbt revolution would have occurred if the Boston had not arrived in

the harbor t
Mr. Jones. I believe it wonld have gone on just the same if she had

beea away from the islands altogether.
Senator Gray. Was anything said in your conferences that day or

tfae next in regard to the troops — anything said about that at all in

jour hearing!
Mr. Jones. No. I was not at any of those meetings until Tues-

diy.

8W0KH STATEMEHT OF ZEPHANIAH SWIFT SPALSIVO.

The Chairman. You are a native of the United States?

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I was bom in Ohio.

The Chairman. What is your age?

Mr. Spalding. I am 56 — was bom September, 1837.

The Chairman. When did you first go to Hawaii?

Mr. Spalding. I was sent out to Hawaii in 1867 by Secretary
Seward.

The Chairman. As an official of any character?

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I was what was termed secret or confidential
tf^t of the State Department. I was bearer of dispatches to the
amister at Washington and under pay fi:om the State Department,
tem its secret-service fhnd.

234 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Was there any particular emergency of the Govern-
ment in Hawaii that caused you to be sent there!

Mr. Spalding. It was at that time the treaty of reciprocity was
being talked about and advocated, and Secretary Seward wished to
have all the information possible upon that subject My instructions
were rather indefinite. I received my instructions from the Secretary
himself, and, as he told me, he did not wish to be committed by put-
ting explicit or specific instructions upon paper, but he wished to know
what effect the reciprocity treaty would have upon the future relations
of the United States and Hawaii.

The Ghaxrman. What was your vocation in life before tbatt

Mr. Spalding. I had come out of the army but a short time before.

The Chairman. What was your rank in the army?

Mr. Spalding. I commanded the Twenty-seventh Ohio Begimeot.

The Chaibman. As Colonel!

Mr. Spalding. Lieutenant-colonel. Our Colonel was commanding
the Brigade.

The Chairman. What was your age when you went to Hawaiit

Mr. Spalding. I went out there in 1867. I was then 30 years old.
I was bom in 1837.

The Chairman. Were you a married manf

Mr. Spalding. I was married out there.

The Chairman. Did you marry a native t

Mr. Spalding. My wife was born in Honolulu, but her father was
from Massachusetts and her mother from New York.

Senator Frye. Who was your wifet

Mr. Spalding. The daughter of Capt. James McKee.

The Chairman. A sea captain f

Mr. Spalding. Yes; he was wounded on board ship near Honolnla
so severely that he was obliged to give up his vessel. He was unable
to leave his bed, and his wife went out from New York City to him.
He always lived there after that. He was one of the early sugar-
planters there.

The Chairman. Did you continue to reside in Hawaii from the time
you went out there as a Government agent f

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I have lived there most of the time since then.
I have bee^ a short time in California. I came over to San Francisco
in 1875 or 1876. I lived there about a year, until about the time of the
reciprocity treaty being passed, when I went back and purchased the
land I have now.

The Chairman. Where are you residing at present f

Mr. Spalding. My family is in Paris.

The Chairman. There, educating your children t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were you during the month of January
last?

Mr. Spalding. I left Honolulu — I think it was on the 4th of Janu-
ary— on the steamer coming to San Francisco— on my return to my
family in Europe.

The Chairman. What stay had youmade in Honolulu, on the islands,
prior to your return to Paris t

Mr. Spalding. I had been there, prior to that, three months. I had
been there twice during the year. But I had been there about three,
months putting some new machinery in my factory.

The Chairman. Eeflneryf

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 235

Mr. Spai^ing-. No; sugar factory.

The Chaismah . Were you a mauufactarer of sugar cane into sngart

Mr. SPALMTia. Yes.

The CHAXKMATi. What is the extent of your landed possessions in
fionolulat

Mr. SPALi>iNa. I haye27,000 acres there; something like 12,000 in fee
simple, and the balance— 15,000 acres — ^under lease.

The Gh AIRMAN. You are cultivating sugar f

Mr. Spax.1>ino. Yes.

The Chairman. Anything elsef

Mr. SPALi>iNa. Nothing else of any importance.

The Chairman. You raise provisions, 1 suppose t

Mr. SPAiiBiNa. Oh, yes; I have also a large herd of cattle. This
plantation was formerly cattle laud.

The Chairman. On what island is itf

Mr. SPAiiBiNG. Kauai.

The Chairman. Is it a fertile island f

Mr. Spalding. It is called the most fertile island of the group.

The Chairman. Do you raise crops there by irrigation f

Mr. Spalj>ing. Yes.

The Chairman. So that you have expended a good deal of money
thmf

Mr. SPAU)iNa. I have expended a good deal of money upon the
plaotation.

The Chairman. About how much have you invested theret

Mr. Spalding. The original investment that I made was only about
liO^OOO in buying up the land without the cattle, because when I
hoDght it there was hardly a fence on the place.

S^tor Gray. When was thatf

Mr. Spalding. I think it was about fifteen years ago. I think it
▼as in 1878; whether it was just before or aftier, I do not remember.

The Chairman. Have you put much machinery ui>on your plauta-
tkm!

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I have expended a good deal of money upon the
pbntation; money that I have made out of the plantation has mostly
gone into it.
The Chairman. What have been your expenditures for the ma-

diineryf
Mr. Spalding. For the machinery alone f
The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. I think I have spent $250,000 or $300,000 for ma-
chinery.
Hie Chairman. Is your machinery very finet
Mr. Spalding. Yes. I have what is considered among sugar men

oaeof the most perfect sugar factories in the world — that is, for cane

ne Chairman. It is located on this island f

Mi. Spalding. Yes, on the island of Kauai.

The Chairman. What labor do you employ!

Mr. Spalding. Just now we are using Japanese and Chinese labor.
Wf have had all kinds of labor, that is, all kinds we could get, because
Uifir has been the one thing that we have been short of.

The Chairman. How about the native labor; do you employ that
atapl

Mr. Spauqkg. ^We employ that whenever we can get it; but the

236 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

natives are not fond of regular work. I use a good many natives for
cattle work. '

The Chairman. That is, located on your lands t

Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes; they live on the place.

The O^A^BMAN. Talking generally, how are the natives provided
with homes; what kind of homes have theyt

Mr. SPALDiNa. They are very comfortable; they have their little
lands, what we call kuleanas, from which they raise the tare plant.

The Chairman. Patches of ground which you would sell themf

Jiir. Spalding. Oh, no; patches of ground they have used for a good
many years. To explain that I would have to give you some informa-
tion ot our land laws.

The Chairman. We would like to know how the land became dis-
tributed.

Mr. Spalding. In the reign of Kamehameha III — I do not remember
exactly what year he came onto the throne, but I think somewhere
about 1820— the King changed from the feudal system, if you might so
term it, or the system by which he held all the lands in the country,
and everybody was subservient to him, to a system by which he gave
away the lands of the Kingdom, di^sesting himself of this right in, I
think, three divisions. He gave certain lands to the Crown, to remain
Crown lands forever — large tracts of land; he gave what were termed
kuleanas — that is, small patches of lands that could be watered, some-
thing like a rice patch, sometimes not more than twice the size of this
room— lands capable of raising taro, which has been always the food of
the people — ^he gave to the people all these lands, with the proviso that
they should make application to the Government, through the proper
channel, and receive from the Grovernment what is known as a royal
patenty and that is where all the tities to lands in that country come
from.

The Chairman. Are these kuleana titles fee simple titles!

Mr. Spalding. They are royal patent titles; they are from the Gov-
ernment.

The Chairman. They are in fee f

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We consider them the best possible title.

The Chairman. No reversions t

Mr. Spalding. Ko, except mineral rights. But there are no min-
erals in the country, and never have been.

The Chairman, what is the third class of lands f

Mr. Spalding. The third class of lands the King gave to the (Gov-
ernment what ore called Government lands.

Senator Gray. Were they distinct from the Crown lands t

Mr. Spalding. They were distinct from the Crown lands. The
profits from the Crown lands were to revert to the Crown.. For instance,
I have what are called aihupuaoi or large tracts of land, sometimes run-
ning up into the mountains and containing a great number of acres*
Some of these a/tupiiaa« belong to the Crown — that is, they were re-
served as Crown lands. I pay a rental on these ahup%Mas to these
Grown commissioners.

The Chairman. Those are what you call the leased lands t

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Also, we have lands that belong to the Gov-
ernment. These are the lands that the King so set apart — ^lands whidi
belong to the Government, to the Crown, not to one King or another
King, but to the Crown inperpetuity; the others to the people by royal
patent. Kamehameha III divided up the land in that way.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 237

The Ohaibman. When you came to bny up this large estate to
which yoa have the fee simple title, from whom did you buy itt

Mr. Spalding. The fee simple title came from the man who had
previously owned it.

The Chaikman. Where did he get itt

Mr. Spalding. I do not know where he got it originally, without
looking back over the papers to see where these lands came from.
The large chiefs took these pieces as the people took the kuleancut.

The Ohaibman. So that to this land that you have you derived
title from the chiefs f

Mr. Spalding. Yes; in the old times. And some of them are Grown
lands for which I pay rent.

The Ohaibhan. In the disbursement, were these lands open to
native settlers t

Mr. Spalding. Preference was given to natives who were living
upon the KuleanM — there was sometimes 1 acre, sometimes 5, some-
times 10, as the case might be. But the common people generally took
tlie lands that could be watered, for the reason that the big lands
running up into the mountains furnished nothing but pasturage; were
of no particular use to them.

The Ohaibman. In order to raise their native food, taro, the Natives
were obliged to have water t

Mr. Spalding. Yes; the lands that could be watered.

The Ohaibman. The taro grows in water t

Mr. Spalding. Yes. It belongs to the Oaladium family and is ktiown
as the Arum Esculentum,

Hie Ohaibman. Are the natives, employed by you when not engaged
in their own industries?

Mr. Spalding. A great many of them are when they want work.
Some of them raise taro on my land. To some of them I lease land.
Some of them work entirely in handling cattle. Some natives I have
as overseers.

Senator Gbay. This plant that you call taro. What is its character t

Mr. Spalding. It is a bulbous root that grows in the moist ground.
Taro grows in a certain amount of water, as rice does.

Senator Gbay. Is it anything like the potato?

Mr. Spalding. Something Uke the potato. It is starchy in its
nature, like the potato; but before it is cooked it has a very strong,
pungent flavor and bums the mouth; it must be cooked to eat it.

Senator 6bat. Something like the turnip?

Mr. Spalding. Like the Indian turnip when it is raw. But taro
after baking, or boiling, becomes like a potato, and can be mashed up.

Senator Gbay. That is the staple food of the islands?

Mr. Spalding. That is the staple. When it is mashed it becomes
pai. After it has been broken up, it becomes like hasty pudding.
When they mix it with water and allowed to stand it becomes sour, and
they prefer it as it becomes more and more acid.

Senator Gbay. Do the natives make a liquor of it?

Mr. Salding. No. From the ti plant they make liquor.

Senator Gbay. You have eaten taro?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes.

The Ohaibman. Is it palatable?

Mr. Spalding. Very nutritious and pleasant to the taste, especially

238 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

after yin become accustomed to the pai. The uatives eat it with the
finger, when it is thick. When thick they eat it with one finger, a little
thinner with two, and a little thinner with three or foor. They dip it
up with their fingers, roll it around and put it in their months.

The Ohaibman. Is this a fo6d common to all those countries f

Mr. SPAXDiNa. Common to the Pacific islands.

The Chairman. How many natives have you upon your estate t

Mr. Spalding. We have not a great many natives on KaoaL
Withii} the limits of my lands I do not think there are over 500.

The Chairman. Do you find the natives tractable, people easy to
be controlled?

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes. I have never found the natives to be any-
thing else. They are a good-natured people, not prone to quarrelling
or fighting.

The Chairman. How are they about public affairs; do they feel
much interest in x)olitical affairs t

Mr. Spalding. They are very fond of lawsuits; they are very fond
of arguing, very fond of making speeches. I have known a native to
talk for two or three hours. Of course, he would repeat himself a
good many times. But they are very fond of everything of that kind*
We have a great many native lawyers. They have a great idea of
making speeches.

The Chairman. Of course, then, in their speeches they are fond of
talking about politics f ,

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes; they talk about politics and most anything
else. They ring in anything in a political speech.

The Chairman. Do they seem to take any real, deep or sincere con-
cern in public affairs, management of the Government?

Mr. Spalding. No, not as a rule.

The Chairman. What do you say of them as a governing race t

Mr. Spalding. I have always found them very easily governed.

The Chairman. No, not to be governed, but as governing.

Mr. Spalding. They acquire an education up to a certain point very
readily, and all kinds of education, musical and others; but that point
is not very high up in the scale. They are apt to be very fanciful in
their ideas, rather than practical. We have never found any of them
to be practical enough to transact business of any importance.

The Chairman. Do you know any native Hawaiiaus who could take
your sugar estate, for instance, and make a success of it?

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there was ever a native on the islands
who could run it for five years without ruining it. I was in partnership
with Kamehameha Y when he was King, and got to know him pretty
well. I started a sugar plantation on the island of Maui at his request.
He owned an interest in the plantation. I agreed to take the manage-
ment of it on certain terms. In the management of the plantation I
came in contact with the governor of Maui, who was an old-fashioned
native and quite smart for his times. I found there was so little busi-
ness about him that we were constantly having trouble.

Senator Gray. You mean the governor and youf

Mr. Spalding. Yes, about the King's hinds. His idea was that the
mill should furnish money for the planting of the cane, and the King
to get his rent whether the proceeds came to the amount advanced or
not. That is a matter we could not agree upon, and I sold out my
interest.

The Chairman. I wonld like to ask you about the healthfulness ot
Oie Hawaiian islands.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 239

Mr. ^Ar.i>iNe. I think a Isxge part of the race is diseased.

Hie Chajrmak. I am speaking of the healthftilness of the climate.

Mr. Spauding. The climate is a veiy salubrious one, and particlularly
good for young people and very old people. It is not a good climate
for an acthre man, because it is too even and equable to be, perhaps,
healthful for a vigorous man.

Senator Grat. Enervating t

Mr. Spalbing. Enervating, yes.

The Chaikman. You spoke of the whole population in a certain sense
being diseased. That is not the result of any climatic condition!

Mr. Spauding. No. If I had the time and you had the leisure, I
ooold tell yon from' my own ejq[>erienoe with the natives how easy it
vas for them to drift into corrupt ways of life and government. They
are naturally indolent and careless about health or property. Kala-
kaua, the last king, was a good-natured, indolent sort of man. He was
a aaan of very fair education ; but he was, of course, a thorough native,
and his idea of moraUty was not very great. I had occasion to know
him pretty well, because he owned a quai'ter interest in my plantation at
one time. He undertook to furnish the native labor to do the work, which
would have been a valuable consideration for the plantation. If that
had been carried otit it would have been quite consistent with business
news to have furnished him the means of pa3ring the assessments on
the interest which he held. But within a very few months after he
attempted to do this, I found it was utterly useless to depend on him.
He had engaged people to do work in the fields. They would start
out to do the work, then would stop and have a little talk over it, and
then go fishing instead of going to work. The result was the first crop
was less than a ton of sugar to the acre on land that I have harvested
sate 4 to 5 tons to the acre, by good cultivation. I was obliged to buy
Kalakaua out. I held his notes, and the ex-Queen, his sister, who had
some property, was the indorser on the notes, but I gave his notes
baek to him and took his interest, simply because there was no use in
my carrying him, finding that he could not get the labor to help me
earxy oo the plantation.

The Chaikman. He was not a man of business capacity t

Mr. Spalding. No, none of them are. They attempt to do some
things. The King used to go down to the plantation himself and rid^s
around ; bat it was simply the lack of capacity on the part of the native
to carry out any important business. That is why the whole countr>,
aa tar as it is worth anything, has drifted into the hands of others.

The Chairman. Yon knew Kalakaua, I suppose, and his personal
~ political history at the time he was King?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. And up to the revolution of 1887 1

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. When that revolution was inaugurated, was it done
by »iy particular organization for the purpose of annexing the islands
to the United States f

Mr. Spalding. There was no particular talk of annexation at that
tine. But there was an organization gotten up for the purpose of
fimng the King into a bettor form of government. He had rather
iDidertaken to do the whole business hunself— in this way: he had a
■Jnister of foreign affairs who was also ex-officio minister of the interior,
ei-officto minister of finance, and ex-officio attorney-generaL

Hie Chairman. Who was that t

240 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Spaldii«ig. Oibsoo. When one of his cabinet associates would
resign Gibson would take the office himself, and he was the i&OYing
spirit of the whole Government. He had gotten into the good graces
of Kalakaua, so that he was the governing spirit of the country, and
he was treating the King with a good deal of deference until he had
obtained this power. We put up with it so long as it was possible to
put up with a thing of that kind, and finally this organization was
formed for the purpose of changing this business.

The Chairman. What was that organization called?

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that you can say there was any par-
ticular name; it was a League.

The Chairman. Was it a secret or public organization f

Mr Spalding. It was a secret organization.

The Chairman. Were you a member of itt

Mr. Spalding. I was not a known member of it, because, as I told
them at the time, if Mr. Gibson knew that I was one of the advisors
he might take some pains to thwart it. But I furnished my share of
the sinews of war.

The Chairman. Money t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. After the organization was formed, did you proceed
to arm the members of itf

Mr. Spalding. These arms were all in the hands of private indi-
viduals. We had these arms simply in the event of desiring to use
them. We then had a meeting of the citizens of Honolulu.

The Chairman. Outside of the league?

Mr. Spalding. The league was there, but this was a public meet-
ing where they could come.

The Chairman. What was the number of that league at the time
of the revolution of 1887 1

Mr. Spalding. I could not tell you how many men.

The Chairman. Give us an idea, whether there were hundreds or
thousands.

Mr. Spalding. Oh, no; it was not anything more than i>erhaps
about a hundred.

The Chairman. That is, a hundred people of the Hawaiian islands
were banded together in a secret organization for the purpose of
compelling

Mr. Spalding. Reform in the Government. Let me express one
tbiug before going any further. Up to the time of the revolution of
1887 there was what was called the " House of Nobles,'' not elective —
the nobles were api>ointed for life by the King, so that the King had
actually control of the Government.

The Chairman.. That was one of the points of your reform t

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And we had no way of obtaining a majority
vote in that house as against the King on account of his being able to
put these nobles in.

The Chairman. They were his creatures!

Mr. Spalding. They were his creatures.

The Chairman. And you had to go to work and create a revolution
in the Government to reform the Government!

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. To take th e nobles out of the King's hands and have
them voted for by the people!

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 241

The Chairman. The people who were to vote for the nobles were not
the generaL masses of the voters f i

Mr. Spalbtng. The people who voted for the nobles must have sepa-
rate qualifications, property qualifications, separate from the qualifica-
tions to vote for the representatives. Both houses sat together.

The Chairman. But the sufirage was very much larger in respect to
election of members of the house than in respect to the election (k the
nobles?

Mr. Spali>tng. Yes.

The Chairman. They were organized by districts, I suppose!

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. When you got to the point of this secret organiza-
tion, got to the point of a determination to work this revolution in the
Government, a meeting of the citizens was held in Honolulu t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that a public meeting t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Open meeting f

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. What was the general character of the declaration
made by that meeting?

Mr. Spalding. Simply that there must be a change in the admin-
istration of the Government.

The Chairman. That the people would no longer submit to the then
workings of the Government?

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. It was not then, as I understand, a project to destroy
the monarchy?

Mr. Spalding. !No.

The Chairman. Nor to dethrone the King?

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. But to compel him to grant restrictions on his power

in fiivor of the x>eople ?

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We could have made a republic at that time —

leposed him.

The Chairman. Was there anything of the kind in that movement

-a desire to make a republic of Hawaii?
Mr. Spalding. No. There might have been in a few individuals.
The Chairman. I am speaking of the purpose of that movement.
Mr. Spalding. It was that the constitution should be so amended

tlut the rights of property and the rights of the white people should

be more respected and observed.
The Chairman. Was there any purpose of annexing the islands to

tk United States at that time?
Mr. Spalding. No. One of the principal leaders was an Englishman

^bo was opposed to annexation — even to reciprocity — with the United

States.
The Chairman. So that you intended to let the monarchy remain,

uuithe King on his throne?
Mr. Spalding. Yes.
The Chairman. And the constitution to remain intact, except as

yw had amended it^ with the grants in it?
Mr. Spalding. Yes.
The Chairman. Therefore the citizens met in this secret society to

i&^ demands on the King?

8. Rep. 227 16

242 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes. These men had anned themselves for matual
protection in the event of its becoming necessaiy.

The Ghaibhan. The result was that the King granted the constitu-
tion of 1887!

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Ohaibman. And it wa« proclaimed t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Then the King went on to act under that constitu-
tion.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Of course, under very restricted power!

Mr. Spalding. The main improvement was this. Under the constitu-
tion of 1887 the House of Nobles was abolished and made elective and
the King's ministers were made responsible for the Government.

Senator Fryb. They were the Government!

Mr. Spalding. They were the Government — ^the King could do no
act without the ministry.

The Chairman. No legislative act!

Mr. Spalding. Ino legislative act.

The Chairman. Could not pass any law!

Mr. Spalding. No. Of course it reduced him, you can see, to a
flgarehead. The only thing left to him, and which afterward proved a
very great trouble, was the veto.

The Chairman. The veto was left to the monarch. Then he had the
right to appoint his ministers!

Mr. Spalding. No. He could not appoint his ministers without the
consent of jthe Legislature, of these two Houses. That was the very
thing. And he could not discharge his ministry. He had been in the
habit of discharging his cabinet one day and appointing a new one the
next. Under the new constitution he could discharge his cabinet by
the passage through the Legislature of a vote of want of confidence;
and he could not appoint a Cabinet without the consent of the Legisla-
ture— the cabinet must be approved by the Legislature. It made quite
a difference in that way.

The Chairman. You are familiar with the Hawaiian legislation and
Hawaiian affaiis up to the time you made your last visit in January,
1893!

Mr. Spalding. In a general way; not very minutely.

The Chairman. You knew the state of public opinion!

Mr. Spalding. I knew how there came to be ^' twoBichmondsinthe
field." At the time of the constitution of 1887, the first election held
under that constitution was without a dissenting vote, almost, and
every single member — I do not know of any exceptions — was elected as
a candidate or as a member of what was called the reform party. And
even the members, natives and others, who had been in the previous leg-
islatures, as you might say creatures of the King to carry oat his
wishes, voted the reform ticket. I remember that in my district there
was not a dissenting voice — every vote was cast in the one line. After
a few years this party, known as the reform party, became partially
broken up, and some of the members of the reform party who wanted to
get into office themselves, started another party, which they called the
national reform party. That was the beginning of what has since
resolved itself into the two parties; one in favor of the Crown or Sov-
ereign, the other in favor of the people.

The Chairman. Which is the reform party!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 243*

Kr. 9iPAiJ3inm. Thftt which is represented by the Provisional Oov-
ffnment is the reform party; the national reform party is represented
bjr the roymlists. We had two or three other names to these parties,
but these two parties were the original one^.

The Gkaibman. When did yon last leave Hawaii— before the month
of January, 1893 T

Mr. SPAiJ3iif6. I had been there the previous June or July, I

TheCHAiBKAN. Tou left in July t
Mr. SPAi^me. I think so.

de Chairman. Had you made a considerable stay during that
visit to Hawaii?
Mr. SPAXDUie. I had been there several months.
The CHAiBMAjf . Looking alter your personal interests t
Mr. 8PALJ)iNa. Yes.

The CHAtBMAN. After yoa left there did you know of any concert of
action^ conspiracy, open or secret society, organized or projected for
dumgiBg the Gkivemment firom a monarchy to any other form of gov-
cmneDtt
Mr. SPAUDine. Vo.

The GHAiBMAif. Or of dethroning the Queent
Mr. Spalding. !No, I did not.

The Chaibman. Or of forcing her to accept a particular cabinet t
Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chaibman. Did you know of any political movement that might
he called in any sense a movement in antagonism to the Government of
Hawaii at that time — I mean when you were there f •

Mr. Spajlding. I did not know of any, and I do not think there was
ny.
The Chairman. Had you reasons for knowing there was any t
Mr. Spaxding. I have not seen the signs of any. .
The Chairman. Have you made inquiry f

Mb. Spalding. I have inquired of some of my friends in Hono-
Wo. I was on my plantation most of the time. Of course, I heard of
the niiDor that word had been received from Washington that annex*
ilMi niffht possibly be agreed to or brought aboat, and I did not
believe that any such intelligence had come from Washington, because
I had kept a pretty good run of matters here for many years. I dif-
widi my friends there in that respect. Of course, a good many
cypiiiiims were to the effect that it would be a very easy matter
to annex the country to the United States. I always maintained the
gremd tiiat it would be a very easy matter to annex the country to
te Dftitod States so soon as the IJnitiBd States would give us any reason
tebeiieviBg that it would be agreeable on this side. I knew it would
take very much to bring it about if that were so, and I so stated,
Janitary, before this affair tood place. I was told by one of
royalists there that $100,000 would be sufficient to upset the
ly in ease annexation could be brought about.
He ftwFATwifAw Have yon any objection to giving the namef
Mr. Spaij>ing. !No: l&at was a Frenchman, Dr. Trouseau. That
wm his opinion, and I thought the money could be raised ; I would be
viiiiig to givo a reasonable sum myself toward it. But I would not
any monej, and I have not wasted any money on this proposition
I never saw the time that the United States bad given us a
rt iadiotdion that the isbuids would be accepted. I had never
aiqr.

244 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaiuman. How long before this emeute was it that you were
last in Honolulut

Mr. Spalding. Just a few days before. I was crossing the Atlantic
when the vessel arrived at San Francisco with the news.

The Chairman. Then you went on to Paris with your family f

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I got the news at Queenstown.
.The Chairman. I want particularly the period when you were in
Honolulu.

Mr. Spalding. January, 1893.

Senator Gray. And you left there the 4th of that month t

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I perhaps had not left Kew York when this
thing took place.

The Chairman. When you left Honolulu in January, 1893, had you
any information of a movement that was on foot to annex Hawaii to
the United States!

Mr. Spalding. No ; I had information to the contrary. If there was
anything going on I was likely to be informed by men who would cer-
tainly know about it, men who were afterward engaged in this up-
rising^ I was informed by those men that there was no chance of any-
thing of that kind; that there would be no trouble, so far as they were
aware; that there was no organization, and would be no trouble unless
something occurred which they did not know about.

Senator Frte. Then Mr. Stevens must have left on that BosUm trip
about the time you leftt

Mr. Spalding. I do not know whether he was in Honolulu when I
left. I think the Bost-on was there. I think Mr. Stevens left about the
time I did— just about the time J did.

The Chairman. From what you stated here, the drift of your
inquiry had reference to your personal affairs, as to whether the condi-
tion of the country was likely to be firm and prosperous.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaikman. You were not inquiring because of any expectation
that there would be an uprising or a revolution t

Mr. Spalding. !N'o. It was only in regard to the general matter, to
the conduct of the fiiture Government.

The Chairman. You, as a property holder, were inquiring for the
puri)08e of protecting your interests f

Mr. Spalding.. Yes.

The Chairman. And you made this inquiry of the persons who were
afterwards engaged in this emeute, who informed you that nothing of
the kind was contemplated f

Mr. Spalding. Nothing of the kind contemplated at that time.

Senator Gray. Will you state of whom you made the inquiries f

Mr. Spalding. One of the gentlemen is Mr. Wilder, who is now one
of the council and one of the commissioners to come on here. Mr.
Wilder and I had agreed in politics. He knew that I was an annexa-
tionist of long standing, and he was a pretty good American himselt
We talked the matter over, and he assured me that there was nothing
in these rumors of which I had heard incidentally; that there was no
news received from Washington that was at all indicative of anything
of that kind. I certainly would not have left there if I had thought
there would be any change in the Government that way. I should
have remained there and been in the thick of it, because I should have
considered that my property interests there demanded it.

The Chairman. Was the rule of Liliuokalani up to the time you left
there agreeable to the better part of the population t

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 245

Mir. SPAXBiNa. Her rule was not exactly agreeable to herself or any-
body else because it was a forced rule; she was forced into everything
she did. And her last ministry was obliged to force her to every act
they accomplished.

The Ghaibman. The people were conscions of her reluctance f

Mr. Spalbikg-. The people were conscious of that, because there was
this fight^ if you might term it so, between these two parties. But we
soppooed we had sufficient control in the majority which we possessed
in the Legislature and in the cabinet. She had a cabinet before that
which was quite obuoxious to the people, and that had been ousted.

The Ghaikman. By a vote of want of confidence f

Mr. SPAX.BING. Vote of want of confidence, and that she must appoint
a cabinet agreeable to the Legislature. What we termed tlie reform
party had a majority; that is, it was a coalition of the reform party
and the best men of this national reform party^t was the best men
of aQ parties who had joined in this coalition to have a good cabinet
appointed, and we deemed we had. When I left there in January
things were in better shape than ever before. When I left there
appeared to be less liability of auy trouble than there had been for a
year, because we had the best cabinet that we had had for a long time.
That is this Jones- Wilcox cabinet; they were all respectable men —
Bien of position and men whom we could depend on — very safe bauds
ao long as that cabinet remained in possession. But, to the surprise
of everybody, the Queen managed to get a majority in the Legislature
a very few days after I left, and that cabinet was ousted.

The Chairman. Was that done by election or manipulation f

Mr. Spaxding. It was done by manipulation.

The Gh airman. Do you recollect when you left Honolulu, in Jan-
itary, 1893, these bills, the opium bill and the lottery bill, were pending
before the Legislature f

Mr. Spalding. We supposed at that time they were killed; because
it WBS understood, of course, that so long as the Wilcox- Jones ministry
remained in those bills could not be passed.

The Ghairman. No member of that ministry could be gotten to
dgn.

Mr. Spaxding. Ko. And with the majority we had in the Legisla-
ture— the cabinet ministers had a vote in the Legislature — the opium
and lottery bills could not pass. Of course, we supposed that everything
vas secure for two years, as the Legislature would be prorogued and
this cabinet would hold over for two years, and the Queen could not
pat them oat after the Legislature was prorogued. Therefore, she made
the final effort of obtaining a majority in the Legislature just after I
kit there in January, and after she got that minority she had every-
thing in her own hands.

The Ghairman. When did you return to Hawaii f

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean when I last returned f

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spai^bing. In October, 1893.

The Ghaibman. You were not present, then, during any part of
this emeutef

Mr. SPAiJ>rNG. Ko, I was not there at all between January and
Oetober.

The Chaibkan. When you got back to Hawaii, what impression
did yon find amongst the people there in respect to the means by
vhidi Lilioukalani had (Ranged the Legislature so as to get the new

246 HAWAnAN I8LAin)8.

cabinet, so as to get authority, power, to enact the opium bill and the
lottery bill — ^what was the impression f

Mr. Spalding. The impression as to the means that die nsedf

The Chaibman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that I got aiiy very definite idea, except
what seemed the result, i)erhap8, of my own previous knowledge For
instance, on the island of Kauai we elected <me of the nobles at the
previous election ; elected him on the reform ticket. We considered
him just as much a member of that Reform party as Mr. Jones, Mr.
Wilcox, or anybody else. He was an ignorant old fellow, but good-
natured. As there did not seem to be anybody on the island willing
to spend the time to attend the sessions of the Legislature, and as tiiis
old fellow was willing to go— of course he had to pay his own expenseih^
he was nominated by this BefcHin party. He was considered just as
good a man, so far as his principles were concerned, as good a B^brmist
as anyone else. But it was hiis vote that had been obtained in seme
way or other which gave the Queen the balance of power^-his and that
of the son-in-law of this Judge Weidemann. Of course, at the time I
left there was no doubt of this noble from Kauai continuing to vote, as
he had done before, with the Reform party. But he was a great friend
of Paul Neumann who came on here^ you remember, in the interest of
the Queen. He probably gained this vote for the Queen. Paul Neu-
mann had been in the previous cabinet — ^had been elected to the Legie^
lature as a noble from Honolulu; only a few months before that he had
been elected by a sort of joint vote. The cabinet went out for want of
confidence, and he was out of it entirely. This man from Kftuai was a
sugar planter. We always supposed that he would vote in the same
lines that he had always express^ his opinions. We knew his opinions,
and he was nominated by this Reform party, nominated against a man
who was running as an Independent, but more in favor of the Queen's
party than the Reform party. But it was losing this vote that upset t he
whole thing. I had no reason to think it would happen at the time I
left Honolulu.

The Chairman. What is the opinion, the belief, of the men engaged
there in promoting the interests of what you call the reform party as
to these men having been corruptly infiuenced to go into the meshes of
the Queen and vote for the opium bill and the lottery billf What did
you find to be the state of opinion in Hawaii about that when yoa
returned f

Mr. Spalding. I found this — that the men who voted for that opium
bill and lottery bill were the men who were known and acknowledged
there as being the most corrupt, men of the least reputation. Some of
the natives, for instance, with no shadow of reputation, belong to that
class or party.

The Chaibman. The class that voted for t&ese bills t

Mr. Spalding. That voted for these bills.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the change.

Mr. Spalding. You mean the effect, the change by which the votes
from the reform party were carried overt

The Chairman. What is the opinion as to the means employed to
procure this change f

Mr. Spalding. Some claim that money was used and others bribery
of one kind and another. But I do not think there was any more
bribery used than is general in such cases. I think this man from
KMtai was influenced more by Paul Neumann simply talking to hiaiu

HAWiJXAN ISLANDa 247

Tliejr are botli G^rmoiiB, and he has a great idea of Paxil Neumann's
greatness. My own idea would be that he was more inf uenoed by
Keamann than any other influence.

TheCHAiBMAN. That is your idea f

Mr. 8PAL.i>nfa. Yes.

The Chairman. What is the prevailing idea or opinion on that sub-
jeetf

Mr. Spaxbing-. A great many think there was bribery used.

Senator Gbat. And others agree with the ot)inion you express?

Mr. Spaxding. I suppose so. But, of course, I could not say much
of my own knowledge how the people did regard it. I do not think I
paid much attention to it. I know that I heard with a great deal of
astonishment of this old fellow from Kauai and his' false position
toward the reform party.

Senator Gbat. Was he a native f

Mr. Spaxding. Ko, a German. He married a native, had a native
wife.

The OhatrmaNv What is the present state of things in the Hawaiian
Islands?

Mr. SpaIjDING. It is quite depressed. Of course, certain lines of
business that have to be carried on, cultivation of the cane, manufacture
of Uie sugar, and moving of the sugar are going on; but what you call
mercantile business, selling supplies and other things, is very much
depressed, because of the low price of sugar.

The Chairman. Is it want of confidence in the Government that
produces this depression f

Mr. Spalding. Ko.

The Chairman. Do the people of Hawaii, the native Kanakas, seem
to resent this change in the Government f

Mr. SPAXBmG. I have never seen anything that indicated a marked
sentiment.

The Chairman. Ton were on your estate there, were youf

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Saw thei>eople who were there f

Mr- Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Did they exhibit any dissatisfaction at the existing
state of affairsf

Mr. Spalding. No. They have talked among themselves, not with
me, but I have heard of their talking about their having something to
say in the Government; that is, having a vote, the franchise the same
as they had been in the habit of having it. But at the same time I do
not think they care particularly about that. I do not think they are
much interested in that. If you will allow me to say it — without blow-
ing my own trumpet — when it was awaked of the natives in my neiglibor-
Imd what they thought of the annexation question, they said they
vanted first to know what Spalding thought about it; if he did not
want to have it, they did not. It shows that I am a sort of adviser to
llieBL They come to me with all their troubles.

The Chairman. Have you always occupied that position toward
themf

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you enjoy the confidence of the natives t

Mr. Spalding. Yes, the best of them, because they always know that
they can come to me, and my manager when I am away, and have any
beneitB which are necessary, any assistance which is necessary. For

248 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

iuBtance, when they want a church, I give them a piece of land to put
it on, and give them the use of my carpenters in building it, and help
them secure the money to build it with — ^help them secure their churchea
and schools.

The Chairman. Are the natives interested in such matters as
those f

Mr. Spalding. Yes; they are all, as a rule, interested in their little
churches and in their schools. We have two quite good-sized school-
houses, which makes quite a large school, on my own plantation, a short
distance from the miU. I gave the land to them and assisted them in
putting up their building. The school may be said to be right under
my eye. My financial clerk is the agent of the Government school board,
or board of education, in all its financial transactions.

The Chairman. Do the natives participate in all these public insti-
tutions f

Mr. Spalding. Tes.

The Chairman. Freely and with spirit t

Mr. Spalding. They attend these schools. Education is compulsory
up to a certain age.

The Chairman. Are the people in harmony with that sentiment of
progress, improvement, and enlightenment f

Mr. Spalding. As far as you could expect them to be.

The Chairman. Is there any antagonism to itf

Mr. Spalding. I think not. In some cases, where the natives are
by themselves, away from the plantations, they may have been im-
bued with the idea that the foreigners are aggressive people, trying to
get possession of their property, and it is necessary to fight them ofi:;
and in political campaigns stories have been told to them by office-
seekers that would, perhaps, in some instances, estrange them from
foreigners with whom they would otherwise have been on good terms.

The Chairman. So that you would say that amongst the native
Kanaka population the general drift of feeling or opinion would be in
favor of those institutions first established by the missionaries f

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And the natives have looked more upon the
United States as the father of their Government. They always speak
of the American war ships as ^^our war ships," in contradistinction from
the British war ships; and the 4th of July, has been the gala day of
the country. We have the Kamehameha day. The Kamehameha day
Is the first; that is the 11th of June; but they have always celebrated
the 4th day of July as the gala day of the country.

The Chairman. Kamehameha I was a chief f

Mr. Spalding. He was a high chief. He was not Royal blood but he
was a nephew of one of the Kings of Hawaii.

The Chairman. At the time he came to the front there w^ere kings
over these islands f

Mr. Spalding. A half dozen. There were three kings on Hawaii
alone.

The Chairman. He established himself by uniting all these king-
doms into his empire f

Mr. Spalding. Yes; by force.

The Chairman. And there is where the Kamehameha family took
its origin as a royal dynasty f

Mr. Spalding. Yes. One part of the island of Hawaii was left by the
king of that section — there were three kings there — to Kamehameha
and to the son of the old King when he, the old King, died. Afterward

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 249

the son, fhrongli the influence of some of his chiefs, attempted to wrest
fnm Kamebameba his share of this part of the Kingdom. He was de-
feated, killed, slain in battle. Then Kamehameha went to work and
eonqnered the balance of Hawaii and the other islands.

The Chairman. I suppose yon have examined Jarvis' History of
Hawaii 1

Mr. Sp ALBINO. In old times.

The Chairman. Is that considered authentic — a correct history f

Mr. Spalding. I think so. One of the best histories is a short one
by Prof. Alexander.

The Chairman. But Jarvis' History is a standard workf

Mr. Spalding. It has always been so regarded on historical ques-
tions.

The Chairman. What are your annual taxes to the Hawaiian Gov-
ernment 1

Mr. Spalding. I pay on my plantation— of course I practically own
the whole plantation ; I have it in the form of a stock company, but I
own 4,915 shai-eH out of 5^000, so that my taxes amount to $8,000 or
19,000 a year.

The Chairman. What are your estates there valued at; what do
you think a reasonable value on your estate f

Mr. Spalding. My estate f

The Chairman. The estate which you control by this arrangement
i}f which you have been speaking.

Mr. Spalding. I should consider it worth from a million of dollars
upwards. It depends somewhat upon the outlook.

The Chairman. The taxes you speak of paying, (8,000 or (9,000 a
year, I suppose are direct taxes to the Oovemmentf

Mr. Spalding. Direct taxes ; yes.

The Chairman. In addition to them you pay the tariff tax f

Mr. Spalding. Oh, certainly.

The Chairman. So that your entire taxation during the year would
amount to considerably more than thatf

Mr. Spalding. Yes^ $10,000 or 912,000 a year.

The Chairman. Let me ask you what is your estimate — it is not
expected to be accurate — of the present value of the investments made
hy American citizens in the Hawaiian Islands f

Mr. Spalding. If the times were good I should say those invest-
ments were $50,000,000 ; being very bad the value is not over $30,000,000 ;
bat anywhere from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000.

The Chairman. Thirty million doUars would be the nunimumf

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Are you a citizen of Hawaii f

Mr. Spalding. I voted in 1887, but I have not taken the oath of
aDegiance in HawaiL I have not lost my citizenship in the United
Btotes.

The Chairman. That is a process of naturalization there, to take
te oath of allegiance f

Mr. Spalding. Yes ; I do not know how the United States would

regard it. Previous to 1887 you could not vote without having taken

the oath of allegiance. That was changed under the laws of 1887 so

tbtyou could register, and you would simply have to take the oath to

Bvpport the constitution, but not become a citizen.
The Chairman. Somewhat similar to the privilege granted by some

^the States with regard to signifying an intention f

250 HAWAHAN IBLAVM.

Senator Feyb. In the estimate of the property held by the Ameri-
eanfi at $50,000,000, nrhat would be your estiniate of the property held
by others, ia good times f

Mr. Spalding. You want to divide it up among the Americans,
English people, etc.

Senator Fbte. What is the proportion held by the natives and what
is the proportion held by the whites of the islands f

TheCHAiEMAN. Of allnationalitiesf

Mr. Spalding. I should say at least nine-tenths.

Senator Fbye. And of that, what proportion is held by the Ameri-
cans f

Mr. Spalding. Probably of all the whites over three-fourths by
Americans; that is, what we call Americans, people born there of
American parentage.

The Chairman. So that the representation in the National Legisla-
ture of Hawaii, so £ftr as the natives are concerned, is a very small pro-
portion of the real wealth of the country f

Mr. Spalding. A very small proportion. No natives have property.
This man Parker, who was in the last cabinet of the Queen, and who is
the Queen's mainstay now, was the nephew of a half white, who died
some time ago, leaving him a large property. But he squandered it all ;
he is bankrupt; and some say he has spent $300,000 — ^I suppose he has
spent $150,000 — ^in tlie last^six or eight years.

Senator Fbte. Is he a dissipated man!

Mr. Spalding. He is not a common drunkard, by any means, but a
careless man, spendthrift.

Senator Gbay. Who is thatf

Mr. Spalding. Samuel Parker, the minister of foreign afifairs und^
Liliuokalani.

The Ghaibsian. In the last cabinet!

Mr. Spalding. Yes. He is now a bankrupt He was left a large
estate by his uncle.

The Chaibman. Since your return, in the situation of affairs have
you discovered any organization, or effort at an organization, for the
purpose of overturning the Provisional Government and reinstating the
Queen!

Mr. Spalding. I have not seen any, what you might call an organi-
zation; I have only heard these same parties who have been opposed to
what we call the reform party, talking about restoring the Queen--^
men like Wilson. But it was only when they expected to have aid and
assistance fi*om the United States in doing it. I have not heard of
their having any organization of their own. I have heard they have
arms secreted, but I do not think the Provisional Government have
any fear of that.

The Chaibman. If Liliuokalani were restored to the throne under
existing conditions, do you believe she would be able to retain her seat
on tiie throne!

Mr. Spalding. Not unless the people who are at present in power
were disarmed, and the arms given to somebody else, and the people
prevented getting any other arms.

The Chaibman. That is not practical, is it!

Mr. Spalding. I do not think it is. There is no iK>wer to put
Liliuokalani back on the throne, except a force sufficient to oust the
Provisional Government and sufficient force to support the monarchy
after it is in power.

RIWAIIAK ISLANDS. 251

The Ghaibman. Do you think that woald have to come from abroad f

Mr. SPAXBiNa. I think so. After this attempt the people there
ooold not keep it up.

The CHAiBMAii. Suppose that France, the United States, England,
tennany, Japan, and China should strictly adhere to the doctrine of
noninterference in the present affairs of LiUnokalani or any other per-
son—allow them to conduct political aftair^ in those islands^--do ^on
believe that the Kanaka sentiment, the sentiment of the native Indian,
is of snch a cbaracter that Liliuokalani or Kaiulana could hnild up a
lojal dynasty in Hawaii f

Mr. SPAXBrNG. Ko, not so long as the white foreigner, white people,
desire to msdiitain the ascendency. I think they can do it in spite of
any force, internal, that may be brought against them.

The Chaibhan. You mean, as against the opposition of the member-
diip of the present Government and its supporters, that it would not be
practicable to reinstate a monarchy in Hawaii f

Mr. Spaxbing. Not without a force from the outside. But there
eoBkl a time come when all this would be changed. Perhaps I am a
little different from many persons who live in the country; I do not re-
gfnd the country simply. Of course, it is fertile in some spots, the cli-
Bate is a beautiful one or favorable one, but simply on that account I do
Bot think that there is a great future for Hawaii in sugar. Hawaii is
not a sugar eountry, and with all our advantages — and we have given
more thought to the business and developed it to a higher scientific
d^ree than any otner sugar country known — ^at the same time I am
qaite confident that with all those advantages, with capital I could go
to the island of Cuba, and with my knowledge of the sugar business
I eould produce sugar for $10 a ton — half a cent cheaper than in
HawaiL Hence I do not regard Hawaii as a sugar country, a valu-
able country. We would not have arrived at the x)oint we are now
except for Uie benefits from the reciprocity treaty. We received great
weooragement from that; received what you might torm a large lK)nus
from the United States, and the money receiv^ was put into these
plantations to build them up. <3on8equent]y we are in a very favora-
ble position to manufacture sugar. With our advanced methods and
all the advantages of machinery we can make sugar fully as cheap,
periiapa (in our best places, I now speak of), as any other sugar coun-
tnes. But our labor is necessarily high; there is nothing to induce
laborers to come there except wages, of course, and we have not
caongh of that i>opulation in the country to supply the wants. Gonse-
qoently, when the price of sugar goes down as it is now, our planta-
tkms are yalueless.

The CHArRKAN. You mean they are not profitable f

Mr. Spalding. Not profitable — ^valueless as producers of revenue.
Last year we received as high as H cents a pound for sugar: that was
the market price; this year it is down to 2J cents per pound.

The Chaibmam. You do not consider Hawaii a natural sugar country,
as being very superior to or the equal of other countries. What ad-
Tutages are in that country f

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there are any advantages except the
ehmate. I saw advantage in the reciprocity treaty, and I would not
have stayed there had it not been for reciprocity; because before the
reciiHtxsity treaty had passed all the plantations h^ gone through
bsokmptoy. I do not think there was a single plantation that had not
gone into bankrnptoy.

252 HAWIAIINA 8LAND&

TheCHAiBMAN. Do you mean through the legal course of bank-
ruptcy t

Mr. Spalding. They had failed; they had passed into other hands;
sunk their origiDal capital.

The Ghaibman. You have announced that you are an annexationistf

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. And loyal citizen.

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. As loyal to your country as*eyer before!

Mr. Spalding. Yes; just as when in 1861 1 stood guard at this Cap-
itol in the cold nights of April.

The Chaibman. What made you an annexationistf

Mr. Spalding. Because I believe the possession of the islands by
the United States would give the United States practical possession
of the Pacific Ocean.

The Chaibman. The commercial controlY

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. How about the military control and naval controlt

Mr. Spalding. The Hawaiian Islands are so located that an Ameri-
can fleet could be located in Pearl Eiver harbor and with a cable from
San Francisco those ships could be sent at will to any part of the ocean
by the authorities at Washington.

The Chaibman. You read Gen. Scofield^s report on thatt

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. Do you agree with the general's statement on that
question f

Mr. Spalding. Fully.

The Chaibman. He goes into the question of the width of the bar.
The depth is 14 feet.

Mr. Spalding. You mean in Honolulu harbor.

The Chaibman. No; the entrance to Pearl Eiver harbor.

Mr. Spalding. The entrance to Pearl River harbor is practically
closed by the coral reef outside.

Senator Fbte. That is a soft coral f

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. There are 13 or 14 feet of water at low tide.

Mr. Spalding. I do not know. We have never spent any money in
making a survey of that harbor, and there has never been any survey
made except by the crews of the warships there, at very little expense.

The Chaibman. Still, light vessels can run into Pearl River harborf

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. Have you any idea of its width t

Mr. Spalding. How far it extends out into the ocean f

The Chaibman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. No. I have been by there a great many times on a
steamer. I could see about how far it runs out; but it would be more
a matter of opinion.

The Chaibman. Is it a mile widef

Mr. Spalding. Less than a mile. From my observations I should
say less than a mile.

The Chaibman. In order for the United States to avail itself of that
harbor for a naval station it would be necessary for the United States
to dredge out the harbor t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chaibman. There is plenty of water f

EA.WAIIAN ISLANDS. 253

Mr. SPAi^iNa. Yes.

The Chatrmaiy. And the configuration of the harbor is such that
fte Tessels can get protiectionf

Mr. SPALJ>rNa. Yes; get way in behind the inland. It is a sort of
lagoon.

The Chairman. You could haye forts there t

Mr. SPALDENa. Yes; right at the front entrance of the sea.

The Chaibican. And they would command the Honolulu district f

Mr. Spalbing. I do not know about their commanding Honolulu
frran Pearl Biver. That would be a very long reach. But Honolulu
eoold be defended from the hill back of it.

The Ghaibman. The Punch Bowlf

Mr. Spauding. The Punch Bowl right behind it.

The Chaxbman. Honolulu Harbor is formed, as I understand it, by
a bight in the land and this coral reef f

Mr. Spalding. There is not much of a bight in the land. There is
this coral reef that runs all around the island, and wherever there is a
stream of fresh water that prevents the coral insect from working,
there is the channel. Now, in Honolulu there is a small harbor inside
tiie reef where the stream of fresh water has been in the habit of flow-
ing down and then running out through the coral. But this coral
reir is covered with water^ sometimes not more than a foot or foot and
a half deep, because the tide at Honolulu is not more than 3 feet at the
outside, and very seldom as much as that.

The Chairman. The entrance is through this coral f

Mr. Spaxding. Bight through this coral reef. This entrance to
Honolulu is marked by a line of buoys and is only a few hundred feet
wide.

Senator Obat. Kot more than a few hundred feett

Mr. Spaxding. Not more than a few hundred.

The Ohaisman. The breakers define the leef

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Ghaibman* And inside is this little bay)

Mr. Spalding. It is very small, but it is very well protected by this
leef on the outside and the shallow water on the reef.

The Ghaibman. Protected against the Pacific Oceant

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. Yes; a natural protection.

The Ghaibman. Is Pearl Biver harbor a full land-locked harbor f

Mr. Spalding. The only place where you can combine sea and land

defenses.

The Ghaibman. And that is perfectly practicable f

Mr. Spalding. Perfectly practicable at Pearl Biver harbor; to get

tie passage through the reef is the only thing to do.

The Ghaibman. Is Pearl Eiver surrounded by forests f

Mr. Spalding. There are a few trees in the neighborhood, but it is

Bome little distance back in the mountains.
The Ghaibman. But the nation that has possession of Pearl Biver

Wbor and fortifies it has virtually the military and naval control of

ill Uiose islands f
Mr. Spalding. Yes.
The Ghaibman. And, to extend the inquiry, that nation would have

i6€at in the center of the Pacific Ocean that is valuable in a military

mm aad valuable in a commercial sense t

254 HAWAIIAN ISLANiDBk

Mr. Spalding, Yes.

The Ghairmak. As a resting place, ooaling stetion— -phhee for rest-
ing ships f

Mr. Spalding. It has been a coaling station for the United States
for a number of years.

The Ghaibman. As a place I have described, is it resorted to by ves-
sels in numbers f

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean Pearl Biver harbor f

The Ghaibman. Honolulu f

Mr. Spalding. The Austrian war ship Donem came in there several
years ago with her steering apparatus ^one. She had to spend a few
months there and thousands of dollars in temporary repairs. Vessels
are coming all the time for the same purpose. It is the only place that
I consider valuable in the North Pacific. The South Pacific is fall of
islands: the North Pacific has no islands practically. There are a
few little spots in the North Pacific beside the Hawauan glx>upy but they
are hardly inhabitable.

The Ghaibman. Then your zeal as an annexationist is built on the
naval and commercial value of the islands to the United States.

Mr. Spalding. If it is not desirable for the United States to hold
Pearl Biver, if it is not desirable for the United States to have thai
country as an outpost, it is not worth while for them to have anything
to do with the country, because as an agricultursd country, minertS
country, and mercantile and manufacturing country it is of small value.

Senator Fbte. How would the building of the Nicaragua canal
increase the importance of those islands to tiie United States f

Mr. Spalding. It would make Honolulu just so much more impor-
tant as a stopping place in crossing the Pacific Ocean.

Senator Fbye. If the Nicaraguan canal were built, what, in your
judgment, would be the result upon our country's interests to have the
Hawaiian Islands go into the hands of the English Grovernmentf

Mr. Spalding. Since 1867 I have felt that it would be a very bad
thing for the islands to go into the hands of Great Britain with or with-
out the Nicaraguan canal. During thecivil war we had tibe privateers up
north among our whaling ships, and those privateers never could have
gotten up there if one of our war shii>s had rendezvoused at Honc^ulu.
The Hawaiian Islands are in a direct line between the British posses-
sions of North America and the British possessions of Australta.

The Ghaibman. Without the annexation of Hawaii in conaeelion
with the Nicaraguan canal, but taking the conditions as th^ atei yea
think the construction of a cable to the United States between San
Francisco and Honolulu would be of great importancef

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I tried to bring it about some years ago. We
had a concession from the Hawaiian Government which we proposed to
turn over to any company that might be formed under the auspices of
the United States, but we could not get the aid of the United States
in building the cable, and, of course, there was not enough business
to attempt it without that. '

The Ghaibman. What is the general character of the Poitoguess
who occupy Hawaii f

Mr. Spalding. The Portuguese who came there were mostly men
brought out from the Madeira Islands for laboring on the plantations.
So long as we paid them pretty good prices for their labor, of course,
they remained. They were under agreement to remain with us tir a
term of years, three years I think, and at the expiration of their agree-

HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 255

■cnt a good many of them went to Oaliforma, thinking that they ooold
do better. They are not a people who are reliable as settlers; we oao
not depend upon their settling in the commanity.

The Gh AIRMAN. You mean, remaining in the commanity f

Mr. SPALBiNa. Remaining. They move about. If they think they
ean get a small addition in the way of wages they think it better lor
them to go. I was instrumental in erecting a Catholic church on my
plantation, gave them the land and helped them put it up, beoause I
kad quite a nomber working for me. But I find that most of them
liaTe g&ne away after the expiration of their contracts.

The Chaibman. As to their citizenship f

Mr. Spaxj>£NG. I do not think they are very advantageous people as
citizens.

The Chaibhan. Are they disadvantageous f

Mr. SPAi^nraa. Not if you have them in small numbers. If you have
them in large numbers, yes ; if you had too many of them, that would
be disadvantageous.

The CHAntMAH. Are they turbulent f

Mr. Spajcding. They are apt to be quarrelsome, and not always relia-
Ue.

The Chairman. How do they get along with the native population f

Mr. Spai«ding. I do not think they have any trouble with the native
population. They are a very saving people — ^in some respects a very
bard working people-^-especiidly where they are working for them-
selves.

Senator Fbtb. Th^ are pretty thrifty people f

Mr. SPAJLDiKa. Pretty thrifty.

The Chaibmak. How about the Japanese. What kind of citizens do
they becomef

Mr. SPALDnvG. We have not had them long enough to say. We do
not expeet citizena on the plantations to do as in the towns and cities.

The Ohaibman. But the Portuguese have the right as citizens to
Totef

Mr. Spaxbing. Yes.

The Chaibhan. The Japanese have not the rightf

Mr. Spalding. The Japanese and Chinese. The Japanese Govern-
Bent have claimed that right, but we have never allowed it. I say
▼e; I speak of the country. I was not an official.

The Chaibhan. The Chinese--how do they demean themselves in
that ooun try t

Mr. SPAiiDiNG. Fairly well.

The Chaibhan. Do they intermarry with the natives f

Mr. Spaxding. They do not intermarry with the natives very much.

The Chaibhan. Now, taking the Portuguese, the Europeans, the
Ammcans, and the Kanakas, with their present rights of suffrage
legolated by the constitution of 1887, and supx>ose you were to con-
tumethat and have your Government republican in form, under a writ*
tea constitution^ would you consider that a safe form of government

br that country)

Mr. Spaij)ING. No; I should not consider that a republican form of

gOTeram^ity with the suffrage as we have had it since 1887 (which was

^ccy Ubcoral), a good form of government for that country, because

thoe is not enough to the country. The country is not valuable

CBoogh; it is of no use to divide it up into smaU farms^ because one

futt would bftve to sell to another fiEurmer. I have known but me

256 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

indastry to amount to anything specially, and that is the sugar indus-
try—sugar and rice.

Senator Obay. How about the coffee industry f

Mr. SPALDiNa. They have tried to raise coffee, but the coffee has
been blighted. It may succeed better in the future — also tobacco.
In California they can raise grain and send it down there cheaper
than we can raise it; consequently we buy a good deal in Oalifomia.
We get better potatoes from California. They can raise them cheaper
than we can. There is nothing that I know that can be raised cheaper
in Hawaii than it can be raised in any other country. Consequently,
even our sugar, without some kind of fostering protection, is not worth
much to us. But it has been remunerative to us under the reciprocity
treaty, and is remunerative to us now because of that treaty. I would
not to-day attempt to start a sugar plantation on the Sandwich Islands
any more than I would put my hand in the fire — ^I would not start a
factory there.

Senator Gbat. You do not think a republic would be a good form of
government for the people of that country who are now entitled to
suffrage f

Mr. SPALDiNa. No.

Senator Fryb. With the suffrage practically universal f

Mr. Spalding. Not as it is now: under the constitution of 1887.

Senator Obat. Would you think the outlook for a republican form of
government better if the right of suffrage were more extensive Y

Mr. SpALDiNa. No; Ishould think that the people there, from the cir-
cumstances surrounding them, are not favorable to a republican form of
government. There is not enough interest in the country for a
republic — there are too many waves of prosperity and depression.

Senator Fbte. Suppose there were a limit to the suffrage f

Mr. Spalding. If you were to limit the suffrage, then you might have
a government which would, in my opinion be safe and advisable in the
proportion that it would be limited.

Senator Fbye. But that would not be a government of the x>eopIeY

Mr. Spalding. It would not.

Senator Gbay. The more narrow the suffrage, the more stable the
government.

Mr. Spalding. Yes, because these people are like a good many in
the United States — ^better governed than governing.

Senator Gray. They ne^ to be governed f

Mr. Spalding. I think so.

The Chairman. What do you think of the future success of Hawaii
as a government, having reference to the welfare of all classes in that
country, if that government — ^taking the constitution of 1887 as a
basis — should be placed in the hands of a native Kanaka dynasty f

Mr. Spalding. If it were placed in the hands of a native Kanaka
dynasty it would probably run back to where it was when Capt. Cook
visited it.

The Chairman. You think those people need to be under control f

Mr. Spalding. While the King has been on the throne the brains
of the white man have carried on the government.

Senator Gray. You think they need an autocratic government f

Mr. Spalding. We have now as near an approach to autocratic
government as anywhere. We have a council of fifteen, perhaps, com-
posed of the business men of Honolulu — some of them workingmen,
some capitalists, but they are all business men of Honolulu. They go

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS* 257

np to fhe palace, which is now the official home of the cabinet — ^they
go up there perhaps every day and hold a session of an hour to examine
into the business of the country, just the same as is done in a large
fiatctory or on a farm.

Senator Gray. They control the Government t

Mr. SPALBiNa. They control it. They assemble — " now it is desired
to do so and so; what do you think about it?" They will appoint a
committee^ if they think it necessary, or they will apix)int some one to
do something, just as though the Legislature had passed a law to be
carried out by the officers of the people.

The Chatbman. Coming back to my proposition again. You say
you do not think the restoration of the monarchy, with the native
Kanaka rulers on the throne, would be a success f

Mr. Spalding. No, without some backing.

The Chairman. I am talking df an independent government.

Mr. Spalding. No. ♦

The Chairman. It would not be to the interest of the people nor of
the investors who have spent their money there f

Mr. Spalding. No.

The Chairman. You think it would be difficult, if I get your idea^
either under a republican form of government, or dynastic or monarch-
ical form, to bmld up in the Hawaiian Islands a government that will
be equal to the commercial necessities of the Pacilc Ocean f

Mr. Spalding. Most decidedly so.

The Chairman. You are of that opinion f

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose we should come to the point of the restora-
tion of the monarchy in Hawaii, would it be preferable that Liliuoka-
hni should be restored under existing conditions and surroundings, or
that Rainlani should be restored !

Mr. Spalding. I do not think — ^it would be a choice of evils: I do
not think it would make any diHerence. But I think it would be oetter
to have Kaiulani, for we generally prefer the ills we know not of to
those we do know.

The Chairman. Looking over this whole field and the possibility of
Kaiulani being restored to her rights, as alleged, what would be the
drift of the Government under her administration in respect of the in-
ilaence of the United States as compared with that of Great Britain f

Mr. Spalding. If we had a sovereign on the throne f

The Chairman. Kaiulani.

Mr. Spalding. I do not think we can have any sovereign on the
throne, either Kaiulani or anybody else, unless she go there tor a pur-
pose, with the consent of the business interests of the country. I
think it either means that the business interests of the country shall
be overlooked, thrown one side, or kept in view and something done
for their benefit and prott'ction. 1 think if a sovereign were put on
the throne and it should become again a monarchical form of govern-
ment, it would have to be under the protection of some strong power,
md that strong power must be of a character that would give to these
hrterests, especisdly the sugar interests (which is the main industry of
the country) some compensation. It is requisite for the manafacture
of sugar to have two things : a favorable soil and climate and a favor-
aUe condition of labor. If we had the same climate and the same
toil here in Washington that we have in Hawaii, we could not raise
sugar in Washington, because the negroes of Washington would charge

8. Eep. 227 ^17

258 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

80 mach for cultivating the cane that it would be cheaper to buy sugar
from some other country than to make it here.

The Ghaibman. That relates to one interest only.

Mr. Spalding. And that is the only interest that I know of in that
country.

Senator Obat. There is no other wealth-producing industry in that
country!

Mr. Spalding. That is the only thing that produces money there,
because it is the only thing that goes out of the country. We can not
have manufactures there.

The Chairman. Your opinion would be that with Kaiulani on the
throne her government would not be a success if not backed up by
some other country!

Mr. Spalding. I do not think she would be of any use to the country
at large. We have got to do one of two things — ^run the government
by ourselves and support it by necessary taxation and stand the ex-
penses of it, or have it under some foreign protection that would relieve
us of those expenses.

The Chairman. Do you believe that the people representing the rul-
ing, controlling interests in that country (which are intelligence and
wealth) are the people to govern the country under a permanent form
of government (whichever you may select, republican or monarchical)
so as to make it a success and contribute to the happiness of the whole
people!

Mr. Spalding. They are doing it now. The native people are bet-
ter oflF now than they have been at any other time.

The Chairman. Do you believe that a Government on the existing
basis, under the control of those who are now in authority, with the
influence that they exert, can be established into a permanent form of
government with such benefits to the people as to make it the best that
can be done for that country!

Mr. Spalding. I would not like to say that I do believe that, be-
cause it depends upon whether we can support the present Govern-
ment. I say I do not know about that. We are doing it for the present,
but whether we can do it with sugar a half cent a pound lower thau
now is quite another question. And it dependaupon how much money
we have to pay out for our Government. But, if we have a powerful
Government to back us, we get rid of a very large proportion of the
expenses of the present form of government, and the expenses of the
last Government, the monarchical Government. If the American flag
were flying over the islands and one of the smallest and poorest war-
ships with a crew of flfty men on board were s^ationed in Honolulu
Harbor, you might give the suflrage to every man in the country, Chi-
nese and Japanese, and there would not be any attempt to overthrow
the Government. They might have their disputes in little afllairs; but
they could not overthrow the Government. But we do not know how
safe we would be if we were to do away with the troops that we have.
If that were done somebody else might want to have the ofiBicial part of
the Government to administer.

Senator Gray. Do you think that a democratic-republican govern*
ment, as we understand it here in the States, could be maintained in
those islands with an independent sovereignty, without the outside sup-
port of which you speak !

Mr. Spalding. We can maintain a government there so loiig as we
can afford to keep an armed force; but not without.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 259

Senator Gbay. Oould you maintaiD a state government there as we
understand a State government heref

Mr. SPALDiNa. Do yon mean if the islands were annexed to the
United States f

Senator Gbat. Yes.

Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes^ we could. That would be a republican form of
government.

Mr. Gray. That is what I meant.

Mr. SPAXBiNa. I have already said that a republican form of govern-
ment would not be suitable for that people. That is an independent
form of government. You might, for instance, if the Hawaiian Islands
were a part of the State of Galitbrnia do very well. I think they would
send two or three or four representatives to the State capitol, who
would be equally respectable with the representatives sent from the
present counties in California, and I do not think there would be any
trouble— all the struggle would cease. But we have there now these
adventurers, an element that wants to rule or ruin. They have noth-
ing to lose and everything to gain; and it would be simply men who
have something to lose fighting men who have nothing to lose.

Senator Fbye. That would require the maintenance in arms of a
thousand menf

Mr. SFAXJ>iifa. Whatever would be necessary — a few hundred or a
tiKRisand.

Senator Fbye. But the expense of keeping them is the question?

Mr. SPAL.DIN0. That is all. And the question would be, where
shall we get our taxes. If we had a sufficient revenue from the manu-
facture of sugar to pay these taxes, that might answer; we might say,
"Yes, we can afford to pay for these troops to preserve good govern-
meiit." But if the price of sugar is to be so low, and the expenses of
nmning the plantations so high, what would become of the country?

Senator Fbye. Do you not think three hundred men under a good
officer would exert complete control over those islands?

Mr. SPALJ>mG. Oh, very likely. We have not a very large force
tt^e now, and times have been probably as bad as they can be. What
▼e want is to make something out of the country; make expenses out
of the a>antry. It is not a commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or
mineral producing country; it has no resources, no available resources;
never has had. All this prosperity has come from this reciprocity
treaty with the United States. Before that time we were making a
Batter of 15,000 or 20,000 tons of sugar a year.

Senator Ob ay. Are you a large sugar producer there?

Mr. Spalding. The largest personal producer. There are others,
eompaniea, producing more.

Senator Obay. Has Mr. Spreckels a factory there?

Mr. SPAXDme. He is interested with his friends. He has a mercan-
tile agency and several plantations ; but, of course, we send all oui
ngar to San Francisco.

teiator Fbyb. Have you ever thought over the question of annexa-
two to California f

Mr. SPAiJ>nfa. Yes, a good deal.

Senator Fbye. How would that dof

Mr. SPAi^Dma. I do not see any objection to it.

Senator Fbyb. You would elect your members of the house and
•eaate, and i>erhap8 one member of Congress?

Mr. SPAlJ>iKa. All these things would follow the change. To <)arry

260 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

on oar basioess it would be necessary to have some advantage, just b^
the State of Louisiana has some advantage, because she has to pay
more for labor than is paid in other sugar-producing countries.

The Chairman. How are the men in this present Government f

Mr. Spalding. The four men in office there are four as good men as
we have in the country.

The Chairman. You mean the advisory council)

Mr. Spalding. The advisory council is made up of as good men as
are in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Who are the four men!

Mr. Spalding. The executive officers.

Senator Fryb. You can not find better in any country!

Mr. Spalding. Ko. Dole is a man ; a lawyer of ability. He was
upon the supreme bench for years, and is a man of integrity and char-
acter.

The Chairman. Your supreipe court, how is thatf

Mr. Spalding. The chief justice is a son of Dr. Judd, who was one
of the early missionaries to go out there. He belonged to what we call
the lay missionaries. He was not a minister. Old Dr. Judd, as he was
called, was the private adviser of King Kauikeaouli in his questions
with Great Britain; and this chief justice is the son of that man.

The Chairman. Is the chief justice a man of ability)

Mr. Spalding. Of ability, and has always given good satisfaction.
If anything, he has a leaning to the native population. He has always
been considered, perhprps, the greatest friend, the most consistent, the
best friend of the native population of any white man in the country.
He has been noted for that-.

The Chairman. Take the conduct of these men called missionaries
and of those who were their associates in the Gk)vemm6nt, would you
say that their motives, as indicated by their acts, were in favor of build-
ing up enlightenment and the establishment of all the higher virtues in
the people of Hawaii, the Kanakas, or were they in the other direction f

Mr. Spalding. I should say they were more in favor of the develop-
ment of the best interests of the country, and especiaJly of the native
population.

The Chairman. Is there any sentiment of hostility amongst those
people toward the native population f

Mr. Spalding. Among the missionaries f

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Spalding. Quite to the contrary. They have not only been the
most intelligent and most business-like men that we have had, but men
of the highest integrity.

The Chairman. You have not been connected with the church in
any way.

Mr. Spalding. Ko; I have not been considered as belonging to the
missionary element, but I have always had a high respect for the work
that has been done there.

The Chairman. I suppose the fact is that the missionaries have
done all the work that has been done there.

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Some of the others have gathered in without
scattering so much ; but the missionaries have always done everything
in their power to benefit the native population.

Senator Gray. You went out there in 1867 as the special agent of
the State Department, under Mr. Seward t

Mr. Spalding. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

261

Senator GitAT. Was that before the treaty of reciprocity t

Mr. Spalding. Before the treaty of reciprocity.

Senator Gray. And your instructions were verbal?

Mr. SPAiJ>iNa. My instructions were verbal. I went out as a bearer
of dispatches, ostensibly.

Senator Gray. You say you had a general letter; of what kind f

Mr. Spalding. I had a general passport from the State Department
allowing me to go anywhere over the world.

Senator Gray. Had you any special instructions to the Minister f

Mr. Spalding. I had only to carry to the Minister the key of the
State Department code. That was the ostensible mission on which I
was sent j but the real mission was to inform the Secretary himself, not
the State Department, what the feeling of the country was and what
^ect this reciprocity treaty would have upon the two countries. I
reported adversely to the reciprocity treaty on the ground that I
thought it would perhaps impede or prevent annexation of that coun-
try in the near future. But in one of my letters from the Secretary he
toM me that the plan which I had suggested could not be followed by
the United States at that time, as the public mind of the American
people was dweUing too much upon the settlement of the matters
^wing ont of the civil war, and they refused at that time to take up
the annexation of any foreign country.

Senator Gray. Did you return in person with your report!

Mr. Spalding. I came back to Washington to settle my accounts
tfter I gave ap the consulate. I was appointed consul while I was out
there; in fact, I was left with the consulate and legation both, before I
was appointed consul. i

Senator Gbay. Then you returned and made your business arrange-
iiGitsf

Mr. Spalding. I cameback to Washington and settled my accounts.
Ihaif I think, was in IstO. But I had already made my arrangements
fsr starting in the sugar business, starting my plantation, and I have
heoi in it ever since.

A^umed until to-morrow, the 3d inst^ at 10 o^dock a. m.

262 HAWAIUN ISLAKD8.

THIBD DAT.

Washington, D. 0., January 3, 1894.

The committee met pnrsuant to adjournment.
Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray and
Frye.
Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman.

SWOEV STATEMEHT OF WILLIAM DE WHT ALBXAVSEB.

The Chaibman. How long have you resided in Hawaii f

Mr. Alexandeb. I was iK^rn there in 1833.

The Chairman. How long had your parents resided there before
your birth t

Mr. Alexandeb. About one year.

The Chairman. Was your father connected with the missionary
work of the islands!

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Chairman. To what denomination did he belong!

Mr. Alexandeb. The Presbyterian.

The Chaibman. Where did your father locate when he went to the
islands!

Mr. Alexandeb. The first part of the time the northernmost part
of the islands — at Kauai.

The Chairman. What is your age!

Mr. Alexander. Sixty.

The Chairman. So you have been fifty-nine years in Hawaii!

Mr. Alexander. I have spent about eight years in this country.

The Chairman. But that has been your place of residence!

Mr. Alexander. Yes^ I finished my education in this country.

The Chairman. Where did you get the foundation of your education !

Mr. Alexander. At a school near Honolulu. It t^as a mission
school, and since it has become Oahu College.

The Chairman. Is that now a flourishing institution!

Mr. Alexander. It is on a very good footing; it has a good endow*
ment.

The Chairman. About how much!

Mr. Alexander. About $230,000.

The Chairman. From what sources was that endowment derived!

Mr. Alexander. Mostly given by residents of the islands. The
largest doner was Charles E. Bishop.

The Chairman. He married a Hawaiian woman!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. She was a chiefess of very high rank.

The Chairman. How far advanced were you in respect of your edu-
cation when you came to the United States to complete your studies!

Mr. Alexander. I was nearly fitted for college. I studied one sum-
mer at Harrisburg. My mother was a Harrisburger.

The Chairman. What college did you attend in the United States!

Mr. Alexander. Yale College. I graduated there in 1855. I
taught at Beloit College, in Wisconsin, for a year and a half, and I
taught in the college of Yincennes, Ind., for a time. Then I was
persuaded to go back as a professor of languages in the Oahu College.

The Chairman. And that was your first work you did after you grew
ap — the Orst work you did in Hawaii!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 263

Mr. Albxand^bb. Yes.

The Chairman. How long did you l^main in that iTistitutionf

Mr. AiiEXANBEB. About fourteen years. The first seven years I
was pnrfiMaor, and the last seven years I was president of the college.

The Ohaikman. Has the attendance in that college been largef

Mr. AT.FiYANPKB. Considering the smallness of the community there^
perhaps it would be so regarded.

The Chairman. It has been increasing along firom year to year, I
sopposef

Mr. At.kxandeb. It has its ups and downs. It has a preparatory
department now of one hundred and twenty; the college proper is not
Miach less than that — ^perhaps eighty.

The Chairman. Is the tuition in the college free or whatf

Mr. Alcxandeb. About Jl a week.

The Chaibman. Who are the principal patrons of this collegef

Mr. AUBXANDEB. Principally the white population. There is a num-
ber of scholarships, which scholarships are conditioned on giving the
natives the preference.

Tlie Chaibman. After you quit that college what was your next
occupation !F

Mr. AXBXANDEB. Surveyor- general.

The Chaibman. Surveyor-general of Hawaii under what king?

Mr. Ai^kxander. Karaehameha V. There was made a trigonomet-
rical survey of the kingdom based on a survey like the Coast Survey of
the Unit^ States, and on that foundation was based the boundary
survey of all the landed property.

The Chaibman. You first commenced with trigonometry!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That was my advice. The ministry asked
my ideas of how best to go to work, and after I had written my report
they asked me if I would undertake it.

The Chaibman. You made that survey first. Is that complete!

Mr. ALiEXANBEB. It is not comi>lete.

The Chaibman. It is a thorough trigonometrical survey?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it is done with the advice of the United
States Coast Survey and partly with their instruments. They loaned
me their base apparatus, and it was done following their best methods.

Hie Chaibman. In addition to that you have made a survey of the
bads of the interior of the islands!

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Has that survey been completed!

Mr. ATjEXANDEB. Kot complete.

The Chaibman. Is it what we call a sectionized survey, in townships
sDd ranges, or by plats!

Mr. AjiEXANDEB. Not exactly either. The islands have been subdi-
vide from time immemorial. They had a very peculiar landed system.

The Chaibman. This subdivision was by the natives!

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes. The boundaries are traditional. We had to
aseortain these boundaries and run them out.

The Chaibman. In doing that yon had to consult these traditions!

Mr. ALEXANDEB. Yes. There was a boundary commissioner for each
of the judicial districts.

The Chaibman. That was for the purpose of separation, I under-
stand it, of the private holdings of the native Hawaiians from the gov-
enuneut lands!

Mr. AxsxAin>EB. There had been a division of the lands in 1848 and
partial sorveya It is a large subject about that land system.

264 HAWAUAK ISLAKD8.

The Ghaibman. Has that survey of the lands been completed t

Mr. Alexand:&b. It is not completed.

The CUAIBMAN. Have you separated the individual holdings of the
natives!

Mr. Alexai^deb. Tes, to a very large extent. The individual
holdings were surveyed in piecemeal along in the fifties. The work
was bs^ly done, but each of the homesteads issued to the natives was
patented by surveyed metes and bounds. The largest lands, the
chiefs' lands, were mostly awarded by name according to the ancient
boundaries.

The Ghaibman. In the name of the tract or the name of the chief!

Mr. Alexandeb. The name of the tract. And every piece of land,
large or small, down to the very smallest pieces, had a traditional
name. It was an old country, not a new country.

The Ghaibman. At the time you entered upon this survey of the
lands, did you find the separate holdings of the Hawaiian people
established and recognized by the authorities of the Government t

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes, they were fully recognized.

The Ghaibman. So that what you did was to define these surveys
upon paper, upon plats, and then patents would issue from the Gov-
ernment!

Mr. Alexandeb. Patents had been issued for the small holdings,
for the homesteads, what the natives call kuleanas. Those were issued
in the early period, beginning in the fifties.

The Ghaibman. Under which of the Kamehamehas!

Mr. Alexandeb. Kamehameha III..

The Ghaibman. Your work began under Kamehameha Yt

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Ghaibman. I will ask you to give some idea of the arable
quality of the lands that you surveyed on the islands.

Mr. Alexandeb. It is yery difficult to give the amount.

The Ghaibman. I do not expect that; it is the quality that I ask for.

Mr. Alexander. There is a large proportion of mountain and forest
land. On the island of Hawaii there are large tracts overflowed with
lava.

The Ghaibman. Were these forests large! I mean heavy forests —
what kind of forests were they !

Mr. Alexandeb. Tropical forests ; some large trees, especially in the
forests of Hawaii, out of which the natives us^ to make canoes. Bat
they are nothiug like the pine forests of the Pacific coast.

Senator Gbay. Hard woods !

Mr. Alexandeb. Hard woods; some very fine cabinet woods.

Senator Gbay. Would they use the trunks of those, tool

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Some of those trees are very large!

Mr. Alexandeb. Some of them are.

The Ghaibman. A magnificent forest, or in spots!

Mr. Alexandeb. Pretty dense. It has a very thick undergrowih|
tropical undergrowth.

Senator Gbay. Heavy timber!

Mr. Alexandeb. The trees are not so very large, except in some of
the large forests on Hawaii. The Government h£^ taken great pains
to protect the forests.

The Ghaibman. Are those forests valuable for domestic uses!

Mr. Alexandeb. I think for cabinet wood and for fueL The Gov*
ernment ought to take great pains to preserve the forests* They are

HAWAIUN ISLAND3. 265

nraDging to protect them from cattle. Some of tlie districts have
made arrangements with the private owners, planters, and others^ to
nm a line of feneee to keep the cattle out.

The Chairmai?. What have the cattle to do with the forests; do
they eat them up f

Mr. ATiKYA'Wdeb. Tes, all the young trees, undergrowth, fern, etc.
They became alarmed about that. It affects the water supply.

The Chairman. Has the Hawaiian Government taken steps to pro-
tect deforests!

Mr. Alsxandsb. At the present time there is an arrangement made
for fencing in part of the forests.
The Chairman. You mean the Government is to do it ^
Mr. At.kxandeb. Yes; the Government is to pay half the expenses*
The plimters agreed to do that.
The Chairman. So that you have a thorough forestry system f
Mr. ALiRXANBRB. Not yet; beginning to have. And the Govem-
went has tried experiments in replanting, tried dijSerent kinds of treed.
The Chairman. Has the sandal root been tried t That is no longer
ft valuable article of commerce there.
Mr. AXRXANBRR. It is very raie.

The Chairman. Do they make shipments of other woods!
Mr. AxsxANBRR. I think they hardly pay.
TheCHATBMAN. Do they have mills f
Mr. AxRXANDER. A few sawmills.

The Chairman. Are any of these mills owned by native Hawaiiansf
Mr. AL.RXANDER. I thmk not.

The Chairman. Have they any other manufacturing establishments
m Hawaii — ^notable ones, I mean f

Mr. Alrxanbrr. I could hardly state that they have any manu-
fiMturing establishments. Sugar engrosses everything, monopolizes
eiBrythmg. •

The Chairman. What do you think of the prospects of coffee-
nising in the islands f
Mr. At.rxandrr. Very promising; just beginning.
The Chairman. You have been all over the islands as a surveyor t
Mr. Alexander. Yes; nearly all.

The Chairman. I am speaking in a general sense. You understand
vhat Uie islands contain in forests and lands f
Mr. AiRXANDER. I have a pretty good general idea.
The Chairman. There are no minerals in Hawaii t
Mr. Alexander. Ko, not in the common sense.
The Chairman. Ko iront
Mr. Alexander. Not in paying quantities.
The Chairman, ^o coalt

Mr. Alexander. Ko coal. There is a little iron, but not in paying
fHftDtities.
Senator Oray. Is wood universally used as fuel!
Mr. Alexander. Not universally. The plantations use a little coal.
The Chairman. You do not need much fuel for the purpose of
^ttmiog your houses f
Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. The temperature is such that you do not need itf
Mr. Alexander. There are a few portions of the upper lands where
ftef do use fires, but a very small portion.
Bttator Gray. Is that true of the islands the year around!
Xl Alexander. Of the year round.

266 HAWAIIAN IBLATa>S.

The Chairman. Are the houses bnilt of wood?

Mr. Alexandek. Very generally.

The Chaibman. Between what degrees are the variatioBS of tem-
perature!

Mr. Alexander. Thirty degrees.

The Chairman. What is the lowest point f

Mr. Alexander. At the sea level it very rarely goes below fifty,
generally not lower than fifty-five.

The Chairman. It gets colder as you ascend the mountains t

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. There are two mountains quite high f

Mr. Alexander. The highest mountain is 13,820 feet. There is
another mountain 13,675 feet. On those you will find 8now all the
year round, not covered, but more or less at the top.

The Chairman. Are those volcanic mountains f

Mr. Alexander. Yes, volcanic mountains. Snow faUs on them in
the winter.

The Chairman. So that, the climate is reaUy affected or made there
by the altitude?

Mr. Alexander. It is. Then we have some very fine upland, table-
land, that has not yet been used for agriculture, but 1 think it will be.

The Chairman. What is the elevation of the table-lands of which
you speak t

Mr. Alexander. In the island of Hawaii, north of Mount Kea, which
has been overrun by catle, and which I think will be cultivated here-
after, the elevation is 2,500 feet.

The Chairman. Is there water on it — ^running streams)

Mr. Alexander. There is one running stream; but they depend
chiefly on the rain.

The Chairman. It is the side of the island, to windward t

Mr. Alexander. About the center of the island.

The Chairman. The island toward the windward has rains f

Mr. Alexander. There is a difference between the two sides of the
island.

The Chairman. Like the Andes t

Mr. Alexander. South America on a small scale. In the district
of Hilo we average 12 feet of rain, and have tor a good many years.

The Chairman. How much of the island does that rainfall covert

Mr. Alexander. Kot more than one-tenth. Perhaps I have put it
rather low, to keep within bounds. In the region of the Kona district
it is very dry. That has land and sea breezes, and has southerly
rains. It is a fertile district, although rocky. It has very rich laud
between the lava flows. It has a good coffee district, although it is on
the dry side.

The Chairman. What sort of fruits have they in Hawaii, tropical or
semitropicaLf

Mr. Alexander. Tropical. We call our climate subtropical. Our
climate is changed by the trade winds and ocean current from the
Bering Sea.

The Chairman. From what direction do those trade winds blowt

Mr. Alexander. From the northeast.

The Chairman. During what part of the year t Are they oontinuonst

Mr. Alexander. They are strongest in the summery they follow
the sun.

The Chairman. In its movements north and south, do yon meant

Mr. Alexander. Yea.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 267

The Chairman. How long do tbey continnef

Mr. Alexandsb. The trade wicds blow pretty steadily daring the
gonuner.

Senator Gbat. That is, the three summer months t

Mr. Alexandbb. Yes. During the winter they are not so steady;
at intervals there are southerly winds. It is not however, like the
monsoon.

The Chairman. Is there any period in the year when there is a
calm!

Mr. AiiBXANDBB. There are short periods, especially in the winter —
Jannaiy.

The Chaibman. Bat these trade winds daring the year would be
reckoned as a steady blowY

Mr. AiiKXANDEB. Irregular.

The Chaibman. Irregular, but steady — I mean by that continuous,
with greater or less force. How about that ocean current t

Mr. Albxandeb. We are on the edge of that current; it runs from
the east; but the ocean around us is cooler than the air, and our coun-
try is ten degrees cooler than other tropical countries in the same lati-
tude.

The Chaibman. You say this current comes from the east, ruus to
the westt

Mr. AxBXANDEB. Yes; we are on the edge of the great equatorial
carrent.

The Chaibman. It comes from the American coast and goes toward
the Asiatic, the equator f

Mr. Albxandbb. Yes; a scientific gentleman examined the con-
dition, and explained the coolness of the carrent from the Bering Sea
to be on account of the Pacific Ocean being closed at its upper end.

The Chaibman. Hawaii is within the fiow of the great equatorial
current of the Pju^ific Ocean f

Mr. Albxandeb. We are near the edge of it, so that it is rather
irregolar. It afiects our climate.

The Chaibman. I would like you to state as briefly as you can, and
somewhat fully, the progress (hat has been made in Hawaii since your
childhood in civilization, in religion, in government, in industries, and
in general development. . You can go on and stat>e it your own way,
covering such points as will give the committee some correct idea of
the real state of the progress that has been made in that country.

Mr. Albxanbeb. When I was a child the natives were abject slaves
to their chiefs. They had no rights that the chiefs were bound to
Rspeet. They were tenants at will. They could be turned off their
hmi 1^ the word of a chief. Sometimes the whole of the inhabitants
of a valley conld be evicted at the change of the landlord — at the order
of a higher chief. The country was full of natives who were dispos-
ittsed, looking around for a place, another home. They were very
poor. The natives had very little foreign cloth when I was a boy — they
vore the bark cloth.

Senator Gbat. Made by themselves f

Mr. Albxandeb. Made by themselves, and not much of that.
They were subject to forced labor by their chiefs. Previously to that
tnae the sandalwood was exhausted. While the sandalwood lasted
tbey suffered a great deal of oppression; they had to spend months in
tht moantains catting sandalwood for tiieir chiefs.

The Chaibman. How would they get it down from the mountains t

268 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Ifv. Alexandeb. On tbeir backs in bundles. It was a mitie of
wealth for the chiefs while it lasted.

The Chaibman. What was their physical stature, strength, and de-
velopment; strong, or a weakly race at that timet

Mr. Alexander. I think they averaged pretty well, not quite the
eqnal of the white race. •

The Chairman. Capable of performing hard labor?

Mr. Alexander. Did a good deal of hard labor. They are the best
boatmen in the world; make good seamen. I suppose that being
obliged to labor for their chiefs was good for them.

The Chairman. What was the state of morality amongst them at
that time, according to your understanding from your childhood)

Mr. Alexander. It was very low, so far as the sexual relations
were concerned. There were very few crimes of violence, very rare,
and not much stealing. A native will lie; thinks very little of being
charged with a lie, but feels very angry at being charged with steal-
ing; and I think that dates from away back. We have not yet got the
habit of locking our doors, and burglaries are generally committed by
Chinamen or professionals from San Francisco or Australia; not by
the natives. They are a kindly race. My father and mother spent
some time in Marquesas Islands. They are a Polynesian race of a
different type. When my father came back he enjoyed a sense of
security that was a great relief. They are a very docile people.

Senator Gray. Affectionate f ^

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Grateful for a kindness f

Mr. Alexander. They have the name for being nngratefal; but I
think it is rather because of their short memories, and impressions do
not last long, either for good or for evil. They are not a revengeful
people. My father was worshiped by the people of that section of the
islands. He was their physician, adviser, and friend in every possible
way.

The Chairman. And they were very fond of him t

Mr. Alexander. Yes. At that time they were very eager to leam,
when everything was fresh and novel. To buy books they would go
into the mountains and collect arrowroot to get means, and my father
has often said that the whole population came to hear him. They were
hungry, as he explained it, eager to drink in what he had to say.

The Chairman. Did your father speak the Hawaiian tonguet

Mr. Al^bxander. Yes.

The Chairman. Preach to them in that tongue and talk to them in it f

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you speak the language f

Mr. Alexander. Yes. I published a grammar of the Hawaiian
language.

The Chairman. While we are upon that — and it is germane to the
inquiry — I will ask you whether the first instruction of the Hawaiian
people in letters was in the Hawaiian tonguet

Mr. Alexander. When the missionaries first landed they taught
English for a while. They had to learn the Hawaiian language, of
course. In the meantime the first schools were taught in English.
When they had learned the language, reduced it to writing, they
dropped the English.

The Chairman. Did tliey prepare schoolbooks in the Hawaiian
tongue f

Mr. Alexander. They did.

HAWAIIAN ISLAJfTDB. 269

The Chatbman. Did they use the Komau alphabet)
Mr. Alkxanpbb. Adapted the Roman alphabet.
The Chairman. No new characters were adapted to the Hawaiian
toDgnef

Mr. AUBXANI>£B. ISo,

The Ghairmah. Whs^ books did they first pablisht

Mr. Ax£XAKi>£B. The first books were religious books and school-
books.

The Chatkman, Were the schoolbooks numerous, on different sub*
jeetef
Mr. At.kyandeb. Tes; they were.
The Chairman. Geographies.

Mr. AT,KXATn>flR. Geographies and readers. And then my father
tanght in a high school, with books in mathematics, as far as trigo-
Dometry, surveying, and navigation. They had books of general his-
tory, and in fact of i)olitical economy, published iu their own language.
There was a book on anatomy, a small edition. I think there was a
brger iibraiy in their own language than in that of any other group
m die Pacific Ocean.

Senator Fbys. Am I to understand you as saying that the mission-
tries for tbe first time in the islands reduced the Hawaiian language
to letters!

Mr. Albxandeb. Yes.

Senator Pbte. They had no written language when the missionaries
w^t there f

Mr. At.kxandeb, I^o.

The Chatkman. These books were printed in the United States f

Mr. At.kyakpeb. No, they were printed there; the printing presses
were taken with the missionaries. They afterward published the Pil-
grinds Progress and* quite a number of religious works besides the
Bade.

The Chatbmatt. More recently, if I understand correctly, the in-
itmction in Hawaii is in the English tongue t

Mr. Ay*exanpeb. Principally now.

The Ohaibman. You do not teach in the Hawaiian tongue f

Mr. AxEXANDEB. A few schools, probably not more than one-
tventieth.

The Chaibman. Is it the English tongue that is spoken in Hawaii t

Mr. AxBXANDEB. By the rising generation; not the adults.

The Chaibman. Do they spesKk it brokenly t

Mr, Alexandeb. They are trying to give the school children the
pore English, not pigeon English. Kot many of the adults can speak
or write correctly.

The Chaibman. Among a great many people, what you call the
pijseou English is in vogue there, as in Chinaf

Mr. Alexandeb. It is not like China.

The Chaibman. It is filled with a mixture of the English and native
tooenef

Mr. Alexandeb. No; I could not say that they mix languages as
they do in China. The native language is a very easy language to
pieK up, and it is understood by all the Chinamen, and the Japs pick
imp. It is easy to learn the language. It is still the language fo]'
the laws. All the laws are published in English and Hawaiian.

Hie Chaibman. Is there an extensive vocabulary of words!

Mr. Alexandeb. It is not a rich language. Words had to be
eoiiiad for theologieal purposes, for law purposes, and for malbeivkaUc^.

270 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Are they teachiug chemistry, etc. f

Mr. Alsxandeb. They have never tried to teach chemistry in the
Hawaiian language.

The Ghaibman. Were you ever in charge of the public school system
in Hawaii f

Mr. Alexander. I have been a member of the board of education
for a long time.

The Chairman. How long?

Mr. Alexander. Since 1887.

The Chairman. What proportion of the native Kanaka population
over 10 years of age are now enabled to read and write, either in their
own language or in the English language!

'Mt. Alexander. I could not give a definite statement of the pro-
portion of the adult Kanakas who can read and write correctly. Most
of them have a smattering of the Epglish.

The Chairman. I do not mean to read and write correctly, bat to
read and write in their own language.

Mr. Alexander. I think from 10 to 15 they understand considera-
ble English.

The Chairman. Can they read and write in their own laoguagef I
am speaking of their capacity to read and write.

Mr. Alexander. In their own language I suppose nine tenths. It
is very easy to read and write the Hawaiian language.

The Chairman. I wish to know whether the art of reading and
^.riting has been acquired by the people there, and to what extent.

Mr. Alexander. We have had compulsory education there for a
good many years. If a child does not go to school he is taken np by
the truant officer, and the parents are taken to account. So that the
natives can read and write their own language.

The Chairman. At what age?

Mr. Alexai^der. I should say certainly aU by 15, and probably
nine-tenths of those above 10 years of age. Their language is written
phonetically, so that tljere is no difficulty in spelling.

Senator Frye. Prof. Alexander stated the physical conditions and
all that sort of thing, but he did not say what religious advancement
the children made.

The Chairman. What was the religious condition of Hawaii when
you were a child!

Mr. Alexander. Very ignorant. They had the most crude ideas
about religion ; they were very eager to get ideas. They were very
receptive at that time, and it was a great pleasure to teach them at
that time.

The Chairman. What was their religion!

Mr. Alexander. They had thrown away their idols — their taboos.
But they had a great deal of superstition still, particularly about
sorcery. I think the most injurious superstition they have is in regard
to the cause of disease — sickness. They think that diseases are caused
supernaturally.

The Chairman. In your childhood was this condition of ignorance
and paganism almost universal!

Mr. Alexander. Almost universal.

The Chairman. What is the degree of the improvement!

Mr. Alexander. At thjB present time they are all nominal Christians
— Catholics, Protestants, Episcopalians, Mormons. There is yet more
or less of underlying superstition spread among the natives.

The Chairman. Beligion is free under your laws and oonstitatioiit

HAWAUAN ISLANDS.

271

Mr. Alsxandkb. Entirely. The old superstitions about the cause
of sickness and about sorcery have never been rooted out.

Tbe Chairman. Is there any connection out there between the
chaich and state!
Mr. Al.exani>£B. There never has been.
The Gn AIRMAN. Are churches found commonly in Hawaii f
Mr. Alexander. The population has been decreased so that there
are a great many churches standing where there is no population —
empty churches in some districts.

The Chairman. How about sohoolhouses; have they been abund-
taoly supplied to the people!

Mr. Axbxander. At present pretty well. I joined the Board of
Edacatiou in 1887. There was then a great deficiency of schoolhouses.
Daring the reign of Kalakaua governnent money was diverted to
other purposes. But a great many schoolhouses were built, improve-
loents made, and at present schoolhouses are pretty well provided.
The Chairman. Are they comfortable schoolhouses t
Mr. AxsxANDER. Yes.

The Chairman. Furnished with proper furniture?
Mr. Alexanbhr. Yes. By American methods; furniture imported
by the United States or made there in accordance, I might say, with
^e Hawaiian school system. They received a gold medal at the Paris
Exposition.
Tlie Chairman. What is the school age there according to lawt
Mr. AxsxANDER. Seven to fourteen.

The Chairman. Is it a part of that system that all the young popu-
ktioQ that are able to go to school, physically qualified for being
taught, shall attend the school!

Mr. Alexander. Very nearly. There has been a want of school
acoommodation in some school districts, and we could not compel them
until we had schoolhouses enough. At the present time we have pretty
Marly caught up.

The Chairman. So that it might be said that the native youth of
Hawaii are universally under process of education f
Mr. Alexander. Very nearly.-

The Chairman. Do the Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese send
Ihsit children to those schools)

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they are obliged to, except where they
attend a private school. There are about eleven thousand childrer.
there in schools and three thousand of these are in the private schools
The Chinese and Japanese have not many children; a great msyorit^
of tbem are adult males.

Mr. Chairman. But the Chinese and Japanese are subject to this
eompulsory education the same as the Hawaiian!
lb*. Alexander. Yes. The Chinese have a few Chinese schools.
The Chairman. Out of what ftinds are these schools sustained!
Mr. Alexander. In the first place there is a poll tax devoted to it,
Kbool tax; and the school tax of each district has to be expended in
diat district. The school tax is kept separate, and can not be touched
for any other purpose. Even through Kalakaua's reign that .was kept
•qttiate. This is not enough, and the Legislature has to appropriate
largely to supplement that.

The Chairman. What is about the annual expenditure for school
pBrposes in Hawaii — I mean Governmental expenditure!

Mr. Alexander. It is very difficult to say, the way the accounts
liftTe been kept. There is a school tax, and then there is a large amoxuit

272 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

of money out at interest which belongs to the board of educsH^ion.
And in the third place there is an approx)riation by the Legislature.
They appropriate by the Legislature 9190,000 for school purposes for
the biennial period. That is less than they generally appropriate.

Senator Obay. Was that out of the general fund!

Mr. Albxandeb. Yes, besides the school tax. I think you could
add 9100,000 more from other sources.

The Chairman. That would make 9290,000 for the biennial period!

Expenditures for education in the Hawaiian Islands for the Biennial
period 1890-1892:

Appropriations for Government schools 9304, 022

Less unexpended - 46, 653

Expended out of appropriations 257, 369

School tax 151,906

Beceipts from other sources 38, 662

Total expended on Government schools 2) 447,937

Annual expenditure on Government schools about 224, 000

Annual estimated expenditure on Independent schools about. 60, 000

Total expended for schools per annum 284, 000

B. &• O. E. W. D. Alexandeb^

Senator Gbay. Appropriated by the Legislature?

Mr. Alexander. Appropriated. Then a number of smaller amounts.

Senator Gray. What do they aggregate?

Mr. Alexander. For new schoolhouses there was appropriated
952,500.

Senator Gray. In addition to those other sums?

Mr. Alexander. In addition to that: Industrial and reformatory
school, by appropriation of 1890, 912,000; expenses of census, 912,000,
and expenses of normal instruction, 92,000.

The Chairman. Is that the school census?

Mr. Alexander. The census of the islands is placed under the care
of the board of education. Here is a list of. the teachers and salaries.

The Chairman. Do you think that the interest on the endowment of
the private schools would amount to a sum equal to that of the Gt>vem-
ment expenses which you have been quoting here?

Mr. Alexander. No, I think not.

The Chairman. You could give, I suppose, a general idea of what
was the expenditure for education in these private schools and these
endowed colleges?

Mr. Alexander. They are not obliged to report their expenses to
the Government.

The Chairman. I know they are not; but I want your own estimate.
I want to ask you about what were the annual expenditures of the Otov-
ernment of Hawaii for all other purposes besides school purposes. Take
that same year.

Mr. Alexander. I think their total budget for the biennial period
was about 92,800,000.

The Chairman. That inc1udes*what you have just enumerated?

Mr. Alexander. Including everything.

Senator Gray. Two naillions eight hundred thousand dollars for the
biennial period?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 273

Mr. Alexani>£B. Biennial period.

Senator Gbat. That would be $1,400,000 a yeart

Mr. Alkxandeb. I think the direct tax will reach abont a million
in round numbers^ then the customs dues about the same in round
nombers.

The Chaibman. And the balance is made out of licenses, I supposef

Mr. Alsxandbb. Yes; besides rents of lands, etc.

Senator Gbat. You say about $2,800,000 for the biennial period of
1890 and 1891. That includes school taxes and all appropriations for
pabhe purposes f

Mr. AL.BXANDEB. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Does that inchide municipal expenses?
Mr. AUBXANDBB. Ycs; I might say it does to a certain extent.
Senator Gbat. Are there any minor districts or subdivisions that
have the right of taxation?
Mr. Alexandbb. There are not.
Senator Gbat. The city of Honolulu, for instance?
Ibr. Ajlbxandeb. It is governed as Washington is, by the General
Govemmentr.

Senator Gbat. The expenses of that city are included in the figures
yoQ have given?
Mr. Albxaitdeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Are there any outlying districts of the Kingdom
invested with the right of taxation, like our counties?

Mr. Axj&xandeb. No, there is no municipal organization. The school
tax and the road tax are reserved for that district and the board of
road commissioners.

The Chaibman. But that is a question of expenditure?

Mr. AcEXANBEB. They elect their own road commissioners.
* Senator Gbat. It all comes under the general treasury?

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. You have a governor of all the islands?

Mr. Alexandeb. They have abolished that office.

The Chaibman. You have no local councils to regulate anything?

Mr. Alexandeb. No. The duties that formerly belonged to the
goveraor are divided between the sheriffs and tax collectors. The
Bun duty of the governor was to coUect taxes. He was a represent-
stive of tiie King, a i)olitician and wire-puller — managed elections.

The Chaibman. Now, I want to ask you

Mr. AUBXANDEB. It is a rather centralized government.

The Chaibman. I want to ask you about the manner in which the
g^Msral population of Hawaii are supplied witii clothing; whether they
are DOW comfortably and decently clad?

Mr. Alexandeb. They are generally decentiy clad. The climate
does not require a great deal.

The Chaibman. They do not use much woolen goods?

Ml'. Alexandeb. No. The population is generally near the level of
te sea, the lowlands. The upland is not inhabited much.

The Chaibman. The people do not have much occasion to use woolen
goods?

Mr. Alexandeb. No.

The Chaibman. Cotton is the chief article for wearing apparel?

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes, among the lower classes.

The Chaibman. As a rule are the people well supplied with clothing ?

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes. There is no suffering from cold in that
eemitzy.

& Bep. ^7 18

274 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ghatbman. No saffering for want of proper clothing t

Mr. Alexander, l^o; and I do not think anybody suffers for want
of food.

The Ohaibman. I was going to ask you whether the food supply of
the islands is sufficient for the population.

Mr. Alexandes. Yes. One thing is, we have no poor laws, and
the people take care of each other, help each other to a great extent.

The Chaibhan. You have no poor system at all — ^no system of pub-
lic charity?

Mr. Alexander. King Lunalilo left lands worth some hundred
thousand dollars which were devoted to the founding of a home for
indigent Hawaiians. That was near Honolulu.

The Chairman. Is that home kept up nowf

Mr. Alexander. Kept up now; but the natives will not go there
if they have any friends left.

Senator Gray. Do they have a pride about itt

Mr. Alexander. I do not think it is so much pride as it is to avoid
the restraint. They like to be with their friends and kinsmen.

The Chairman. I would like to ask whether the domestic relations
of the Kanakas are characterized by an affectionate regard for each
other, or whether they are indifferent to each other.

Mr. Alexander. I think they are very kindly, much more so than
the other races of the Pacific Ocean, and much more so than in th^
olden time.

The Chairman. Have you any Oovernment hospitals in Hawaii t

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have a very good hospital in Honolulu.
It was founded by Kamehameha lY and his queen, founded by sub-
scriptions and supplemented by appropriations. It is a very credita-
ble institution. We have local hospitals in the small towns.

The Chairman, Maint>ained at Government expense!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Then we have a hospital for lepers. That
is out on an island by itself. They have a receiving hospital for sus-
pected lepers, where they are kept and attended until they become
hopeless cases, and then they are sent to Molokai. It is natually fenced
off by nature. I think I have a map showing it. (Producing map.)
The lepers' settlement is that little flat peninsida there. Here is a Ime
of precipices two thousand and more feet in height*

Senator Oray. Is that island volcanic f

Mr. Alexander. Volcanic.

Senator Oray. Are there any settlements there f

Mr. Alexander. Along the coast there. That peninsula is cut off
by precipices.

Senator Gray. Is that where that priest wast

Mr. Alexander. Father Damien! Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you know him!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. Is their condition one of suffering from the disease t

Mr. Alexander. They do not suffer much ; it is the nature of the
disease. The Government has done everything it could for them — they
are well housed, doctored, and well fed.

Senator Gray. Did not Father Damien die of itt

Mr. Alexander. He did. Most of the old residents can see how it
spreads, can trace its lines. Some doctors maintain that it is not
contagious.

The Chairman. But they can see how it was spread iu a
neighborhood f

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 275

Mr. Alexanbsb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Was that disease known there in olden times T

Mr. Albxanbeb. About 1860. It was unheard of there until I went
back from this country.

The Ghatbilan. You understand the Chinese brought it inf

Mr. ALiBXANI>£B. The native name for it is ^^ Chinese disease."

The Ghaibman. Have you an institution or institutions for the deaf,
iumby and blind Y

Mr. ALBXAin>£B. Not the deaf and dumb, but we have an insane
mlvm — at the present time in a creditable condition, since the revo-
h^n of 1887.

The CuATBMAN. Have you any penitentiary system!

Mr. At.tcxanpbb. Yes; we have a principal prison at Honolulu;
then we have smaller ones in different districts. When they are sen-
t^ced they are sent out to Honolulu.

TheCHAiBMAN. Persons sentenced to hard labor!

]ir. Albxanbbb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Are those institutions sustained by the Government !

Mr. Alexandbb. Yes. By the last census the number of convicts,
the number of persons in prison, was about one-third of 1 per cent.
Tbat includes drunks locked up. It includes more than the regular
eoQTicts. I think it was a pretty good showing.

The Chaibman. Is the administration of justice there conducted
with strictness t

Mr. Albxandbb. Yes; I think that is the best feature of our Gov-
ernment. The higher courts have always been above suspicion, and I
tiiink justice is more prompt and reliable than in most of the States.

The Chaibman. Do they have the jury system!

Mr. AL.BXANDBB. Yes; murderers are hanged.

Senator Gbat. How many executions do you have a year!

Mr. Albxandeb. Oh, they are very rare.

Senator Gbat. Do you have them as often as once a year!

Mr. Albxandeb. No; formerly they were very rare; of late they are

iDore frequent, because of the foreign element that comes in. Strange

to say, of late the Japanese amongst themselves commit most of the

rnnders. The Japanese imported for labor are of the lowest class of

people of their country, and the murderers have been because of gam-

bliBg and quarrels about women. The murders among natives are rare

in Hawaii.
The Chaibman. Take your school attendance and church attendance^

and the absence of mendicancy and poorhouses

Mr. AxEXANDEB. Mendicants are unknown; tramps are unknown.
The Chaibman. And the small percentage of criminals necessary

to be locked up in the penitentiary, you think you have a pretty high

ttateof civilization in Hawaii, do you not! Taking it all together, is

sot that your opinion!
Mr. Alexander. I think that lif 3 and property are as safe there as

ia any place in the world.
Tht Chaibman. Are the people turbulent, or are they quiet!
Mr, Alexander. They are a rather quiet people. They were gov-

^nied by an iron hand under the old chiefs, and they have been accus-

toi&ed to obey law, and they have not lost that respect for law. They

tt« a law-abiding people.
The Chairman. It is a country in which every right is regulated

bylaw, protected by law, or intended to be!

Mr. AUEBXANDEB. YOS.

276 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS

The Chaibman. I was asking yon abont the food sapply. Do yon
state that it is sufficient j that is, that the native production is sufficient
to sustain the population!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. We import a good deal

The Ohaibman. I do not mean what you import; I mean what is the
capacity of the country for producing a sufficiency of food for the nur-
ture and comfort of man T

Mr. Alexander. Nobody there goes hungry. The resources of the
country are only begun to be developed, in my opinion.

The Chairman. Do they have meat as well as farinaceous foodt

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What description of animals; what do you use as
meat?

Mr. Alexander. Cattle and sheep.

The Chairman. How about hogs T

Mr. Alexander. They were there before the island was discovered;
they had hogs, fowls, and dogs.

The Chairman. The forests in Hawaii, I 8upiK)se, furnish sustenance
for the hogs — ^fem and roots Y

Mr. Alexander. We have wild hogs and hunt them. Some wild
boars are pretty dangerous. But most of the hogs are fed, kept up.

The Chairman. On what!

Mr. Alexander. On vegetables and scrapings of taro, etc.

The Chairman. Can you take a hog and fatten him on tarof

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And on other like productions of the forests there f

Mr. Alexander. Certainly

The Chairman. Wild roots, bulbs, arrowroot. Do they eat that?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. But the arrowroot is too expensive.

The Chairman. I do not mean that. If the hog finds it in the woods,
would he eat it!

Mr. Alexander. Oh yes.

The Chairman. Where are the cattle grazed f

Mr. Alexander. On the lands that are not so rich — ^the interior
lands, generally.

Senator Gray. Do you have fine, choice stock there!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have imported a great many from Aus-
tralia and the United States.

The Chairman. Have you grazing for themT

Mr. Alexander. The grazing has been overdone by cattle, and
much of it ought to be cultivated, and will be.

The Chairman. Does the grazing produce good beef and milkt

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And poultry — ^is that an important element in
human support in Hawaii!

Mr. Alexander. Well, they had poultry in the islands before they
were discovered.

The Chairman. Do they have poultry in any abundance?

Mr. Alexander. I think so — about as in this country.

The Chairman. What grains do they raise in Hawaii!

Mr. Alexander. Rice the principal grain.

The Chairman. Do the Hawaiians feed their poultry on ricef

Mr. Alexander. Sometimes rice and maize, Indian corn.

Senator Gray. Do they raise good crops!

Mr. Alexander. Beginning to. All those things were neglected

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 277

throagh the sugar craze. When sugar was pa3ring so well they neg-
lected raising these other things.

The Chairman. What I want to know is^ whether they sustain the
population of the country!

Mr« Alkxanbeb. Com! I know a district where a good deal of
land has been cut up under the homestead laws of the last two or
three years and where they have raised a good deal of corn. It is the
district of Kula. It is interesting to see it.
The Chatrman, Good com crops!

Mr. AL.SXANDEB. Ycs. We can raise wheat. In one district we
have produced 25,000 bushels in a year. But they found out they could
nose wheat in California, and they changed the production in the
other direction. We now import our flour.
The Chatkman. You do not import your wheat!
Mr. Alexandeb. Yes, for our poultry. All our oats we could raise.
The Chatbman. How about sweet x>otatoes!
Mr. AxsxANDEB. They always had potatoes. The natives live on
tkem to some extent in some districts.
The Chairman. It is a valuable crop in Hawaii !
Mr. AL.EXANDEB. It is part of the crops^ part of the food of the
country. They do not exiK)rt it.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the capacity. You could make
enough Irish potatoes on the ground if you had a market for them!
Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.
The Chairman. How about peas and beans!
Mr. Axexandeb. We have a good crop there.
The Chaibman. Do the natives like them !

Mr. Alexanpeb The natives do not consume any of them; mostly
foreigners raise them.
The Chaibman. Sugar cane is a native growth!
Mr. Axexandeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Have the natives different methods of their own of
manufacturing difi'erent articles of diet out of the sugar cane!
Mr. Ai.EXANDEB. They never manufacture sugar.
The Chaibman. I do not mean sugar — syrups. Do they make them
themselves!
Mr. Alexandeb. I do not think they do.

The Chairman. They could make any quantity they desired, could
tiieynot!
Mr. AUBXANDEB. They could.

The Chaibman. But the capability of the country is great in the pro-
duction of sugar cane!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it surpasses any other country in the world.
I vould not dare to say how much they raise to the acre.

The Chaibman. Now we come to taro, as you call it. That is a suc-
oilent root!
Mr. Aljbxanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. To what dimensions does it grow — ^the average taro
bolb or root!

Mr. Alexandeb. From 2 to 5 pounds, we call them; sometimes
oore.
The Chaibman. How long do they grow before maturing!
Mr. Alexandbb. Over a year.

The Chaibman. Is there any season of the year at which you have
to plant taro!
Mr. Alexandeb. Any season, I think.

278 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ch AIRMAN. A continuous crop ; so that when a man takes up a
taro root he can put another in its place Y

Mr. Albxandeb. Yes. It is said that taro will support more per-
sons to the acre than any other article of food.

The Chaibman. Is it nutritious!

Mr. Alexander. Very nutritious.

Senator Gray. Palatable!

Mr. Alexander. Yes, very.

The Chairman. Is it subject to any of the diseases peculiar to
vegetables!

Mr. Alexander. Not till lately. In the northernmost island, the
Kauai, there is something blighting it, and we are studying it to find
out what blights it.

The Chairman. But it is a steady, reliable crop for human suste-
nance!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are the natives fond of it!

Mr. Alexander. That is. their staff of life. When they say food
they mean taro.

The Chairman. Do they have it in abundance!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. No dearth of it, no shortness!

Mr. Alexander. In olden times they had periodical local &mlnes.

The Chairman. Since you have been on the islands!

Mr. Alexander. They have cultivated it more regularly of late.

The Chairman. Have they had any of those famine periods there
since you were born!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I remember in olden times they had x>eriods
when taro was scarce.

Senator Gray. Was there any suffering during that period!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. They were improvident; they would over-
produce sometimes and neglect to plant.

The Chairman. Is that the first crop in importance!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Eice is planted for export!

Mr. Alexander. Yes, for home consumption and about ten millions
of pounds a year to export.

The Chairman. At what elevation is that grown!

Mr. Alexander. It is generally grown near the sea. It is an irri-
gated crop, especially on the Island of Oahu, where we have artesian
wells.

The Chairman. Is there a supply of wells on that island!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Are they numerous!

Mr. Alexander. I think there may be nearly a hundred by this
time.

The Chairman. Are those artesian wells flowing wells in other
parts of the islands!

Mr. Alexander. Kot yet. They have not made a success of the
artesian wells in any other island.

The Chairman. They have been trying to do it, but they have not
done it!

Mr. Alexander. Yes, in that island they have a head of 20 to 40
feet above sea level.

The Chairman. Is it fi*esh water!

HAWAIIAN I8LA2n)S. 279

Mr. At.FjYAndeb. Yes. The rice crop, I suppose, is worth about a
half milUou dollars a year.

The CHAIB3S1AN. Suppose that rice crop were all cousumtid iu
Hawaii, would that be a very valuable addition to the country t

Mr. Albxandeb. It would.

The Chairman. Now about fruits. T believe you mentioned tropical
fraitst

Mr. AusxANDEB. The orange does very well there and the banana.
We export a good many of the latter. The pineapple we export; in
fKt, the business is just commenced of raising them. Our chief mar-
kets would be Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia.

The Gh AXEMAN. Have you the guavat

Mr. AL.BXANDEB. Ycs. It grows wild.

The Chaibman. Lemons and limes t

Mr. Alsxandeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Cocoanutsf

Mr. AuBXANDEB. To a certain extent.

The Chaibman. Are they capable of being grown there to any ex-
tent f

Mr. Ai.BTCANDEB. On a great part of the coast, the sandy part of
the coast, they might plant cocoanut trees.

The Chaibman. Do cocoanut trees prosper there Y

Mr. Ax.BXA.NDEB. Ycs. But we are pretty near the northern limit
of the cocoanut. They do not do as weU there as near the equator.

The Chaibman. Do you raise grapes T

Mr. AxEXANDEB. Yes.

The Chaibman. Is Hawaii a good grape country f

Mr. AiJBXANDEB. I think it is.

The Chaibman. Equal to California!

Mr. AuBXANDEB. I think not. Coffee would be one of our most
important crops. The coff^ is of a good quality.

S^iator Fbte. Mr. Spalding, who appeared before the committee,
was asked by me about the coffee crop, and he suggested that it was
doabtful about raising coffee successfully, because there was a blight
OD the trees there.

Mr. Axexandeb. There was a blight on them in the fifties, and the
people were discouraged ; but it seems now to have nearly disappeared,
and it depends on good judgment in cultivation. We are not afraid ot
it We never had the blight that they had in Ceylon, nothing like
that; our blight is of a different character.

The Chaibman. It is an insect, is it not!

Mr. Axexandeb. Of a vegetable nature, I think.

The Chaibman. Parasitic t

Mr. Axexandeb. Yes. In Ceylon it was very deadly. We have
made strict laws about bringing in plants, to prevent more blights.
The coffee interest has now taken quite a start in Hawaii.

Senator Fbye. And in your opinion it will prove very successftdY

Mr. Axexandeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Does the Government of Hawaii take care of the
production of human food by protective laws?

Mr. Axexandeb. We have a department established, a bureau of
forestry and agriculture, which is importing and experimenting with
plants, supplying them to farmers, etc.

The Chaibman. You have Government farms for raising those Y

Mr. Axexandeb. We have experimental gardens near Honolulu*
in fiict^ we are just beginning.

280 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman* How about the vines — ^melons and pumpkins f

Mr, Alexander. They do very well there.

The Chaibhan. Ordinary garden vei?etablesf

Mr. Alexander. They all succeed there. The Chinese monopoUze
the market gardens, around Honolulu, at least.

The Chairman. Do they succeed in making crops f

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they succeed. With regard to the pumpkins
and melons, they are cultivated by natives to a considerable extent.

The Chairman. And tobacco!

Mr. Alexander. And tobacco.

The Chairman. How about it!

Mr. Alexander. It grows there very rank, and the quality is very
strong; generally supposed that it might be good tobacco if properly
cured and treated.

The Chairman. Is the raising of tobacco made a regular industry
in any part of the islands!

Mr. Alexander. Tes; but does not amount to much for export.

The Chairman. Does it amount to enough to indicate that it is a
tobacco country!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. The Government proposes to institute ex-
periments to see whether it depends on the quality of the seed. The
Grovemment at one time offered a reward for a proper method of curing
tobacco to take out those strong, offensive qualities.

The Chairman. How much railroad have you in Hawaii!

Mr. Alexander. I do not know that I could give the figures. We
have 17 miles of railroad in Oahu^ have one on Mani, 15 miles; we
have one in North Hawaii, something over 20 miles, and others pro>
j ected, besides tramways.

The Chairman. You mean horse railways!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we have them in all the plantations and
street tramways in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Street tramways on all the plantations, you say!

Mr. Alexander. Yes — mule tracks. And some of the plantations
have them to connect them with the harbor, the landing.

The Chairman. So that your system is just being projected!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you telegraph communication between dif-
ferent parts of the island!

Mr. Alexander. Each principal island has a system of telephone
running around it; but no interisland communication, across channels.

The Chairman. No cable between the islands!

Mr. Alexander. Not yet.

The Chairman. What is the method of communication between the
islands!

Mr. Alexander. We have twenty — ^twenty-two steamers, I think,
and more than that number of sailing vessels.

The Chairman. Do the natives go from island to island in their
canoes!

Mr. Alexander. In olden times they did.

The Chairman. Would those canoes be paddled or under sail !

Mr. Alexander. Both^ in olden times.

The Chairman: The Hawaiians were sailors!

Mr. Alexander. Sailors. Sometimes they went out of sight of
land and steered by the stars.

The Chairman. They were navigators, then!

Mr. Alexander. Naturally.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 281

The Ohairman. Before they knew anything of the use of the com-
passY

Mr. At,kyato)EB. They have traditions of voyages to other gronps.
No doabt they made them; bnt they have not made them for several
hundred years.

The Chairman. Bat they would make those voyages out of sight of
faind, and ateer by the stars f
Mr. At«v.xandeb. By the stars.
The Chaxeumlan. And without the aid of the compass f
Mr. AiiSXANDEB. Yes.

The Chaibman. Ton have spoken about the people being fond of
water and fond of aquatic pursuits. Id that a characteristic of the
iabnderat

Mr. Ai^xANDEB. Yes; a characteristic of the Polynesians generally.
They live around the fringes of the islands^ and are seamen. They
make tiie best boatmen in the world.
The Chaibman. Good swimmers t
Mr. Al£XAND£B. Universally so.
TheCHAiBMAN. Women and children t
Mr. Al.bxani>£B. All good swimmers.

The Chaibman. All good swimmers, and begin very young. It is
really taught as a part of their physical education Y

Mr. Albxai^eb. 1 should say so. They perform some extraordi-
mry feats in the water, swimming and diving.
The Chaibman. They are divers alsof

Mr. AI1F.YANDEB. Yes; formerly, in early times, a great many of
them went away, left the country as sailors.
Hie Chaibman. Went away in ships!

Mr. AL.BXAia)£B. In the 40's it was referred to as a serious evil that
60 many of the young men were sailors — ^never came back; and they
passed a law in 1850 restricting young men from leaving the country
▼ithont permission of the Government.

The Chaibman. I suppose if these islands belonged to the United
States we might look to the native islanders as a large source of supply
for seamen, could we notf
Mr. Alexanbeb. They would make good seamen.
The Chaibman. They are fond of itf

Mr. AL.EXANDBB. We, as their friends, would prefer to see them in
agricoltore in the country. At the present time very few of them are
aulors.

The Chaibman. I am speaking now of the population and the capacity
of those people to supply such a want as that.
' Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes, they are well adapted to that.

The Chaibman. Well adapted to supplying tiie commercial marine
sad navy with sailors!
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Are they obedient men on board shipf
Mr. AufiXANBEB. Yes.
TheCHAiBMAN. Industrious f
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Are they subservient to discipline without being
lebdhoust

Mr. Alexanbeb. I think they are. They are not inclined to be
miitinous.

The Chaibman. Then I take it to be your opinion that a larger popu-
lation than now exists on the islands, including all, could be sustained

282 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

comfortably and prosperously upon the native capacity of the soil to
produce articles of human foodf

Mr. Alexander. I think probably five times the present population.
There are some districts nearly uninhabited.

The Oh AIRMAN. And still leave a fair margin for exportation T

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. As exchange to get goods of other countries there?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; wherever we go we find abandoned tare
patches and abandoned water courses overgrown with forests, at the
same time showing that there was a dense population there hundreds
of years ago.

The Ohairman. I believe that is all I care to ask you about the gen-
eral character of that country. I wish now to come to the political
side.

Senator Frte. If you will allow me, right there, I want to ask a
question. I have in my hand a history of the Hawaiian Islands, writ-
ten for educational purposes in the islands, a book of 340 pages. Are
you the author of this bookt

Mr. Alexander. Yes, I am the author.

Senator Frye. Written at the request of the board of education f

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. And is it to be used in the schools?

Mr. Alexander. It is used in the schools.

Senator Frye. Are you the anther of any other book there — geogra-
phy!

Mr. Alexander. I was the author of a grammar of the Hawaiian
language and of a good many pamphlets and separate papers.

Senator Frye. I see here that you purpose writing certain other
books. Have you written any of themt

Mr. Alexander. I have not completed any of them.

Senator Frye. You had a good many conversations with Mr. Blount,
did you notf

Mr. Alexander. I did.

Senator Frye. They were not taken down by a stenographer at the
time!

Mr. Alexander. No; they were informal.

Senator Frye. But you gave Mr. Blount a prepared, a written paper
of the history of the incompleted annexation treaty of 1854, a history
of the general causes that led to the revolution — a political history of
Kalakaua's reign until 1888!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; and those have been printed.

Senator Frye. Have you read them since they have been printed!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. They are printed correctly, are theyf

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did you also prepare a constitutional history of that
country since the beginning of the century!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That has not been published yet.

Senator Frye. Did you give that to Mr. Blount!

Mr. Alexander. I gave him a copy.

Senator Frye. Haa that been printed !

Mr. Alexander. Ko.

Senator Frye. Have you a copy of that constitutional history!

Mr. Alexander. I have the original draft.

Senator Frye. And will yon furnish the committee that history!

Mr. ALEXiNDER. I wilL

HAW AH AN ISLANDS. 283

The Chaibman. It will not be necessary for you to repeat anything
that you have stated in that history to Mr. Blount. You have furnished
me heretofore a paper that I must acknowledge I have not read. It is
a continuation of the sketch of recent Hawaiian politics, and treats of
TariouB things. I will read that in your hearing, and see if you are
prepared to depose to it as being correct.

[TIm lireoedlng namttre is pabliahed in Col. Blonnt'a repozt, part lY, pp.
OOKTINUATION OP THE SkBTOH OF BEOENT HAWAHAN POLITICS.

THE BOYAL VETO.

"This preceding narrative ended with the revolution of 1887, which
was exx>ected to put an end to personal rule in the Hawaiian Islands
by making the ministry responsible only to the people through the
legislature, by taking the power of appointing the Upper House out of
the hands of the Sovereign, and by making officeholders ineligible to
the legislature.

^' The remaining three and a half years of Kalakaua's reign teemed
with intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic rule.

"The reform party, as has been stated, gained an overwhelming
majority of seats in the legislature of 1887, and had full control of the
government until the legislative session of 1890.

"During the session of 1887 a contest arose between the King and
the legislature in regard to the veto power, which at one time threat-
oied the public peace. The question whether by the terms of the new
constitution the King could exercise a personal vote against the advice
of his ministers or not was finally decided by the supreme court in
&Tor of the Grown, Judge Dole dissenting.''

He is the present president Y

Mr. AL£XAin>EB. Yes.

The Chairman. << During the following session of 1888 the King
yetoed a number of bills which were all passed over his veto, by a two-
Uiiids vote, with the exception of a bill to encourage coiiee planting.*

" CONSPIEAOIES.

^The King's sister, the then Princess Liliuokalani, on her return from
England, had charged her brother with cowardice for signing the con-
s^tion of 1887, and was known to be in favor of the old despotic
system of govemment."

That was the constitution under which Liliuokalani took her present
attitade, or recent attitude as Queen of Hawaii f

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Ghaibman. "Two Hawaiian youths, E. W. Wilcox and Robert
Boyd, whom Moreno had placed in military schools of Itaty, as before
stated, had been recalled towards the end of 1887. They had been led
to expect high positions from the Gibson govemment, and their disap-
pointment was extreme. Hence they were easily induced to lead a
ewispiracy which had for its object the abrogation of the constitution
of 1887, and the restortation of the old regime. They endeavored to
fmi a secret league, and held public meetings to inflame the native
mind, but without much success. It is said that the royal guards were
von over, and that the three chief conspirators, R. W. Wilcox. 0. B.
Wilson, and Sam Nowlien, demanded the King's abdication in favor of
lilinokalanL Severalmembers of their league, however, turned infoim.*

284 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

erS; and a mass of sworn evidence was collected, but never nsed
against them. TLe leader, Eobert Wilcox, was allowed to go to Cali-
fornia, where he remained about a year, biding his time."

Mr. Altcxandeb. The story was that those conspirators cornered
the King in a room in the tower of the palace and tried to compel him
to abdicate then and there, and Thurston, who was at the head of the
Cabinet, stopped it.

The Chairman. Do you speak of stories, or do yon speak of the
current belief!

Mr. ALEXATa)EB. In regard to that Mr. Thurston gave me more
especial evidence. He had the conspirators examined one by one, took
down their statements, and he has them locked up.

The Chaibman. In what capacity was he acting at the timet

Mr. Alexander. He was minister of the interior, and virtually
premier; leading member of the Cabinet.

The Chairman. Of Kalakaua's Cabinetf

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What year was that!

Mr. Alexander. I think about the beginning of 1888.

The Chairman. Then you take up the insurrection of 1889!

'^ Meanwhile a secret organization was being formed throughout the
islands, and when some progress has been made, Mr. Wilcox returned
to Honolulu in April, 1889, formed a rifle club, and began to prepare
for another revolution,''

Mr. Alexander. The object was to make him abdicate in favor of
the Princess Liliuokalani.

The Chairman. '^ The meetings of the league were held in a house
belonging to the Princess Liliuokalani.

"At the subsequent trial it was proved by the defense, that the King
had latterly come to an understanding with the conspirators, whose
object was to restore his autocratic power."

Where was the trial held!

Mr. Alexander. In her room.
, The Chairman. Was it a judicial investigation!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. In what court!

Mr. Alexander. The supreme court. I think I speak of that after-
ward.

The Chairman. "Before light, on the morning of July 30, 1889,
Bobert Wilcox with about one hundred and fifty armed followers, occu-
pied the Government buildings and the palace yard. ISo declaration
of any kind was made, as they expected the King, who was at the sea-
side, to come up and proclaim the old constitution of 1864."

Senator Gray. Is that the same Wilcox who was in the cabinetf

Mr. Alexander. No; that was a white man; this was a half white,
who was «ent to Europe to be educated — sent to school. He went to
Italy and became a second lieutenant in the artillery.

The Chairman. What relation is he to the Wilcox who was in the
cabinetf

Mr. Alexander. No relation. His father was a white man and his
mother was a native.

The Chapman. ^< The household troops in the barracks remained
neutral, and the palace was held against the insurgents by Bobert
Parker, with 30 men, by the King's orders."

Is that the same Parker who was in the cabinetf

Mr. Alexander. A brother of his.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 285

The Ohairman. ^^ The King, who distruBted the conspirators, had
retired to his boathouse in the harbor to await results."
The harbor of Honolulaf
Mr. AusxANDBB. Honolulu.

The Ghaibman. ^<The volunteer riflemen promptly turned out, and
mmy of the citizens took up arms for the OoTernment."

I will ask you whether amongst those citizens there was the mis-
sionary partyf
Mr. ATiTSXAiypEB. Some of them.
The Chajbman. Did you go into the company!
Mr. AL.BXANDEB. Two of my sons were members of the rifle com-
pany. I went down to the station house and ofienMl my services.
The Ghaibman. That was in support of the Kalakaua OovernmentT
Mr. Albxandbb. It was Kalakaua's Government putting down the
lebellioii against him, although it was believed the King connived at
it Yon see the conspiracy was planned in Liliuokalani's house, one
of her houses, and before daylight in the morning they started from
ber house. Nobody has any doubt that she was at the bottom of it.
The Ghaibman. And her purpose was to dethrone Kalakauat
Mr. Ai^XANBEB. It was thought later that they came to an under-
Btanding; they were not strong enough to carry that out.
Senator Gbat. What year was that!

ILr. Ai^xJlNBBB. July 30, 1889. Kalakaua acted in such a way that,
▼hiehever way the afl'air went, whether success or failure, he would be
lafe. If they had succeeded he would have gone up and proclaimed the
old oonstitation ; as they failed, he denied that he was connected with
te movement.

The Ghaibmajy. ^^ At the request of the United States minister, Mr.
Mmfll, a body of marines was landed, and marched up to the legation,
vbcfe they remained during the day."

Mr. Albxandeb. The legation was on the hotel premises, quite near
lo the palace.
The Ghaibman. ^'This had a great moral effect. The insurgents
ten surronnded and isolated from the populace outside.''
Where were the insurgents assembled Y

Mr. Alexanbbb. In the palace yard. The rifles formed a cordon.
The Chajbman. Full-armed Y

Mr. AxEXANDEB. Yes; they established patrols before daylight.
The Ghaibman. The military of the two parties were in hostile array f
Mr. AxBiCANDBB. The insurgents went to the barracks, got cannon
ttd ammunition, and the troops in the barracks were ordered by the
Qven to remain neutral. But they allowed the insurgents to go there
«Mi help themselves to ammunition and cannon. There was a duel
took place between our artillerymen and the cavalry.

The Chajbman. '^ The ministry drew up a written summons to them
to sorrender, which was served on them by Hon. S. M. Damon, but
tb^ refused to receive it, and immediately afterwards the conflict com-
■BMed between their three fieldpieces and the sharpshooters in the
^)pcHra House and other buildings commanding the palace yard. The
r«Blt was that their guns were soon silenced and they were driven
BrtD a wooden building on the palace grounds, where they were be-
aeged during the afternoon. Towards night a heavy rifle fire was
<fa)6d upon them and the roof of the building burst in by dynamite
bombs, which forced them to surrender,'^

Mr. Albxandeb. About the dynamite. The palace was surrounded
by a stone wall 8 feet high, and the dynamite bombs were thrown from

286 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

behind that wall by a base-ball pitcher and between 200 and 300 feet.
They fell on the roof of the building and burst it in. It was covered
with corrugated iron. They did not stay there very long.

The Chairman. That was what building T

Mr. Alexander. lolani Palace.

The Ohaibman. ^^Unfortunately this was by no means a bloodless
affair, as seven of Wilcox' deluded followers were killed and about a
dozen wounded. It was afterwards known that 10,000 rounds of ammu-
nitions were loaned from theU. S. S. JL(7am« to the Oovemment forces."

What do you call the Government forces, the rifles t

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. And the attacking party!

Mr. Alexander. And the attacking party.

The Chairman. ^^ Wilcox was afterward put on trial for treason,
and was acquitted by a native jury, on the theory that what they did
was by and with the King's consent."

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. What was tlie result f

Mr. Alexander. There were three for conviction and nine for ao-
quital.

Senator Frye. Is that regarded as a disagreement of the jury T

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Thi'ee-fourths of ajury may convict. The
jury system is peculiar there. Foreigners are tried by a jury made up
of foreigners, and natives and half- whites are tried by a native jury.

The Chairman. A native jury may be composed of Kanakas or
half whitest

Mr. Alexander. Yes. In late years race prejudices have influ-
enced the juries to a great extent.

The Chairman. But the rule is that three-fourths of a jury may
convict!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. I read :

<^ He became a popular idol, and had unbounded influence over the
Honolulu natives for a time. The Princess, Liliuokalani, however de-
serted him and denied all knowledge of the conspiracy. This unfor-
tunate affair was made the most of by demagogues to intensify race
hatred. The license of the native press was sdmost incredible."

I will ask you whether the press is free in Hawaii T

Mr. Alexander. Yes; free.

The Chairman. Amenable only for libelous publications t

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. <<A project of anew commercial treaty with the
United States was drawn up in the fall of 1889 by the ministry in con-
junction with Hon. H. A. P. Carter. It provided for free trade between
the two countries, the perpetual cession of Pearl Harbor to the United
States, and a guarantee of the independence of the islands by that
power. By working on the King's suspicions, Mr. C. W. Ashford, the
Canadian member of the cabinet, induced the King to refuse to sign
the draft of the treaty.*^

Is Mr. Ashford there now!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. He is a royalist at present. He took the
ground that the King was not bound, because the cabinet was not
unanimous. The rest of the cabinet invited him to resign and he
would not.

Senator Gray. Was Mr. Ashford in the cabinet!

Mr. Alexander, He was in the cabinet — ^attomey-generaL And

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 287

he got an opinion of the supreme conrt to the effect that a majority of
tlie cabinet should role. Bat they defied the opinion of the supreme
conrt
Senator Grat. Who defied itT

Mr. Albxander. That is, Ashford and the Eang. The attorney-
general advised the King that that was an ex parte decision.
Senator Gray. It was not judicial!

Mr. Alsxanbrr. It was not judicial. It was not a regular decision.
The Ghajrman. You speak of Mr. Ashford as the Canadian mem-
ber. Is he a native of Oanadat
Mr. Alrxanber. Yes.

The Chairman. A naturalized citizen of Hawaii t
Mr. AxRXANDRR. No, I think not. But I think they had a way of
iasoiDg letters patent, to give a person the privilege of a naturalized
citizen withont being thoroughly naturalized.
The Chairman. That is called denizenship t

Mr. ALiEXANDER. Denizenship. I know they had to be denizens
before they could practice law.
Senator Gray. Is not that the case with a great many foreigners f
Mr. AXEXANDER. Not naturalized t
Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. AxEXANBER. Under the old constitution it was almost impos-
sible for a white man to be naturalized. Under Kalakaua's reign the law
reqaired five years' residence, and it was then at the King's discretion;
be could sign the naturalization paper or not. And I know cases
wbere white men were refused on political grounds. For example, Mr.
Hitt Wallace, brother of General William Wallace, his application was
Teased because he was opposed to Gibson in politics. Under the old
nttnralization laws the applicant did not abjure his own nationality;
there were cases that came up before the United States commissioner
where they claimed that they were still American citizens.

Senator Gray. What I ask is whether during the last few years it
^ Dot a fact that foreigners, Americans, Europeans, whatever their
BsdonaJity, vote and exereise the rights of suffrage without being nat-
onHzedY
Mr. Ai«BXANDER. That is true under the constitution of 1887.
The Chairman: ^'A copy of the treaty, including an article, can-
ceted by the cabinet, which authorized the landing of United States
tioops in certain ccmtlngencies, was secretly furnished by the King to
a nadye paper for publication, and the cry was raised .that the minis-
try were * selling the country' to the United States.

Owing to division in the reform party, and other causes mentioned
above, a strong opposition was elected to the Legislature, and the re-
fcrm ministry went out of office on a tie vote.''

Mr. Alexander. That is, there were motions brought in of want of
(Mfidence. An amendment was proposed to turn Mr. Ashford out of
tile cabinet. The vote was taken on that amendment, and there was a
ttjority of one for it. The speaker claimed the right to vote and made
a tie. So the motion failed.
The Chairman. Was that motion against Ashford personally T
Mr. Alexander. Yes; it was an amendment to turn him out as a
traitor. It failed; then the cabinet resigned, and he was obliged to.

The Chairman. ^'As the parties were so nearly balanced, a compro-
Bise cabinet, composed of conservative men, was appointed June 17,
liM, riz: John A. C ^mmins, minister of foreign afifairs; C. K. Spencer,

288 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

of the interior; Godfrey Brown, of finance; and A. P. Peterson, attor-
ney-general."

Is that the same Peterson who is now one of the advisory council T

Mr. Alexander. No ; he was a member of the last cabinet. He was
the only white man who voted for the lottery bill.

The Oh AIRMAN. Is he a royalist T

Mr. Alexander. Eoyalist.

Senator Gray. Yon were all royalists at that time, were yon notf

Mr. Alexander. Yon might say he wasatory; that would be more
correct.

Senator Gray. You were a royalist!

Mr. Alexander. I was not a tory ; I was a whig.

Senator Gray. You were a royalist!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I was a royalist then.

The Chairman. ^^ The King at first proposed to the new premier his
old project of a ten-million loan for naval and military purposes, but
met with no encouragement. He then published a pamphlet entitled

< A Third Warning Voice,' in which he urged the establishment of a
large standing army."

That is the premier did that!

Mr. Alexander. No; the King.

The Chairman. << Another project favored by the King and agitated
by the royalist papers was that of convening a convention, to be
elected by universal suffrage, to frame a new constitution, in which the
•white race should be deprived of political power. With great diffi-
culty and by the exercise of much patience and tact, this revolution-
ary measure was defeated, and certain amendments were proposed,
lowering the qualifications required of voters for nobles, etc. After a
stormy session of five months the legislature adjourned without undo*
ing the reforms of 1887.

'^In order to recruit his failing health, the King visited Califoi-nia in
the United States cruiser CharlesUm as the guest of Admiral Brown in
November, 1890. He received the utmost kindness and hospitality,
both in San Francisco and in southern California. His health, how-
ever, continued to fail, in spite of the best medical attendance, and on
the 20th of January, 1891, he breathed his last at the Palace Hotel,
San Francisco.

<^In spite of his grave faults as a ruler and as a man, he was kincf-
hearted and courteous in private life, and there was sincere mourning
in Honolulu when the news of his death arrived theie.

<< Grave apprehensions were then felt at the accession of his* sister,
Liliuokalani, which, however, were partially relieved by her promptly
taking the oath to maintain the e-onstitution of 1887. Notwithstand-
ing her reactionary views and her dubious record, it was hoped by many
that she had enough g6od sense to understand her true interests and
to abide by the spirit as well as the letter of the constitution. These
were destined to be disappointed. Her ideal of government was the
same as that of her brother, and her determination to realize it brought
on the last revolution.

^< Her first demand was that the existing cabinet should resign, and
leave her to appoint a new cabinet. The cabinet claimed that under
the constitution no power could remove them but the Legislature. On
her side it was claimed that they were the late King's cabinet and

< died with the King.'

" The dispute was referred to the supreme court, which decided in
favor of the Queen, Judge McCully dissenting. This gave her an

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 289

opportaoity to make conditions with her appointees and to get control
d the patronage in the interest of her favorites.

'^Her first and chief condition with the incoming ministry was that
C, B. Wilson, a notorious palace favorite (who had been appointed
superintendent of water works at her request in 1881), should be
appointed marshal of the Kingdom, with control of the entire police
force of the islands. During the following year the administration of
his department became a national scandal. The marshal openly asso-
ciated on intimate terms with such criminals as Capt. Whaley, who
was one of the owners of the smuggling schooner Halcyon^ and was
styled < King of the opium ring,' and those Australian fugitives from
justice who came to Honolulu in the yacht Beagle.

^ He drew around him a gang of disreputable characters, and the
whole police force became more corrupt than ever, while opium joints,
gambling dens, and other criminal resorts flourished and multiplied,
with its connivance. At the Bd.me time it was universally believea
that the said Wilson exercised as much influence in the administra-
tion of pnblic affairs as any member of the cabinet. To put an end to
this state of things, was the chief object both of the members of the
reform party and of the so-called liberals in the elections of 1892.

" In the spring of 1892 a secret league was formed, headed by V. V.
Ashford, B. W. Wilcox, J. B. Bush and others, for the purpose, as they
expressed ^Uof promoting justice and equal rights in the political gov-
ernment of Mawaii."
That is a qnotationT
Mr. AL.£XAin>£S. Yes.
The Chairman. From what do you take it?

Mr. Aljsxandeb. Their own publications, particularly from Mr.
Asbford's. They published a paper, and Mr. Ashford published a
statement in it in which he used those words.
The Ghaibman. Used those words f
Mr. Albxaitdeb. Yes.

the Ghaibman. Have you a copy of that paper T
Mr. Al£XAND£B. It is printed in Mr. Blount's report.
The Ghaibman. It is the same paper that is printed in Mr. Blount's
iqwrt, the x>aper to which you have called attention?

Mr. AiiKX ANDES. I had nothing to do with it; it was given by Mr.
Ashford himselfl

The Ghaibman. "Their objects included the removal of all property
qualifications for voters, the abolition of the monarchy, and ultimate
mm with the United States."

At present how many of those men — ^Ashford, Wilcox, and Bush —
ve amiexationistst
Mr. Alexander. Those leaders are not annexationists. Y . V. Ash-
brd does still claim to be an annexationist ; Wilcox and Bush, who were
Wers of that insurrection in 1889, to restore absent power, at this time
ire extreme royalists.
S^iator Gray. Is Ashford a royalist t

Mr. Albxandeb. He calls himself a United States annexationist.
Senator Gray. Would you call him a royalist?
Mr. Alexander. Not a royalist as the other gentlemen are.
Senator Gray. You did speak of Ashford as a royalist!
Mr. Alexander. I believe that G. W. Ashford is on the side of the
Qoeen. G. W. Ashford has changed sides so many times it would be
kart to keep ran of him*
S. Kep. 227 19

290 HAWAIIAN I^ANDS.

The Chairman. "These measures were then advocated inaiie\is-
paper published by J. E. Bush, who has since become a royalist."

Mr. Alexandeb. Bush and Wilcox were against white suffrage —
white induence in the Government, all the time. That was their motive
all the time.

The Chaibman. "It is said that the league numbered over 300
members, mostly natives and half- whites. There is good evidence that
at the same time the Queen's party were preparing a despotic consti-
tution, similar to that of Eamehameha Y, except that it gave the Sov-
ereign the power of dismissal and appointment of the justices of the
supreme court. At first they endeavored to form an alliance with the
equal-rights league, both parties being opposed, for different reasons,
to the reform constitution of 1887. Their overtures, however, having
been finally rejected, the marshal proceeded to arrest the principsd
members of the league, under charges of treason and conspiracy. The
result of the trials was that all were finally discharged, but the weak-
ness of the league was exx)osed and its leaders lost much of their
prestige."

Senator Gray. When was that trial!

Mr. Alexander. June, I think, 1892. Quite a number of the rank
and file, principally Germans, form part of the Provisional Govern-
ment's army.

The Chaibman. ^' I do not care to give the details of the eight months
legislative session of 1892. During most of the session, the liberal
party, comprising most of the leaders of the above-mentioned demo-
cratic league, acted with the reform party to break the power of .the
palace, or Wilson party, combined, as it was, with the powerful opium
and lottery rings. Three cabinets in succession were voted out, be-
cause they were considered to represent these latter elements, and to
be in sympathy with the marshal."

" After a struggle of four months, the Queen temporarily yielded,
and appointed a cabinet composed of conservative men of high char-
acter, who possessed the confidence of the country."

The Chaibman. State who were there.

Mr. AiiEXANDEB. George Wilcox,

The Chaibman. Give his office.

Mr. Alrxanbeb. He was minister of the interior; P. 0. Jones, min-
ister of finance; Mark Eobinson, half-white and of high character,
minister of foreign affairs; and Cecil Brown, an Englishman, attorney-
general.

The Chaibman. "This cabinet distinctly declared its policy in re-
gard to the lottery fiat paper money and other subjects, but did not
choose to act on the ^ burning question' of the marshalship while the
Legislature was in session. Its course on this point, and the fact that
the radical party was not represented in it, so exasperated the leaders
of the so-called liberal party that they joined hands with the palace
party and voted for measures which they had denounced on tiie floor
ot the House.

" The lottery bDl, which had been referred to a committee early in
the session, was brought up and passed, to the surprise and horror of
the community, by lavish and shameless bribery, only one white man
voting for it. By the same voters an opium license bill was passed,
and the ministry was voted out two days before the close of the session."

Senator Gbay. You make a broad statement there. What was the
evidence of the bribery that was practiced!

Mr» A^^^UNPfi]^. It wm never brought before the courts, but it was

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 291

notorious. There were four native members who stood fast, could
not be bought nor browbeaten. One of those natives said that they
were offered $300 apiece and a small annuity from the lottery com-
pany after it should become established. I think that was a thing
universally admitted. One of the members most active in the support
of the lottery, Mr. WTiite — ^I did not hear him say it directly — he
boasted that he went down there to the Legislature with $2 in his pocket
and went back with 9800 and plenty of clothes. And I heard of his
hiring a hoase and a piano, and before that he had been without visi-
ble means of support. And I heard of the Queen sending for certain
native members and laboring with thenx. That was more in connection
with the voting out of the ministry. Mr. Dreier, who was a German^
but who had a native wife — she labored with him without success.

The Ckaibman. When you say that this bill was a surprise to the
conmiunity, do you mean the white community, or native, or the gen-
eral population T

Mr. AusxANDEB. Say rather the better elements, both white and
native. If it had been put to a vote of the populace it could have been
passed. A special election was held in October for representatives
from Honolulu, and the lottery men were elected. That was the early
part of October.

Senator Gray. Avowed lottery menf

Mr. Axs:xAND£B. They shirked the question as it was put them.
Probably the lottery was the real issue in the minds of the voters. I
think the majority of the populace in Honolulu would have voted
for it.

The Chaibman. ^^The Queen immediately appointed a cabinet, three

of whom were rejected members of former cabinets, and one the agent

of the lottery ring in purchasing legislative votes."

Who was bet

Mr. Ai^EXANBEB. John Golburn.

Senator Fbye. Who were the ftther three!

Mr. Albxandeb. Colbum, minister of the interior; Com well, minis-

ister of finance; Sam Parker, minister of foreign relations, and Arthur

Peterson, attorney-general.
The Ghaibmak. ^^The liberal leaders were left out in the cold. The

etbinet now consisted of S. Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W.

Cornwell, minister of finance; Arthur Peterson, attorney-general,

and John Colbum, minister of the interior. The public indignation

^u intense, but no revolutionary action was yet thought of."
Do you mean that public indignation was intense among all classes

(^people)
Mr. At«ryandbb. So far as I could see all the papers had opposed

tke lottery bill, and the chamber of commerce had passed a very strong

nemorial unanimously and sent it to the Queen.
The Chairman. How about the masses of the people; were they also

odted about it f
Mr. AxBXANDEB. About the lottery bill f
TheCHAiBMAN. Yes.
Mr. Alexakdeb. I think the lower class was not opposed to it.

The lower class of the natives were not particularly opposed to it, and

Kme of the half whites said that the white men had made money and

the £[anakas had not made money, and it was wrong not to give them

iehance. And one or two speakers in the House SQiid tb^ lottery

^fOQld make money plentiful iu Honolulu."

292 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. Were these lottery and opiam bills passed in the
House before the ehange of the ministry?

Mr. Alexander. Before the change. I remember Wilcox and Bush
said they voted for it in order to compel the ministry to step out.

Senator Frye. The old ministry!

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Theold ministry could not remain in oificeand
execute that law. However, they did not resign, and within a day or
t^o a vote of want of confidence was had. There was great diflSculty
m getting a vote of want of confidence; it required 25 votes. At last
the Queen labored with different members, and Berger, a German mem-
ber, who married a daughter of Mr. , having been assured
that his father-in-law could have the naming of the new cabinet —
although he had promised his friends that he would not vote for the
bill — ^went over and made the twenty-fith vote. And Mr. , who
had opposed the latter bill, was won over. He came in with a wreath
of flowers around his neck, half drunk, and made the motion, and he
and another native gave their reasons: ^' How can we trust this cab-
inet to carry out the lottery bill! How do we know that they will
favor the change, the new constitution— carry out the wishes of the
Queen in regard to the new constitution!'' I remember that^ because
that alarmed the pepple.

The Chairman. Was that the first declaration you heard in regard
to the new constitution!

Mr. Alexander. I had not dreamed of such a thing as a coup
Wetat. The constitutional convention had been talked of and voted
down in convention. Then this speech was made; that sounded
menacing.

The Chairman. Were these bills, the lottery bill and the opium
bill, signed by the Queen and any of her cabinet before the change of
her ministry!

Mr. Alexander. I think not. The lottery bill passed on the 12th,
the ministry was voted out the next day, the following day the new
cabinet was formed. I suppose the volume of the laws of 1892 will
show which minister countersigned the biU.

The Chairman. It was not the ministry that was voted out on the
13th that signed the bill!

Mr. Alexander. No. Some little time passed, because I remember
petitions were carried to the Queen in the interim, begging her not to
sign it. The ladies of Honolulu went to her with a petition begging
her not to sign it. She received them cordially, answered their prayers,
I believe, but she did not lose any time in signing the bill.

The Chairman. "The coup d^etaty which was sprung upon the country
by the Queen on the following day, took the community by surprise,
and found it entirely unprepared."

Do you mean by that the prorogation of the Legislature and attempt
to promulgate the new constitution!

Mr. Alexander. I mean by that the promulgation of the new con-
stitution. That was a surprise.

The Chairman. "Undoubtedly the plot had been deeply laid long
before, to be executed at the close of the legislative session.'^

What reason have you for stating that!

Mr. Alexander. One reason is that at the trial of Robert Wilcox
and Bush, particularly Wilcox, they brought in evidence to show that
Sam Parker had made overtures to them on the part of the Queen to
join with her to do away with the new constitution. They claimed
that that had been done by a coup d^etat before the Legislature met.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 293

The Ohaibman. It was before that evidence came oat, which in-
fonned the people that there was an existing purpose or plot to dispense
with or overthrow the constitution of 1887.

Mr. AiiEXANDBB. There was sworn evidence. The Queen, I pre-
sume, denied it.
The Ghaibman. That was the cause of the public belief!
Mr. ALSXAJ9DEB. That was one cause. It was known, came out
afterward, that the Queen signed the constitution very reluctantly,
indeed.
Senator Fkte. The old constitution!

Mr. Albxandeb. Yes. She said so in her statement. She was taken
by surprise. The King's dead body arrived, and she was called upon
to sign it. She did it very unwillingly, and with a mental reservation.
Senator Obat. Did she say ^< with a mental reservation f
Mr. Ajlsxandeb. She did not say so.

The Chaibman. Then you go on to say: " The lottery was expected
by the Queen to be a source of revenue; to render her independent of
kMws. It was also expected that the lottery company, being outlaws
m the United States, could be relied upon to oppose any movement
looking towards annexation." ^^ The story of the revolution, which fol-
lowed, win form the subject of a separate paper.''
Have yon a separate paper!

Mr. Alexandeb. I did not think there was in sufficient evidence to
make a judicial summary of the evidence.

The Chaibman. As to tile story of the revolution which resulted in
the present Government!

Mr. AxEXANDEB. It is a very tangled story, and there is not enough
evidence in from both sides to make a judicial story.

The Chaibman. <^The pains taken by the Queen to destroy all
known copies of her proposed constitution show how much she dreaded
the effect of its publication, but its main points are well known."
How did they become known!

Mr. AxsxANDEB. By statements of Mr. Oolburn, Paul Neumann,
tnd Ned Bush, which do not entirely agree with one another.

Senator Fbye. Paul Neumann is supposed to have drafted it; that
is, it is so rumored !
Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.
Senator Gbay. Who was Paul Neumann!

Mr. Alexandeb. He was a German by birth. I do not know his
early life. He was a lawyer in California, a member of the legislature
from Sacramento. He ran for Oongress and was defeated— defeated by
luB record, which was scandalouH. He was charged with doing things
for which he should have been disbarred. Soon after that he went
down to the islands and became Attorney-General with Gibson, in
1^. He is supposed to have been a Spreckels man at tha ttime.
Senator Fbye. Bright man, is he not!

Mr. Alexandeb. Bright, but unscrupulous — a Bohemian, and with
it a bonhomie which pleas^ the people. They did not take him seri-
ously He has done things which were condoned — things which would
fiorprise you. He is not taken seriously.

The Chaibman. '^ Its success would have realized her dream of re-
establishing a barbaric despotism in the islands, and it was to have
been followed by a clear sweep of all the offices. An unfortunate fea-
toreof the easels that the lower class of the natives, from racepreju-
diee, would prefer such a despotism to a civilized government controlled
by irhite men."

294 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

That is your belief, is itt

Mr. Alexander. Yes; that is unfortunately true.

The Chairman. I think it would be well enough for you to sit down
and prepare the paper to which Senator Frye has referred, stating
your own personal observations, your own knowledge in regard to the
events which succeeded the prorogation of the Legislature, commencing
with that date, so that we can get the benefit of your own x>er8ousd
knowledge and observation of what occurred there. You are not to
take up public opinion or hearsay evidence, what other people say
about it, but we want to get a knowledge of exactly what you saw.

Mr. Alexander. Do you prefer it in writing!

The Chairman. I would prefer you to make it up deliberately, and
the committee would not like to sit longer to-day.

Senator Gray. I understand the time has not arrived at which the
professor could give a clear judicial history of the matter after the
point at which he had arrived in his statement. Is that sot

Mr. Alexander. I could state what I saw and my means of knowing
it, which is only a small part of it.

The Chairman. That is what we want. I do not care to have you
write a judicial history upon the whole evidence.

Senator Gray. We want your evidence as a witness so far as it goes.
If you do not know, do not say.

Mr. Alexander. I was not behind the scenes; I was not a member
of the committee of safety.

Senator Gray. But you were in Honoltilut

Mr. Alexander. Yes. I saw a great deal of iti

Senator Frye. You were at both meetings!

Mr. Alexander. !Not of the committee of safety.

^nator Frye. But both the mass meetings!

Mr. Alexander. Mass meetings; yes.

Senator Frye. So that you can say what you saw and heard!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. You saw the troops, where they were located, and
fche difficulties they had of obtaining a location, and you know
whether they were visible on the streets or not!

Senator Gray. Mr. Alexander will be here after he makes his state-
ment!

The Chairman. We propose to meet to-morrow, so that he can com-
plete his statement. The points to which I wish particularly to direct
your attention are the facts — within your knowledge, of course — ^which
show whether or not, prior to this prorogation of the Legislature and
this attempted proclamation of the abrogation of the constitution of
1887 and of different constitutions, there was any understanding or agree-
ment, any conspiracy for the purpose of overthrowing the Queen, or for
the purpose of annexing Hawaii to the United States — getting rid of
the monarchy as an established form of government. These are the
points to which I would like you to direct your attention.

Adjourned until to-morroW| the 4th inst., at 10 o'clock, a. m.

HAWAIIAN ISLANBa 295

FOUBTH DAT.

Thubsday, Jimuoury 4j 1S94.

The ooimnittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The Chairman (Senator MoBaAN) and Senators F(7TLEB,
6hay, and Fbtb.
Absent: Senator Shebman.

8W0EH 8TATEMEHT 07 WILLIAM DE WITT ALEXAHBEB^Cont'd.

The Chaibman. I have a paper here prepared by Profl Alexander.
Suppose I read it to the committee, and the professor can make any
corrections he may desire. It is as follows:

"PEBSONAL BBCOLLECTIONS OP THE BEVOLUTION OP 1893.

"In continuation of my former narrative of recent Hawaiian politicS|
I will begin 'With the morning of Saturday, the 14th of January, 1893.

"That morning the Legislature held a brief session (none of the
white members being present), in which it was announced that the
Queen had signed both the lottery and opium license bills."

I will ask you right there whether that was before or after the vote
of want of confidence in the cabinetf

Mr. AusxANDEB. The second day after.

The Chaibman. What do you caJl that cabinetf

Mr. AXEXANDEB. The Wilcox Cabinet. That was Thursday; I think
this was Saturday; and it was after the formation of the succeeding
cabinet.

The Chaibman. The succeeding cabinet came in on Friday, and this
was Saturday. What do you call the succeeding cabinetf

Mr. AxEXANDEB. The Parker cabinet.

The Chaibman. " The prorogation ceremonies at noon were generally
boycotted by the white people, except a few tourists, and most of the
diplomatic corps were absent. A few U. S. naval officers were present,
the "U. S. S. Boston" having arrived that forenoon from Lahaina. I
attended the ceremony as a Government officer, and because I regarded
it aa an interesting historical occasion."

What office were you holding f

Mr. AUBXANDEB. Survcyor-gcueral, and I was privy councillor.

The Chaibman. <<A native political society, the ^Hui Kalaiaina,'
some foity in number, attended wearing black broadcloth suits and tall
Bilk hats. I did not, however, suspect the object of their attendance."

What was the purpose of that political organization f

Mr. AxEXANDEB. It had been arranged by the Queen that they
should abrogate that constitution and go through the form of asking
to to proclaim it.

The Chaibman. What was the nature of that political organization f
Was it secret or open f

Mr. Alexandeb. I should say it was open.

Senator Gbay. Is that a matter of your own personal knowledgef

Senator Fbye. The professor said he was there.

Senator Gbay. No, he was not.

Mr. Albxandbb. No; 1 was at the palace.

The Chaibman. What is the name of that political society t

296 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Albxandsb. The ^^Hui Kalaiaina." That is the native name.

The Ghaibman. What does it meanf

Mr. Alexandeb. ^^Hui," society, and ^'Ealaiaina,'' political.

The Ghaibman. "After the ceremony they followed the Qaeento
the palace, together with most of the native members of the Legisla-
ture."

What palaced do you speak off

Mr. Alexandeb. lolani palace, right across the street.

The Ghaibman. "I was not an eyewitness of the memorable scenes
which took place inside of the palace that afternoon. Meanwhile I
went down town, and had gone into Mr. Waterhouse's store, when I
was told of a rumor that the Queen was going to proclaim a new con-
stitution that very afternoon. I expressed my disbelief of it, saying:
'She has carried the lottery and opium bills; she has turned out an
honest, independent cabinet and put in her own creatures: she has
prorogued the Legislature, and now has the game in her own hands for
a year and a half. What more can she want V

"A few minutes after I met my assistant, Mr. G. J. Lyons, who had
just come from the Government building, and who informed me that the
rumor was true; that the household troops were drawn up in line from
the front steps of the palace to the west gate, in fighting trim, with
their belts full of cartridges, and that a large crowd had gathered to
hear the new constitution proclaimed. On my way up I noticed that
citizens were gathering at Hon. W. O. Smith's office. On arriving at
the Government building I was told that a conference was going on
upstairs in the attorney- general's office between three members of the
cabinet and some of the leading residents. I saw Minister Stevens
and Major Wodehouse get into a carriage at the east entrance of the
Government building and drive off together. I was told that they had
advised the cabinet U> stand firm in opposing the Queen's revolutionary
project.

"I then went to my office and informed some of my friends by tele-'
phone about the critical state of affairs. On returning to the Govern-
ment building I found a crowd of spectators watching the palace with
intense anxiety. Givil war seemed to be impending.

^^ We saw Mr. J. Eichardson and Sam Parker come over from the
palace to confer with the other three members of the cabinet, who were
said to be still in the attorney-general's office. It was said that they
had left the palace from fear of their lives. Later on we saw the four
ministers return to the palace, and the excitement among the spectators
was increased. After another long interval, near 4 p. m., there was
evidently a movement taking place in the palace, and tiie soldiers, part
of whom had stacked their arms, hastily took up arms and re-formed
their line. In a few minutes we saw the Hui Kalaiaina pour out of
the palace and form in front of the steps. Then the Queen attended
by some ladies in waiting, came out on the balcony and made a brief
speech, the purport of which was repeated to us by a native, who came
out of the palace yard. It gave us a sense of temporary relief. Bill
White, the lottery champion, came out on the palace steps."

Senator Gbay. Do you state there what the native told you was the
purport!

Mr. Alexandeb. No. He told us that she had given way to the
advice of her ministers not to proclaim the new constitution, but to go
home and wait, and some one of these days she would carry out theii
wiahea — ^that they could trust to her.
Ben&tor Obat. That is the purport as it appeared to yout

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 297

Mr. Alexandsb. That is what was repeated to me.
The Chairman. That is what was repeated to yout
Mr. Al£XANX>£B. That is the substance; yes.
TheCHAiBMAN. << And began an incendiary haranguetotheassembled
erowd, but was persuaded to desist by Col. James Boyd.

"We were told at the time that he had urged the crowd to lynch the
ministers on the spot as traitors. The Hui Kalaiaina then marched
ont, carrying a Hawaiian flag, and appearing very much downcast.

"Soon after this Messrs. Parker and Com well came over to the Gov-
ernment building together, looking as if they had passed through a
very severe ordeal. As they entered the building they were compli-
mented by several persons for the stand which they had made. Mr.
Thurston, who stood by, however, said: *Must we continue to live in
this way, with this peril hanging over our heads, uncertain whether
we may not wake up any morning and find our liberties gonef

" It was shortly after this that the meeting of citizens tras held at
W. O. Smithes office, which appointed the committee of safety, but I
had no knowledge of it at the time. The next day, which was Sunday,
passed ofi' quietly on the surface, but we had intimations that a revo-
lutionary movement was in progress.

" On Sunday afternoon posters were out calling for a mass meeting
of citizens to be held at 2 p. m., the next day, at the Armory, on
Beretania street. The next morning another call was issued by the minis-
try for a counter mass meeting on Palace Square, and between 10 and
11 a. m., a by authority notice was also posted about the streets and
lent to the members of the diplomatic corps, which contained an
apology for the Queen; alleging that she had acted on Saturday under
stress of her native subjects, and a promise that ''any changes desired
in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by methods
provided in the constitution itself." This retraction came too late.

"It was considered by many as a humiliating evidence of panic on
the part of the Queen's Government. Her conspiracies during her
lm>thi^8 reign, and her treacherous course in regard to the lottery bill
had destroyed all confidence in her word, so that her promise produced
kt httle change in the situation.

^'As 2 o'clock drew near all business was suspended, stores were
do8^ and but one subject was talked of. I attended both mass meet-
ings. The meeting at the Armory comprised probably not less than
li^ persons, and the unanimity and enthusiasm shown surpassed
ail expectation, as a fall account of the proceedings has been pub-
&bed I need not spend time on them.

**The so-called 'law and order ^ meeting on Palace Square I estimated
at the time to number about 500 natives. It was a tame and dispirited
ineeting, the speakers being under strict orders to express themselves
^di great caution and moderation. A resolution was adopted accepting
the assurance that the Queen would not again seek to change the con-
ttitation by revolutionary means, the very thing which no doubt most
of them desired her to do. It seemed unnatural to hear R. W. Wilcox
and Bill White exhort the natives to keep quiet, and not to provoke
^e <haoles' to resort to violent measures.

"About 5 p. m. I happened to be near the post-office when the troops
landed finom the Boston^ and saw them march up Fort street. A party
rf30 or 40 marines went up to the U. S. legation, on Nuuanu street,
and a guard was left at the U. S. consulate, while the main body
inarched up King street, past the Government building, and bivouacked
in Hr. Atherton's grounds until late in the evening; quartern "^ei^

298 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

secured for them in the 'Arion House,' a low one-story wooden building
west of the Music Hall, a large brick building which intervenes between
it and the palace. In this connection I take the lib^ty of saying that
I can not see how Arion Hall would be exposed to fire in the event of
an attack upon the Government building from the direction of the
palace.

<< After the mass meeting the tension of feeling was extreme. What
was chieily feared was incendiarism during the following night. To
my knowledge, warnings had been given by friendly natives that prepa-
rations were making to set houses on fire. As it was, two incendiary
fires were started during that night. The knowledge that the troops
were on shore undoubtedly gave the white residents a grateful feeling
of relief and security.

^'Here I will explain that an organization of four rifle companies had
been brought to a high degree of efficiency in 1887 and had crushed the
insurrection of 1889. This organization, which had been disbanded in
1890, was now revived, with sotne changes in personnel. It embraced
many of the best class of young men in Honolulu.

<^On Tuesday morning I was informed of this fact, and that Judge
Dole would lead the movement. It 'was rumored thnf the crisis would
take place at 4 p. m. The Queen's supporters were believed to be panic-
stricken and divided among themselves.

" I happened to visit the main Government building (Aliiolani Hall)
about a quarter to 3 p. m., when I found that the proclamation of the
Provisional Government was being read at the front entrance.

^< I have since been told that 3 o'clock was the time originally set.
Perhaps the shooting affray on Fort street hastened the movement. I
saw but one rifleman standing in the corridor. Several Government
clerks and one native member of the legislature were also listening to
the reading. As soon as it was over the new councils convened in the
interior office, and proceeded to business. I walked over to my office
in another building within the same inclosure, and passed Company
A, a German company, under Gapt. Ziegler, arriving on the double
quick, in company order, to the number of 40 or 50. I told my assist-
ants in the office what had happened, and directed them to close it for
the day. On returning to the other building, I found that a large part
of Company B, composed of Americans and Englishmen, had arrived.
The grounds were then cleared of spectators, and guards set at the
gates, and less than half an hour there were 100 riflemen drawn up in
front of the building, awaiting orders. An hour later I estimated that
there were about 200 present. The officers told me at the time that
the United States marines had orders to remain neutral."

What officers did you speak off

Mr. Alexandeb. Officers of the volunteers. Capt. Potter, of Com-
pany B, said that word had been ascertained from Lieut. Swinburne —
I think that was his name.

The Chaibman. << I did not see any ol them on the street, and my
impression is that some of them without arms were in the veranda of
Arion Hall."

Mr. Alexander. Eeferring to the sailors.

The Chairman. " The men were expected to flght, and their spirit
and confidence was such that I had no doubt of the result."

Mr. Alexander. It should have been the volunteers. That should
have been corrected.

^< Many of them had been in the affair of 1889, and they also believed
that nearly all the foreign community would hsiA them.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 299

**One O. J. McOarthy had been placed by Wilson in charge of the
Government building, bnt waited there in vain for a force that never
came. Several thousand cartridges were found in the foreign office,
intended for the defense of the building.

"I can not speak from personal observation of the number of men
ooDected in the station house and barracks, but was told by eye wit-
nesses that tbere were about 80 men in each place.

*'For several hours it looked to us as if a bloody contest, and perhaps
ft siege, would be necessary. Messengers were coming and going, but
when I left the place to do patrol duty in the eastern suburb it was not
known whether Mr. Wilson would surrender or not.

<< As much importance has been attached to President Dole's letter to
Minister Stevens, written in the afternoon of January 17, in which
he suggested the cooperation of the United States marines with the
citizen volunteers in maintaining order during the night, I will add
that the event showed this request to have been wholly unnecessary.

^During the afternoon several hundred names of volunteers had been
registered* These were organized in squads and during the following
night the whole district including the city was strictly patrolled, as a pre-
caation against fires or disturbance of any kind. These volunteers
w^e on duty some time before the surrender of the station house by
Wilsooi was reported. The palace was given up on the morning of the
ISth, and the barra<2ks that evening."

W. D. Alexandeb.

<« ADDENDUM.

^'In regard to the Government building, Aliiolani Hall, I wish to
say that it has always been considered the visible seat of Government.
Together with the two smaller buildings attached to it, it contained all
the offices of the departments of Governmentj^ the chambers of the
sapreme court and the court records, the land office and the registry of
conveyances, the Government archives, and the treasury.

*'The action of the late cabinet in abandoning it and seeking refuge
in the station house went far to show that they had given up all hope
of maintaining their authority.

"W. D. Alexander.'^

Senator Gbat. Do you know what time that evening— can you fix
precisely the time the barracks were given upf

Mr. ^JLEXANDEB. I heard that it was after dark.

Senator Gray. You do not know the hourt

Mr. AX.EXAI9DEB. !No. That would be in Mr. Soper's testimony.

Senator Gray. You were not present at any meetings of the com-
mittee of safety on the evening of the 17th?

Mr. Alexander. I was not.

Senator Gbat. Or of the advisory councils f

Mr. At.kxandeb, I suppose, being an officer of the old Government,
they did not take me into their confidence.

pie Chaibman. When you speskk of yourself as being one of the
priyy council, what were your functions in that office?

S^tor Gbay. Were you ex officio a privy councillor, being sur-
vqror-generalt

Mr. Ajlexandeb. No.

Senator Gbay. Not necessarily privy councillor because of youi
betDg sorveyor-generalt

300 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Alexander. STo. I was appointed in the previons reign, Elala-
kana's reign. Their principal fiinctions were to act as the board of
pardons.

Senator Gray. You were a member of the board of pardons f

Mr. Alexander. Yes; most of the other powers had been taken
away from them.

The Ghaibman. But as a privy councillor you were a member of the
Queen's Government t

Mr. Alexander. Yes, and as surveyor-general.

The Chairman. You have had an acquaintance with Hawaiian
affairs and with the people. I suppose your acquaintance with Hono-
lulu is very complete; know a great many people t

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Your membership in the school board would bring
you in contact with the people, I suppose!

Mr. Alexander. Yes, and other ways.

The Chairman. Being surveyor-general and also a member of the
board of pardons

Mr. Alexander. I was always out of politics.

The Chairman. You were never a member of the Legislature!

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. Never held any political office!

Mr. Alexander. I did not; I rather devoted myself to science; I
am also some what of an antiquarian. ,

The Chairman. Did you hear of or are you aware of any combina-
tion amongst any of the people of Honolulu or of the Hawaiian country
prior to the annouDcement of this new constitution by the Queen to
break down the monarchy, or overthrow the constitution, or revolution-
ize the Government!

Mr. Alexander. I did not. I do not think there was any existing.

The Chairman. Do you think it is possible that such a movement
as that could have occurred amongst what is caUed the missionary ele-
ment in Hawaii without your having some knowledge of it!

Mr. Alexander. I should think not. I think their idea was that
they had great confidence in the cabinet appointed at the beginning of
November, and expected the Government to go on very smoothly until
1894.

The Chairman. And if any new movement was to take place in
Hawaii at all it would be developed between that period and 1894. I
suppose that is your meaning!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; we did not know what kind of Legislature
might be elected in 1894.

Senator Gray. Was there any sentiment at all of a demonstrative
character in favor of annexatign prior to this emeuto!

Mr. Alexander. That subject had been discussed for a good many
years. It was considered ultimate destiny in the future.

Senator Gray. Was there any demonstrative action!

Mr. Alexander, No, except that conspiracy, that organization of
Ashford, Wilcox, Bush, and others. That took place in the spring of
1892. But that was discountenanced by the conservative people ; the best
people had no confidence in it.

The Chairman. Was that a movement for annexation!

Mr. Alexander. It was rather for a republic. The leaders were
not respected. They used very gross language about the Queen.

Senator Gray. Was there any native propaganda of annexation,
sentiment prior to the events you have recited!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 301

Mr. ATiKYANdeb, I should say not any native propaganda. The
Advertiser, a paper published and edited there by a radical man, was
ehalleoged by the organ of the other side to define its position on the
qaesUon. The editor of the Advertiser said that annexation would be
better for the country; that whenever the native people wished it, were
ready for it, be would favor it.

Senator Gbay. He was what you call a radical annexationist f

Mr. AiJSXANDEB. That is, more outspoken. Dr. McGrew and others
were always in favor of it.

Senator Gbat. But the general sentiment there prior to those events
vas one of content and quiet so far as the Government under the cabi-
net was concerned f

Mr. ATiBXANdeb. The general sentiment was that so long as we could
bave a stable government, one that could paddle its own canoe, they were
satisfied. They thought their own interests would be belter managed
by their own people, and the planters were influenced by a desire for
cheap labor, whilst others did not like the McKinley tarifi', did not want
to eome under it. They did not want to undergo again what they had
undergone under Kalakaua.

Senator Gbat. The state of feeling was quiescent t

Mr. Albxandcb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And the disposition was manifestly one to be content
with the then state of things f

Mr. AiJSXANDEB. Yes.

The Ghaibman. In regard to this change in the form of government
tJiere, the revolution was, according to your opinion, belief, and judg-
ment caused more by the passage of the opium and the lottery biUs, or
by the action of the Queen in attempting to change the constitution f

Mr. Albxandeb. More by the latter.

The Ohaibman. Do you think the people of Hawaii would have set
<m foot a revolution in order to get rid of the lottery bill or opium bill,
or both, if the Queen had not attempted to promulgate the new con-
sdtatiou T

Mr. Albxandeb. I think not. They would have tried to remedy it
m8(Mae constitutional way, within the constitution.
S^ator BuTLEB. You speak of the Queen having expressed her

intoition of withdrawing her purpose to promulgate the new consti-

tQtion. Did you not say that in your wi'itten statement?
Mr. Albxanbeb. Yes; she announced that on Monday morning.
Senator Gbat. You heard that on Saturday afternoon?
Mr. Alexandeb. Her language then was only for a short time, only

tmporarily.
^1 Senator Butleb. Is it your opinion that that announcement by the

QoeeQ would have restored order to this interference of which you

r 4

Mr. Alexandeb. It came rather too late, and there was very little
wnfidence in the Queen's word, or in the cabinet.

The Ghaibman. The people distrusted the Queen and the cabinet!

Mr. Alexajndeb. They considered it an extremely weak cabinet.

Senator Butleb. You think, then, it was too late to check the move-
i^t that had been set on foot?

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes.

Senator Butleb. Against her and against her cabinet?

%.AX£XANDEB. YeS.

Sostor Butleb. You think the withdrawal of her purpose or re-

302 HAWAIIAN ISLAKD8.

traction of her purpose, withdrawal of the new constitution, was too
late to check this!

Mr. Alexander. I was at the first mass meeting and heard the first
two speeches, and then went to the other. I think it was Mr. Yoaog who
spoke to the meeting. He said, ^'Gan we trust her?" and the cry was
^'Ko," all over the hall. It was the large skating rink where the meet-
ing was held.

Senator Gbat. Are the proceedings and speeches of that meeting
published in the papers!

Mr. AiiEXANDEB. Yes; you have it in a pamphlet.

Senator Gbat. In some document we have in print here there are
extracts, what purport to be extracts from a paper in Honolulu, giving
the proceedings of that meeting. Have you seen themf

Mr. Alexakdeb. I have seen them; I presume they are correct.

Senator Bittleb. Is it your opinion that the lives and property of
American citizens would have been put in jeopardy in the then state
of feeling in Honolulu but 'for the United States marines?

Mr. Alexajndeb. I think there were reasons to apprehend that at
the time.

Senator Butleb. You say there were reasons to apprehend it?

Mr. ALEXAin)EB. At the time, yes. Looking back on it now, I think
probably the white people would have been strong enough to have pro-
tected themselves. But there was suf&cient reason at the time.

The Chaibman. Was the apprehension based upon the fact that
mobs in favor of the Crown might rise in hostile opiposition to the op-
posing element, or was it based upon the apprehension that the tran-
sitory condition of the Government would let the evil characters loose
upon the community — characters disposed to bum and mobf

Mr. Alexandeb. Bather the latter. The city was paralyzed. There
was an interregnum in the law, in the authority on the part of the
existing Government, and the new Government had not become organ-
ized, and there were warnings about incendiarism. I do not exactly
like to use names.

The Chaibman. Do you mean of individuals f

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes. A white lady has told me that a half- white
lady came to her and told her that natives were putting kerosene in bot-
tles, and getting cloth, and explained how they would use it to set
houses on fire by wrapping it around the posts, etc.

Senator Gbat. Did not the danger or apprehension of danger of
which you speak originate in the fact that the revolutionary project had
already been set on foot by this white element which afterward estab-
lished a Provisional Government? I do not mean that they were dan-
gerous characters, for I understand you perfectly that they were the
better class; but that their activity and proclaimed intentions brought
about the condition of things which made the danger.

Mr. Alexandeb. I suppose if the community h^ quietly submitted
on Saturday the danger would not have existed.

Senator Gbay. Exactly. That made the danger, and that making
the danger you think was the reason for the presence of ti^e United
States troops?

The Chaibman. When the resistance became a fact, then, I under-
stand you to say, the apprehensions of danger were not from mobs
rising amongst the opposing political elements of the native i>eople or
others, but from the paralysis of authority there, which encouraged
the licentious classes, the criminal classes, to exploit their oporatioiui

»g^uBt priY»to property »ud agalu^t Xmxxm life t

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 303

Mr. Alexandeb. Well, the race hatred. Yes, I talie it that way.
Sace hatred might have led to the commission of isolated outrages. I
did not exx)ect any organized violence from the natives. Jud ge Hartwell
expressed fear, and gentlemen like him might have told Minister Ste-
vens. I never had the fear of natives that others did; I thought I
knew them better.

The Chairman. Let me ask you of the general characteristics of the
people of Hawaii. Are they given to forming mobst
Mr. Alexandeb. Not generally. I have seen one great mob, in 1874.
The Chaibman. Was that a political occasion f
Mr. At.kxandeb. Yes; when Kalakaua was elected they mobbed
yie court house, where the legislature was assembled, broke in and
dabbed the legislature and commenced to sack the building. The
ministry bad warning of danger taking place, but they made light of
tiie danger, and when the crisis came the native police were of no use.
The Ghaieman. Was that mob led by white people!
Mr. AL.EXANDEB. No; by the natives.

The Ch AiBMAN. It was a mob composed of Queen Emma's adherents t
Mr. Al^xandeb. Yes. They were careful not to attack the white
people, except in one case, because there were two American and one
English warship in the harbor. They considered that it was amongst
themselves. Capt. Belknap had been informed about the danger, and
80 was the American minister, and they were ready. After a good
deal of vacillation the ministry sent the American minister a note.
Msffines from the two American men-of-war joined by a body of marines
from the [English man-of-war, perhaps 200 or more, marched up and
<iaeQed t^e mob very quickly. They held the city for a week.

Hie Gh AIBMAN. Did these soldiers have any conflicts with, the pop-
libtionf
Mr. Alexandeb. They made many arrests.
The Chaibman. There was no violence used by the troops t
Mr. Alexanbeb. No. The rioters were struck with fear; they ran
out of the coart-house like rats out of a burning building.
The Chaibman. That riot was between the adherents of Queen
bima and those of Kalakaua f
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. And one in which the white people had no pref-
oencet
Mr. Alexanbeb. It was considered that they would prefer Kalakaua.
The Chaibman. The Legislature was in session, you say t
Mr. Alexanbeb. The legislature had just elected Kalakaua.
Tbe Chaibman. And was still in session!
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. And they were attacked by this mob of natives?
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. And the mob was repressed after some killings had
titett place, 1 suppose!
Mr. Alexanbeb. Nobody was killed ; they were pretty severely
chibhed over the head, and one died afterward.

The Chaibman. And that was suppressed soon afterward by marines
6omtwo American ships and one British ship!
Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. And the troops held possession of the city for a
»«ek!

Mr. Alexanbeb. Yes.

IbeCHAmMAir. And then weut back to tbeir vessels t

304 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Did the marines bring any flags Trith them t

Mr. Alexander. I do not remember. I gave an account of that in
a paper I furnished Mr. Blount.

Senator Buti^er. You have been a long while in Honolulu. What
is your opinion of the sentiment of the people, taking them as a whole,
in regard to the form of government they would prefer, whether a
monarchy or a republic t

Mr. Alexander. In Honolulu itself, I supx)ose a majority of the
natives, at the present time, wo\ild prefer a monarchy.

Senator Butler. A majority of the natives would prefer a monar-
chy!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. By natives you mean Kanakas!

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Butler, What about the whole population!

Mr. Alexander. There is always a large number of natives very
indifferent, always a large number wanting to be on the winning side,
whatever it may be — awaiting events. I think there is less of race feel-
ing on the other islands than in Honolulu. That has always been the
headquarters of the Palace party, and for some reason or other the race
antagonisms are stronger in Honolulu than anywhere else. On the
island of Kauai, for iuiiitance, the feeling might be the other way.

Senator Butler. Outside of the native population, you do not think
ihe sentiment is or was!

Senator Gray. Was prior to this affair.

Mr. Alexander. I think that probably seven-eighths of the Amer-
icans are on the side of the Provisional Government; nearly all the
Germans; all the Portuguese, without exception. In regard to the
English, they are divided. I think a majority of the English would
probably favor a monarchy from jealousy of the Americans.

Senator Butler. A majority of the Americans, I understood you to
say, would favor the Provisional Government or more liberal govern-
ment!

Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths of them.

Senator Frye. Professor Alexander did not say a mcyority*

Senator Butler. What did he say!

Mr. Alexander. Seven-eighths.

Senator Butler. Seven-eighths of the American population are in
favor of the Provisional Government!

Mr. Alexander. That is my impression.

Senator Gray. How many votes were in that island under the con-
stitution that existed prior to this emeute!

Mr. Alexander. According to the census and the registration oi
1890, under the constitution of 1887, there were about 13,000.

The Chairman. Are you speaking of the island of Kauai!

Mr. Alexander. No, the whole islands.

Senator Gray. How would the vote have been, in your opinion, in
regard to this Provisional Government, prior to this emeute!

Mr. Alexander. I think it has varied from time to time.

Senator Gray. How do you think it would have been. Do you
think a majority of those voters would have been in favor of the Pro-
visional Government!

Mr. Alexander. At the time it was formed!

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Alexander* Probably not. Later it gainedin strength. Along

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 305

iboat Angast or September the annexation club had 6,200 names on its
TolU including aboat 1,200 natives. Probably at the present time there
18 a reaction the other way, among the natives, at least.

Senator Gray. Agkinst the Provisional Grovernment. But you
think at the time the Provisional Government was formed the people
who had the right to vote were in favor of it?

Mr. AX.EXANDEB. Yes, if you counted noses. There was a number
registered. I noticed in the election of 1890 the number of votes cast
▼as actually 11,672; in the election of 1892 it was 10,000 or 11,000
actual votes.

The Chaibman. What proportion of the enlightened property-hold-
ing dement in Hawaii, taking the whole of them together, do you
brieve was in favor of this Provisional Government at the time of its
establishment f

Mr. Al.£XAnd£B. Well, I think about seven-eighths. I judge that
from a list that was published in the papers of the tax-payers, who pay
taxes on projierty above a certain valuation, which list gave their names.
It was footed up. I remember the footing gave about that result. I
think it is safe to say three-fourths.

The Chaibman. You are the author of this little history of the
Hawaiian people. It is by W. D. Alexander, and is a brief history.
Have yon carefully examined the facts upon which you have made the
historical statements contained in this bookf

Mr. Albxandeb. I have. I spared no means to verify every state-
ment.

The Chaibman. And you are satisfied that these historical state-
ments are correct f

Mr. AxEX AND£B. Ycs. In regard to your asking about the property-
holding class f

The Chaibman. Well!

Mr. AL.BXANDEB. I would like to add one word, that the most intel-
hgmit natives, those of the best character, independence of character,
were on the side of the Provisional Government when I left the islands.
1 think two- thirds of the native preachers and those members of the
Ugislatnre who had independence enough to vote against the lottery

ySi, and many of those whom I consider the best natives, are on that

lide. It required a good deal of moral courage on their gart, because

tliey were called names, traitors, by their fellow-countrymen, and were

tiratened in case the Queen came back that it would go hard with them

(*Dd it was confidently believed that the Queen would be restored) ;

^t element of the natives has been ignored by some writers on the

wbject
"Bie Chaibman. Were you in Honolulu at the time that Mr. Blount

gave the order to the commander of the Boston to order the American

flftghaoled down and brought back to the ship by the marines f
Mr. AusxANDEB. Yes; I was a spectator.
The Chaibman. Was there any commotion amongst the people on

MwuBt of that orders
Mr. Alexandbb. There was npt. There was a large crowd of specta-

tor»--the feeling was intense, but it was suppressed.
Senator Gbay. What sort of feehng!
Mr. Alsxanbbb. WeU, it depend^ ux>on the party to which they

belong.

Senator Gbay. There were two feelings, then!
Mr. Alexandbb. Yes; very intense, or both sides, but suppressed.
U was a very impressive scene.

8. Rep. 227 20

306 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gray. The feelings of the Mends of the Provisional Go^#rn-
ment against the Queen were very intense?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. On my part I thought it was a mistake to
have declared a protectorate : I thought it was unnecessary.

Senator Gbay, You thougnt it a mistake to raise the flag?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; it tended to put the Provisional Government
in a false light. The events following showed it was unnediessary.
But, being there, one could not see the flag hauled down without deep
emotion.

Senator Butler. Then you think it was unnecessary to have hoisted
the American flag?

Mr. Alexander. It was.

Senator Butler. In other words, the Provisional Government could
have sustained itself without it?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. After that time, was there any outbreak on the part
of the populace against the Provisional Government.

Mr. Alexander. No; there was not.

The Chairman. No disturbance of the peace? .

Mr. Alexander. It was supposed that there was a class, princi-
pally composed of white men, which was only deterred by the display
offeree.

The Chairman. At the time of the hauling down of that flag, what
was the strength of the military that was supporting the Provisional
Government?

Mr. Alexander. About 200.

The Chairman. Armed men?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; and behind them a very large number of
citizen reserves.

The Chairman. You say a very large number. What number do
you think?

Mr. Alexander. It had not been organized until about the time I
left.

Senator Gray. When did you leave?

Mr. Alexander. In August. I presume that on short notice 400
men could have been collected then.

The Chairman. In addition to the 200 already under arms?

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Later they formed an organization of the
eitizen guards. About the 1st of October they numbered 800 men. I
presume it is larger now.

The Chairman. The Provisional Government was supplied with
guns and ammunition for an army of as many as a thousand men?

Mr. Alexander. I do not think they were as thoroughly armed
^A that when the revolution broke out.

The Chairman, ^o, at the time this flag was hauled down.

Mr. Alexander. I do not know. I doubt whether they could have
armed a thousand men.

The Chairman. At the time you left Hawaii, in August, could they
have armed a thousand men?

Mr. Alexander. I think they could. They had imported arms.
Arms were on the way when the flag was hauled down.

The Chairman. The Government was importing arms and ammuni-
tion?

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I remember I heard the remark.

The Chairman. Was the Provisional Government put into posses-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 307

rion of all the arms that had theretofore belonged to the Boyal Gov-
ernment?

Mr. AiiEXANBEB. That was doubted. I went to the barracks the
next day after the surrender and they showed me the arms. There
were 90 Springfield rifles, 75 Winchesters, 4 field pieces, and 10,000
rounds of ammunition. It was rumored that some arms were kept
back. I do not know whether it was true.

Senator Butleb. Were there any other ammunition or arms of that
Government in the hands of the Provisional Government f I mean^
were the men supplied with arms and ammunition?
Mr. Alexander. Not that I know of.

The Chaieman. Were there any armed forces except in Honolulu
and Oahu?
Mr. Alexander. Kot now.

The Chairman. The whole force of the Kingdom was concentrated
at Honolulu Y
Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Were there any fighting ships, called ships of war,
belonging to that Government Y
Mr. Alexander. None.

The Chairman. Had the Government any ships at all?
Mr. Alexander. No, except steam tugs. These steam tugs towed
vessels in and they belonged to the Government.
The Chairman. At Honolulu f
Mr. Alexander. Yes.
The Chairman. And other ports there alsof
Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. They had no revenue-marine service?
Mr. Alexander. No. To prevent the opium smuggling they needed
a revenue marine.

Senator Butler. Is it your opinion that this Provisional Govern-
ment could ha'^e been established without the interference of United
States officials Y

Mr. Alexander. Yes, I think so. But I think it is probable that it
▼ould not have been done without bloodshed.

Senator Butler. But it could have been established and maintained
itself without any interference on the part of the United States
officialst
Mr. Alexander. I think so.

Senator Butler. Now, there is only one point — I am speaking for
myself only — on which I care to have information, and if you can give
any I would be very glad to have you do so, and that is, to what
extent the represenatives of the United States Goverment interfered
in the affairs of Honolulu. Have you any information which you can
'give on that subject.
Mr. Alexander. You mean with this last revolution f
Senator Butler. Yes.

Mr. Alexander. They have interfered before on several occasions.
Senator Butler. The United States troops did!
Mr. Alexander. You refer to the last one?

Seaator Butler. I refer to the last one. To what extent did the
Pnited States Government, through the diplomatic, civil, or naval offi-
cials, interfere in the affairs of Hawaii !

Mr. Alexander. I suppose the landing of the troops on Monday
night, which was done without asking permission of the ministers^
Bight have been coni^idered an interference.

308 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator BuTLEB. When^

Mr. Alexander. Monday afternoon, at 5 — ^without asking permission
of the ministers, the cabinet.

Senator Butleb. The ministers of the Hawaiian Government?

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Without the permission of the Queen's Government 1

Mr. Alexander. Yes. That is the principal i>oint. As to the righ t
or wrong of it, it is not for me to say.

Senator Frte. The Senator asked you if the United States officials
did anything.

Mr. Alexander. Simply landed. Th<^y did nothing.

Senator Frye. You were asked if they did anything to aid the Pro-
visional Government or the Queen, or anything else.

Mr. Alexander. Their presence on shore, had a moral effect on the
natives. They did not know what was going to happen.

Senator Butler. I think I understood you to say that, in your
opinion, the landing of those marines was not necessary for the pro-
tection of the lives of American citizens f

Mr. Alexander. I would not be positive about that. I think there
was reason enough for apprehension to justify their landing. If those
things had happened which justified their landing and they had not
landed the United States authorities would have been to blame. There
is some difference of opinion about it.

The Chairman. Would you undertake to say that it was the opinion
among the better class of citizens in Honolulu that there was sufficient
occasion to require the intervention of these troops!

Mr. Alexander. I have heard that opinion generally expressed.

The Chairman. Would you say whether or not that was the general
opinion there at that time, at the time of the landing of the troops and
before?

Mr. Alexander. I am inclined to think so.

Senator Gray. Among that class of the people described by the
chairman t

Mr. Alexander. Yes, they felt the insecurity.

Senator Gray. You say the opinion of that element was in favor of
the establishment of the Provisional Government Y

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. You spoke about the interference of the officers of
the Government of the United States on previous occasions. State to
to what occasions you refer.

Mr. Alexander. I had in mind the landing to quell the court-
house riot in 1874, and I had in mind the landing of the marines in
1889, in which they did not take part, however, but at which time the
Wilcox insurrection was suppressed.

The Chairman. Those were two occasions. Were there any moret

Mr. Alexander. Those were the only ones prior to this.

The Chairman. Were they the only ones where the Government of
the United States landed troops for the purpose of protecting the lives
of people or for the purpose of protecting the public peace f

Mr. Alexander. I think so.

The Chairman. Was there more or less apparent interference on the
part of these troops which were landed on the two occasions you have
mentioned than there was on this last occasion?

Mr. Alexander. There was more; because in 1874 they proceeded
to arrest the ring leaders of the mob, and they stood g^uard over the
public buildings for ^ week*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 309

The Ghatbman. That was the mob raised to dethrone Kalakaaaf

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chaibman. And enthrone Queen Emmat

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. WeU, the other occasion t

Mr. Alexander. In 1889 they went farther than they did a*- this
time^ because they loaned 10,000 rounds of ammunition to the Oo\rem-
ment troops, the white troops that were putting down this insurrection.

The Chairman. Kalakaua's troops f

Mr. Alexander. Nominally, yes; really, the same men who were
upholding the Provisional Government. But at that time they were
the legal government.

The Chairman. They were upholding it both as against Ealakaua
and Liliuokalani?

Mr. Alexander. That is what is believed — ^that they connived at
Wilcox.

The Chairman. That is, Kalakaua and Liliuokalanif

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. That is, that they were conniving at the movement
against the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Alexander. It was in Wilcox's report. I know there was a
difference between his case and the other; 1 know the other two had a
form of commission from the other Gt>vernnient.

The Chairman. What other men-of-war wei'e in the harbor of Hono-
hilu when these troops landed in January, 1893 Y

Mr. Alexander. Ko other men-of-war except the American man-ef-
war.

The Chairman. 'So British!

Mr. Alexander. No other nation.

The Chairman. So that there was no chance to appeal to any ott-
side power f

Mr. Alexander. No other nation represented.

The Chairman. Do you know anything about the fact of the recog-
Bition of the Provisional Government by the ministers of the other
powers then located in Honolulu?

Mr. Alexander. I know by hearsay and what I saw in the papers;
that is, that Minister Stevens recognised it the afternoon of the 17th,
Mid the others, the German consul and the Portuguese minister, recog-
nised it the next morning, and Mr. Wodehouse verbally recognized it.

Senator Gray. Who is Mr. Wodehouse?

Mr. Alexander. The British consul- general. He verbally told them
be leeognized it, but he did not send in his official recognition until
Thursday afternoon.

NOTES ON COL. BLOUNT'S REPORT.

Prof. W. D. Alexander had several iaformal conversations with Col.
J. H. Blount in Honolulu, w^hich were not taken down by his stenog-
rapher.

At Col. Blount's request. Prof. Alexander prepared written papers
on the history of the uncompleted annexation treaty of 1864, on the
general causes which led to the late revolution, on the political history
of Kalakaua's reign until 1888, and on the constitutional history of the
oonntry stnee the beginning of this century.

All of these were printed except the last. He also famished him
pamphlets on the land system, the census^ etc.

310 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Gol. Blount's sketch of the causes of the lat<e revolution on pp.
3-15 of his report betrays a total misconception of Hawaiian history
and of the nature of the political contest that has been going on dur-
ing the last fifteen years or more.

E. g., on p. 5 he charges to the reciprocity treaty <^ a new lobar
system,^^ which preceded it by twenty years, and the ^^ alienation
between the native and white races," which had shown itself long
before, and the causes of which I have briefly explained in my second
paper, and the ^^niany so-called revolutions,'" which really had no rela-
tion to that treaty. On p. 6 is an extraordinary statement about the
division of the lands in 1S4S, which for the first time in history is called
^' discreditable." He says the Kanaka at that time ^^ generally read and
wrote English," which few adults can do now.

His remarks about the descendants of missionaries seem to be bor-
rowed from C. T. Gulick and Nordhoff. The sneering use of the term
dates from the days of the ^' beachcombers " and Botany Bay convicts,
who preceded the missionaries in those islands. The descendants of
the latter are hated chiefly for their adherence to the principles of their
fathers and their endeavors to preserve the constitutional lines on
which the Government was administered under the Kamehameha
dynasty.

Col. Blount^s total misapprehension of history is shown by his aston-
ishing statement on page 7. that the ex-Mormon adventurer Gibson was
" free from all suspicion oi bribery."

On page 8 he speaks of several criminal acts, proved in ox>en court,
as ^< alleged," and says that the ^^ alleged corrupt action of the King
Kalakaua could have been avoided by more careful legislation," when
the whole difiiculty lay in the autocratic power of the King, which
enabled him to appoint the ux)per house and to pack the lower house
of the Legislature. He ignores the fact that it was impossible for a
white man to be naturalized unless he was a tool of the King. He
passes very lightly over the outrages which caused the uprising of ail
white men and of the more decent natives in 1887.

On page 10 he omits the vital change made in section 20, which
struck at the root of the King's power to pack or bribe the Legislature.

It also should be borne in mind that naturalization in the Hawaiian
Kingdom never had included abjuration of one's former citizenship.

Col. Blount is grossly misinformed in regard to the character of the
election held after that revolution, 1887. It was the first fair and free
election by really secret ballot held for many years. "So intimidation
whatever. The law was improved afterwards, on the Australian sys-
tem, by the reform party. The appointment of the upper house was
taken from an irresponsible semi-savage monarch and vested in citi-
zens possessing a moderate property qualification. Otherwise all the
great financial interests of the country would have been at the mercy
of an ignorant populace.

Throughout this sketch he ignores the real distinction between the
two principal parties, which for fifteen years have divided the country,
the one in favor of reaction in politics, religion, and morals, in &vor of
free liquor, hulalula dauces,sorcery, gambling, gin, opium, and lot-
teries, and personal government; the other in favor of clean, honest,
responsible, and economical government. The former may command a
majority of votes in the seaport of Honolulu, but the latter is sup-
ported by the property-owners, the leaders of industrial enterprises,
and by those who support and carry on all the educational| oharitablei
and religious work in the country.

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 311

Statesmen will take sucli facts into accoant, as well as the anti-
American animus of the reactionary royalist party.

PORTUGUESE.

Col. Blount shows a singular hostility to the Portuguese, who form
one of the most valuable elements in the islands, the most moral as
shown by the reports of the attorney-general and chief justice, and per-
haps the most industrious people in the country, and the most easily
Americanized. He even goes so far as to say that they ought not to be
classed as Europeans.

A colony of these people exists in Jacksonyille and Springfield, 111.,
irha« they bear a good character. Their crime, in his eyes, may be their
mianimous support of the Provisional (Government and their admira-
tion of American institutions.

KANAKA LANDS.

On the other hand, his account of the native race is surprisingly
inoorrect and superficial, although ample statistics relating to lands,
property, occupations, accounts of native character, etc., were before
him. He says the "majority (of the common people) received nothing"
in the way of land. The fact was that all heads of families received
homesteads, if they applied for them, and the census shoves that 10 per
cent of the natives, counting women and children, are even now land-
owners. Between 1850 and 18G0 a large proportion, 40 per cent, of the
Government land was sold, mainly to natives, at nominal prices, and
every effort was made to encourage habits of thrift among them. Many
are now living on the rents of their lands. The chiefs died out, leaving
DO heirs in many cases, and their lands were largely purchased by
foreigners.

ON THE KANAKAS.

Of the utter incapacity of the Kanaka for business, his improvidence,
instability, fickleness, duplicity, and indolence. Col. Blount must have
been informed. Accustomed from time immemorial to absolute despot-
ism, they (the Kanakas) ought not to have been expected to become fit
for self-government in one generation. Besides, they have been too
mudi petted and pauperized by the Government and their white friends,
to develop habits of self-reliance.

£. g., about one-tenth of the native girls are in boarding schools,
three-fourths of whom are supported by benevolent white people, with
ratlier unsatisfactory results.

The revival of heathen superstitions under the late dynasty for a
political object, is ignored by the commissioner. It is too true that
their capacity and progress have been grossly overrated from various
motives. They need to be cared for like children. If intrusted with
^preme power, they would soon involve themselves and their white bene-
&rtor8 in a common ruin, as was shown in Kaiakaua's reign. If it was
feft to them, they might abolish segregation of lepers, and vote for the
lottery and fiat paper money. Of course there are honorable excep-
tiong. In regard to the decrease of the native population Col. Blount's
eonelosions differ from those of all those who have made a study of
tbe sabject on the islands. The reports of births and deaths during
the present year, unfortunately, show a constant decrease. It i^ geu-

312 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

eraUy estimated at 2 per cent per annnm. In order to save them,
President Dole and his colleagues have elaborated a plan for giving
the Kanakas homesteads out of the Crown lands, not transferable, on
condition of occupation.

OONSPIBAOY OP 1892, THB "LIBEBALS.'*

To return to CoL Blount's report, p. 14, his statement of the three
parties in the late Legislature is very wide of the mark. OoL V. V.
Ashford's statement might have helped him to understand it, if he had
been willing to use it. I have written a brief sketch of Hawaiian poli-
tics from 1^7 to 1893, but have lent or given away all my copies of it.
Col. Ashford's account, which is in the main correct (although colored
by personal animosity and disappointed ambition), describes the con-
spiracies of 1888 and 1889, in which Liliuokalani was an accomplice.
Her own testimony shows how reluctantly she took the oath to the
constitution, and how little conception she had of constitutional gov-
ernment.

The revolutionary movement of 1892 (in regard to which Mr. Stevens
wrote his letter of March 8, 1892, p. 178, Sen. Doc. 77) was not
countenanced by the better class of people, who considered it uncalled
for, and had no faith in the unprincipled adventurers at the head of it,
most of whom are now royalists. Their dream was a Kanaka democ-
racy, in which they would hold the offices. The Queen's faction, who
had a coup Witat under consideration, tried to form an alliance with
them, which was rejected. C. B. Wilson then arrested a large number
of them and broke up the conspiracy.

The Queen had made it a condition in appointing her ministry in 1891,
that her favorite, Wilson, the Tahitian half- white, should be marshal of
the Kingdom.

LEGHSLATUBE OF 1892.

He (Wilson) associated on intimate terms with Capt. Whaley, part
owner of the schooner Halcyon and king of the opium smugglers, and
with other like characters, and collected around the police headquarters
a gang of disreputable individuals, while opium joints and gambUng-
houses flourished with his connivance, as was believed. At the same
time it was well understood that his influence in the administration
was greater than that of any cabinet minister.

The so-called liberaJs in the Legislature of 1892 joined hands with the
reformers (who lacked a few votes of a majority), in order to break the
power of the palace party and opium ring, and to remove their enemy,
Wilson. Three cabinets were voted out as representing this latter
element, and as being in complicity with the lottery.

The British commissioner took an active interest in the struggle and
encouraged the Queen to resist.

After a four months' contest she yielded temporarily, and appointed
a cabinet of conservative reformers, highly respected and trusted by
the community.

This cabinet declared itself against the lottery bill and a fiat paper
money bill, which was killed, but did not choose to act on Wilson's case
till after the adjournment of the legislature. This weakness on their
part and the fact that the liberals were not represented in this cabinet
so exasperated the latter that they united with their enemies, the
palace party, and voted for measures which they had denounced."

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 313

The Ohatrman. Yon have prepard a statement in respect of the
different constitutions of Hawaii, which statement yon have in mann-
scriptY

Mr. AX.EXANDSB. I have.

The Ghaibman. And it is correct t

Mr. Al£XAND£B. Yes.

Senator Fbtb. I see Mr. Blonnt says: <^A part of the Qneen's
forces, nambering 224, were located at the station honse, about one-
third of a mile from the Qovernment bnildin^. The Qaeen, with a
body of 50 troops, was located at the palace, north of the Govern-
ment building about 400 yards. A little northeast of the palace and
200 yards from it, at the barracks, was another body of 272 troops.
These forces had 14 pieces of artillery, 386 rifles, and 16 revolvers."

Are those facts f

Mr. Al.£XAND£B. I could not state from personal knowledge. I
think the other gentlemen who will be here can state,

S^iator Fbte. You stated that, so &t as you had any information,
tiiere were 80 soldiers, known as the Queen's Guard, and 60 policemen.

Mr. AixEXANDEB. A gentleman will come before you as a witness by
and by who was at the station house. My opinion about it would have
BO weight.

Senator Gray. On page 5 there is a paragraph in Mr. Blount's
report which is marked '«Not so."

Mr. Ai^XAND£B. Those are not my marks.

Senator Gbay. As your statement was read, my attention having
been directed to the marks, I noticed this paragraph, it being the first
one. The paragraph is this:

"From if [that is the reciprocity treaty] "there came to the islands
an intoxicating increase of wealth, a new labor system, an Asiatic
{topolataon, an alienation between the native and white races, an
impoverishment of the former, an enrichment of the latter, and the
many so-called revolutions, which are the foundation for the opinion
that stable government can not be maintained."

That is the paragraph to which you took exception?

Mr. Ai^XANDEB. It is erroneous in several points.

Senator Gbat. Did there come to the islands after the reciprocity
treaty "an intoxicating increase of wealth?"

Mr. Alexander. That is one point that is true.

Senator Gbat. And was not that the source of a great many evils
that followed?

Mr. Alexahdeb. I think it was source of some evils.

Senator Gbat. The source of a great many evils f

Mr. Alexandeb. It led to extravagance on the part of the white
people and turned the heads of the natives.

Senator Gbay. That increase of wealth which came after the reci-
procity treaty was not very evenly or equally distributed over the
idandijs among the ix>pnlation?

Mr. ATiKXATTDEB. Not equally ; but it raised wages and increased the
rent rolls. The natives as well as the white men profited by it.

Senator Gbay. Then you think that paragraph is true?

Mr. Albxandeb. Yes; I did not except particularly to that. In my
history I refer to that.

Senator Gbay. Then, with regard to the '' new labor system and
Asiatic population?"

Mr. AxsxANDEB. In regard to the labor system, it dates back to the

314 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Ghat. I find in your history the closing paragraph, page 311^
you say: <'It is to be feared that the recent extraordinary prosperity
of the country has not been an unmixed blessing."

Mr. Alexandeb. I freely agree with that.

Senator Gbay, And so far you agree with Mr. Blount f

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the tendency to large estates is not very
good; I do not like the system of labor; but it dates back beyond the
reciprocity treaty.

The Ghaibman. Do you think the incoming of Ghinese, Japanese,
and Portuguese laborers into Hawaii is really a threat against the
preservation and prosperity of the Kanaka racef

Mr. Alexander. I think it is injurious. For example, the mass of
the Chinese and a majority of the Japanese are unmarried men. That
increases the great disproportion between males and females in that
country. The Ghinese particularly set up little shops all over the
country and sell liquor and opium when they can get customers — sell
it on the sly, and do a great deal to demoralize the natives.

Senator Butleb. Do the Ghinese come there to remain or do they
generally return home?

Mr. AX.EXANDEB. Generally return home. I might say that on that
point we have a pretty strict law on Ghinese immigration. Since
1876 the Ghinese have diminished from 23,000 down to less than 14,000
—13,000 now.

The Ghaibman. The policy of Hawaii has been to discourage Ghinese
immigration f

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes; and in lieu of that to import Japanese.

The Ghaibman. Are those Japanese imported with the expectation
of their becoming inhabitants of the country f

Mr. Alkxai^deb. They are under a three years' contract. The
Japanese consul retains three-fifths of their wages to furnish them
money to go home.

Senator Butleb. Is not that because of this reciprocity treaty?

Mr. ALEXAin)EB. Yes.

The Ghaikman. Is it true that what is called the missionary element
in Hawaii really desires, and shows that it really desires, by its con-
duct and dealings with the people, to preserve the Kanaka racet

Mr. Alexandeb. Decidedly; yes.

The Ghaibman. You think that that is the real purpose of that
element Y

Senator Gbay. What element?

The Ghaibman. The missionaries and their associates.

Mr. Alexandeb. I say that that element supports the charitable
and educational institutions of the country.

The Ghaibman. Is it the disposition of that element to see the
Kanaka element go out of the country, or is it their disposition to
build the Kanaka element upf

Mr. Alexandeb. I think the missionary element comprises the
strongest friends of the Kanakas.

The Ghaibman. Is it, according to your understanding, the real
purpose or desire on the part of the missionary element to build up
and sustain the Kanaka element!

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes, it is.

The Ghaibman. Was that the cause of the passage of the restrictive
laws on Chinese immigration f

Mr. Alexandeb. That was one cause.

HAWAIIA.N ISLANDS. 315

The Chairman. You found that the foreigD oriental population was <
building up the country too rapidly!

Mr. At.tsxandeb, Yes; the Ghmese and the Japanese, come into
eompetition with the white and Kanaka mechanics and shop keepers.
They do not remain laborers; they serve out their contracts and try
to make a living in some other way.

The Chairman. Suppose the reciprocity treaty were continued with
all the benefits which were had before the arrival of the McKinley bill,
which you say was a blessing in disguise to the Kanaka people

Mr. Al.£XAND£B I suppose many disagree with me about that.

The Chairman. Suppose that condition of things would produce a
eoDtinuous supply of Oriental people as laborers, what would be the
nltiiaate result of that on the Kanaka x)eopleY

Mr. Al.£XANB£B. They would be displaced gradually and the islands
voald become a Mongolian colony.

The Chairman. And the Kanakas would disappear!

Mr. Alexander. They would decrease.

The Chairman. There is a decrease there, and you think the ulti-
inate effect would be the disappearance of the Kanakas f

Mr. Alsxander. Yes; the liquor and demoralization would hasten
the decline of the Kanaka race.

The Chairman. Is there not a purpose, a policy, amongst the mis-
oonary element, the more enlightened property-holding element in
Hawaii, to prevent that result Y

Mr. Alexander. Yes; they are very anxious to save the native race
—have made sacrifices of money, time, and labor for the natives. The .
paper referred to by the Chairman awhile ago is as follows:

SKETCH OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OP THE

HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

Qbganizatigh of the Government under Eamehameha I.

Aft^ the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I, he consolidated
and reorganized the government, and it may properly be said that an
vnirritten constitution existed. All the lands in the Kingdom were
elaimed by the conqueror and apportioned among his followers accord-
ing to their rank and services, on' condition of their rendering him
mOitary service and a portion of the revenues of their estates. He
broke up the old system of district chieftains and appointed governors,
haaina, over the principal islands. These governors, subject to his
approval, appointed tax-collectors, heads of districts, and other petty
(^eers. They also dispensed justice for their respective circuits. The
foar great Kona chiefs who had raised him to the throne and aided
him in aU his wars, viz, the twin brothers Kameeiamoku and Kama-
luiwa, their half-brothers, Keeaumoku and Keaweaheulu, were his rec-
ognized counselors, and, with E^lanimoku, his treasurer, may be re-
garded as his cabinet. John Young and Isaac Davis also had great
influence with him.

Knowing the worthless character of his heir, Liholiho, Kamehameha
by his will, 1819, appointed Kaahumanu, his favorite queen, as kuhina
nui, or premier, to exercise equal authority with Liholiho, with a power
of veto on his acts.

A general council of chiefs was convened on several occasions, as
when Liholiho left for England in 1823; again on the arrival of the
news of his death in 1825, to settle the government, in order to mak^b

316 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

a treaty with Commodore Joues, iu 1826, to enact the first written laws
in 1827, and on other occasions.

On account of the long minority of Kaaikeaouli, or Kamehameha
III, the council of chiefe had greater weight in the government than
formerly and was easily constituted a house of nobles. XTp to this
time the common people were not considered as having any iK>litical
rights whatever.

The First Written Constittjtion, 1839-'40.

Kamehameha lU and his chiefs early became convinced that their
system of government needed to be remodeled, and wrote to the United
States in 1836 for a legal adviser and instructor in the science of govern-
ment. Failing to procure such a person, in 1838 they chose Mr. Eich-
ards to be their adviser and interpret/cr. He accordingly was released
from his connection with the American mission, and entered upon his
duties in 1839 by delivering a series of lectures on the science of gov-
ernment to the King and chiefs of Lahaina.

The declaration of rights and the first code of laws were drawn up
at that time. At first a draft was made by a graduate of the Lahaina-
luna Seminary, section by section, at the direction of the King. This
was then read to the King and several of the chiefs, who spent two or
three hours a day for five days in discussing the proposed constitution
and laws, after which the draft was revised and rewritten.

The revised draft then passed a second reading at a meeting of the
Elng and all the important chiefs of the islands, at which some further
amendments were made.

It afterwards passed a third reading and was unanimously approved,
after which it was signed by the King and published in a pamphlet of
24 pages, June 7, 1839.

Having been composed in the Hawaiian language, the laws show
unmistakable marks of their origin. (Haw. Spectator, July, 1839.)

In 1840 the first constitution was drawn up in a similar manner and
approved in a general council of the chiefs. It was then signed by the
King and the premier, Kekanluohi, and proclaimed October 8, 1840.

The declaration of rights plainly shows the influence of the Bible
and of the American Declaration of Independence.

The whole of this constitution gives unmistakable evidence that it
was originally composed in the Hawaiian language, and by Hawaiians.

The preliminary declaration of rights, published in 1839, produced
a feeling of security unknown before, and formed the first step in
establishing individual property in land. It also guarantied religious
liberty, and led to the edict of toleration which was issued by the
King June 17, 1839.

This constitution declared that no land could be conveyed away with-
out the consent of the King. Land forfeited for nonpayment of taxes
should revert to him. He should have the direction of the Oovernment
property and of the various taxes. It should be his prerogative to
make treaties and receive ambassadors. He should be commander in
chief of the army, and ^^ have power to make war in times of emergency,
when the chiefs could not be assembled." He should be the chief judge
of the supreme court.

The singular oflRce of Kuldna nui or premier was continued. The

premier's office was to be the same as that of Kaahumanu, by the will of

Kamehameha I. All business shall be done by the premier, under the

authority oi the Eling. All Government property should be reported to

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 317

Um or her, and he or she should make it over to the King. << The King
shall not act without the knowledge of the premier, nor the premier
without the knowledge of the King, aud the veto of the Kng on the
Mts of the premier shall arrest the business." ^<The King could trans-
aet no important business of the Kingdom without the approbation of
tiie premier."

Tbe four governorships, instituted by Kamehameha I, were perpetu-
ited. Each governor was to have the direction of tbe tax collectors
of his island, who were appointed by the King. He had power to ap-
point the district judges. He was to have charge of the military and
of the war material of his island, and of public improvements.

The Legislative power was vested in the house of nobles, composed
of U hereditary nobles, together with the King and premier, and
certain representatives to meet annually, to be elected by the people.
The number of representatives was afterwards fixed by law at seven.
The two hoases could sit separately or consult together at their discre-
tuHL *^No new law should be made, without the approbation of a
majority of the nobles and also of a majority of the representative
body," as well as the approval and signature of the King and premier.
A supreme court was established, consisting of the King and premier,
and four iudges, to be apiK>inted by the Legislature.

Amendments of the constitution could be made by the nobles and
representatives with the King's concurrence, after a year's notice of
«aid amendments had been given.

Bat at the next session, held May 31, 1841, an act was passed which
gave ^^the King, the premier and the nobles resident near" authority
in q)ecial cases to enact a law which should stand until the next meet-
ing of the Legislature, which could confirm or amend it. Under this
grant, the King and privy council often, during the next few years,
exercised legislative functions.

Obganization op the Government 1845-'47.

As has been seen, this first constitution was extremely simple and
kwedy drawn up.

On the 28th of November, 1843, the two governments of France and
England united in recognizing <^the existence in the Sandwich Islands
of a government capable of providing for the regularity of its relations
witii foreign naticms." But it was soon perceived by the friends of the
nation that much yet remained to be done in order to organize a civil-
iied government, worthy of such recognition.

On the 20th of May, 1845, the Legislature was formally opened for the
tat time by the King in person, with appropriate ceremonies, which
have retained ever since. At this session Mr. John Bicord, the attor-
■ejr-general, made a masterly report on ^< the inferences of the consti-
talMML," and the implied powers and duties of the King, showing the
■ceessity that existed for a series of organic acts, defining the said
|liti€as, and creating five departments of the executive, viz, those of
interior, of finance, of foreign affairs, of public instruction and of the
attorney-general.

By order of the Legislature he afterward drafted two volumes of
statute laws, organizing not only these departments but also the
jndieiary department, which laws were enacted in 1846 and 1847, and
farm the basis of the present civil code. In fact there has been little
^laofe in the machinery of the Government as then set in operation.

By the first ftct the privy council was constituted, to consist of t»\i^

318 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Ave executive ministers, the governors, and other honorary members
appointed by the King, and its powers were defined.

By the third act the district justices' courts apx>ointed by the gov-
ernors, the circuit courts created by this act, and the supreme court,
were organized, and their respective jurisdictions defined.

Thus, from the crude constitutional sketch of 1840, a complicated
system of government was evolved by the genius of this young lawyer.

On the 30th of June, 1850, an act was passed increasing the number
of representatives of the people in the legislative councH to 24, and
entitling ministers to seats and votes in the house of nobles. Another
act was then passed to regulate the elections.

Constitution of 1852.

On the 20th of June, 1851, a joint resolution was passed by both
houses of the Legislature and approved by the King, providing for the
appointment of three commissioners, one to be chosen by the King, one
by the nobles, and one by the representatives, who were to revise the
existing constitution, to publish the changes which they should recom-
mend, on or before December of that year, and to submit the same to
the next Legislature.

Accordingly the King chose Dr. Judd, the nobles John li, and the
representatives Chief Justice Lee. The draft which had been prepared
chiefly by Judge Lee, and embodied the main points, of the organic acts
of 1846~'47, was submitted to the Legislature of 1852, where it was dis-
cussed article by article.

After receiving several amendments, it was finally approved by both
Houses of the Legislature, June 14, 1852, signed by the King and
Kuhina, and went into effect December , 1852.

This constitution was well suited to the time, erring, if at aU, on the
side of liberality, and has served as the basis for all succeeding con-
stitutions.

The declaration of rights iu it was elaborate, consisting of 21 articles.
The executive, legislative, and judicial powers were to be preserved
distinct; ^Hhe two last powers cannot be united in any -one individual
or body."

The King was declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of
the Kingdom.

His person was declared to be ^^ inviolable and sacred." His ministers
are ** responsible."

<^A11 laws that have passed both Houses of the Legislature shall be
signed by His Majesty and the Kuhina NuL All his other ofQcisU acts
shall be approved by the privy council, countersigned by the Kuhina^
and by the minister to whose department such act may belong."

He was to be commander-in-chief of the army and navy; **but he
shall never proclaim war without the consent of his privy council."

It was by and with the advice of his privy council that he should
grant pardons, convene the Legislature, make treaties, oppoiiit ambas-
sadors, appoint and remove the several heads of the executive depart-
ments.

The office of Kuhina Nui, as a kind of Vice- King, was retained out of
deference to the feeling of the chiefs. The Kuhina Nui was to be *^ the
King's special counsellor on the great affairs of the Kingdom." "The
King and Kuhina Nui shall have a negative on each other's acts."
During any temporary vacancy of the throne^ the Kuhina Noi should
act as regent.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 319

Section IQ treats of the privy council. The membeiB of the privy
eoancil were appointed by the King, and held their offices during his
pleasure. The ministers and the governors were ex officio members of
the privy council.

Section IV treats of the King's ministers, who were appointed by
him and held office '^during His Majesty'^ pleasure." They held seats
er officio in the house of nobles. Each of them was to make an an-
nual report to the Legislature of the business of his department.

Section V treats of the governors. They were commissioned by the
King* by and with the advice of his privy council, for the term of four
years. The governors '*• by and with the advice of the justices of the
sapreme courts" appointed the district justices of their respective
islands, for the term of two years.

The Legislature was to meet annually in April. The members of the
hoQse of nobles were appointed by the King for life, but their number
should not exceed thirty. The house of nobles was empowered to sit
as a court to try impeachments made by the House of Bepresentatives
against any public officers.

The house of representatives should consist of not less than 24,
nor more than 40 members, to be elected annually by universal suffrage.
All revenue bills should originate in the lower house.

The supreme court was remodeled, to conuist henceforth of a chief
jnstiee and two associate justices. They held their offices for life,
subject to removal upon impeachment. Their compensation could not
be diminished during their continuance in office. Circuit courts, not
less than four, were ordained, the circuit judges to be appointed for
life, during good behavior, subject to impeachment. The higher judges
were to be apiK>inted by the king by and with the advice of his privy
eoQDcO.

Amendments to this constitution had to be approved by a majority
of one legislature, published for three months before the next election,
and finally passed by two-thirds of both houses, and signed by the
King.

The Kiug had practically an absolute veto on legislation, but this
and other theoretical i)owers were exercised only in accordance with
English precedents by the sovereigns of the Kamehameha dynasty.
For example, they never arbitrarily dismissed a minister or ministry
from office, or made changes in the civil service except for good cause.

The WoBfciNa of the Constitution op 1862.

During the next twelve years the constitution worked as well as
ought to have been expected. The office of attorney-general was not
filled from 1847 till 1863, but district attorneys were employed, while
the department of public instruction was made a bureau in 1855,
under the board of education.

In 1856 an amendment to the constitution was adopted, which made
the sessions of the Legislature biennial instead of annual.

In the session of 1862, among other amendments approved and laid
over for final action at the next session, was one which made the right
to sit as representative depend on the possession of $250 worth of real
estate or an income of $250 per annum.

There was considerable friction between the two houses, especially
on money bills, the lower house at that time being decidedly the more
business-like and dignified of the two. In 1862 it compelled the resigna-
tiop of an incompetent and intemperate minister of finance

320 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The royal brothers, Alexander and Lot, were extremely jealous of
American inflnence, and had never approved of the radical changes
made daring Kamehameha Ill's reign, believing them to be wholly
nnsuited to the Hawaiian people. They were also displeased with the
independent spii!it shown by the lower honse, and its investigating
oommittees.

The Coup D'Etat op 1864.

Prince Lot Kamehameha had resolved never to take the oath to main-
tain the constitution of lS52,.but to seize the opportunity to make such
changes in it as would increase the power of the Grown. Accordingly,
immediately after the death of his brother^ on the 30th of l^ovember,
1863, he was proclaimed King, without taking the oath, under the title
of Kamehameha Y . He was careful not to convene the regular Legis-
lature of 1864, but issued a proclamation May 5 for the election of a
constitutional convention, to be held June 13. Meanwhile, accom-
panied by Mr. Wyllie, Kalakaua, and other reactionaries, he made a
tour through the islands, explaining and defdnding the changes which
he desired to make in the constitution.

The convention met July 7, being composed of sixteen nobles and
twenty-seven elected delegates, preside over by the £ang. After a
week's debate it was decided that the ^^ three estates" should sit together
in one chamber.

The next question was whether this convention had the right to pro-
ceed to make a new constitution. It was strongly argued that the
*^only legal method in which the constitution can be referred back to
the constituting powers is prescribed in that instrument itself.^' "Any
other method is revolution, and revolutions'do not generally claim to
be constitutional." After several days' debate the question was de-
cided in the affirmative, on which four delegates resigned their seats.
The convention then went ou with the revision of the constitution, but
on the subject of the property qualification it was found to be intract-
able. After a long discussion of the article the King lost all patience,
and on August 13 he declared the existing constitution to be abro-
gated and prorogued the convention.

On the 20th of August, 1864, he promulgated a new constitution
upon his own authority, which was never submitted to ratification by
the people, but continued in force for 23 years.

Constitution op 1864.

The constitution of 1864 was merely a revision of that of 1852, and
there were fewer changes in it than had been expected. It was under-
stood at the time that it was drawn up by Mr. G. G. Harris, the attor-
ney-general.

In the bill of rights, the clause guaranteeing elections by ballot was
stricken out.

The clause forbidding the union of the legislative and judicial jwwers
in one person was altered to read, " and no judge of a court of record
shall ever be a member of the Legislature. "

The useless office of Kuhina Nui was abolished, and provision made
for a regency in case of the minority of the heir to the throne, or of
the absence of the sovereign from his Kingdom. The chapter relating
to governors was omitte<l, and the subject left to be regulated by st-atute.

The nobles and representatives were thenceforth to sit together in

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 321

one house, to be styled the Legislative Assembly. The number of the
nobles was do^^ limited to 20, while that of representatives remained
Mbefore, not less than 24 nor more than forty, to be elected biennially.
No person should be eligible for representative unless he owned real
estate within the Kingdom worth over and above all incumbrances at
least 1500, or had an annual income of at least $250.

Every voter was required to own real property worth over and above
all incmnbrances $150, or a leasehold on which the rent was $25 per
umom, or to have an income not less than $75 per annum. These
property qaalifieations might be increased by law. He was also re-
quired, if bom since 1840, to know how to read and write.

1q regard to the status of judges, the old constitution had provided
that any judge of the supreme court, or of any other court of record,
■ight " be removed from office for mental or physical inability by a
emcurrent resolution of two- thirds of both branches of the Legisla-
Xmt,^ In the new constitution the latter part of this sentence was
changed to read, ^^on a resolution passed by two-thirdsof the Legisla-
tsrt Assembly, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King."

The powers of the privy council were considerably diminished. Its
approval was no longer required for appointment to oihce. Its chief
ifmatning fanctions were to pass on pardons, grant charters, or appro-
priate money •* when, between the sessions of the Legislative Assembly,
the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public
disaster shall ari^e."

The governors were given by statute nearly the same powers and
daties as were secured to them by the old constitution. They appointed
the tax collectors, subject to the approval of the minister of finance
and district justices, ^^by and with the advice of the justices of the
supreme court.^ Their chief duty under the law was to superintend
tiie coUectioa of taxes in their respective islands. In point of fact
they acted as the King's personal agents, especially in elections.

The Constitution op 1864 under Lunalllo -and Kalakaua*

Lmialil<ys election was in great part due to the popular discontent with
the arbitrary rule of Ekamehameha Y. On his accession to the throne
ie?eral amendments to the constitution were approved at the special
aemon of the Legislature held in January, 1873. The most important
of these were one to aboUsh the property qualifications of voters and
another to restore the division of the JiCgislature into two houses sitting
lepvately.

The subject came before the next Legislature for final action, in July,
1874, when the former amendment was duly ratified by a two-thirds
Tote, bat the latter failed to pass.

The number of representatives had been fixed by law at 28 in 1868.
An act increasing the number of justices of the supreme court to five
TO passed in 1886.

The evil tendencies which had begun to show themselves during
Eamehameha Y's reign went on increasing during the reign of Kala-
kaiia.

At the legislative session of 1884 a law was passed giving the King
the sole power to appoint the district justices, through his creatures,
the governors, by striking out the clause "by and with the advice of
the justices of the supreme court."

At the elections of 1886 almost all the candidates of the King's party
were officeholders.

S. Kep. 227 ^21

322 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The personal interference of the King in politics was carried to an
extent unthought of before, while the constitutional precedents of
former reigns were wholly disregarded. The Government was in dan-
ger of becoming an Asiatic despotism like that of Jobore, when the
revolution of 1887 took place and Kalakaua was compelled to sign and
proclaim a nefr constitution July 6, 1887.

The Constitution op 1887.

The constitution of 1887, like that of 1864, was merely a revision, but
for diflFereut objects, viz, to put an end to personal government by
making the ministry responsible only to the people through the Legis-
lature, and to widen the suffrage by extending it to foreigners, who
were practically debarred from naturalization under the existing law.

The declaration of rights remained unchanged except an important
addition to art. 20, viz: "and no executive or judicial officer, or any
contractor or employ^ of the Government, or any person in the receipt
of salary or emolument from the Government, shall be eligible to elec-
tion to the Legislature ot the Hawaiian Kingdom. And no member of
the Legislature shall, during the time for which he is elected, be ap-
pointed to any civil office under the Government except that of a mem-
ber of the cabinet."

Article 39: «^The King's private lands and other property are invio-
lable," was dropped.

A more important change was made in article 42. The minister, in-
stead of holding office during His Majesty's pleasyre, "shall be re-
moved by him only upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a
majority of all the elective members of the Legislature, or upon con-
viction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment."

The cabinet were to hold seats, as before, in the Legislature, with the
right to vote, "except on a question of want of confidence."

The time of meeting of the Legislature was changed from April to
May. In aiUcle 48 the King's veto power was limited. K he disap-
proved of a bill, he was to return it to the Legislature, with his objec-
tions, within ten days, and if on reconsideration it should be approved
by a two-thirds vote of all the elective members it shall become a law.

The number of nobles was increased from 20 to 40. Instead of being
appointed by the King for life, the nobles were henceforth to be elected
for six years, and serve without pay, one-third of them going out every
two years. A candidate for the office of noble was required to own
taxable property of the value of $3,000 over and above all incum-
brances, or to have an income of not less than $600 per annum, and to
have resided in this Kingdom three years.

The same property qualifications and term of residence were required
of electors of nobles.

The number of representatives was fixed at 24. Ko change was made
in the property qualification or term of residence of representatives.
The compensation of representatives was increased to $250 for each
biennial term.

Article 62, on the qualifications of voters, was altered by substituting
for the words "male subject, etc.," the words "male resident of the
Eangdom, of Hawaiian or European birth or descent, who shall have
taken the oath to support this constitution and the laws."

The above provision excluded Asiatics from voting. The other con-
ditions of one year's residence, and of knowing "how to read and

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 323

write either Hawaiian, English, or some European langaage," were
waived for the first election in 1887, but have been enforc^ ever since.
No change was made in the articles relating to the judiciary. The
privy council was retained, but was given even less power than be-
f(»e. Its chief remaining function is to act as a board of pardons.

A new and most important article was ^ added as follows: ^< Art. 78.
Wherever by this constitution any act is to be done or performed by
the King or the Sovereign, it shaJl, unless otherwise expressed, mean
that such act shall be done and performed by the Sovereign by and
with the advice and consent of the cabinet.''

The office of governor was abolished by the Legislature of 1888, and
its dnties divided between the sheriffs and tax collectors.

The number of judges in the supreme court has been since reduced
to three.

Notwithstanding article 78, it was decided by a majority of the
supreme court in 1888, that the King, under article 48, could exercise
» personal right of veto, in opposition to his ministers.

After the death of Kalakaua, it was also decided by the Court, Feb-
ruary 25, 1891, that the new sovereign had a right to demand theresig-
ni^ons of the former cabinet and to appoint a new one.

Most of the changes in the constitution made in 1887 are in strict
accordance with the principles of representative constitutioDal govern-
ment. That they could have been brought about by regular amend-
ments of the constitution of 1864 is universally admitted to have been
impossible.

As the constitution proposed to have been proclaimed January 14,
1893, has been sedulously concealed by its author, I am unable to give
any exact information in regard to it.
BespectfuUy submitted,

W. D. Alexander.

Adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 9^ 1894.

Washington, D. O., January P, 1894.

The snbcommittiee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present, the Chairman (Senator Mobgan) and Senators Butleb,
6bay, and Fbyb.
Absent, Senator Shebman.

IWQU STATEMEHT OF PROF. WILLIAM DE WITT ALEXAITDEB—

Continued.

Mr. Alexanbeb. I have taken some pains to make a correct esti-
■ate of the expenditures for education in the Haivaiian Islands for the
biennial period 1890-'92. It is to be a part of my orcd testimony given
file first day. The total per annum is $284,000.

Senator Butleb. I suggest that the statements be printed.

Mr. Alexandeb. Here is the petition for the lottery. [Producing
paper.]

The CmiBHAN. I will read it to the committee. It is as follows:

"THE PETITIONS FOB THE LOTTEBY.

'^Mr. Nordhoff has attempted to break the effect of the passage of
tile lottery bill and its signature by the Queen by referring to ceirt&m

324 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

petitions in its &Yor, which have been published at the end of Col.
Blormf s report, but without date.

^^The impression which is sought to be made is that these petitions
were sent in shortly before the passage of the said bill, and influenced
the mind of the Queen in signing it."

Mr. Alexander. I should have inserted the words '*by Mr. Nord-
hoff," so that it would read : ^' The impression which is sought to be
made by Mr. Nordhoff," etc. I might give a wrong impression if those
words were omitted, and I should be sorry to make an insinuation
against Mr. Blount. That completes the historical part.

The Ohaibman. I continue :

" The facts are that these petitions were signed before the first intro-
duction of the lottery bill, which was ou the 30th of August, 1892, four
and a half months before its final passage.

<' The signatures were obtained by a rapid secret canvass, before pub-
licity had been given to the movement, and before any discussion of its
efiects had taken place. Many signed without reflection who after-
ward deeply regretted it. As soon as the bill was printed a powerful
opposition sprang up, which resulted in its being shelved, as was sup-
posed, forever. Still it was known by some that the Queen and Wilson
had been in favor of it from the flrst, and that the snake had been only
* scotched,' not killed.

^^ Near the end of the session, in the absence of six of its opponents,
the bill was suddenly revived, rushed through and signed in the fjEU^e
of* a strong and unanimous protest by the chamber of commerce, and
numerous memorials and petitions ft'om all quarters.

<^ The passage of that bill, the voting out of an upright ministry,
and the attempted coup cPStat were all parts of one plan to corrupt and
destroy honest constitutional government in Hawaii. As it was only
one white man dared to vote for it.

« W. D. Albxandeb."

Is there anything elset

Mr. ALEXAia>£B. That is alL

SWOBH STATEMEHT OF LIEUT. LUCIEH TOUHO, OF THE BOSTON.

•The Ohaibman. You belong to the Navy t

Mr. Young. Yes; I am a lieutenant in the Navy, on duty at present
in the Navy Department engaged in the work of compiling the Naval
War Becords of the late rebellion.

The Chairman. Were you on the cruiser Boston in January, 18931

Mr. Young. Yes; I was on the Boston during her entire stay in Hon-
olulu.

Thfe Chairman. When did the Boston first arrive there t

Mr. Young. On or about the 24th of August, 1892.

The Chairman. Did she remain in the harbor during all the timet

Mr. YouNa. She only left the harbor twice; once in October, I think
it was, we went out to look up some shipwrecked Americans who had
been cast upon the large island of Hawaii. We found them and brought
them back to Honolulu. Then, on the 4:th of January we went to Hilo,
on the island of Hawaii, for target practice, and returned to Honolula
on the 14th of January.

Senator Butler. How long were you on that first tript

Mr. Young. I think five days.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens go with you on your second
croisef

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 325

Mr. Young. Tes; lie and his daughter vrent with us.
The Ghaibman. The oue who was enbsequently drowned t
Mr. YouNO. Yes. I helped her into the boat as she was going
ashore. <

TheCHATEMAN. Where were youf

Mr. Young. Off the island of Hawaii. She had b^ien visiting one
rf the sugar estates there. It was in lowering her into the boat for
passage from shore to the luter-Islaml steamer, which was done in a
ea^ that she was drowned. One of the natives told me that he be-
lieved she was killed before she struck the water; that the waves
stmck her and she was killed in the cage. She was to take passage
for Honolulu on a little island steamer, not the Boston, We landed
Iter at the same place where she was drowned and then proceeded to
Hilo.

The Chairman. Do you remember the date of her death t

Mr. Young. I can get that. We went down on the 4th; returned on
tht 14th, and her death must have been on the Idth, I should say. I
think the minister got the news of the death about the time the revolu-
tion was going on.

The Chaibman« I will ask you whether or not at the time you first
left there you had some acquaintance with the state of public feeling
and the situation of afi'airs generally in Honolulu?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there any evidence of a commotion or out-
breakf

Mr. Young. When we left none whatever, everything appeared to be
settled. And that was the reason that justified us in leaving to get
this target practice which we were in need of.

The Chairman. Prior to that time was there any agitation in
Honolulu T

Mr. Young. Yes; a good deal of agitation in reference to the voting
out of the several ministrys by the Legislature and persistent appoint-
ment by the Queen of others inimical to American interests unsatisfac-
tory to the intelligent members of the Legislature and wealthy classes
on the inlands. This involved a good deal of aiplomatic trouble be-
twe^ the American and British ministers in reference to the interests
(rf their resi)ective countries, and I have seen the latter on the floor of
the Legislature while in session lobbying. Finally a cabinet was
appointed representing the wealth and intelligence of the islands, and
sto) in favor of American interests. When they attempted to vote
them out by a vote of want of confidence they failed to do so, and it
left the matter looking like they were there to stay and we went away

Senator Fbts. That was the Wilcox cabinet!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghaibman. So that the situation when you left Honolulu on
that eraise was one of quiet, peace, and composure?

Mr. Young. Yes; everything was perfectly quiet when we left the
harbor.

Senator Fbyb. It was the expectation that the Wilcox ministry
Ta8 to continue for a long time?

Mr. Young. Yes. Minister Stevens told Capt. Wiltse in my pres-
aice that he believed the Wilcox ministry would continue, but Oapt.
Wiitfie said that he did not think so.

Senator Fbyb. Minister Stevens believed it would continue f
Mr. Young. Yes; so he stated to me, and Oapt. Wiltse based his
opinion on what I heard on shore and reported to him. I heard {tom

326 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

one of the ministers, Mr. Parker, that all the native members of the
Legislature were willing to have tliis cabinet out, and they expected
to get one or two of the whites to go with them, and to vote them oat
very shortly.

Senator Fbye. That was Parker f

Mr. Young. Sam Parker, yes; a'former minister of foreign aflFairs.

The Chairman. Did you coipmunicate that to Oapt. Wiltset

Mr. Young. Yes; I told him that myself.

The Chairman. But the minister did not believe there would be^a
disturbance of the cabinet, and he went away on this cruise f

Mr. Young. Yes; he did not believe there would beany disturbance
at all.

The Chairman. And took his daughter with himf

Mr. Young. Yes; he believed that the ministry had come to stay
and they could not be removed.

Senator Gray. What was the date of this cruisef

Mr. Young. Fourth of January when we left Honolulu.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens have any other part of his
family with himf

Mr. Young. Yes; his wife and another daughter were in Honolulu.

The Chairman. They did not go with you on the cruise!

Mr. Young. No; they remained at home.

The Chairman. Where did you first gof

Mr. Young. The first to Hilo, the port of entry, situated on what is
known as the island of Hawaii, the largest of the group, and we
returned to Lahaina, on the island of Maui. An intimate friend of
mine came on board near midnight from the island steamer that had
left Honolulu the afternoon preceding and communicated to me that
the Wilcox ministry had been voted out the day before and another
one appointed in its. stead. I told Captain Wiltse and Minister
Stevens. At the time we were getting up steam to return to Honolulu
in obedience to orders the evening before that we might arrive there in
the daytime.

The Chairman. Is there any telegraphic communication between
those islands!

Mr. Young. Ko; they attempted to construct an inter-island cable,
but it soon corroded and was rendered useless.

The Chairman. You have to depend on steamers for communica-
tion between the islands!

Mr. Young. Yes, the inter-island steamers. They make their trips
twice a week. One is the Widler Company and the other is the Inter-
Island Steam Navigation Company.

The Chairman. How many days were you getting into Honolulu
from Hilot

Mr. Young. We left Hilo and returned to Lahaina and were there
two days. We left Lahaina at 12 o'clock on the 13th of January, and
we arrived in Honolulu at 10:30 o'clock on the morning of the 14th of
January — Saturday.

The Chairman. Did Minister Stevens immediately go ashoret

Mr. Young. I am not sure about it. I was sent for by the captain,
at lea^t, I was off duty and he requested me, which was equivalent to
an order, to put on full dress uniform and accompany the consul-gen-
eral to the ceremonies of the prorogation of the Legislature. Before
the ship was secured even, I left the ship.

The Chairman. Who was the commander of the Boston troops that
landed t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 32t

Mr. YoTJNG. Lieut. Commander SwiDbum; he is down at Annapolis.

The Chairman. Had yon been invited to attend the ceremonies of
the prorogation of the Legislature?

Mr. Young. We had been invited; yes.

The Chairman. That is customary!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. A matter of ceremony t

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you attend the prorogation!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Were you with any troops!

Mr. Young. There was no one but myself; I was in full-dress uni-
form.

The Chairman. Do you know whether Minister Stevens left the
ship before you did!

Mr. Young. No. My impression is I left before he did.

The Chairman. Did you go immediately to the Government house!

Mr. Young. I went first to the consul-general's and we drove
together to the Government building.

The Chairman. That is not lolani palace !

Mr. Young. I^o; it faces it, some little distance from it.

The Chairman. About how many yards!

Mr. Young. I should say about 400 yards.

The Chairman. As much as that!

Mr. Young. It may be less — about 300 yards. The palace is situated
in a large square, and King street passes in front of the palace. There
i« a kind of yard in: front of the Government building, I should say
between 300 and 400 yards very nearly.

!rtie Chairman. Had you seen the consul-general befoi^ that day!

Mr. Young. No; I went to the consulate to meet him.

Senator Frte. Who was the consul-general!

Mr. Young. Mr. Severance. I went direct to the consul-general's
office, and we together went to the Government building.

Senator Butler. You mean the consul-general of the United
States!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Was this Government building where the legisla-
ture met!

Mr. Young. Yes, sir; that is where the Legislature sits, but it was
also the supreme court chamber and the other offices in the same
building; but the large hall was the legislative hall. The Legislature
was composed of nobles and representatives sitting in joint session.

The Chairman. Did you proceed immediately with the consul-gen-
eral to the Government building!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. What was going on when you got there!

Mr. Young. When I got there there was quite a crowd around the

war end of the building, and two or three leading Americans and

Jodge Hartwell, who was one of the leading lawyers of the place and

ffixnister under Kalakaua, informed me that the Queen contemplated

tte promulgation of a new constitution immediately after the adjoum-

meat of the Legislature, and asked me if I would not go on board ship

ud inform Captain Wiltse. I went in to speak of it to Consul-General

Severance, ajid he laughed and said, ^'I do not believe a word of it.''

I went in and was shown the seat assigned me in the legislative hall,

a httle to the left and in front of the rostrum where speaker u&^d to

328 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

sit, and which the Queen used when she read her proclanialaon. After
waiting some little time they commenced, and I believe it was about
the funniest affair I ever saw in my life — a circus.

The procession was headed by two or three lackeys, and then fol-
lowed the governor of Oahu, father to the heiress apparent, dressed in
a gaudy uniform covered with- gold and orders; the chamberlain with
attendants all dressed up in uniform, and then came Her Majesty,
with a long train, and four lackeys in knee breeches carrying the train,
and then the two royal princesses, ladies in waiting, a staff, the four
ministers, and other attendants. It was a very amusing scene. After-
wards the proclamation was handed to her in a portfolio, when she
stepped to the front of the rostrum and began reading, fii*stin English
and then in Kanaka. I do not believe there were more than one or two
white members of the Legislature present at the time. The Kanakas
and every one were decorated with the various orders of Kamehameha
I and Kalakaua, consisting of great big stars stretched out on the
breast. It was quite a circus and very amusing.

The Chairman. Were any of them wearing wreaths of flowers!
, Mr. Young. Ko; I did not see any of them.

The Chairman. Do you know what that signifies in Hawaii — the
wearing of wreaths of flowers t

Mr. Young. Ko, I do not. I have heard a great many reasons. But
the nearest I could get to it was simply a decoration and ornament. A
natural passion for flowers.

The Chairman. Kot a badge of office t

Mr. Young. Ko; simply an ornament — decoration.

The Chairman. Do you remember the Queen's proclamation of pro-
rogation of the Legislature!

Mr. Young. Ko. I think it was simply to thank them for the faith-
ful performance of their duty, and now that the Government was at
peace with everybody, etc., she thanked them for their attendance, and
so on — ^really a complimentary aff'air; and then wound up by declaring
this Legislature prorogued.

The Chairman. That meant that there was to be a new election!

Mr. Young. Yes; the Legislature meets every two years.

Senator Butler. How long had that been in session!
, Mr. Young. We arrived in Honolulu about the 24th of August, and
I think they had been in session since about the 1st of July. They
continued in session up to January 14.

Senator Butler, When it was prorogued by the Queen!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. The two houses sit together!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman, Nobles and representatives!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Is that the usual way!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. The Queen always appears and prorogues the
Legislature!
. Mr. Young. Yes. The nobles and representatives sit in joint session

Senator Gray. Vote together!

Mr. Young. Yes; and the ministers sit with them and vote.

Senator Gray. The vote is not taken in each house separately; the
roll is not called separately I

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 329

Mr. YoiTNa. I have been there and I thought they voted right along
as they called the roll.

Seoator Gbat. And questions are decided by a majority of the whole
Totet

Mr. Young. Yes; I have also seen them vote aye and no, by holding
up their hands.

The Ghaibman. Immediately after this legislature was prorogued,
what became of the Queen f Where did she gof

Mr. Young. She passed into a large room on the left facing the
roetrom; a large reception room about twice as large as tills, where she
held her reception.

The Ghaibman. Did you go in 9

Mr. Young. Yes; I passed on through the door. The consul told
me he was going back to the office. I told him I was there in an offi-
cial capacity, and 1 felt it my duty to go through with it.

Senator Gray. You wanted to see the sights of the side circus?

Mr. Young. Yes; the Governor of Oahu, Mr. Gleghorn, stopped me
at the door and talked to me in a nervous strain as though to retain me.
1 passed in and bowed to the Queen and her ministers standing on the
right her aids, and passed on through the door. The Queen looked at
nwratlier savagely, and did not return my salutation with any cordial-
ity at all. I noticed that she acted in a peculiar way. First when she
was reading her proclamation I thought she had a little stage fright,
bnt in this reception room I saw that she was under the influence of a
stimnlant, in fact she was drunk. There is no question in my mind
aboQtit at all. Then I passed outinto the yard and started to go over
into the palace, and I was advised not to go. Then I was told again
on the outside that as soon as the Queen came over to the palace she
was going to promulgate the new constitution. I was also informed
that at the palace the night before there had been placed four or five
pieces of artillery, enfilading the approaches to the palace, and that the
Qaeen's household was said to be under arms. I thought affairs looked
very serious, and that it was my duty to go immediately on board ship
and inform my commanding officer, which I did*

The Ghaibman. Who told you that!

Mr. Young. Different people.

The Chairman. Can you name themt

Mr. Young. Yes; Judge Hartwell was one who told me, and I was
also told by a half-white Kanaka. I do not know his name. I was
told by two or three persons.

The Chairman. Did you see those brass pieces f

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Where were they!

Mr. Young. I did not see them that day.

The Chairman. Where were they when you did see themt

Mr. Young. Down in the yard of the palace when I saw tUem.

Senator Butler. Is that palace located in an open reservation!

Mr. Young. Yes; it is a square, a perfect square, and right in the
center of this square is the palace. In the top of the palace, the upper
part of the palace, there are two halls. They cross each other at right
aDgles. I had this statement confirmed afterward by some of the
people stationed there. Wilcox, who was asked to take command of
these pieces but refused, told me so afterwards. They were planted at
the end of each one of these corridors.
Senator Butlrr. Is the palace surrounded by streets on each sidet
Mr. Young. Yes.

330 HAWAIIAN I8LANB&

Senator Fbyb. The Wilcox you reter to was 0. P. Wilcox t

Mr. Young. He was a young man who was sent by Kalakaua to
Italy to be educated in the military school there. The Qaeen asked
him to take charge of these pieces in the palace, and he declined to do
it, and they were then placed under the command of Kowlein, who
was in charge of the Household Guards, and he took charge. He told
me he had men stationed there all the time.

Senator Butler. Where did you gof

Mr. Young. I went aboard ship and reported to Gapt. Wiltse
what was going on, and he ordered me to go on shore in citizen's
clothes and learn all I could and keep him posted. I went on shore
and I found what I had heard before had becopie general throughout
the town.

Senator Butler. What about the promulgation of the new consti-
tution?

Mr. Young. Yes; and also that a large meeting was in progress at
W. O. Smith's office, on Fort street. I went in there and I made some
inquiries, and I was told that two of the ministers had appealed for
protection, and that the Queen had threatened to shoot them.

Senator Frye. They were the Queen's present ministers?

Mr. Young. Yes; Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn. Mr. Peterson and
Mr. Oolburn told me afterwards that they beUeved the Queen would
have had them shot if they had not gone out.

Senator Butler. Out of the palacet

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Where were the troops located?

Mr. Young. In the palace grounds, inside of this reservation, and
the police were down at the police station. And there was quite a num-
ber of people in W. O. Smith's office, most of them white, a good many
Kanakas; I should say there were three rooms packed and jammed
with people. I could not get into the inner rooms from the crowd, and
they appointed a committee of safety.

The Chairman. How far was this office irom the police station?

Mr. Young. Not more than 800 to 1,000 yards.

The Chairman. How far from the Government buildings t

Mr. Young. About three-quarters of a mile.

Senator Butler. Is that this place, put down on the maps as the
barracks?

Mr. Young. No j different place. [Indicating on the diagram.] 1
passed on down King street and went into the palace grounds after
leaving Smith's office. I met several gentlemen, and asked them for
information. When I went into the palace grounds there were two
natives on the balcony of the palace haranguing the Kanakas, the over-
seer standing near them; and a man there, who interpreted what was
said, stated that the Kanakas were stating to the crowd that the min-
istry, under the influence of the whites, had prevented the Queen giving
them a new constitution, and they were appealing to the crowd and
asking them to rise and shoot the crowd, whites and all.

The (Chairman. That was afterwards interpreted to youf

Mr. Young. Interpreted to me at the time.

The Chairman. By those Kanakas!

Mr. Young. Yes, at the time;

The Chairman. As the statements were being made were these two
men standing by the Queen!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Were they on the balcony!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 331

Mr. Young, Standing on tlie balcony.

Senator Butler. This meeting at Smith's office was in symjiathy
idth the Qneen.

Mr. Young. !N'o; in sympathy with the old ministers. Coleburn and
Peterson came down town and appealed to these people to protect
them, stating that the Queen had threatened to shoot them, and it was
threatened that they were to be locked up. A great many people,
more people, came on in this place. The rooms were crowded; there
were 250 to 300 persons there.

Senator Butleb. In Smith's office!

Mr. Young. Yes, and gathered around the door. I stayed in there
a short time and then passed on down to the palace, and after I got a
cab and drove around town, came back to the business portion of the
town, and I sent three or tour messages over to Oapt. Wiltse, telling
him what was going on. I stayed on shore until 12 o'clock that evening.

TheCHAiBHAN. Or night!

Mr. Young. At night. At night quiet crowds gathered around
tovB and also in the club, and in the conversation aU who had been
the Queen's 6upx)ort€^s were bitterly denouncing her acts, and there
was nothing indicating anything but an effort to stop the Queen from
promulgating her constitution. I met Chief Justice Judd, who stopped
me and told me he had been in the palace some three or four hours,
somewhere in that neighborhood, and he said that they had finally
persuaded her not to promulgate the constitution that afternoon, but
she insisted that she would do it in two or three days. But Chief
Justice Judd said: ^^The trouble is over, and I think we may be able
to stop it yet."

Senator Butlbb. You were in citizen's dress f

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. Is Mr. Judd the chief justice of the supreme court
of Hawaii T

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. He was not disturbed in his office!

Mr. Young. Ko. The only officials removed were four of the cabinet
and also the marshal, and also of the guards.

The Chaibbian. When you speak of having gone from Smith's office
to the palace grounds where you heard translated what these Kanakas
said, did you see any artillery or other anns?

Mr. Young. The Household Guards were all under arms.

The Chaibbian. How many were there of themf

Mr. Young. About 60 of them.

The Chaibman. Where were theyf

Mr. Young. In front of the palace, drawn up in lines near the
approach to the palace, and some of them were on sentry duty back
in the yard.

Senator Butleb. Do you know of your own knowledge whether
they were supplied with ammunition or not!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. Did you find any other persons on that occasion t
Mr. Young, ^o.

The Chaibman. Did you find any society or body of men in array t
. Mr. Young. None at*all.

The GHAiBMi^^Were there many citizens, and if so, how many,
around the palai^uilding at that time!
Mr. Young. One part of the palace grounds was crowded.
The Chaibman. With .whom!

332 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Young. Kanakas and whites both, and also King street down
facing Palace Square.

The Chairman. Were they making any demonstration!

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Any cheering, hurrahing?

Mr. Young. No. On the contrary the natives themselves even
stopped these two Kanakas from speaking. They went up and tried
to stop them. One of them, named Whi^e I think, they caught him
and pulled him down from the balcony, and as they did he continued
to screech out and holler his remarks as they pulled him down from the
balcony.

Senator Gray. Was he sober!

Mr. Young. I do not think he was.

The Chairman. Did you get what he said after they pulled him down
from the balcony?

Mr. Young. Yes. I was told that he said^" I wiU not stop; I will
continue until we get the constitution, or we will drive every white off
the island."

The Chairman. That was while the Kanakas were pulling him down
from the balcony?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. How high was that balcony where the Queen stood
above the ground?

Mr. Young. About ten or fifteen feet.

The Chairman. These persons who pulled down this Mr.'White, did
they climb up?

Mr. Young. Yes; it is near the stairway.

The Chairman. Was the Queen near the stairway?

Mr; Young. Yes; right by the door.

The Chairman. So that she was accessible to the persons from the
outside?

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you see any of the artillery around the palace
at that time?

Senator Gray. When was the first time after that that you saw these
little brass pieces?

Mr. Young. It was some little time after. The new Government got
them down when I saw the pieces.

Senator Butler. This was the 14th?

Mr. Young. On tlie 14th.

Senator Butler. The day of your arrival!

Mr. Y OUNG. Yes.

Senator Butler. What time of day ?

Mr. Young. About 5 o'clock.

Senator Butler. In the afternoon ?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. You had been in yonr uniform and attended the
prorogation ?

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. And then you returned aboard ship and returned
in citizen's dress ?

Mr. Young. Yes; under the orders from the fiaptain.

Senator Butler. That was how long after the pr(|g|[ation t

Mr. Young. Tliey prorogued the Legislature aboi^Kl o'clock ; this
was about 5 — 6 or 6 o'clock^ afterwards.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. • 333

Senator Butubb. After the Queen had retired from the Government
building to the palace!

Mr. Young. Yes. She had gone to the palace aboat 1 o'clock, after
the reception.

The Ohaibman. This collection of the people around the palace
relates to the palace of lolanif

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Not to the Government building t

Mr. Young. Not to the Government building.

The Ohaibman. After the prorogation of the Legislature the Queen
went to her palace ?

Mr. Young. Yes. .She has a place on Beretania street.

The Ohaibman. How far is the Queen's palace from the Legisla-

Mr. Young. About 300 to 400 yards.

The Ohaibman. What time did you get on board ship that evening t

Mr. Young. About a few minutes before 12 o'clock.

The Ohaibman. In the meantime had you received any instruc-
tions jfrom Captain Wiltse!

Mr. Young. I simply received a return message to a message from
me, telhng me to continue and get all the news I could.

The Ohaibman. Was that a verbal message!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Not in writing!

Mr. Young. Not in writing.

Senator Fbyb. Have you completed your statement of the informa-
tion you sedtired up to the time you went baok aboard ship!

Mr. Young. Yes, that is about the whole of it.

The Ohaibman. That was on Saturday!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gbay. The 14th of January!

Mr. Young. The 14th.

The Ohaibman. Did you report to Oapt. Wiltse when you got back !

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Did you give him information of what you had seen
after you got on shipboard!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ohaibman. As you have stated it here!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Did you state to Oapt. Wiltse that peace could have
been preserved without the intervention of the troops!

Mr. Young. Yes; I told him there would be no trouble that day,
bnt it would come; that from the temper of the people if the Queen
attempted it there would be an uprising. I had heard conversations
to that effect all over the city, even by her own adherents.

The Ohaibman. How long did you remain on board ship before you
retamed on shore!

Mr. Young. Until Monday afternoon, when I returned with the bat-
tftUos.

The Ohaibman. Were you in command of any part of the battalion!

Mr. Young, Yes, the artillery.

The Chaebman. What time did you get orders!

Mr. Young. At about half past 10 o'clock I was on duty — we were

washing down ship after the cruise — about half past 10 Oapt. Wiltse

sent for me and told me the condition of affairs and what he had heard,

and it looked like they were going to have trouble; that t\i^ gON^xti-

334 ♦ HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

inent could not under any circumstances protect life and property, and
that he felt that he would have to land the troops. He asked me how
long I would be before 1 could land two Gatling guns and two 37 revolv
ing cannon. I told him, a half hour. He said, very well, and told me
to look around and see that everything was all right, *^ I think I will
have to land the troops.^ I remaiked to him, " I think they should
have landed the evening before from what I heard," and he said he did
not want to do it until it was necessary. I got one Gatling gun and
one 37 B. G. and a caisson of ammunition all ready to land.

Shortly afterward I was sent for by Capt. Wiltse, and Gapt. Wiltse
always took me in his confidence in pretty nearly everything he
did. He closed his door and read me his confidential letter of instruc-
tions from the Department and also from Admiral Brown. We dis-
cussed the matter, and he stated under the circumstances — he wai^^ed
to discuss the matter with me — I made the remark that in case we
landed we would have to be very careful or we would be accused of
taking part with one side or the other.

The Ghaibman. The letter from the Department of which you speak
was from the Kavy Department!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Gh AIRMAN. Where was Admiral Brown!

Mr. Young. Admiral Brown was on the San Francisco and in com-
mand of that station at the time of delivering his instructions.

The Ghairman. Where was Admiral Brown at the time!

Mr. Brown. I think Norfolk, Va., at the time. When he left
Honolulu he left instructions with Gaptain Wiltse, as, the admiral in
command of the station, to be followed out in his absence:

The Ghairman. These papers were read to you!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghairman. Have you any copies of them!

Mr. Young. No.

The Ghairman. Would the ship's papers show copies of themf

Mr. Young. No, they were not in Gapt. Wiltse's letter book. They
are of a confidential nature and were kept locked up in a separate
drawer. They could be found in the Department, I suppose, with the
official papers of the ship.

The Chairman. Gan you remember the instructions of the Navy
Department to Gapt. Wiltse!

Mr. Young. They are extracts from the confidential instructions
that were sent to Minister Stevens.

The Ghairman. By whom!

Mr. Young. By the State Department. I do not remember the gist
of them. We discussed the landing more than we did the paper. My
recollection is that the paper stated that you will use every means and
endeavor to act in concert with the minister to preserve and protect
our treaty rights with the Sandwith Islands, even if necessary to use
force. My recollection is that is about the gist of it.

The Ghairman. Now, the instructions given by Admiral Brown!

Mr. Young. Simply a memorandum of the instructions of a similar
nature, and also to land the forces once a week for drill and exercise;
that they had permission from the Gt)vernment to land the men under
arms for that purpose!

The Ghairman. At Honolulu!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghairman. Had there been drills of that kind!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 335

Mr. YouNO. Every week. We landed once a week on the permis-
sion of the Government and used the baseball grounds. They drilled
Uiere often, and a great many people came down to 6ee them. It
seemed to be a kind of pleasure to the inhabitants of the city when
things were favorable. We had one of the best battalions I have ever
seen.
The Ch AIBMAN. What is the strength f

Mr. Young. Three companies of bhie jackets, one of artillery, and
one of marines, making 154 all told, and about 10 oiHcers.
Senator Butler. How many marines?
Mr. Young. Thirty -two marines, I think.
The Chaibman. What time did you leave ship f
Mr. Young. About 5 o'clock — I suppose about a quarter of 6. We
were ordered to land at 4, and our battalion was gotten together
immediately after dinner, which was between 12 and 1. That was Mon-
day, the 16th. On Saturday the Legislature was prorogued; on Sun-
day the agitation was kept up, and on Sunday night the volunteer
forces around town began to arm.
Senator Butleb. Were you on shore then!

Mr. Young. Yes, sir; on Saturday and Saturday night. They met
at two rendezvous, I was informed, one on Emma street and the other
on Nunana avenue.
Senator Fbye, They were the Provisional Government's volunteers!
Mr. Young. I never heard of any Provisional Govemmwit or inti-
mation of it until Monday morning.
Senator Fbye. They were the whites!

Mr. Young. They were the whites armed, as I understood, to protect
themselves against the promulgation of the new constitution, which
constitution, I was told, deprived them of all rights and franchises.
Senator Gray. Were you present at those rendezvous!
Mr. Young. No; I was told about it by informants, and after by
participants.

The Chaibman. I want to know if any troops left the ship before the
detachment which you commanded.
Mr-^TouNG. No; we landed in a body.
The Chairman. You went first!
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. That was 5 o'clock in the evening!
Mr. Young. Five o'clock in the evening. We got the men armed
and equipped for heavy marching order — knapsacks and double belts
of cartridges holding &om 60 to 80 rounds. And I had the caisson
filled, taking in all about 14,000 rounds of caliber .45 for the rifle and
gatling, 1,200 rounds of caliber .38 for the revolvers, and 174 common
explosive shells for the revolving cannon. Each one of these belts car-
ried fix)m 60 to 80 rounds. About 3 o'clock Minister Stevens came on
board and was in consultation with Gapt. Wiltse. The captain sent for
the officers going with the battalion, and had a conference in his cabin.
The Chaibman. Did you hear it!

3Ir. Young. Yes. Minister Stevens told the captain that there was
a very large massmeeting that afternoon in the old armory on Beretania
street, and they had agreed to support the report made by the com-
mittee of safety to abrogate the monarchy; and that there was a
eoanter mass-meeting held by low whites and Kanakas in Palace Square,
whose action indicated an opposition to them, and that these things
indicated that trouble was to take place; that the committee of safety
through him had asked Gapt. Wiltse if he would land the troops tio

336 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

protect life and property. He remarked to the captain that be need
not apprehend any danger of being iired upon, because nothing of the
kind had ever been done under any circumstances. After a few min-
utes Gapt. Wiltse turned to him and said, ^*I have decided to land
the troops already^ and I will land them at 4 o'clock; they are all ready
to land, and here is an order I have written to the commanding officer,
Lieut-Commander Swinburn." The order was taken almost bodily
from the confidential letter to Captain Wiltse.

Then one of the officers present made the remark, ^^ Captain, in case
there is a change in the situation and we should be attacked by any
one of the contending parties how far are these orders to extend; what
shall we do under such circumstances Y" Capt. Wiltse then supple-
mented his written order by the verbal statement, ^^ The situation is
such that it will require a great deal of judgment on the part of you
officers who are going on shore ; you have been here a number of months,
and know all the Americans and their property; that is what I want
to protect, and I want you to be careful and remain as neutral as you
can." Those were the oral instructions. Mr. Stevens then made the
remark, ^' I am very glad you are going to land them, because 1 think
it is absolutely necessary." Mr. Stevens then left the vessel and
returned to the shore.

The Chairman. How far from the coast was the Boston at that time!

Mr. Young. About a half mile. We were anchored, moored, at least,
in what is known as the Kaval row in the harbor.

The Chairman. Did you change the position of the shipY

Mr. YouNa. ^o, not at all; she remained in the same position all the
time.

The Chairman. Were the guns trained on the city in any way?

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. When you came out how many boats did it require
to bring your men, the whole detachment f

Mr. Young. We could have brought them in fewer boats; but we
divided them in platoons, and each platoon took a boat.

The Chairman. How many boats did it take!

Mr. Young. Four companies making 8 platoons, and each platoon
had a boat.^

The Chairman. Were they landed in a body!

Mr. Young. Yes, they formed immediately on getting on shore with
the artillery in the rear.

The Chairman. Who was in command f

Mr. Young. Lieut. Commander Swinburn, the executive officer of
the ship.

The Chairman. Where was the company ordered to got

Mr Young. We had no definite point at all. We landed at Brewer's
wharf, and marched up to the corner of Fort and Merchant streets,
where the consul general's office was, and there left a marine company,
which was to protect the American legation and consulate. The rest
of the battalion turned and marched down King street in front of the
palace, and as we passed the palace the Queen was standing on tiie
balcony, when we gave her the royal salute by drooping the colors and
four raffies on the drums. We passed the palace 250 yards, and there
waited until we could find some place to go into camp. We made an
effort at first to get the old armory near the landing, so as to be near
our base of supplies and throw out pickets in case of emergency. But
we failed to get that, and then tried to get the opera house. They were
the only two buildings near the center of the town, and not beiufr able

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 337

to get them we went to the yard of d. white man name^^ Atherton, and
tbere we bivoaacked under the trees in the rain until 9.30 p. m, when
the aid to Capt. Wiltse reported they had secared a little hall in the
rear of the opera hoase, known as Arion Hall, which is used as a Mor-
mon temple now, I believe. We marched there and went into camp.
Senator Gray. Inside the bnildingf

Mr. Young. Inside the building; yes. And the yard was turned

oyer to us also. I was detailed as officer of the day, and stationed

my pickets and guards around inside the inclosure and not out. I then

pstoled myself in front the opera house, where I could get a view of

the vicinity of the fortified jwlice station and center of the city along

King street and the cross street cutting in at Palace Place, also the

vicinity of the Government barracks across the Palace Square, the

approaches to the armory occupied by the revolutionary forces, and

the grounds surrounding the Government buildings. I sent out men to

get dJil the information that I could. I know that when we marched

through town I never saw a policeman; but when I went outside to get

men to obtain information for me, I was informed that the police to the

Qmnbert>f about 80 were fortified in the station house, and 60 troops

were in the barracks, all under arms, and afraid to come out.

The Chairman. The Queen's troops f

Mr. Young. The Queen's troops. And there was nobody out on
the streets to protect any one, to prevent incendiarism and pilfering.
Ihad a full view down King street and of the approaches to this police
station; also to the heart of the town down the other street, which puts
in there from Fort street.
Senator Butlbb. Did you carry your artillery with you f
Mr. YouNCr. It was all in the park. Prom there I had a view down
to the police station; and across here [indicating on diagram] I could
Ke. Here [indicating] is the armory; that [indicating] is Whete the
barracks are, where the Government troops were; they were stationed
prmcipally in the palace grounds. I heard them drilling all night
long, giving orders. I could see across this square [indicating], and
across this place here [indicating]. I could control down there [indi-
e^tiiig]. There were 2 alarms during the night, fire alarms of an incen-
diary nature, and I called out the guards ready for action till I got
infcmnation they were not needed. I sent off a courier to find out what
this fire was, and finding it was not American property I made no fur-
ther move, but returned the guard to their quarters.
The Ghaisman. How far away from the camp were those fires f
Mr. Young. One on Emma square, which is about two squares off;
tbe other on Beretania street, about a mile off. I have no doubt that
^ drawing np of the guard inspired confidence among the people.
Bie Government troops were 80 and 60, an^ those were all the troops
they ever had at any time. Mr. Wilson showed me a statement where
hechiimed that he had 800 men. I told him that I had been informed by
puticipants, and I had verified their statements, that he had only 80
ttd60,aud he laughed and told me of course he had not that number;
|Hithe had appointed a number of men around town as spies, who gave
infonuation, and he knew a lot of Kanakas he could call in to make
vpthe number. He never had but 80 and 60 under his command.
Senator Fbye Of the Queen's guard and police?
Mr. Young. Queen's guard and police. At the same time there were
175 men under arms of the volunteer force. They were quartered in
the appointed rendezvous on Emma street and at the old armory, and
^more down at the other rendezvous on !Nuuana avenue,

8.Kep. 227 22

338 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Butleb. How many men did you landf

Mr. YouNa. We landed 154 men and 10 officsers.

The Ghaibman. Who had command of the troops at the Queen^s
palace.

Mr. Young. Nowlein.

The Ghaibman. They were the Queen's armyf

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghaibman. She had no other army but thatf

Mr. Young. No.

The Ghaibman. Who had charge of these troops at the i>olice sta
tiont

Mr. Young. Wilson, the marshal.

The Ghaibman. He was commander in chief, next to the Queen f

Mr. Young. Yes. The Attorney-General was over him; but he was
at the head of the troops.

The Ghaibman. I suppose you took rations with you over to the
camp?

Mr. Young. Yes. We took only enough to last that evening, and
we detailed cooks the next morning to send our rations from the ship.

The Ghaibman. Already cooked!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghaibman. How soon after getting there did you first see Capt
Wiltse on shore!

Mr. Young. I saw Capt. Wiltse iu the evening, just shortly after we
arrived at Arion Hall, and I had some little talk with him.

Senator Butleb. Did he appear in full uniform!

Mr. Young. Yes; he was in uniform at all times. In conversation
he intimated to me that he supposed he would have to follow out all
other precedents in order to prevent any incendiarism, pilfering, injury
to life and property, and would have to stop all fighting in the streets.

The Ghaibman. Did Gapt. Wiltse go back on shipboard that nightf

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Ghaibman. When did you again see him there!

Mr. Young. The next morning — next forenoon.

The Ghaibman. Did he make any change in his orders the next day!

Mr. Young. Kone at all.

The Ghaibman. Where did you remain on Tuesday!

Mr. Young. In Arion Hall two days, and then we went down to the
old Bishop building, on King street, not over 300 yards from there.
Arion Hall was only a temporary afiair, because we could not get any-
where else.

The Ghaibman. How long did the troops remain at Gamp Boston!

Mr. Young. I left with a contingent of the artillery on the 3d of
February; then there was one company on the 4th of March returned
to the ship and the rest reembarked on the 1st of ApriL

The Ghaibman. Under whose orders did you leave!

Mr. Young. Under the orders of Gapt. Wiltse.

The Ghaibman. From whom did he receive orders!

Mr. Young. No one at all. He was the senior officer present.

The Ghaibman. He did not receive any instructions from Mr. Blount!

Mr. Young. He was not there then. Admiral Skerrett received
instructions from Mr. Blount!

The Ghaibman. That was later.

Mr. Young. That was the last of April.

Senator Butleb. At what time did Admiral Skerrett arrive there f

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 339

Mr. TouNO. Admiral Skerrett arrived somewhere al out the middle
of February.
Senator Butliib. The Sau Francisco was his flagship!
Mr. YoTTNG. The Mohican was his flagship; and after the Mohican
left he transferred his flag to the Boston, and then to the Philadelphia
after it arrived to relieve the Boston.
The Ch AXEMAN. These troops remained how long on shore f
Mr. Young. The first were withdrawn on the 3d of February. We
landed on the 16th of January, and remained there until the 3d of
February, when I withdrew, went on board with the main portion .of
the artillery; another company left about the middle of March, and all
of them were withdrawn on the 1st of April.

The Ghaibman. Who was in command of the fleet there at the time
tiiese respective detachments were withdrawn?
Mr. Young. Admiral Skerrett.
The Chaibman. All the time!

Mr. Young. Ko. I returned on board with the artillery before
Admiral Skerrett arrived.
The Chaibman. Under the orders of Captain Wiltsef
Mr. Young. Yes. After Admiral Skerrett arrived I landed with
my men and junior officer for inspection, and returned on board the
same day.
The Chaibman. Did you land for the purpose of inspection t
Mr. Y^ouNG. That is all.
The Chaibman. And did not go into campf
Mr. Young. No.

The Chaibman. These troops under Admiral Skerrettremained there
liow long?
Mr. Young. Until the 1st of April, when they were ordered to return
aboard ship by Mr. Blount.
The Chaibman. Those were the last of the troops!
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. Before that they had been returned in detachments t
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. What men returned on the 1st of April?
Mr. Young. A company of blue jackets and comx)any of marines
^t were still on shore.
The Chaibman. On the 1st of April!
Mi. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. When you got to Camp Boston did you erect aflag-
Kafff

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. That was to indicate that it was the camp of the
^erican troops f

Mr. Young. Yes; and also closed all the approaches to it, and no
•tt was allowed out of that camp without leave of absence, except the
•flleera, and they had to be in by 9 o'clock at night. We simply con-
ined ourselves to that camp, and confined the men there.

The Chaibman. You had strict military discipline!

Mr. Young. Military discipline, and drills there the same as any
**«ip. Late in the evening we would go down to Palace Square, where
/*« would have more room, for dress parade, and were witnessed by
[^^body. After we first went into Camp Boston we sent out a grand
"lat is, a company in one direction and then in another — ^foT tSi^
ip^im of seeing that American proper^/ had not been injured ox

340 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

touched, and also to prevent any incendiarism or anything of that
nature.

Senator Gkay. Let the x)eople know that you were there!

Mr. Young. Yes; which we had done on all occasions of that nature.

Senator Butleb. Did you send out a detachment to patrol over the
city at any time?

Mr. Young. No; no patrol beside that.

Senator Butleb. Beside the grand guardf

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Butleb. No separate patrol!

Mr. Young. No ; they were the only ones.

The Chaibman. Did you post any sentinels over the city — over the
buildings!

Mr. Young. None until the protectorate was declared and the flag
was raised over the Government building, when we left a marine guard
there. That was to protect the building; nothing to do outside. All
the police duty was done by the Provisional troops; all our marines re-
mained in the camp.

The Chaibman. Where was their camp!

Mr. Young. Inside the legislative hall. They took that for their
barracks.

Senator Butleb. What troops were those!

Mr. Young. The company of marines.

Senator Gray. They were camped in the Government building!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gbay. When did they go there!

Mr. Young. When they hoisted the flag. When the flag was hoisted
I have forgotten now; I think it was the 1st of February.

Senator Gbay. You mean the American flag over the Government
building.

Mr. Young, Yes: and the staff is there still, not taken down.

The Chaibman. JDuring the time that this guard of marines remained
at the Government building, were the offices there occupied by the
Provisional Government!

Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. Was there any guard of the Provisional Govern-
ment there!

Mr. Young. Yes; they did all the guard duty out in the yard.

The Chaibman. Where did the marines do guard duty!

Mr. Young. Only right there, in their own quarters. They had no
sentries out, to my recollection. There was an orderly kept in front of
the building.

The Chaibman. By whose order was that flag put up at the Govern-
ment building, and on what day!

Mr. Young. It was put up by the order of Capt. Wiltse, and our
men did it. There was a proclamation issued declaring a temi)orary
protectorate, et<j., signed by the minister and approved by Capt.
Wiltse. It was read by the adjutant at the time of raising the
flag, and immediately the Boston tired 21 guns, with no flag exhibited
at the masthead. In flring a salute we always have the flag of the
nation we salute at the masthead.

The Chaibman. What was the cause of flring this salute!

Mr. Young. To salute our flag.

Senator Gbay. If you had been saluting the Hawaiin Government
you would have had the Hawaiian flag at the masthead!

Ml*. Young. Yes.

HAWAIIAN TSLAJITDS. 341

Th« OHAtRMAN. At the time you fired this salute there \ras a pro-
tectorate proelaiiuedY
Mr. Young. Yes; a temporary one.

The Chairman. Signed by the minister and approved by Captain
Wiltse!
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. And read to the troops at Camp Boston f
Mr. Young. No; we left Camp Boston at 8:30 and were drawn up
in line at the Government building when the flag was hoisted.
The Chairman. What day was that!

Mr. Young. The Ist of February. There were Provisional troops
that flanked our troops on the left and rear.

Senator Butler. Do you know whether Capt. Wiltse reserved a
copy of that proclamation ?
Mr. Young. Undoubtedly. It would be in his letter book.
The Chairman. Do you remember the substance of the proclama-
tion!

Mr. Young. I have forgotten exactly how it started, but the gist
was " Hereby declare a temporary protectorate over the Hawaiian Is-
lands, pending negotiations in Washington."

The Chairman. Was there any change in or withdrawal of that
proclamation between that time and the time that Mr. Blount directed
the troops to go aboard ship !

Mr. Young. Koneatall; remained in that situation until Mr. Blount
onlered the troops aboard ship and ordered Admiral Skerrett to haul
down the flag.

The Chairman. What was the state of the public mind during this
period of the occupancy by the United States troops from the time the
flag was raised until it was withdrawn! I speak now in respect of the
arrangement of the people there — ^whether there was any excitement or
irregularity.

Mr. Young. While it was hoisted there was no irregularity or dis-
turbance, nor did I hear any but favorable comment about it.

The Chairman. What do you estimate, or do you know anything
aboat it, the military strength of the Provisional Grovernment at the
time that flag was ordered returned on board ship by Mr. Blountf

Mr, Young. They had 100 men under pay; they had an artillery com-
pany of 60 men, volunteers; they had two companies of volunteers,
consisting of about 30 men to the company, and then they had what
they called a home guard. That was composed of the leading citizens
ill around town, divided up into corporals' squads, and each squad had
its rendezvous at ditt'erent places in the city. The man in command
of tbem showed me his books and he had 400 names on them.
Senator Butler. That was the home guard!
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. Was the home guard armed!
Kr. Young. Yes.

The Chairman. Taking the whole mass together, what would be the
thole number of thearmed forces!
Mr. Young. I should say, between 700 and 800.
The Chairman. Was there any artillery!

Mr. Young. Yes ; four pieces of artillery, breech-loaders, and also four
Austrian guns.
The Chairman. Any others!
Mr. Young. Two short Gatling.
Senator Butl£R. No horses, I suppose, for the battery!

342 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Young, Ko. The large pieces were intended for liorses, but
they moved them by drag ropes.

Senator Butler. They were moved by handf

Mr. Young. Yes; drag ropes. I wrote the drill they have, at their
request; a little friendly act.

The Chaibman. Did you take any charge of these troops t

Mr. Young. No, not at all.

The Chairman. After the United States troops were withdrawn on
shipboard, on the 1st of April, I will ask you how long you stayed there
after the Ist of April.

Mr. Young. In Honolulu!

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Young. Until the 2Gth of September last.

The Chairman. During that period of time was there at any time
any outbreak amongst the citizens?

Mr. Young. There was no outbreak; but one evening there was a
disturbance between some Japanese contractors and laborers. About
400 of them came into town one evening armed with their machetes
from the plantation, and they were instigated to it by some of the
adherents of the Queen, who told them that in case the United States
had anything to do with these islands their contracts would be perpet-
ual and they would be slaves the rest of time.

Senator Butler. Who were they!

Mr. Young. Contractors and laborers on estates about 20 miles from
Honolulu. And the people had a great deal of apprehension from these
Japanese, and finally the Japanese minister sent a vessel down to
Hawaii to put a stop to these movements.

The Chairman. When you got back to Honolnlu firom this cruise to
Hilo and Lahaina, what ships did you find in the bay — ships of war f

Mr. Young. I do not think there was but one man-of-war, and that
was the Japanese school ship Congo.

The Chairman. Did any come in afterwards!

Mr. Young. Yes, the Naniwa, a Japanese cruiser, came in afterward.
That is the vessel whose model we took to build the Gharleaton by. It
is exactly the same, except that the Charleston is a heavier beam,
larger by an inch in beam.

^nator Butler. A pretty formidable ship!

Mr. Young. Yes. She was built by Armstrong, of England,

The Chairman. How many others?

Mr. Young. An English ship, the N^ymphe came. I think it was the
Kymphe. She remained about two or three weeks. That was before the
levolution. There was another English vessel there. 1 have forgotten
her nauie. I know Capt. McArthur was in command. They passed on
south. They only remained in the harbor a few days.

Senator Butler. Were they ships of war!

Mr. Young. Yes; gunboats — English gunboats.

Senator Butler. Were yon present when the flag was hauled down
on the 1st of April!

Mr. Young. I was on board ship.

Senator Butler. You were not on shore f

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Butler. Did you go on shore after thatf

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Was there any demonstration at all by the i)eople
of the town?

Mr. Young. There was no demonstration of any forces at all; but I

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 343

heard a great many people, particularly the leading ones, make the
remark that they were afraid it woald give them a great deal of trouble,
and they were afraid in the event of other vessels coming in they might
land some forces in the city.
Senator Butleb. What do you meant Some foreign government!
Mr. Young. Foreign government; yes. Their expression was that
they did not feel secure undar the situation.
Senator Butleb. !No other troops were landed from foreign vessels!
Mr. YouNa. They made an effort to; but the Government declined to
let them land — ^the Japanese and the English Governments — for the
purpose of drilling; but they declined to allow them.

The Chaibman. You mean that the Provisional Government declined
to allow them!
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butleb. When was that!

Mr. Young. Along about the last of January or early in February.
Senator Butlkb. Did they ask permission to land to drill!
Mr. Young. Yes.

The Chaibman. And the Government declined to grant it!
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butleb. And thciy did not land!
Mr. Young. No.

The Ghaibhan. State whether during the fifteen or sixteen days of
January, and before the troops went ashore from the Bostouj there was
any offer on the part of Capt. Wiltse to send troops ashore which
had been rejected by the Provisional Government!
Mr. Young. No.

The Chaibman. Nothing of that sort occurred!
Mr. Young. No. We had been landing troops once a week for drill.
The Chaibman. Do you know what time the first request of Minis-
t« Stevens was received by Capt. Wilts© in regard to landing the
troops!

Mr. Young. The only information I have of any request at all of
Capt Wiltse was at 3 o'clock on Monday, after the battalion was
ready to land.
The Chaibman. That was after Minister Stevens came on board!
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Fbyb. Mr. Stevens came after Capt. Wiltse had given
orders!
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butleb. Am I to understand you as saying that Capt.
Wiltse pursued that course because of orders received from Admiral
Brown!

Mr. Young. IN'o. Because of the condition of things on shore, of
which he received information at the time. There were two mass-meet-
ings, m oppoaition to each other, at the time.

Senator Butleb. I thought you had referred to some secret instruc-
tions which Captain Wiltse had received from Admiral Brown, and which
vere substantially the instructions which he had received from the Navy
Department!

Mr. Young. Yes; his instructions were substantially those received
from Admiral Brown.

Senator Butleb. But the instructions under which he act^d were
received from the Navy Department!
Mr. Young, The Department; yes. No; his instructions

344 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Butleb. I am speaking of the time you went ashore on the
16th of January.

Mr. Young. He simply landed on hia own re8pon8il)ility. We had
no orders to land, except that Gapt. Wiltse's contidentlal instructions
were to protect our treaty interests even if force was necessary.

Senator Butler. And Capt. Wiltse was to be the judge as to when
that exigency arose!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. When you were summoned to Capt. Wiltse's cabin
on the morning of the IGth, which was about hsdfpast 10, you say f

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Did he make any statement.

Mr. Young. No. He told me that afifairs were looking very serious on
shore, and " I believe I will have to land the troops."

Senator Gray. Capt. Wiltse had been ashore that morning f

Mr. Young, Yes. It was shortly after he came back from the shore.

Senator Butler. 1 believe it is true that a naval officer is not bound
to obey an illegal order. Is not that so under your regulations t

Mr. Young. No; on the contrary, an officer is supposed to obey all
orders emanating from an immediate military superior. Yet in doing so
he has to exercise discretion and is held personally responsible for his
own acts as to the results following the executioil of the order. Ad-
miral Wordeii in giving an interpretation of that at the Naval Academy
told us that " whenever you receive an order, before executing it deter-
mine whether you will receive more punishment for obeying that order
than you would by disobeying it. If you tind that you will receive less
punishment by obeying it, do so.'' I think the admiral was right.

Senator Butler. What I want to get at is this : If you are in com-
mand of a ship at a foreign port with general instructions, as in this
case, to protect treaty rights of this Government with the foreign gov-
ernment, and you are in doubt as to the propriety of landing troops,
you solve that doubt in favor of landing!

Mr. Young. I would try to find out the situation, weigh the matter
all over, and I would have that doubt removed before I acted.

Senator Butler. Suppose the condition were such that yon could
not have an absolute removal!

Mr. Young. Then I would give the benefit of my judgment as to
landing.

Senator Butler, That is what I want. You would solve that doubt
by landing for the purpose of preserving treaty rights!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. That would be the usual course of a naval officer
where he was in doubt!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. And where there was no jwssibility of solving the
doubt in his mind, he would land for the purpose of protecting life and
property!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Butler. Would that be the rule of the naval officer!

Mr. Young. Yes; I think it would.

Senator Butler. And I suppose that was about Captain Wiltse's
situation, was it not!

Mr. Young. No; Capt. Wiltse was actually informed, knew himself
and from others, that the condition of affiiirs on shore was such as to
render it necessary for him to land at that time. And I think he made
a mistake in not landing on Sunday, because of the condition of dan-

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 345

ger to life and property and incendiarism. It was snch on Snnday
rdgjiU even ; but he deferred it until the very last minute. The Gov-
ernment was not in any condition to preserve life and property in the
city; they were encamped in these two places, and they were afraid to
come out of them.

Senator Fkye. I want to call your attention to the time that you
left Honolulu on the ship, the 4th of January, with our American min*
ister on board. You had a conversation with Minister Stevens, did
you notf
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Did Mr. Stevens at that time express himself as con-
fident that there was no further trouble, and that he was to be permit-
ted to terminate his term of office and leave the Hawaiian Islands in
qoiet and undisturbed peace f

Mr. Young. Yes ; his language to me on the quarter-deck in conversa-
tion I remember almost verbatim. It was that ^' I am glad to know that
all is settled, and that we now have a cabinet in power in favor of the
American interests, representing the intelligence and wealth of the
islands, and that they will stay there, and that I will be able to com-
plete my residence here and devote my days to my literary interests.''
Those were his remarks. And Sam Parker and others, I told him,
would get the Kanaka votes of the Legislature; that they had been
all secured, and they were now making an effort to get some of the
whites to vote with them to make a majority to vote out this ministry,
and I believed they would vote them out before the Legislature
adjourned. Mr. Stevens said, '^I do not see how they can do it;
they have come in to stay during this I^egislature and the next, and
they will look out for American interests.'' Those were, as nearly as I
can remember, his remarks, and I think almost verbatim.

Senator Fby£. When you landed the troops, did you land them with
any intention to aid either party!
Mr. Young. Not at all.

Senator Fryb. Were you invited to aid either party f
Mr. Young. No. We were asked by President Dole. He sent over
and asked Capt. Wiltse to recognize him.
The Chairman. When was that!

Mr. Young. After they formed the Government, and on the same day.
The Chaibman. When was it!

Mr Young. The 17th. I was sent over with a message from Capt.
Wiltse, with his compliments to President Dole, to ask him if he had
absolate control of the Government, police force, and everything, and
if be did not^ he, Capt. Wiltse, would have nothing to do with them.
I told Capt. Wiltse that Judge Dole had possession of the archives
and Government building, but that President Dole said, " We have
not control of the military forces and police, but we have a sufficient
^i^ree to maintain us," and that I replied, "If you have not charge of
the Government, I am requested to inform you that we can have noth-
ing to do with you," and I returned and reported to Capt. Wiltse.

Soiator Fbye. When you were taken to Arion Hall, that was the
®ly place you could gof
Mr. Young. Only for that evening.
Seoator Frye. It was only a temporary occupancy?
Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Fbyb. Were any of your soldiers allowed outside of the hall
to parade the square or anywhere else?
Mr. Young. Kot at all, confined exclusively to the camp.

346 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

Senator Fbte. Ton remember the situation of Arion Hall, the Gov-
ernment buildings, etc. Mr. Blount in his report — I do not know
whether it was his opinion — says that it was impossible for the royalist
troops to make any attempt to dislodge the people from the Govern-
ment building without shooting your troops. Was that true at all!

Mr. Young. They could have fought all they pleased out in Palace
Square and out in the Government grounds without ever affecting us
in the slightest. But I doubt if we would have allowed them to fight
out on the street down below, from the way Capt. Wiltse spoke. This
American property in front of us, the Opera House, is owned by Ameri-
cans, and all the residences off to the left was American property and
some to the right of the palace was American property.

Senator Fryb. From your observations when you were sent ashore
for the purpose of observing, was not there a necessity, regardless of
any request made by the Provisional Government or American minis-
ter, for the landing of the troops to protect American life and property?

Mr. TouNG. It was absolutely necessary, and I thought it was so on
Sunday evening.

The Chairman. Allow me to ask you right there, had yon ever been
in Honolulu before!

Mr. Young. No ; this was my first visit there. But I have landed
from the ship on^a good many occasions, and we simply did here what
we have done before in other places.

The Chairman. In what other places!

Mr. Young. In Panama and Venezuela; and I also landed in Nicar-
agua once.

The Chairman. You speak now of occasions when you were present!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Frye. I do not know but that I misunderstood your lan-
guage. You said in your testimony — I understood you to say — ^that
Mr. Blount ordered Admiral Skerrett to haul down the flag!

Mr. Young. And to return the troops on board the ship.

Senator Frye. Did you mean that Mr. Blount gave an order to an
Admiral of the United States Navy to do that!

Mr. Young. He gave a written order to that effect.

Senator Frye. Signed by himself!

Mr. Young. Signed by himself, and Admiral Skerrett's order to
the Boston was in obedience to the orders of Commissioner Blount —
" You will return troops on board ship by 11 o'clock."

Senator Frye. In your experience did you ever know a minister of
the United States with or without the authority of the Secretary of
the Navy or officer of the Navy giving orders to an admiral !

Mr. Young. No; I never heard of it before. A minister has no
authority to give orders to an admiral while a ship is in any port.

Senator Frye, Under the regulations of the Navy, if a ship is in
Honolulu, the disposition of the ship and the landing of the troops
is entirely with the discretion of the officer in command !

Mr. Young. He is absolutely responsible for his own acts.

Senator Frye. And he cannot be compelled to land troops by any
one except a superior officer !

Mr. Young. A military superior.

Senator Gray, I suppose if you got an order from the President of
the United States,

Mr. Young. He is commander in chief of all the military forces.

The Chairman. Suppose that that order emanate from the minister
plenipotentiary at a foreign port!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 347

Mr. Young. Then the commanding officer would be held absolately
responsible for his own act if he obeyed.

Senator Gray. Sappose he receive instructions from the Secretary
(rfthe Navy in a given emergency, given time, to conform his action to
the order, if you please, of a person holding diplomatic relations with
the Government^ would that relieve him of responsibility t

Mr Young. jNo.

Senator Gbay. It would not!

Senator Butleb. Do yon mean to say that if the officer obeyed his
orders through a civil officer, he would not be relieved of responsibility f

Mr. Young. If it was a written order accompanied by the minister's
direction, he would still exercise his own discretion.

Senator Gbay. If he receive instructions from the Secretary of the
Navy that he must act under the order, advice, whatever you might
eaU it — of the diplomatic person on shore when that request, order, or
advice comet

Mr. Young. Still I do not believe it would relieve him entirely.

Senator Gbay. Then you do not believe that the President of the
United States is commander-in-chief f

Mi. Young. Yes; and that the Secretary of the Navy is the immedi-
ate military head of the Navy.

Senator Gbay. When you receive an order by the Secretary of the
Navy through the minister, do you not understand that the order is
from the President of the United States!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And yet you say receiving such order, direction, or
instructions from the Secretary of the Navy in ^ given contingency,
you are not bound to obey!

Mr. Young. Of course we must obey the Secretary's order, but the
diannel through which it is received would question its authenticity;
the officer in command is not freed of his responsibility.

Senator Gbay. I mean, the Secretary of the Navy having in general
directions sent to the commander of a ship instructing him when a cer-
tain contingency arises — ^not commanding through the usual channel,
bat through any channel through which the instructions come — would
yon consider that he should obey itf

Mr. Young. Yes; I would consider that he should obey it, so far
» it does not involve the loss of life, the destruction of property, or
precipitate war.

Senator Fbye. Suppose the Secretary of the Navy should order Capt.

^iltse under any contingencies to follow the discretion and obey

the orders of William P. Frye, who was then resident in the island of

Hawaii, would Capt. Wiltse be bound by that order at all!
Mr, Young. He would be compelled to exercise a great deal of judg-

iMDt in the matter, and would be still held responsible for his acts.
Senator Butleb. I understand you to make this distinction — ^which,

of ooiirse, any military man understands at once — ^that an order emanat-
ing from civU officers, whether diplomatic or any other civil branch of

the Government, to a military or naval officer, that military or naval

<^cer is not bound to obey it; and if he do^ it would be on his own

nspoDsibilityf
Mr. Young. Yes.
Senator Butleb. On the other hand, if the Secretary of the Navy.

»ho is the military head of the Navy, transmits an order to a naval

offieer, if he be on the ship, he would be bound to obey!

Ur. Young. He would be bound to obey it^ At the same time, i{\i<b

348 HAWAIIAN LSLANDR

order me to fire on the town, I should not obey any such order unless
1 was clearly informed of thenecessity.

Senator Butler. That is an extreme case.

Mr. Young. But I would obey the order of any minister or civil offi-
cer of an ordinary nature to avoid friction where it would not involve
the loss of life or destruction of property.

Senator Butler. If you should receive an order from the Secretary
of the Navy to fire on a town!

Mr. Young. I would fire; I would not hesitate a minute, not the
slightest; but if it were sent through an improper channel I would
have to see it in writing and the signature to it as well as satisfied of
the necessity for so doing.

Senator Butler. That is a matter of discretion.

Senator Gray. It would be the exercise of a good deal of discretion
if the President of the United States, or the Secretary of the Navy,
were to give him an order and he should refuse to obey it.

Mr. Young. Of course, if the President should give me an order to
organize a body guard for his protection or move a ship, etc., I would
undoubtedly obey it; yet should he order me to shoot an inoffensive
citizen, 1 would disobey, for the reason that disobeying would involve
dismissal only, whereas, if I shot the man, the civil courts would try
me for murder, and being adjudged guilty I might be hanged, unless
the President were in office to pardon me.

Senator Gray. About this instruction from Mr. Gresham to Mr,
Blount: ^^To enable you to fulfill this charge." This is the language
of the Secretary of State in his letter of instructions to Mr. Blount.

"To enable you to jultill this charge your authority in all matters
touching the relations of this Government to the existing or other
Government of the islands, or protection ot our citizens therein, is par-
amount, and in you is vested full discretion and power to determine
when such forces should be landed and withdrawn."

Now, suppose as commander-in-chief of a ship you got an instruction
from the Secretary of the Navy in which you informed that such an
instruction were given by the President to the minister, and that you
were to conform yourself thereto, and the minister should request you
to land the forces — ordered yon; whatever you may call it—advised
you, would you consider yourself bound to obey?

Mr. Young. I would do it, for the simple reason that it would not
involve any loss of life or property, and if I disobeyed it I would receive
a greater punishment than if I obeyed it.

Senator Frye. You would still hold that it was in your discretion f

Senator Gray. What discretion?

Mr. Young. Whether it involved any loss of life or destruction of
property which would hold me accountable for my acts.

The Chairman. Suppose the orders came through the channel spoken
of by Mr. Gray, and you were ordered to fire on Honolulu, would you
doit!

Mr. Young. No.

Senator Gray. That is not what I have called for.

The Chairman. I did.

Senator Gray, Whether your punishment was greater if yon obeyed
or if you disobeyed?

The Chairman. What we are discussing here is a question of law,
as to how far the President can delegate his authority to a private citi-
zen to take command of troops on ships in the strict military sense,
and to use them lor the purpose of hostility.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 349

Senator Gray. The question was raised not by me whether it be
proper. I am anxious to find out what the opinion of representative
naval officers may be. Lieut. Young is in that respect an important
witness. I do not mean that this matter is to be settled by anavaloffi-
e^ur, because it is a question of law. I did not introduce it, but I really
want to know whether the lieutenant thinks, as a naval officer, that
his discretion (which is a wide one under certain circumstances) extends
so far as to disobey the instructions of the Secretary of the Navy where
those instructions involve cooperation with a diplomatic officer on shore,
or, taking the very language of these instructions to Commissioner
Blount, whether he thinks he would be authorized, if he were in com-
mand of a ship, to disobey the request, order, or advice given to him
after receiving notice from the Secretary of the Navy that he was to
obey such instructions either to land or to withdraw troops.

Mr. Young. I would obey the order just the same as Admiral Sker-
rett did.

Senator Fbte. And when you hauled down the flag, I suppose you
would say, as Admiral Skerrett did, ^^I do it in obedience to Mr.
Blount's orders!''

Mr. Young. That is what was done, I believe. '

Senator Gray. And it you put the flag up, you would say, " I did it
in obedience to Mr. Stevens' orders!"

Mr. Y'OUNG. No.

Senator Gray. What did you do!

Mr. Young. We would not put it up under his orders.

Senator Gray. I understood you to say that the protectorate was
established by a proclamation made by Mr. Stevens and approved by
Captain Wiltsef

Mr. Young. Captain Wiltse approved and carried it out. The law
requires a naval officer, immediately after arriving in a foreign port, to
put himself in communication with the diplomatic representative in
that XK>rt, and by intercourse, conversation, requests, or otherwise find
oat the absolute state of affairs aud to act according to his own
responsibility.

Senator Gray. That is the ordinary rule when you go into a foreign
port!

Mr. Young. Yes.

Senator Gray. Where the circumstances are not exceptional, but
where the commissioner is under special directions from your Govern-
ment, and through the ordinary channels of communication you receive
from the naval authorities, from the President through the proper
naval channels, orders to conform your action to certain requests that
may be made by the minister, do you not think you would be obliged
to obey itf

Mr. Young. I would obey if it were an ordinary affair; but I would
not eousider it a legal order.

Senator Gray. Do you think your duty as a naval oflQcer in com-
mand of a ship in a foreign port in which a United States protectorate
liad been established would require you to-day to obey orders conveyed
to you from the Government at Washington as to the continuance or
dLscontinnance of that protectorate!

Mr. Young. The continuance or discontinuance f

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Young. Of course, I would have to obey the orders that were
tmt from the Department.

350 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

8W0SH STATEMENT OF E. K. MOOBE.

TheCHAiBMAN. What was your duty on shipboard f

Mr. MooBE. I was navigator of the U. S. S. Boston.

The Chairman. In January, 1893 f

Mr. MooBE. January, 1893; yes.

The Ohaibman. Before your cruise down to Hilo and Lahaina had
you been ashore often f

Mr. Moobe; I had.

The Chaibman. Were you acquainted with th(» state of public opin-
ion then as to the political affairs of the Government in Honolulu f

Mr. Moobe. Somewhat; I can not say that I was thoroughly
acquainted with the political status.

The Chaibman. Did you observe any agitation or commotion amongst
the people in respect to a change of government, or in respect to annex-
ation, or any other matter that was of a serious characterf

Mr. Moobe. This was before we went to Hilof

The Chaibman. Before.

Mr. Moobe. No, I did not. I heard annexation spoken of prior to
our departure, and as far back as twenty years ago.

The Chaibman. You were there at Honolulu twenty years agof

Mr. Moobe. I was there twenty years ago this coming February; yes.

The Chaibman. What ship were you on!

Mr. Moobe. The United States ship Portsmouth.

The Chaibman. Under whose command f

Mr. Moobe. S. J. Skerrett, now Bear- Admiral.

The Chaibman. What year was that!

Mr. Moobe. 1874; I was there the latter part of 1873 and early part
of 1874.

The Chaibman. Who was then King of Hawaii!

Mr. Moobe. In 1873, when I was out there, Lunaliio was King. In
1874, about the time of our arrival, February, 1874, David Kalakaua
was elected King.

The Chaibman. The agitation that occurred at that time was the
controversy, as you understand it, over the election of Queen Emma
as the successor of Lunaliio, or Kalakaua f

Mr. Moobe. It was.

The Chaibman. Was there any commotion there at the timet

Mr. Moobe. There was great commotion.

The Chaibman. Was it confined to the natives, or was it spread
through all the community!

Mr. Moobe. There was considerable excitement and great interest
through the entire community; but the rioting was confined entirely to
the natives.

The Chaibman. Was the riot before or after the determination of
the election of Kalakaua!

Mr. Moobe. After.

The Chaibman. Was it serious rioting!

Mr. Moobe. It was serious rioting, so much so that the United States
forces were called u])on to suppress it.

The Chaibman. Was it attended with arson and other crimes of
that nature!

Mr. Moobe. It was not; but what the result would have been had
the United States forces not been landed and the riot immediately sup-
pressed, I do not know; it would undoubtedly have been very serious.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 351

The Ohaibman. The commotion was, therefore, radical and severe f

Mr. MooBE. It was.

The Chairman. You say the United States forces were called at the
instance of the Government. What Government f

Mr. MooBE. I did not intend to say at the instance of the Govern-
rnent; but we were called through the American minister. And I am
nnder the impression that the request was made on him by the
goTernor of the Island of Oahu.

The Chairman. There were governors in those islands f

Mr. MooBE. Yes.

The Chairman. Were there any other ships of war there f

Mr. Moore. Yes; the U. S. S. Tuscarora and the English ship Ten-
edos.

The Chairman. Were there any British forces landed!

Mr. Moore. Yes; our forces landed first, followed by the British
forces. The United States forces were on the shore perhaps twenty
minutes before the British forces landed.

The Chairman. How long did they remain on shoref

Mr. Moore. From one to two weeks; I do not remember the exact
time.

The Chairman. Did they camp on shore f

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you recollect what buildings they occupied f

Mr. MooRE. The United States forces were quartered, in two build-
ings; one, the legislative building or hall, the other the armory. Both
of these were near the landing. The British troops wei*e quartered
at the palace.

The Chairman. lolani Palace f

Mr. MooRE. Yes: lolani Palace.

The Chairman. This legislative hall of which you speak was near
the landing!

Mr. MooRE. It was.

The Chairman. Was it then the Government building f

Mr. Moore. It was then the Government bmlding, and corresponded
to what is now known as the Government building. The name of that
teilding I do not remember, but it corresponds to what is now spoken
of 08 the Government building.

The Chairman. The barracks of the King's army, and in which one

of your detachments was quartered f

Mr. MooRE. I think the Government militia's armory; I think that

is what it was called. I think it was the armory of the milita, not of

tke regular troops.
The Chairman. Do you recollect who was then the commander of

the King's forces, the Government forces f
Mr. Moore. I think it was Berger; but I am not sure.
The Chairman. Was he an American or native f
Mr. Moore. A German or Austrian, I think. That I am not posi-

tiTeofc
The Chairman. During the time of the stay of the troops on the

i^d on that occasion, was there any conflict between them and the

people.
Mr. Moore. There was none. The people had broken into the leg-

islatiye hall and had attaked the legislators with billets of wood, legs

of tables, and such other offensive weapons as they could get hold of,

and also pitched one or more of the representatives out of the win-

^or windows, 20 feet or more above the ground. As aoou aA nv^

352 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

arrived on the spot the rioting ceased. The British troops came
shortly afterward. The riot started again; then we surrounded the
buildiugs and arrested the leaders of the riot. After that, at 'about 10
or 11 o'clock that night, there were some stones thrown at the build-
ing, and we turned out and patrolled a portion of the town; and again,
alx)ut 11 o'clock that night, a shot was fired, apparently at our sentry,
which was returned by the sentry, and we again patrolled the town.
But we could find nobod^. From that time on everything was per-
fectly quiet.

The Chairman. What did you do with those i)ersons who were
arrested!

Mr. Moore. Turned them over to the Hawaiian authorities.

The Chairman. Were the arrests numerous f

Mr. Moore. I think possibly eight or ten ; I do not think more.

The Chairman. Were they the ringleaders of the rioters f

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. Did your detachment carry flags along f

Mr. Moore. We did with our detachment.

The Chairman. Was there a flag raised over your camp when you
went into quarters — United States flagf

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. That flag i^as taken down when your troops returned
aboard ship!

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. During that period you say you heard annexation
spoken of!

Mr. Moore. I heard annexation to the United States spoken of at
that time; during our stay; not necessarily during this riot.

The Chairman. Was the subject generally discussed or not!

Mr. Moore. I can not say that it was generally discussed; but I
remember its having been spoken of by some gentleman there as being
the ultimate destiny of the Hawaiian Islands. And no later than
during the past visit, Judge Widemann stated in a talk that he had
with some of us, that he had predicted it prior to our visit twenty
years ago.

The Chairman. So that it was in coDtemplation amongst th^ people
who were speculating about the future !

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. Did you find during that visit, in 1874, any organ-
ized body of men for the purpose of promoting annexation !

Mr. Moore. None that I heard of.

The Chairman. It was merely a question that was one of the prob*
lems of the time, being discussed among the people !

Mr. Moore. A problem of the future.

The Chairman. We will come down to this other period. About
what time of day did your ship, the Boston^ return to Honolulu from
its cruise down to Hilo!

Mr. Moore. After 10 o'clock a. m. — a little after that time.

The Chairman. Before the ship arrived, while you were at Hilo or
Lahaina, had you heard that the ministry had been voted out of ofQce!

Mr. Moore. I had.

The Chairman. Was there any statement made in regard to its
having created commotion!

Mr. Moore. What I heard was that the ministry was voted out, the
lottery bill passed, and the opium biU passed^ and that there was great
excitement in Honolulu.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 353

The Ghaibman. And before you left for this craise had you heard
any discussion of the lottery bill and opium bill!

Mr. MooBE. I had heard them spoken of.

The Ghaibman. You knew it was a subject of legislative inquiry
and action!

Mr. MooBE. I did.

The Ghaibman. I suppose you knew nothing about the agents who
were promoting these bills, the lottery and opium bills!

Mr. Moobe. I heard them spoken of generally. But they were per-
sons of whom I knew nothing, in any way.

Hie Ghaibman. When you returned to Honolulu did you ascertain
that there was an agitated feeling there!

Mr. Moobe. Yes; there was.

The Ghaibman. Did you go on shore!

Mr. Moobe. I went on shore at about 1 o'clock p. m.

The Ghaibman. On Saturday!

Mr. Moobe. On Saturday, the 14th.

The Ghaibman. Describe as nearly as you can what you saw on your
visit ashore on that occasion — the events that attracted your attention.

Mr. Moobe. The men on the streets seemed to be gathered in little
knots of 3 and 4 and more, discussing something, apparently the
situation.

The Ghaibman. When you went ashore were you in uniform!

Mr. Moobe. I was not. And there appeared to be more or less ex-
dtement ; they were passing from one batch to another, asking, " What
is the newsf *' What is the latest!" "What is going to be done!"

The Ghaibman. You can describe it, I suppose, as an anxious state
of feeling!

Mr. Moobe. Anxious state of feeling. No one seemed to know what
was going to occur, so far as I saw.

The Ghaibman. Did you see any large assemblage of men there at
any place!

Mr. Moobe. I did not; no larger, perhaps, than six or eight.

The Ghaibman. Did you attend either of the mass meetings that
irere held there!

Mr. Moobe. I did not.

The Ghaibman. Did you see them!

Mr. Moobe. No.

The Ghaibman. In these conversations was your attention attracted

to anything that was said about the Queen; what she had done or was

going to do in regard to the constitution of the Kingdom!
Mr. Moobe. Yes; I was told that she had signed the lottery bill and

the opium bill; had appointed a cabinet of her own liking, and had

prorogued the Legislature; and it was rumored that she would that

sftmioon declare a new constitution.
The Ghaibman. Was that current rumor on the street!
Mr. Moobe. It was current rumor on the street.
The Ghaibman. Gould you state it as a common belief that she

voold do so, so far as you heard it!
Mr. Moobe. I think that was a common belief that afbernoon«
The Ghaibman. Did you hear any one contradict it!
Mr. Moobe. No.
The Ghaibman. Do you recollect any of the iudividuala with whom

Toa conversed on that occasion !

Xr. KooBB. With Mr. Moln^niejr and bl9 two ioqsi wd Mr« WUqq«
B.Bep.227 ^29

354 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

and Mr. Bobinson, both members of the cabinet that had been just
voted oat. Others I do not remember.

The Chairman. Were those men chiefly the ones from whom you
derived your information of what occurred!

Mr. MooBE. Yes.

The Chairman. And what was intiended to be donef

Mr. Moore. Yes.

Tbe Chairman. That the Queen had signed the new constitution,
or intended to do so!

Mr. Moore. Intended to do so. The rum6r was that she had pro-
claimed a new constitution; but the fact was that she intended to do
so.

The Chairman. How long did you remain ashore!

Mr. Moore. Until 7 o'clock the next morning.

The Chairman. You remained during the night!

Mr. Moore. I remained during the night, not in that part, but out
of the thickest part of the town, where I then had a cottage.

The Chairman. Was your family there!

Mr. Moore. My wife was residing there at that time.

The Chairman. How long had your family resided in Honolulu!

Mr. Moore. Three months and a half at that time.

The Chairman. Were there any patrols, or bodies of men moving
about in your part of the town that night!

Mr. Moore. I saw and heard of none.

The Chairman. Did you feel any apprehension during the night of
incendiary fires!

Mr. MooBE. !N^ot at that time.

The Chairman. You reported back to the ship the next morning.

Mr. Moore. The next morning, the morning of the 15th.

The Chairman. Did you visit the shore after that!

Mr. Moore. I did; went ashore late in the afternoon of the 15th —
sometime during the afternoon of the 15th — and remained until the
morning of the 16th.

The Chairman. Spending the night again at your cottage!

Mr. Moore. At my cottage.

The Chairman. When you arrived in Honolulu that Sunday even-
ing, did you find any bodies of armed men in the street!

Mr. Moore. I saw no bodies of armed men in the street then.

The Chairman. Did you know whether there had been any organ-
ization at that time of a committee of safety, or any other organiza-
tion for the protection of the people!

Mr. Moore. There were many rumors flying about, and among the
rumors was one that a committee of safety of 13 or 16 — a commit-
tee of safety of citizens — had been appointed Saturday afternoon, the
14th, and that they were having meetings continually to consult with
citizens; and then on Sunday rumors were going about to the effect
that there were organized bodies of citizens' troops. But I saw none
of them and knew nothing definite. Those rumors were rumors of the
reorganization of what was called the old militia — reorganizing the old.
militia was spoken of generally.

The Chairman. When you got back to the ship on Monday, how lon^
did you remain aboard!

Mr. Moore. I returned to the ship Monday morning between 7 anS-
8 o'clock, and went ashore that forenoon on duty.

The Chairman. What duty!

Mr. Moore. Testing compasses — making an examination on shor^^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 355

away from any iron or other attraction, of all the ship's com^iasses. I
returned about 12 o'clock. While on shore I saw no one to get any
news from, but when I returned to the ship I found preparations— I
foand several rumors had reached the ship, how, I do not just remem-
ber, ami orders had been issued for the officers to remain on board ship
until further orders. There was talk of the forces being called upon
to land at any time, because it was thought that a riot would break
oat in Honolulu at any time. But the nature of the riot anticipated I
did not know.

The Chafrman. Was the ship being put in any preparation for the
landing oi the forces!

Mr. MooBE. Whether it had commenced already I do not know; but
if not, it was commenced very soon after my return.

TheCHAiBMAN. Do you recollect the time that Minister Stevens
came on board?

Mr. MooBE. It was in the early part of the afternoon; what hour I
do not remember.

The Chairman. The preparations for landing the troops had already
been made before he came on board !

Mr. MooBE. That I can not say; I think some had been. I will say
that some preparations had been made.

The Ohaibman. The orders had been communicated before?

Mr. MooBE. Yes; hours before.

The Chairman. Did you have any conversation with Mr. Stevens
when became on board!

Mr. MooBE. No.

The Chaibman. Or hear any between him and Capt. Wiltsef

Mr. MooBE. Ko.

The Chaibman. Did you receive orders to go ashore!

Mr. MooBE. No; being navigating officer my position was on board
Hhip. I remained there.

The Chaibman. Did you remain there during that evening and
night?

Mr. MooBE. I remained on board ship for ten days or two weeks.

The Chaibman. Without going home at all?

Mr. MooBE. I remained on board two weeks or more, going home only
for a few minutes, perhaps once or twice. On one or two occasions I
went up to my home, but retui*ned at once.

Senator Butler. Where was your home?

The Chaibman. He had a cottage for his family.

Senator Butleb. In Honolulu?

TheCHAiBMAN. Yes.

Mr. MooBE. My home was about a mile from the landing.

The Chaibman. During the landing of those troops you had very
little opportunity of going home?

Mr. MooBE. Very little opportunity. I saw my wife and perhaps

some ladies.

The Chaibman. Was it on land or on ship that you understood the

^ovisionaJ Government had been organized?
Mr. MooBE. On ship I heard of it.
TheCHAiBMAN. After you returned on Monday?
Mr. MooBE. The Provisional Government was not announced until

Tuesday.
The Chaibman. You first heard it on board ship ?
Mr. MooEE. I did.
^OhUbmak. All the troops had gone before you first "heard t\iai\)\

356 HAWAHAN ISLANDS

Mr. MooBE. The troops landed about half past 4 on Mon ilay, the
16tlf • and the Provisional Govemment was not declared until Tuesday,
the 17th, about 3 o'clock.

The Chairman. Do you know of any recall of the troops to the ship
in that interval of time, or whether they had started to debark f

Mr. Moore. No ; nothing of the kind. If there had been I would
have heard of it, being the executive officer, the one who carries out
the orders of the commanding officer.

The Chairman. Do you think you would have known if any organi-
zation had existed in Honolulu to overthrow the government of the
Queen, or any organization for annexation to the United States up to, we
will say, Monday, until you returned to the ship! Do you think you
would have known.it had it existed among the people of Honolulu f

Mr. Moore. Do you mean between Saturday and Monday f

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Moore. An organization undoubtedly did exist Saturday after-
noon.

The Chairman. The committee of safety f

Mr. Moore. The committee of safety. And that organization was
generally known. But what the object of that organization was I did
not hear.

The Chairman. I speak more paiticularly of an organization to over-
throw the Queen, or an organization for annexation to the United States.
Did you hear of anything of that sort, while you were on shore, as being
consummated or in process of consummation?

Mr. Moore. I heard annexation to the United States talked of that
Saturday afternoon.

The Chairman. But you heard that twenty years agot

Mr. Moore. I heard the same thing twenty years before.

The Chairman. I am speaking now of an actual, open organization
to overthrow the Queen, or an open organization to annex Hawaii to
the United States. If there had been such an organization on Sunday
evening and Monday morning when you visited home, do you think
you would have known it — I mean if it had existed in that form!.
Perhaps I can make my question a little more distinct. You had heard
of the organization of the committee of safety between Sunday evening
when you went over to your house and Monday when you returned on
board ship!

Mr. Moore. I had heard of the organization of the committee of
safety on Saturday, the 14th.

The Chairman. The question is, whether you heard that it was an
organization for overthrowing the Queen and the annexation of Hawaii
to the United States.

Mr. Moore. My understanding was that it was in opposition to the
Queen.

The Chairman. That was the beginning of itt

Mr. Moore. That was the beginning of it. I do not recollect hear-
ing of any organization at that time for annexation to the United
States, although annexation was spoken of quite freely, and a desire
for it expressed on the streets by the business men.

The Chairman. Before the Boston went on that cruise to Hilo you
did not hear of any such organization t

Mr, Moore, I did not,

The Chairman, Do you tbiak if it ba4 existed you would have
knows itf
2iS0 MooMB. I tUak If luoli an organlsfttiOA had axUted bafbra our

HAWAIIAN ISLANbS. 357

departure for Hilo I would have known something of it; but not nec-
essarily so.

The Chairman. IN'o; but you had good opportunities t

Mr. MooBE. I was quite intimate with several of the gentlemen who
were afterward engaged in this movement, and I never heard such a
thing intimated.

The Chaibman. How did matters progress in Hawaii after the
establishment of the Provisional Government, with regard to the pres-
ervation of law and order f

Mr. MooBE. Exceedingly well, so far as I knew. For a little while
at first there was considerable excitement, much anxiety. The fears
that I heard expressed were of incendiarism by the natives; but I only
heard a few cases where incendiarism was suspected. But I do not
know whether the fire was caused by incendiarism or in the ordinary
way — through carelessness.

The Chaibman. After the Provisional Government had been inau-
gurated, taken possession of the barracks, etc., did you hear of any
attemptea organization on the part of the Queen's friends to have a
conflict with the Provisional Government and overturn it!

Mr. MooBE. I heard frequent rumors of organizations.

The Chaibman. Did you see any evidence of their being realf

Mr. MooBE. I did not.

The Chaibman. How would you describe the situation there!

Mr. MooBE. Almost doubted their existence.

The Chaibman. I suppose that was because you found that every-
thing was conducted peacefully and quietly?

Mr. MooBE. Yes; I did not think that an organization of that kind
could be successful.

The Chaibman. Why not f

Mr. MooBE. Because the Provisional Government, after it was once
established, had the arms and munitions of war. They bad control of
the custom-house and of the other offices, not only over these islands
hat the other islands; and I saw no way in which arms could be gotten
into the islands without the knowledge of the officers of the Provisional
Government, and I did not think that Government was foolish enough
to let arms go into the hands of the other people. What I did think ol
was incendiarism.

The Chaibman. Now, take the condition that the Hawaiian Islands
was in, and Honolulu particularly, after the establishment of this Pro-
visional Government, and up to the time you left the island, do you
think the Queen could have overcome that Provisional Government
without the assistance of some foreign power t

Mr. MooBE. I do not think so.

The Chaibman. It would have been a rash endeavor on her part to
lave attempted itt ,

Mr. MooBE. A very rash endeavor.

The Chaibman. So that you regard the Provisional Government,

with the resources that it had — ^men, arms, and money — as being able

to sustain itself against any forces the Queen could have organized upon

Wown resources and without assistance from abroad f
Mr. MooBE. I did — ^undoubtedly so.
The Chaibman. I suppose the ladies of Honolulu have their social

Bieetings and entertainments as they do in other parts of the world!
Mr. MooBE. Yes; they are very sociable and agreeable. A charm-

u^gBociety exists there; an educated and elegant society, as much so

ttyou can find in any small conmiunity.

358 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Does that iuclude persons having Kanaka b.oodt

Mr. MooBE. A great many of them.

The Chairman*. Are they good people!

Mr. Moore. Charming people. Some of my friends there were
amongst the natives and half whites. My immediate associates were
mostly among the whites; but I was entertained by both natives and
whites.

The Chairman. Was there any obvious damper thrown upon the
society of Honolulu by the accession of this Provisional Government
or authority! Did people seem to hold it in dread, or did the social
amenities among the families of Honolulu proceed as they had done
before!

Mr. Moore. Sociability ceased for a little while after the outbreak,
but soon continued much as before. At general grtherings you would
see the families of those interested in the Provisional Government as-
sociating freely with those who were known to be Royalists and the
Queen's adherents. So far as the social relations were concerned
the change of government did not seem to have much effect; that is,
from the outward appearance of social relations, the change of govern-
ment seemed to have little effect.

The Chairman. There was no line of demarcation drawn in society
upon the question of loyalty or disloyalty to the Queen!

Mr. Moore. I think not.

The Chairman. How is commerce affected by this change!

Mr. Moore. I know of that by hearing people talk. At first the
business seemed to be checked, but after a few days it seemed to revive
and there seemed to be more confidence. There seemed to be confidence
in their business relations after a few days. As to that, not being en-
gaged in any commercial pursuits myself, I only state that from hear-
say— as to the checking of business and its increase thereafter —
although I remember gentlemen stating that stocks increased in value
within a few days and stocks were going up.

The Chairman. As to thja commerce with the outside world. Was
there any restraint imposed upon it by the Provisional Government!

Mr. Moore. I think not.

The Chairman. Things seem to be going on as before!

Mr. Moore. Things were going on as before.

The Chairman. In charge of the same officers!

Mr. Moore. In charge of the same officers.

The Chairman. It was an exchange of the Queen's Government into
the hands of the Provisional Government, with the same offices.

Mr. Moore. It was.

The Chairman. From your observation of the effect upon this Gov-
ernment called the Provisional Government during the time that you
remained in Honolulu, could you say that it was a good or bad Govern-
ment.

Mr. Moore. It is my opinion that it was a good Government.

The Chairman. One that the people had confidence in!

Mr. Moore. Yes; that is my reason for thinking it was a good GtOY-
ernment — ^because the people had confidence in it.

The Chairman. You have an acquaintance more or less special
with a number of the leading men in Honolulu!

Mr. Moore. Yes.

The Chairman. The thinking men, the business men, and the men
who controlled in political afi'aiis!

Mr. Moore. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 359

The CnAiBMAN. Taking the personnel of this new Government, the
committee of safety, and the councillors who have been appointed, and
the president and the cabinet, and generally the ofhcers and att&x^hes
and employes of this new Government, what would you say of them as
a class!

Mr. MooBE. As a class I think they are an excellent set of men.
That is, those in the higher positions. Most of them, niany of them,
would ornament any society.

The Chaibman. They are men of real ability and character!

Mr. MooBE. Men of ability and character. Of those who occupy the
lower positions I know very little.

The Chaibman. Will yon say that the disposition of these x)eople
of whom you have spoken as being the controlling men in the islands
there tended to deprave and degenerate the people, or that the tendency
was in the opposite direction?

Mr. MooBB. Of the Provisional Governmentf

The Chaibman. Yes.

Mr. MooBE. On the contrary, I think the tendency is to improve
the social relations. Many of them are men against whom I never
have heard a word said — men recognized there as men of means and
ability, and most of them are temperate men. I will change that.
They are temperate men, perhaps a quarter to a third of them total ab-
stainers, and as a rule Christians.

The Chaibman. Then you would say that society of Honolula
which has. the controlling influence in Hawaii is composed of men of
the Anglo Saxon extraction, with their families, and that they are
men of high grade of character?

Mr. MooBE. Decidedly so. Many of these men have been educated
in cm: American colleges, and are well educated, well read men.

The Chaibman. Have you had occasion to examine a harbor there
called Pearl Eiver harbor?

Mr. MooBE. I have been in Pearl Harbor.

The Chaibman. Is there any river emptying into it?

Mr. MooBE. Small streams, I think; perhaps two or three small
akeams.

The Chaibman. Have you any knowledge of the depth of the water
inside the bar there?

Mr. MooBE. The water inside the bar is very deep for inside water,
heing in some places 20 fathoms, but mostly from 5 to 7 fathoms.

The Chaibman. Does that deep water extend back any distance
from the bar?

Mr. MooBE. It extends about 5 miles.

Senator Butleb. What is the extent of that harbor, approximately?

Mr. MooBE. It is about 4 miles long by 3 miles deep in the extreme.
But it is cut up by islands and small peninsulas running out into it, so
that it has three or more arms to it.

The Chaibman. Is the shore around it and the peninsulas of which
yoa speak of such an elevation as to justify the opinion that it could be

easily fortified?

Mr. MooBE. I do think it could be easily fortified; and strongly

iortified.
The Chaibman. The fortification next to the ocean?
3ir. MooBE. Next to the ocean, and torpedoes in the channel. With

bng range guus of the present day, it might be reached at the distance

^vessel would have to remain at sea; but the shots would be uhc^t-

tain.

360 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibican. But with that cbannel the fortifications there would
be very powerfdl, and it would be very difBcult for a ship to pass int

Mr. MooBE. A ship could not pass in.

The Chaibman, Do you know any other position in the Sandwich
Islands where there is such an opportunity for protecting a fleet or for
a naval station as would be found in Pearl Harbor, of course, with that
channel dredged deep enough for ships to go in f

Mr. MooBE. I do not think there is any other to compare with it for
a harbor.

Senator Butlbb. What is the distance of Pearl Harbor from Hono-
lulu!

Mr. MooBE. Ten miles by water; 5 miles from one bar to the other.

Senator Butleb. South!

Mr. MooBE. Southwest.

The Chaibman. So that the government that had Pearl Harbor,
with a channel for ships to enter, and proper fortification for a naval
establishment, ships undergoing repairs and otherwise, you would con-
sider would have the naval control of the islands!

Mr. MooBE. She would have naval control of the islands and could
protect her vessels inside of that harbor.

The Chaibman. And her depot of supplies!

Mr. MooBE. 4nd her depot of supplies. As I said before, with the
long-range guns that we have to-day a vessel could lay outside and
drop in shell ; might reach the inside with shell, but not by direct firing.

The Chaibman. What is the distance from Sidney to Honolulu, as
navigators estimate it!

Mr. MooBE. About 4,400 miles, and Auckland, a coal station, about
3,700 miles.

The Chaibman. I will ask you this way: Is it twice as far from Sid-
ney to Honolulu as it is from San Francisco to Honolulu!

Mr. MooBE. Yes. It is 2,100 miles to San Francisco from Honoluln,
2,200 miles to San Diego, and 2,300 miles to the Straits of Fuca.

The Chaibman. The distance from Hongkong would be the distance
from Sidney to Honolulu!

Mr. MooBE. Hongkong, Manila, and Shanghai are more — 5,000 miles;
]!^agasaki, 4,000, and Yokohama, 3,400 miles.

The Chaibman. Where in all these countries would a ship navigating
the Pacific Ocean get a supply of coal while crossing that great body
of water! Suppose the ship is at Honolulu, where there is no coal,
what would be the nearest point at which she would derive her supply
of coal!

Mr. MooBE. San Francisco.

The (Jhaibman. Which is 2,100 miles away. The next nearest point
would be at the Straits of Fuca!

Mr. MooBE. Yes; 2,300 miles away.

The Chaibman. The next nearest coal mines would be Sidney!

Mr. MooBE. New Zealand — Auckland.

Senator Fbye. The Straits of Fuca would be about 500 miles farther
than San Francisco!

Mr. MooBEk Two hundred miles farther than San Francisco.

The Chaibman. Would a power having a proper supply of coal in
Pearl Harbor have a great advantage over any other power in the
world for the protection of the Pacific Ocean, or carrying on naval
operations with their ships and fleets in the Pacific Ooean!

Mr. MooBE. Yes; decidedly so.

The Chaibman. That would be the central place for a coal dex>ot ^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 361

that, 3rpn would regard, as being important for steam navigation by
warshixmf

Mr. Moose. Very important, especially for offensive demonstrations
toward any other country attacking the west coast of the United
States.

The Ghatbman. If a ship Vere coming through the Mediterranean
and through the Suez Canal and approaching the United State here
[indicating on a mapj and should meet with a force that was well sup-
plied with coal and well protected and well provisioned — a naval force,
of the United States at Honolulu — do you think the advantages would
be very great in favor of the American ships as against any ships that
might make an attack from the Mediterranean and Red seas?

Mr. MooBE. I do not exactly understand.

The Chattiman. I say, suppose a fleet were sailing through the Med-
iterranean and Bed seas, Indian Ocean, to attack us here on this coast,
and we had a proper supply of naval force and naval stores of every
description at Pearl Harbor, do you think the advantages would be in
favor of the United States for protecting herself against such an attack
as I have mentioned f

Senator Butleb. On the main landf

The Ghaibman. Yes; protecting our coasts.

Mr. MooBE. Yes, I think the United States would have very great
advantage in having possession of the supplies at that place. Even if
the United States were in such a position that she was not able to
defend her i>osition there she could destroy all the coal and supplies^
thus keeping them from the enemy.

The Chairman. I am not talking of defending. Suppose that the
United States fleet were located at Pearl Harbor, with a proper inlet
through the bar, fortifications, and proper supplies of coal and other
Baval stores, would her position in defense of the west coast be greatly
atrengthened by such a fact as thatf

Mr. MooBE. It would.

Senator Butleb. I understand you to say that as a strategic point,
if the United States had possession of the Sandwich Islands, her posi-
tion would not be weakened if she had to abandon them?

Mr. MooBE. Her position would not be weakened, and she would
weaken her enemy incase he had the advantage. I will put it another
way — she would not strengthen her enemy by allowing him to get her
eo^ Before abandoning her position, she could destroy all the cosd,
80 that the enemy would have nothing but the station.

Senator Butleb. So that you would regard it either for offensive or
defensive operations as a very strategic point?

Mr. Moobe. I should.

The Chaibman. That applies to ships coming around the Horn as
weQ as to ships coming through the Mediterranean. There is no coal
in Patagonia?

Mr. MooBB. Yes, in Chili.

The Ghaibman. Plenty of it?

Mr. MooBE. Plenty, but not of a good quality. That applies to ves-
sels approaching the United States from any direction, but more par-

tacolarly to those approaching from the Asiatic or Australian coasts.
The Ohatbman. Suppose the United States were to be successM in

^tting a canal through Nicaragua, what position in a military or naval

««iw would these islands have in protecting that enterprise, that chan-

ndofoommunication; important or otherwise?
Xr. MooBE. It would be important; in my opinion more impottttii\»

362 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

in keeping any other country from having a base of supplies at that
point, or any other way.

The Chaibman. The necessity for a base of supplies at Honolulu
seems to depend upon the fact that it is a long distance to coal on the
Asiatic coast or coast of ^ew Zealand. Suppose that a fleet coaling at
Sidney, Australia, or any where upon these British islands, and sailing
such a distance as they would have to go to get to Honolulu; it would
necessarily be slow in its movements, because it would consume a great
deal of coal?

Mr. Moore. They would have to be economical in the use of coal ; but
as many of the vessels are built today they could carry coal enough
to make this trip between these two points without stopping at any
place — any midway place — to coal. But they would reach the coast of
the United States with bunkers comparatively empty, which would
take from their efficiency.

Senator Butleb. I would like to ask you a question in regard to
Pearl Harbor. Is it a large rendezvous? Taking the description you
hAve given of its extent, how many ships would it hold?

Mr. MooBE. It is large enough to take all the war vessels Great
Britain has today, which runs into the hundreds.

Senator Butleb. And give them protection within the harbor?

Mr. Moobe. Yes.

Senator Butleb. They could rendezvous there in still water?

Mr. Moobe. Yes.

The Ohaieman. You mean whatever degree of security a fortifica-
tion would be provided by the ships for their own safety?

Mr. Moobe. Yes. I do not mean that if Pearl Harbor were filled with
vessels they would be beyond the reach of the guns of to-day.

Senator Butleb. That is not what I meant to say. Would they
have what you officers call sea room?

Mr. Moobe. Sea room ; yes, plenty of it.

Senator Butleb. Enough tor more than a hundred vessels inside
the bar?

Mr. Moobe. Yes.

Senator Butleb. Do you remember what water is on the bar cross-
ing the harbpr?

The Chaibman. Only a few feet, 7 or 8.

Mr. Moobe. I think more than that; about 12 feet. I am under the
impression that that bar can be dredged with a hydraulic dredge, the
same as Honolulu. We have a depth of 30 feet at Honolulu, and I
have no reason to believe but that the bar at Pearl Harbor is of the
same coral sand.

The Chaibman. I havfe been trying to lead you up to this proposi-
tion, that Pearl Harbor, with the advantages that you have described
and its location, nearly in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, is a strate-
gic point for our country.

Mr. Moobe. I regard it as a strategic point in defense of our west
coast.

The Chaibman. That if it were in the x>ossession of any naval power
it would cripple us?

Mr. Moobe. It would enable them to throw a fleet on our coast of
whatever number of vessels they might have, fiiUy equii)ped with pro-
visions and coal.

The Chaibman. And we could have no point to anticipate them
excel )t the ox)eu sea and on the coast?

Mr. Moobe. None. There is one question that the Senator asked

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 363

me a while ago. I would like to add that the harbor of Honolulu is
one that could be very fairly defended.

The Chairman. From the hill back of itf

Mr. MooBE. From the hills back of it, and the reef in front as welL
I have just received a chart of Honolulu.

The Ghaibman. Does the water break deep over that reef f

Mr. MooBB. No; very shallow.

The Chaibman. You can build forts on the reef t

Mr. MooBB. Yes ; breakwater forti ficatioiis on that reef, and be about
a mile in front of the moorings of the vessels.

Senator Butlbb. That would be to protect the harbor f

yii. MooBB. Yes; against any vessels from the outside.

The Chairman. What you speak of there is the Punchbowl f

Mr. MooBB. Punchbowl and Diamond Head are both commanding
points. Punchbowl back of the town.

The Chairman. That is the one with the craterf

Mr. MooBB. Yes; both are extinct craters.

Senator Butler. You mean to have heavy guns on those hills f

Mr. MooBB. Yes. Tbey would be able to Are a long distance, and
jon could command a view within the range of the guns.

The Chairman. And you could establish heavy batteries looking
OQttosea?

Mr. MooBE. Yes; on the reef.

Senator Butler. But you could command a sweep of the seaf

Mr. MooBE. From both you could command a sweep of the sea of at
least 90 degrees, and that commands completely the only approach
from seaward to the harbor of Honolulu. Diamond Head commands
190 degrees.

Senator Butleb. I would like to have down your statement in regard
to the question I asked you a while ago. As to the expenditure of
1100,000,000 to fortify and make a station of Pearl Harbor. Do you
think that would be an extravagant estimate?

Mr. MooBE. I think $100,000,000 would be very extravagant. I
can not see where anything like that could be expended. In fact I think
one-tenth that amount would be extravagant.

E. K. MOOEB,
lAeutenantj U. 8, Navy.

SWORH STATEMENT OF L GOODWIN H0BB8.

The Chaibman. Were you connected with the XJ. S. S. Boston in
Jmustry, 1893!

Mr. HoBBS. I was.

The Chaibman. What was your office on that ship.

Mr. HoBBS. Paymaster.

The Chaibman. You went with the ship on the little crnise down to
Hih> and Lahainaf

Mr. fioBBS. Yes.

The Chaibman. Were you acquainted with the islands before the
ship leltf

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; I was on the islands in 1874, when Ejilakaua was
first made King. I was on the Tttsearoraj under command of Admiral
Belknap; that is^ he is now.

The Chaibman. What stay did you make there in 1874 f

Mr. Hobbs, I was there on that cruise on three different occaeaon!^

364 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The longest stay was about six months. In fact, we were there all the
time during the first visit of the King to the United States after he be-
came Ejug. I think he came to the United States shortly after he was
elected.

The Ghaibman. That is, Kalakauaf

Mr. HoBBs. Kalakaua, yes. You might say that we arrived there
in the first instance in the Tuscarora in 1874. I think it was just a
day after Lunalilo died. We were there when the trouble came up,
a^r Kalakaua was elected King, and had to land our forces at that
time to keep the peace. They were on shore, I think, some two weeks,
something like that, and then continued our a oyage to China on deep
sea soundings, in which the ship was engaged at that time.

The Ghaibman. Who was the American minister at Honolulu at
that time f

Mr. HoBBS. Mr. Pierce.

The Ghaibman. Was it at his request that the troops were sent to
Honolulu f

Mr. HoBBS. I so understood it But on that point I am not certain*
That is my recollection.

The Ghaibman. Was there much commotion amongst the people at
that timef

Mr. HoBBS. !No; as 1 remember it it appeared to be a very peaceable
kind of riot; it was all quelled within a few minutes after tlie force
landed.

The Ghaibman. The Hawaiian s, as a rule, are not a very riotous
people!

Mr. HoBBS. No; they are very docile.

The Ghaibman. Have you been amongst them enough to form an
estimate of their general characteristics f

Mr. HoBBS. So far as I know, they do not care very much for work,
so long as they have plenty of poi and fish. They let matters go on so
long as the have their poi and fish.

The Ghaibman. They are not an industrious, enterprising people f

Mr. HoBBS. No: not so in my opinion.

Senator Fbye. You are speaking now of the Kanakas f

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Would you say that they are a people given to
intrigae and conspiracy f

Mr. HoBBS. I should say not.

The Ghaibman. They are disposed to put up with what is given to
themf

Mr. HoBBB. Yes.

The Ghaibman. During your visit to Hawaii did your hear the sub-
ject of annexation to the United States discussed amongst the people
there!

Mr. HoBBS. No; I do not think I did.

The Ghaibman. And more recently, when you were there on the
Boston^ and before the time you went out to Hilo, what was the condi-
tion of the popular mind as to peacefulness and quietude f

Mr. HoBBS. All through that time there appeared to be a good deal
of uneasiness among the people, due to the change in the ministry —
rather unsettled; did not know what to do. They could not make any
engagements ahead. They did not know what was going to happen
until what was known as the Wilcox ministry came into power. After
that ministry was installed the people had great faith and reliance that
their troubles were over, and that that ministry would probably hold

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 365

over for two years following the adjournment of the Legislature, which
was expected soon; and on the way to Hilo I got that impression from
Mr. Stevens, in the conversations which I had with him from time to
time, that the present ministry would not be voted ont.

The Chairman. Mr. Stevens was of that opinion, was he!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes; he seemed to be. And after the ministry was
thrown oat, Capt. Wiltse said to me that he was afraid that would be
the result — ^that they would not stay in.

The Ghaibman. Did Mr. Stevens go with the Boston on any ofQcial
business, or was it a pleasure excursion?

Mr. HoBBS. He had never visited the island of Hilo since he had
been there, and he went principally to visit that island.

The Ghaibman. The Boston went out for target practice f

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Ghaibman. And Mr. Stevens went along as a guest of the
officers of the ship f

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Did Mr. Stevens in these conversations with you
express himself a« pleased with the contentment and prospect of peace,
and that it would last until his return homef

Mr. HoBBS. Yes; that was the idea I got from him — that if this
ministry was not voted ont they would have peace and quiet at least
for two years, until this new Legislature came in, which would not be
for two vears.

The Ghaibman. Did you gather from Mr. Stevens that that was a
satisfactory state of affairs f

Mr. HoBBS. I did, because all the men in that ministry were regarded
as very reliable and very highly esteemed. Mr. Wilcox especially was
a Tery wealthy man from Kauai. He was minister of the interior. Mr.
Jones was the minister of finance; Gecil Brown was attorney-general,
and a half white man; Mark Eobinson was minister of foreign affairs.

The Ghaibman. Is Gecil Brown of American origin!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes, I think became from Georgetown — I think he came
from the District of Columbia. At all events he was at school over in
Georgetown, I know, as a young man.

The Ghaibman. Georgetown College!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

Senator Fbye. I would like to ask an6ther question. You saw con-
siderable of Mr. Stevens while you were there!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes, a good deal of him.

Senator Fbyk. What impression did you form of his character!

Mr. HoBBS. I regarded him as an able man in every way. I became
y^y much attached to him, and was at his house frequently.

llie Ghaibman. Your relations with Mr. Stevens were such as might
be eaUed confidential!

Mr. HoBBS. I should scarcely say that, although Mr. Stevens was
firom Maine and I was originally from Maine, and it was a little com-
mon amenity between us on that account, perhaps.

Senator Fbye. Was Mr. Stevens a man whom you looked upon as

inelined to be a filibusterer or inclined to disturb the condition of

things at all!

Mr. Hobbs. Ko; I would not have thought that of him.

The Ghaibman. I was going to ask you whether you heard anything

ftom Mr. Stevens in the discussion of Hawaiian affairs that led you

to mpposo h» WM trying to dl«rapt tbftt G^OYormaeat} detliiono tbo

366 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Queen, or accomplish the annexation of those islands to the United
States f

Mr. HOBBS. No.

The Ghaibman. Nothing that he remarked led yon to understand
that he had any such purpose f

Mn HoBBS. No.

The Ghaibman. Did he ever complain about the authorities theret

Mr. HoBBS. I never heard him make any complaint. We only talked
in the usual way; but did not talk politics, only incidentally.

Mr. Ghaibman. Did you have a residence on the island while you
were there, a cottage on the island f

Mr. HoBBS. From April to shortly before September my family were
there, and I was on shore at night.

The Ghaibman. Keeping house.

Mr. HoBBS. No, at the hotel.

The Ghaibman. Mr. Moore's family was theret

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Were the families of other gentlemen?

Mr. HoBBS. Yes. On our shipt No. There was one other officer
of the ship had his family there, but not at the hotel.

The Ghaibman. Your family went out to Honolulu to meet you?

Mr. HoBBS. In April last I got three weeks' leave from the admiral
and came home and took my family back.

The Ghaibman. They could not go over on a man-of-war t

Mr. HoBBS. No; they went over on the Australia.

The Ghaibman. Had you any idea of keeping your wife there when
you went on that trip to Honolulu?

Mr. HoBBS. She was not there; she came this last April.

The Ghaibman. Are there any other families of oflScers living theret

Mr. HoBBS. Mr. Moore's (he was on our ship) was the only family
there.

The Ghaibman. Of course, in the case of an outbreak when your
families were ashore you would feel a concern about themt

Mr. HoBBS. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman. As I understand, you had no occasion to feel con-
cerned about the situation at all, as to the public peace, when you went
out to Hilo?

Mr. HoBBS. I did not feel concerned myself at all, but people about
the town did feel concerned, people living there constantly. It did not
occur to me that there was any danger to my belongings at all.

The Ghaibman. When you returned on Saturday morning, the 13th
of January, did you go ashore t

Mr. HoBBS. I went ashore in the afternoon at 1 o'clock. We arrived
in Honolulu, I think, about 11 o'clock, probably.

The Ghaibman. How long did you stay ashoret

Mr. HoBBS. I went ashore at 1 o'clock and went up to the English
Club, where we used to go. It was there that I heard that the Queen
was about to proclaim the new constitution. I then went down town
to see what was going on. It was a business part of the town; it was
Saturday afternoon; the people were scurrying around there; did not
know what was going to happen — feared that there would be some
sort of trouble and could not place exactly where* it was coming from.
On my way down I think I met Mr. Moore, and we had some conver-
sation on the corner there with one of the residents, Mr. Mclnemy.
Then I went on board ship. It was about 5 o'clock that afternoon. I
went ashore again Sunday. Sunday is a remarkably quiet day in

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 367

Honolnln, and it was quiet on this Bnnday — I did noi see anybody
aboat. I took a long walk and returned to tlie ship about 4 or 5
o'clock that afternoon. On Monday we were not allowed to leave the
ship, and I did not go on shore again until the next afternoon, when I
had to go on duty at the place where our men had been spending the
night They were landed Monday afternoon. We had to make some
arrangements about getting food for them, and something of that sort.

The Chaibman. On that Saturday afternoon which you spent on
shore what was the condition of the people! State whether they were
agitated and excited, or quiet and* cool.

Mr. HoBBS. There was rather more excitement, I ascertained, than
there was before.

The Chairman. Did you attend any mass meeting that evening t

Mr. HoBBs. No.

The Chairman. Or any other evening that you were there!

Mr. HoBBS. No.

Senator Fbye. Were those mass meetings on Saturday!

The Chairman. Saturday.

Senator Fbye. Sunday, was it not!

Mr. HoBBS. I think it was Monday afternoon.

The Chairman. Yes. Before you left to go back on the ship, which
I think you said was about 5 o'clock, did you hear of the establishment
of a committee of safety, or anything of that kind!

Mr. HoBBS. I heard tliat a committee of safety had been appointed.

The Chairman. You heard that on shore!

Mr. HoBBS. I think so. I would not be absolutely sure about that.

The Chairman. Do you recollect the names of any of the persons
with whom you and Mr. Moore conversed on these topics!

Mr. HoBBS. No; I do not remember. Shortly after Mr. Moore left,
he went up town where his wife was living, and I do not remember
that we did have any more conversation with any of the citizens.

The Chairman. Did you have any apprehension of an outbreak
there that Saturday evening!

Mr. HoBBS. At the time I went on aboard the ship, no.

The Chairman. Later during that evening, did you have any!

Mr. HoBBS. No. I did not hear anything of any trouble except the
nuDors that a committee of safety had been appointed and was at
work.

The Chairman. When you went on shore again on Sunday did you
find any considerable bodies of men collected together!

Mr. HoBBS. No; I do not remember to have seen half a dozen people
on Uie street.

The Chairman. You would not have supposed that the country was
in a revolutionary state from the appearance of the people!

Mr. HoBBS. Not from what I saw on Sunday. But Sunday, as a
mle, is a particularly quiet day, in the middle of the day.

The Chairman. You did not witness any public agitation or excite-
ment!

Mr. HoBBS. I did not on that Sunday.

The Chairman. And you went back Sunday night to your vessel!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

Th'e Chairman. And Monday you were detained on board!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes; not allowed to leave the ship.

The Ohaibman. What time did you get orders to remain aboard
ship!

Mr. HoBBS. I think Monday morning.

368 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ghaibman. At gaard mountiDg?

Mr. HoBBS. Yes. At half-past 9, 1 think, word was passed that W6
would not be allowed to visit the shore.

The Chaisman. Were any preparations made daring Sunday for
sending troops ashore f

Mr. HoBBS. I think not on Sunday.

The Chaibman. Were auy made on Monday after these orders were
given for the officers to remain on board f

Mr. HoBBS. If my recollection serves me correctly it was not until
Monday afternoon, until 1 o'clock, after the men had their dinners, that
arrangements were made in case they were to land to get their belong-
ings together, their equipments.

The Ghaibman. The equipments of such parties as went out from that
ship consisted first of arms and ammunition, and then provisions f

Mr. HoBBS. They did not go on shore until after they had their
supper that night, and they did not carry any provisions except some
hardtack, which was taken, and then Mr. Moore and I were left on board
ship to send provisions to them the next morning.

The Ghaibman. Do you recollect Mr. Stevens coming aboard ship
on Monday!

Mr. HoBBS. I do. I remember that he came on board ship about 3
o'clock Monday afternoon. I saw him aboard ship. I did not have any
conversation with him.

The Ghaibman. Had thede orders and preparations for sending ships
ashore been on foot before Mr. Stevens came on the shipf

Mr. HoBBS. I am unable to state accurately in regard to that,
because it would not come within my supervision in any event.

The Ghaibman. But the order for the officers to remain on board
ship was earlier?

Mr. HoBBS. Yes, in the morning.

The Ghaibman. Before Mr. Stevens camef

Mr. HoBBS. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman. Are those unusual orders when a vessel is in x)ortf

Mr. HoBBS. Yes, I should say so. But it happened on one or two
occasions after the revolution, while Admiral Skerrett was there. I
think there were one or two days when we were not allowed to visit
the shore.

The Ghaibman. It created the expectation that there was to be some
need for the troops!

Mr. HoBBS. It did.

The Ghaibman. Then you went in on Tuesday morning!

Mr. HoBBS. At 1 o'clock Tuesday morning I went ashore on duty.

The Ghaibman. Where were the United States troops then!

Mr. HoBBS. They were in a hall called Arion hall,* in the rear of the
opera house.

The Ghaibman. Quartered there!

Mr. HoBBS. Took up their quarters there at 8 o'clock the evening
before.

The Ghaibman. How long did they remain there before going to
Gamp Boston !

Mr. HoBBS. About a week; Gapt. Wiltse directed me to find the
agent of the building and pay for its occupancy while our people were
quartered there, which I did.

The ChaibmaNi You ba4 aotbi»g to do with qoartor^ng tbe troopei
there, though! , ^ t - r

Mr. EOBBB. STo.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 369

The Chaxbman. When the troops were at Gamp Boston, did they
p«t up tents t

Mr. HoBBS. !No; they occupied a large bouse which belonged to Mr.
Bishop, with large, extensive grounds. For that establishment I paid
at the rate $75 per month. Mr. Damon, the agent, stated he had
i«ited it for that purpose. That was since we were there. They
lented at that rate, and we paid the same rate.

The Chairman. When you got off on Monday were all the troops at
Arion Hall, or at different places t

Mr. HoBBS. A large portion of the marines were at the consul-gen-
eraFs office and about 12 at Mr. Stevens's house.

The Chairman. Were you present at any interviews between the
Qaeen's ministers and the persons who were then conducting the Fro*
visional Government.

Mr. HoBBS. NoJ

The Chaibman. You know nothing of that!

Mr. HoBBS. No.

The Chairman. After the establishment of the Provisional .Govern*
ment, how long did you remain in Honolulu or Hawaii!

Mr. HoBBS. The ship Boston?

The Chairman. Yest

Mr. Hobbs. Until— I think we left there on the 26th of September
last

The Chairman. You were not attached to any other ship!

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. You came away with the Boston?

Mr. Hobbs. Came away with the Boston,

The Chairman. During that period of time, from the establishment
of this Provisional Government until the time you left there, state
whether x>eace and quietude and order prevailed in Honolulu, or were
there outbreaks, public agitations?

Mr. Hobbs. Peace and quiet obtained all the time.

The Chairman. Testing the government in control of public affairs
there with what you saw of the condition of the community, commerce,
trade, and all that, would you say that is a good government or bad
government f

Mr. Hobbs. I should say it was a good government.

The Chairman. At any time that you have been in Hawaii, have you
leen any government that you thought was better than thatf

Mr. Hobbs. No.

The Chairman. State whether you believe that the resources in com-
nand of that Provisional Government, after it had been established by
men and money and arms and the support of the people, were such that
the Queen^ with what she had at her command and without assistance
from foreign powers, could have overcome that government.

Mr. Hobbs. In my opinion she never could,' never.

The Chairman. You think it would have been a rash and danger-
ODS venture to undertake itt

Mr. Hobbs. I do.

The Chairman. Do you think now, without the assistance of for^
^gn governments, the Queen could break down the Provisional Gov
emmentf

Mr. Hobbs. I do not.

The Chairman. So that, as to these limits on power and authority,
would you consider that the Provisional Government is a more petmsb-
neat government than a royal goyeriunent could be at this time^

8. Bep. 227 24

370 HAWAIIAN ISLANDa

Mr. HoBBS. I should say so — ^was at tlie time I left Honolnla.

The Ohaebman. And even np to now!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes; my conflaence is stronger now. They are better
able to defend themselves than they were when I left.

The Ghatbmak. Do you think any man or set of men would be able
by combination and conspiracy to put those native people into a state
of hostility and belligerency and war toward the Provisional Govera-
mentf

Mr. HoBBS. The native people.

The Chairman. Yes-
Mr. HoBBS. In my opinion it would be a very difficult thing to do.

The Ghaibman. You think a good strong army in respect of num-
bers could not be organized there under existing conditions f

Mr. HoBBS. Not of natives. I think 50 white men could go all through
the islands.

The Ghaibmaii. You predicate that belief of the characteristicB of
. the people f

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Chaibhan. As I understand they are people who have been
during all their career given to obedience!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Ghaibman. And the power that is backed by sufficient author-
ity and resources to maintain itself is apt to be sustained by them.

Mr. Hobbs. Yes; I should say that without any reservation.

The Ghaibman. What is the general character for intelligence and
good conduct and good motives and good purposes of those persons who
are now engaged in the effort to govern Hawaii under the present
organization called the ** Provisional Government" f

Mr. Hobbs. I think it is a desire to have a good strong government,
which they have not had during this dynasty. They have been in an
unsettled state during the whole time of this reign. They have had
revolutions about every year or two, and they have never fc^t that they
have had good, substantial government.

The Ghaibman. Are you speaking of the reign of Kalakaua and
liliuokalanit

Mr. Hobbs, Yes.

The Ghaibman. You are not speaking of the Kamehameha reignsf

Ml". Hobbs, Ko.

Senator Fbte. Mr. Hobbs did not answer all of your former ques-
tion.

The Ghaibman. Let the question be reard.

The question was read as follows: ^^ What is the general character
for intelligence and good conduct and good motives and good pur-
poses of those persons who are now engaged in the effort to govern
Hawaii under the present organization called the Provisional Govern-
ment!"

Mr. Hobbs. In my opinion they are the best men in the islands —
men who are the most reliable and respectable in the islands that I
know.

The Ghaibman. How would those men compare with the better class
of people in the United States!

Mr. Hobbs. Gompare most favorably.

Senator Fbte. In education and everything?

Mr. Hobbs. Education; yes, refinement and culture.

The Ghaibman, Have you ever seen any disposition ou the part of

HAWAIIAN laiiAITDS. 371

the mHng authorities there—the white people— to wrong or bear down
apon the Dative Kanaka population f

Mr. HOB3S. No.

The Ohaibman. Is the reverse of that proi>08ition tmef

Mr. HoBBS. I should say so.

The Ohaibman. What seems to be the state of feeling between the
Kanaka population and the white people, taking them at large— taking
the different classes — whether it is friendly, agreeable, or hostile f

Mr. HoBBS. So far as I was able to observe that point I should say
that it is favorable.

TheGHAiB3fAN. I suppose necessarily there must be some race jeal-
ousies theref

Mr. HoBBS. I think that is so, more particularly among the half
vldtss than among the pure natives.

The Chaibman. Would you say that there was a stronger condition
of race jealously existing in Hawaii between the whites and the native
Kanakas than there is in these States, Southern States, Washington —
I will say between the whites and negroes f

Mr.HoBBS. Not so much.

The Chairman. Is it considered disreputable for a white man to
marry a Kanaka woman f

Mr. HoBBS. No; many have done so.

The Ohaibman. But it is quite disreputable fbr a white man to
many a negro woman here.

Mr. Hobbs. Oh, certainly.

The Chairman. Take them in their churches, schools, business
alations, agricultural occupations and associations— ^ake the whole
thing together, does there seem to be any real hostility between these
different races f

Mr. Hobbs. I should say not.

The Chairman. Do they live on amicable terms f

Mr. Hobbs. Yes,

The Chairman. And have good will and encouragement for each
dhert

Mr. Hobbs. I should say so, as a rule; yes.

The Chairman. Of course, the ordinary distinctions which are ore*
ated by education and different methods of reasoning must make their
impressions there as they do everywhere elsef

Mr. Hobbs. In the social gatherings there you will see half castes
and pure natives in society all together.

The Chairman. Is Hawaii a pleasant place for residence f

Mr. Hobbs. I liked it very much myself.

The Chairman. I speak now more particularly of the society of
Honolulu and larger towns — ^Hilof

Mr. Hobbs. I only know about Honolulu, and the society there is a
dehghtftd one. It is quite as refined as you ^would find in any town in
the United States, go where you will.

The Chairman. Would you call the people there refined and intelll-
geott

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. People of good tastes and aspirationsf

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Chairman. And people of broad intelligence f

Mr. Hobbs. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Had you ever heard fix>m Captain Wiltse any obwt*

372 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

vations at all that led yoa to think that he was disposed to participate
in Hawaiian politics, Hawaiian affairs f

Mr. HOBBS. No.

The Chairman. Interfere in the slightest degree with the independ-
ence of that country t

Mr. HoBBS. No.

The Chairman. You know Captain Wiltse wellt

Mr. HoBBS. Very well.

The Chairman. Have you had frequent conversations with himf

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

Senator Frye. So far as you know Captain Wiltse's purpose in land-
ing troops was to protect the lives and property of Americans!

Mr. HoBBB. Yes.

The Chairman. Was that the understanding when the troops left
the shipf

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Chairman. To protect life and property!

Mr. HoBBS. The troops were ordered to take no side, but to remain
passive in the troubles that were occurring — apolitical troubles.

The Chairman. Could you detect any difference between the move-
ment of the troops ashore firom the Boston and the movement that took
place twenty years ago, in 1874, when you were there, as to its pur-
poses, objects, and motives!

Mr. HoBBS. I should say it was for the same reason.

The Chairman. So &r as you know it all appeared to be for the same
purpose!

Mr. HoBBS. Yes.

The Chairman. The preservation of life and property!

Mr. HoBBS. Exactly.

The Chairman. Did you have any suspicion or coigecture that those
troops were sent there for the purpose of breaking up one government
and erecting another !

Mr. HoBBS. Not the slightest. I did not know what was the pur-
pose I did not figure it at all.

The Chairman. You did not think there was any such purpose!

Mr. Hobbs. No.

Adjourned to meet to-morrow, the 10th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

Wednesday, January 10^ 1894.

The committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and

^YE.

Absent: Senators Builer and Sherman.

SWOBH STATEMENT OF UETJTEVAXT CHABLES LAIEIk

The Chairman. What is your rank in the Navy!
Mr. Laird. Lieutenant, senior grade.

The Chairman. When did you first visit the Hawaiian Islands!
Mr. Laird. On the arrival of the Boston there, August 24, 1892.
The Chairman. Were you much ashore after your arrival there!
Mr, Laird. Yes; most of the time when J was off duty I was
Lahore and met the people.

HAWAHAN I8LAin>8. 373

The Chairman. Did yoa haye a great many acquaintaiices among
themf

Mr. Latbd. a great many.

TheCHATTiMAN. What was the general state or condition of the
people as to x>eacefiilues8 and quietness after January, 1893 f

Mr. Laibb. It was generally quiet; but there was a great deal of
tension on account of the numerous changes in the cabinet and the
difficulties in the Legislature. At times in and about the club I would
hear people, members of the Legislature, speak of the tension, and when
^e lottery bill was brought up for passage there was a great deal of
tension amongst the people.

The Ghaibman. Do you mean that that occurred after the last
diange in the cabinet f

Mr. Laibd. No; this was progressing with each change in the cabi-
net The business x>ortion of the community was more and more dis-
eatisfied.

The Chaibman. What cabinet was in when you went there— the
Wilcox cabinet f

Mr. Laibd. I can not tell. I know some of the members of the last
eabinet. Mr. Parker was a member of the last cabinet.

Senator Gbay. Who was thatf

Mr. Laibd. Sam Parker.

The Chaibman. I think he was a member of the last cabinetf

Senator Fbye. He was a member of the cabinet that displac
Wilcox cabinet. ed the

Mr. Laibd. He was a member of the one that displaced the Wilcox
eabinet — ^minister of foreign relations.

The Chaibman. Did you know Mr. Parker!

Mr. Laibd. Yes; very well.

The Chaibman. Did you hear him speak of Hawaii and the various
dianges of the cabinet and the passage of the lottery and the opium
billsT

Mr. Laibd. I went to his house at various times, visited his family,
and it was very seldom that he discussed politics. If he did it was in
a light, frivolous way. He was 6 feet in height, but he had more of
the characteristics of a child than of a full-grown man.

The Chaibman. These discussions that you heard in the club were
from oth^ I>ersonsf

Mr. Laibd. Yes; from other persons, people who would come there
to get their luncheon.

The Chaibman. Did you go with the Boston down to Hilo on that
^actice cruisef

Mr. Laibd. Yes, I did.

The Chaibman. When did you leave Honolulu?

Mr. Laibd. We left on January 4 and returned on January 14.

The Chaibman. At the time you left there were you aware of the
existence of any public commotion or any threat against the integrity
of the government, or opposition to it at all f

Mr. Laibd. No. On the contrary, I was at a dinner with Mr. Irwin,
vbo was Claus Spreckles's partner, ^nd he expressed himself as being
vdl satisfied with this new cabinet.

Senator Fbye. That w&s the Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Laibd. Yes; Mr. Wilcox, from Hawaii; P. C. Jones, Mark Eobin-
aofi, and Cecil Brown, all men of very high standing in the community.

Senator Fbyb. Was Mr, Jxwin a man of wealth!

374 HAWAHAK I8LANDS.

Mr. Laibi). Yes ; very laxge wealth ; next to Mr. Spreckels the wealth-
iest man on the islands.

Senator Fbye. What business has he theret

Mr. Laibd. a large commercial business, and also presid^it of the
bank.

Senator Fbye, Which bankf

Mr. Laibd. Spreckels's bank.

The Chaibman. So that at the time yon left there you had no appre-
hensions of a civil outbreak or political disturbance?

Mr. Laibd. Kone whatever. The firi^t intimation we had was after
we got back to Lahaina, on the 13th.

The Chaibman. What did you hear there!

Mr. Laibd. Lahaina is about 85 miles from Honolillu. One of the
inter-island steamers came in, and the purser and Mr. Wilder, now
Hawaiian consul at San Francisco, came over and brought the latest
paper, which gave the information that the Wilcox cabinet had
been turned out and a new cabinet appointed, and that the Legislature
was to be prorogued the next morning. This information was comma*
nicated to the captain and also to Mr. Stevens; the orders had been
already given for sailing the next morning, and no change was made;
we sailed at the time set, and went over very leisurely, half-steam
power. On the way over a pet dog fell overboard^ and we lowered the
lifeboat and consumed about two hours looking for the dog. We
arrived in the harbor the next morning about 11 o'clock. I did
not finish mooring the ship until after 12. Mr. Young was the only one
who went ashore to visit the Legislature.

The Chaibman. And participated in the ceremony!

Mr. Laibd. An invitation had been sent to the ship for the officers
to attend the prorogation. But all the other officers were engaged that
morning, or were taking their midday meal, and did not care to go.
Mr. Young was the only one who went. Whether or not he was
detailed by the captain I do not know.

The Chaibman. Do you know whether Mr. Stevens or Mr, Young
left the 'Ship first!

Mr. Laibd. I think Mr. Stevens left first; I am quite sure he did.
As we came into the harbor his daughter was in a small pull-away
boat with some gentlemen. They pulled off to the ship, and Mr.
Stevens went ashore probably a half hour before Mr. Young went.

The Chaibman. This was the practice cruise that you made down on
the coast at HilOj the island at Hilo!

Mr. Laibd. Yes. Target practice had been delayed on account of
the unsettled state of afi'airs in the harbor, and the captain decided to
go to Hilo for target practice. During the time that we were there
Mr. Stevens and his daughter went up to the volcano with some of the
officers. We found the sea too rough at Hilo for target practice, and
the captain decided to go to Lahaina and hold target practice in the
channel between the two islands, where we could get smooth water;
we went back there and finished our practice on the afternoon of the
13th.

The Ghaibman. After your arrival at Honolulu, what time did you
go ashore!

Mr. Laibd. I did not go until Monday, when I landed with the
troops. My duties were such that I could not go ashore; we are not
allowed to leave the ship whilst on duty, and I therefore did not go
ashore.

The Chaibman* Did you have command t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 375

Kr. Laibb. I did.

The Chairman. What command t

Mr. Laxrb. The color company.

The Chaibman. Describe what yon saw.

Mr. Laibd. I was on dnty Monday afternoon when preparations were
being made for landing. Mr. Stevens came on board during the after-
noon. At half-past 3, Lieut. Commander Swinburne, the executive
officer, came and told me that he would send a relief for me, one of the
jDnior office's, and that I should see that my company was equipped in
heavy marching order, and see that all the accouterments were in good
eondition. I did so. Shortly after that, probably about 4 o'clock, all
the officers who were to land were called into the cabin by Captain
Wfltse and his instructions were read to the officers.

The Chairman. Before getting to the instructions I will ask, were
any preparations made for sending detachments ashore before Mr*
Btevens's arrival on board ship that afternoon!

Mr. Laibb. They had been. Mr. Young had gone ashore, and he
brought back certain rumors on Saturday. Time was consumed in get-
ting the ammunition out of the ammunition room, the gun carriages into
^ boats, and ammunition in the belts. Each man had 80 rounds of
UDmnnition, and each one of these had to be placed in the belt separ-
atdy, {he magazines had to be filled in anticipation of having to kuid;
tiiese preparations were made.

The Chaibman. Before Mr. Stevens' arrival?

Mr. Laibb. Yes.

Senator Fbye. And in consequence of the various rumors f

Mr. Laibb. The rumors that were passing around Saturday afternoon,
Sonday, and Monday morning.

The Chaibman. Do you mean that Mr. Young communicated these
nmora to the captain f

Mr. Laibb. He did communicate some; and other officers brought
back such information as they found.

The Chaibman. Do you know who they were.

Mr. Laibb. I do not know.

The Chaibman. Did any citizens come aboard ship before Mr*
Btevenst

Mr. Laibb. Fot that I recollect

The Chaibman. Do you think you would have been aware of their
presence if they had comef

Mr. Laibb. I was officer of the deck. You mean Saturday.

The Chaibman. On Monday morning. Mr. Stevens did not return
into Monday afternoon f

Mr. Laibb. He did not return untU Monday afternoon.

The Chaibman. I want to know if any citizen came aboad ship
before Mr. Stevens came aboard.

Mr. Laibb. That I can not state.

The Chaibman. You were not officer of the deckf

Mr. Laibb. I was officer of the deck in the afternoon, and I am quite
sore none came.

The Chaibman. What time did you go on duty!

Mr. Laibb. At half past 12, and I was relieved at half past 3. If
any eitLsens did come 1 did not see them. If any civilians came over
the side and the quartermaster did not report to me he did not perform
his duty. My duties would take me from the quarter-deck, and it
voukl be the qn£u:*termaster's duty to report to me.

!Die Chi£BKAN. You were in charge of the color company 1

376 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Laird. Tes.

The Oh AIRMAN. Blnejackets or marines f

Mr. Laird. Blae jackets.

The Chairman. Did you carry the national colors f

Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. Yon say that the officers were assembled in the
cabin, and that Capt. Wiltse read his orders f

Mr. Laird. Yes, read the orders and instmctions that were given to
Mr. Swinbnm. Mr. Stevens was sitting there at the time of this con-
ference; and after a general discussion, into which I did not enter, I
turned to Capt. Wiltse and asked him, " Now, Captain, how far will
these orders and instructions which you have read, carrj me in case I
am detached from the main command and sent off to some other part
of the city!" Capt. Wiltse turned to me and said, " My desire is that you
remain neutral; you are to protect the lives and property of American
citizens; you have been in Honolulu four months and have been going
ashore and meeting the people and I must depend a great deal upon
the discretion of my officers."

The Chairman. Was there anything in the orders or instructions
you received that looked to the establishment of any government dif-
ferent from that of the Queen f

Mr. Laird. None. The burden of the orders was to look out for the
lives and property of American citizens.

Senator Frye. And that order of Capt. Wiltse was given in the
presence of Mr. Stevens!

Mr. Laird. It was.

The Chairman. Did Capt. Wiltse on that occasion read any order
from the Secretary of the Navy or admiral of the fleett

Mr. Laird. No; I do not think he had any communication from the
admiral of the fleet.

The Chairman. Did he read any orders to himf

Mr. Laird. I think he read an extract. I do not know what the ex*
tracts were made from. 1 understood one of the extracts was taken
from his letter of iustructions from the Department; but I can not say
where they were taken from.

The Chairman. The authority and the intervention he made there
were discussed!

Mr. Laird. No; we did not discuss; we had not the right.

The Chairman. I meau, they were explained by him. .

Mr. Laird. Yes. His explanation, after reading over these instruc-
tions, was general — that we were sent ashore for the protection of life
and property of American citizens. That was the burden of it. The
instructions were contained on a piece of paper the size of that (indi-
cating an ordinary note sheet).

The Chairman. At the time you left the ship, had you any knowl-
edge of the existence of a committee of safety in Honolulu f

Mr. Laird. I kuew by hearsay that such a committee had been
formed.

The Chairman. Did you know anything about the Provisional Gov-
ernment having been established!

Mr. Young. No.

The Chairman. Your information was that there had been a corn-
mittee of safety organized !

Mr. Laird. Yes.

The Chairman. Proceed and state how you landed and what yon
did over there.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 377

Mr. Laibd. The boats landed at Brewer's wharf at abont qnarter to
5. The battalion was formed on Qaeen street, marched up Queen
to Fort street. On Fort street the battalion was halted in front of the
U. S. consulate. Here the marines under command of Lieut. Draper
w&e detached with instructions to protect the U. S. consulate and the
U. S. legation.

The Chairman. Up what streets did you march f

Mr. Laibd. Queen, Fort, Merchant, and King streets.

THe Chaibhan.< Abreast of the consulate, and there the detachment
wasmiuief

Mr. Laibd. Yes, and there Mr. Draper was given orders to guard the
eansulate and to send part of his force up the valley to the minister's
residence. About one-fifbh of the whole command was detached.

The Chairman. So that the consulate was left in the hands of that
officer f

Mr. Laibd. Left in the hands of Mr. Draper.

TheCHAiBMAN. Wellt

Mr. Laibd. The main body marched up Fort to Merchant, from Mer-
ehant to King, and out the King street road. The Queen was stand-
ing on the balcony of the palace as we passed. We gave the royal
salute by drooping the colors and a blast from the trumpet. We went
a half mile beyond the palace and came to the halt. There I went to
Lieut. Commander Swinburne and said that something should be done
to house the men, as the weather was threatening*

The Chaibman. What time was thatf

Mr. Laibd. About half past 5 o'clock.

TheCHAiBMAN. Was it dark!

Mr. Laibd. It was not dark.

Senator Fbyb. Whom did you go tot

Mr. Laibd. Lieut. Commander Swinburne; and he turned over the
command of the infantry to me and went to see some of the citizens.
Mr. Gunn was in the neighborhood, on horseback, and I think Mr.
Charles Carter was there. Lieut. Commander Swinburne told me that
Capt. WUtse was down the street seeing if he could not find some cover-
ing for the men that night. When we went ashore we did not expe^^t
to remain more than a day or two at the most. We then marched up
to Mr. Atherton's place, we stacked arms, and the men bivouacked
there until 10 o'clock before a place was found.

Sffliator Fbtb. Did it rainf

Mx. Laibd. It did; there were casual showers; quite a number of
Kg ht showers passed over during the time we were there. We got
under way about 10 o'clock and started down the street. In order not
to make any disturbance, the music was stopped. We halted in front
<tf Arion Hall. I did not know before that there was such a place. It
is situated immediately back of the opera house on Palace Square.
It was used as a Mormon church, and all the chairs and all the para-
ph&nalia were on the floor. A detachment was sent in and the hall
piepared for occupancy; the men spread their blankets on the floor and
OQ the front and back verandas.

The Chaibman. As you marched up the street during your progress
ttee, did yon see any bodies of people assembled anywhere f

Mr. Laibd. No, not more than usual. Natives were grouped around,
and there was quite a group around the palace gate. But I would not
e^l it a body of people. They were immediately around the palace
gate and Grovernment building gate.

The OHAiBMAif. You speak of lolani Palace t

378 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Laxbb. Tea.

The Chairman. How far is that bnilding from the palaoet

Mr. Laibd. I sappose 150 yards.

The Chaibman. Were there any persons in tiie palace enclosure
beside the Qneen f

Mr. Laibd. I saw some members of the Qaeen's Guard. The gates
were closed and 1 of the members of the guard was at the gate and 1 or
2 at the palace steps.

The Ohaibman. Was the Queen alone f

Mr. Laibd. She was alone when I saw her on the balcony.

The Ohaibman. Was there any array of troops or policemen at the
palace f

Mr. Laibd. If there were I did not see them.

The Ohaibman. Were the persons around the palace numeraus or
scattering?

Mr. Laibd. There were a great many more peoi>le on the street at
that time of the evening than you would expect to find in Honolulu
under ordinary circumstances.

The Ohaibman. I speak of the palace — ^immediately surrounding the
palace. Were persons around there f

Mr. Laibd. Directly in front of the palace, on the street, in the
square there f

The Ohaibman. I am not speaking of that.

Mr. Laibd. No : I did not see any one around the palace, except the
guards of whom I spoke.

The Ohaibman. Guards at the step and one at the gatef

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Was there any alarm during the nightf

Mr. Laibd. I think there were two alarms of fire that Mght. Mr.
Young had the guard. There were either two or three alarms oi fire
that night.

The Ohaibman. Did any men turn out?

Mr. Laibd. I think Mr. Swinburne himself went out to see wh^:e it
was, reconnoit^, and also sent an officer of the guard out.

The Ohaibman. Who was appointed officer of the day f

Mr. Laibd. Mr. Young was officer of the day the day on which we
landed.

The Ohaibman. The next morning, where did you got

Mr. Laibd. The next morning the regular routine was laid out—
the men were confined in such a small place that it was necessary to
keep them busy in order to keep them contented. The routine was
laid out and continued there until we went down to Oamp Boston.

The Ohaibman. How many days did you remain at Arion Hidlf

Mr. Laibd. Three days — ^three nights.

The Ohaibman. Then you went to Oamp Boston f

Mr. Laibd. Oamp Boston.

The Ohaibman. How far away is that from Arion Hallf

Mr. Laibd. Probably an eighth of a mile — ^little over.

The Ohaibman. Was that further from or nearer to the barracks
than Arion Hallf

Mr. Laibd. Further from the barracks; yes, decidedly. .

The Ohaibman. And also the police station?

Mr. Laibd. Nearer the police station.

The Ohaibman. How long did your detachment remain at Oamp
Boston after you got there!

Mr. Laibd, Until 11 o'clock on the morning of April 1«

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 379

The Ghaibkan. J luring the tune you stayed there, were patrols sent
ont throagh the ci^y f

Mr. IiAmD. Not for the purpose of patrolling the city. Men vere
sent out for drill in yarioas directions in order to give them exercise
bat they were not sent out in the nature of a* patrol.

The Chairman. Bo you say there was no patrol established in Hon-
diila by your troops f

Mr. Lajbd. Not on the streets. *

The Chairman. I mean outside of your own camp.

Mr. Laibd. Not outside of our own camp.

The Chairman. You conned your duties to the protection of your
eampf

Mr. Lairi). Directly to having the men remain in camp, and no man
was allowed to go oat except on duty during the first two weeks we
were there.

The Chairman. During that time was there turbulence in the city f

Mr. Laird. No j the city was quiet. There were a great many rumors
of threatened action on the part of the Queen's followers; but there
was no disorder of any kind.

The Chairman. Were you aware of any attempt at an opposition to
Provisional Government — ^l mean armed opposition f

Mr. Laird. There was not. I saw a number of rumors in that regard
in the papers, but personally I was not aware of it.

The Chairman. At what time was the surrender of the Que6n'8
military establishment made — troops and munitions of wart

Mr. Laird. That I can not state. I know they were the last to sur-
render. I think it was on the evening of the 18th.

The Chairman. Did they surrender after the police had surrendered
that were under Wilson's command?

Mr. Laird. Yes. I think the Provisional Government allowed the
Queen to retain them simply as a matter of courtesy, not that they
feaffed them at alL

The Chairman. Ketain the police f

Mr. Laird. No; retain her own personal guard. After they did sur*
lender, a certain number was allowed to remain with her.

The Chairman. After the surrender took place f

Mr. Laird. After the surrender of the Queen's body guard they allowed
her to retain a certain number.

Senator Gray. That was after her abdication t

Mr. Laird. Oh, certainly; some time after.

The Chairman. Were these men allowed to remain!

Mr. Laird. I do not know.

The Chairman. Were any police retained for the protection of her
property t

Mr. Laird. Of the municipal police!

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Laird. I can not say. She was given all the protection that
Ae required. If she did request a detail of police, I am quite sure it
vas given.

Senator Gray. Why are you sure; because of the general conduct
of the Provisional Gk>vernmentf

Mr. Laird. They were very lenient.

Senator Gray. You knew what was going on with the Provisional
6a?eniment.

Mr. liAiRD. Tea.

380- HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibman. Were yon present at the time Wilson gave np con-
trol of the police t

Mr. Laibd. No.

The Ghaibman. Did yon see them at any time in the cityf

Mr. Laird. If o. That was in an entirely different portion of the city
than Arion Hall — ^half a mile away.

The Ghaibman. Yon confined yonrself to yonr military duties while
you were there!

Mr. Laibd. Gonflned ourselves to the precincts of our own camp.
Officers were not even permitted to go out; that is, during the first
two days.

Senator Fbye. Did you know Minister Stevens wellt

Mr. Laibd. Yes; I know him quite well. I have visited his family
quite frequently and met him quite frequently.

Senator Fbte. What estimate did you form of his character as a
minister t

Mr. Laibd. Itemarkably good; think he was a man who was very
attentive to his duties, and would consider him a very carefiil man.

Senator Fbte. Did you see in him, or hear from him at any time in
all your acquaintance with him, any purpose of overthrowing the
existing Government of Hawaii and establishing a new onel

Mr. Laibd. The only remarks I ever heard him make in regard to it
was on the Boston down at Hilo. He lamented the general condition
of the Government, and seemed to be relieved that the Wilcox cabinet
had been formed.

Senator Fbte. Did you have any conversations with Minister Stevens
while he was on the ship going down to Hilot

Mr. Laibd. Quite a number; yes.

The Ghaibman. State whether or not he made any expressions about
the continuance of the Wilcox cabinet — the length of time it would
probably continue!

Mr. Laibd. I feel confident that he expected thoroughly that the
Wilcox cabinet would hold after the Legislature was prorogued.

Senator Fbye. That was two years t

Mr. Laibd. Yes, hold for two years until the next election. He
spoke about the peace, the possibility of peace and quiet to the country,
and his desires to wind up his afiairs and go home.

Senator Fbte. Was there any indication given to you or to any ot
the officers in your presence, of a desire on the part of Mr. Stevens to
interfere in the government of the islands?

Mr. Laibd. None that I had ever seen.

Senator Fbye. Do you yourself personally know what request Mr.
Stevens made of Gapt. WUtse when he came on board the Boston that
afternoon at 3 o'clock f

Mr. Laibd. I do not.

Senator Fbye. Shortly after Minister Stevens came on board it was
that in his presence and in the presence of all the officers that Gapt.
Wiltse issued the orders for shore duty and what should be done while
on shore?

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

Senator Fbye. State whether or not while the troops were on shore
there was any location of them made with any purpose of overawing
the Queen or sustaining the Provisional Government? *

Mr. Laibd. None whatever. At the time the Provisional Gtovem*
ment took charge I do not think there was anyone in the camj) but
Lieutenant Swinburne knew what was going to take place. They may

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 881

haye known it, but I was officer of the day and I heard nothing about
it The men were on drill at the time the proclamation was read. We
heard of that shortly afterward; bat oar drill continued, and when the
pohceman was shot down in the street I went to Lieut. Commander
Swinbome and requested to take command of my own company, and
that the men on guard for the day should be sent to the company,
which was done. During the time of the reading of the proclamation
drill was being held in the rear of the building; a number of the men
on guard detail were lounging around on the iront porch.

^ator Fbye. State whether or not at anytime while you were on
shore— during the four days of the revolution — ^your troops were
allowed to march through the streets at all, except when you landed t

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Frye. They were confined to their own barracks t

Mr. Laibd. They were confined to their own quarters until after the
third night.

Senator Fbyb. I mean during the time you were at Aiion Hall.

Mr. Laibd. Yes; we had dress parade immediately in front of the
opera house; but they did not go away from that vicinity. There was
not more than from three-quarters of an acre to an acre of ground back
of Arion Hall, and we had to get the men out for exercise.

Senator Gbat. That was the only place to drill t

Mr. Laibd. The only place to drill.

Senator Gbat. In front of the opera houset

Mr. Laibd. In front of the opera house.

Senator Gbat. In the street!

Mr. Laibd. In the street. It was a triangular square.

Senator Fbte. While you were there did you have any knowledge
of the Queen's forces, both national guard and police t What did they
amoanttot

Mr. Laibd. I^To; I did not.

Senator Fbtb. Was there any attempt while you were there made
on the part of the Queen's troops to overturn the Provisional Govern-
ment—to interfere with the mass meetings that were heldt

Mr. Laibd. None that I saw, and none that I heard of.

S^ator Fbte. Do you know of any officers or soldiers of the Boston
▼ho took any part whatever in the dethronement of tiie Queen t

Mr. Laibd. None.

S^iator Fbte. Or in the establishment of the Provisional Gtovem-
mentt

Mr. Laibd. None.

Senator Gbat. Where did you landl

Mr. Laibd. We landed at Brewer's whar£

Senator Gbat. Please state where you marched*

Senator Fbte. Show it by streets.

Senator Gbat. Yes; caU the streets, so that the stenographer may
get them.

Mr. Laibd. (indicating on the diagram). I do not think the street
where we landed has any name. We landed at Brewer's wharf; we
Bitched np through Merchant street.

Senator Gbat. The whole battalion t

Mr. Laibd. We formed on Queen street, and we marched down Queen
street to Fort, and up Fort street to Merchant to the consulate; at the
eoQsulate the marines were detached.

Senator Gbat. You marched down Queen street to Fort street to
the consulate^ where the marines were detached!

382 HAWAIIAN ISLANBflL

Mr. Laikd. Yes.

Senator Gray. How many marines were there t

Mr. Laibd. Thirty-sU.

Senator Gbat. Mr. Young said there were thirty-two,

Idi. Laibd. Thirty-six would be the full company. We had muio
with us. They were one-fourth of the whole command.

Senator Gbat.» How much was the whole command!

Mr. Laibd. One hundred and sixty-two.

Senator Gbay. That is about a fifth.

Mr. Laibd. About a fifth. We marched up Merchant street^ passed
the palace at King street, and went away out here to Mr. J. B. Ather*
ton's.

Senator Gbay. Who is het

Mr. Laibd. He is an American.

Senator Gbay. What does he do.

Mr. Laibd. He is an American citizen. I think he is a missionary.

Senator Gbay. Are these squares all built up theret

Mr. Laibd. They are very large holdings.

Senator Gbay. Is it built up there?

Mr. Laibd. The squares are not built up with houses.

Senator Shjrbman. This diagram shows thie streets as they are
improved. Where is Arion H^t

Mr. Laibd [indicating]. Bight there.

Senator Gbay. Is it built up in this part of the town; is that the
thick part of the townt

Mr. Laibd. Ko; this [indicating] is the thick part of the town, down
here.

Senator Gbay. You halted at Mr. Atherton'sl

Mx. Laibd. We halted once before getting to Mr. Atherton's.

Senator Sherman. Are all these houses [indicating] ?

Mr. Laibd. Yes; they are large houses, with the lots about tiiem.
The town is not thickly settled in tiiat portion. Some distance past the
pidace we stopped halfway to Mr. Atherton's place, but it was some
distance from tiie palace, so that we were entirely free from the palaoe
or anything taking place at that time.

Senator Gbay. Then you marched to Mr. Atherton's f

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Then you halted for a considerable time beoausd of
tlie showtBEES of raint

Mr. Laibd. Yes. We made one halt before getting there.

Senator Gbay. Beyond the palace t

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

Senator Gbay. You marched there and stacked arms, and then went
to the Government hallt

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Did 3rou fix the hour when yon were present in the
captain's cabin with the officers who were detailed for shore duty and
Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Laibd. It must have been about 4 o'clock, because I had been
relieved a short time before, and I went down to pack my haversack,
to make my preparations to go ashore when I was sent for.

Senator Gbay. When you asked the captain for some instructions
which he was giving you he applied himself to reading extracts from
the general orders by the Secretary of the Navy t

Mr* hA KD« He read that before, and be turned to me and gave the

HAWAIIAK ISLAKBa 363

iDfltnictiGrfis verbally in regard to placing a certain amount of discre-
tion on Ms officers.

Senator Obay. Was that all the conversation that ocenrred at that
timet

Mr. Laibb. All that I recollect.

Senator Gbat. Did he say anything to yon abont preventing fight-
ing in the streets, or in yoor hearing say anything of thatt

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Gbat. Did Mr. Stevens go ashore before the troops didi

Mr. Laibb. I oonld not say, because immediately afterward I went
down to make my preparations for packing my knapsack and haver-
sack, and did not go on deck nntil the troops were formed.

Senator Gbat. Then, yon have already said, or I understood you to
say, that the military discipline was strict, and you and the other officers
confined yourselves to military dutiesl

Mr. Laibb. Militaiy duties.

The Ohatbman. Did not interf<^e with the politics of the plaoef

Mr. Laibb. The first two or three days we were not permitted to go
out of t^ inclosure.

The Ghaibman. Yon confined yourself to military dutiesl

Mr. Laibb. Entirely so.

Hie OHAIBMAI7. And when the proclamation of the Provisional
Government was being read you were engaged in assisting the drilling
of &e battalion in front of the Ox)era House t

Mr. Laibb. Ko, not in front of the Opera House at the time; they
▼ere in this little narrow inclosure.

Senator Gbay. I understood you to say that you drilled in front of
the opera house.

Mr. Laibb. No, some one asked if we marched down the street.

Senator Gbay. You usually drilled in front of the opera house 1

Mr. Laibb. That was in parade or battalion drills.

Senator Gbay. You were not there on Tuesday at any time in dress
paradel

Senator Fbyb. At the time you took possession of the Government
tmOdingt

Mr. Laibb. We did not have dress parade that day.

Senator Gbay. You landed there Monday. Did you have dress
parade next day t

Mr. Laibb. We did not.

Senator Gbay. The only drill you had was thatt

Mr. Laibb. Back in this lot. The companies were being drilled
independently by their own company officers.

Scaiator Gbay. Did you have sentries posted around the outside t

Mr. Laird. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Posts on the street!

Mr. Laibb. Had regular posts.

Senator Gbay. They were on the streets as well as in the inclosnref

Mr. Laibb. They had to be, necessarily. There was only one sentry
OBtside the line of the fence from the building itself. The picket fence
was about as fSeur as from here to the window [a distance of about 8 feet],
and one sentry was posted out there to look out for our own people.
The Umits of his post were the front of the building.

Senator Gbay. Did the Govemqient hall touch on the street, or was
it back inside the fence?

Mr, lAW>f I|isi4^ the fence, and (ironted a smaU alley-way. HerQ

384 HAWAIIAN ISLAITDS.

is the main street [iiidicating]. This [indicating] is a narrow street,
not mach frequented.

Senator Gbay. What sort offence is there!

Mr. Laibd a picket fence on this side and a picket fence on both
sides. There was a roadway that came down there from the ox>era
house, and the Japanese commissioner li^ed in this house [indicatmg],
so that we did not encroach upon his territory at all.

Senator Gray. There was a picket fence here [indicating]!

Mr. Laibd. Our province was a little beyond the building itself.

Senator Gbay. And the lot in which you were stationed was inclosed
by a picket fence!

Mr. Laibd. A picket fence, probably 4 or 5 feet in height.

Senator Gbay. There was no disturbance that afternoon, Tuesday,
after the proclamation of the Provisional Gk>vemment| and around in
the neighborhood of where you were!

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Gbay. Around the Government building!

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Gbay. Were you in a place to have seen it if there had been!

Mr. Laibd. After the drill was over I walked out in front, in the
roadway, to see if there was any assemblage of people.

Senator Gbay. Were you aware that the proclamation was being
read!

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Gbay. You did not see any of it!

Mr. Laibd. Did not see it and did not know it.

Senator Gbay. Until you were told!

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Gbay. There was no disturbance there!

Mr. Laibd. No.

Senator Fbye. Was there any difficulty that night about finding
quarters for your troops!

Mr. Laibd. There must have been great difficulty, or the men would
not have been kept out until half past 9.

Senator Fbye. Were there men out seeking quarters!

Mr. Laibd. Yes.

Senator Fbye. And you did not get them until 9 o'clock!

Mr. Laibd. It was later than that.

Senator Fbye. Do you know whether Arion Hall was selected with
any reference at all to the Queen's Government or Provisional Govern-
ment!

Mr. Laibd. I have no such knowledge. I do not think it was. It
was accidental — ^it was available.

Senator Fbye. And the only one, so far as you could find out, that
was available! Was there anything in the location or disposition of
the troops which prevented the Queen's troops from dislodging the men
who took possession of the Government buildings!

Mr. Laibd. No, I do not think there was.

Senator Fbye. Under your orders, if the Queen's troops had under-
taken to repossess themselves of the Government buildings^ had you
any right to interfere!

Mr. Laibd. I would have been obliged to obey Mr. Swinburne's orders.

Senator Fbye. I say, under the instructions!

Mr. Laibd. Under the instructions, no.

Senator Fbye. In Mr. Blounf s report he states that the Queen's

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 385

tioops conid not have done anything touching the Government build-
ings really without firing upon the American troops.

Senator Gray. Quoting Admiral Skerrett for that opinion.

Senator Fbte. No; I do not think Admiral Skerrett gives that as
his opinion.

Mr. Laibd. I do not see how we could interfere in any way with the
Queen's forces or Government forces.

Senator Fbye. I do not, from the maps, if the maps are correct.
Did you at any time while you were there learn the extent of the
Queen's troops and the Queen's police t

Mr. Laibd. No, I did not.

Senator Gbat. Did you intend to allow any fighting over across the
street from yont

Mr. Laibd. I was under the immediate orders of Lieut. Swinburne at
the time, aod I would have been obliged to obey his instructions. I
could not use my own judgment; he was the senior officer.

Senator Gbat. How long did you stay on shore t

Mr. Laibd. We were on shore from the 16th of January until the Ist
of April.

Senator Gbay. How far was Camp Boston from the landing placet

Mr. Laibd. It was right in the heart of the city itself.

Adijoumed until to-morrow, 11th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

• Washington, D. 0., January 11^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The Chairman (Senator Mobgan) and Senators ButlbB|
Gbat, and Senator Dolph of the full committee.
Absent: Senators Shebman and Fbte.

SWORK 8TATEMEHT OF JAMES H. BLOUST.

The Ghaibman. What time were you first informed of your selection
by the President as the Commissioner to go to Hawaii!

Mr. Blount. The first intimation I had on the subject of my going
to the Hawaiian Islands is contained in this dispatch, which I read:

" Washington, D. C, March lOy 1893.
"Hon. James H. Blount^

Macofij Ga,:

"By authority I ask can you come here immediately prepared for
eoBfidential trip of great importance into Pacific Ocean! Answer.''

The Ghaibman. Was that signed by Mr. Oresham?

Mr. Blount. No; by Hoke Smith.

The Ghaibman. You came in accordance with that request!

Mr. Blount. Yes. And if you will allow me I would say when I
fat got the telegram I made up my mind very promptly that I would
fiot go; I did not want to go at all. My son opened the dispatch and
feoBd out what it was, and in that way was induced to bring it up to
nj house. I was at home. He asked me what I was going to do
aboat it, and I said I was not going. I then showed it to his mother,
and told her that I was not going. After some little while my son
taid, *' Father, mother's health is very bad, and I think it would add
^Te years to her life to go;'' and under that appeal from him I said^
^I inll do anything for your mother's benefit; 1 will go*'' 1 t»liea ^nt
S. Bep. 227 25

386 HAWAIIAN ISLAin>8.

a telegram. I do not recollect its purport. I meant to give them to
understand that I would come on to Washington.

The Chairman. When you came here you were informed of the place
to which you were to be sent and the nature of your mission?

Mr. Blount. When I got here I went to see Mr. Hoke Smith, the
Secretary of the Interior, and we went over to see the President, to pay
my respects. I learned from Mr. Smith, not from the President, that
the object in sending me over to the Hawaiian Islands was to make an
investigation in regard to the revolution.

Th^ Chairman. At that time did you have any prepossessions in
regard to the condition of affairs in Hawaii?

Mr. Blount. No.

The Chairman. You had formed no ^ed opinions about itt

Mr. Blount. No. Two years ago, when I was chairman of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Eelations of the House of Bepresentatives, Mr,
Thurston, with Mr. Mott Smith, came to tlie committee room and wanted
to know if the Democratic party would consent to the annexation of
the Hawaiian Islands. I said to him, without telling him my reasons,
"You had better see the Secretary of State about it."

The Chairman. Was that while John W. Foster was Secretary of
State t

Mr. Blount. I do not know. I think he was not at that time.

The Chairman. Blaine then was Secretary of State!

Mr. Blount. Blaine. Did I say Foster!

The Chairman. No^ I asked if Foster was Secretary of State.

Mr. Blount. He said to me, ''I am a member of the Legislature
and I mean to endeavor to bring about the annexation of the islands."
Mr. Smith heard it. I said nothing at all; I had no authority at all
from anybody on the subject, and I did not think I ought to be talking,
especially to a gentleman who came in there talking about a movement
of that sort. I thought he was a pretty uppish sort of person, and
thought no more about it. Mr. Foster sometime in the month oi Feb^
mary showed me a letter from Mr. Stevens, of November 20.

Senator Gray. November 20, 1892!

Mr. Blount. I think that was the date. I saw the newspai^er
accounts, and I was a little apprehensive; I thought there might be
something wrong. But I had no idea about the condition of things at all

The CiiAiRisiAN. Has that letter been printed!

Mr. Blount. Yes. The opinion that I reached was developed by
events after I got there.

The Chairman. Got to Hawaii!

Mr. Blount. Yes. I was never more determined to be careful and
hear the truth than I was on that occasion. The situation I was in was
rather painful to me. I met those people on one side and the other
with a great deal of freedom. It was important for me not to take any
position one way or the other, because the most simple thing 1 might
say would be likely to be construed as sigfuificant; so that I was left
without anybody to consult, and it made my progress very slow. For
some weeks in my house there was not fifteen minutes interval that
there was not somebody there, from the time I got my breakfast until
bed time at night — people of the several political parties; all were as
cordial and as courteous as thev could be.

Senator Gray. On both sides of this question!

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. You were visited by the native population of
Hawaii 1 I call them the Kima\vas«

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. * 387

Mr. BroTTWT. Yes. I wan visited by all. I felt I was tbere to make

investigation, and I thonglit it was my duty to see the people.
The Chairman. Did they come there voluntarily to see you, or did
you send out for themt

Mr. Blount. They came voluntarily. The truth of it is, it got to
tiiis point that I commenced to take ter>timony, and I was so much
interrupted that I saw that it was necessary for me to fix a time for '
work And the time when I would see anybody. So that I refused to
see anybody except the Government officials until after 2 o'clock each
^.

The Ohaibman. We will get back to the starting point of this mat-
ter. When you saw tiie President did you have any conversation with
him about the objects of your mission to Hawaii t

Mr. BIjOUKT. No, not especially. He seemed to understand that I
was there for the purpose of making the investigation.

The Ghaibman. My question referred to the President of the United
States.

Mr. BLiOUNT. Bepeat the question.

The question was read as follows:

^ When you saw the President did you have any conversation with
l&im about the objects of youi* mission to Hawaii 1'^

Mr. Blount. No.

The Ghaibman. Did the President undertake to inform you of his
opinions in regard to the situation in Hawaii Y

Mr. Blount. Not in the slightest degree. And I never had at that
time nor after I left any intimation as to what the President thought
tboBt it or felt. I was impressed with the belief that he wanted infor-
ination.

The Ohaibman. Did he intimate or indicate in any way whether he
vas in favor of or opposed to the annexation of the islandst

Mr. Blount. Not in the slightest. On the contrary, he said to me —
JQSt a casual thing — ''I understand from Mr. Springer that the Demo-
erats in the House of Representatives are inclined to favor annexation.''
Seemed to be an inquiry. I said ^^I think Mr. Springer is in error
about that; my impi'ession is that the feeling in the House is that the
Aembers are not satisfactorily informed." He seemed, then, as though
be had made a mistake, and said, '^ I ought not to have mentioned that,"
and he never said anything more. The impression made on my mind
vsu) that he was afraid he might give me some impression of his opinion
or inclination.

Tbe Ghaibman. Was that impression changed in any communication
^t you had with him at any time before you went to Hawaiif

Mr. Blount. Never.

The Chairman. From whom did you receive your instructions as to
tbe mission you were to perform!

Mr. Blount. From the Secretary of State.

The Ghaibman. Were the instructions in writing!

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Are they set forth in your rei)ortt

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you receive from the Secretary of State any
itttractions except those that are in writing?

Mr. Blount. I did not.

The Chairman. That, then, was the limit and the bound of your
totliority and course in Hawaii!

Mr. Blouxt. Yes. 1 mighty perhaps, sny that the Secretary o? ^tw\^

*■""" ^ the opinion tbut there was no principle of iuteruatiouaV \vi»^

388 & HAWAIIAN ISLAin>l^.

that he thought justified the hoisting of the American flag — the.estab-
Ushment of an American protectorate there, and his idea was that it
cmght not to be continued.

Senator Dolph. That it ought not to be continued?

Mr. Blount. Ought not to be continued. But I understood from
him that that was a matter largely in my discretion. There was no
desire to make any change if it involved bloodshed. I took the impres-
sion generally that the opinion of the Secretary of State was that the
flag had better be removed, if it was feasible to do it.

The Chairman. Did you receive from the Secretary of State any
orders or directions based upon his view of the merits or demerits of the
revolution which was alleged to have taken place in Hawaii t

Mr. Blount, ^o.

The Ghaibman. The opinionei he expressed to you, as I understand,
had reference to the matter of raising the flag and removing the pro-
tectorate over the islands?

Mr. Blount. Yes ; that was the extent of it

The Ghaibman. That your commission— did you have a regular com-
mission t '

Mr. Blount. I think that appears in>the President s communication.

Senator Obay. Your letter of appointment t

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Gbay. It was not a regular commission, was itt

The Ghaibman. Was there anything beside that lettert

Mr. Blount. Let us see what paper was there?

Senator Obat. The paper will speak for itself.

The Ghaibman. I did not know that it had gotten in the report.

Senator Gbay. It wiU speak for itself, if there be nothing beside tiiat.

Mr. Blount (referring to his report). This recites that on the 11th
of March, 1893, 1 was appointed special commissioner to the Hawaiian
Islands with instructions. These are the papers, and I guess you have
the iuBtructions in there.

The Ghaibman. Had you any commission independently of thist

Mr. Blount. No.

The Ghaibman. Did you take any oath of office?

Mr. Blount. I do not think I did — ^not as commissioner; I took the
oath of office as minister.

The Ghaibman. That was later?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Ghaibman. I will come to that afber awhile. Now, at the time
you left here the Senate was in session, what we call' executive ses-
sion, rather at the time you got your appointment?

Senator Gbay. We know that. It was in session from the 4th of
March or 5th of March, was it not?

The Ghaibman. Yes. Now, state whether it was your purpose to
confine yourself in your operations in Hawaii in the execution of this
commission of the President to the instructions you received, having
reference, of course, to the discretion which was confided to you in
respect to those orders.

Mr. Blount. It was not only my purpose, but I did it as rigidly as
I ever did anything in my life.

The Ghaibman. Was your judgment, which you have given,
your opinion here in your report in regard to the situation of af-
fairs in Hawaii, and the regularities or irregalarities that attended the
conduct of the minister of the United States in connection with that
revolution in any wise influenced by your desire either to promote or
to prevent or retard the acjiexsAioii of Hawaii to tilie United States?

nAWAItAUt ISLAKDS. S89

Mr. Blottnt. I would hate to thitik so. I had the idea that I was to
conduct mjself in decency and pursue the inquiry with fidelity.

The Chaikman. The question is asked you to enable you to give an
affirmative answer.
Mr. BLorNT. Well, I will say no. What is the question t
The question was read as follows:

"Was your judgment which you have given, your opinion — ^your
repoi't in regard to the situation of affairs in Hawaii and the regular-
ities or irregularities that had attended the conduct of the minister of
the United States in connection with that revolution — in anywise
influenced by your desire either to promote or to prevent or retard the
annei^ation of Hawaii to the United States?"

Mr. Blount. I am not conscious of any such feeling. On the con-
ta^ry, I was impressed when I came to the investigation with the con-
viction that I had very much at stake. I had confidence in the integ-
rity and high purposes of the President, and felt that I could give
him no higher offense than to misinform him. I felt that any other
than a truthful, an exhaustive, and impartial examination' would bring
about the contempt of the Americs^ X>eople. I was, therefore, timid —
over cautious, perhaps, in all my conduct in reference to it. I kept
from their social life. I did not intimate any opinion to these people
one way or the other. When I left those islands nobody had any idea,
so far as I could gather, what my report was. Each side claimed in
the newspaper that I was in favor of it. I studiously avoided com-
moDicating anything to anybody, and I turned the facts over and over
ftgain in my mind. I felt that I was alone, without anybody on earth
to consult with, counsel with, and I often felt the need of somebody to
sdvise with. But there was no impartial person to whom I could talk
at all, and so the responsibility I felt the greater, and went on in that
groove to the end.
Senator Gbat. Was party feeling running high therel -
Mr. Blount. Very high, very high.

The Ghaibhan. You seem to have taken some of t^e testimony sub-
mitted to you upon oath, and other parts are without being sworn to.
IM you administer the oaths to these witnesses yourself or did you
We it done by the authorities of the islands f

Mr. Blount. I had no authority to administer an oath. It was a
Tery delicate thing for an American to call upon those people to take
«k oath, especially members of the Provisional Government, and wher-
ever I had the time I would take the testimony down in shorthand,
aod had the stenographer write out the shorthand and the witness cer-
tify to its correctness. I used him, the stenographer, all I could in
tbat way. The communications would come in; some of them I did
not think much of, and some I did. There was no opportunity to cross-
ciamine.
Senator Osat. Any written statements t

Mr. Blount. Written statements, yes. I did not like very much to
take them. It occurred to me, I am down here, I can take these things
and weigh them; I shall know all about the parties and topics and if
they are not pertinent I can discard them; and when I came to make
up my report I said, all these things have been here with me; I will put
ttonin this testimony and let all go along. The statements were
sometimes from one side and sometimes fram another.

The Chairman. Not being authorized to administer an oath you
»c«ved such statements as they brought to yout

Mr. Blount. They would hand them to me, and I would tak^ tJbfiiiL
itti look at thenl.

390 HAWAIIAN ISLAin>&

li^ow, Mr. Chairman, there is one statement that this observation
does not apply to, and as you have invited my attention to the matter
I think it proper to say this. Yon will find a statement there in the
form of a colloquy between W. O. Smith and Mr. Cooper and Mr. Oas-
sell. The circumstances about that I wish to state. On one occasion I
said to the President and member^ of his cabinet, " I would be very
glad to have the statement of you gentlemen at any time if it is agree-
able to you."

The Chaibman. You are referring now to President Dole and his
cabinet t

Mr. Blount. Yes. " I can conceive of reasons why you might not
desire to do it." I did not state what they were, and they made no
response and gave no indication of a desire to be examined. The
attorney-general

The Chairman. Who was het

Mr. Blount. W. O. Smith. He came one day, as he did often, to
the house where I stopped, and I said to him, << I would like to exam-
ine you," He agreed to it.

Senator Gray. He agreed to it.

Mr. Blount. He agreed to it. The time camie for him to b^ exam-
ined and he said, ^< I would rather not be examined* I will br ^ng yon
a paper, which is the history of the revolution, prepared by mys elf and
some other gentlemen, and I will hand that to you." He brought this
paper. He said it contained most of the history of the revolution,
some unimportant matters only were omitted. I said, '< Would you
object to my seeing those!"

Senator G-BAT. Seeing what t

Mr. Blount. The unimx)ortant matters. It was something left out.
He hesitated and said, ^^ Well, I will speak to Mr. Dole about it." I
afterwards mentioned it to him again, and he answered he had not. I
think that was about it. I did not pursue the matter furtber. You
can readily understand my relations to the Provisional Government;
they were of very great delicacy. Mr. Cooper, another gentleman in
this colloquy, I invited to be examined. He came at a time when some-
body else was being examined. I was a good deal crowded by lack of
clerical force, and said to Judge Cooper, " Won't you sit down and
write me out carefully a statement of the facts of this revol utioni" He
said, ^< Yes." Well, he apologized for not doing it once or twice on
account of his court. But tMs paper never came. He never alluded
to the matter again.

The Chairman. Did he not bring the paper to youx>r send it to you t

Mr. Blount. Mr. Smith brought a paper.

The Chairman. After that Judge Cooper never made any statement
to you t

Mr. Blount. Never made any statement.

The Chairman. I want to ask you whether opportauity was accorded
by you to all the members of that Provisional Government tomake their
statements of the history of the transaction t

Mr. Blount. As I have already stated on my own motion, I said to
the President and cabinet together, I would be very glad to examine
you gentlemen.

The Chairman. And what you have put in your report is all you
have received in reply to that suggestion?

Mr. Blount. Everything in the world.

Senator Butler. I see in some criticisms of the testimony which
yon /lave token, quite severe attacks upon the character of some of the
witaeaaea. Did you adopt tbe u&ual m^\^iQ4 o;! ^Aoertaiiuiig the quol-

fiAWAllAK ISLAKt>& 391

ity of the testimotiy, if I may use that expression, examine such wit^
nesses as were available?

Mr. Bloit^t. Before I examined any witnesses I received everybody^
heard what everybody said, and saw a good deal of the people, and
judged as best I might as to the character of the witnesses. You can
readily see that with this statement I could not pursue the methods
that 1 would pursue here. If I were to go into the matter of the ex-
aminatton of the witness, say of the royalist side, and his statement
was made known to the public immediately, you would find an outcry
perhaps in the press about treasonable purposes, about opposing the
Government, etc. There was an intense amount of feeling, and there-
fore I could not, on the ground of these attacks, do as suggested. If
they had not been made in the press, I knew these feelings existed.
Whom could I call on to say would you believe this man on his oathf
I never allowed, so far as I could govern it, any one to know whom I
had examined. I never allowed an annexationist to know I had ex-
ftmined a royalist, and never allowed a royalist to know I had examined
an annexationist. The secrecy of my examination was the only way
in which I could make a full investigation.

Senator Butler. In other words, you availed yourself of the best
testimony you could get under the circumstances f
Mr. Blount. I did.

The Chaibman. The communications that were made to you, I under-
stand from your statements, you kept entirely secret?

Mr. Blount. Nobody saw them until they were seen in this country,
in this Capitol, besides myself and my stenographer.

The Chaibman. I will ask you, in the disturbed state of afiairs in
Hawaii, whether it would or would not have been impracticable to
have obtained a fiill statement, frank statement, about the participa-
tioD of these men in the revolution on the one side or the other, because
of an apprehension in certain events they might be held responsible by
vhichever Government proved to be the permanent Government?

lix. Blount. Possibly so. I am quite sure that that was true in
Inference to the people who were not in i)ower, and I rather think the
President and cabinet preferred not to be examined, because of the
dumges that might occur. But I could not say that I could give you
tangible, substantial reasons for it. It was that I had in mind — I did
not tdl them so — when I said, ^^I should like to have your testimony; I
can conceive of reasons why you might not want to testify.'^
Senator Gbat. Your feelings and theirs both were ones of delicacy t
Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chaibhan. And on the other hand there might be apprehension
in the change of government of criminal prosecutions, because of the
infoimation they might give to ,youf

Mr. Blount. What their reason was I might conjecture, and it
would not, perhaps, be the correct one.

The Chaibman. I was asking you what your conjecture was — an
opinion was — on that proposition, and whether that made it necessary,
in yoop judgment, that you should observe this very conservative course.
Mr. Blount. That is what guided me in my approaches to the subject.
The Chaibman. When you got to Hawaii, to whom did you report,
to what Government!
Mr. Blount. To the Provisional Government.
The Chaibhan. Did you exhibit your letter of authority to the Pro-
Tiffional Government!
Mr. Blount. No.
The Ohajdeucan. Did you inform the Provisional Government ot >^e

392 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

nature and purposes and extent of the commission and powers which
you had been entrusted with in visiting the islands?

Mr. Blount. I did not.

The Chaibman. What information did you give to President Dole!

Senator Gbay. They were confidential, were they not!

Mr. Blount. They were confidential. You will see what the Presi-
dent communicated to me in the papers.

The Chaibman. You gave no information to that Government of
your instructionst

Mr. Blount, ^o, not for some time.

The Chaibman. After a while we will get at what you did. But
what you did then was, I suppose, to deliver the letter of the President
of the United States to the President of the Provisional Governmentt

Mr. Blount. Yes. Well, I got to meeting them in a casual way,
and there would be references to the examination, but no discussion of
it. My time was taken up in making examinations.

The Chaibman. How far did you put the Provisional Government
in possession of knowledge of your authority as commissioner to the
Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Blount, I never gave them any information in reference to the
matter — I mean direct, official communication — until I published the
instructions that I was acting under.

The Chaibman. When did you publish those instructionst

Mr. Blount: That appears in the correspondence with the State
Department. I have not seen it for six months.

The Chaibman. Did you publish them in the newspapers t

Mr. Blount. All the newspapers of Honolulu.

The Chaibman. What was your object in making public those
instructions Y

Mr. Blount. All sorts of conjectures as to what my powers were
and the purposes of the Administration through me. For instance,
there would be a claim on the part of the royalists that I was going to
restore the Queen at a certain time; and on the other hand there
would be a declaration on the part of the annexationists after the troops
were ordered back to the vessel, on the appearance of any disorder I
would bring them back for the purpose of suppressing it. The impres-
sion was that I would not allow a move of any political party there
looking to a change of the Government, and I felt it to be my duty to
inform those people, both sides, that I was not there to take any part
either with one party or the other with reference to their affairs; that I
should protect American citizens in their lives and property while they
were observing the laws of the land and not participating in the con-
flict.

The Chaibman. Iu order to give confidence and assurance to the
people of Hawaii in the midst of these conjectures that were being
made, you thought it was best to publish your instructions f

Mr. Blount. I ought to say that I had corresponded with the Sec-
retary of State about these misapprehensions, and he authorized me
in my discretion to publish them, and I did it promptly.

The Chaibman. In what way were you received by the Provisional
Government, in a friendly or in a reluctant way!

Mr. Blount. As friendly as I could desire or anybody could desire.

The Chaibman. Did the President of the Provisional Gk)vernment
indicate to you that you were welcome in Hawaii as the representa-
tive of the United States Governmentt

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

The Chaibman. Did you report to or have any official eorresponil-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 393

enee with Liliuokalani or her cabinet, or the cabinet that existed at
the time of her abdication f

Mr. Blount. I never had any commanication with her in any way
QDtil certain persons appeared there and were repated to be author-
ized by the President to negotiate for her abdication. I think that is
an printed.
Senator Gray. What is it t

Mr. Blount. Certain persons there claiming to have authority from
the President of the United States to negotiate for the Qaeen's abdica-
tion.
The Chairman. Who were those persons?

Mr. Blount. I think their names appear in the printed papers — Dt*
Bowen, correspondent of the New York World, and a Mr. Sewell.
The Chairman. It tnmed ont that they had no snch authority f
Mr. Blount. Yes. I thought the President of the Provisional
Government and the Queen herself both ought to be informed that this
was not true. I sent to Mr. Dole. I asked hiih to come to my house^
which he did. I told him the circumstances, and that these gentlemen
had no such authority. He said, " Well, would you object to its being
stated you think the Queen's abdication wonld simplify the situation?''
I said I would. I feel that I am authorized in saying that the Govern-
ment of the United States has nothing to do with this matter one way
or the other, and I had nothing to say for or against the measure.
1 had no authority from the Government, and until I had, did not want
the name of the United States Government connected with it.

Senator Gkay. If it could be brought about by the intervention of
tbose gentlemen, without the United States Government having any-
thing to do with it, you would have nothing to say about iti

Mr. Blount. No. Some hours after I called on Mr. Dole and said I
have never called on the Queen ; never called because I was afraid it
vonld be misapprehended, misconstrued; because it was not proper
condaet considering my relations to your Government. But I feel now
that I ought to go to see her and say to her in connection with this
matter what I have said to you. He said he could not see any impro-
priety in it. I went and stayed two or three minutes, making the same
representation that I did to President Dole.
Senator Gbay. The Queen speaks English ?

Mr. Blount. She speaks English; but she evidently was very wary.
She did not know what to make of me or the Government, and said
Tery little. I left her. I did ask a member of her cabinet to inquire
«f her if she would not be willing to furnish me a copy of the consti-
tution she proposed to proclaim.

Senator Butleb. The one which was supposed to have been pro-
mulgated 1
The Chairman. Promulgated and destroyed!
Mr. Blount. The one she proposed to promulgate. The answer was
made she would do so. It was not done for a long while. I do not
know why, but finally the paper was brought to me by some person, I
do not know whom now. I sent for the members of the cabinet.
The Chairman. The Queen's cabinet!

Mr. Blount. Her cabinet. To see if they recognized that paper,
and they agreed" to all except one proposition. It contained a property
qualification on voters for the legislative body, not nobles, but repre-
B^tataves, and they disagreed with her as to that.

The Chairman. Said that was not part of the paper as they under-
itood!

Mr. Blount. Yes. They did not think there was any ptop^tty

394 EiLWAIIAK ISLANDS.

qualification; they thought it was educational. I pat it in my tepott
because this man Peterson is a pretty bright lawyer, and I thought
they would be much more likely to recollect correctly than the Queen.
I never talked with the Queen about it at all.

The Ghaibm:an. That is all the information yon got about the terms
of the constitution which the Queen had proposed!

Mr. Blount. Except later. Sometime afterward a gentleman came to
me, I think a Mr. Garter or a Mr. McFarlane, with a paper, which you
gentlemen havehere, containing a statement of the Queen ; I looked over
it. My first impression was that I ought not to use it; that she was
disclosing a great many secrets in her feelings toward her political
allies calculated to create feeling between her and them. She was a
woman. Tl^en it occurred to me after thinking the matter over, ^<I
have nothing to do with that; 1 am here representing the Government
of the United States, and I will put that with the other evidence."
Those are all the communications on the constitution.

The Ghaibman. Did that paper purport to emanate from the Queen t

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes; there is no question about that.

The Ghaibman. You say there is no question about thatf

Mr. Blount. I have no question about that.

Senator Gbay. Was that sent in with your report!

Mr. Blount. Yes; I have put everything in tiie bundle and sent iti

Senator Obay. You sent everything!

Mr. Blount. I sent everything.

Senator Gbay. It is a statement signed by the Queen, is iti

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Gbay. There is but one staticment from her, a sort of his-
tory of the Tcvolution !

The Ghaibman. It was her version of the afifairf

Mr. Blount. Her version. I never spoke to her about it at all.

The Ghaibman. During your stay in Hawaii did you have any offi^
dal communication with Liliuokalani or her cabinet as in any sense
representing an existing government t

Mr. Blount. Ko; not the slightest, not the slightest.

The Ghaibman. What communication you had with them at all was
for the purpose of obtaining information that you thought would be
useful to the Government of the United States t

Mr. Blount. Yes. I took opinions from both sides of people who
were connected with public affairs at the time, For instance, if you
will allow me, there was Mr. Damon, the Vice-President, who went to
the station house to negotiate for the surrender of titie station house,
and went to the Queen. I took him, Mr. Bolte, who went with, him to
the station house ; Mr. Waterhouse, who was on the committee of safety,
and at whose house the final determination of the dethronement of the
Queen occurred. I mention those persons, and I attempted to get the
testimcmy of Mr. Smith and the statement of Mr. Gooper, who r^ui the
proclamation establishing the new Government; I went in that direc-
tion, and I found from Mr.- Damon's testimony and Mr. Bolte's that
they had gone to the station house and found certain i>ersone connected
with the Queen's Government, and I naturally took members of the
cabinet, and so it led along as circumstances were.

The Ghaibman. As the question opened up to yout mind you pro-
ceeded to investigate things that you thought would be useful to the
Government here!

Mr. Blount. I did.

The Chairman. Before you left Hawaii did you receive any commu-
nication, statement^ or information Irom the Government of the TJnited

HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 395

States of any purpose to reinstate Liliuokalani on any terms or condi*
tioDS whatever f

Mr. Blount. I nevei^ dreamed of such a thing as the reinstatement
of Lilinokalani; I never heard it suggested until my return to the
United Statei^^ I had a talk with the Secretary of State, and the incli-
nation of his'^ind was that the circumstances created a moral obliga-
tion on the pa^t of the United States to reinstate her. I gathered from
the Secretary of State that the President had not any opinion — ^was
thinking the matter over.
The Ohaibman. That the President had not formed his opinionf
Mr. Blount. Had not formed his opinion. I had never heard any-
thing from the President indicating any opinion until the public had it.
The Chairman. Then at the time you left Hawaii nothing had been
deve]ox>ed in the direction of a movement to reinstate Liliuokalani on
the throne t

Mr. Blount. I never heard of it except as I heard of it in the Amer-
ican pax)er8.
The Chaibhan. The papers that would find their way to Hawaii t
Mr. Blount. Yes; nothing from the Government. You asked mo
a moment ago about my. having communication with th^ Queen.
Those people down there are the most consummately brutal and uncon-
scionable people I ever saw — on both sides; they say almost anything.
On one occasion the attorney-general came to me at my office, and
the Queen's name was mentioned. I said, <^ What sort of a person is
she; I never saw her.'' He was surprised. He said, •'* You have never
Men bert" I said, " No." He said, "That is very strange; the Gov-
ernment was informed that you called to see her, and she got on her
biees, and pressed your hands, and cried," etc. Some time after
that an attack was made in the Star, in which the writer was urging
the deposition of the Queen, charged she was conspiring aga^st the
existing Government, and said she should be deposed, that she might
bave treasonable communications with public ministers, as witness
lier unhindered interviews with Commissioner Blount. That was the
annexation organ. I thought it was very discourteous, and I wrote
lb. Dole a letter. Probably it appears in the published correspondence.
In that letter I set forth that I had never called upon the Queen at
iD except as indicated in an interview with him, in which it was
agreed that there was no impropriety in my doing so, and that I felt
tbis attack was an outrage on me as the American representative. He
nemed to appreciate the situation, and an apology was brought about,
a very poor one. But I think President Dole regretted it. The attor-
ney-genersd, in referring to the article, said to me that this man Smith,
di the annexation organ, had been to the Government (that is to say
the President and cabinet), and said that he had the unquestionable
proof that I had three long interviews with the Queen. He did not
believe Smith. I never had any conmiunication with the Queen look-
ingto her protection or aid in any form.

The laat interview I had with her came about in this way : I was going
off from the islands; I made up my mind to leave; I thought every-
tldog was quiet. I felt I was taking some responsibility by leaving if
anything should happen and I should not be there — that I would have
to suffer the criticism. I talked with members of the Provisionid Gov-
cnunent; talked with some two or three gentlemen of character and
standing on the royalist side as to whether there was any danger in my
leaving, and then it occurred to me perhaps I had better go and see the
Qoeen md ascertain just what she thought of the peacefulness of het
peq)l6^ I went to her and told her my purpose of leaving ; all o£ ii\d<(^

596 HAWAIIAN tSLAKDg.

was kept quiet, becanse I did not want any demonstration made when
I went away from there. It was understood by the Provisional Gov-
ernment. I talked to them freely about it.

I asked the Queen about the natives keeping quiet. She said there
was no danger until the question of annexation was finally determined
upon by the United States. She asked me, in the evehi of her arrest
what would Admiral Skerrett do — ^what would the United* States forces
do in the way of protection. I said, ^^ So far as I am concerned I mast
decline to answer as to what the Government of the United States will
do; when I leave here Admiral Skerrett will be in command of the
naval forces, and questions of public order, etc., will be left with him
withoht my control." I never gave her an intimation.

Senator Gray. Is that all that occurred t

Mr. Blount. That is all that occurred.

Senator Gbat. How many times had you had interviews with regard
to public affairs with the Queen f

Mr. Blount. Had but two interviews; one concerning her abdica-
tion, and one just before I left, to see if there was danger of bloodshed
when I left.

Senator Gbay. The one you have just spoken of ?

Mr. Blount. Yes. Those were the only conversations I ever had
with her, and each of them I have substantially detailed.

The Chairman. In your estimate of her in those brief con versations,
did you think her an intelligent, bright woman?

Mr. Blount. The conversations, I say, were very brief; the first one
only two or three minutes, when she seemed to be a little wary and
disinclined to talk except in response to questions. She was dignified
and reserved. She was quite reticent. I had no means of determining
her intelligence from any observation of my own. She was reputed by
all the people there to be a very well educated woman.

The Chairman. A woman having dignityl

Mr. Blount. Oh^es.

The Chairman. Having polite manners 1

Mr. Blount. Yes. That Is quite a feature of the Hawaiian people —
dignity and good manners. So I learned from the people over there.

The Chairman. Was that your observation!

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. I do not find in your report that you gave any
advice to the Government of the United States in respect to the resto-
ration of Liliuokalani to her former rule?

Mr. Blount. I did not give any advice. I was not called on to give
any advice to anybody; I went down there to report facts j those were
my instructions, and I reported as I believed them to be.

The Chairman. Does your report contain all the information you
gave to the Government of the United States with regard to the forces
there?

Mr. Blount. I think it does; it is the only way I carried it — on
those papers.

The Chairman. And you had no motive in your report of inter-
fering with or changing the Government that existed in Hawaii and
restoring Liliuokalani?

Mr. Blount. It never entered my head to do anything about the
restoration of the Queen until I returned to the United States, except,
as I told you, I would see the matter discussed in an American paper.

The Chairman. But as a purpose on your part?

Mr. Blount. Oh, no. I wa« rigidly loyal to the idea that I was not
there except to report information.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 397

The Chaibman. How long after your arrival in Honohilu was it be-
fore you gave orders to Admiral Skerrett to remove troops from the
islands and to haul down the American flagf

Mr. Blount. In two or three days. You will see a record of that.
I met people day and night. They met me cordially, people of both
factions there at the legation. The active leaders would resent the
idea in the newspapers of there being any danger of disorder. They
would say to me it would be folly for us to attempt anything to change
the present condition of affairs until the question of annexation was
disposed of; that if the United States wanted to annex the islands,
they would annex them; what could they dof That seemed to be in
their minds, and the thought that determined the peace of the islands
np to the time I left, so far as I could see.

The Chairman. Up to the time you caused Admiral Skerrett to
withdraw his iorce did you find the people in a quiet state?
Mr. Blount. It was as quiet a looking city as ever I saw.
The Chairman. You could then see no occasion for military demon-
stration on shore for the purpose of protecting the peace?

Mr. Blount. None in the world, as I said in my report. I went to
President Dole and told him my impression about it, and my purpose
to withdraw the troops, and asked if he could preserve order. He
said he could preserve order. I was hastened for the reason which
appears in the report. I had learned of a meeting of some eighty
people who wanted to communicate to me certain political views, and
it occurred to me the best thing to do was to have the troops removed.
1 intended to have them removed lest it would appear that they had
brought about the removal of the troops.

The Chairman. The day that the troops were removed was there
any civil commotion in Honolulu?

Mr. Blount. Not the slightest. I did not go down to the Govern-
ment building at the removal. I did not know but possibly there
might be some demonstration and my presence might occasion it. I
asked Admiral Skerrett to see what demonstrations, if any, were made,
and he has reported it. Capt. Hooper, of the Bush, took me over. He
is quite an intelligent gentleman. He was on the shore, and I said I
voold be glad to have him go down th§re and see the impression it
made on the people, what manifestations there were. His report is of
record.

TheCELAEBMAN. During the time that you were there, the flag was
ordered down. Was there any civil commotion in Honolulu, or any
part of it, of which you were informed?
Mr. Blount. No.

The Chaibman. Would you describe the condition of the people as
o&eof peacefulness and quiet?
Mr. Blount. Yes, as a general rule, I would say that was true.
The Chaibman. Was there any riot or outbreak of any kind?
Mr. Blount. Not the slightest.

The Chairman. Were you informed of any combinations of a po-
litieal sort during your stay, to reinstate Liliuokalani by a counter
WTolutionf

Mr. Blount. No. I have stated the condition of the native mind
aa&r as I was impressed by it, and that was that they could do noth-
isg until the United States determined upon the question of
annexation.
The Chaibman. Were the people quiet in their avocations?
Mr. Blount. Yes. There was nothing to indicate that tliec^ ^"^^
had been any revolution*

398 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ghaibman. Any disturbance in commercial aflkurst

Mr. Blount. iNTone that I could aee.

The Ghaibman. Any depression in ftuancial matters t

Mr. Blount. Yes, there seemed to be; but not so much as in the
United States or in other parts of the world.

The Ghaibman. Was that due to the political situation, or attribu-
table to their commerce f

Mr. BLOu!brT. One would think it was because of the political condi-
tion of affairs, and another that it was the general depression through-
out the world.

The Ghaibman. Did you form any opinion while you were there of
the financial situation in Hawaii, as to whethejr it had inspired confi-
dence in it among the people — confidence in their banking institutions t
. Mr. Blount. I could not say that I have formed an opinion worth
stating. I do not think there was any trouble about their banking in-
stitutions or money.

The Ghaibman. This revolution does not seem to have interfered
with the credit of the banks f

Mr. Blount. No.

The Ghaibman. What is the circulating medium in Honolulu t

Mr. Blount. They have some silver that was issued during Kala-
kaua's reign, and gold, and our Treasury notes.

The Ghaibman. Our Treasury notes t

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Out paper money 1

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Is it as common there as it is heref

Mr. Blount. Just the same.

Senator Butleb. Do you mean our money, or issues of the Hawaiian
Gk)vernmentf

Mr. Blount. Our money.

The Ghaibman. Have they any paper issues of their ownt

Mr. Blount. None that I ever saw.

The Ghaibman. Neither of the banks or of the Government t

Mr. Blount. No.

The Ghaibman. Did there seem to be a proper supply for the needs
of the people f

Mr. Blount. I never heard any complaint.

The Ghaibman. The price of sugar was depressed while you were
there f

Mr. Blount. An advance — there was a depression and rise, which
was very inspiriting to the people. You spoke about a currency. There
was no complaint. You will see that there had been in the Legislature
some fellow who introduced a bill and got up an excitement on loaning
money on real estate, just as you have seen here. But it did not take
any form that indicated any stringency.

The Ghaibman. When you arrived in Hawaii, did you communicate
your instructions to Mr. Stevens 1

Mr. Blount. I did not.

The Ghaibman. Did you at any time before you left there f

Mr. Blount. I published the instructions.

The Ghaibman. Mr. Stevens did not have any official notice of them
until they were published f

Mr. Blount. No.

The Ghaibman. Did you confer with him when you directed Ad-
miral Skerrett to remove t\i^ trooi^^ axi^ Yv^xslI down the flagt

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 399

Mr. Blount. I did not. I did not confer with anybody except
Admiral Skerrett.

The Ohaibhan. Your orders appear here. I believe they were
issued by you directly as a commissioner of the United States t

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Ghaibhan. And in virtne of this letter of authority to which
yon have already alluded f

Mr. Blouny. Yes.

S^iator'DoLPH. Is your letter of authority printed in the report t

The Chaibman. Yes.

Mr. Blount. My impression is that an order was made by the Sec-
retary of the Navy, I am pretty sure there was, directing Admiral
Skerrett to obey my orders. I do not know that that is in tiie printed
report*

Senator Gbat. Mr. Stevens was notified t

Mr. Blount. No.

Senator DoLPH. Do you understand that Mr. Stevens w^as notified
of the purpose and objects of Mr. Blount's commission f

Senator Gbat. I think so. Let us see.

The Chaibman. I think so.

Senator Shebman. Did you communicate to Mr. Stevens the nature
of the authority under which you were acting t

Mr. Blount. Mr. Stevens was informed by the Government itself.
He had a communication which I think you will find there. I had no
oommunication with Mr. Stevens at all with reference to my authority;
the Government had undertaken to do that. My instructions were
secret and 1 never gave them to anybody.

Senator Gbat. I find on page 3 of this' publication, document No. 2,
letter from Department of State dated ^' Washington, March 11, 1893,''
which says:

"Dbpabtmbnt op State,

" Washington, March llj 1893.

"SiB: With a view to obtaining the fdllest possible information in
legaurd to the condition of afi'airs in the Hawaiian Islands the President
bis determined to send to Honolulu, as his Special Commissioner, the
boDorable James H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs.

^<Mr. Blount bears credential letters in that capacity, addressed to
tte President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional
Government, and you are requested to facilitate his presentation.

"In all matters pertaining to the existing or other Government of
the islands the authority of Mr. Blount is paramount. As regards the
conduct of the usual business of the legation, you are requested to
continue until ftirther notice in the performance of your official func-
tions, so far as they may not be inconsistent with the special powers
confided to Mr. Blount. You are also requested to aid him in the
fnlfillment of his important mission by furnishing any desired assist-
ance and information, and the archives of the legation should be freely
aeeessible to him.

"Mr. Blount is fully instructed touching his relations to the com-
luinding oflScer of the United States naval force in Hawaiian waters.
**I am^ etc.,

"W. Q. Gbbsham.''

That is signed by Mr. Gresham.

Mr. Blount. I understood that the Government communicated to
Mr. Stevens what it wanted him to know.

400 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

SeDator Sherman. They gave him direct iDStruv^.tionsf

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. That was the only occasion of the communication of
your authority to Mr. Stevens t

Mr. Blount. I did not make them; I had a copy.

The Chairman. That is all the information Mr. Stevens had of your
authority?

Mr. Blount. So far as I have any information. I suppose the Gov-
ernment has given you copies of everything — all their communications
to and from Mr. Stevens.

The Chairman. The orders that you gave to Admiral Skerrett are
supported, if I understand you correctly, ^one by the letter of authority
given to you by the Secretary of State?

Mr. Blount. And the letter that Mr. Herbert, the Secretary of the
Navy, sent to Admiral Skerrett.

The Chairman. To execute your orders?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. You construed your authority, of which you have
just been speaking, to be sufficient to justify you in taking command of
that fleet?

Senator Butler. Control.

The Chairman. I put it "command," for the purpose of removing the
troops off the shore, and of hauling down the flag that had been raised
there upon the Hawaiian public buildings ?

Mr. Blount. I thought I was justified under the instruction and
that order given by the Secretary of the Navy, of which 1 had infor-
mation.

The Chairman. If at any time while you remained there you had
supposed that the preservation of life and property and their treaty
rights made it necessary, you thought you would have had authority,
under the construction of your powers, to have ordered the troops back
upon the shore ?

Mr. Blount. I think so. The letter of the Secretary of State speaks
of it. I do not recollect the exact instructions; but it speaks about my
conferring with Admiral Skerrett — ^makes some such suggestions. But
taking that communication and the ,order from the Secretary of the
Navy to Admiral Skerrett, I thought I had authority to order the
troops back to protect the property of American citizens.

The Chairman. You thought you were the judge of the political or
actual situation in Hawaii, or in Honolulu, to the extent of authorizing
you to protect the public peace, and thereby to protect American prop-
erty and life?

Mr. Blount. I do not say to protect the public peace. I did not
understand it to that extent. I understood that if there was a contest
between the i)eople of the Provisional Government and any other peo-
ple there for the control of public affairs, if it did not involve the prop-
erty and the persons of American citizens who were not participating
in the conflict, I had nothing to dp with it.

The Chairman. Would not a conflict of that kind in the city of
Honolulu, with 20,000 population and a great many nationalities repre-
sented, necessarily involve some danger to American life and property
and commerce?

Mr. Blount. I felt this way about that: I knew that that question
was one that might come, and that I would wait until it came to see
what discretion I would use under the circumstances that arose. I
tried to carry out my power as I understood it.

The Chairman. And you construed your authority to be sufficient

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 401

to eoftble yoa to use the naval forces of the United States then in the
harbor for the purpose of protecting the life, liberty, and property and
treaty rights of American citizens in the event of a commotion f

Mr. Blottnt. Yes. I think there is no doubt about that. I think
that appears from my instructions. I think that is very clear.

Senator Butleb. I understand that under your instructions if that
exigency had arisen, and you thought it necessary, you would have
ord^ed the troops ashore to protect life and property f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chaibman. In ordering these troops from the shore to the ship,
were you influenced by this construction of your authority f

Mr. Blount. There were several things. It did not seem to me that
an investigation could go on very well with the flag and troops there.
They were calculated to repress certain x>eople and prevent them testi-
fying— ^if that condition of things were kept up. In the next place, it
did not occur to me that there was any justification for it at all, for its
eontinuance. I have nothing to say about the original placing of it;
it was not a matter of my own to determine. But I found it there; I
thought it could be removed without any difficulty, and I accordingly
ordered the flag removed and the troops back on board the vessel.
Before proceeding further, here are what I conceive to be the orders
onder which Admiral Skerrett was acting:

"Mabch 11, 1893.

"SiB: This letter will be handed to you by the Hon. James H.
Blount, Special Gommissioner from the President of the United States
to the Government of the Hawaiian Islands.

"You will consult freely with Mr. Blount, and will obey any instruc-
tioDS you may receive from him regarding the course to be pursued at
mA islands oy the force under your command.

^^You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as he may desire
fer Uie use of your cipher code in communicating by telegraph with this
GoYemment.

** Bespectfully,

"Hilary A. Herbert,

" Secretary, of the Navy.
**Bear- Admiral J. 8. Skerrett,

^'^ Commander in Chief United States Naval Forces j

" Pacific Station, Flagship Mohican, Honolulu, H. IP

The Ghaismai^. That was the order of the Secretary of the Navy to
Thich you had reference?

Mr. Blottnt. Yes. Mr. Chairman, allow me a moment. I made a
itatement a while ago that until my instructions were published I had
Bot communicated then to anybody. I forgot that I did communicate
tiieii to Admiral Skerrett. I felt that I could not confer with him
aboQC anything unless he knew my instructions.

The Chairman. Knew what your instructions weref

Mr. BLOtmT. Yes.

The Chairman. The extent of your authority!

Mr. Blount. Yes. No officer connected with the vessels there
other than Admiral Skerrett had any knowledge of it.

The Chairman. I will ask you the question: Was the movement of
^ troops or the orders for hauling down the flag in any respect
tttoded to be an evidence of your participation in the domestic affairs

S. Eep. 227 ^26

402 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

of Hawaii, so as to favor either the Queen's form of government or
the then existing Government — ^the Dole regime?

Mr. Blount. My idea about it was, the effect would be to impress
both sides with the belief that I was not going to participate in their
local affairs. '

The Chairman. Was that your intention t

Mr. Blount. Such was my intention. I did not think the flag
troops ought to be there. It did not occur to me just; it did not occur
to me that investigation could go on with them there.

Senator Gbat. I understand the chairman's question to be, did you
intend the removal of those troops to give intimation to either side of
your intention toward them \

Mr. Blount. I did not. I thought that it would be aVi intimation
to both sides that I did not come down there to do anything with their
controversies.

The Chairman. Your position was one of strict neutrality between
themt

Mr. Blount. As much so as I could possibly make it. I never went
into the house of a royalist but once while I was in Honolulu. I called
on Mr, J. O. A. Carter with my family, with Mrs. BlounL just before
leaving.

Senator Sherman. He was the former minister f

Mr. Blount. He was a brother of the former minister.

Senator Gray. I think the former minister is dead.

Mr. Blount. He is. He is the brother of the former minister, on
whom I called. I called on President Dole, the attorney-general, the
minister of the interior, the vice-president — the persons connected with
the Government. I felt that I could do that without subjecting myself
to general intercourse with the people. They were officials of the Gk)v-
ernment, and I announced to both sides that I felt bound to do that.

The Chairman. With the exception of the Queen and cabinet and
the commander of the military forces, and of the civil forces, called the
police, was there any substantial change in the personnel of the Gov-
ernment from what it was formerly, when you got to Hawaii t

Mr. Blount. As to the personneH

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Blount. Well, the

Senator Butler. As I understand, you arrived there after the
Provisional Government was established f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Butler. You have nd information as to the personnel of
the Queen's government?

The Chairman. My question relates to what Mr. Blount learned as
to what was the composition of the former government^ as to its
personnel.

Mr. Blount. I think the police force as a rule was left untouched.
I never went into it particularly.

The Chairman. The army was disbanded — the Queen's army, body
guard.

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Do you remeiftber whether any body guard was.
reserved to her for her protection?

Mr. Blount. It was not so when I was there.

The Chairman. In other respects the Government went on under
existing laws, saving, of course, the revolution which had taken plac^
in the head of the Government t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 403

Mr. Blount. The information on that point appears in the corre-
spondence between the Provisional Government and the Government
here, and I would take it as the highest evidence.

The Chairman. That conforms to your own observations t

Mr. Blount. Yes, as to the character of the Government set up.

The Ghaibman. I suppose you ascertained that during the decade
previously to this revplution there had been a great many changes in
the political attitude of a great many leading men in Hawaii f

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman. Politics had been a pretty lively subject in Hawaii
some years before you got there 1

Mr. Blount. Everything is little down there. It was lively for them
in noise.

Senator Butleb. It would not be considered very lively in Georgia,
New York, or Ohio, I suspect f

Mr. Blount. Oh, no.

The Ghaibman. Would you say that the people there are given to
participating in political agitationst

Mr. Blount. I would say more so than in Alabama. They get them
pretty well worked up.

The Ghaibman. Meeting in conventions, public meetings, and hav-
ing their say t

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes. I want to say that so far as that matter is
concerned I took no testimony.

The Ghaibman. I am getting your impressions aside firom the tes-
timony you took.

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Ghaibman. You would say, I suppose, that there was a pretty
large feeling on the part of the press in Hawaii f

Mr. Bloxtnt. Oh, yes. You would take up the papers there and
read one side and the other where they would make the most villifying
personal attacks that you could conceive of. I would learn when these
gentlemen would meet that it was just a good joke. I spoke once to
Mr. Dole about it; I said, '^I do not see how you can keep the peace
with the people attacking each other this way."

He said, ^' That does not amount to anything ; they are friendly when
they meet. My attention was directed to that because I was appre-
hensive from seeing these articles that some disturbance would come,
and I always talked very freely to the Government about the public
peace. I was doing no harm on that ground; they seemed to want to
talk with me; they came to me when there was fear of disturbance, and
1 would not communicate it to the other side. Then the other side
▼onld come, and I did not mention what they said to the Government.
In this way I got information of both sides. I saw that there would
bene trouble..

The Ghaibman. We have gone through a general view of this matter ;
I wiQ turn Mr. Blount over to any one who wishes to ask any questions.

Senator Dolph. I wish to ask a few questions.

Senator Gbay* No questions occur to me now. '

Senator Dolph. You say that Secretary Foster showed you a letter

ftom Minister Stevens, written in November, 1892?
Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. Gonceming affairs in the islands t
Mr. Blount. Yes.
Senator Dolph. That letter contains a pretty full account of the

politicai situation there!

404 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Blount. That is amongst your papers.

Senator Dolph. I saw the letter at the time. I suppose it was shown
to you in confidence because you were on the Committee on Foreign
Belations of the House.

Mr. Blount. Very largely so.

Senator Dolph. Did you form any opinion at that time about
Hawaiian affairs and as to the fitness of Mr. Sevens for the position
he occupied f

Mr. Blount. I did not. I did not like the looks -of the letter; but
I think they did not make much impression on me. I went off home;
I did not think much about it.

The Chairman. You had then declared your determination of retir-
ing from Congress f

Mr^ Bloxtnt. I did not intend to hold any place when I went away
from here. I did not even pay my respects to th^ President.

The Chaibman. You had determined to retire from public lifet

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

Senator Dolph. You did not consider there was any impropriety in
such a letter coming from a minister of the United States f

Mr. Blount. No. Perhaps I misunderstood what you said.

Senator Ghat. Mr. Blount did not speak about the impropriety; he
spoke of the impression.

Mr. Blount. Oh, I rather had an impression — ^it was a vague one —
that it manifested some passing beyond the proprieties for an Ameri-
can representative in a foreign country.

Senator Dolph. That was not long before the news arrived in the
United States in reference to the revolution in Hawaii, was itt

Mr. Blount. My impression is that the treaty had been negotiated
at the time. The Secretary of State sent for me and expren^d a de-
sire that I would endeavor to bring the Democratic party to the i>oint
of supporting the ratification of the treaty and acceptance of annexa-
tion.

Senator Dolph. Then you saw that letter after the news of the revo-
lution had arrived heref '

Mr. Blount. That is my impression. I think I am correct.

Senator Dolph. Did you express any opinion concerning the revolu-
tion, or the part which it was alleged had been taken by Minister Stevens
in connection with the same, shortly after the news arrived and while
Congress was still in session f

Mr. Blount. My impression is that I avoided the subject. I recollect
saying once to a newspaper correspondent when the announcement
was made of the establishing of an American protectorate by the Amer-
ican minister that ^4t looked a little lively." I did not think much
about it at the time; I did not care much about it; I was going away.

.Senator Dolph. Have you stated what the expression was you usedf

Mr. Blount. I said, "It looked a little lively." Tliat I believe to
be it.

Senator Dolph. Did you express any opinion concerning the land-
ing of the naval ^rces upon the island?

Mr. Blount. No. I say that because my recollection of it is that I
did not know anything about the particulars at all.

Senator Dolph. Did you form any opinion shortly after the receipt
of the news of the revolution, or after the treaty had been negotiated
and sent to Congress, concerniDg the question of annexation!

Mr. Blount. I did not form any opinion*

Senator DolphI Or express anyt

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 405

Mr. Blount. I had some apprehension that there might have been
something imprudent done there; I had no opinion.

Senator Dolph. Did you not have conversations with various per-
ions about the affair f

Mr. Blount. Very little. I was authorized to show that paper. It
was given to me in manuscript — the letter of If ovember. I was author-
ized to show it to some persons, in my discretion.

Senator Dolph. The letter of Minister Stevens to the Secretary of
Statef

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. And you were furnished a copy?

Mr. Blount. Certainly, with a view of conferring with certain per-
sons.

Senator Dolph. Did you show it to members of the House?

Mr. Blount. I showed it to Governor McCreary and, possibly, Mr.
Hitt, and possibly some others. I do not know now.

Senator Dolph. Did you have any conversations with those people
about the subject of the annexation of Hawaii?

Mr. Blount. I can not remember that I did, other than showing
that pax>er.

Senator Dolph. Did yon undertake to secure the approval of your
colleagues on that committee or in the House of annexation?

Mr. Blount. No.

Senator Dolph. Did you express any opinion in favor of annexation ?

Mr. Blount. I think not.

Senator Dolph. Or against itf

Mr. Blount. I think not.

Senator Dolph. You think you simply handed that persons named,
and possibly others, without any conversation or suggestions with
regard to that?

Mr. Blount. Oh, I have not said that.

Senator Dolph. That is what I am trying to get at.

The Chaieman. Allow me to ask if that is the letter to which you
refer, and of which Mr. Foster gave you a copy (referring to Executive
Docmnent of the House of Eepresentatives Ko. 74, page 111 of the
Report.)

Mr. Blount. I think it is.

Senator Dolph. What did you say to Mr. Foster you would do con-
eerning his request? ^

Mr. Blount. I did not say to Mr. Foster that I wpuld do anything.
He showed me that letter and expressed adesire that I would endeavor
tabling the Democratic party to the support of the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands.

Senator Dolph. Mr. Foster gave you a copy of that letter and made
tiiat request, and you made no response to it?

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes, I did.

Senator Dolph. I would like to know what you said to him.

Mr. Blount. I said to him, *<I do not know anything about it.'^ The
paper was handed to me. He did not expect any answer. The whole

thing was new to me.

Senator Dolph. You did not read it in Mr. Foster's presence?

Mr. Blount. No. He handed it to me to be read, and I ^id, "You

bve given me this paper; I can not converse with the Democrats with-
out this paper.'' I had not seen the paper. Mr. Foster said, "I will

teave that to your discretion."
Senator Dolph. I am asking if you expressed any opinioii va ^[\i^

406 HAWAIIAN ISLANDa

matter, becanse ia the press it has been charged that yon expressed an
opinion.

Mr. Blount. Yes, I understand you.

Senator Dolph. You think you did not express an opinion f

Mr. Bloxtnt. I think not, because I did not have any.

Senator Dolph. You were here during the inauguration of President
Cleveland?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. Did you call on the President before you left the
city?

Mr. Blount. I did not.

Senator DoLP^. Or Secretary Greshamf

Mr. Blount. No; I did not see Secretary Gresham. I knew him
when he was Postmaster-General.

Senator Dolph. What time did you leave Washington ?

Mr. Blount. I do not recollect; I stayed here three or four days.

Senator Dolph. After the inauguration?

Mr. Blount. Yes; there was a crowd, a jam, and I did not care to
start home because of the liability to accidents, etc.

Senator Dolph. Can you recall any conversation with either of the
gentlemen to whom you handed a copy of that letter?

Mr. Blount. I can not. I handed it to them; and I may possibly
have said to them, '^ I am not satisfied to make any effort on this paper;
I do not think there is information enough."

Senator Dolph. How many times did you see Mr. Gresham, the
Secretary of State, before you left for Honolulu — when you came here
in response to the telegraphic request of Mr. Smith?

Mr. Blount. I arrived here on Sunday morning, I think. I went
with the Secretary of the Interior to the State Department. I met,
casually, the Secretary of the Navy in the office of the Secretary ot
State. That is the first time I met the Secretary of State.

Senator Gray. The first time?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Gbat. The first time you met Mr. Gresham since you knew
him as Postmaster- General?

Mr. Blount. Yes. And the next time I met him was the next day.
I went over to his office, and he took me into a little room — ^you recol-
lect where the foreign ministers are received?

Senator BUTLEE. For consultation?

Mr. Blount, Yes. He had the clerk read the instructions over, with
the view, rather, of putting them in a more tasteful form — criticising the
instructions. That was the sepond time. And I possibly met him a
third time.

Senator Dolph. How many conversations did you have with Secre-
tary Gresham that second time?

Mr. Blount. I can not really tell you.

Senator Dolph. Was that the time that he told you that he knew
of no principle of international law which justified the raising of the
United States flag in Honolulu?

Mr. Blount. I can not say exactly what time it was.

Senator Dolph. You are not certain ?

Mr. Blount. No. It may have been then or at a later conversation.

Senator Dolph. Did he not couple with his remark about the rais-
ing of a (Jnited States flag one about the lauding of the United States
marines and the assumption of a protectorate over the islands?

Mr. Blount. Perhaps so.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 407

Senator Dolph. Is that all he saidf Please give that conversation
M nearly as you can recall it.

Mr. Blount. That would be a very difficult thing to do. At the
time I just recollect the general impression that I had that he did not
think the flag ought to be there or the troops on shore.

Senator Dolph. He did not think the flag ought to be there and
the troops on shore t

Mr. Blount. That was bis expression. But the instructions

Senator Dolph. Did you understand that, while he left it to your
discretion, unless the facts showed that it should not be done^ the flag
fibould be haulded down and the troops ordered off the island f

Mr. Blount. My impression is that he thought that ought to be
done. But the islands were a long way off, and it was a matter in
which I was to be guided very largely by circumstances. There was
to be carefulness lest there should be bloodshed growing out of it —
disorder. He could not tell.

Senator Dolph. Was anything said about the annexation of the
islands at that time in your conversation, or at any other time?

Mr. Blount. ISot that I recollect.

Senator Dolph. What was said, if anything, as to the time when
these troops should be landed — as to whether there was any exigency
for that, calling for the landing of the troops f

Mr. Blount. Nothing that I can recall.

Senator Dolph. Could you give the substance of that conversation 1

Mr. Blount. I think I have given you the substance.

Senator Dolph. How long was the conversation f

Mr. Blount. That I do not remember. It has been some months
•go.

Senator Dolph. Were you there an hour or minute f

Mr. Blount. Well, I might have been about the office — ^not with the
Secretary — a half hour.

Senator Dolph. How long were you with the Secretary?

Mr. Blount. During the reading of that paper and criticizing the
language. The time was occupied in that way. There was very little
Bai£

Senator Dolph. If you saw the Secretary again before you left for
Honolulu, state where and when it was.

Mr. Blount. My recollection is that I went over to the office, and

by arrangement went back there and got the instructions, as they had

beoi finally prepared and agreed on, and I went with the Secretary

over to the White House, the expectation being that I would go in and

talk with the President and Cabinet. I mean to say that \Cas his idea.

When I got over there I was not invited in until they had concluded

their deliberations. I was introduced. Of course I knew the President

and some members of the Cabinet. 1 was introduced to some others.

The subject of the islands was not mentioned at all. I only staid a

minute or two; in fact, I could not see why I was taken in there;

ijobody said anything to introduce a topic of conversation. I went to

the President and said, <^Mr. President, I shall try not to make any

mistake under my instructions down there." He said, *^ I do not think

you wiB.'* As I passed the table going out, the President said, in a

careless way, '^ Blount, you will let us hear from you." I said I would,

vhen there is anything worth writing about, and that is all that

oocnrred. I called to pay my respects on Sunday morning.

Senator Dolph. I thought that was to the Secretary.

Ur. Blount. No.

408 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

BenatoT Dolph. Did yon have any talk with the President when
you called Sunday morning to pay your respects t

Mr. Blount. The Secretary of the Interior and I were in there to
pay my respects. It was Sunday morning, and we did not stay long.

Senator Dolph. Did the Secretary of State or his private secretary
read over the instructions f

Mr. Blount. The private secretary, I think, read them.

Senator Dolph. Did the private secretary, retire during your oon-
rersation with Mr. Greshamf

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes; he was not present at the conversation.

Senator Dolph. ko one was present at your conversation with the
Secretary of State about -your duties in Hawaii t

Mr. Blount. No.

Senator Dolph. You can not tell whether you were with him a half
hour?

Mr. Blount. I do not recollect. The paper was read. That was the
main thing — reading over that paper and looking at it. Very little was
said.

The Chairman. I would like to ask a question on a matter some of
you gentlemen may wish to interrogate Mr. Blount about. I find in a
paper that has been printed by the House, Executive Document 13,
which seems to be some additional correspondence not published
before that time, at least in compliance with any request of the House
or Senate, a telegram of Mr. Foster to Mr. Stevens. It is on page 31
of this document which I hold in my hand.

** Department op State,

*• Washington^ February 14, 1893.

"Tour telegram of the 1st instant has been received, with coincident
report from commander of the Boston. Press telegrams from San
Francisco give full details of events of 1st instant^ with text of your
proclamation. The latter, in announcing assumption of protection of
the Hawaiian Islands in the name of the United States, would seem
to be tantamount to the assumption of a protectorate over those islands
on behalf of the United States, with all the rights and obligations
which the term implies. It is not thought, however, that the request
of the Provisional Government for protection, or your action in com-
pliance therewith, contemplated more than the cooperation of the
moral and material forces of the United States to strengthen the
authority of the Provisional Government, by according to it adequate
protection for life and property during the negotiations instituted here,
and witl^out interfering with the execution of public affairs. Such
cooperation was and is within your standing instructions and those of
the naval commanders in Hawaiian waters.

"So far as your course accords to the de facto sovereign Government
the material cooperation of the United States for the maintenance of
good order and protection of life and property from apprehended dis-
orders, it is commended; but so far as it may appear to overstep that
limit by setting the authority of the United States above that of the
Hawaiian Government in the capacity of protector, or to impair the
independent sovereignty of that Government by substituting the flag
and power of the United States, it is disavowed.

" Instructions will be sent to naval commanders, confirming and
renewing those heretofore given them, under which they are authorized
and directed to cooperate with you in case of need. Your own instmo*-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 409

tJons are likewise renewed and yon are accords hgly autborized to
arrange witli tlie commanding officer for the continued presence on
shore of sncli marine force as may be practicable and requisite for the
seeority of the lives and prox)erty interests of American citizens and
the repression of lawlessness threatening them whenever in your judg-
ment it shall be necessary so to do, or when such cooperation may be
flOQght for good cause by the Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
being, however, always careful to distinguish between these functions
(^voluntary or accorded protection and the assumption of a protecto-
rate over the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, which the United
States have recognized as sovereign and with which they treat on
terms of sovereign equality.

"John W. Fostbe.*^

Senator Gray. That has been printed before.

The Ghaibm AN. That is addressed to Minister Stevens. I wish to
inquire whether you had knowledge of the existence of this tele-
graphic dispatch before you went away?

Mr. Blount. I was going to say in response to the Senator that I
expressed to the President the desire not to go off until I knew what
was in the State Department in the way of information, and the Sec-
retary of State had collected all the dociiments; they had all been sent
to the Senate, and they were given to me in confidence. I took them
and read them on the way from San Francisco to Honolulu, as much as
I eould with seasickness. I never looked at them in Washington.

The Ghaibman. The documents f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Was the one I have just read amongst themt

Mr. Blount. Yes, given to me confidentially.

S<mator Dolph. When you left for Hawaii you took your instruc-

tiODSf

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. Which you considered private 1

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. And the communication to Admiral Skerrett which
kas been read?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. And an official communication to the Provisional
Government ?

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. And a letter to Minister Stevens t

Mr. Blount. Yes — ^no, I did not deliver the letter; the letter was
seat to Minister Stevens.

Senator Dolph. You did not yourself carry him any communication ?

Mr. Blount. No; I had a copy. Now, I believe I did hand that

paper to Mr. Stevens on shipboard. I could not say positively about

Smator Dolph. It is immateriaL

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Benator Dolph. Now, under your instructions and the letter of the
Secretary of the Navy to Admiral Skerrett, you were placed in supreme
QiHnmand of the naval forces in Hawaii, so far as any relation of our
^erament to the islands was concerned, were you not?

Mr. Blount. Well, that language might import more than I would
'^wflling to admit. Without defining in general terms I felt from
te instructions of the Secretary of the Navy to Adnural Skerreitt ticket

410 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

I had the right to direct the removal of the flag and the return of the
marines to the vessel, and that I had authority to protect American
citizens in their persons and in their property and to see to the proper
observance of treaties. 1 did not understand that I had any power
beyond that. '^

Senator Dolph. You did not understand that it was your duty to
wait until the actual destruction of the property of American citizens
commenced, until their lives were in actual jeopardy, before you took
steps to land the United States marines to prevent such injury to the
lives and property of American citizens, did youT That was a mat-
ter resting in your discretion at the time, was it notf

Mr; Blount. That was not mentioned. My idea was that I could
not anticipate. I thought it over. I could not anticipate the circum-
stances which might arise; but when they did I was to exercise the
best judgment I had in connection with Admiral Skerrett.

Senator Dolph. You understood it rested in your judgment!

Mr. Blount. I understood that it rested in my judgment — ^the pro-
tection of American citizens in their lives and property in any disturb-
ance on the islands. Any particular circumstances did not occur to my
mind.

Senator Gray. You felt that it w%8 in your judgment to act when
the particular circumstances arose, when the exigency called for itf

Mr. Blount. That is ft.

The Chairman. In my mind the evidence would seem to indicate
that it was left to Mr. Blount to determine what was the political situ-
ation in Hawaii, and in consultation with Admiral Skerrett he was to
determine what should be done in a military way — what should be
done by the United States on that occasibnT

Senator Gray. Is that truef

Mr. Blount. I think that is true. I think, perhaps, it ought to be
added, and my impression was, that if I had issued an order — and I
took that not from the instructions but from the letter of the Secretary
of the Navy — if I issued an order, the admiral would obey.

Senator Dolph. The Admiral was not to exercise his discretion as
to whether it was proper or notf

Mr. Blount. I understood that I was to confer. That is clear in
that paper. I was to confer with Admiral Skerrett, and I took it for
granted that there would not be any difficulty about our differing on
the question of landing troops.

Senator Dolph. Was there any chance of a difference f

Mr. Blount, Oh, there was a possible chance. But my idea was
that in handling the troops on shore it would be a thing that ought to
be very largely governed by Admiral Skerrett.

Senator Dolph. That Admiral Skerrett was to obey your orders!

Mr. Blount. You have the paper.

Senator Dolph. How long was it from the time you arrived in Hawaii
until you published your instructions f

Mr. Blount. That is a matter of record, and not in my mind. I
want to say this: I have not seen these papers in six months; my mind
has been diverted, and I can not recollect. I could tell you absolutely
in a few minutes by looking at these documents.

Senator Dolph. Up until that time no one in the islands but Ad-
miral Skerrett knew what your instructions were or what was the
object of your mission in the islands f

Mr. Blount. They never knew definitely. Of course, I was conduct-
ing an examination; sometimes it would be a member of the Provisional

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 411

Government and sometimes a royalist. I bad no right to compel
secrecy. There is a letter there from a man by the name of Ashford.
He came in early, and I thought he was a pretty intelligent man. I
did not know what sort of character he was. I thought I would learn
something. He was disposed to talk. I said, <' Will you not write me
(mt your views;'' and he did so. Sometime afterward, Mr. Smith, one
of the editors of the annexation organ, the Hawaiian Star, said, ^^I got
hold of something going on here ; some of these fellows who come before
Ton and are examined, tell." I said, " I did not tell you anything,"
and after that I found Ashford's letter published in the California
papers. I did not see anything wrong, so far as the character of my
iDTestigation was concerned. I communicated nothing at all; but, of
coarse, these i>eople talked among themseWes.

Senator Butler. I understand you to say that, so far as you were
coDcemed, yon made no communication of your instructions to any- •
bodyt

Mr. Bloitnt. No ; I did not.

Senator DoLPH. Where were your headquarters; where was your
inyestigatioii conducted f

Mr. Blount. It was conducted in a cottage on the grounds of the
Hawaiian hotel, possibly some 50 yards from the main building, where
I took my meals. •

Senator Dolph. Were your family and suite the only occupants of
the placet

Mr. Blount. When we got there some tourists occupied a part of
it It was not private enough, and I said unless I got the cottage to
myself I would leave. It was accordingly arranged.

Senator Gbat. The cottage belonged to the hotel f

Mr. Blount. Yes. I went to the hotel and got my meals; but I
did not want to be where anybody was.

Senator Dolph. Were your examinations held at regular hours on
appointed days, and adjourned from day to day, or were they just as
70a could get witnesses?

Mr. Blount^ I could always get a witness. The telephone system
there is the finest you ever saw. I could get anybody I wanted. The
role I adopted was this : I would send for a witness on either side. I
voold telephone for him or use any other means I saw fit that was
most convenient. I would examine the witness in the presence of my
stenographer. Sometimes it would run over to the second day. I
recollect once especially, in the case of Mr. Damon, whose examination
vas continued at his suggestion. When asked as to whether or not
tJie recognition by Mr. Stevens took place before he went over to the
palace, he said that he thought it did; but he wanted to talk about it
to the attorney-general, Mr. Smith. He went off, and came back in a
day or two and the examination was continued.

Senator Dolph. You misunderstood my question. I want to know
whether yon treated your proceedings in the nature of a court, and
held regular sessions at an api)ointed hour, with adjournments from
day today!

Mr. Blount. JDo you mean whether it was public!

Senator Dolph. !N'o, not whether it was public, but whether yon
adjourned at regular hours, or conducted it to suit your convenience f

Mr. Blount. At my convenience. I had nothing to do with social
fife.

Senator Dolph. Who was present at any timef

Hr. Blount. Nobody present except my stenographer, the mta<»ea^

412 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

and myself; and no man ever knew from me what anybody had tenti-
fied to.

Senator Dolph. I suppose you talked with a great many persons
about this subject?

Mr. Blount. Oh, they talked to me; but I never communicated my
views.

Senator Dolph. You were told a ^reat many things on both sides of
this question by persons who had called upon youf

Mr. Blount. V^es.

Senator Dolph. And you never felt it incumbent upon yon to make
any record of what was said to you, or any report of it, except it was
something which, in your judgment, ought to be taken down and
reported! That is, you exercised your own judgment as to whether
anything said to you should be made a part of your report; did you
notf

Mr. Blount. If I were to answer that directly, without any qualifi-
cation, perhaps I would not convey a correct impression. I saw people
and they would talk to me. For instance, a man would come in and
say he was a royalist, and he would commence to abuse Mr. Stevens.
I would say nothing at all. I could not communicate to him, and did
not encourage the conversation. And so somebody else on the other
side would abuse the royalists. I could not help those things. Those
were the thiugs that occurred. I never indulged in conv^sation with
people about affairs there, as a rule.

The Chairman. At what time did you send your report to the Sec-
retary of State as to the conditiou of affairs in Hawaii f

Mr. Blount. The final report, I think, was in the month of July.
But the record discloses that. I can not remember it.

The Chairman. Was it after you were appointed minister!

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. It appears that you were appointed minister on the
22d of August; that is, a letter informing you of your appointment
on that date, with various items of inclosure and instruction, was sent
to you as minister of the United States. On that appointment yoa
took the oath of office f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you then communicate your appointment to the
Dole Government f

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Did you make any communication of that to the
Liliuokalani cabinet?

Mr. Blount. Not the slightest. I had nothing to do with Liliuoka-
lani at all; it was not a proper thing, I did not think.

The Chairman. And you continued in that office until you were
asked to resign and came hornet

Mr. Blount. I sent my resignation by the vessel that brought the
appointment. I expected to leave when I got through the investi-
gation. My private business was not satisfactory, and I wanted to
get home. I was worried about it. I thought it might be childish in
me to send an absolute resignation, and I did not put it in that form;
but I did take occasion in some correspondence to assure the Secre-
tary that I did not want the place at all. As I said, my private busi-
ness required that I should be at home.

The Chairman. The question is whether, while you were minister,
the instructions of the Government to you in regard to Hawaiian
had been in any wise alteredf

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 413

Mr. Blount. No.

Senator Dolph. I do not think yon understood mj question a few
minntes ago, that you did not consider it incumbent upon you to make
any record of these statements made by the numerous persons who
eaUed aix>n you and talked about the situation in Hawaii or include
them in your report.

Mr. Blount. No. If you will allow me to state, you will very readily
866 that I could not trust memory about those things, and hence I
resorted to the plan of taking the statements in the form of interroga-
tion and answer by the stenographer. I thought I would be enabled
after t^e examination of witnesses on both sides, leading persons, to
^t at the condition of affairs; and, therefore, I did not trouble myself
wilji every i>erson whom I would meet who wanted to talk with me.

Senator Dolph. You exercised your own judgment and choice as to
irtiich of the x>er8ons you came in contact with you would examine!

Mr. Blount. I felt that I was there to conduct the examination,
and I determined that I would conduct it according to my best judg-
ment for the purpose of eliciting the truth. On one occasion, for
mtance, there was a committee came to me from the Annexation Club
and said they had been appointed for the purpose of furnishing wit-
nesses to me for the purpose of being examined. I was not pleased
witii it. That club was made up of people of all nationalities. I said
to them, ^'Gentlemen, you do not understand my relation to you, or I
do not. I am not a representative of any body in Honolulu; I am not
nnd^ the control of any body in Honolulu ; I am here to make an
investigation for the Government of the United States, and while, per-
baps, I will examine some persons you want examined, as a rule I
want to direct these examinations and say whom I will examine and
▼horn not.''

Senator Dolph. You indicated plainly to them that you would not
hear any witnesses f

Mr. Blount. I did not intimate anything of the kind.

Soiator Dolph. What did you say in regard to the proposition of
this committee to furnish witnesses on the question!

Mr. Blount. I said to them I would perhaps examine some of their
vitnesses; but I did not consent to the idea that the Annexation Club
or anybody else was to furnish witnesses to me.

Senator Dolph. Did you examine any witnesses furnished by that
eommitteet

Mr. Blount. Oh, I examined — ^the only name they ever mentioned
to me was Mr. P. G. Jones.

Senator Gray. Tell about P. G. Jones's examination. Did you exam-
ine himf

Mr. Blount. No; I did not — regretted that I could not. There were
oUier x>ersons whom I would like to have examined. There was quite
a naania on the part of the people on both sides to be examined when
tbej saw the testimony was going into a public document. I would
have gratified many of them if there had been an unlimited clerical
finee at my command; but I did not have it, and I did not believe it
ivae going to elucidate anything to multiply witnesses.

S^ator Gray. Did Mr. Jones proffer himself as a witness?

Mr. Blount. Oh, no. A young man came in there by the name of
Wilder, a bojrish sort of fellow, with this statement.

S«iator Gray. About Mr. Jones f

Ibr. BLtOUNT. About the wishes of the Annexation Olub — a person
whom I did not consider proper to take counsel with. I do not mieaj&.

414 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

that he was not a gentleman, but I had an idea about the Annexation
Glub, that there was a pretty rough element in there, and I know that
was the opinion of the Provisional Government — many of them indui
ging in threats of assassination. They wanted me to turn over the
celebration of the Fourth of July to the club, a political organization,
which I declined; whereujwn it went out in the United States that 1
wa's not in favor of the celebration of the Fourth, refused to arrange
for the celebration of the Fourth, and all that sort of thing, aJthougb
I presided at the celebration. I did not go to their meeting one night,
Mri Severance agreeing to go in my place to make arrangements foi
the appointment of committees, etc.

The Chairman. Did you preside at the Fourth of July meeting!

Mr. Blount. Yes. "Marching Through Georgia" was played and
all sorts of things.

Senator Dolph. Was Mr. Nordhoff there, the correspondent of the
Herald f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph^ Did you meet him frequently f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. Talked to him freely about the condition of afEsursI

Mr. Blount. I did not.

Senator Dolph. Did you see a comparison in the New York Sun oi
portions of your report with letters of Nordhoff to his paper f

Mr. Blount. I did not. If you will allow me, I never took up the
subject of writing that report, never wrote a line until Mr. Kordhofi: lefl
the islands f

Senator Dolph. You have not seen the Sun article?

Mr. Blount. No: I have not.

Senator Dolph. i understood you to say that none of the witnesses
who appeared before you were sworn f

Mr. Blount. Oh, no; I did not feel that I had authority to sweai
witnesses. I had them sign th^ir testimony after reading it over.

The Chatbman. There were affidavits submitted to youf

Mr. Blount. There were some four or five affidavits — the matter in
them very short. I did not have the time, and I said to those gentle-
men, "I would be very glad if you would put these facts in the form
of ^.n affidavit, and they were brought there that way. It came about
simply because of the pressure of time. I did not care to go into a
general examination of those people; I did not have the means to do it

Senator Dolph. Did you in all cases have the statements of the par-
ties who appeared before you extended into longhand and approved f

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. Was all that was said before you by Admiral Ske^
rett made a part of your report!

Mr. Blount. All that was said on what subject?

Senator Dolph. On any subject. Did you report the communication
from Admiral Skerrett — ^make it a part of your report f

Mr. Blount. Yes, I did. For instance, I said to Admiral Skerrett,
^ **Let us take a walk and see where those troops were located j" and we^
went. I wanted him to see, and I pointed oat, where Arion JB^all was^
and the Government building from which the proclamation was read.
I said, " What do you think about locating troops here so near the
building under the circumstances f' He said, "They were not locateci
here.^ He was underthe impression thattheywerelocatedsomedistancc
oif. I said, "You are mistaken about that; I know they were locatei3
here.'' I said to him, " Kow what do you think of t£ds position <^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 415

the troops f Of course, this was on the street, and it was not taken
down. I suppose you wanted to know that.

Senator Dolph. It is interesting, and I would like to hear it.

Mr. Blount. Then Admiral Skerrett expressed the opinion which
is contained in his statement. I said to him, ^^ Admiral, I would be
glad if you would give me that in writing;" and he gave it to me, and
I forwarded it.

Senator Gbat. That is the statement that appears in printt

Mr. Blount. That is the statement that appears in print.

Senator Dolph. The whole statemei^t appears in printt

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. It was a conversation with youf

Mr. Blount. Yes, My relations were closer with Admiral Skerrett
than anybody else, consiUting with him and so on. You can under-
stand that it is an unsatisfactory state to be in, to be 2,000 miles from
jonr country and nobody to talk to but Admiral Skerrett and my
stenographer. They were the only x>er8on8 I could talk to.

Senator Dolph. Were any communications furnished to you upon
the subject of your investigation which were not made a part of your
report t

Mr. Blount. I do not understand what you mean.

Senator Dolph. Was everything included in your report which was
famished to you on the subject — written communication f

Mr. Blount. I do not think I left any out.

Senator Dolph. You have spoken in your examination of having
said to the Provisional Government than you would be glad to receive
a statement from those in power, and you spoke a« though that had
been addressed not only to the President but to the others.

Mr. Blount. I used to go to the Government building where the
president and his cabinet were sitting about, and I made the state-
m^t.

Senator Dolph. Did you make a public statement, an address f

Mr. Blount. Oh, no. They were sitting atound a table. They made
a small party, the president and cabinet and myself sitting in there —
BO formality.

Senator Dolph. How came you to be present at the cabinet meeting t

Mr. Blount. It was not a cabinet meeting; they sat in the same
room and talked. I used to go in there and talk, and they came to the
legation.

Senator Dolph. Do you recollect the conversation that day between
yon and the members of the Provisional Government f

Mr. Blount. It was not of any consequence; I remember that iM)r-
tion of it.

Senator Dolph. Did you address your conversation to any particular
one, and if so 'what was saidf

Mr. Blount. President Dole and the cabinet were sitting around,
and I said to them, <^ Gentlemen, I would like to examine any of you
▼ith regard to the revolution; I can conceive that you might not care

to submit to it." There was no response.
Senator Dolph. Was that before or after the publication of your

instractionsf
Mr. Blount. My impression is that it was before.
Senator Dolph. So they knew nothing about the object of your

flussion except what had leaked out from the examination of witnesses

then you mstde that suggestion?
Mr. Blount. Leaked out f There was not much leaking about iU

416 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Vice-President Damon came a few days afterward and was examined.
Earlier than this Mr. Bishop, connected with the press, was examined.
There were several persons on the annexation side who were examined.
I did not snppose that there was any withholding of it from the Gov-
ernment at all; I Uiink they knew very well what I was doing.

The Chaibman. Allow me to inquire whether Sereno Bishop is a
relative of the wealthy man who has made so many endowments there f

Mr. Blount. I think not; I think Charles B. Bishop came from Bos-
ton— a young man.

The Ohaibman. And married a native f

Mr. Blount. A native princess. He is a very excellent gentleman.
Sereno Bishops father was a missionary. I think I have this from Mr.
Bishop. He was born down at Lahaina, on the island of Maui, the
old capital.

Senator Dolph. Who were the people representing the Queen's
cause — her side of' the controversy!

Mr. Bl6unt. Do you mean before met

Senator Dolph. No; I do not mean to say there was any representa-
tion before you. I understand that was with closed doors; there was
no one present but you and the stenographer. I mean persons who
saw you in the islands.

The Chaibman. The alleged leaders of the Queen's cause.

Senator Dolph. The alleged leaders of her government.

Mr. Blount. Do you mean leaders in the sense of counseling in this
investigation f

Senator Dolph. That assumes that I am assuming that you allowed
yourself to be counseled and directed by these people. I do not wish
to convey any such impression. People called on you and talked with
you, and I understood they called from early morning until late at
night, and they talked about the matter of this revolution.

Mr. Blount. I think you are entirely courteous; but this matter
goes down in print, and therefore, I ask tbat everything be made plain,
and tbat my every answer may be correct. I am not in the condition
that you gentlemen are. I understand that I am the subject of a great
deal of criticism, which is ^pgitimate, and I want to understand the
questions I am answering.

The Chaibman. You mean to say that the right to criticise you is a
legitimate onef

Mr. Blount. Yes.

Senator Dolph. I do not mean to criticise you. I wish to know who
were the people who appeared, who called to represent the Queen's
interest. That is all.

The Chaibman. Who were the reputed leaders of the royal party!

Senator Gbay. Whom you met.

Mr. Blount. The matter of leadership there is a very uncertain
thing. There are a good many factions amongst them, as you will see
from the testimony. But I would say that amongst the more prominent
persons in the islands you will find Mr. J. O. A. Carter, Mr. E. 0. Mac-
Farlane, Mr. Parker

The Chaibman. Sara Parker!

Mr. Blount. Sam Parker — a man by the name of Bush. He is
another leader amongst them. They rather struck me with a Uttle
more positive force than some others.

Senator Dolph. At the time the revolution took place how many ot
the cabinet acted in their interest while you were there!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 417

Mr. Blount. I never saw any cabinet at all. I kept aloof from their
politics. I stayed in that building away from the social life.

Senator Gray. Did you participate in the social life of the cityf

Mr. Blount. Not at all, except I found myself bound to accept
invitations irom President Dole and other officials. And there was a
Mr. Glade, a German, there, a member of the committee of safety, and
the consul-general of Germany. I thought I could make a few calls
of that sort — calling on the officials. ^

The Chairman. You say Mr. Glade was the consul-general of Ger-
many, and still a member of the committee of safety f

Mr. Blount. He was a member of the committee of safety and a
very active man in it.

Senator Dolph. Did you meet those who were members of the
Qaeen's cabinet at the time the revolution took place f

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

Senator Dolph. Talk with themf

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

Senator Dolph. Did any of them defend the restoration of the
Qaeen, defend her rights f

Mr. Blount. They were all for restoration, as I understood themf

Senator Dolph. All the members of the cabinet?

Mr. Blount. Yes. I think that will appear from the papers.

Senator Dolph. Were they examined before youf

Mr. Blount. T remember very distinctly Mr. Parker's examination.
Whatever was done is in the record. As I say, I have not seen these
papers in six months.

Senator Dolph. Did Mr. Nordhoff talk to you about this matter!

Mr. Blount. Mr. Nordhoflf was like a good many other people ; he
would talk ; but I did not confide in Mr. Nordhoff.

Senator Dolph. You listened to what he had to say t

Mr. Blount. Oh, yes.

Senator Dolph. You did not disclose your instructions to him, but
got what information you could from him!

Mr. Blount. I let him talk. He never stayed long; he would talk
and go away.

Senator Dolph. Was anybody examined through Mr. Nordhoff!

Mr. Blount. 'So.

Senator Dolph. Any documents furnished you through himf

Mr. Blount. He brought me one day a letter from Dr. Trosseau, a
physician there, the famfly physician of Mrs. Carter, an xcellent lady
(the wife of the ex-minister and sister of the chief justice ®nd of Justice
Bickerton, as I learned by accident). I think so ; I have noa had a chance
to examine these papers. It seems to me that that papertthis man sent
to me — ^he wanted access to me, and he went to Nordhoff and Nordhoff
vTote me a note inclosing these papers. They were in there. And it
seems there was this communication from Nordhoff and a communica-
tion from this other man missing.

Senator Gray. There is a communication from a Frenchman who
vasthe physician of this Queen as well as the other people.

Mr. Blount. There was a communication he sent. I did not like it.

I never said a word to ai^ybody about this paper from this physician,

snd I never sent for him. I made it a point not to ^et acquainted with

i^im for some time after that occurred. For some time he used to come

to the hotel, and for a long time I never met him. I did not care for

^ybody else to make suggestions. I said nothing to Mr. Nordhoff in

vty way about it; but I did not send for Dr. Trosseau. I did I\ot>^S^<^

S. EeD. 227 27

418 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

the paper. The paper I have in mind was in relation to the amount of
distribution of the sugar stock — sugar interests of the royalists and
annexationists. It occurred to me it was very plainly an unreliable
statement, not that he meant to deceive, but he was a man of preju-
dices.

I did not care to examine him, because I thought that I could get
persons whose judgment was better than Dr. Trousseau's. I do not
mean to say he was not intelligent and a very fine physician — ^I knew
nothing against him. I must add this qualification: Learning much
later on that Trousseau and other persons were with the Queen when
she learned of the landing of the troops, I sought from them the effect
on her mind and on the minds of those about her. For this purpose I
asked Dr. Trousseau to write me his recollections of this matter.

Acj^oumed to meet on Saturday, the 13th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m«

Washington, D. 0., Saturday^ January 13j 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Moboan) and Senator Fbyb.

Absent : Senators Butleb, Gbat, and Shebman.

SWOEH STATEMENT OE COMMAHDEE THEODOEE E. JEWELL,

U. 8. HAVY.

The Ghaibman. Were you attached to the ship Boston in January,
1893!

Mr. Jewell. No.

The Ohaibman. Where were you when that ship was in Honolulut

Mr. Jewell. I was here in Washington.

The Ghaibman. Have you ever visited the Hawaiian Islands!

Mr. Jewell. Yes; I was there twenty years ago, when Kalakaua
was elected King.

The Ghaibman. To what ship were you attached thent

Mr. Jewell. The Tuscarora,

The Ghaibman. What was your rank and duty on that shipf

Mr. Jewell. My rank in the Navy was lieutenant-oommander; I
was executive ofiicer of the ship Tuscarora,

Senator Fbye. Do you mean that twenty years ago you were lieu^
enant-commander f

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. How long did the Tuscarora remain at Honolulu
then!

Mr. Jewell. She was there six weeks. This is to the best of my
recollection.

The Ghaibman. Did the Tuscarora get there before the election of
the King, or after it had occurred!

Mr. Jewell, She arrived there the day before the death of the
former King; she was there before the election of Kalakaua.

The Ghaibman. And during the time!

Mr. Jewell. And during the time.

The Ghaibman. Did you go on shore after the ship arrived in the
harbor!

Mr, Jewell. I was on shore occasionally in Honolulu, bat not vary

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 419

miieh. The exeoative officer of a ship is usqally pretty well occapled,
and I was ashore only once or twice during the time we stayed there.

The Chairman. Did you attend the meeting of the legislative body,
that elected Kalakana King?

Mr. Jewkll. No, I did not. I was on board the ship at that time.

The CnAiBHAN. The contest at that time was between Kalakaua
and Queen Emma?

Mr. Jewell, Yes.

The .Ghaibman. Did you ascertain whether the Americans there
who claimed Hawaiian denizenship, as well as those who did not, were
in favor of Kalakaua or Queen Emmaf

Mr. Jewell. It was the general iinderstanding that English influ-
ence was supporting Queen Emma and that the Americans were sup-
porting Kalakaua.

The Chairman. That was a marked fact in the situation t

Mr. Jewell. Oh, no question about it.

The Chairman. Did the Americans there, to your knowledge, take
any active part in agitations, commotions, or insurrections?

Mr. Jewell. Not at all; no.

The Chairman. They stood aloof?

Mr. Jewell. The riots which occurred during Kalakaua's election
were entirely among the natives. There were a number of Americans
who were in the Government at that time. The minister of foreign
affairs was an American.

The Chairman. Do you recollect his name?

Mr. Jewell. Charles B. Bishop was his name. But I think there
was nothing in the nature of inflammatory meetings previous to this
deetion.

The Chairman. Were troops sent on shore from the Tuacarora^

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there any other American ship in the harbor
at that time?

Mr. Jewell. Yes, the sloop Portsmouth was there, and men were
landed from both ships.

The Chairman. About what number?

Mr. Jewell. I commanded the forces that were landed from the
Tusearoraj perhaps 80 men, and perhaps the same number from the
Parismouih.

The Chairman. When you landed did you go armed and equipped
for fighting?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you take rations with yout

Mr. Jewell. No; we did not take rations, but we were in close com-
munication with the ship all the time. As a matter of fact, we did not
sabsist ourselves on shore.

The Chairman. On whom did you subsist?

Mr. Jewell. The Hawaiian Government.

The Chairman. Did you go ashore on the invitation of the Hawaiian
Government?

Mr. Jewell. Yes; as I understand, at the request of the cabinet in
&6 interregnum between the death of Lunalilo and the election of
Kalakaua. The Government requested that men be landed if a riot
shofold occur. It was anticipated it would happen because of the one
that occurred at the election of the other King the year before. Capt.
Belknap, who was in command of the Tuscarora^ and who was the

8^or officer there^ made some arran|;ement with Mr, Pieso,^^ ^"^

420 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

A merican Minister, by wliich the men were to be landed if they were
wanted.

The Chaibman. Lunalilo, the former King, was King by inheritance?

Mr. Jbwell. No; he was elected King.

The Chairman. Was it not this way; that he was a King by inher-
itance, and he ordered a plebiscite to see if the people favored his going
to the throne f

Mr. Jewell. I am not prepared to say that; but I am qaite certain
that he was not King by inheritance.

The Ghatbman. You understand that at the time of his election
riots had occurred f

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Was it yonr understanding also on that occasion
that American troops had been landed f

Mr. Jewell. I think not, but I am not prepared to say positively.

The Chairman. It was in the time of the interregnum, as you term
it, properly between the death of Lunalilo and the election of Kala-
kaua, that the American Minister requested the commander of these
ships to land troopsf

Mr. Jewell. To be prepared to land troops in case of necessity.

The Chairman. Had the election of Kalakaua taken place before
you landed?

Mr. Jewell. It had; yes.

The Chairman. But you were in a state of preparation!

Mr. Jewell. We were standing by. The captain of the Tuscarara
went on shore on the morning of the election, about 9 o'clock, and left
me in charge of the ship, with instructions to keep a look out on the
American bark where one of our officers was stationed with a signal
which was to be given to land the men if needed, and we were in a
state of preparation all day. We got the signal about 3 or 4 o'clock in
the afternoon.

The Chairman. Who was the ranking officer in order at that timef

Mr. Jewell. Capt. Belknap.

The Chairman. He had command of the forces on both ships f

Mr. Jewell. Yes. The senior naval officer, the ranking naval officer,
is always assumed by virtue of his rank to be in command of the forces.

The Chairman. How many men did you landf

Mr. Jewell. We landed about 80 men. I do not know exactly as
to the Portsmouth, but 80 men from the Tuscarora.

The Chairman. How many from the other ship, the Portsmouth?

Mr. Jewell. 75 or 80. I think the whole force numbered 150 men.

The Chairman. Did you spend the night on shore f

Mr. Jewell. Oh, we stayed a week ; I myself was on shore four
days; and at the end of that time one-half of the force was withdrawn
and the remainder stayed three or four days longer.

The Chairman. What was the disposition of the people there when
you landed as to their being peaceful or turbulent f

Mr. Jewell. There were several hundred people around the court-
house, the legislative building, when we got there. The court-house
was pretty well wrecked by the mob, was in possession of a mob of
natives. They cleared out of the court-house the instant we arrive
on the ground. We sent a small force into the building and the rioters
jumped out of the windows and cleared out, although they hung around
the grounds. They were making demonstrations and were talking
loudly in their own language, which we did not understand, of course.

The Chajbhan. Did the mob make any fight f

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 421

Mr. Jewsll. They did not offer any resistance at all; no. There
was one man who waved a club in front of a petty ofQcer, but he took
the man by the back of the neck and gave him a shake^ and he was
qnieted.

The Oh A IBM AN. Did you bivouack around the court-house that
night f

Mr. Jewell. The men from the Portsmouth occupied the court-
house, slept in the court-house.

The CHAiRBiAN. Where did your men got

Mr. Jewell. To the armory. This was a building in which there
were several public offices, among them the captain's of the port; in
one story there were some arms belonging to the Government, perhaps
100 stands of rifles.

The Ghaibman. Did you fljid the arms there when you got theret

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Was there any organized force of the Government f

Mr. Jewell. I think nothing but the police. I have an impression
that there was a militia company, volunteers or militia, but not in the
service of the Govermentf

The Ghaibman. At that time did you ascertain that the Government
had any regular troops f

Mr. Jewell. It has been so long ago that I can not remember. But
my impression is that there was nothmg organized in the Government
• service except the police force.

The Ghaibman. Did you take command of both forces f

Mr. Jewell. No; the executive oflBcer of the Portsmouth was the
ranking officer on shore. But Gaptain Belknap was in communication
with us, and he was supposed to be in command. Although Gapt.
Belknap stayed on board ship every night, he was on shore every day,
and our reports were made to him. The force from the Portomout^ had
charge of the fort house and some other public buildings including the
mint, the treasury, perhaps. I had charge of the prison and the
armory. There was another significant fact connected with that land-
ing. There was an English man-of-war in the harbor at the time.
There had not been any prearrangement about the landing of her men;
nevertheless, shortly after we got on shore, 75 or 80 men from the
English vessel, under arms and organized, put in an appearance.

The Ghaibman. How long did they remain on shore!

Mr. Jewell. They remained some days; just how long I do not
know. The men were not allowed to circulate very much about the
town, and I kept myself pretty weU confined to the barracks. But after
t^e mob was broken up down at the court-house, the most of them went
npto Queen Emma's. residence, which was some distance away, and
the troops from the English man-of-war, on the suggestion of Mr.
Bishop, I believe, went up there to clear out the mob, and remained
there. They went there to drive off the mob assembled around Queen
Emma.

Mr. Jewell. Yes. I understand there were some incendiary speeches
made at that time in the neighborhood of Queen Emma's residence, and
perhaps Queen Emma made some remarks herself.

The Ghaibman. Were there any incendiary fires during the time
you were on shore f
Mr. Jewell. No. The first night there were some stones thrown

at the men from the Portsmouth^ and a pistol shot; but in the part of

the town where we were it was pretty quiet. We patrolled the streets

the first night, and I do not know but that we did it after tkdXK T^oi'dX

422 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

is to say, we sent out a small body of men for two or three bonrs to
break up any disorderly gathering.

The GHAiBiiiAN. Were there any arrests made by the American
forces!

Mr. Jewell. A few of the rioters were arrested at the court-house;
but they were turned over to the police right away. As a rule the
native x>olice mingled with the crowd; they were as bad as the rest of
them.

The Ghatbman. Did any of the Kanakas appear to take sides with
Queen Emmaf

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

The Chaibman. I mean with Kalakauaf

Mr. Jewell. The popular feeling amongst the natives in Honolulu
at that time was against Kalakaua; that is to say^ it was in favor of
Queen Emma. But there were plenty of the better class of Kanakas
who were in favor of Kalakaua.

The Ohaibman. I suppose it was a question, if I gather it correctly,
between the pure native element and the mixed element of whites and
half- whites and the better classes of the K!anaka people f

Mr. Jewell. I am sure I would not know how to divide the feeling
in that way; I gathered it from very limited communication with the
shore; I have only a general impression in regard to it, that most of
the lower classes, the commoner Kanakas, were in favor of Queen^
Emma, and it was generally supposed the English residents were, par-*
ticularly the English minister-resident, or whatever he may have been.
It was an intrigue in favor of Queen Emma, and they had incited these
common people to this performance, this riot.

The Chaibman. Do you know where Kalakaua was during your stay
there f

Mr. Jewell. No, I do not.

The Chaibman. Did you see himf

Mr. Jewell. Oh^ yes; I saw him frequently.

The Chairman. In his palace!

Mr. Jewell. I think I never saw him in the palace, though he lived
there after his election was proclaimed.

The Chairman. Kalakaua remained in his palace after his election
was proclaimed?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Before that time, did you know about himf

Mr. Jewell. I simply knew he was a clerk in the custom-house or
post-office, or some other office.

The Chairman. Do you know where he was between the time of the
death of Lunalilo and the election ?

Mr. Jewell, I know he was in Honolulu.

The Chairman. But where — ^you do not know whether he was under
the protection of any foreign shipf

Mr. Jewell. I know he was not.

Senator Frye. Who was it requested the troops to land at that timet

Mr. Jewell. It was understood that the request was made by Mr.
Bishop, who was the minister of foreign affairs of the Hawaiian Gov-
ernment, to Mr. Pierce, the American minister resident; and between
Mr. Pierce and Capt. Belknap — 1 do not know whether there was any
written communication between them or not — ^but it was arranged
between them that in the event of a riot the men were to be landed.

Senator Frye. Your troops did not bivouac down in the business
part of the city!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 423

Mr. JkytblIj. Yes; the armory, where the prineipal part of my men
▼as was ri^ht in the business part of the city.

Senator Fbyk. But up around the court-house and the Government
buildings f

Mr. j£WSLL. That was not the business part.

Senator Fste. They remadned in th^ court house and Gk>vernment
Imildings three or four days!

Mr. JswsLL. Tes.

Senator Fbte. Tinder the law and naval regulations, what do you
ODderstand to be the rights of a United States naval officer touching
the preservation of order in a naval city? I ask you that question
because I noticed in reading the wording of the order which Capt.
Wiltse gave to Lieut. Swinburne that he recited the protection of the
consulate, the legation, the lives and property of American citizens,
and to preserve order. What would you do as an officer if you were
ordered to go ashore and do those things? What do you understand
"preserving order'' to* be — what right would you have?

Mr. J:ewell, Do you mean if I were actually in command of a bod^
of tzoops which had landed to preserve order?

Senator Feye. Yes.

Mr. JjswrjAj. I should arrest disorderly persons. I should break
up incendiary meetings and take the people into custody.

Senator Fbte. Would you not do it in cooperation with the Queen
or whoever was then in x>ower?

Mr. Jewell. Unquestionably with the constituted authorities — ^yes.

The Ghaibman. You say that these troops were landed at the re-
quest of the cabinet which had been appointed by Kalakaua?

Mr. Jewell. !^o; the previous cabinet.

The Ghaibman. Which had gone out of office?

Mr. Jewell. It had not gone out of office — no.

The Ghaibman. Was that request communicated in writing?

Mr. Jewell. I do not know about that^ but my impression is it was
not

The Ghaibman. Was the purport of that request communicated to
you by your superior officer?

Mr. Jewell. Well, only in conversation. In giving me my instruc-
tions Gapt. Belknap had told me what this arrangement was.

The Ghaibman. Were your instructions in writing?

Mr. Jewell. They were not; they were verbal entirely.

The Ghaibman. Be kind enough to state what orders Gapt. Belknap
gave you on that occasion, and upon what grounds he based his right
lo give you such orders?

Mr. Jewell. Do you mean the orders previous to the landing of the
troops?

The Ghaibman. Gapt. Belknap was in actual command of the forces
while they were on shore?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. But while he was on shipboard you were the next
in command?

Mr. Jewell. No; Lieut. Gommauder Glarke, of the Portomou^^, was
the next in rank; but he was at the court-house, which was a quarter
of a mile from where I was.

The Ghaibman. You were in command of the other detachment?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. And you received your orders and instructions from
Gapt Belknap and not through Lieut. Clarke?

424 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. State what the instnictions ^ere that were given to
you by Capt. Belknap to be executed by you in his absence.

Mr. Jewell. The general instructions were to preserve order and
to keep myself confined as much as possible to the quarters which
had been assigned to us; not to excite the natives to opposition. I
also had orders to patrol certain streets of the town during the night,
to prevent any disorderly gathering of the people and to arrest peo-
ple who were guilty of disorder. I can not remember any specific
instructions otherwise. The idea was that order was to be preserved
in the town, and that we were authorized to arrest people and turn
them over to the civil authorities.

The Chairman. And you did sof

Mr. Jewell. We had no occasion to arrest anybody.

The Chairman. There were persons arrested, were there nott

Mr. Jewell. Only during the first part of t^e riot when the troops
arrived on the ground. Then men were arrested and turned over to the
native police; but not after that.

The Chairman. But you did arrest persons on that occasion and
under these orders f

Mr. Jewell. Yes. Capt. Belknap was personally at the court-house
when the force arrived there.

The Chairman. Then, if I gather your position correctly, the troops
were invited by the cabinet to come ashore for the purpose of preserv-
ing the public order.

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Was there anything in the situi^on that required
you to participate on the one side or the other in any conflict or civil
commotion that might occur among the people f

Mr. Jewell. No; nothing whatever.

The Chairman. You were ordered to preserve order, no matter who
was disorderly!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. But you were there by the invitation and consent
of the thea Government f

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Were you placed under the command of any mili-
tary officer or authority of the Hawaiian Government f

Mr. Jewell. No.

The Chairman. You were acting under your own orders!

Mr. Jewell. Entirely so; yes.

The Chairman. The King did not appear on any occasion for the
purpose of taking control of the forces!

Mr. Jewell. No. He took the oath of office the next day after his
election, and all the. troops on shore were paraded at that tune.

The Chairman. Was that the day softer you landed!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. They were paraded howf

Mr. Jewell. The forces from the two American ships, the Tusearara
and the Portamouthy and those from the Tenedoa, the English man-of-
war, were all at the courthouse to receive the King, and all presented
arms when he passed into the building to take the oath of office.

The Chairman. Did he pass through the ranks!

Mr. Jewell. I think he did. I do not know exactly what the form
was.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 425

The Ghaisman. Were there any other troops there beside the Eng-
M and American txoopst

Mr. Jewell. No.

The Chairman. And police force t

Mr. Jewell. Yes; I think the police were abont, bat not as an or-
gamiEed body of troops — ^not in the natare of a body of troops^ they
were in the crowd.

The Chairman. They were not a part of the receiving escort or force t

Mr. Jewell. Ko.

The Chatbman. The King came then and took his oath of office!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. After he took the oath of office did he take any con-
trol of the troops under your charge!

Mr. Jewell. Ko; not the slightest.

The Chairman. You did not look to him for any orders in regard to
tiie conduct of the troops on the island so long as you remained there!

Mr. Jewell. Ko.

The Chaibman. If Capt. Belknap had any such orders you would
lia?e known it!

Mr. Jewell. Oh, I think so; yes.

The Chairman. It was then a body of American soldiery, so flByr as
joa were concerned, that was there at the invitation of the cabinet of
^e former King to preserve order, to put down riot, to arrest disturbers
of the peace and those who had been assailing the Legislature!

Mr. Jewell. Ko; we were not to take any cognizance of anything
vhich took place before the landing; we were only to arrest people
whom we saw in the act.

The Chairman. TeojAecajightJUigraMte delicto?

Mr. Jewell. Yes ; we took no notice of what happened before. The
eoart-house was fiiU of people; as we came into the front door they
went out of the windows. But we did not arrest any of them. Capt.
BdkDap cautioned us to be discreet in anything we did, and not to
ttsume too much.

Soiator Frye. And you regarded what you actually did as very dis-
creet!

Mr. Jewell. I did; yes.

The Chairman. In how many days did you return to the ship!

Mr. Jewell. My impression is that I went back to the ship in four
days, when the force was reduced to one-half the original force, and I
thmk the rest stayed four days longer, perhaps only three days longer.
I think about a week our men were on shore.

The Chairman. Do you know on whose request it was that the
tzoops retired from the islands!

Mr. Jewell. I think the fxst reduction of the force was made by
Capt. Belknap without any request from the Government; but, after
the new cabinet was organized, my impression is that the minister of
fi>reign afEeurs wrote to the American minister resident and said that
the occasion for the troops had passed and they might be withdrawn.

The Chairman. Do you remember whether the English forces were
withdrawn before the American forces were!

Mr. Jewell. I think not; I think they remained about the same
time.

The Chairman. You do not know, as a matter of fact, which of the
forces actually withdrew first!

Mr. Jewell. No. I think our force was reduced before the English
fiiroe. But to this day I do not remember seeing the Engli&h. \sqo^%

426 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

after tbey macclied out of the court-house grounds ap to Qneen Emma's.
I do not remember to have been brought into contact with them. As
I said, we were in a different part of the city^ and I confined myself
and men to the barracks.

The Chaibman. Did you have a flag when you went on shore t

Mr. Jewell. We carried our flag with the battalion.

The Chaibman. Did you raise any colors on any pole or hooset

Mr. Jewell. !N"o.

The Chaibman. You know nothing about these later transactions of
January, 1893 1

Mr. Jewell. Only what I gathered from the newspapers.

The Chaibman. I would be glad to have yon state anything that
pertains properly to this question.

Mr., Jewell. In regard to this landing in 1874 I would say that
there were at that time in the pro-English press of Honolulu, and have
been since, charges made that we interfered at that time in the inter-
nal affairs of Hawaii: But I think nobody paid any particular, atten-
tion to them. So short a time ago as December, 1892, an article appeared
in a paper called The Illustrated American, published in New YorL
which charged that the American minister and American troops had
interfered in the aflairs of Hawaii in 1874, and had kept Queen Emma,
who was " the rightful heir to the throne,'' off of the throne, and put
Kalakaua in her place. I wrote a letter denying every statement in
that paper, which I felt certain was mspired by some of the English-
feeliDg people in Honolulu. I was told afterward that that was the
case. It was full of misstatements, and I felt more or less indignation
at the way in which they talked about the disgraceful manner in which
the troops had taken part in the affairs of Hawaii. I replied to it. I
did not know but what that brought me before this committee.

The Chaibman. Possibly so; but in making up your replies to that
article did you think over the whole situation as it occurred smd refresh
your memory about it f

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. And you are satisfied that your statements here are
correct t

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Have you a copy of that communication t

Mr. Jewell. 'No; I have not in my i)osses8ion.

The Chairman. Do you remember whether or not before you left the
ship with those troops Kalakaua was elected by the Legislature or was
the election pending t

Mr. Jewell. I had not been informed as to the result of the election.
We embarked our men by signal from shore — ^the signal was made on
this American bark — and before I knew anjrthing about the election I
had my men on shore.

The Chairman. But the preparation about which you spoke as hav-
ing been made on the ship, to hold yourselves in readiness, to stand
by, you say was begun before the election took placet

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Some days before!

Mr. Jewell. No, the morning of the day of the election*

The Chairman. You knew that the election wa« about to take placet

Mr. Jewell. Yes ; a special session of the Legislature had been
called for that purpose.

The Chairman. And the military preparation on the ship anticipated
the election!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 427

Mr. J'EWKiSL, A few hours; yes.

The Chairman. And view of it, and in expectation that that election
woold create civil commotion f

Mr. JswuLL.. In the fear of it, that it might be so. I believe that
the cabinet was rather severely criticised for' not having made better
Xireparation and for not having asked that the troops be sent on shore
earlier.

The Ghaxrman. I suppose that this preparation was made on board
ship because of some request that had been made or intimated to the
eommanding officer by the cabinett

Mr. JswsLL. The arrangement was made between Oapt. Belknap
and Minister Pierce, but it was at the solicitation of the Hawaiian
Government.

llie Chairman. And in anticipation of the fact that there might or
woold be civil commotion at the time the election took placet
Mr. Jewsll. Yes.

The Ghaibiiian. Had you ever had anything to do with the landing
qI troops before thatf
Mr. JewblIj. Yes.
The Chaibman. Where was it!

Mr. Jevtell. At Panama ; we took possession of that town for four
or five days ; that is, so far as we could. We did not come into con-
tact with the people who were fighting there.

The Chaibman. Was there any minister resident at Panama at that
timef
Mr. Jbweix. !No; there was a consul-general.
The Chaibman. Was the landing made at his request t
Mr. Jewbll. I do not know. I knew very little about what led up
to that.
The Chaibman. What year was thatt

Mr. Jkwbll. That was in 1872. The force of which I had command
was landed to protect the Pacific Mail Company's property. After-
ward a larger body was landed from the flagship, and went up into the
eitr under the command of another officer.
The Chaibman. Who was that officer!

Mr. Jbwbll. p. F. Harrington, at present a commander in the Navy.
The Chaibman. How many ships did he have in port at the timef
Mr. Jewell. Only two. The Tuscarora was lying there, and she was
about landing her men when the flagship arrived. The landing of the
sen was suspended for an hour or so until the captain could communicate
vitii the admiral, when they were sent on shore. My instructions were
then that I was not to go into the city, but to confine myself to the
Pacific Mail Company's wharf. There was a great deal of merchandise
which had just been landed from one of the Pacific Mail steamers,
rhe Chaibman. What port were you at before you went to Panamat
Mr. Jewell. We had come up frojn Callao, I think.
The Chaibman. Did you come up for the purpose of jJrotecting the
property!

Mr. Jewell. No. We came up for the purpose of taking a survey-
ing party down on the isthmus, which was surveying for the inter-
oceanic canal there. I also landed men when in command of the Essex
on the China station at the request of the American minister iu the
capital of Corea. I landed men at Chemulpo and marched them up to
Seiiul, Corea.

The Chaibman. Coming back to Panama. Was that a political
strife that existed in Panama at the time of which you spokel

428 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

Mr. Jewell. I believe so — one of the periodical reyolations which
nobody can account for.

The Chaibman. How long did your troops remain on shore t

Mr. Jewell. I think about six days.

The Chaibman. Did they camp on shore t

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. Was there any disturbance in the vicinity of your
campt

Mr. Jewell. N"o. Firing was going on all the time between these
two parties, around corners, out of windows, etc., and every time we
showed ourselves down on the wharf they would fire at us. They would
fire at a light at night. — amuse themselves that way; but never did auy
particular damage.

Senator Fbye. But the troops from the other ship went up into the
cityt

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. What distance was that; how far did they have to
go to get into the cityt

Mr. Jewell. Perhaps half a mile.

The Chaibman. Did they remain in the cityt

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. And the American troops remained on shore until
I)eace was restored— order was restored t

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. You have no particular information as to whether
either faction of the people there desired your presence t

Mr. Jewell. 'No^ I do not know about that at all. I think the call
was made by the Pacific Mail Company, in the first instance, for the
protection of the property in transit—merchandise in transit. I believe
we have certain treaty rights down there in regard to landing men.

The Chaibmai^. JS^ow, the Corean incident. What was the occasion
for landing there t

Mr. Jewell. It was an excitement in Seaul, the capital. Threats
had been made against the foreign population, and I think they were
all more or less scared. I do not think they were in any very great
danger. But the American minister wrote to me that he would prob
ably call upon me for a small force for the protection of the legation,
and soon after I received the letter I received a telegram from him
asking me to dispatch the men.

The Chaibman. You were in command of the ship at that timet

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. How many men did you sendt

Mr. Jewell. Twenty-five or 30 — I think 30 men.

The Chaibman. How long did they stay ashore t

Mr. Jewell. I think about a week; until quiet was restored.

The Chaibman. That was not a political revolution, but it was aa
opposition of the natives to the foreign population in general t

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. And you really landed for the purpose of protect-
ing the American citizens there and the legation t

Mr. Jewell. Yes. There were other men-of-war there at the time
and they all landed troops. That is to say, there was a French man-
of-war, a Eussian man-of-war, and a Japanese man-of-war. I think
they all sent men up there.

The Chairman. Was there any other occasion when you have landed
troops I

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 429

Mr. Jewell. 'No.

The Ch AiBMAN. Is it one of the standing orders or mles of the Navy
that when the minister resident at a foreign port, or consul at a foreign
port, requests the naval officer to land troops to protect the peace of
the consulate, the naval officer is to do itt

Mr. Jewell. The officer in command of a vessel has to decide that
when it comes up.

The Chairman. Ui>on the facts in every emergency?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

Senator Fbye. He cannot relieve himself for •responsibility except
by the orders of a superior officer!

Mr. Jewell. In no other way. He is responsible for any such land-
ing or landings he may make. In my own case I had asked the admiral
particularly in regard to the landing of men in Gorea. I had asked him
to give me instructions, but he said I would have to depend upon my
own judgment in case of necessity, in case the request was made.

The Ghaibman. So that a naval officer in command at any foreign
port is thrown upon his individual judgment as to the necessity or
propriety of landing forces ?

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghairman. Is he bound to receive from the consuls or ministers

•

of the United States their orders or requests or direction as being mil-
itary orders?

Mr. Jewell. No.

The Ghaibman. Their orders address themselves to the naval offi-
cer's discretion!

Mr. Jewell. Yes, exactly. They come in the form of a request.

The Ghaibman. And they do not relieve the naval officer from
responsibility as a naval officer.

Mr. Jewell. Kot at all.

The Ghaibman. Whereas if the orders come from a superior author-
ity the naval officer is bound to obey, and he is relieved from any
responsibility in obeying!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Have you cruised much in the Pacific Ocean!

Mr. Jewell. No; except that I have been three years on thatGhina
station ; not otherwise. I was two years and a ha£r in the Tuscaroraj
and I was in the Pacific then.

The Ghaibman. Is the Tuscarora a steamship!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Have- you been on steamships during all your
cruises out there!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman. What are the nearest points where a coal supply
can be obtained! I do not mean the place where supplies have been
accumulated, but where the countries produce the coal!

Mr. Jewell. Neiarest to Honolulu!

The Ghaibman. Yes.

Mr. Jewell. I do not know of any. They have an inferior kind of
coal in the Straits of Juan de Fuca, at Vancouvers Island. I think
that is the nearest point.

The Ghaibman. Is that what is called the Seattle coal!

Mr. Jewell. It may be Seattle coal.

The Ghaibman. It is the same thing?

Mr. Jewell. I have no doubt it is the same thing; but it is not a
good quality of coal.

430 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

♦

The Chairman. And that is the nearest point to Honolala where ooal
can be obtained!

Mr. JewelI/. I think so; yes.

The Ch AXEMAN. What is the next nearest point t

Mr. Jewell. I do not know of any natural coal bed nearer than in
Japan. I do not know any nearer place where they produce ooal.

The Chaibman. Have you ever used that Japan coalt

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes; used it invariably out thereon the station.

The Chaibman. Is it a good coalt

Mr. Jewell. Very .good coal.

The Chaibman. Is it abundantt

Mr. Jewell. Quite so; yes.

The Chaibman. Where do you take it on board ship t

Mr. Jewell. Anywhere; but Nagasaki was the port nearest the
coal mines.

The Chaibman. You can get it in sufficient quantities at any point
to answer your purpose t

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. Kow, the next nearest t

Mr. Jewell. There are coal mines on the Siberian (Kamcbatkan)
coast, ot it may be in the northern island of the Japan group. There
was a coal that I tried out there; I think an inferior coal, and not a
very large supply. Of course, there are also Welsh coals, and others to
be found in Hongkong.

The Chaibman. In Souch America are there any coal mines, the
product of which is good for steam navigation!

Mr. Jewell. I do not recall any at this time, until you get down in
the Straits of Magellan.

The Chaibman. How is that coalf

Mr. Jewell. It is a good deal like Kanaimo (Vancouver Island) coaL

The Chaibman. Is it an inferior coalt

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chaibman. Hard to get outt

Mr. Jewell. ]N^ot too hard to get out; but it is not entirely carbon*
ized. It is a lignite. It is very light, bulky, and burns up rapidly.

The Chaibman. You have no knowledge of coals in South America
north of the Straits of Magellan t

Mr. Jewell. No; I do not remember any coal mines.

The Chaibman. Where do you get coal in Australia t

Mr. Jewell. I do not know.

The Chaibman. Did you ever coal a ship at Sidney, Australia!

Mr. Jewell. No.

Senator Fbye. They have coal mines there t

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

The Chaibman. Oh, yes. Suppose a fleet of war ships of a modern
pattern, first-class war 8|hips, were to sail from any European port,
either through the Mediterranean or around the Cape of G^ood Hope,
or arouDd Cape Horn, for the purpose of attacking San Francisco— I
will put that as the objective point — ^would they be able to bring from
any European port coal enough to sustain them in their voyage to Sao
Francisco and during a series of naval operations, which would indude
a siege, say of ten days, without the assistance of tenders t

Mr, J:pswELL. Ko; I think not,

The Chaibman, They could not carry in their bunkers coal enough
U> include a naval operation of that much voyage and that much seat

Mr«J£W£X4L. ^Ot Ther0isacert£|incoalepdurancewhichi3as8igQe4

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 431

to these ships, certain namber of miles, which is called the steaming
radius of the vessel. I think, as a rtde, that is exagi^erated; at all
events, a vessel would arrive on the ^ound empty. She would not
have auy coal left. I do not believe it would be possible for any ves-
sel to arrive at San Francisco, under the circumstances which you
have moDtioned, without coaling in the meantime.

The Chairman. Then any foreign power that' undertook to attack
our Western coast and had possession of the Sandwich Islands, with a
full supply of naval stores, wood, and coal at that point, would they
have very much greater advantages than they would have in the
absence of their occupation of that i>ortt

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman. liTow, reverse the matter* Suppose the United
States were in possession of the Sandwich Islands and had the supplies
chat would naturally be placed in such a position as that, would not
that greatly increase the power of the naval defense of the United States t

Mr. Jewell. I should say, decidedly, yes.

The Ghaibman. Then I take it that you would regard the possession
of the Sandwich Islands, the occupation of the Sandwich Islands, or
some place there, as being of great strategic advantage as against any
Ibreign country, either Asiatic or European, upon our coastt

Mr. Jewell. I think it would ; yes.

The Ghaibman. In a commercial sense what would be the advantage
of the possession of the Sandwich Islands by the United States!

Mr. Jewell. It is immediately in the track of vessels bound from
San Francisco to New Zealand and Australia and all the Southern
Pacific islands; and it is not far from the direct track between San
Francisco and Japan and Ghina. In fact, the sailing route from San
Francisco to Japan and Ghina would be in the immediate neighborhood
of the Sandwich Islands.

The Ghaibman. What advantage would that be to the commerce of
the United States, or to the United States as a Government, to have
these resting places there in the center of the Pacific Ocean t

Mr. Jewell. It would be an advantage to every steamship as a
coaling point, and to other vessels for the purchase of supplies of various
kinds, provisions, etc.

The Ghaibman. Is that very necessary or desirable in passing so
vast an expanse of water as the Pacific Ocean t

Mr. Jewell. Very desirable, but, of course, not absolutely neces-
8aiy-«H9hii>s can carry them across. If it can be done, it is desirable
that the supply should be obtained frequently.

The Ghaibman. If the Sandwich Islands were in possession of some
great commercial nation, like the United States, capable of caring for
them and securing neutrality and all the requirements of maritime law,
navigation, etc., would such an occupation by the United States as I
have indicated be of advantage to the commerce of the world?

Mr. Jewell. Of course, it is always desirable to have a stable gov-
ernment in such an important point in the trade route as the Sand-
wich Islands, and in that sense it would be, of course, an advantage
to the commerce of the world.

The Ghaibman. It would be to the advantage of the commeroe of
the world that any stable and great power should have the occupation
of those islands, rather than a weak and uncertain power.

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Ghaibman* Such as would be furnished by the native popula*
tion of Hawaii t

432 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Jewell. Yes; I should think so.

The Chairman. I suppose you would consider that the commercial
affairs of the world would be benefited by having in Hawaii a strong
and just governmentt

Mr. Jewell. I should say so; yes, beyond question.

The Chairman. It would give confidence to capital to embark in
trade, I suppose.

Mr. Jewell, Yes.

The Chairman. And increase the exports and imports of the differ-
ent countries!

Mr. Jewell. I think so.

The Chairman. Do you know any place in any of the seas of the
world where greater advantage can be bestowed upon the commerce of
the world than could be obtained by the possession of the Sandwich
Islands by a great maritime power, one that had the retsources to pre-
serve order and facilitate commerce t

Mr. Jewell. No; I do not know any more important point; no
place that occurs to me at this particular moment.

The Chairman. Would you say that in a military sense the posses-
sion of Gibralter would be any more controlling or any more impor-
tant to British interests in the Mediterranean than the possession of
Hawaii would be to American interests in the Pacific Ocean f

Mr. Jewell. I consider that Gibralter is an extremely important
point for the English to hold, because it is one of a chain of forts
which they hold and which connects the Suez Canal with the Atlantic
Ocean, and perhaps it would be of greater importance to England to
retain possession of Oibralter than that the United States should have
possession of the Sandwich Islands.

Mr. Chairman. Because Oibralter is one of a chain of fortifications
held by England!

Mr. Jewell. Yes; fortified posts.

The Chairman. Which protect England's access to and outlet from
the Suez Canal f

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose that there were a canal under American
protection through Nicaraugua of equal capacity with, or greater capa-
city than, the Suez Canal, as a fortified port or place in a chain con-
necting Hawaii in the center of the Pacific Ocean with our possessions
in the United States, the month of the Mississippi Hiver, and the vari-
ous bays and harbors that we have here and the fortifications at Key
West, would you then consider that Gibralter is more important to the
British people than the possession of Hawaii would be to the American
people!

Mr. Jewell. It is hard to make a comparison of that kind; but if
the Nicaragua Canal should be put through I consider that the posses-
sion of the Sandwich Islands by the United States would be absolutely
essential.

The Chairman. And for the reasons that we have been just advert-
ing tot

Mr. Jewell. Yes. I think it would be absolutely essential that the
United States should take possession of those islands if the Kicaragaa
Canal is to be built.

The Chairman. You consider that the two propositions, the buildlDg
of the Nicaragua Canal and occupation of Hawaii, either by including'
it in our territory or getting advantages there to enable us to have i^
naval station at that ptace, would be of the greatest importanoet

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 433

Mr. Jewbll.. Oh, yes. I say it would be absolutely essential to
retain that control of the canal which we are bound to have.

The Chairman. Have you been to Honolulu more than once I

Mr. Jewell. No ; only once.

The Chaibman. Did you make any examination of Pearl Harbor t

Mr. Jewell. No; I did not.

The Chairman. 1 will ask you in regard to the Bay of Honolulu, and
get you, first, to describe its urea and in what way it is protected from
the inflow of the waters of the Pacific Ocean.

3Ir. Jewell. It would be impossible for me to give any idea of the
area from memory, because I do not recollect. 1 only know that the
harbor is inclosed within a coral reef, with the exception of the en-
trance to the harbor of Honolulu. It is entirely closed by the coral
reef.

The Chairman. How does it compare in area, according to your
present recollection, with the harbor at Boston!

Mr. Jewell. I should say it is more contracted than the harbor of
Boston.

The Chairman. Is it more contracted than the harbor of New York?

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. You consider New York Harbor, up Bast River and
North Kiver, out to seal

Mr. Jewell. Yes. My impression is that Honolulu is not an ex-
tensive harbor; perhaps it is a mile and a half long and a few hundred
yards wide. It has been twenty years since I was there.

The Chairman. On the land side it is surrounded, I believe, by
elevations of land!

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Considerable elevations?

Mr. Jewell. Quite high mountains along about the interior of the
island.

The Chairman. Down about the coast t

Mr. Jewell. Within a short distance of the city.

The Chairman. Where heavy guns could be mounted to protect the
harbor?

Mr. Jewell. Yes; Honolulu could be very easily fortified.

The Chairman. Take the best class of guns that we now have and
meant them upon the best elevations, how far out would you say would
be the radius of the defense that those guns would afford?

Mr. Jewell. You know the range of modern guns is very much
greater than that at which any action would probably be fought. I
am quite sure that batteries could be arranged to keep any foreign
fleet from approaching Honolulu within 5 miles. But I have no
donbt if guns were numerous enough they could keep them away still
farther.

The Chairman. That would be really a sufficient protection against
the attack of a foreign fleet?

Mr. Jewell. I think so.

The Chairman. The fleet might destroy the town, but could not take
possession lying out there?

Mr. Jewell. They could not take possession; I am not entirely cer-
tain that they could destroy the town, except bf chance shots.

The Chairman. Such fortifications as occur to you as being possible
on those elevations around Honolulu Bay and around the city of Hon-
oldla would be sufficient w assist in protecting a fleet that might be iii
the harbor?

8. Eep. 227 ^28

434 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr, Jewell. Oh, yes; a fleet could be protected in the harbor.

The Chairman. There is no land barrier between the city of Hono-
lulu and the sea, the ocean t

Mr, Jewell. No, nothing except this coral reef, which is uncovered
at low water.

The Chairman. Barely covered?

Mr. Jewell. Yes. You could walk over it some distance at low
water.

The Chairman. Water batteries could be established on those coral
reefs for the protection of the harbor!

Mr. Jewell. Well, I do not know about that. I should mistrust
those coral reefs as a foundation, but they might be sufficiently strong.

The Chairman. If sufficiently good as a foundation, they are siS*-
ficiently high out of the water to form good water batteries!

Mr. Jewell. Yes.

The Chairman. There is nothing to impede the fighting ship inside
the harbor or those steamships outside the harbor that you would ma-
neuver with!

Mr. Jewell. Nothing, except the contracted space within the har-
bor. There would be no space within the harbor for maneuvering ves-
sels. But vessels could lie in the harbor, and by means of lines could
be fought in almost any direction.

The Chairman. So that a vessel lying in Honolulu harbor would not
be absolutely without power against ships outside!

Mr. Jewell. No; it is entirely open.

The Chairman. It is entirely open !

Mr. Jewell. Oh, yes.

Senator Frye. Mr. Chairman, for the convenience of the committee,
I desire to put in the record certain naval regulations, and certain
orders which I find scattered through these Executive documents in a
very hopeless confusion; so much so, that it is almost impossible to
find anything in there. I give in first an extract from every naval
officer's commission which has been signed by the President. It is in
these words:

"And h^ is to observe and follow such orders and directions, irom
time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future President of the
United States of America, or his superior officer set over him, accord-
ing to the rules and discipline of the Navy,^

I have a copy of the rules, and it is very difficult to get hold of the
book. These are the rules and regulations of 1893. I read from tbe
title page:

"The orders, regulations, and instructions issued by the Secretiwy
of the Navy, prior to July 14, 1862, as he may since have adopted, with
the approval of the President, shall be recognized as the regulations
of the Navy, subject to alterations adopted in the same manner. Sec-
tion 1547, Kevised Statutes.''

On the opposite page is the following:

"Navy Department,

" Washington^ D. C, February 25 j 1893.

" In accordance with the provisions of section 1547 of the Revised
Statutes of the United States, the following regulations are established,
with the approval of the President, for tlie government of all persons
attached to the naval service. All regulations, orders, and circulars
inconsistent therewith are hereby revoked.

"B. F. Tracy,
" Secretary of the Navy J*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 435

On page 9 is the following:

"Aetiolb 18.

"1. Officers of the line only can exercise military command. *
*<2. Only officers on duty pay can exercise, or are subject to com-
mand, except as provided for in article 211.

**3. On all occasions where two or more ships' expeditions or detach-
ments of officers or men meet, the command of the whole devolves
upon the senior line officer.

"4. At all times and places not specifically provided for in these
Regulations, where the exercise of military authority for the purpose
of cooperation or otherwise is necessary, of which the responsible offi-
cer must be the judge, the senior line officer on the spot shall assume
eonunand and direct the movements and efforts of all persons, in the
Navy present.

'^5. The senior line officer shall be held accountable for the exercise
of his authority, and must not divert any officer from a duty confided
to him by a common superior, or deprive him of his command or duty
without good and sufficient reason."

On page 13 I read article 31 :

"Officers of the Kavy shall perform such duty as may be assigned
to them by the Navy Department.''

On page 15, article 48:

^Officers can not assume command of Army forces on shor^, nor can
any officer of the Army assume command of any ship of the Navy or
of its officers or men unless by special authority for a particular serv-
ice; but when officers are on duty with the Army they shall be entitled
to the precedence of the rank in the Army to which their own corre-
sponds, except command as aforesaid, and this precedence will regulate
tiieir right to quarters."

On page 20, section 5 of Article 54 is as follows:

"The officer in command of a ship of war is not authorized to dele-
gate his power, except for the carrying out of the details of the gen-
end duties to be performed by his authority. The command is his, and
he can neither delegate the duties of it to another, nor avoid its bur-
dens, nor escape its responsibilities; and his 'aid or executive,' in the
exercise of the power given to him for ' executing the orders of the
commanding officer,' must keep himself constantly informed of the
eommander's opinions and wishes thereon; and whenever and as soon
as he may be informed or is in doubt as to such opinion or wishes, he
must remedy such defect by prompt and personal application, to the
end that the authority of the captain may be used only to carry out his
own views; and that he may not be, by its unwarranted exercise, in
any measure relieved from his official responsibilities, which can neither
be assumed by nor fall upon any other officer."

Page 66, Article 280, is in these words:

^1. He shall preserve, so far as possible, the most cordial relations
with the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United States
in foreign countries and extend to them the honors, salutes, and other
official courtesies to which they are entitled by these regulations.

"2. He shall carefully and duly consider any request for service or
other communication from any such representative.

"3. Although due weight should be given to the opinions and advice
of such representatives^ a commanding officer is solely and eutireljr

436 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

responsible to his own immediate superior for all official acts in the
administration of his command. "

On page 67, article 284:

"On occasions where injury to the United States or to citizens thereof
is committed or threatened, in violation of tlie princii)les of interna-
tional law or treaty rights, lie shall consult with the diplomatic repre-
sentative or consul of the United States, and take such steps as the
gravity of the case demands, reporting immediately to the Secretary
of tlie Navy all the facts. The responsibility for any action taken by a
naval force, however, rests wholly uijon the commanding officer thereof."

On same page, article 285:

*' The use of force against a foreign and friendly state, or against any
one within the territories thereof, is illegal. The right of self-preserva-
tion, however, is a right which belongs to states as well as to individ-
uals, and in the case of states it includes the protection of the state,
its lionor, and its possessions, and the lives and property of its citizens
against arbitrary violence, actual or impending, whereby the state or
its citizens may suffer irreparable injury. The conditions calling for
the application of the right of self-preserv^ation can not be defined before-
hand, but must be left to the sound judgment of responsible officers,
who are to perform their duties in this respect with all possible care
and forbearance. In no case shall force be exercised in time of peace
otherwise than as an application of the right of self-preservation as
above defined. It can never be eiercised with a view to inflicting
punishment for acts already committed. It must be used only as a
last resort, and then only to the extent which is absolutely necessary
to accomplish the end required."

Now, I wish to give in the Consular Eegulations of 1888:

" Consular regulations prescribed for the use of the consular service
of the United States.".

Page following title page:

"Executive Mansion,

" Washington, D. C, February 3^ 188S.

"In accordance with the i)rovisions of law, the following revised
rejiulations and instructions • • • are hereby prescribed for the
information and goveinment of the consular officers of the United
States.

"Geoveb Cleveland,"

" Depabtment of State,
" Washington^ February 3, 1688.

" I transmit herewith for your information and government the
accompanying revised regulations and instructions which have been
prescribed by the President. They are intended to supersede those
which have been heretofore issued by this Department, and are to be
carefully observed in all respects.

" I am, sir, your obedient servant,

«T. F. Bayabd.
" To the several consular officers of the United States."

"Article 7, clause 96, page 33. They are also reminded that the Navy
is an independent branch of the service, not subject to the orders of
this Department, and that its officers have fixed duties prescribed for
them; they will therefore be careful to ask for the presence of a naval
force at their port only when public exigency absolutely requires it,

HAWAtlAK ISLANDS. ' 437

and will then give the officers in command in full the reasons for the
request, and leave with them the responsibility for action."

Now, I wish to give in an instruction from Secretary Gresham to Mr.
Bloont, taken from Executive Document 48, page 2 :

"Department op State,

" Washingtonj March 11, 1893.

"To enable yon to fulfill this charge your authority in all matters
toaching the relations to this Government to the existing or other gov-
ernment of the islands and the protection of our citizens therein is
paramount and in you alone, acting in cooperation with the commander
of the naval forces is vested full discretion and power to determine
when such forces should be landed or withdrawn.''

Then, in Executive Document No. 48, page 455:

**Mabch 11, 1893.

"SiB: This letter will be handed you by the Hon. James H. Blount,
Special Commissioner by the President of the United States to the
Government of the Hawaiian Islands. You will consult freely with
Mr. Blount and will receive any instructions you may receive from him
regarding the course to be pursued at said islands by the force under
yoar command. You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as
he may desire for the use of your cipher code in communicating by tele-
graph with this Government.
''Respectfully,

" Hilary A. Herbert,

'* Secretary of the Navy,
"Hear- Admiral J. S. Skerrett,

" Commander in Chief U. 8. Naval Forces, etoJ^

Then, Document 47, page 6:

"Honolulu, March 31^ 1803.

"Sir: You are directed to haul down the United States ensign from
the Government building, and to embark the troops now on sliore to
the ship to which they belong. This will be executed at 11 o'clock on
the Ist day of April.

" 1 am, sir, your obedient servant,

"James H. Blount,
^^ Special Commissioner of the United States.

"Bear-Admiral J. S. Skerrett,

** Commanding Pacific Squadron,^

Now, on page 487 of Executive Document 48:

"United States LEaATiON,
^^ Honolulu, Hatcaiian Islands, January 16, 1893.

" SiR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu,
indicating an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and
sailors from the ship under your command, for tlie protection of the
United States legation and the United States consulate, and to secure
the safety of American life and property.
" Yours, truly,

"John L. Si evens,
" Envoy Extraordinary, etc., of the United States,

"To Capt C, C. WiLTSE."

438 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Then, page 487 of Executive Doenment 48:

<' Sib: Yon will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu
for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order.
Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs, and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens. You will inform me at the earliest practicable mo-
ment of any changes in the situation.
" Very respectfully,

<« G. O. WiLTSB,

<^ Captain 27. S, Navy^ commanding U. 8. 8. Boston.

" Lieut-Commander W. T. Swinburne,

" Executive officer j U. 8. 8. Boston/*

The affidavits I have are as follows:

3TAT£MEirr OF A. F. JUDD, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE 8UPBEME COUBT

OF THE HAWAnAN ISLAHDS.

A short sketch of my life and antecedents may, perhaps, give more
credence to what I may say. I was born in Honolulu on the 7th of
January, 1838. My father. Dr. Gerrit P. Judd, came with my mother
to these islands in 1828. My father was physician to the American mis-
sion that had been established here eight years before his arrival here.
His profession necessarily brought him into close and confidential rela-
tions with the Regent^ Kaahumanu, the young King, Kamehameha III,
and the high chiefs, who were then a large and influential class. At their
earnest request, my father left the mission in 1843 and took office under
Kamehameha III, first as interpreter and as a member ot the treasury
board, and later as minister, which office he held till 1853. We lived
for three years on the palace grounds, and for many years I, with the
rest of my brothers and sisters, were in intimate companionship in
school and out of it with the young chiefs.

I attended the first royal school for a while in which were the sons
of Kinau, who became Kamehamehas IV and V, their sister, Victoria
Kamamalu, who was Kuhina Nui under her brother, Kamehama IV. At
the same school were Queen Emma, Mrs. Bernice Bishop, David Kala-
kaua, his brother, James Keliokalani, and Liliuokalani, whose name at
that time was Lydia Kamakaeha Paki. Several of these went later
with me to the second royal school, under Dr. Beckwith. I learned to
speak Hawaiian, and have lived continuously in these islands to the
present time, with the exception of four years spent in the United
States at Yale College, where I graduated in 1862, and at Harvard, where
I studied law, returning to these islands in 1864. 1 have also made
several visits to the United States and one to Europe.

My father's record in doing as much as anyone towards the creation
of the Hawaiian Government and preserving its independence against
the efforts of Great Britain and France are matters of public history.
From my association with the Hawaiian people, my frequent visits to
all parts of the group, I consider myself well acquainted with the
Hawaiians, and admire and love such good qualities as they do pos*
sess. I have not spared myself in efibrts to enlighten them, having
carried on for years temperance and religious work among them. I

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 439

was secretary to the constitutional convention of 1864, and witnessed
the debates of tbat body wbicli led to Kamehameha V abrogating the
tiberal constitution of 1852 and promulgating that of 1864. In 1868 I
was elected a member of the Legislature without visiting the distiict
that returned me, and I was again elected in 1872, this time from
Honolulu. Kamehameha Y having died after the Legislature closed,
at a special session I voted for Lunalilo in 1873 (^January 7), and was
appointed his attorney-general, which office I liela until Lunalilo died.
The election of a King again coming to the Legislature in February,
1874, 1 voted for Kalakaua as the best avai1<ible candidate. He was
unpopular with the natives, and if the members of Lunalilo's cabinet,
Messrs. G. B. Bishop, E. O. Hall, B. Sterling, and myself, had thrown
our influence, with otlier prominent whites, in favor of Queen Emma,
who was the people's favorite, she would have been chosen in spite of
Ealakaua's efforts and bribery. But we felt that the influences sur-
rounding Queen Emma were such that English sentiment and ideas
would control. We were threatened with a state church, and feared
that all the court atmosphere would be adverse to the cultivation of
closer commercial and political relations with the United States, which,
owing to our geographical position and growing commerce and the
character of our white population, were essential to our progress and
prosperity. Kalakaua was elected, and a riot occurred, in which the
court-house where the election was held was sacked, native members
of the Legislature were attacked and beaten, and the town was at the
mercy of the mob.

Owing to the timely assistance of troops from the two United States
sliips then in port and also irom the British vessel the riot was quelled.
Kalakaua took the oath of office, statingat the time (which I interpreted)
tiiat he had intended to promulgate a new constitution, but the riot had
prevented it. The Government went on. I was appointed second
associate justice Of the supreme court February 18, 1874, promoted
to first associate 1, 1877, and on the return of Kalakaua from

his tour of the world was by him appointed chief justice IS^ovember 5,
1881, which offiice I now hold. Having my chambers in the Govern-
ment building I have been familiar with the x>olitical changes that
bave taken place during the past twenty years, have known all the
twenty-six cabinets during Kalakau's reign , and have been kept informed
of all important matters of state.

Our law reports and our published opinions will show nothing that
would indicate on the part of the supreme court any aversion to a
monarchical form of government for these islands. We maintained the
personal veto of the sovereign as a constitutional right against much
public pressure and under like circumstances of pressure declared in
fiivor of the Queen Liliuokalani's right to appoint her own cabinet on
her accession. It was my wish and hope that the autonomy of this
archipelago should be preserved for many years to come. That we
would lose it eventually was a belief shared by all — English, Americans
and Hawaiians — owing to the fading of the native race and the want of
material to make kings and queens of.

The justices of the Supveme Court were kept in ignorance of the
league which resulted in obtaining from Kalakaua the constitiition o
1887. Just before its promulgation Justice Preston and myself were
invited to assist in its revision, which we consented to do under a writ-
ten protest that we did not approve of the method of its promulgation
as being unconstitutional. I think that both the coup d^etat of Kame-
hameha y and the revolution of 1887, though both were accompVi^^

440 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Without bloodshed, lessened the respect of the Hawaiian for the con-
stitution and encouraged the attempt of Eobt.. Wilcox, in June, 1889,
to rebellion and the promulgation ot a constitution that would restore
the lost prerogatives of the King.

I tried Wilcox for cousi)iracy to commit treason and had to discharge
one Hawaiian jury for violent conduct while in the jury box. The
second jury acquitted him in spite of his own testimony admitting all
the acts which constituted conspiracy. The testimony of that trial
showed that Kalakaua was a party to the conspiracy, and only because
he was afraid that it would not be successful he failed to go to the
palace and promulgate the constitution. The native soldiers were in
sympathy with Wilcox's plans, as also many of the native police, and
Wilcox also relied upon V. V. Ashford's promise that the Honolulu
rifles which he commanded would not help against him.

Mr. Ashford was very lukewarm in his efforts to dispossess the rebels
of tue Palace grounds and the Government building. I was a personal
hearer of the altercations between him and his brother, 0. W. Ashford,
who was then Attorney-General. The Attorney General would urge
one plan and another, always to be rebuked by Col. Ashford with the
statement that it could not be done, or that he, the Attorney-General,
knew nothing of such matters. It was mainly owing to the volunteer
citizens soldiery who rallied to the support of the Cabinet that the re-
bellion was put down by force in which seven Hawaiians were killed
and others wounded. Liliuokalani disavowed to me her knowledge or
connivance with Wilcox's plans, but the fact that the armed party
under Wilcox assembled at hei' own house in the suburbs and started
from there to the Palace, gives credence to the belief that she knew of it.

At Minister Merrill's request marines from the U. S. S. Adams were
landed and stayed all the afternoon and night at the legation, which
was in one of the cottages of the Hawaiian Hotel, and close to Col.
Ashford's headquarters. This went far to quiet apprehension of mob
violence that night. The U. 8. S. Boston troops were accustomed dur-
ing their stay here to land weekly for drill and parade. We have for
many years been accustomed to this spectacle from other ships of the
United States l^avy and occasionally from ships of other nationalities.
As I have said, twice before the 16th of January, 1893, when the Bos-
ton troops landed, have we seen them land to protect American life and
property. I knew Capt. Wiltse intimately. He often came to my
house and often assured me that his instructions were to remain pas-
sive and only to use his forces for the protection of American life and
property.

I do not deny that both Minister Stevens and Capt. Wiltse were not
in sympathy with the disgraceful plans of those in the Legislature and
out of it who would force a national lottery upon us that the history of
Louisiana proved to us would, in time, have captured the entire Gov-
ernment, and that they both wished for purity in government in our
community and for what all good Christian Americans would desire
for this country and for their own. Such gentlemen could not from
their nature sympathize with what was corrupting or vile. But I aiiirm
that not in all ray intercourse with these gc^itlemen have I heard any
expressions from either of them that would lead me to hope or expect
that they would use the forces of the United States in any violent act
against the Queen's forces or in aid of any insurgents. The constant
presence of ships of the United States Navy for years and years past
has assured us that they would protect American life and property,
and this assurance was the same whether the troops were landed or

ttAWAtlAN ISLANDS. 441

kept on board. Let others who were of the committee of safety and
leaders of the movement of January 17 speak for^ themselves of their
aetioDS not known to nie. My narrative is what came to my personal
knowledge.

During the first part of the Queen's reign she was very friendly with
the moral and Christian i)ortion of our community, attending social
and religious gatherings of the ladies in their various societies and
contributing to their benevolent work. I felt that she was sincere in
her intentions to rule wisely and well and to leave government to
her cabinet, and I did all I could to make my friends trust her. On
one occasion, owing to the public scandal created by her having
around her in the palace women of bad repute, and both men and
women of doubtful reputation invited to the palace balls, I had
had a long conversation as to the necessity of purifying the atmos-
phere about her. She expressed . symj)athy with my views. But I
knew from others that she was dissatisfied with the constitution of
1887; that she thought Kalakaua had. yielded too tamely to the
pressure and that she would not.

I knew from the native newspapers that the politicians were per-
suading the Hawaiiaiis that the property qualifications of a voter for
nobles being too high for tlie mass of them, practically deprived them
of rights which they thought they ought to have and gave them to the
white man. I was well aware that when the common native has his
race prejudices excited on the stump and in his newspapers he is apt
to think that all his ills and all his poverty are owing to the supremacy
of the white race in this country. But Liliuokalani had been educated
in Christian schools, had had advantages of association with the best
people of our communities and with the cultured of all nations here as
visitors, and I did not think that all this would go for naught when
the time, as she thought, had come for her to assert herself as Queen of
the native race alone. I had been frequently told that she disliked me
and my infiuence, but I have never received any personal indication
of it "

It was not until the Legislature was well along that her friends, I
among them, began to fear that she was insincere. It could not be
understood why she kept the appropriation bill so long after it passed
the Legislature, or why she postponed the prorogation of the Legisla-
ture beyond the time set for it by the Legislature. The session had
been long and fatiguing. The lottery bill had been the subject of most
intense feeling in the community and of discussion in the newspapers
of this city, and its adherents were shamed out of its advocacy. It
was considered a dead issue. The a<5t to reorganize the judiciary
department was approved by the Queen only on condition that the
cabinet propose an amendment that the district magistrates should be
eommissioned by the sovereign on the nomination of the cabinet in
place of the law as it had stood for many years, whereby the chief
jnstice, with the approval of the other justices, should commission them
on the nomination of the cabinet. The cabinet yielded for the sake of
peace.

This wa« to my mind the first open indication that she was desirous
to regain the power that Kalakaua had either surrendered or which
had been taken from him by statute. The appointment of 26 magis-
trates of her adherents all over the islands would give her great power.
The next step she took was to refuse to commission Mr. Frear as cir-
cnit judge under the new act. Mr. Frear was in all respects the best
available man lor the place. I took the liberty of advising 'fciet \«i

442 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

appoint him and used every argument that the facts justified. She
wanted to appoint Mr. Antone Eosa. I told her of facts that unfitted
him for the place, but they had no effect, and it was not until her ad-
herentSj among them Paul Neumann, told her that if she bad promised
her cabinet to appoint Mr. Frear that she must do so, that she signed
the commission.

The paper-money bill having been defeated, and the lottery bill being
considered dead, and a ministry possessing the confidence of the men
of character, wealth, and intelligence of this country — G. N. Wilcox,
M. P. Bobinson, P. O. Jones, and Cecil Brown — having been appointed,
the appropriation bill having been signed (usually the last act of the
Legislature), the community were generally relieved and confidence
was being restored, when events occurred which explained the Queen's
delay in the matter of the appropriation bill and the postponing of
the prorogation. Six among the best members of the Legislature had
left town, some for the other islands and some for the United States,
and one to England. The justices of the supreme court had shortly
before tMs in a reply to the Legislature expounded the constitution to
mean that to oust a ministry on a vote of want of confidence it would
require the concurrence of a majority of all the members of the Legis-
lature, exclusive of the cabinet; that is, 25 votes were essential.

On the 4th of January, 1893, Mr. J. E. Bush, then an adherent of the
Queen, though in the early part of the session he was violently opposed
to her, introduced a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox-Jones
cabinet. It failed by a vote of 19 to 22, but rumors were thick that it
would be tried again. Suddenly, on the 10th of January, the lottery
bill was called up and after but little discussion it passed its second
reading by a vote of 20 to 17. Only one white man voted for it. It
was brought up again on the next day and passed its third reading by
a vote of 23 to 20. This was considered as a test vote adverse to the
cabinet, and the opposition lacked only two votes to oust the cabinet,
twenty-five being the requisite number. On the 12th of January the
Queen gave a lunch to the opposition members at noon. The members
came into the House looking serious and excited. Two natives who
had hitherto voted in favor of the cabinet came in from lunch with
yellow wreaths on, which the Queen had given them. I found out
that she had begged them to vote the ministry out, appealiug to their
loyalty to her and to their native land.

Mr. 0. O. Berger, a noble (German), had promised that he would not
go to the Legislature again, but at noon he was promised that his father-
in-law. Judge H. A. Widemaun, should form the new cabinet, and he
went to the House, and, with W. H. Corn well (who did not vote for the
lottery bill owing to his mother's persuasions, who came to the Legisla-
ture and labored with him), the twenty-five votes were secured. The
promise to Mr. Berger, was made by Mr. Samuel Parker, who went off
as if to the palace from Mr. Berger's office and returned as if he had
secured the Queen's consent. The resolution of "want of confidence''
was introduced by J. N. Kapahu, member from Kau Hawaii. It ex-
pressed no reasons and was put to vote and carried without discussion.

When the lottery bill and the vote of want of confidence were passed
the lobbies were full of natives, half- whites, and low foreigners, who gave
vent to their feelings of joy by shouts, hurrahs, tossing up their hats,
shaking hands, and all rushed out all jubilant as the House adjourned.
The feeling all over town was intense and despair was seen reflected
on many faces, but as yet all that was done was within the law. Mr.
Berger and others tried to get members to coalesce and repair the mis*

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 443

ehief, but it was too late. A quoium was secured on Friday p. m., the
13th January, and the new cabinet came in with their commissions,
Parker, Colbum, Cornwell, and Peterson. Mr. Parker had that morn-
ing told Mr. Widemann that he could go into the cabinet with himself
(Parker), Peterson, and Colburn. Mr. Widemann told me that he could
not go into the cabinet with such a man as Colburn, and declined, and
so the office of minister of finance was given to Cornwell.

On Saturday morning the cabinet announced that the Queen had
signed the lottery and opium bills, and the Queen at 12 o'clock prorogued
the Legislature. I think the Queen approve>d the opium bill and sup-
pressed the Chinese registration act to please the Chinese, from which
class she expected contributions of money, and she approved the lot-
tery bill to please the natives and to get favor with the class of whites
who opposed the "Missionaries," besides wishes for the revenue it
would yield. Mr. John Phillips, one of the promoters of the lottery
bill, said to a friend of mine, when every one was debating whether the
Queen would sign it, "She will sign it; there is too much in it for her."
That Saturday morning it leaked out to me that Bill White, the mem-
ber from Lahaina, had said that after the prorogation the natives were
all going to the palace and the Queen would proclaim a new constitu-
tion.

I went down town and mentioned this rumor to several persons, but*"
only a few believed it. While near Mr. Hartwell's law ofiice I saw Mr.
Colburn (the minister) drive up and go into Mr. Hartwell's office^ and
thought it was a very strange proceeding, as he seemed excited and in
a great hurry. Returning to the Government building I met Peterson, ^
who looked very much agitated, and he said he did not expect to
remain in office over a day or so. A large crowd of natives was collect-
ing in the Government building premises and there was a general air
of expectation. The ceremony of prorogation went off as usual and
at the close the chamberlain invited us over to the palace. This
was not unusual. I urged my associate. Justice Dole, to go to the
palace with Justice Bickerton and myseli, telling him my fears that
the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitution. Jude Dole had
another engagement and declined to go. 1 then noticed from my bal-
cony that the Hui Kalaiaina, a political association, were marching out
of the yard to the palace. They were all dressed in evening dress, with
tall hats, banners, and badges, and marched two and two. In the front
nmk was John Akina carrying a large, fiat package in front of his
beast, suspended by ribbons about his shoulders. This was the new
oonstitutiou.

When I reached the palace the Hui Kalaiaina were already in the
throne room in regular lines, constitution in hand, and their president,
Alapai, had an address to deliver which he had open in his hand. In
their rear were members of the Legislature and the corridors were
crowded with natives. We, i. e., the diplomatic corps, justices, Governor
Cleghom, and the young princess, President Walker and staff officers,
were stationed in our usual positions for a state ceremony. But the
Queen and cabinet did not come. They were closeted in the blue room.
We waited and waited. I asked, in turn, Cleghom, the princess, Presi-
teit Walker, the diplomatic corps, the staff officers, what the delay
ffieant. Ko one knew. I told them my suspicions. One by one these
persons left their x>ositions, some went home, some went to the dining
room. We waited.

Little by little we ascertained that the Queen was urging the cabinet
to approve the new constitution. Wilson told me in gteati ^moUoTi

444 Hawaiian islands.

that he had been fighting the battle alone all the morning and that the
Queen was determined to proclaim a new constitution. He said the
constitution was her own compilation. The members of the Hui Kalai-
aina said that the constitution came fi*om the Queen to them. Parker
told me later that he staid by the Queen, for he was afraid if left alone
she would sign the constitution, take it out to the people, proclaim it
from the palace balcony, and say that her cabinet and judges would not
approve of it, and tell the people to look out for them. Every one knows
how quickly Colburn and Peterson, when they could escape from the
palace, called for help from Thurston and others, and how afraid Colburn
was to go back to the palace. I sent messages to her twice to be ex-
cused from further attendance, but received answers to wait a little.

The troops, 100 in number, with ball cartridges, were kept all day in
line in front of the palace. Finally, at about 4 p. m., the csfbinet came
in. Parker, in tears, told me the Queen had agreed to postpone the
promulgation. Then the Queen came in angry, defiant, and yet under
perfect control. Her speech I wrote down that evening and it was
published. I asked a good many who heard it if my account was cor-
rect, and they said it was. She did not withdraw the constitution, she
merely postponed its promulgation on account of tbe obstacles she hsid
met with, and told the people to go to their homes and wait for it.
This was understood by the natives to mean that the ministry had
prevented it, for as soon as she had left the throne room, J. K. Kauna-
mano (member from Hamakua) turned to the people behind him (the
room was full of natives) and said in a loud, excited tone, "What shall
we do to these men who thwart our desires f He was quieted by
myself and others, and I then left the palace. I feel convinced that the
Queen formed the idea of having a new constitution which would make
her supreme long before she became Queen. She hesitated before
taking the oath to the constitution of 1887, and only because Cummins
and others, including Gov. Dominis, her husband, told her she had
better swear to it that she did.

TLb new constitution restored to the Queen the right to appoint the
Nobles, which virtually placed the whole legislative power in her hands.
The justices of the supreme court were to be appointed for six years,
which virtually destroyed the independence of the judiciary. Ihe minis-
try were to hold at her pleasure, which would make an autocrat of her.
This new constitution would have made it impossible for white men to
live here. With the Legislature bribed as we know the last one wsis,
and changing their vott\s at the will of the Queen, and a hostile Queen
and a subservient cabinet, there was no safety for us or our property.
This justified the revolution.

The mass meeting held on Monday afternoon, the 16th, showed the
leaders of the revolution that they would be supported. This made
cowards of the cabinet. How could they attempt to use force when
they knew tlieir Queen was wrong f They were aware that something
serious was planned. It was in the air. Parker knew of it from whai
he said to nic. Being unaware that Wilson's force was insufficient to
take and hold the Government buildings it seemed strange to me that
he did not take possession during Sunday or Monday. It is very easy
to say that the Bostoii^s men overthrew the Queen. The.y did nothing
more than has been done often before — to land with the intention of
protecting American interests if imj>eriled. The Queen's adherents
had neither the character nor the ability to resist. Men are not eager
to risk their lives in a bad cause.

I resume the narration. I did not attend the mass meeting, but had

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 445

oonversations all day with many persons of prominence, and some of
those who are now royalists were fierce in their denunciations of the
Queen. We all felt satisfied that in some way the Queen's policy
would be defeated, but just in what way I could not tell. The people
seemed determined and were satisfied to leave their cause in the
hands of the cgmmittee. It was wise not to divulge openly their plan
of overturning monarchy. The Queen's proclamation of Monday that
she would not attempt a new constitution again and was impelled to
the step by stress from her native subjects had no eftect. This last
.statement was untrue. Even Mr. Widemann told me that it was a
piece of folly, as it did not announce the resignation of the cabinet and
indicate a new one in whom the country had confidence.

It is not true that the new constitution came from the people. It
was the Queen's own idea and design; and her adherents had spread
her sentiments among the people. It was admitted to me that she had
shown this constitution to her ministers, Parker, Peterson, and Golburn,
even before their appointment, and that they had promised to support
her in it. They were only impelled to oppose her when she was attempt-
ing to carry out the scheme by fear of the consequences. Mr. J. O.
Carter told Mr. P. C. Jones and myself on Saturday evening; the 14th
of January, that both Cornwell and Colburn were in fear of their lives
when they escaped from the palace, and were only induced to return
and face the Que«n again by strong persuasion on his part.

On Monday evening the Boston troops landed. Being then an out-
sider I knew uothingof the proceedingsof the committee of safety. There
were manyrumorsafloatas to what they would do, etc. All I really know
is that the troops from the Boston marched up King street past the palace
atid Government building without pausing and camped in Mr. Atherton's
premises, nearly half a mile from the Government building; and it was
not until 9 p. m. that they found quarters in Arion Hall. This hall is a
low wooden building in the rear of the Opera House and completely
hidden by it, and commanded neither the palace, the Government build-
ing:, nor the barracks. It was the only place convenient for men to
sleep in that was available then. Its location was not to my mind sig-
Di&cant of any intention on the part of the United States troops to de-
fend any uprising against the Queen's Government.

The Bostan^s men did not move from their quarters all day Tuesday,
the 17th, nor did they make any demonstrations of any kind. No one
outwde of the committee of safety knew definitely what the plan was.
It was apparent, however, that something important was to happen.
Mr. Parker told me at about noon on that Tuesday that at4 p. m. they,
tike cabinet, would be all out. The people were gathering in knots in
the bnsniess part of the town, especially on Fort street. I heard a
shot, saw the smoke of the pistol, saw a wagon dash up street near the
«orner of Fort and King streets. The crowd rushed up there to hear
vhat it was, and soon the report came that a man in charge of an ammu-
nition wagon had shot a native policeman who was trying to stop him.
8oon the crowd swelled to great numbers. Finding the excitement too
intense for me to remain longer in suspense, I walked with Mr. Paty to
the Government building and saw a small number of persons gathered
abont the front door and listening to Mr. H. E. Cooper reading a proc-
hmation. It was then near 3 p. m., and the reading was about half
concluded.

As I passed the lane between the opera house and the Government
boilding where Arion Hall was, I did not look at nor did I think of the
(^•S. S, Boston^s troops, though I knew they were there, T^et^^^^

446 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

none in sight. As the proclamation finished I passed through the
crowd, recognized my friends as in the movement, saw Col. Soper
stripping a towel from a rifle, and at the foot of the staircase saw a man
armed with a rifle. I passed upstairs and told my clerk to clos^ up all
the rooms and went down again to find arranged in a line from the
staircase to the front door a body of armed men in ordinary clothes,
and recruits were constantly coming in. I then walked back to the
center of the town, which was full of people, all business being suspended
and many of the shops shut.

Our fear was that the marshal would attempt to arrest Good, who
had shot the policeman, and that this would precipitate a riot. I stood
with the crowd and heard all the talk. Soon I learned that the minis-
ters were in the station house with the marshal and a body of armed
men with a gatling gun. It was said that when the Americans in the
station house heard that the movement was for annexation to the United
States they said they would not fight for the Queen on such an issue.
We saw tlie Queen's cabinet go in pairs in carriages from the station
house to the Government building and return. Things looked very
critical. Some said that Minister Stevens had refused to recognize the
Provisional Government, some said that he had or would; no one .
seemed to know.

I was then quite fatigued with the excitement and lack of food and
went home to learn soon after that the force at the station house had
surrendered and that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Gov-
ernment, and that martial law was declared, ete. No one in the crowd,
whether sympathizers with the Queen or not, suggested that the United
States troops would help obtaining possession by the Provisional Gov-
ernment of the station house. My two eldest sons had gone off to the
headquarters with their rifles in the afternoon, one with my knowledge
and the other without it. 1 was informed by President Dole within a
day or two that if the station house had not surrendered the building
would have been surrounded, and as the men showed themselves,
sharpshooters posted on the high building commanding it would pick
them ofl', and, without food or water, it would only be a matter of time
that they surrendered.

The committee when they went to the Government building from
W. O. Smith's office believed themselves to be in extreme peril. They
were not armed. They were exposed to attack by the Queen's troops
coming from the barracks through the palace premises, and every man
of the committee could either have been arrested as they came up to
the Government building or shot down after they arrived, so far as a
spectator could see, for there was no force supporting the movement in
sight. An exhibition of force on the part of the revolutionists before
the proclamation was read might have caused their arrest to be at-
tempted and this would have precipitated a conflict.

It was evident to me that no one of the Queen's party dared to strilce
a blow, for at that time the indignation against the Queen was intense
and nearly universal among the white i)eople. The natives stood in
astonishment, not knowing what was going on and saying nothing. If
Marshal Wilson and the cabinet ever intended to resist the movement,
they had ample time to do so, as they had from Saturday afternoon to
Monday evening before the troops from the Boston had landed to
attempt to place guards at all the Government buildings, and even to
attempt the arrest of the leaders of the intended movement whom,
Wilson well knew. I am informed that Ghas. J. McCarthy, a man of
military experienoe, aiid lately the clerk of the Legislature, spent Mon-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 447

day night in the Goyernment building expecting a force of 50 or 100
armed men sent to bim from tbe station-bouse, cbalng because tbey did
not come. By Tuesday nigbt tbe Provisional Government bad such
accessions of men and arms tbat tbey were amply able to cope with any
internal force.

I say, farther, tbat my statement to Col. Blount was in response to
e.tplicit questions already apparently formulated in bis mind and asked
by bim, and tbat I did not feel at liberty to volunteer information upon
topics not covered by any of bis questions and especially upon tbe mat
tCT of the alleged use by Mr. Stevens of United States troops to over-
throw tbe Queen. My interview was on tbe 16tb of May, 1893, and
Col. Blount bad evidently already settled tbat matter in bis own mind.
Wben I asked bim to see some otber gentlemen, naming tbem, ho
politely told me it was not necessary, but said be would ask Mr. P. C.
Jones — ^but did not.

A. F. JUDD.

HoNOi-ULU, December 4, 1893.

Honolulu, Oahuj ss.

Subscribed and sworn to before me tbis 4tb day of December, A. D.
1893.
[SEAL.] Charles F. Peterson,

Notary Public,

AFFIDAVIT OF WILLIAM C. WILDES.

Honolulu, Oahuj 88:

WiLLLAM C. Wilder, being duly sworn, deposes and says: I bave
been a member of tbe Legislature of tbe Hawaiian Islands twice j I was
elected in 1888 to fill tbe vacancy caused by my brotber's, Samuel G.
Wilder, deatb; and was elected representative for tbe first Honolulu
district in 1 892.

The conduct of tbe Queen became sucb toward tbe end of the session

as to lead me to believe tbat she was determined to regain tbe powers

taken away by tbe constitution of 1887; things went on from bad to

▼orse until the 14tb of January, 1893, wben tbe Legislature was pro-

nmged. When it was reported on that morning that the opium and

lottery bills were signed and the Cornwell-Parker-Peterson cabinet

came in, tbe tension of public feeling became most intense; every one

Mttbat there was trouble in the air, but it was not on account of tlie

ousting of the Wilcox reform cabinet. If matters had ended there,

tiiere would bave been no uprising.

The reform members of the Legislature did not attend the proroga-
tion, more as a protest against the unlawful acts of tbe Queen than
aoythittg else. When, however, after the prorogation, tbe Queen
attempted to abrogate the constitution and proclaim a new one, which
would have restored the ancient despotic rights of the throne, and
would have trampled under foot all further semblance of liberty in
Hawaii, the respectable, conservative, and property interests of the
ooantry, without any prior meeting or plans, sim])ly arose in protest
and to defend their rights. From what I saw, I have no hesitation in
saying that tbe Queen's act in attempting to abrogate tbe constitution
»d promulgate a new one brought about the revolution.
Tlie condition of the country was then very critical, pol\tic«b\\^ vwaA

448 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

financially. The latter, because that the solid moneyed i)eople of the
country had lost all confidence in the Government, which was not then
able to meet demands against it, particularly withdrawals from the
postal Savings bank, which were increasing until there was almost a
panic; and politically, because the course of the Queen during the
whole course of the legislative session had been such as to cause a
total loss of confidence of nearly the whole of the white portion of the
Legislature and of the business people of the community.

For ten days j)rior to noon of Saturday, January 14, the day that the
Queen attempted her revolutionary act, the U. S. S. Boston with Minister
Stevens on board had not been in port. There had been no revolutionary^
meetings or confi^rences ; such a thing had not been thought of. There
had not been any consultation with Minister Stevens with regard to the
matter, though of course he must have seen what a perilous condition
the country was getting into. There were several meetings at the office
of VV. O. Smith, that day after the attempted promulgation of the new
constitution. I was not present at the first impromptu gathering; at
that meeting I was named as one of the committee of safety. A tele-
phonic message was sent to me to meet the committee that evening,
and again we met at his office. The only business done besides talkhig
over matters was the appointment of the committee to canvass and
report what arms and ammunition and how many men could be secured.

Another committee w^as appointed, of which I was a member, to call
upon Minister Kesident John L. Stevens to discuss the situation. We
went at once and talked over the whole matter, and we asked what his
course would be should we take possession of the Government and
declare a Provisional Government. Mr. Stevens replied that if we
obtained possession of the Government building and the archives and
established a Government, and became in fact the Government, he
should of course recognize us. The matter of landing the troops from
the Boston was not mentioned at that meeting.

The next meeting of the committee of saMy was held at W. R.
Castle's house, where we were in session a good part of the day. We
reported the result of our conference and received the report of tlie
committee on arms and ammunition; after further discussion of the
situation, we finally decided to call a mass meeting, and thereby ascer-
tain the exact sentiment of the community.

The next meeting of tlie committee was at Thurston's office, Monday
morning, at 9 o'clock. During its session Marshal Wilson came and
warned us not to hold a mass meeting. Some negotiations had been
going on between members of the Queen's cabinet and Mr. Thurs-
ton, on behalf of the committee of safety, of which I knew nothing ex-
cept the fact of such conference; but at that meeting I was apxK)inted
one of a committee to wait on the cabinet to receive their commanica-
tion in answer to the matter discussed by them with Thurston. We
went to the government building and met the cabinet; they stated that
they declined any further negotiations. I asked Minister Parker what>
was the meaning of their calling a mass meeting at the same hour at^
which ours was called; he replied to keep people from going to youir
meeting. The mass meeting called by the committee was held at ^
o'clock, and, in spite of threats and opposition, was an immense an(L
overwhelming affair, with but one sentiment, and that was to resisf
further aggression of the Queen.

At the request of many citizens, whose wives and families
helpless and in terror of an expected uprising of the mob, which woul<
burn and destroy, a request was made and signed by all of the com.'^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 449

mittee, addressed to Minister Stevens, that troops migbt be landed
to protect houses and i)rivate property. It was not presented until
after the mass meeting. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon another meet-
ing of the committee of safety was held, at which it was decided to
make the attempt to overthrow the monarchy and establish a Provisional
Government. Troops were landed about 5 p. m. from the Boston^ about
130, I should think. A squad was stationed at the residence of the
United States Minister, another at the consulate, and the remainder
were lodged, after considerable delay in procuring suitable quarters, at
Arion Hall. It seemed to be the only available building that night,
and it was also a very central location without regard to any of the
government buildings.

I was not present at the next meeting of the committee, which was
held that Monday evening at the house of Henry Waterhouse. Another
meeting of the committee of safety was held Tuesday morning, at which
arangements were completed. The executive and advisory councils
were appointed and the proclamation was prepared; it was well known
through the town that we would attempt to take the Government that
day; the plan was for the two councils to meet the volunteer forces at
3 p. m. at the Government building. We were assured of a force of at
least 150 well-armed men at that time. At half past 2 o'clock a wagon
loaded with guns and ammunition, on its way through the town to the
point of rendezvous, was attacked by some policemen, who attempted
to capture it. Our guard shot and wounded one of the police ofl&cers,
whereupon they desisted and the arms and ammunition were duly
delivered. The incident caused great excitement, during which the
two councils proceeded to the Government building, getting there about
twenty minutes ahead of our forces. On our arrival we asked for the
cabinet, and were informed that they had gone to the station house.

We then took possession in the name of the Provisional Government,
and the proclamation was then read at the front door. During the
reading our forces began to arrive, and in a few minutes we had not
less than 130 well-armed and determined men, and after that they con-
tinued to arrive all the rest of the day. We had been at the building
bat a short time when a messenger. Deputy Marshal Mehrtens, ar-
rived from the station house. He asked President Dole to call on the
cabinet at the station house for a conference. President Dole informed
the messenger that he was at the headquarters of the Government, and
if they wished any conference they would have to come there, and as-
sured their messenger of their safety in coming, and stated that a mili-
tary escort would be furnished if needed. Shortlv after two of the
ministers, Parker and Corwell I think, came up, followed soon by the
other two. On learning that they had not read the proclamation, it
was read to them, and a demand was made for the immediate surrender
of the station house. It was then getting towards dark, and Parker
said he would like to have the matter settled before night to avoid col-
lisions in the street. He said, "I ser you have a good many armed men
bere." He asked if, before giving the answer, they be allowed to con-
f» with the Queen. President Dole said it would be allowed, provided
wpresentatives from the new Government were present, and Mr. Damon
▼as sent with them.

Soon after reading the proclamation, notice was sent to all the for-
agn and diplomatic and other representatives stating the facts and
asking that the new Government be recognized. Not very long after
this, messengers from Minister Stevens came to see whether th^ \i^^
Government was actually in possession of the Goyermaeul \>\]£L^^^^
B. Rep. 227 ^

450 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

archives, etc. After satisfying themselves they retired. As ne&rly as
I can recollect it must have been half past 6 o'clock when an answer
from Minister Stevens arrived. The conference was then going on with
the Queen, and his answer was not made known and published tfll
after the surrender of the station-house, Queen, and barracks.

Some time between 4 and 5, I think, Capt. Wiltse, of the Boston^
visited our headquarters, and he was asked if we would be recognized
as the Government. He replied that he would not until we were in
possession of the barracks and station-house and were actually the de
facto Government.

During the whole of this aflFair, while it is true the United States
forces were on shore, they in no way whatsoever assisted in our capture
of the Government or in deposing the Queen. They did not even go out
upon the streets; they were spectators merely, and it is very fortunate
that their services were not required during the previous night. It
seems to me very probable that had it not been for the restraining influ-
ence of their x)resence there might have been rioting. As it was, two
incendiary fires were started.

A few days later I was sent to Washington as one of the annexa-
tion commissioners. I returned early in March, and I think Blount
arrived on the 29th of that month. I called upon him and let him
know that I was thoroughly acquainted with the incidents connected
with the revolution, and would be very glad to furnish him with all
the information within my power. Such information, however, has
never been asked for, and I ftirnished no statement in any way to him.

Dated Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 4, 1893.

W. O. Wilder.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[SEAL.] Charles F. Peterson,

Notary Fublie.

AFPIDAVIT OF J. H. SOPES.

J. H. SoPER,of Honolulu, Oahu, being duly sworn, deposes and says:
That he is colonel commanding the national guard of Hawaii; that
he has read the published extracts from the report of Col. Jas. H.
Blount, late commissioner of the United States in Hawaii, and Ameri-
can minister resident; that certain statements in said report are incor-
rect and not founded on fact; that it is not true that affiant left the
meeting of the citizen's committee held at Mr. Waterhouse's house in
HonoliUu, on the evening of January 16, 1893, either alone or in
company with any other members of the committee until the meeting
adjourned ; that he did not visit Mr. Stevens, American minister, alone
or in company with others at any time on that day; that he did not
report to said committee that he had full assurance from said Stevens
that he, the latter, would back up the movement, nor did he report any
remarks as coming from said Stevens; that he did look for recognition
by said Stevens in case a de facto government was successfully estab-
lished, but he was well aware tliat no assistance would be given by the
American minister in establishing such de facto government.

And he further says that he furnished to Lieut. Bertollette, of the U.
S. S. Boston^ a full statement of the arms and ammunition surrendered
by the Queen's followers to the Provisional Government^ and also a

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 451

statement of the arms and ammunition in the hands of the supporters
of the Provisional Government prior to such surrender by the Queen;
that the supporters of the Provisional Government had a larger num-
ber of effective rifles than bad the Queen's followers; that at Mr.
Blount^s request he furnished to him a copy of said report on June 10,
1893; that Mr. Blount appears to have made no mention of the same
iu his findings; that the arms of the Provisional Government were in
the hands of white men who knew how to use them, and about whose
determination to use them there could be no question.

That affiant informed Mr. Blount, as was the fact, that the chief
reason for his hesitating to accept the appointment of colonel was that
he had no previous military training.

Dated Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 4, A. D. 1893.

Jno. H. Sopbb,
Colonel Commanding N. O. JBT.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D.
1S93.
[ssAL.] Chaeles F. Peterson,

Notary Public.

AFFISATIT OF ALBEET S. WILCOX.

HONOLULIT, OahUy $8:

My name is Albert S. Wilcox ; was bom on the island of Hawaii in
the year 1844; my parents were American missionaries. I reside on
th island of Kauai; served as a representative from Kauai in the
Le<;islature during four sessions; was a member of the Legislature
of 1892. On Saturday, the 14th of January last, I attended a meeting
of the citizens of Honolulu at the law office of W. O. Smith. I dis-
tinctly remember John F. Colburn, then minister of the interior, being
present at that meeting, and hearing him state to that meeting, in sub-
stance, that the Queen was intending to force a new constitution, and
that she had already attempted to force the cabinet to agree to it; that
they had escaped or got away from the palace and desired the assist-
uice of the citizens to oppose her attempt.

A committee of safety of thirteen was appointed at that meeting^
of which committee I was a member. That committee met that after-
noon late and considered the situation. I attended a meeting of the
same committee the next morning at the residence of W. K. Castle.
Tlie situation of public afiairs was such that it was apparent to my
nind, and I am confident that it was apparent to the mind of every
member of the committee, that the Queen's Government could no longer
preserve the public peace and had not the power to protect life and
property, and that it was incumbent upon the citizens of Honolulu im-
mediately to take measures to counteract her revolutionary conduct
»nd to establish a government in the interest of law and order. At
that meeting I resigned my position as a member of the committee,
deeming that my interests on the island of Kauai required my per-
sonal attendance there, and that my place on that committee could be
better filled by a permanent resident of Honolulu. At no time did I
hear any prox>osition or suggestion to the eflfect that Miuister Stevens
or the United States forces would assist either in the overthrow of the
monarchy or in the establishment of the Provisional Government.
I wish to state now that I served in the ditt'erent sessions ot ^<^

452 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Hawaiian Legislature for no other reason than because I wished to do
all that I could to assist the Hawaiian race, for whom I have great
personal regard and aloha, in preserving if possible, a national govern-
ment. I had an earnest desire to sustain the Hawaiian national insti-
tution. As I went through those sessions I was slowly convinced
against my will of the difficulties of maintaining a monarchy, but it
was not until the last revolutionary act of the Queen that I became
convinced that a Hawaiian monarchy was inconsistent with the pres-
ervation of peace and prosperity and the protection of property in the
islands. Until then I had never been an advocate of annexation to the
United States, but had been opposed to it and had done all in my power
to make it unnecessary.

I observed the landing of the United States forces on Monday even-
ing; it was not done in pursuance of any request that I made myself,
but I understood then that they were lauded for the purpose of pro-
tecting the property and lives of Americans, but in no resx)ect for the
purpose of assisting the committee of safety.

Albert S. Wilcox.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[seal.] Charles F. Peterson,

Notat^ Public

AFFIDAVIT OP C. BOLTK

C. BoLTE, of Honolulu, being duly sworn, deposes and says:

That he was born in Bremen, in Germany, and is 41 years of age.
That he resided in Germany until 1878, when he came to Honolulu,
where he has ever since resided.

That he is vice-president of the firm of M. S. Griubaum & Company,
a mercantile corporation, which has continuously existed a« a firm and
corporation, and has done business in Honolulu since 1866.

That he was interviewed by Mr. James H. Blount, American minister
resident in June, 1893. That during this interview, on several occa-
sions, he objected to the method employed ,by said Blount, and he re-
monstrated with him that he did not put his questions fairly. That said
Blount asked his questions in a very leading form, and that on several
occasions when affiant attempted to more fully express his meaning
said Blount would change the subject and proceed to other matters.

That affiant, seeing that in his testimony the Queen, and the Govern-
ment under the Queen, were being confounded, prepared a statement, a
copy of which is as follows, and handed the same to said Blount in June
last, and requested him to insert it in his report in the proper place;
affiant at present being ignorant whether this was done or not.

*'The answers which I have given to Mr. Blount's questions, ^Whea.
wa« for the first time anything said about deposing or dethroning th»
Queen' might lead to misunderstanding in reading thib report. I desire^
therefore, to hereby declare as follows: Words to the effect that th^
Queen must be deposed or dethroned were not uttered to my knowL -
edge at any meeting of the committee of safety until Monday evening ^
January 16, 1893; but at the very first meeting of citizens at W. C>-
Smith's office on Saturday, January 14, at about 2 p. m., or even befoir^
this meeting had come to order, Paul Keumann informed the arriviJi.gr

Jeople tliat the Queen was about to promulgate a new constitution.
%e answer then given bim by Mr, W. C, Wilder, by me, and by

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 463

odiers, was: That is a very good thing and a splendid opiwrtanity to
?et rid of the whole old rotten Government concern and now to get
annexation to the United States. Paul Neumann thought that that
might be going a little too far.

^' At the second meeting at W. O. Smith's, between 3 and 4 p. m. on
Saturday afternoon, January 14, 1893, when the committee of safety
was appointed, sentiments of the same nature, that this is a splendid
opportunity to get rid of the old regime, and strong demands for
annexation, or any kind of stable government under the supervision of
the United States, were expressed

^* Therefore, even if the words that the Queen must be deposed or
dethroned were not spoken, surely the sentiment that this must be
done prevailed at or even before the very iirst meeting, on January
14, 1893.

** Honolulu, June 1893.

"C. BOLTE."

Dated Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, December 4, 1893.

C. BOLTE.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D«

isua.

[SEAL.] Chables F. Peterson,

Notary Public.

AFFIDAVIT OF OEOROE H. WUqOZ.

Honolulu, Oahu^ %$.

My name is George N. Wilcox ; I was bom on the island of Hawaii

iu the year 1839 of American parents, who were missionaries in the

Hawaiian Islands. My home since early childhood has been upon the

island of Kauai. I was a representative from Kauai in the Legislature

of 1880, and have since, as an elected Koble from the island of Kauai,

served in four different sessions of the Legislature. In November of

1892 1 was appointed by the Queen a member of her cabinet as minister

of the interior, and remained such until by a majority vote of one of the

Legislature the cabinet of which I was a member went out of office, on

the 12th day of January last. On the 14th day of January last I was

present in the afternoon at a meeting of the citizens of Honolulu in the

law offices of W. O. Smith, where I learned from John F. Colbum, thcJn

the minister of the interior, that the Queen had attempted to force a new

eoQBtitution, and that her ministers had refused to sign it and were

i^y to resist her attempt if the citizens would join in assisting them

intbeir opposition.

The committee of safety was chosen at that meeting to take steps to

preserve the public peace and secure the maintenance of law and order

^inst the revolutionary acts of the sovereign. Up to that time I had,

to the best of my ability, tried to sustain and support the Hawaiian

BBonarchy, and especially in the int-erests of the Hawaiians to keep a

clean and honest Government. Holding public office was something

^bich was contrary to my personal wishes and interests; I had no per-

^nal objects to accomplish and no friends whose interests I sought to

fwther, my sole desire being to help, as far as I could, to prcvserve the

i&stitotiona of Hawaii; and it was not until that Saturday that I felt

ttiat the monarchy was no longer practicable, or able either to sustain

^^If or to be sustained by the intelligence of the country. So &tAk\ib-

454 HAWAUAN ISLANDS.

ment was made to me, nor was I aware that either Minister Stevens or
Capt. Wiltse would assist or did assist the citizens of Honolula in estab-
lishing the Provisional Government, or in overthrov^ing the monarchy.
It was evident to me that the overthrow of the monarchy was due to its
own inherent rottenness.

G. K Wilcox.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of December, A. D.
1893.

[SEAL.] Ghables F. Peterson,

Notary Public.

AFFIDAVIT OF JOHN EHMELUTH.

Hawaiian Islands, ^Honolulu, Oahu, ss:

John Emmeluth, being duly sworn, deposes and says as follows, to-
wit: I was born in Gincinnati, Ohio, and came to this country in
February, 1878, and have been here since that time engaged in my
business of tinsmith and plumber. I have accumulated some property
and am married to a resident of the islands. I was nominated a mem-
ber of the committee of public safety and was appointed one of the
advisory council of the Provisional Government.

I know James H. Blount from seeing him once when I called with
other members of the advisory council. The visit was never returned.
He never said anything to me about the country, its resources, or
history, or asked me any questions about the revolution. I tendered
my statement through Mr. S. M. Damon, and understood that I would
be notified when Mr. Blount was ready, but never heard anything
from him.

Prior to the 14th of January I had become aware that a new consti-
tution was to be promulgated and of the tenor of it by reason of a con-
versation between Arthur Peterson and John F. Golburn that I acci-
dentally overheard in the office of John F. Golburn while I was waiting
for his brother, the drayman. I stepped to the rear entrance of the
warehouse, which is immediately adjoining his little private office, and
while standing there I oveifheard Arthur Peterson remark to Golburn
that the Queen had decided to promulgate a new constitution and that
she would have no minister that would not agree to signing it and assist-
ing in its promulgation, and that if he, Golburn, were agreeable to that
that under the circumstances he could have the portfolio of minister
of the interior.

This was on the Thursday previous to the announcement of that
Golburn-Peterson cabinet. Golburn asked Peterson who the other
members of the cabinet would be, and he told him Sam Parker and
Billy Gornwell. Golburn agreed to go into that cabinet under those
circumstances, and Peterson told him to go to the Queen with as little
delay as possible and tell her that he was willing to go under that
arrangement. I went back to my store, and standing in the front door
within three minutes after Golburn came out in his brake, drove up
along Nuuana to Merchant and up Merchant street, which leads to the
palace. That was the last I saw of him that day. On the afternoon
of the 14th, after the prorogation, it was noised about the town that the
constitution would be promulgated. During the early part of the day
1 saw the members of the committee of the Hui Ejilaaina that were to
carry the constitution to the Queen to be signed.

Among the supposed members of that committee of the Hoi Kalaaina

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 455

I recognized at least twelve of the Queen's personal retainers, and the
rest of them were men so old and decrepit that they would not know
what they were doing in a matter so important, and there was not a
solitary member of that committee that could have stated any ten good
reasons why he wanted a new constitution, and I felt in my mind at
the time that it was a crime to permit anything of that kind to go on.
I was very busy that day m my line of work, and about 2 o'clock, in
going out to Waikiki, I saw the crowd gathering and heard that they
were discussing the matter of promulgating the constitution, and on my
way back I came in on horseback. Just as I got to the palace gate the
Queen stepped out on the balcony upstairs and addressed the natives
that were gathered in the grounds there.

They came together, and I rode on horseback about half way into
the yard, sufficiently far in to hear what she had to say, and in
Hawaiian she addressed them and told them that owing to the perfidy
of her ministers she was unable to give what they and she so much
cherished, but that she would guarant'Ce them that within the follow-
ing week they should have the constitution. I was not aware at that
time that there had been any meeting of citizens. !N^ot until I was on
my way home 1 met Judge Hartwell and he told me of it. The follow-
ing morning I was told that there was to be a meeting at the house of
W. E. Castle, and that I was expected to be there. I went over and
had a conversation with Mr. Thurston at the time, and spoke of the sit- ^
nation. At a meeting later in the day I attended, and from that time
on became an active participant.

The committee of public safety had as a basis for organization the
different companies of the old Honolulu Kifles. Taking them as a basis
they worked up the membership by taking the old lists and finding as
many as were in town of the old members and getting their consent to
work for the cause. Company A is the only one I can speak of; every
member of the old company under Capt. Ziegler that was at hand sig-
nified his willingness to stand by this movement. The membership, if
I recollect Capt. Ziegler's conversation, was G3 at the time of disband-
ing, and of the 63, 60 reported for duty. There never was at any time
any anticipation on the part of the committee as a whole or of myself
or any of the other members, to my knowledge, that the forces of the
Ba$t&n were to land for the purpose of assisting thd committee.

After we had seized the Government building and while the procla-
mation was being read. Company A drew up in line on each side of the
btiildiug. Members of Company B, if I recollect right, came up in
front and a third company in the rear of building; in all, I should say,
about 180 men arrived within the five minutes. Of Company A every-
one bad his arms, his Springfield rifle, and the other companies were
armed with private weapons and such as they could gather together,
but they were all armed, all of those 180 men. A little after the read-
ing of the proclamation the committee retired into the office of the min-
ister of the interior and there congregated around the large table. I
don't remember in what order they came, but among the business
transacted was the sending out of notices to the different representa-
tives of the foreign powers of the establishment of a government de
facto.

There was an order issiied to close the saloons. I forget what time
martial law was declared. I doubt if I could give the events in the
succession in wiiich they occurred. I remember the individual in-
stances. I distinctly recollect young Pringle coming in there and
taking observations. I remember Lieut. Lucien Yoimg commg \xi\^^x^^

456 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

and late ia the evening I remember Capt. Wiltse calling on ns. Dur-
ing the interval I remember Deputy Marshal Mehrtens coming in — that
was a very short time after the Government was organized — with a
request that the Government should go down to the station house and
meet the cabinet down there. They declined to do that, but sent a
committee consisting of Sam Damon and C. Bolte to the station house.
That committee afterwards returned with Sam Parker and Billy
CornweU.

Sam Parker and Billy Corn well came in there and after a conversa-
tion they in company with Sam Damon, if my memory serves me right,
went over to the palace to see the Queen. I am quite sure that Bolte
didn't go with them on that errand. Sam Damon was the only one
that went on that errand. Sam Damon returned after a time and it
was then given out that the Queen had agreed to surrender under pro-
test and that she would give instructions for the station house and the
barracks to be given up to the Provisional Government. In the mean-
time we removed to the minister of finance's offices, and it was there
that Sam Nowlein, in command of the Queen's military, late at night —
it must have been 8 or 9 o'clock — ^reported to President Dole, and the
President told him to keep his men together and all anns inside the
barracks for the night; nothing should be disturbed, and he should
simply carry on their routine duties within the inclosure for that night.
Nowlein asked whether he would mount guard as usual in the palace

' inclosure, and he was told no.

The reason why I fail to recollect much of what transpired there was
from early in the day, that is, very soon after our getting into the build-
ing, we agreed that all conversation should be conducted by Mr. Dole
himself in order to prevent a confusion of ideas, and for that reason I
did not store up things as rigidly as I might have done if I had a per-
sonal say in the matter. I was busy outside about the organization of
our forces. I met a number of Company A, and as soon as Company
A entered the building I went out and found the old stand-bys of 1887
and 1889 and had a conversation with them. They were all ready for
doing any duty that was required of them, they were well armed and
had ample ammunition.

I consider that the trend of things for twelve years back to my recol-
lection has all been in the direction of the revolution, for the reasons
of the corruptness of the Government; the debaucheries and social in-
famies that were being practiced constantly in and about the palace.
I saw that those things could not go on in a community that claimed to
be Christian, such a thing could only reach a certain state where pub-
lic safety and the best interests of the nation would demand reform.
From my knowledge of things and my observation of the workings of
the monarchy I wa« thoroughly satisfied that it was only a matter of
time when a different form of government would have to be established

•here, and very soon after my coming here I came to the conclusion that
these Islands rightfully and justly belonged, on the point of both their
dependence and proximity to the United States, I felt that they were
a part and parcel of the American States^ and I have been an annexa-
tionist for the last twelve years.

Insertion and corrections made by —

John Emmelttth.

Subscribed and sworn to before mo this 5th day of December, A. D,
1893.
[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,

Notary Publie*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 457

AFFIDAVIT OF F. W. McCHESNET.

Hawaiian Islands, HotwIuIu, Oahu, ss:

F. W. McChesney, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 1 was bom
in Iowa, came to Honolulu in 1885, wbere I have since been engaged
as a partner in the house of M. W. McChesney & Son in the wholesale
grocery and feed business established in 1879, doing a large volume of
bnsiness. I was % member of the committee of public safety and of
the advisory council of the Provisional Government up to a few days
prior to June 28th, 1893, on which day I went to the United States for
a visit.

I saw James H. Blountl and at Honolulu, but never met him nor had
aoy conversation with him.

1 signed a roll with other citizens in the office of W. O. Smith on the
afternoon of Saturday, January 14, 1893, pledging myself as a special
police officer in 6upx>ort of the cabinet against the proposed aggression
of the Queen, and was in the same office at the meeting of citizens when
the committee of public safety was appointed. There was talk at the
meeting of the committee at W. R. Castle's, on the next (Sunday) morn-
ing, of having resolutions abrogating the monarchy and pronouncing
for annexation, offered at the mass meeting; but it was decided to keep
within bounds, while matters were to be made perfectly plain. It was
reported by Mr. Thurston that the Queen's cabinet had gone back on
tts, so we decided to proceed without them.

1 never understood at any time that the United States troopij would
fi^ht our battles; they might come ashore to protect life and property
a«d all of those who wanted to go to them during the rumpus, but
they were not going to do any fighting for us. I thought we could
overturn the Government on short notice after getting our men and
arms together and then after our new Government was formed they
would recognize us and protect us if any armed force was needed.

The committee of safety had taken pains to investigate the force
opposed to us and found that the Queen had only 80 men at the bar-
racks and that Wilson had about 125 regulars with possibly 75 special
police, among whom were only about 12 or 15 white men, and the forces
surrendered showed these to be facts.

Had fighting actually been necessary we would have had 600 men
anned and with plenty of ammunition.

The committee agreed to go up to the Government building at 3
orclock, and broke up at 2:30, when the shot was fired on the corner of
King and Fort streets, and we said: "Now is the tune to go." For it
seemed as though the fighting would begin, so we all started at once.
1 jamped into a hack and w^ent home for my pistol, and got back Just
asibe others were entering the yard. Thoy all walked uj) in plain view,
ted were pretty close together. When we first got into the building,
after the proclamation was read, about 25 or 30 men of Ziegler's com-
pany came from the old armory, and then we adjourned to the minister
'>f the interior's room to start up the new Government. We had sent
word round to the different squads we had ready and waiting to be at
t^ie Government building at 3 o'clock. We counted on 100 men. But
^* got there ahead of time — at fifteen minutes before three — and after
tbat they came in pretty thick ; so that we must have had 150 men there^
^e addressed letters to the different ministers asking them to recog-
liiie us. To this letter Mr. Stevens sent an aid down (Mr. Pringle^ tft
«ee if we actually had possession. Mr. Dole said: "You se^ we^ \iav^

458 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

possession, and liave troops here to protect us.'' Then he took a look
aroand, and politely bowed and left.

During this time we had sent for the old cabinet and they came
in. They sent word that they were afraid to come, but we sent word
that everything was perfectly safe, so Cornwell and Golburn came,
then the other two. We told tlieui what had been done and gave tliem
a copy of tbe proclamation and demanded the surrender of the Queen
and the station house and barracks. They asked for time to go and
see Her Majesty. We positively refused to let their guards patrol tlie
town during the night. Mr. Damon went with them to the palace.
We refused to let them have time until the next day.

During all this time, in response to our call for volunteers, they were
coming in pretty thick, and presently word came back from the palace
that the Queen surrendered, but wanted ten minutes' time for Marshal
Wilson to get out of the station house; a protest came, too, which Mr.
Dole received. Captain Wiltse came in just before the surrender, and
said he had come to see if we had possession. He said, " Have yon
got possession of the palace, barracks, and the station house!" Mr.
Dole said, *'No, not yet; we are now arranging that." *' Well," he
says, "you must have them before we can recognize you as a power;
we can not recognize you when there is another Government across
the street." While he was speaking a tJip came on the door and the
Others were returning with the Queen's surrender.

About this time Mr. Stevens's recognition came, and then Mr. Wode-
hbuse, the British minister, came to see if we had possession and what
we were doing. We told him and gave him a copy of the proclamation.

Then we went ahead getting ready for the night. We tried to get
things in shape before dark as near as we could. I recollect I came
out just before dark when we were talkingaboutpreparing for the night
in case of trouble, as it had been threatened that the town would be
burned. We began getting guards to go out over town, and as I
looked around 1 counted at least 150 men there. Before dark we sent
20 men to the police station with Capt. Ziegler. There were so
many things happening between 15 minutes to 3 until dark that it is
hard to tell what came first.

During our meetings from the 14th to the 17th we had been looking
up men, arms, and ammunition, and in every meeting had reix>rts.
We had figured up about 200 of the old Honolulu Kifies besides from
400 to 600 citizens that would shoulder a gun if it became necessary.
We had to make estimateSj as we could not expect to succeed without
backing. We counted on those men as ready in squads around town
to be at the building at 3 o'clock.

As to the causes which led to the revolution at the time the Jonea
cabinet was fired 1 know positively, for I was on the street till the time,
that there was awful indignation about it all over town, and the ques-
tion was raised then as to what would become of the country, and that
the citizens would have to take care of themselves, something would
have to be done. I took pait in the revolutions of 1887 and 1889 both.
It was always the brains and moneyed men of the country against the
King and the ignorant. The best class of people took part in all three
revolutions. They started the revolution of 1887, and they defeated
the revolution of 1881), i)rotecting the King when they thought he was
trying to do what was right. When the news came that this Queen
had tried to give us a new constitution I knew that the good citizens
would have to take hold and do something.

At the time the Queen adjourned the Legislature in the way she did

HAWAnA^ ISLANDS. 459

I first got the idea of actually starting in and using force to dethrone
her. As soon as that kind of talk became general we began to heai
threats of having our pr#perty burned. We called on the minister to
hring the troops ashore to protect life and property, by which we meant
to prevent any fires which we expected and had been threatened.

We never agreed in council nor was the question ever brought up
that the Provisional Government would join with the Queen in submit-
ting a controversy to the Government of the United States. The con-
teversy was settled then and there when the Queen surrendered.

P. W. MoGhesney.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,

Notary Public.

Washington, D. C., January 15^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and
Fbye.
Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman.

ADDinOHAL STATEMENT OF PBOF. WILLIAM DEWITT ALEX

AVDEB.

The Chairman. I want to ask you some questions about your supreme
court. I do not know whether in your constitutional paper you have
said anything about the supreme court.
Mr. Alexander. Yes; I have.

The Chairman. The supreme court consists of five judges!
Mr. Alexander. Three at present.
The Chairman. Is that the law a>t the present timef
Mr. Alexander. At present.

The Chairman. It has been changed from five to thl'cef
Mr. Alexander. In 1886 the law was passed increasing the mem-
bership of the supreme court bench to five, and afterward a law was
passed which provided that no vacancy should be filled until the mem-
bership was reduced to three, and that it should remain at three.
The Chairman. Has the membership been reduced to three f
Mr. Alexander. Yes. At the last session of the legislature a bill
vas passed reorganizing the courts on a new plan.

The Chairman. And provision was made in that law for the
supreme court!

Mr. Alexander. The supreme court in the last bill was made a
ilnal court of appeal, and provided that no judge should have a case
to come before him in which he had previously sat.
The Chairman. Does the supreme court consist of a chief justice?
Mr. Alexander. And two associat<^ justices. Before that the
^1 Bttpreme court judges held circuit courts, and there was complaint
c»l iWtthat.

0^M Senator Gray. On the (n*ound that it was an appeal from Caesar to
Cwart
Mr. Alexander. Yes; they abolished that system.

460 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Who were the supreme court. judges of Hawaii?

Mr. Alexander. A. F. Judd, R. F. Bickertoii, and W. Frear. The
first is chief justice and th« other two are associate justices. They are
in for life — g:ood behavior. They can be impeached.

The Chairman. Mr. Dole, the present President of the Government,
was a member of that court f

Mr. Alexander. Yes; he resigned.

The Chairman. Did he resign during the reign of Liliuokalani t

Mr. Alexander. Yes; the last day of her reign, or the day of the
revolution. »

The Chairman. On the 14th or 16th of January?

Mr. Alexander. I think it was the morning of the 17th.

The Chairman. To whom did he address his resignation, to the
Queen?

Mr. Alexander. To the cabinet.

The Chairman. Are you positive about that?

Mr. Alexander, ^o.

The Chairman. It was to Liliuokalani or her cabinet!

Mr. Alexander. Undoubtedly.

The Chairman. He did not resign to the Dole Government!

Mr. Alexander. No.

The Chairman. You are sure of that!

Mr. Alexander. I think so; but that is rather an inference on my
part. The fact can be accurately ascertained. The new Government
had not been organized. I think there is reason for believing it was to
the old government that he resigned.

The Chairman. Did Mr. Dole's resignation leave 3 judges on the
bench!

Mr. Alexander. No; it would leave 2.

The Chairman. You have just stated that the court consisted ot
tliree members, and you gave their names.

Mr. Alexander. The question, then, is when Frear came on to the
supreme court bench.

The Chairman. Did Frear take Dole's place!

Mr. Alexander. I think he did ; yes, sir.

The Chairman. Who appointed him!

Mr. Alexander. Frear had been appointed during the Queen's
reign to the position of circuit judge when Jones and his colleague
were ministers.

The Chairman. The Wilcox cabinet!

Mr. Alexander. Yes; I think they appointed him circuit judge.

The Chairman. When did Frear become a supreme court judge!

Mr. Alexander. He was appointed to take Mr. Dole's place.

The Chairman. By the House!

Mr. Alexander. By the present government, I think.

The Chairman. I would like to have those facts accurately, if I can
get them.

]\Ir. Alexander. I can verify it when I go home.

The Chairmajs. I wish you would; I would like to get those tbin^rs
down right. Have you any knowledge of a case Avhere a clerk of tlie
su])reme court was removed because of disloyalty!

Mr. Alexander. I have heard of a case.

The Chairman. Who is the party!

Mr. Alexander. F. Wunderberg.

The Chairman. Is he a man who had been previously conned
with some of these political affairs!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 4G1

Mr. Alexander. Yea; he took an active part in this last revolution.
The Chairman. On which side!

Mr. Alexander. On the side of the revolution. He was one of the
coinmittee of safety. He was employed to look up arms.

The Chairman. Is there any other person of his name who has been
connected witli these political affairs!
Mr. Alexander. No; he was tried before the court on this charge.
The Chairman. Before what court!
Mr. ALEXA.NDER. The supreme court.
The Chairman. Was he the clerk of the supreme court!
Mr. Alexander. He was clerk of the supreme court.
Senator Gray. When was he tried!
Mr. Alexander. Well, it was recently.
The Chairman. Under the Dole government!
Mr. Alexander. Yes.

Senator Frye. It was treason under the Dole government!
Mr. Alexander. Yes. He had a hearing before the court, and I
think he had an attorney. I think C. W. Ashford assisted him as
attorney. The case was argued before the court.
Senator Gray. What was the result of the trial!
Mr. Alexander. I know the judges removed him.
The Chairman. For disloyalty to the Dole government!
Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Was 89me one appointed in his place!
Mr. Alexander. Yes; but I am not certain now who it was.
Senator Gray. What sort of trial was it! Do you mean it was an
indictment for a criminal offense, treason, and regularly prosecuted!
Mr. Alexander. No; I think it was not a trial.
Senator Gray. It was an examination before the judges, who had
the power of appointment to that position, for the purpose of determin-
iD? whetlier they would remove Mr. Wunderberg — that sort of trial.

Mr. Alexander. Yes. Then he said he must have a public hear-
ing, a chance to defend himself in open court. I think it was not a
cnininal triaL
Senator Gray. Do you know Mr. Wunderberg personally!
Mr. Alexander. Yes.
Senator Gray. How old a man is he!
Mr. Alexander. I should think he was 40.

Senator Gray. Is he the man whom the Provisional Government
offered to make collector of customs!
Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. The information in that case was printed in the
newspapers in Honolulu!
Mr. Alexander. I think so.

Senator Gray. Was Mr. Wunderberg a man of good character!
Mr. Alexander. He was a man who was honest in business matters —
faancial matters.
Senator Gray. Did he bear a good reputation for honesty in the
WDinmnity in which he lived!

Mr. Alexaitder. I think he had a fair reputation for honesty; he
Wbeen jwlitically a singular man.

Senator Gray. I am not talking about that. I know you gentlemen
hYevery intense feelings in politics. Separating that entirely, is his
^[aracter for honesty and fair dealing between mau and m^n good or

Xr, Ai^xAiTPSA, r think it was.

462 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay, You think it was good! Am I to nnderstand yon an
saying that?

Mr. Alexandsb. Yes; I think so. He had been on several different
sides; he changed sides several times in politics.

The Chairman. Is there any method of contesting the election in
Hawaii for members of the Parliament or Legislatore; any way provided
by law!

Mr. Alexander. For contesting elections f

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. Those qnestions are decided by the Honsef

Mr. Alexander. Yes.

The Chairman. By the honse to which the man claims to be elected,
or by both honses in conjunction f

Mr. Alexand.^r. I do not quite nnderstand yon.

The Chaibman. Is the vote as to the qualiQcation of a member,
hi^ election to 9i Heat, taken in the honse of nobles, if he claim election
as a noble, or ihe honse of representatives, if he claim election as a
representative t

Mr. Alexander. Both, I think ; they act as one chamber.

The Chairman. Both houses vote in cases of contested Sections f

Mi, Alexander. Yes.

Senator Gray. They vote separately!

Mr. Alexander. Ko, they sit together.

The Chairman. Is the vote called separately!

Mr. Alexander. Called separately for the nobles and representa-
tives.

Senator Gray. But they do not count separately; it is hotch-potclu

Mr. Alexander. That was fixed in the constitution of 1864, and
they allowed it to remain. I have verified the statement I made about
the supreme court. Hon. Walter Frear was appointed judge of the
first circuit of Oahu by the Wilcox- Jones ministry in December, 1892;
Hon. S. B. Dole resigned his position on the bench of the supreme
court on the morning of January 17, 1893, placing his resignation in
the hands of Sam Parker, the then premier.

Adjourned to meet on Wednesday, the 17th instant, at 10 o'clock.

Washington, D. C, Wednesday^ January 17 ^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray,
Sherman, and Frye.
Absent: Senator Butler.

SWORH STATElfl^NT OF LIEUT. COMKAHDEB W. T. 8WIVBUEI&

The Chairman. What is your age and rank in the Navy!

Mr. Swinburne. I am 46 years of age, and am lieutenant-commander
in the XJ. S. Navy.

The Chairman. You were attached to the ship Boston at the time
of ber visit to Honolulu, in 1892!

Mr. Swinburne. I was; I was executive officer of the Boston up to
the 29th of April, 1893.

The Chairman. When did the Boston arrive in the harbor t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 463

Mr. Swinburne. I am not precise as to that date; either the 23d or
24th of August, 1892.
The Chairman. You left her there when you were detached!
Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. Had you been in Hawaii before that?
Mr. Swinburne. Many years before. I 8toppe<l there in 1870, when
retnrnhigfrom a cruise in the Pacific in the Kearsarge,
The Chairman. Did you spend much time in Hawaii!
Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Only a week.

The Chairman. Between your visits did you discover that there
was much progress made in Hawaii %

Mr. Swinburne. Very great progress; the town had grown enor-
mously; in every way a great change in the place.

,The Chairman. When you got back to Honolulu in 1892 what, in
your opinion, was the condition of the people there as to quietude and
the peaceful conduct of their industries and enterprises and associa-
tions!

Mr. Swinburne. Every thin g seemed to be perfectly quiet. The Leg-
islature was in session, and the principal topic of conversation among
the people was the prospective lottery bill. Everybody seemed to be
much exercised over the lottery bill, which was a bill about to be pre-
sented to the Legislature, granting a charter to certain men to establish
a lottery, or, at least, these men had the right to control all lotteries
in the islands, and for that right they were to pay, my recollection is,
something like $500,000 a year, and lay a cable between the United
States and Honolulu. The Legislature, as I say, was in session; the
Queen at that time had a ministry in power who were assumed to be
favorable to the lottery scheme and some other schemes which she
favored, and the majority of the citizens — when I speak of citizens I mean
the white citizens or the moneyed interests of the place— opposed. The
principal topic of conversation on shore was the necessity of having a
responsible ministry, so that foreign capital might be attracted there.
Business was very dull.

I remember one interest in particular which people were hoping
might be established there — the extension of the railroad around the
island of Oahu. Gen. Willey, from San Francisco, during the time
1 was there and some time before January, visited the island in the
interest of a British syndicate. He was favorably and hopefully im-
pressed with the whole situation, but timid on the subject of the inse-
cure— ^not exactly the insecure, but the want of responsibility in the
miDistry. The people talked of hard times, and seemed to feel that
something was necessary to attract money, to make capital come there
and help them. The Legislature dragged on ; one ministry was deposed ;
that is, a vote of want of confidence was brought in against this min-
istry of the Queen; another was appointed, and a vote of want of con-
fidence was brought against them. Finally, after quite a length of
time a ministry in every way favorable to business interests and to all
the commercial interests of the place, known as the Wilcox- Jones min-
istry, was appointed by the Queen. Everybody seemed to be satisfied
^th it, and everything looked hopeful. In fact, my own personal
opinion is that if, the Wilcox-Jones ministry had remained in the Queen
^oald have been on the throne today. Everybody wiis satisfied with
Q»e Wilcox- Jones ministry. They were opposed to the lottery bill.
The Ch AiBM AN. Were they voted out ?

fe Swinburne. Yes. On the Ist of January Capt. Wiltse began
^talk about his target practice; we had no target practice fox mw^

464 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

months. Minister Stevens was anxious to visit Hilo and other places
on the islands, and would not have another opportunity, as be expected
to go home in April, and he thought that would be a good opportunity
to visit Hawaii, which he had not .seen.

The Chairman. You mean the island of Hawaii!

Mr. Swinburne. The island of Hawaii. I said to the captain : " It
seems to me it is rather risky for us to leave the island at this time;
the legislature will hardly remain in session more than two or three
weeks longer, and we have stayed here now four months; it seems to
me it is not worth while to go just now." The captain said: "The
Wilcox- Jones ministry can not life voted out; I am certain of that; I
have looked at the situation, and I am satisfied the Queen can not get
votes enough to bring in a vote of want of confidence; besides that,
the minister has looked into the situation, and you do not think he
would leave tlie island if the Wilcox- Jones ministry could be ousted t"
I said nothing more about it. We sailed to Hilo on the 4th of Jan-
uary, and finished up our target practice in Lahaina on the evening of
the 13th.

The Chairman. There was no appearance of agitation at that time?

Mr. Swinburne. Not the slightest; everything looked perfectly safe.
On the evening of the 13th we anchored off Lahaina, intending to get
under way at midnight and return to Honolulu. I went to b^ early,
because I had Uy be up at midnight, and when I got up at midnight I
heard that a steamer had arrived from Honolulu and brought some
papers. I picked them up and, much to my surprise, found that the
lotti^ry and opium bills had been passed and the Wilcox- Jones ministry
voted out. Of course everybody was quite taken aback; still we did
not anticii^ate any particular trouble.

The Chairman. Before you got this intelligence from the little island
steamer were you aware of the existence of any plot, scheme, conspir-
acy, or combination for the purpose of dethroning the Queen or for
the purpose of annexing the islands to the United States!

Mr. Swinburne. Kone at all.

The Chairman. It never occurred to you!

Mr. Swinburne, It never occurred to me. If that ministry had
remained in, or an equally responsible ministry had been put in, every-
thing could have remained as it was. Of course there was an immense
opposition on the part of the foreign population to this lottery bill.

The Chairman. By foreign population do you mean the white popu-
lation!

Mr. Swinburne. The white population.

The Chairman. Whether they were citizens or not!

Mr. Swinburne. Citizens or not.

The Chairman. They were all called foreigners!

Mr. SwiNBUiJNE. Yes. Those born in the islands are spoken of as
Hawaiians, as a rule. In fact, an enormous x>©tition was sent to the
Queen, signed by the white ladies of» the island, which petition wa»
spoken of as the " mothers' petition.^ It was against this lottery bill.

The Chairman. When you got back to Honolulu — got into the har-
bor— how long did Minister Stevens remain aboard the vessel!

Mr. Swinburne. He could not have remained aboard more than au
hour. In fact, so soon as it was convenient to get a boat off, he left.
I do not think it could have been an hour.

The Chairman. Pp you know wJiether Minister Stevens' daughter
came out for himf

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 465

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; his daughter came outj and uiy impression
is Mr. Severance cameou board.
The Chairman. He is the consal-g^eueralf
Mr. Swinburne. He is tlie consul-general.

The Chairman. Did the young lady, Miss Stevens, come on board t
Mr. Swinburne. No.

The Chairman. You are sure Mr. Severance did!
Mr. Swinburne. I am pretty sure he did. Mr. Stevens went on
sbore in the captain's gig, and very shortly afterward Lieut. V^oung
went ashore to i-epresent the ship at the prorogation of the FarUament,
which took i>lace at noon.

The Chairman. That is the ceremony which the ship's officers were
ex]>ected to participate in in conformity with the customs of Hawaii!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. Mr. Young was detailed to that duty by
Capt. AViltse.

The Chairman. Do you know how long it was after Mr. Stevens
left the Boston on Saturday morning until he returned to the shipf

Mr. Swinburne. I do not remember to have seen him on board
again until Monday afternoon, about 2 o'clock.

The Chairman. Being the executive officer of th^ ship, if Mr.
Stevens had come on board, would you have known it?

Mr. Swinburne. Without a doubt, unless he should have come
when I was on shore, and then Mr. Moore would have known it.

The Chairman. At the time he left the Boston, had you heard of
any outbreak or hostile demonstration of any kind amongst the people
in Honolulu f

Mr. Swinburne. None at all. But 1 knew from all the conversa-
tion during all these many months that the Legislature had been in
session, about the passage of the lottery bill and the character of the
new ministry, the people must be very much excited. They were a
perfectly irresponsible set of men as ministers.

The Chairman. Do you remember whether any messengers came
back to the ship Irom Lieut. Young, bearing messages to Capt. Wiltse
in regard to the situation of afiairs in Honolulu on Saturday!

Mr. Swinburne. I do not. I was very busy Saturday morning
mooring the ship, getting her settled, and I do not recall now exactly
what time Mr. Young returned, nor exactly what time he went ashore;
bat it was sometime before lunch, before 12 o'clo<^k.

The Chairman. At what time did you commence making military
preparations on board the Boston for the landing of troops f

Mr. Swinburne. On Saturday afternoon, at the usual time for making
out the liberty lists. It is customary while in port to make out liberty
fists before 12 o'clock on Saturday; that was their best day^nd I was
BO busy I could not attend to it; but immediately after lunch I went to
the cabin to speak to the captain about the liberty list. He said,
•'Don't let any men go ashore at all; everything is in a chaotic state;
I do not know when we will be called upon to protect property, and 1
do not want the men to leave the ship. Notify all the officers to return
OB board ship when a gun is fired.'' 1 was not very much surprised,
because we had been there for months to protect property and Ameri-
can citizens.

The Chairman. You understood that was your purpose in the harbor
there?
Mr. Swinburne. Yes.
The Chairman. For months?
llr. Swinburne. For months; yes

8. Kep. 227 30

466 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. State the progress that was made iu the prepara-
tions for landing troops.

Mr. Swinburne. Well, on Saturday nothing was done at all; on
Sunday I had the same orders from the Captain — *' No men to go ashore,
and officers to return on board ship on the firing of a gun." On Sun-
day afternoon I went on shore myself. I went to the club, and I fouud
that there was an immense amount of feeling, that there was a very
distinct race feeling grown up; the white people felt that the new con-
stitution which the Queen was about to promulgate on Saturday after-
noon had created a great deal of feeling. I did not know what that
new constitution was; nobody knew exactly; but it was freely talked
of there that one clause disfranchised all white people not married to
native women, and also that it gave the Queen complete and entire
control of the ministry — to make it and unmake it as she saw fit
Those two clauses were talked about, and the Queen's manner in talk-
ing to the natives from the balcony showed that she was ready to fan
into a flame every race prejudice she could.

The Chairman. You mean that was the feeling you found among
the people!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. Some gentlemen I had not known to talk
much about political subjects before that said to me, '^You fellows got
back here entirely too soon ; if you had stayed away we could have
settled this matter." They seemed to think our coming back prevented
them. They said, '^ We could have settled this matter before you came
back." I regarded the situation as very grave; that is, under the cir-
cumstances, with the Queen's attitude toward the foreigners and the
manner of her own people as they were turned away from the palace that
morning, and her stating to them that she would not give them the
constitution, but would hold it until some better opi>ortunity. 1 could
see that the people were afraid of outbreaks, rioting.

The Chairman. What meaning did you understand to be conveyed
by that statement made by citizens, ^^If you had not gotten back so
soon we would have settled the matter?"

Mr. Swinburne. Why, that they would have deposed the Queen
and had the whole business settled before we got there, as they were
capable of doing.

The Chairman. That was on Sunday!

Mr. Swinburne. On Sunday.

The Chairman. Sunday afternoon !

Mr. Swinburne. Sunday afternoon. There was a distinct feeling
of tension in the town; no doubt about it. In fact I know several gen-
tlemen who moved their families from the town to Waikiki in the event
of trouble. Mr. Hopper, who is an American, I think, and who lives
within a block or two of the Queen's palace, he moved his family to
Waikiki.

The Chairman. How far is that!

Mr. Swinburne. Two miles and a half; in the suburbs. He told me
he thought there would be some trouble, and he removed his family.

The Chairman. To a place of greater security!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. So it went on all day Sunday and Sunday
night.

The Chairman. Did you remain on shore Sunday night t

Mr. Swinburne. I did not remain on shore Sunday night. Of
course, there was a great deal of talk; all the white people were very
much excited, and it appeared as if there was likely to be an outbreebk
of some kind most any time.

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 467

The Chairman. Wliat time did you get back to the ship that evening t
Mr. SwiNBUENE. I got back to dinner at 6 o'clock.
The Chairman. Did you have a conference with Oapt. Wiltse when
yoa got back!

Mr. SwiNBUENE. No; Oapt. Wiltse and I very rarely discussed the
situation at all. In Jact^ if I remember aright, the only time I under-
took to give any advice at all was the occasion of leaving the island,
on the 4th of January.

The Chaieman. Was Capt. Wiltse receiving communications on the
subject from the shore f

Mr. SwiNBUENE. Not that I am aware of. I think he was ashore
bimseH He used to go ashore a great deal, every afternoon. I think
Ms custom was to go every afternoon.

The Chaieman. Do you remember any messenger being sent from
tbe U. S. legation or consulate to the ship to give information to
Capt. Wiltse!

Mr. SwiNBUENE. No; I do not think I would have known. There
was no reason for me to have known if they had come. The captain
was on shore on Saturday and Sunday.

The Chairman. You remained on the ship on Monday as executive
officer!

Mr. SwiNBUENE. Yes. On Monday morning I laid my plans to start
out and give the ship a cleaning. We had been ten days away, and
the ship was very dirty, and I exx)ected to be all day at the job. By
10 o'clock I had the spars fairly cleaned, and about 11 o'clock, when
the decks were covered with sand, the captain sent for me and said,
^you had better make your preparations for landing the battalion } have
them ready at a moment's notice."

The Chaieman. Are you aware of any communication having been
received from the shore by Capt. Wiltse on that Monday morning
which determined him to put his ship and his troops in condition for
hostilities f

Mr. SwiNBUENE. Yes. Just before he gave me that order — I think
about 11 o'clock, as nearly as I can remember — he sent for me. There
was a gentleman in the cabin; I think it was Mr. Cooper, a man I had
not seen before. The captain introduced me to him. He told me that
Mr. Cooper had come from the — I may havedates mixed.up ; my impres-
sion is that Mr. Cooper had come with a message of some kind from
the committee of safety. But what was the nature of his communica-
tion to the captain I do not know.

The Chaieman. During that morning, and before the orders were
given you to put the ship in condition for fighting, did you know of
tiie arrival of any message or messenger from Mr. Stevens, the minister,
or from Mr. Severance, the consul-general of the United States?

Mr. SwiNBUENE. Kone whatever, only this man that I saw just before
hnch time.

The Chaieman. Being executive officer of the ship, if any messenger
of that kind had come in from the legation or the consulate would you
have known itf
Mr. SwiNBUENE. Not necessarily.

The Chaieman. But do you believe you would have known itf
Mr. SwiNBUENE. That would depend very much on the gravity of
Uie message. An ordinary message I would not have known at all;
ftoy message connected with the landing of the battalion I would have
b»wn very quickly. No preparation was made until after 11 o'clock
on Monday morning, and the captain then told me to have eveiytlnii^

468 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

in readiness for landing. I asked what he wanted. He said: "You
had better take a gatling gan and a 37 millimeter." I said, << Two
gatling guns would be better than a 37 millimeter;" and the captain
said, ^'Take a 37 millimeter." I stopped the work of scrubbing, left it
just where it stood, had the canteens filled and belts filled, and the
caisson of the 37 millimeter filled. I had lowered the two heavy boats
that took the guns; and after dinner, 1 o'clock, had the guns lowered
into the boats, so as to save time, and by half-past 2 I was practically
ready for landing.

The Chairman. You took provisions along with you t

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Ko provisions at all.

The Ghaibhan. 2?o tents f

Mr. Swinburne. We had no tents.

The Chairman. You did not know how long you would be detained
on shore!

Mr. SwiNBtTRNB. Not the slightest idea. The minister came on
board at half past 2, or thereabouts. I knew there was to be a mass
meeting of the citizens at half past 2, and I knew there was to be a
counter mass meeting called by the Queen's party. My impression
was, when I heard that in the morning, that the twO meetings would
probably bring the matter to a crisis.

Senator Turpib. You spoke of going to the club. What club was
it!

Mr. Swinburne. It is known as the British Club. It is the foreign
club of the place there.

The first time I saw Mr. Cooper, I recollect now, was on Saturday.
He came aboard to see the captain. My recollection is he came from
Judge Hartwell to bring the news of the Queen's attempt to promul-
gate this new constitution. When this attempt was made and after
the ministry had refused to aid her, two of them took the news to
Judge Hartwell's office.

The Chairman. You are now telling what you were informed!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. The first time, as I stated before, that I saw
Mr. Cooper, was this Saturday afternoon just after lunch.

The Chairman. When Cooper came on board the ship!

Mr. SwiNBUBNB. Yes. And my impression is that he was the same
messen^ger who came on Monday morning and brought some message
to the captain which decided him to have the troops in readiness.

The Chairman. Now, as I understand you, between the time you
got the troops ready to go on shore, the caisson lowered into the boat,
and other preparations made, and the time of your going on shore.
Minister Stevens came on board t

Mr. Swinburne. Mr. Stevens came aboard. He arrive^ at about
half past 2. I met him at the gangway with the captain, and walked
as far as the cabin door. I did not go in. In about three-quarters of
an hour or an hour afterwards the captain sent for me and said, " I
want you to land with the battalion at 5 o'clock; as near 5 o'clock as
possible." 1 suggested it would be a good idea to have supper before
we went on shore; we could not get anything to eat afterward. The
captain said, ^'Let the men have supper at 4 o'clock, and take Mome
biscuits for the night." We had supper at 4 o'clock, and at half past
4 the men were organized in heavy marching order with a change of
clothes and 80 rounds of ammunition — no baggage at all.

The Chairman. Before that occurred had Minister Stevens left the
ahipf

Mt. Swinburne. He had left the ship; yes. I think he left— I will
not be certain but my impxeasivow \^\i^\^i^ ^wjl\* 4 o'clock.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 469

The Chairman. Bid you hear any interview between bim and Capt.
Wiltset

Mr. SwiNBUBNB. None at all, except tbat I suggested that it would
be well to have all the company captains present to find out what the
orders would be, as nearly as we could find out. At that meeting it
decided

Seuator Fbye. Mr. Stevens was present?

Mr. Sw^iNBUBNE. Mr. Stevens was present. T asked where we were
to go. Mr. Stevens said he did not know where we would be able to
^; that be had not thought the matter over; that he would have to
have some large building somewhere', and he thought the opera house
would be a good place if we could get it. The opera house faces the
palace. I said that my own desire and preference would be to be near
the landing, because I would be nearer my base, and nearer the liquor
shops. My idea was, if there was an outbreak of any kind, my first
move would be to close all liquor stores, and if necessary leave a guard
there, or nail them up, to prevent people from getting liquor. Mr.
Stevens said he did not know of any building around the water front,
but he thought we could get the opera house. Then he said: ^^By the
way, there is a Mr. Atherton, an American, who lives down on King
street; suppose you let the troops go on there." That was to the cap-
tain. So that that was finally decided upon in an unofficial sort of
way. The captain said: '< You can stop at the consulate and send half
the marines to the minister's; detail an orderly sergeant in charge of
the squad you send to the minister's; leave the other half in charge of
lieut. Draper at the consulate and march on, and by that time we will
be able to tell you where you are to go." I said : " In the event of not
getting any orders" — I wanted to get the men off the street so soon as
possible — "I will go to Mr. Atherton's." The captain said: "Yes."

At 5 o'clock we landed. There was no demonstration, but there were
a great many people about, the same as usual when we landed to drill,
as we had done once a week. We arrived and marched up to the con-
solate; marched up Eang street past the palace. I was told afterward
the Queen was standing on the balcony. We gave the salute. It was
always the custom to give the royal salute on passing the palace, and
we did on this occasion — the men at i>ort arms, four flourishes of the
trampet, and the flag lowered — ordinary marching salute. We marched
on a block beyond there, and then I halted and went into the house of
Mr. Hopper and asked the privilege pf using his telephone. I tele-
phoned to the captain and asked if they had decided where we were
to go. He said he had not. I then marched on to Mr. Atherton's,
folly three blocks further, quite a distance down the street. Mr. Ath-
oton 8ai<l he had no objection to our coming in there — he had large
grounds— and we marched in, stacked arms, established sentries, and
settled down. 1 telephoned the captain two or three times when it got
dtfk.

It was a new experiment to me. I did not know how the men would
bdiave. I wanted to get them under cover. We had found no place
At 9 o^clock the captain's aid came down and told me to go up to Arion
HaD. I did not know the place and the aid marched on ahead. We
ftarehed down (it was late) without any drum, in order not to attract
attention. We got to Arion Hall, which is a long, narrow building in
the rear of the opera house. It has a very narrow yard on the street
fide — ^the street which separates it from the Government building — and
yards on the other three sides. Arion Hall is a 1-room building, with
a Teranda on the two sides. The guns were parked, the men toxn^^
in, and sentries posted, I took a lantern and went around to si^e w\ia\

470 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

sort of a place I would have to defend, if necessary. I had sentries
posted, and we settled down there for the night.

Senator Fbt£. Had it been raining that evening?

Mr. Swinburne. No, not at all. I did not sleep any; no one slept
any, the mosquitoes were so bad. About 12 o'clock there was an alarm
of fire* I went out and met Mr. Castle, an American, coming along on
his bicycle, and he said: ^^ That fire is out beyond my house, on the
plains — some distance — ^I can get there and back in a short time on
my bicycle, and bring you the news." He came back — he was not gone
more than ten minutes — and said it was an unoccupied barn. It was
an incendiary fire, but there was ho trouble. At 3 o'clock there was
another alarm. I turned out for that. It appeared to be in the
direction of the Hawaiian Hotel. It made a big blaze. I went up to
that. It was discovered to be an arbor in Emma Square, with a tree
growing over it. That was also an incendiary fire, unquestionably;
but it was put out without any trouble.

The next morning we settled down to get the men in condition to
keep them occupied, laid out the drills, and made preparations — sani-
tary preparations. Drains were dug and the whole place fixed up.
About 1 o'clock Tuesday afternoon Mr. Charles Carter, who was ailber-
ward one of the commissioners to this country, came in to see me.

Senator Gbat. What relation is he to the late minister to the United
States? ^

Mr. SwiNBUHNE. A son of the late minister to the United States, a
prominent lawyer there, and a man whom I had met frequently. He
came in and stayed some time, this afternoon, and said : ^^ It is the intention
of the committee of safety to take possession of the Government build-
ing. You will recognize them by Mr. Dole; you know Mr. Dole; he is
the tallest man in the party; if you see him in the party you will know
what he is doing. They are going to take possession of the Govern-
ment building." He said: ^^Have you any objection to my seeing your
orders !" I said I had not. I called his attention to the orders Ijring
on the table. As he handed them back to me I said: ^^You see my
orders are to protect the legation, the consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in pres^ving order : I do
not know how to interpret that ; I can do it in but one way. If the Queen
calls upon me to preserve order I am going to do it." He said nothing
further to me about that, and went off. The men were just coming in
from drill.

It was, perhaps, half past 2 or a quarter to 3 when a man rushed
up to the gate, an American, with a Winchester and belt of cartridges,
quite excited, and said: ^^Thie police have attempted to stop our ammu-
nition wagon; it was necessary for it to go on, and the policeman was
shot and killed, and that there was a large crowd collected on Mer-
chant street" (Merchant street is where the police station is), ^^ and I
was ordered to come and tell you." I said : " Who are you, and what
is < our ammunition wagon V " He said : <^ I belong to one of the com-
panies raised by the committee of safety, and our ammunition, which
has been loading all day outside of Hall's store, was stopped by the
policeman, and he was shot." He said: <' After Mr. Good warned the
policeman off he dropped his whip and fired on him."

The Chairman. Was the x)oliceman kiUed!

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. It turned out afterward that he was not killed.
This man said to me: ^'Can I stay here at your camp until my com-
pany arrives!"

I said: <^Yes*" He was an American citizen and could stay any-
wliere. I suppose that wa& niturally the beginning of the riot. The

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 471

crowd collected, and I had the signal sounded, got the companies in
the rear of the building out of sight to stack arms, and had the men
kept at their company parades, so that they would not lounge about or
expose themselves.

The Chairman. What time of day was thist

Mr. Swinburne. Three or 4 o'clock.

The Chairman. On Tuesday?

Mr. Swinburne. On Tuesday. Then I stood at the gate to see what
would happen. The next thing was the arrival of Mr. Dole at the
building. The proclamation was read. At the time they commenced
to read the proclamation the companies commenced to come in, one at a
time. This was about half-past 4 o'clock. So far as time is concerned,
however, it is all guesswork; these events happened without my know-
ing what was coming, and I have simply to judge from the routine of
the camp. About half-past 4 or 5 o'clock I got a note from President
Dole asking me if I would come to see him in the Government building.
The captain arrived at the time these people entered the Government
bnilding and he took command. I showed the note to the captain and
said : " I will go over and tell Mr. Dole you are here and will see him."
The captain said : " I have no objection to seeing him." I went over and
told Mr. Dole that the captain had arrived, and if he (Mr. Dole) had
any propositions to submit the captain would see them. I took a note
from Mr. Dole to the captain, asking if he could come over. I asked
to be present at the meeting and the captain said yes. I went over,
and in the oflBice of the minister of the interior was Mr. Dole, Mr. Jones,
W. O. Smith, and a number of other gentlemen.

A large number of arms was piled up in the room, a large quantity
of ammunition stacked in the hall, and there was at least 100 men
under arms. There was an armed sentry at every gate; the whole
place had the appearance of being well guarded. We went in and Mr.
Dole greeted the captain. My impression is that W. O. Smith and
Mr. Jones did the most of the talking. They announced to the cap-
tain that they had formed themselves into a provisional government.
A proclamation had been read declaring the Queen dethroned and the
ministry dissolved; that they had possession of the archives, the Gov-
ernment building, and the treasury, and that they were a de facto gov-
ernment. They asked the captain if he was prepared to recognize
them a« such. The captain said : "Have you charge of the police sta-
tion and the barracks, and are you prepared to guarantee the safety of
life and property!" Mr. Dole said : "We have not charge of the police
station at present, but it is a mere matter of time; it is bound to be
given up in a few minutes; I expect to hear that it is given up at any
time." The captain said: "Until you are prepared to guarantee that
you can give protection to life and property I can not recognize you as
the de facto government," or words to that effect. Just then the late
ministry was announced, and there seemed to be nothing further for us
to say and we went out.

The Chairman. Was anything said at that conversation about being
in possession of the barracks!

Mr. Swinburne. No. We knew they were not in command of the
barracks: the Queen's troops were there, and sentries — just as quiet
as possible. We returned to the building at 6 o'clock, and the men
bad supper. In the meantime all these companies had arrived and
were dnlling. At half-past 6 o'clock the captain said "I must go up
to the minister's; before I go I want to state to you that the minister
has recognized the Provisional Government as tlie dc /octo ^ov^Twv$vft\\\»
of the ifidands; you will consider them as such." TViat vj«b^«A>\i'aML-^^^'^

472 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

6, and that was the first time I had heard of any official recognition
from the minister at all.

The Chaisman. Were the Queen's troops still at the barracks and
nnder arms at the time of that information?

Mr. Swinburne. The sentry was there.

Senator Gbat. So far as you could see, no change had taken place?

Mr. Swinburne. No.

The Chairman. That was the time that Capt. Wiltse informed you
the minister had recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto
Government!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; at half-past 7 — I had a telephone put in that
day — I had a call from central that said ^^ the citizen troops had taken
charge of the armory." Then I got a call from the marine officer, who
was right near and could see the building from where he was.

The Chairman. At the time that Capt. Wiltse informed you what
had been done by this Provisional Government, and when he said
he would go up and see the American minister, did he give you any
instructions as to whether you should or should not recognize that Gov-
ernment?

Mr. Swinburne. Oh, yes; that I was to recognize that Government.
My impression is that he satisfied himself that they had troops enough to
handle the situation. I think they had myself. Then I got a me^ssage
from Mr. Draper, the marine officer, stating the same thing — that the
police station had surrendered to the forces. The central simply notified
me that the citizen troops had taken charge of the police station^ and
that was followed by a communication from Mr. Draper, at the consu-
late, that the troops had taken possession of the police station.

Senator Gray. Who was Mr. Draper!

Mr. Swinburne. The marine officer.

Senator Gray. He was where he could sect

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

Senator Gray. Near the police station!

Mr. Swinburne. Near the police station. By standing on the side-
walk he could look down and see what was going on. All that night
it was perfectly quiet — ^no disturbance of any kind. The next morning
about 11 o'clock, while standing outside the camp, the English minis-
ter and the Portuguese minister came along.

Senator Gray. When was that!

Mr. Swinburne. Wednesday morning. The English minister
stopped and notified me that he had just been to notify the Provisional
Government that he would recognize them as the de facto Government,
pending advice from his Government; but he said, as a sort of paren-
thesis, ^^I found it necessary to ask them, if they were the de facto
Government, why it was necessary to bring foreign troops on the soil."
He expected an answer from me. I looked as if I had no answer to
give, and he looked at me a few minutes and went on. The Queen
surrendered the palace that day; the Eoyal standard was hauled down,
and she retired to Washington Place. She was allowed a guard of
half her former troops, household guards — ^a force of 15 or 16 men.

The Chairman. Of Hawaiian troops f

Mr. Swinburne. Hawaiian troops — the rest were disbanded, paid
to the end of the month, and they left pretty cheertully.

On Thursday we moved into our new quarters on Fort street, which
had been procured for us, the property of Mr. Bishop. Mr. Damon
was the agent of the property, and through him this was arranged.
We moved in there and stayed there, and the next step was the hoist-
ing of the fiag, on the 1st of February. For two or three weeks before

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 473

•

the 1st of Febmary there had been a f^reat many rumors of an out-
break; the current report was that the loyalists thought it necessary '
to make a demonstration of some kind before the departure of the
steamer on the 1st of Febuary, and for that reason for three or four
nights everything was guarded very closely at the Government build-
ing; they had extra patrok, and every preparation was made to pre-
vent any surprise. On the evening of the ia«t day of January Gapt.
Wiltse said to me, '^ I want you to be ready to have the battalion under
arms at half past 8, when I will come on shore and give you your orders."
At half past 8 the battalion was paraded, the captain arrived and
banded me the orders, a copy of which is there, and dated the 1st of
February. He ordered me to take charge of the Government building,
the flag to be hoisted at 9 o'clock. I marched down with the battalioiK
At the Government building 1 found all the members of the advisory
ooancU and the members of the cabinet of the Provisional Government.
The three companies of troops were drawn up on the three sides of the
square. We marched in and were drawn up in front of the building,
and then by direction of the captain the adjutant read the prodama-
^on of the minister establishing a protectorate over the islands pend-
ing negotiations with the United States. As I understand, that was
at the request of the Provisional Government. Then the American flag
was hoisted and saluted. After the American flag was hoisted the
Hawaiian flag was hoisted.
Senator Gbay. How was the American flag saluted?
Mr. Swinburne. The troox>s presented arms, and three flourishes
of the trumi)ets were given.
Senator Gray. Was a salute fired from the ship?
Mr. Swinburne. A salute of 21 guns was fired from the ship.
Senator Gray. What was the salute from the ship!
Mr. Swinburne. The national salute.

The Chairman. And then you faced about

Mr. Swinburne. Faced about and gave the same honors to the
Hawaiian flag.
The Chairman. Was any salute fired?

Mr. Swinburne. Ko salute was fired. Then the building was
tamed over to my custody, and the Provisional Government's troops
marched out. By Capt. Wiltse's order I left a marine guard of 25 men
▼hich had been withdrawn from the consulate and legation that day,
leaving only 5 men at the legation. They were plac^ in charge of
the Government building. There was a change apparent at once; no
mare rumors of uprising of any kind — uprising of the Royalists; the
tnmsaction of public business was much facilitated, because the marines
had orders to let anybody come and go without being bothered about
passes or anything of the kind. So two days passed, when President
Dole came to me and said he would like to have the Government build-
ing opened that the court might be held, and to that end he would like
to have the sentry removed from the front gate during the hours from
dtiU4.
The Chairman. What court?

Mr. Swinburne. The supreme court. I suggested that it would
be better to go further than that, to remove all sentries for the
time so as not to have the appearance of keeping anybody away, which
▼as done. All the sentries were taken from the public building from 9
to 4, all the gates were opened, and the court held its sessions. A
ihort time afterwards one conipany of 36 men was sent on board ship
(Mr. Young's company), reducing the force on shore to 120 me\A. T\\^tv,
on the 2Uth of March, by direction of Eear Admiral Skerrett, auot\i«£

474 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

company of 36 men .was withdrawn, and that, with the casaaltiea
Ihat occdrred, left the force on shore abont 90 men; I think less than
that.

Senator Gray. What do you mean by casualties?

Mr. Swinburne. Some men sent on board ship for punishment, and
quite a number sent on board sick. Somewhere in the neighborhood
of 80 to 90 men left, inchiding the drum corps and color guard.

The Chairman. At what time did Admiral Skerrett come into the
hjirbor?

Mr. Swinburne. I forget the date of his arrival; but it was after
the flag was hoisted.

The Chairman. On what ship did he comet

•Mr. Swinburne. The Mohican.

The 0HAIR3IAN. Is that his flagship?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. What was Admiral Skerrett's command f

Mr. Swinburne. The Pacific Station.

The Chairman. That included Hawaii?

Mr. Swinburne. That included Hawaii; yes.

The Chairman. How long did Capt. Wiltse remain on the Boston
after Admiral Skerrett's arrival?

Mr. Swinburne. My impression is that he remained until about tLe
5th of March, when he was relieved by Capt. B. F. Day.

The Chairman. Did he leave on account of sickness?

Mr. Swinburne. He left because of the termination of his cruise.
He was there a little longer than the termination of his cruise. Two
years is now the ordinary term of a captain at sea; that had expired
in February, and in the ordinary course of routine Capt. Day was sent
out to relieve him.

The Chairman. How long did Capt. Wiltse live after that?

Mr. Swinburne. I have forgotton the date of his death — ^probably six
weeks or two months.

The Chairman. After he arrived in the United States ?

Mr. Swinburne. After he arrived in the United States. He had
been apparently in good health; but he had one stroke of apoplexy
while he was attached to the ship. I was not surprised. '

The Chairman. Are those the orders under which you left the ship
with that detachment (exhibiting paper) ?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. They are as follows:

U. S. S. Boston, Second-rat b,
Honolulu, Hatvaiian Islands^ January 16, 1893.
Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne,

U, S. Navy J Executive Officer U. 8. S. Boston :

Sir : You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu
for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order.
Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men. and no
action taken that is not frilly warranted by the condition of affairs and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.

You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change
in the situation.

Very respectfully,

G. C. Wiltse,
Captain^ U. 8. Kavy^ Commanding U. 8. 8. Boston.

HAWAIIAN I8LANDG. 475

What time of day were these orders delivered to you?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. About half past 4 on the afternoon of the 10th.

TheCHArRMAN. When you received these orders did you receive
any personal or private instructions from Capt. Wiltse in addition?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. None at all, except what I have stated in regard
to where we were to go.

The Chaibman. Did you at that time know of the formation of a
provisional government in Hawaii?

Mr. Swinburne. No; not at all. In fact I knew nothing about that
until Mr. Carter spoke of it on Tuesday afternoon.

The Chaibman. That was the first knowledge you had?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. That was the first knowledge I had.

The Chaibman. So that, in landing with those troops you were not
landed for the purpose of protecting the Provisional Government.

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Not the slightest.

The Chaibman. Or inaugurating a provisional government?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. ifot at all.

The Chaibman. You were not certain that you were to do anything
more than to protect the

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Protect American property and the lives of citi-
zens— ^particularly the property. There had been always a feeling dur-
ing the time we were there that we were there to look out, in the event
of any domestic disturbance in the islands, that no harm came to the
Americans or their property in any way.

The Chaibman. You are not certain whether that order to assist in
preserving public order related to the Queen's Government or any other
government?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. I supposed it to mean the Queen's Gk)vernment;
l^at was my interpretation. There was no other government when I
landed.

The Chaibman. So that, if the Queen had addressed to you a re-
quest to preserve the public order, or if you had found that the public
wder was being disturbed by opposition to her, you would have felt
required to respond ?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. That request would have come through the minis-
ter to me, merely to preserve order. I did not know that I was there
to fight her battles anymore than anybody else's. I was there to pre-
serve order ; protect the peaceful rights of citizens in the town. I should
have been r^dy if called upon to lend a hand.
Senator Gbay. You were going to prevent fighting?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. I was going to prevent any fighting that endangered
peaceable American citizens in the town.

Senator Gbay. Did Capt. Wiltse say anything to you, or in your
presence say anything about preventing any fighting in the town, or
not allowing any fighting in the town?
Mr. SwiNBUBNE. No ; not at all.
Senator Gbat. Never did?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. No.

Senator Gbay. That if they wanted to fight they would have to go
ontside?

Bfr. SwiNBUBNE. The order said, I thought, no more than to see
that peaceable citizens were not interfered with.

Senator Gbay. Did Capt. Wiltse say that if there was to be any
fil^hting it should be out of town?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. No; he said nothing to me about fighting at all.
We had no discussion of the orders.

476 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gray. Did he say it in you presence!

Mr. SwiNBUKNE. I never heard it.

The Chaibman. Your construction of the fighting order was to see
that peaceful citizens were not interfered with!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. By anybody?

Mr. Swinburne. By anybody.

Senator Frye. I understfind tha* under the rules and regulations
of the U. S. Navy, naval officers in foreign {>ort8 are required to
protect the lives and property of American citizens. • Now, do you not
understand that, so far as this order related to the preservation of order,
that you were to preserve order so as to render safe the lives and prop-
erty of American citizens?

Mr. Swinburne. Precisely.

Senator Frye. You would not have felt called upon to stop it if the
Queen's troops had fired into the Provisional trom)s.

Mr. Swinburne. Oh, no.

Senator Frye. Your idea was that the order was for you to ijrotect
the lives -and property of American citizens!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. The evening we landed it was reported, and
the next morning Mr. Draper said the Chinese consul came to him at
the consulate a^er the consul-general had left and reported that his
people were very much disturbed, and he did not know what was
going to happen, and he wanted to know from Mr. Draper what they
were to do. Mr. Draper said: **If your people behave themselves, go
to their houses, and keep out. of trouble I will see that they are pro-
tected." So that he notified me of that the next morning, and I said,
"Certainly; in such a case as that there is no reason why we should
not protect any man's life, w^hen he is simply behaving himself and
attending to his own business." That was the only question that ever
came up. My idea was that I was to look out for American property.
Of course, there was some American property there then in danger,
and I was going to see that that property and the lives of the owners
were looked out for.

The Chairman. By property do you mean goods?

Mr. Swinburne. Goods; yes, and houses. What I feared was incen-
diary firing of houses, and that sort of thing, by an irresponsible mob.

The Chairman. Are those the orders under which you took posses-
sion of the Government Building [exhibiting paper]!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. They are laconic enough.

The orders are as follows :

"U. S. S. Boston, Second-Rate,
^^ffonolulu, Hawaiian Islands^ February i, 1893.
"Lieut.-Comraander W. T. Swinburne,

^*' Commanding Battalion^ TL 8. 8. Boston,

"Sir: You will take possession of the Government Building, and the
American fiag will be hoisted over it at 9 a. m.
"Very respectfully,

"G. O. Wiltse,
^^ Captain J TJ, 8, Navy^ Commanding IT. 8. 8. Boston.^

The Chairman. These are the orders under which you abandoned
the island and went back to the ship ? [Exhibiting paper.]

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; the orders detaching me from the command,
and ordering me to return to the ship.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 477

The orders are as follows:

" U. S. S. Boston, Second Batb,

^^HonolulUj H. J., March 20^ 1893.
"Sm: In accordance with the instructions of Eear- Admiral J. S,
Skerrett, D. S. Navy, commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station,
you will, at 5:30 p. m. to-day, withdraw from shore one company of
thirty-six men, with their officers, and repair on board the Boston and
resume accustomed duties.

** One company, with music, colors, and proper proportion of officers,
will be left at 'Camp Boston,^ and you will turn over the command ot
the same to Lieutenant Charles Laird, U. S. Navy, who will continue
Uie duties and routine as heretoibre.
**Very respectfully,

"B. F. Day,
" Captain U. 8. Navy^ Commanding U. 8. 8. Boston,

"Lieut. Comdr. VVm. T. Swinburne,

" U. 8. NavyP

Washington, D. C, Friday^ January 19, 1894.

8W0RH STATEHEHT OF LIEUT. COMMANDER W. T. SWDTBUBN E.

Continued.

The Chairman. Did you have any instructions in addition to or
. differing from the orders under which you started from the ship!

Mr. Swinburne. None at all.

The Chairman. Did you understand when you left the ship that
you were going ashore for the purpose of sustaining the Provisional
Government then in process of organization or in expectation of organ-
ization, or for the purpose of sustaining any government!

Mr. Swinburne. Not at all. I had never heard of the Provisional
Government. I did not know, even, that there Jwas such a movement
on foot. I knew there was a movement of some kind on foot on the
part of the citizens, and my idea was that it was to get some absohite
assurances from the Queen that they could depend upon in the futnre.

The Chairman. Your idea was that the movement was to get some
assurances from the Queen!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes. I did not expect it would ever come to the
point of dethroning her. You will notice in my testimony given before
that I had called Mr. Carter's attention to that part of my orders
which referred to preserving order in the town. Before Mr. Carter
had asked me if he could see my orders, when he told me that certain
men were going to take the Government building, in calling attention
to that part of my orders, I purposely exaggerated my orders, lest he
should get an idea that as these men were Americans I would give them
^pport, since I was there to protect American interests. I called his
attention to the clause which directed me to assist in preserving order.
I said, ^^ My understanding of that is that I am to assist the Queen's
Governmtot in preserving order." Of course, a request from the Queen
to assist in preserving order would have to come through the minister,
but 1 thought it was proper to exaggerate that, so that he N^ouldi go

478 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

away with a complete nnderstanding of how I stood with regard to the
matter. That was the purpose of that statement.

The Chairman. Had you any purpose, or did you suspect any pur-
pose on the part of any person concerned in this movement, either the
United States minister, the United States consul, Capt. Wiltse, or
any other official to establish a provisional government, or to dethrone
the Queen!

Mr. SwiNBTJBNE. Not at all.

The Chaibman. You were not aware of any such purpose existing
at all?

Mr. Swinburne. No.

The Chairman. At the time the troops disembarked — went on
shore — do you know whether Mr. Stevens was on board the ship?

Mr. Swinburne. My impression is that he had gone on shore. I
am not certain of that; but I am pretty sure.

The Chairman. When did you next see Mr. Stevens after you saw
him on board the ship?

Mr. Swinburne. I do not remember to have seen him again until
the day of his daughter's funeral, which must have been about four
weeks from the date of our landing, though I can't be certain. It was
not until the day of his daughter's funeral; I can not recall when that
was, but it was while we were on shore.

The Chairman. Did Mr. Stevens interfere in any way with the man-
agement of the troops on shore?

Mr. Swinburne, l^ot at all.

The Chairman. Did he give any directions as to what they should
or should not do?

Mr. Swinburne. All the directions that came to me were given to
me by the captain.

The Chairman. I believe you have already stated what you know
about the transaction, couunencing with the time you landed. That is
in your deposition?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. And up to the time you left

Mr. Swinburne. Left Arion Hall.

The Chairman. And went down to Camp Boston?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. How long did you remain in Camp Boston t

Mr. Swinburne. A portion of the troops was there until the 1st of
April — ^up to the time the flag was hauled down. I was detached on
the 20th of March.

The Chairman. I want to call your attention to some remarks made
by Mr. Willis in his reports or letters. In his letter of December 20,
1893, to Mr. Gresham, Mr. Willis says:

"The delay in making any announcement of your policy was, as you
will understand, because of the direct verbal and written instructions
under which I have been acting. Under those instructions my first
duty was to guard the life and safety of- those who had by the act of
our own minister been placed in a position where there was an apx>ar*
ant antagonism between them and our Government. As I understood
from the President and from you, the sole connection with our Govern-
ment had with the settlement of the Hawaiian question was the undo-
ing of what, from an international standpoint, was considered by the
President to have been a wrong to a feeble, defenseless, and friendly
power. In undoing this wrong I was, however, instructed first of aU
to Bee that proper safeguard&s were thrown around those who had been

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 479

probably misled as to the position of our Government and the wishes
of our people."

J understand that the protection Mr. Willis speaks of here has refer-
ence to those persons who were of the party of the Queen. Now, I
wish to ask you whether, while you stayed upon that island, you saw
or was informed of any demonstration whatever of a hostile character
toward the person of the Queen or any of her supporters?

Mr. Swinburne. Not that I ever heard of, any further than the
dethronement of the Queen — no attempt of a personal nature against
the Queen or her followers.

The Chaibman. Of course, I am speaking of their personal safety
and protection.

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Not at all ; they had the same prot'Oction that any
other person had.

Senator Fb YE. Did they not have more; did not the Provisional
Government ftirnish the Queen with half her guard?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

Senator Fbye. And did they not pay off the guard to the first of the
month, when they were discharged?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; she had more protection than anyone else
during the revolution. I never heard of a revolution carried on in
that style.

The Chairman. Here is a statement in Mr. Willis's letter to the
effect that the Japanese and English legations 'were guarded by the
marines of their respective vessels, '^ and no American soldier has been
stationed here and none will be." Do you recollect whether the Japan-
ese and English legations were guarded during the time you were there f

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Not at all. The Japanese asked permission to
land a guard at the legation^ and the Provisional Government, while
they did not refuse, informed the minister that they were perfectly
able to give them all necessary protection; and it was currently
reported that the Provisional Government had given the Japanese
minister permission to have a guard on shore if he wished it, but none
were landed.

The Chaibman. This permission of which Mr. Willis speaks must
have occurred after you went back to the ship!

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. Yes; no foreign troops were ashore at all except
our own.

The Ghaibman. At the time you withdrew and went on board that
ship, will you say that the people of Honolulu were in a state of
quietude, or in an agitated and insurrectionary state?

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. They were perfectly quiet; all the agitation was
the conspiring of a few professional politicians belonging to the Queen's
party. We could see that going on all the time.

Senator Gbat. Were there any professional politicians belonging to
the other party f

Mr. SwiNBUBNE. When I used that expression I referred to two or
three men who never seemed to have any other means of existence
except as a part of the Queen's party. The Queen being out of power,
they had no visible means of support.

The Chaibman. I want to read you some more extracts from Mr.
Willis's letter, the one I quoted from a moment ago, to see whether you
can concur in the opinions he has expressed and indorse the facts
which he has brought to the attention of the Secretary of State.

Senator Gbay. I will ask whether Lieut. Swinburne was in Honolulu
at any time during the time that Mr Willis was on &hox^\

480 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Swinburne. 5^o.

The Chairman. You mean you were not on shore t
* Mr. Swinburne. I was not there at all. Mr. Stovens was still
minister when I left, and Mr. Blount was there taking testimony.
You see, I left there the 11th of May.

Tbe Chairman. And this letter I have been reading from is dated
December.

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. I now read from Mr. Willis's letter:

" The President's attention had been called by you to the evidence
contained in Mr. Blount's report showing the extraordinary complica-
tions and dangers surrounding this community, among which were the
racial prejudices, the intense feeling consequent upon the dethronement
of the constitutional sovereign, the presence of so many different
nationalities — Chinese, Japanese, Portuguese, Americans, and English-
in such large numbers and with such diverse traits and interests, the
possibility that the Japanese, now numbering more than one- fifth of the
male population of the islands, might take advantage of the condition
of affairs to demand suffrage and through it to obtain control of the
Government, together with the discontent of the native Hawaiians at
the loss of their Government and of the rights secured under it.

"In addition to these tacts I was fully apprised by you in your per-
sonal conversations of the presence here of many lawless and disor-
derly characters, owing allegiance to neither party, who would gladly
take advantage of the excitement and general derangement of affairs
to indulge in rapine and mob violence; and also of the conflict between
the active responsible representatives of the Provisional Government
and certain men who were not officially connected with it, but who had
undertaken to dictate its policy. The danger from this last source 1
found upon arriving here wa« much greater than you had supposed.
As I stated to you in my dispatch. No. 2, of November 10, the President
and ministers of the Provisional Government and a large per cent of
those who support them are men of high character and of large mate
rial interests in the islands. These men have been inclined to a con-
servative course toward the Hawaiians.

" They had placed in the police and fire departments, and also in many
other more important offices, native Hawaiians, thus endeavoring to
conciliate the friendship and support of the 40,000 natives of the
country. The irresponsible element referred to were pressing for a
change of this wise and patriotic policy and insisting that they should
be invested with all power, thus intensifying and aggravating the racial
feeling already too extreme. Many of these men were open in their
threats against the life of the Queen. They have even gone as far in
the public prints and elsewhere as to threaten the representatives of
the Provisional Government in the event they should listen to the
President's supposed policy of peaceful settlement, if it involved the
restoration of the Queen.

" Besides this danger, which would have been precipitated by any
premature announcement of the policy of our Government, there was
another danger deserving serioas attention.

"The native Hawaiians, under the wise advice of their best native
leaders, supplemented by that of many sympathizing foreigners, have
maintained the policy of peace during the settlement of this question.
While, however, they have been always known as a peaceful and law-
abiding people, the evidence of the most thoughtful men in these
ifiiands, including Mr. D'amow, Uvc \)ici>eut minister of finance, called

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 481

attention to the fact that under proper leadership they might collect
quite an effective and aggressive following; hence his opinion given to
Mr. Blount while here and to me since that a strong force should be
retained by the Provisional Government or else trouble might result
from a sudden attack on their part."

Now, I wish to ask whether or not during the period you were there
Mr. Willis has, in your judgment, correctly described the attitude of the
different elements in Hawaii — Honolulu — and also the state of feeling —
the temper of the people during that timet

Mr. Swinburne. During the time that I was on shore there seemed
to be most of the time — everything was perfectly quiet — I felt there did
exist a class of irresponsible men who, in the event of an outbreak,
might take advantage of that to plunder or burn or destroy property,
and it was that element I feared I would have to cope with when I was
sent ashore to protect American interests. Those were the people I
expected to have trouble with. So far as the average natives them-
selves— the ordinary class of natives, not the members of the legisla-
ture or leaders — ^were concerned, they appeared to be perfectly indif-
ferent; they were always interested in our drills, always collected in
large numbers to watch them. I could not see that they had any feel-
ing against us whatever; they never exhibited it in any way.

The policemen throughout the city while I was on shore were
natives, the majority of them. I could not see that they had any
feeling against us at all. I knew quite a number of young men, half-
caste young men, who were in public office. I rather thought they
had a bitter feeliug against our people. But I myself imagined that
that came from some fancied feeliug of loss of social rank through the
change in the Government — such as annexation to the United Stages.
They were half-castes; they were young men in society there (this is
my own idea), and, of course, I always felt that they were more bitter
at the fact of any change in the future of the islands — that the
annexation of the islands to this country would change their position;
they would not have as good social position as they had before.

The Chairman. Were they a respectable class of men 1

Mr. Swinburne. Oh, perfectly so.

The Chairman. Well educated?

Mr. Swinburne. Well educated.

The Chairman. And might very justly entertain such expectations t

Mr. Swinburne. I think that was, perhaps, natural that they
should feel that way, although these men were occupying positions
under the Government at the time.

The Chairman. And were not removed ?

Mr. Swinburne. And were not removed.

The Chairman. Now, taking the description given by Mr. Willis of
the different factions, social, political, racial, etc., as he has described
them in the extract I have just read to you, would you, in such a com-
munity as that, think it would be necessary to have some demonstra-
tion of military force in order to prevent the occurrence of outbreaks
which at any other time might spring up.

Mr. Swinburne. Any government' there would have to have a force
capable of coping with the situation; they would have to keep a mili-
tary force there, unquestionably.

Senator Gray. Do you think these people are capable of self-govern-
ment, as we understand it in the States. Take the whole pfiople of the
Islands.

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HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 483

The Chaibman. That was really the function of the military organ-
ization in Hawaii!
Mr. 8wiNBtTR>'K. Yes.

The Chaibman. Had no reference to foreign war, offensive or de-
fensive?

Mr. SwiNBUBNis. It could not do more than make an honorable
stand against any foreign power whatever.

The Chaibman. So that the military organization in Hawaii was
simply intended for the preservation of the internal peace t
Mr.* Swinbubne. That is the way I understood it.
The Chaibman. Now, was it for the purpose of assisting in that line
of condact, or was it for the purpose of making an assault upon any
government or of participating in any political agitation or aiding
anv political party, that you went on shore with those troops in Hono-
lufnT

Mr. Swinbubne. My idea always has been, and was at the time, that
we landed simply for the protection of American property and interests
and lives; that in the event of an outbreak, any demonstration against
the Queen, or any attempt to overthrow her power, there would be a
good deal of lawlessness. That is a seaport town and is full of the
ordinary irresponsible classes to be found in any seaport town,* and at
sach a time as that, it would give the chance for lawless people, white
or native, or whatever they might be, to plunder and fire property,
probably do damage of any kind. That was my reason for desiring to
be down near the wharf.

Senator Gbat. And you were there, as I understand, under your
orders t^ x>reserve order!

Mr. Swinbubne. To preserve order, to protect the property and lives
of Americans.

Senator Gbay. And if a crowd of people, disorderly or otherwise,
should have attempted to arrest or maltreat Mr. Damon, Mr. Dole, or
Mr. Carter on that day, you would have protected them?
Mr. Swinbubne. It would have depended upon what they were doing.
Senator Gbay. Suppose they were walking up to the Government
building, as th6y were doing that morning, and they were set upon,
nonld you have protected them !
Mr. Swinbubne. If they were going to the Government building!
Senator Gbay. Yes.

Mr. Swinbubne. I should think I would have been called upon to
protect them.
Senator Gbay. I think so.
Mr. Swinbubne. They were entitled to the liberty of the streets,

but if they were organized as a force

Senator Gbay. I say if they were going up to the Government build-
iniT, as they were on that day, and were set upon!

.Mr. Swinbubne. And if 1 had been informed, as I was, that this
party was going in to take the Government building!

Senator Gbay. Would you have allowed them to be maltreated or
«etapon!
Mr. Swinbubne. That is a difficult question to answer.
Senator Gbay. I sympathize with you in it.
Mr. Swinbubne. That would be difficult to answer.
Seuator Gbay. I think so.

Mr. Swinbubne. I am satisfied that Mr. Carter knew exactly how
I stood in the matter when he went into the building^ that is, I let him

484 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

unclerstancl that I was there simply to protect American property and
life.

The Chairman. Did you gather the impression or belief there that
any members of the Queen's cabinet were in sympathy with this politi-
cal outbreak t

Mr. Swinburne. In sympathy with the Provisional OovernmentT

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Swinburne. Of the Queen's cabinet at that time!

The Chairman. For the purpose of overthrowing her, or for the pur-
pose of establishing a provisional government t

Mr. Swinburne. I did not.

The Chairman. Did you hear anything about members of that cabi-
net going to the citizen's meeting and asking for protection or asking
advice as to what they should dof

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; I did hear that. I heard that two of them
went to Judge Hartwell. Judge Hartwell is known to be a very ardent
Annexationist.

Senator Gray. Was he on the bench t

Mr. Swinburne. Well, he had been.

Senator Gray. He was called " judge f

Mr. Swinburne. Called *' judge."

The Chairman. In point of time, did you hear that when yon got on
shore that day!

Mr. Swinburne. I heard that from the messenger who came off to
Capt. Wiltse about noon. My impression is that it was Mr. Cooper.

The Chairman. He brought that information to Capt. Wiltse f

Mr. Swinburne. Brought that to Capt. Wiltse.

The Chairman. That two members of the Queen's cabinet

Mr. Swinburne. Had come to Judge Hartwell's office and disclosed
to him the fact that the Queen had attempted to — they felt that the
Queen was prepared to use force — ^to force them to sign that new con-
stitution.

The Chairman. Did you stand from that statement that they had
asked any protection from the citizens, or had asked advice from the
citizens as to what they should do?

Mr. Swinburne. If you want ray opinion, and not what I knowt

The Chairman. No. I want to know the shape in which that infor-
mation came aboard the ship that morning.

Mr. Swinburne. It came as a warning to Capt. Wiltse that the
Qneen was prepared to overthrow the constitution. It was bronght to
his attention there. His business was to watch over American inter-
ests in the islands.

The Chairman. Mr. Cooper brought that information to Capt.
Wiltse!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. Did it in any respect have reference to the Queen^s
cabinet having sought advice from the citizens against any project of
hers to arrest them f

Mr. Swinburne. That is what I understood at the time. I know it
was talked of in the town ; but whether I heard it at that time or not,
I do not know.

The Chairman. What I want is the information that was bronght
aboard the ship.

Mr. Swinburne. It is very difficult to separate the time when I
heard these things. But I gathered the impression that day tiiat these

HAWAl'uN ISLANDS. 485

men were actaally afraid that they would bo arrested by the Qneen when
they went to HartwelPs office. That was my impression that day.

The Chairman. The object of their visit to HartwelPs office was either
to get advice or assistance against such expected or proposed movement
on the part of the Queen t

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was there any request came off to the ship from any
other person to Mr. Stevens for the landing of the troops!

Mr. Swinburne. Kot that I am aware of. I am certain there was a
message came off to the captain that led him to make his preparations.

Senator Gray. Do you know from whom that message came?

Mr. SWINBURNE. I do not; I judge from the American minister.

Senator Gray. Other than the American minister?

Mr. Swinburne. I do not know. I judge, of course, there could not
be any.

Senator Gray. Do you recollect any note coming to Mr. Stevens on
the afternoon, and while he was on the ship?

Mr. Swinburne. That I do not know of my own knowledge, but I
heard that thete was a note. I was extremely busy after I hs^ asked
Capt. WUtse to allow the captains of tbe companies to be present to
gather such information as they could. I left the cabm and was in and
out, and there was a good deal said between the captain and the captains
of the companies that I did not hear. They asked questions as to their
duties under certain circumstances; I heard what they were afterwai*d,
but I did not hear at the time. I had been there long enough to know
what we were to do if we landed, what my business was, and my orders
were not handed to me until just before we shoved off from the ship.
But we were there for the purpose of protecting American property and
American interests; and my idea was to protect them against people,
who, I felt, might be guilty of incendiarism, plunder, or maltreatment
of unoffending American citizens. That is what I was thinking about.

Senator Frye. Most of the buildings in Honolulu are constructed of
wood?

Mr. Swinburne. They are most all wooden buildings.

Senator Frye. They would make serious flres?

Mr. Swinburne. I know that is what the people were afraid of.

Senator Frye. Is not that the resort of certain elements in revolu-
tionary states when a revolution is under way?

Mr. Swinburne. It is.

Senator Frye. All through the South, down in Panama and every-
where else?

Mr. Swinburne. I should think so.

Senator Frye. I supx>ose the city of Honolulu is very much scat-
tered?

Mr. Swinburne. Covers a good deal of ground.

Senator Frye. And the Americans' houses are also scattered all
over the best part of the city?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; many of them np iN'uuanu Valley and toward
the ])lains, and a good many toward Waikiki?

Senator Frye. In case of mob violence in the city, that is the
property, I take it, that is pretty likely to be burned up?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

Senator Frye. When you were about Arion Hall were you not sit-
uated as well as you could be to hit that class of property?

Mr. Swinburne. So far as American property was conceruiedL \

486 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

should say that Arion Hall is as good as any other place. There were
as many Americans on one side as on the other.

Senator Pete. So far as you know, in selecting Arion Hall there was
no purpose had except the protection of American life and property!

Mr. Swinburne. That is my understanding. At the time we were
glad of a place to lie down.

Senator Frtb. One of the witnesses before Mr. Blount makes the
statement that when the Provisional Government marched up and took
possession of the Government building the United States marines
were drawn up in array with their Gatling guns, and all that sort of
thing, in sight of the Provisional Government's men who were taking
possession.

Mr. Swinburne. I should say they were not in sight. The men
were drawn up in tbeir company parades, because I had the informa-
tion before these men arrived that a policeman had been shot, and that
the men were collecting on the street, and I supposed there would be
a demonstration immediately. The arms were stacked and the men
standing in company parades, and were ready to move.

Senator Fryb. Where were they!

Mr. Swinburne. My idea was to keep them as much out of sight as
possible. Indeed, I had great difficulty in keeping the men in tbe
ranks; they would slip through to the other side of the building and
look over the fence to see what was going on.

Senator Frye. In order to see what was going on they had to do
that? .

Mr. Swinburne. Had to do that, go to the front of the building —
get on the porch, and look over.

Senator Gray. Where were the Gatling gunfef

Mr^ Swinburne. In the only position in which they could be parked.
The 37 millimeters, as I remember, stood on the right, on the Govern-
ment house side, and the Gatling on the other side of it. They stood
together where they were parked, the first night we went in, and where
they remained all the time we were there — ^the most convenient place
we could get.

Senator Gray. Near the street?

Mr. Swinburne. Yes; 37 was nearest the street. It was a narrow
yard. I should think that was not over 20 yards from the street; not
over that.

Senator Frye. One witness before Mr. Blount stated that it would
have been impossible for the Boyalist troops to have made an attack
upon the Provisional men that were taking possession of the Govern-
ment building, without at the same time attacking the United States
troops.

Mr. Swinburne. I thought of that condition. I thought at the time
it was untenable in the event of a fight between the two factions. I
expected to have to withdraw my men from that position. I thought
I would have been between the two fires; at least I was not in a good
position in the event of an outbreak. I had thought of that, and
expected to have removed the men.

Senator Frye. Are you acquainted with Minister Stevens!

Mr, Swinburne. I had visited his house frequently while I was in
Honolulu, nearly once a week.

Senator Frye. What estimate did you form of Minister Stevens'
character!

Mr. Swinburne. I formed the idea that he was a man of the highest
character.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 487

Senator Frye. Did you at any time know of his saying anything in
favor of the overthrow of the Queen or the establishment of a provi-
sional government!

Mr. 8WINBXJBNE. He certainly never did in my presence, and I do
not know of his having said anything of the kind.

Senator Fbye. You were on board the ship when the ship went to
Hilo, I suppose!

Mr. Swinburne. I was.

Senator Frye. Did Mr. Stevens have a conversation with you while
on that trip!

Mr. Swinburne. Not on i)olitical questions.

Senator Frye. Did you hear of him having conversations with the
officers in which he expressed the fact that he was glad peace had
been accomplished and would remain for two years, as he could go
home at the expiration of his term of office and leave it so!

Mr. Swinburne. I did not hear him say so then; but before we left
the island I spoke of my reasons to Capt. Wiltse for a postponement of
a trip for target practice. The captain said he was satisfied, and the
minister said he was satisfied that the Wilcox- J ones ministry could
not be voted out; that everything was as quiet as possible, and it was
as good a time to go as could be.

The Chairman, I wish to read you some further extracts from Mr.
Willis's communication to Secretary Gresham. He says: "There is,
undoubtedly, in this Government a class of reckless, lawless men who,
under the impression that they have the support of some of the better
classes of citizens, may at any moment bring about a. serious condition
of affairs," but says that "the men at the head of the Provisional Gov-
ernment are of the highest integrity," etc.

Then he says what I have already quoted:

"The danger from this last source I found upon arriving here was
much greater than you had supposed. As I stated to you in my dis-
patch, No. 2, of November 10, the President and ministers of the Pro-
visional Government and a large per cent of those who support them
are men of high character and of large material interests in the islands.
These men have been inclined to a conservative course toward the
Hawaiians."

Does that conform with your opinion of the character of the men who
formed the Provisional Government!

Mr. Swinburne. While I was there, 1 should say it is an exaggera-
tion. While there were men in the Provisional Government who I
knew were in favor of more aggressive measures against the late mon-
archy, that is, were in favor of deporting the Queen, and while there
were a great many in favor of turning out all the people who had been
holding office under the late government, I do not think they could be
called people who would foment trouble. They were people who were
more radical, as there are in all parties — some are more radical than
others — ^but as the statement was read there it seems to me an exag-
geration of the composition of the Provisional Government party at
the time I was in the city of Honolulu.

The Chairman. You are speaking now, I suppose, of the class which
Mr. Willis designates as reckless and lawless men!

Mr. Swinburne. Yes.

The Chairman. Now, the other part, and the one to which I want
specially to direct your attention, where he speaks of the men at
the head of the Provisional Government as men of the highest integ-
rity and public spirit. Do you concur in that viewl

488 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. SwiNBUENE. Unquestionably. I think Mr. Dole, for instance,
a man who was doing in the matter what he considered to be solely his
duty.

The Ohairman. Now, as to character.

Mr. Swinburne. I think that is correctly stated as to the character
of the prominent men in the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. I notice on page 57 of Ex. Doc. No. 47 this com-
munication n'om yourself to Mr. Blount. It is as follows:

" Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 5, 1893.

"Hon. J. H. Blount,

" Special Commissioner of Unitsd States:

"Sir: In response to your verbal request for a written communica-
tion from me regarding certain facts connected with the recognition of
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands by the United
States minister to that country on the afternoon of January 17, 1893,
I have to state as follows:

"On the afternoon in question I was present at an interview between
Capt. Wiltse, commanding the Boston, who was at that time present in
his official capacity with the battalion then landed in Honolulu, and
Mr. Dole and other gentlemen representing the present Provisional
Government, in the executive chamber of the Government building.
During the interview we were informed that the party represented by
the men there present was in complete possession of the Government
building, the archives, and the treasury, and that a Provisional Gov-
ernment had been established by them.

"In answer Gapt. Wiltse asked if their Government had possession
of the police station and barracks. To this the reply was made that
they had not possession then, but expected to hear of it in a few min-
utes, or very soon. To this Capt. Wiltse replied, * Very well, gentle-
men, I can not recognize you as a de facto Government until you have
possession of the police station and are prepared to guarantee protec-
tion to life and property,' or words to that effect. Here our interview
was interrupted by other visitors, and we withdrew and returned to the
camp at Arion Hall. As far as I can recollect this must have been
about 5 o'clock p. m. About half past 6 Capt. Wiltse left the camp,
and as he did so he informed me that the 17. S. minister to the Hawaiian
Islands had recognized the Provisional Government established by the
party in charge of the Government building as the de facto Govern-
ment of the Hawaiian Islands. About half past 7 p. m. I was informed
by telephone by Lieut. Draper, who was then in charge of a squad of
marines at the U. S. consulate, that the citizen troops ha<l taken pos-
session of the police station, and that everything was quiet.
Very respectfully,

" Wm. Swinburne,
^^Lieutenant'CommandeTj U, S. Navy.^

Yon knew that?

Mr, Swinburne. Yes; that is practically the same as my testimony
already given.

The Chairman. Have you any explanation to make in regard to that?

Mr. Swinburne. No ; I think that is exactly the same as I have
already given. Is it stated that I wrote that? I had forgotten. I
thought I just gave that verbally. I wrote another communication, in
which I gave distances. I would suggest that the replacing of the
word "and" after *< police station" and before "are prepiured to guar-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 4R9

antee protection to life and property" by the conjunction "or,'' would
more nearly convey tlie captain's idea as I then understood him.

SWOBH 8TATEMEHT OF LIEUT. DE WITT COFFHAV.

Senator Gray. You were an officer on board the U. S. S. Boston in
Honolulu on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of January, 1893?

Mr. CoFFMAN. I joined the Boston on the 14th; I was on her on the
15th, and landed on the 16fh.

Senator Gbay. You were connected with the Boston f

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. What was your position T

Mr. GoFFMAN. Lieutenant and division officer on the Boston.

Senator Gbay. Had you command of one of the companies of the
battalion which landed on the 16th!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Mr. Gofiman, with whom I have had a conversation,
s^^rees with all that has been said by Mr. Swinburne and the other
gentlemen who preceded him in regard to the landing of the troops
and the instructions of Gapt. Wiltse. I only called him here for one
purpose and one fact.

Yon were captain of one of the companies of the battalion which
lauded f

Mr. COFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. As such captain were you summoned to the cabin of
Capt. Wiltse on Monday the 16th, before you landed?

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Who were present!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Gapt. Wiltse, Minister Stevens, Mr. Swinburne,
Lieut. Liaird, Lieut. Young, Lieut. Draper, of the Marine Gorps, and I
think those were all, unless there were some of the junior officers,
whom I do not remember — some of the midshipmen.

Senator Gbay. While you were there was there any communication
received from shore and communicated by anyone to Gapt. Wiltse!

Mr. CoFPMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. 'State what you know about it.

Mr. CoFFMAN. While in the office, or rather in the captain's cabin,
sfter the consultation, or rather after the instructions were given to the

officers, and about the time we were about to leave the cabin •

The Ghatbman. This was on Monday!

Mr. GoFPMAN. On Monday — Gadet Pringie came to the cabin

Senator Gbay. Who was Gadet Pringie!

Mr. CoFFMAN. He was a cadet on the Boston, and was serving as an
aid to Minister Stevens at the time. He came into the cabin and
banded to Minister Stevens a communication, which Mr. Stevens after-
ward read. It was from Mr. Thurston. It stated that they were hold-
ing a mass meeting ; that it was a success ; that there was a great crowd
present; that the natives had held a mass meeting, had ratified the
proclamation, and had gone home quietly ; and it stated if the troops are
to be landed, '* I advise that they be landed at once.^' We went ashore
aboot an hour afterward.

Senator Fbye. Have you read the testimony of Lieut. Young or
Lfeut Laird !

Mr. CoFPMAN. No; I have not seen Mr. Laird's testimony at aU.

The Chairman. Do you mean before this committee!

490 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Frye. Yes. Or the testimony of Mr. Swinburne?

Mr. CoFFMAN. I read Lieut. Commander Swinburne's testimony;
yes. I spoke about it to Mr. Swinburne, and be said be was probably
not in tbe (;abin at the time, as he had so much to do.

Sen a tor Frye. Whom was the note from!

Mr. COFFMAN. Mr. Thurston.

The Chairman. And addressed to Mr. Stevens t

Mr. CoFFMAN. Cadet Pringle brought the note.

Senator Frye. And he was a messenger from Mr. Thurston t

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes. He had been at the legation most of the time.

Senator Frye. Which company were you witli; where did your
troops got

Mr. CoFFMAN. With the main battalion — ^the blue jackets.

Senator Frye. To Arion hall!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Frye, Was it not for the protection of life and property,
when you took into consideration the state of the city, the situation of
the houses, etc., as central a place for their protection as any you could
find — I mean Arion Hall!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I do not know what you would call a central location.

Senator Frye. Were not the houses of American citizens on one side
as well as on the other side of Arion Hall!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I think there was more American property on Nuuauu
avenue, not in the immediate vicinity of Arion Hall.

The Chairman. By American property, do you mean business houses !

Mr. CoFFMAN. Business houses and private residences.

Senator Frye. Private residences, I mean. They are more likely to
be burned up!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes. I really do not know much about the ownership of
property in Honolulu, with the exception of that which is the property
of those who claim to be Hawaiians, who, to a certain extent, are of
American parentage, and a few Americans.

Senator Frye. Were maps left with the captain!

Mr. CoFFMAN. That I do not know.

Senator Frye. And the instructions were, as you understood them,
to protect American life and property!

Mr. COFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Frye. That you were not to be connected with either gov-
ernment, the establishment of one or the overthrow of the other.

Mr. CoFFMAN. That I do not understand. I went as an officer simply
to obey the instructions as I received them.

Senator Frye. And having read Capt. Swinburne's statement, you
concur otherwise in what he said!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I have only seen what he said as published in the
papers. The Evening Star has a different account from that in the
Baltimore Sun. I tried to get something out of it, but it was some-
what mixed.*

Senator Gray. When you said you read Capt. Swinburne's testis
mony you meant that you read the newspaper accounts!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I have not read the testimony before the committee;
I have not seen it.

Senator Gray, You have talked it over with Lieut. Swinburne!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes; the general situation.

Senator Gray. Do you differ!

Mr. CoFFMAN. We do in some minor points.

Senator Gray. State the minor points in which you differ.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 491

Mr. CoFFMAN. I thought that the battalion was badly placed, if they
were there for the sole purpose of protecting American life and prop-
erty.

Senator Gray. Do you differ in any other respect!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Lieut. Swinburne differs with me as to where was a
central place. I will give my reason : If there was to be trouble, that
was the place where the trouble would be; and I did not see why we
shoold go to the point where the trouble would occur if persons who
were engaged in this trouble should go to that place and claim to be
Americans and ask for protection. That is my point. That is the
only thing we differed about at all — the mere fact of statements as to
where we went and what was done. Mr. Swinburne has, I know, from
talking to him time and again, given the facts. We agree on those
things.

SWORN STATEMENT OF WILLIAM BREWSTEB OLESOH.

Senator Fbye. What is your age?
Mr. Oleson. I am 43.

Senator Frye. How long have you been living in the Hawaiian
Islands!
Mr. Oleson. I have been living there fifteen years.
Senator Fbyb. What fifteen years!
Mr. Oleson. From August, 1878, until Jnne, 1893.
Senator Frye. Were you in Honolulu through the entire revolu-
tion— the recent revolution!
Mr. Oleson. I was.

Senator Fbye. And through the revolution of 1887!
Mr. Oleson. Through the revolution of 1887-, yes.
Senator Frye. What has been your business in the Hawaiian
Islands!

Mr. Oleson. I have been a school-teacher during my residence
^re.
Senator Frye. What charge have you had!

Mr. Oleson. Two schools. I was appointed to one before I left this
country on the large island of Hawaii, and of theKamehameha Manual-
Labor School at Honolulu in 1886. Mrs. Bishop, the last of the Kam-
ehameha royal line, known as Princess Pauabi, left a large sum of
money, some half million of dollars, to establish a manual-training
school at Honolulu.

The Chairman. Mr. Bishop seems to have been a man of great
wealth!
Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you know whether he accumulated his wealth
in Hawaii !
Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman.. In what business was he employed!
Mr. Oleson. Commission business at first, and most of the time in
the banking business. I think he got the most of his money, or at least
lie got the large nucleus of his capital, during the whaling days*
The Chairman. He was not connected with planting!
Mr. Oleson. Not planting; but he is a stockholder.
The Chairman. In sugar companies, you mean!
Mr. Oleson. Yes.
The Chairman. What companies!

492 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Olesok. Several. He had more stock in the Lihue company.
I think sugar stock in the islands is like railway stock here.

The Chairman. Where was Mr. Bishop originally from t

Mr. Oleson. He came from New York State.

Senator Fbye. Have you reduced to writing an account of the pro-
ceedings in the Hawaiian Islands during the disturbing times, to which
you are willing to testify!

Mr. Oleson. I have. I thought likely I might be called upon for
something of the kind.

Senator Fbye. You may read it as part of your testimony.

Mr. Oleson. I have made this as personal and as specific as possible.

Senator Gray. And it includes matters within your own knowledget

Mr. Oleson. Yes; I have said nothing here that I was not person-
ally cognizant of, unless it may be some deductions based on what I
was personally cognizant o£

STATEMEHT OF WHLIAH B&EW8TEB OLESOH.

Have been a resident of the Hawaiian Islands since August, 1878.
Went there from Ohio. During my residence of fifteen years was
engaged in educational work among Hawaiians, firstasprincipal of the
largest school on the island of Hawaii, and later as organizer and
principal of the Kamehameha Manual Training School, established by
bequest of Princess Panahi, the last of the Kamehameha royal line.

My fifteen years' residence brought me into close contact with
Hawaiians, first at Hilo, and later at Honolulu. Have known, by per-
sonal observation, of the changes that have taken place in the political
history of Hawaii since 1878, and was present in Honolulu during the
revolutions of 1887, 1889, and 1893, being an eyewitness of Uiose
events.

Have never held any office or appointment under the Hawaiian Gov-
ernment, and never acted in an official capacity, except in 1887, when,
as a member of the committee of thirteen, appointed by the mass
meeting of citizens, I went with others to present the demands of the
citizens to the King, Kalakaua. My evidence is that of a citizen who
knew what was in the minds of the people.

Attended the prorogation of the legislature, Saturday^ January 14.
I had the impression that it was to be an historic event. 1 do not know
to what I am to lay the impression, except that things were cnlndnat-
ing. I had not been in the habit of attending the prorogation of the
legislature, having been there only once prior to that time. Noted the
absence of the better class of citizens, and of many of the most upright
legislators. Later, met some of the legislators on the street, who said,
in reply to my question, *^ What are we going to do I'' "We have done
all we could in the legislature, and we can do nothing more."

This was the common feeling. Men were disheartened at the dis-
missal of the Jones- Wilcox cabinet and the passage of the lottery bill,
but no one thought of anything else but submission to the inevitable
until the next Legislature should meet two years after. It was hoped
that the supreme court might decide the lottery bill to be unconsti-
tutional, but I know there was no thought of organized opposition to
the Government.

The foreign population that had been united in 1887 in the move-
ment for a new constitution had lost its cohesion through the of^eration
of several causes.

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 493

Notably among these was the anti-Chiuese agitation, which enlisted
the mechanics and tradesmen against the planters and their sympa-
thizers. So long as the foreigners were united they were able to gaide
the legislation and administration of the Government. When they
became divided the leaders of the anti-Chinese agitation joined forces
with the natives, and the i>olitical leadership fell into the hands of
men who had little 63anpathy with the reform movement of 1887. I
wish to 8tat« here that when I say foreigners I mean voters in the
Hawaiian Islands of foreign extraction, and when I say natives I do
not intend to raise any race question, but simply to show that the
majority in Honolulu were natives.

The depressing effect of this division was apparent in January. Men
despaired of accomplishing anything through organization, and many
went to the mass meeting January 16, believing that it would accom-
plish nothing because of lack of unity. This fact accounts in a meas-
ure for the guarded utterances on that occasion. The speakers and
the committee of safety were uncertain as to how for they would have
the supi>ort of the citizens.

I know that the rei>ort about the city the forenoon the meeting was
held, that Marshal Wilson had forbidden citizens to meet at the armory,
created strong feeling and aroused opposition that vented itself in
increasing the attendance.

I know that the speakers, with a x)ossible exception, did not voice
the indignation of the citizens. During the meeting, and afterwards
on the street, men werg angry that the resolutions were so tame. It
was not until attention was called to the large x>owers voted the com-
mittee that men became satisfied that something adequate would be
done to restore public conlidence.

The emergencies of 1887 and 1889 had prepared the citizens for
decisive action. Word went around, " Have your rifle ready."

Col. Fisher, the real, though not nominal, head of the armed forces of
the Provisional Oovemment, told me on Monday afternoon, January 16,
^I can get about a hundred of my men out with rifles in ten minutes."
Monday afternoon there was suppressed excitement throughout Hon-
olulu. The marshal's antagonism to the gathering of the citizens, the
manifesto issued by the cabinet, the counter-meeting to allay excite-
ment, the determination of the citizens at the meeting at the armory,
were all cumulative, indicating the certainty of collision, and emphasiz-
ing the fact that the city was nominally in the control of a government
not having the respect or confidence of its influential citizens, who were
at work taking steps to secure for themselves what they otherwise
despaired of getting. I know that there was great apprehension of
disorder and incendiarism that night.
The landing of the troops allayed this.

Tn^day, January 17, I went into Honolulu (my residence being
nearly 2 miles Irom th^ city), and learned that definite action was to
be taken by the committee of public safety at about 2 o'clock. This
va8atl:30 p.m.

1 went directly to the office of W. O. Smith, where the committee
were in consultation. At the door I learned that the committee would
go to the Government building at 2 o'clock to take possession, and that
their supx)orters were to rally at the same hour at the armory. The
streets were filled with groups of men earnestly canvassing the situa-
tion, and there was a genend purpose to stand by the committee at
any cost. Men were going home for their rifles and clerks in stores
were hurrying to ^)ose up.

494 HAWAIUN ISLAJND8.

Starting for the armory, I heard a pistol shot close at hand, around
the corner of Fort and King streets, and presently saw a policeman
running to the police station with his hands on his chest, where he had
been shot in attempting to capture a wagon load of ammunition.

I believe that shot decided the contest. It certainly distracted the
marshal and his forces, for they forthwith shut themselves up in the
police station instead of proceeding at once to quell the uprising. It
revealed the determination of the citizens and resulted in a rapid
massing of their forces.

From this time, 2 :15 p.m. (that I will not be absolutely x)Ositive about,
but I judge it is very nearly correct), until the surrender of the police
station at about 7 o'clock, citizens were hurrying with their rifles from
every part of the city to the Government building, passing through the
streets unmolested by the forces under the marshcU, or by the soldiers at
a^e barracks.

These men could have been arrested easily except for the panic that
had seized the supporters of the old Government.

Marshal Wilson and his supporters remembered the spirit shown by
these same men in 1889, when they rallied in a similar way, and, with-
out organization, by their courage and promptness, suppressed the
Wilcox insurrection.

Senator Gray. Are you quoting Marshal Wilson there!

Mr. Olbson. !No; I say undoubtedly, he remembered that. He
remembered the spirit of those men, and that was the reason for the
panic. .

After the incident of the shooting I hurried to the armory, but
before reaching there met Capt. Zeigler with about 40 men marching
down Punchbowl street, in military order, all armed, toward the Gov-
ernment building. Just as I reached the armory another company
march^ in the same direction. There were about 30 men in the latter
company.

At the armory there were more men, and others constantly reporting,
some with arms, others without, the latter being furnished both with
arms and ammunition. As soon as a squad got together Col. Fisher,
in charge, sent them to the Government building in charge of officers.

After noting these matters 1 went past the barracks, noting that the
soldiers were all out of sight. When I reached the Government build-
ing the last words of the proclamation were being read. The citizens
whom I had seen marching from the armory were at the Government
building and guards had been stationed. There must have been a
hundred men at that time, and they came trooping in from all direc-
tions until the station house surrendered* At that time I should esti-
mate there were 4 companies of 60 men each, every man well armed,
and the whole well officered.

The United States troops were not in sight when I reached the Gov-
ernment building, with the exception of their two sentinels, and did
not show themselves or make any demonstration after that.

I know that the men in the ranks had no expectation of any aid
whatever from United States troops. In 1889 they had fought all day
against a determined insurrection, with United States troops within a
stone's throw, drawn up in line, but absolutely neutral, and they knew
they had nothing to expect in 1893 but the same absolute neutrality.

I know by conversation with men in the ranks that they realized
that everything depended on their own courage. I know men who, as in
1889, on their own hook, had banded together to occupy buildings in
the neighborhood of the police station, intending to lay siege and cat it

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 495

off from supplies. The feeling among the citizens was one of indiffer-
ence towards the United States troops as not being an element in the
conffict. I speak of the sentiment and conviction of men on whom was
to fall the brunt of the conflict.

I did not learn that Minister Stevens had recognized the Government
nntil the next day, and I am quite sure that it was not generally known
until then among the armed supporters of the new Government. I did
not hear the matter mentioned, though I was constantly among the men.
They were talking rather about laying siege to the station house and
about the likelihcKKl of several days' desultory fighting under cover.

There wa^no mention about the soldiers in the barracks. I explain
this as a very natural ignoring of them as combatants in the light of
their performances in 1887 and 1889, when they had shown themselves
averse to conflict. The citizen soldiers treated them absolutely as
though they had no existence.

Senator Fbte. That is the Queen's guard you are speaking about!

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The conviction was that the citizens were masters of the situation as
soon as they took possession of the Government building, and that x>os-
session of the other buildings was sure to come as a matter of course.

This conviction was based on the evident panic that had seized the
forces under the marshal's command, and on the belief that there was
no concert of action among the leading adherents of the Queen, and no
fighting material behind them.

In the movement of 1887 1 was opposed to the project of a republic,
deeming it better to secure safeguards under a continuation of the mon-
archy.

I have been a consistent supporter of the Hawaiian monarchy, in
public and in private, out of deference to the prejudicesof the aborigines.

It seemed wise to avoid any such radical change until it was actually
thrust upon the community by the inevitable coUapse of the monarchy.

The events of Saturday, January 14, convinced me that there was
00 option left to the intelligent and responsible portion of the com-
munity but to complete the overthrow initiated by the monarch herself.
It was essentially either a return to semibarbarism or the continued
eontrol of the country by the forces of progress and civilization, and
few men hesitated in making the choice, and the development of events
lias confirmed their decision.

Senator Fbte. You made a more general statement at Worcester.

Mr. Oleson. Ko; at Boston.

Senator Frye. Have you that in i)rintT

Mr. Oleson. It was printed, but not by me.

Senator Frye. You have it in print!

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Frye. I have looked over the statement just referred to,

and 1 would like, Mr. Oleson, to put that in as additional testimony.

it is a little broader than that just read.
Senator Gray. I do not like to object, because we have large latitude ;

but when a witness is before us, and has read a statement which he has

carefully prepared, he should stand on that, and not put in statements

^at he has made at a public meeting.
Mr. Oleson. This is to explain. It is quite different from the one I

bave just made. This is a sort of general consideration of the causes

teading up to this change. It goes back to twenty years ago.
Senator Gray. It does not relate to these three important daya
Mr. Oleson. It touches upon those days very little indeed.

496 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Bouator Fbtb. It touches it only so far as to indicate that this thing
was of gradaal growth. As we have, been taking testimony this in
nndoubtedly admissible. It is nothing that yon would object to.

Senator Gray. I withdraw my objection.

The Chaibman. Do you confirm the statements made in that paper t

Mr. Oleson. Yes; I would say tbat I have incorporated facts here
that I was not cognizant of. That is not the case with my statement
just read. But such facts have gone on record in the papers and
records of the Legislature.

The Chairman. So far as the statements in that paper are within
your knowledge they are truet

Mr. Oleson. Exactly.

The statement is as follows:

" SOME ELEMENTS IN THE POLITICAL EVOLUTION OF HAWAII.

<< At a recent meeting of the Congregational Club, in Horticultural
Hall, Mr. William Brewster Oleson read a very interesting paper on
Elements in the PoUtical Evolution of Hawaii, as follows:

'<! shall confine myself on this occasion to the period of twenty years
ago, from January, 1873, to January, 1893. I shall also limit myself
to a mere allusion to the more salient events in that brief period of
constitutional development..

"An important factor in the jwhtical evolution of Hawaii was fur-
nished by the career of E^alakaua, the immediate predecessor and
brother of Liliuokalani.

"In 1873 he advocated his election to the vacant throne by promis-
ing to abolish the poll tax, to fill all Government offices with natives,
and to remove the prohibitions on the sale of liquor to the aborigines.
He was unpopular with his own people, and his rival, LunaJilo, was
enthusiasticaUy elected King.

" Soon after Lunalilo died, and on February 12, 1874, Kalakana was
elected King by the Legislature. It was charged, and generally
believed, that he was elected by the use of bribes. It is sufficient here
to say that he was protected from a mob of his own people, for a period
of five days after his election, by United States troops.

" During his reign he dismissed capable and upright officials and filled
the civil service with political adventurers, who brought scandal to
every department of the Government. He caused grogshops to be
licensed in the country districts against the protests of his own i>eople.

"He raised the cry, * Hawaii for Hawaiians,' hoping thus to curry
popularity by exciting race jealousies against foreigners. He sought
to create a state church of which he should be the head. His visits to
the other islands were utilized for the recrudescence of lascivious orgies
of the old heathen religion. He rehabilitated the trade of sorcery, and
turned the influence of the Kahunas to his own political advantage.

"He stationed soldiers with side arms in double rows at polling
places, thus intimidating voters and pushing men out of line who were
suspected of opposition to his schemes, thus forcibly preventing their
voting. He appointed legislators to lucrative Government positions
while they continued to retain seats in the Legislature.

"He had the Legislature in 1886 adjourn for three weeks so that
members who were tax assessors might so home and perform their
duties. These men he employed to carry tnrough the Legislature per-
nicious and extravagant legislation in opposition to the sentiment of the
people. He used the royal franking privilege to pass through the custom-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 49?

house, free of duty, liquors belonging to certain firms, thas, in one
instance, defrauding the Government of revenue to the amount of
14,749.35.

^^For this service he received hundreds of cases of cheap gin, which
he sent to every voting precinct to secure the election of his candidates
to the Legislature. He went personally to one country district, with a
company of soldiers, and by their votes defeated Pilipo, the lion of
North Koua, Kalakana's staunchest opponent in the Ledslature.

" He laid claim to the ^ primacy of the Pa<5ilic,' and sent royal commis-
sioners to the Kew Hebrides and Gilbert Islands and Samoa to prepare
for a Hawaiian protectorate over those islands. He warned the great
powers of Europe, in a grandiloquent protest, against any further
annexation of islands in the Pacific Ocean, claiming for Hawaii exclu-
sive right ^ to assist those islands in improving their social and political
condition.'

^^ Finally, he accepted a bribe of $71,000 from a Chinaman, named
Aki, for an opium license, which he had already sold and delivered to
another Chinaman, who had paid 180,000 for it.

^^ 'J his career of Kalakaua's had a twofold efiect, viz, of arranging in
increasing antagonism and bitterness the progressive and retrogressive
elements in the population, and of bestowing Ic^ership, on one hand,
on the servile partisans of the King, and, on the other, on intelligent
Anglo-Saxons, who have, from that time to this, counted as their
adherents the more stalwart and independent Hawaiians.

** Another element in the political evolution of Hawaii has been the
decay of the native race.

" The census of 1823 showed the population to be 130,313. Accord-
ing to the census of 1890 the native Hawaiians numbered 34,436, a
decrease since 1823 of 95,877. The annual decrease since 1866 has
averaged 1,085. Thus, since 1860, when the native Hawaiians num-*
bered 66,984, the decrease has been 50 per cent.

" The native Hawaiians now number about one-third of the popula-
tion. Thus the total population in 1890 was 89,990, of which the Hawa-
iian numbered 34,436, the Chinese, Japanese, and Polyaesians 28,249,
and the white foreigners, many of whom were bom in the land, 27,305.
This decrease of Hawaiians and the corresponding increase of foreign-
ers have depressed the native race, but with an opposite effect on the
two radically diverse wings. Thus, on those more susceptible to the
corrupting influences of the thi'one who have fallen into dissipation,
and who are seeking their own personal advancement at the expense
of all x>olitical morality, this alarming decrease has had the effect of
exciting intense race hatred.

"Of those, however, who are, allied to the churches, who have been
stalwart in their resistance to Kalakana's demoralizing influences,
who are to-day the personification of the character and conscience of
this remnant of a race, this decrease has had the effect of drawing them
into closer and trustful fellowship with the better class of Anglo-
Saxons.

"Another element in the political evolution of Hawaii has been the
growth of the Anglo Saxon population, which has naturally resulted
in tbe bestowment of political privileges, not otherwise enjoyed even
by the Hawaiian people themselves.

/*This foreign population pays four-fifths of the taxes. It has fur-
pished the capital and skill in the development of every bnsincBS and
indastrial enterprise in Hawaii. It is a resident population, with
pennanent homes and schools and churches and libraries^ ^i\^ ^K^\a!L^
S. Kep. 227 32

ISS HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

commercidl,^ and industrial organizations. Under its influence tbe
instruction in all the schools is in the English language. It has its
chamber of commerce, its social science association, its historical
society, its banks and raikoads, and electric lighting, and manual train-
ing schools, and benevolent organizations, and elemosynary institu-
tions. It constitutes the intelligent, progressive, patriotic, governing
ability of Hawaii. Hawaiian churches and schools, and every good
work among them, rely on this foreign population for financial assist-
ance.

<' The best elements among Hawaiians have in the past twenty years
uniformly cast in their lot with the white foreigners, and have grate
fully accepted their leadership.

<' This foreign population did not possess suffrage rights until 1887.
Under the comparatively wholesome reign of the Kamehameha dynasty
there had arisen no occasion for foreigners to feel the need of suffrage
rights to protect their interests.

' ^^ The career of Kalakaua led to several indignation mass meetings.
The first, in August, 1880, protested against the summary dismissal,
at 1 o^clock in the morning, of a worthy cabinet, having a majority of
twenty-four in the legislature. This cabinet was dismissed at the
instance of Glaus Spreckels, because it would not permit his acquisi-
tion of certain Government water privileges in defiance of public
interests.

'^Two days later another mass meeting compelled the dismissal of
the infamous Moreno ministry. '

<^On June 30, 1887, the patience of the foreign element having
exhausted itself, an enthusiastic mass meeting passed resolutions to the
effect *• that the administration of the Hawaiian Government has ceased,
through corruption and incompetence, to perform the functions and
affbrd the protection to x>sr8onal and property rights, for which all
governments exists, and exacting of the King specific pledges, within
twenty-four hours, of future good conduct on the basis of a new consti-
tution.

^^The constitution of 1887, subsequently signed by the King, in con-
formity with the demands of this mass meeting, made ^ every male resi-
dent of Hawaii, of American or European descent, after one yearns
residence, a legal voter.' Other privileges were conferred, distinctly
enlarging the measure of Hawaiian citizenship, and effSectually remov-
ing the throne from interference in the Government.

<<This arrangement deferred to the traditions of the land, retaining
the King as a figurehead, while it placed the responsibility for the
Government on a cabinet subject to removal by vote of the Legislature
elected by the people.

<' Emerging thus from an era of bombastic display and political cor-
ruption and gross immorality, for six years Hawaii had a wise adminis*
tration of affairs.

^'Liliuokalani abhorred the constitution of 1887, and after she came
to the throne, at the death of Kalakaua, sought to recover the ancient
prerogatives of the throne. January of this year, after being baffled in
her attempts for months by the majority in the Legislature, found Lili-
uokalani ready to resort to drastic measures.

^< She secured enough votes to oust the best cabinet Hawaii had
enjoyed, by agreeing on her part to sign the odious lottery bill. She
api>ointed a ministry in sympathy with her desire for absolute power,
prorogued the legislature, and undertook in the presence of her armed

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 499

troops Id aoTogate fhe constitation of 1887 and to promnlgate a new
one, making her well-nigh an absolute monarch.

^This Imd to the great mass meeting of January 16, 1893, which
took steps to organize a new government and to seek annexation to
the United States.

^ In all their efforts since 1880 to gain reasonably good government
and, having gained it, to retain it, the foreigo population have never
bad tiie sBghtest aid from any foreign government, either by force
of arms or by stroke of diplomacy.

<*In 1889, when the police and royal troops proved unreliable and
the citizens had to rally and suppress a thoroughly organized rebellion,
flMy learned that the forces of law and order were not to expect, even
in saeh crises, the slightest aid from United States troops, although
tiiose troops were ashore and under arms all day in close proximity to
the scene of conflict.

*^If a timid man, last January, was frightened and hoped for aid and
protection from United States troops he had nothing to base that hope
apoo. The aroused citizens were better prepared to cope with the
Queen's tbrces last January than in 1889, when they so successfully
quelled the Wilcox insurrection; and, moreover, the Queen and her
cabinet knew it, and discreetly avoided a conflict. Men in the ranks
who had the fighting to do knew they must do it themselves. Any
ether representation is false to facets, which can be amply demonstrated.

^^ Granting that Mr. Blount sought an honest and impartial verdict
on the circumstances attending the establishment of the Provisional
Government, the nature of all the evidence submitted is such that
another man, equally just and impartial, could have arrived, legiti-
liMitely, at a diametrically opposite condusion, with an abundance of
&cts to establish it.

^This foreign population, that has been such a potent factor in the
political evolution of Hawaii, has never taken united action except in
hehidf of good government. It has been moderate in its demands,
hiuDane in its action, patient with the fraaltit^s of an effete monarchy,
and aniformly considerate of the political rights of native Hawaiians.

^^Twenty years of progressive participation in public afiairs prepared
the foreign population, when the monarchy collapsed, to assume the
TCflponsibility for initiating stable and efficient government in the inter-
ests of alL TUs it has courageously undertaken, and with a remark-
aUe measure of success, while awaiting the decision of the United
Btii^es ott the proposal for annexation. It must be borne in mind that
the United States was not requested to adjudicate domestic diflerences

iz Hawaii, nor was that the ground on which the Provisional Govern-

nent was accorded recognition by all the civilized nations. Because

of its pecolistt' relations to Hawaii, covering a period of fifty years, this

gnat coantry was appealed to to provide a basis for progressive, respon-

able, repabtican government.
^Sach an evolution as I have briefly outlined has crystallized antag-

9oamBm and prejudices which it wiU take years to dissolve, and which

VKNihlnienaee and imperil any purely independent national existence.

Ihe lisMlity to political unrest, if not. actual revolution, would prove as

iinstroas to Hawaii as in so many instances it has proved to Oentral

American republics.
^The sita»tk>n is so peculiar as to call for the fostering supervision

of some strong foreign power under which it would be possible for an

tirieiit mod prf^gxesaive government to grow up, advantageous alik^

500 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

to Hawaii and the commercial and humanitarian interests of that vast
ocican.

<< Such a protective relation the United States has officially declared
it will not permit any other nation to assume toward Hawaii The
progress of events demonstrates that, sooner or later, foreign interven-
tion from some quarter is inevitable. If the United States insists that
no other nation shall assume the responsibility of guaranteeing in
Hawaii the blessings of civilized government, that responsibility the
United States is morally bound to accept itself.

" Boston, November 29, 1893.^

Senator Obay. You say that you arrived at the Government house
on the 17th when the last words of the proclamation of the Provisional
Government were being readt

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbat. And that you observed about 100 men theret

Mr. Oleson. I immediately went into the Government yard and
looked about. I should say that there must have been 100 men inside
and outside the building.

Senator Fb YE. Armed men t

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbat. I understand you did not count themt

Mr. Oleson. Ko; did not count them. But 1 have been used to
seeing military companies.

Senator Gray. As there have been other estimates, I want to under-
stand whether you counted the men there.

Mr. Oleson. No^ I did not count them.

Senator Gbay. Did you that afternoon go over to Arion Hall, where
the United States troops were!

Mr. Oleson. Ko; they did not make the slightest impression

Senator Gbay. 1 asked if you went over there.

Mr. Oleson. No. Coming down Bichard street Arion Hall is in full
view. I did not see any troops, as I say; I saw but 2 sentries. Richard
street is to the west of the palace. If you have a map here, I wiU trace
my course. Here [indicating on the diagram] on the comer of King
and Bethel streets was the point from which 1 started. I went along
King to Fort street. 1 went down to the comer of Merchant, to Mr.
Smith's office; came back Fort street to Eling street to the spot I started
from, to see some friends. I came here [indicating], nearly to the cor-
ner of King and Fort streets, when 1 heard the shot. Then I went up
Fort street to Hotel street and came through Hot-el street to Palace
lane. Coming along Hotel street, I went up Palace lane past the bar-
racks. This [indicating] is Palace lane. I went through here up to
Punchbowl street; up Punchbowl street to Beretania street, where the
armory is. As I arrived here on Palace lane, in full view of Punchbowl
street, Gapt. Ziegler was passing — going down Punchbowl street.
When I got up to the corner of Punchbowl and Beretania there was
another company started down Punchbowl street. I went into the
armory and shortly afterward came down Punchbowl street to Palace
lane, and noted that there were, none of the royal soldiers in sight;
came down Bichard street, and in coming down Bichard street Arion
Hall is in full view, back of the opera house. I came down through
Bichard street to Palace Square, down through that little lane [indi-
cating], and went into the Government yard.

Senator Fbyb. And all the troops that you saw at Arion Hall were
the 2 sentriest

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 501

Mr. Oleson. Yes. They may have been there, but I did not see
tiiem, and I think I should have seen them. I was walking down
Richard street with Prof. Scott, and we were talking about the situa-
tion and hurrying toward the Government building. We might have
been in conversation, and for that reason not have seen them. But
my impression is they were not there.

Senator Fbye. Not in view.

Mr. Oleson. No.

Senator Gray. Did you know at that time that the soldiers were
stationed there f

Mr. Oleson. Oh, yes; I knew they were there.

Senator Grat. And you did not look to see if they were there f

Mr. Oleson. No. I know they landed the night before and stopped
on Mr. Atherton's grounds the night before.

Senator Gray. Who is Mr. At^erton, an Americani

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Where is his house t

Mr. Oleson. He is a commission merchant.

Senator Gray. Will you point oat his housel

Mr. Oleson. It is right out on King street.

Senator Gray. Has it large grounds around itt

Mr. Oleson. Yes — another house here [indicating], and then his
grounds go clear through — extensive grounds.

Senator Gray. Were you out there when the troops were there!

Mr. Oleson. I went out when they were there; yes.

Senator Gray. That was on Monday evening?

Mr. Oleson. That was on Monday. evening.

Senator Gray, Were you there when they marched away t

Mr. Oleson. I was not; no.

Senator Gray. Did yon see Mr. Stevens that dayf

Mr. Oleson. No.

Senator Gray. Of course you had no conversation with him if you
did not see him f

Mr. Oleson. I did not see him after his trip to Hawaii.

Senator Gray. Did you know many of these men whom you saw
with arms around the Government building that dayf

Mr. Oleson. I lived outside of the cityj I know a good many men,
having little to do with the affairs of the city; I know a good many by
name. I know a good many of them were engaged in the revolution
of 1887 and 1889.

Senator Gray. Did you talk with any of them that dayf

Mr. Oleson. Yes; while we were at the Government building. *

Senator Gray. How many of themf

Mr. Oleson. I went from one group to another to see what the

aentiment was.

Senator Gray. The men were in groups!

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Not in military array t

Mr. Oleson. A large guard and two companies in line ; the others

were in the Government building, with arms stacked in the legislative

hall.
Senator Gray. They were the men you talked tol
Mr. Oleson. Yes; not the men in line.
Senator Gray. Not the men in the linet
Mr. Oleson. I talked with some of them.
Senator Gray. Whomt

502 HAWAIUK ISLANDS.

Mr. Oleson. Mr. Adnerson^.wlio was one of my teacliers. He was
in one of the companies. I had special permisfiiom to go to the gate to
see some friends who called to see me.

Senator Obay. Were you under armst

Mr. Oleson. I was under arms; yes.

Senator Gbat. Were yon attached to auy oompauyl

Mr. Oleson. I was attached to one of the compauies; yes.

Mr. Gbay. Were you walking around all this time whUe you were
under anns and attached to a oompany.

, Mr. Oleson. I did not get my rifle until just before the police sta-
tion was surrendered; so I was not in line with the other men until
that time. I had reported and had been assigned to a company.

Senator Gbat. But you were still walking around among the people
and around the Government building t

Mr. Oleson. We were allowed to do that; yes.

Senator Gbat. Were you in Honolulu when the troops were landed
Monday evening!

Mr. Oleson. I was not in the city.

Senator Gbat. You did not see them when they landed and marched
outf

Mr. Oleson. No.

Senator Gbat. It was afterward you heard they were there aud
went outf

Mr. Oleson. Yes; I saw them in the evening, in Mr. Athertou's
yard.

Senator Gbat. And you saw them in Arion Hallt

Mr. Oleson. I heard the next day that they were in Ari<m HalL

Senator Gbat. 1 thought you said you were there when the troeps
marched back to Arion Hallf

Mr. Oleson. No : I just dropped off a horae oar that evening where
the troops were. ' I stopped to see what they were doing there. I
asked tlie people what they were about, what the troops were there
for, and the people did not seem to know.

Senator Gbat. Did you not know they were there before you
started out in the horse cart

Mr. Oleson. No.

Senator Gbat. Where were you going I

Mr. Oleson. Out to make a call, I thmk.

Senator Gbat. Where t

Mr. Oleson. I think I went out to Mr. W. A« Bowen's, a friead of
mine.

Senator Gbat. Where does he 11 vet

Mr. Oleson. It is a street that runs parallel with King street— the
second street to tiie north, running {Murallel to King streetb

Senator Gbat. How far out — ^past Mr. Atherton'st

Mr. Oleson. Ob, yes.

Senator Gbat. Beyond Mr. Atherton^st

Mr. Oleson. Yes; quite a distance beyond.

Senator GBAy. And you got out when you got to Mr. Atherton's for
the purpose of seeinsr t^e troops t

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbat. How long were you tiieref

Mr. Oleson. Just a few minutes.

Senator Gbat. Then you went on and made your call t

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 503

Senator Gbat. Did yon come in on the horse carat When yon came
in did you see the soldiers t

Mr. Oleson. I think I came in on the Beretania street line, the next
ilreet running parallel with King street.

Senator Gbay. And you did not see the soldiers t

Mr. Oleson, No.

Senator Gray. And you did hear where they weret

Mr. Oleson. !No.

Senator Gray. You did not hear until the next day, Tuesday t

Mr. Oleson. Tuesday.

Senator Gray. How did you learn itt

Mr. Oleson. I learned it through the morning paper. When I
received that I do not know. I did not go into the city until about 1
o^dock.

Senator Gbay. And you had your paper before you went into the city t

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbay. You have been an instructor of education and con*
nected with the islands for fifteen years f

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Does that bring you in contact with the native popu-
lation t

Mr. Oleson. Altogether.

Senator Gbay. What do you find among the common people — those
whom you come in contact with — ^in regard to learning, manners, and
the ordinary intellectual conditions f

Mr. Oleson. I have a great regard for the Ha waiians, having mingled
with them so much, and I have a high estimate as to their good nature
and imitative faculties, and as to their fitness for manual employment.
I do not think the higher education is suitable for them — I do not think
Ihey are fit for it, and having obtained it, they can not make a right
use of it.

Senator Gbay. But they have had the opportunities t

Mr. Oleson. Yes. Since I have been in the islands my efforts have
been to pull down the course of study. They had previously taught
them calealas and trigonometry in the schools, but the Kamehameha
aciiool did not go beyond algebra. That was put in to please the boys.

Senator Gbay. You thought it was better to adhere to the average
native capacity t '
Mr. Oleson. Certainly. We had extensive manual-training shops

there, blacksmith, iron and machine works, wood turning, printing,

carpenter work; and it was my aim in organizing the school — I had to

OTercome many difficulties — to make it a manual- training school, so as

to develop t^e Hawaiians on the side they showed the most aptitude

for.
Senator Gbay. Do you think they are susceptible of as high training

ud as broad culture as the white racef
Mr. Oleson. They have very little faculty for originating — they are

great imitators. That ia shown in their manual- training work; they

on do a thing after they are shown how to do it.
Senator Gbay. Is not that a characteristic of the inferior races t
Mr. Oleson. Certainly.

Senator Gbay. And you would consider them an inferior racet
Mr. Oleson. As compared with the Anglo-Saxon. They have many

good traits, lovable traits, and I have cherished a high estimate for

^e Hawaiians since my residence in the islands. I do not know any

uen more stalwart than some of them have been under temptoblvoi^v.

604

HAWAHAN ISLANDa

Senator Ob ay. You think that the population is capable of self-
jl^oyernment iu the sense we understand it in the States and with our
own racef

Mr. Olbson. With some conditions. Under the leadership of An glo-
Saxons, the Hawaiian population up to 1880 was pretty well divided up,
with a majority against any eucroachment on the part of the throne on
the rights of the people. There was a demand for larger popular
rights, and those people stood together. But, as I have undertaken
to show in my paper, that majority was dissipated, as the effect of
Kalakaua's reign in matters of bribery and intimidation and the
revival of the old kahuna system in the country, which tended to sub-
vert and to intimidate the Hawaiians. So that, while I have stayed
there, I have witnessed that change. But to-day there is a good pro-
portion of the Hawaiians who are stalwart and firm in their support
of annexation as the best outcome for that country — staunch friends of
the white man. And the effort made by the white men who have been
allied with the reform movement has been to advance the interest of
Hawaiians as well as those of the Anglo-Saxon. But there is a large
element that is affected, intimidated by the throne, and they are
indift'erent to-day. They do not dare to do anything, much less take one
side or the other. They can be appealed to by race prejudice in ways
that the Anglo-Saxon can not approach them ; and in that way the
electorate is subverted, and, in my opinion, no matter how much I may
think of the native, it is impossible to get an adequately representative
vote among them.

Senator Gbat. Do you think a successful and prosperous government
for the good of all interests, native as well as all others, is possible on
those islands, except under a strong government ruled and controlled
by men of our own racef

Mr. Oleson. Our race has always ruled the government, and I do
not see any reason to change my opinion as to the necessity; that is
history; that is the outlook. I do feel that the continuation of such a
government as they have there now will eventually swing over to the
side of the present government a large number of the natives, it may
be a majority.

Senator Gbat. The government you have there is a Provisional Gov-
ernment, and under the control of the superior race of the islands t

Mr. Oleson. It is entirely.

Senator Gbat. And it is strong!

Mr. Oleson. It is strong in every sense of the word.

Senator Gbat. It is autocratic?

Mr. Oleson. No; it is oligarchy.

Senator Gbat. Oligarchy describes it better than the word I usedf

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gbat. I accept your word as better than mine.

Mr. Oleson. I think it is an important matter to show how it was
that the men who formed the committee of safety were able to take
possession of that Government, and to call attention to that public
meeting that was held in the public square on the same day that the
meeting was held in the armory.

It was the general opinion on every side that the public manifesto of
the Queen and cabinet announcing that there would be no further
attempt from the throne to promulgate a constitution was a desperate
move to placate the indignant foreign population. The mass meeting
in Palace Square was engineered by the cabinet and the marshal who
publicly stated that such men as Wilcox and Nawahi were not to be

HAWAIIAK ISLANDS. 505

speakers. He said ^^ We have given orders that the tone of the sx>eak-
ing innst be moderate." Kawahi and Wilcox did speak, men who had
always been fiery agitators and persistent in their demands for a new
constitution. This meeting, made up of advocates of a new constitution,
the leaders of which had conspired with the Queen to secure such con-
stitution, voted an expression of thanks to the Queen for her manifesto.

Men knew that this action was insincere, as they also believed the
Qaeen's to be, and the effect of the meeting and of the manifesto was
to convince the community of the panic that had seized the Govern-
ment and of their readiness to resort to any expedient to allay the
indignation of the people and to prevent their organization.

It was these considerations that help to explain the passivity of the
Qaeen's forces and the ease with which the Provisional Government
assumed control.

Senator Gbay. Did you hear those orders given!

Mr. Olbson. Marshi^ Wilson told it to a gentlemen who told it to me.

Senator Gbat. Marshal Wilson did not tell it to youf

Mr. Oleson. Ko.

Senator Gbat. Ton were asked to confine yourself to facts that came
within your own observation and what you knew. That is argument-
ative.

The Chairman. You are evidently speaking of matters which you
know of only by common repute.

Mr. Oleson. I speak of matters in addition — ^matters of common
talk on the streets after the mass meeting.

The Chairman. But not of matters within your x>ersonal knowledge!

Mr. Oleson. Certainly; knowledge of the character of these men
who were speaking.

The Chairman. You believed it, but you did not hear it!

Mr. Oleson. I passed by the meeting. I know that those men were
ibere.

The Chairman. Were they speaking!

Mr. OiiESoN. Yes; I believe they were speaking.

The Chairman. Which one!

Mr. Oleson. Mr. Bobert Wilcox, I think.

Senator Gray. Were you present at both meetings!

Mr. Oleson. I passed by one to the other; yes.

Senator Gray. What is your estimate of the number of persons
present at the two meetings — a fair estimate!

Mr. Oleson. I should say that the numbers at the armory were

eonsiderably in excess of those at the public square. But there were

inen continually going to and fro.
Senator Frye. The public square meeting was a Eoyalist meeting,

«Ki the armory meeting was the Provisional GNovernment meeting!
Mr. Oleson. Yes.
Senator Gray. You say that you think the numbers in the public

square were less than those in the armory!
Mr. Oleson. Yes; I judge so.

Senator Gray. The meeting in the armory was in the building!
Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gray. And the meeting in the square was in the open!
Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Gray. Were you not a little carefiil of comparing the num-
bers of those in the open to those in the four walls of the building!
Mr. Oleson. Yes; I have been used to judging aadiences, and I

Hged at the armory there were some 1,200 present. Ou^ ot \!\i%

506 HAWAIIAN I6LA2fDS.

editors of the paper stated that by actaal oou&t there were a little leas
than 1,100. He gave the actaal numbers at the time.

Senator Gray. How far were those meetings apart!

Mr. Olsson. a little less than a quarter of a mile.

Senator Gbat. Short distance enough to allow a shifting back and
forth!

Mr. Oleson. Yes; there were very few went away fipom the meeting
in the armory; but there were others outside, representing the indif-
ferent class, to see how the thing was going. They would rang^e them-
selves at the public square meeting, as on other similar occasions, on
the sidewalk toward the palace, when the meeting was on the other
side of the railroad track.

Senator Gray. You were at both meetings !

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. You spoke of having a feeling of Mendship for the
Hawaiian people!

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. And the Hawaiian character!

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. Will you state whether that is a common feeling
amongst the white men of Hawaii!

Mr. Oleson. That is a very difficult question to answer. There are
two classes of white men in the country; it is doubtful which class is
the more numerous. The more recent class in the country have a low
estimate of the native character; but the older residents of the coun-
try have always been friendly, and have had an attraction toward the
Hawaiians, and have always done a great deal for thenu

The Chairman. That is the body of the people which you call mis-
sion aiies!

Mr. Olebon. Yes; the older residents, who have known Hawaiians
outside of Honolulu — known them under circumstances different from
those which have come up since 1880.

The Chairman. In the Hawaiian Islands, who are classed as mis-
sionaries!

Mr. Oleson. Any man who is in favor of good order and against
pernicious legidation is a missionary.

The Chairman. And so classed!

Mr. Oleson. Yes. And it is no matter whether he is of correct life
or not.

Senator Gray. Because the missionary element leads that move-
ment!

Mr. Oleson. I do not know, except that it comes about inctdentally.

Senator Gray. Is it not a fact that the descendants of those mis-
sionaries, being descendants of our own race and blood, and living
there and having an interest in the islands, are supposed to have an
interest that does not belong to the later comers, to those more tran-
sient!

Mr. Oleson. In the native race, you mean!

Senator Gray. Yes.

Mr. Oleson. Yes!

The Chairman. The native race have a respect for the real mis-
sionary!

Mr. Oleson. Yes. There is hardly a man, an old i^esident, who has
been in public life, who has any prominence in this movement, who
has not at one time or another represented an almost entirely native
constituency in the legislature.

HiiWAIUN ISLANDS. 507

The Ohaibmah . There seems to be a progress made in all educa-
tional development. Christian development, etc. Is that the work of
the class called missionaries!

Mr. Oleson. I think it comes from the fact of their residence
iiBOBg the missionaries; yes.

The Chairman. And that gives impulse to all these movements to
enlightenment and civUization in Hawaii!

Mr. Ol£SON. Yes. The conditions have changed now. In earlier
times, when the white population was less in number than now, the
affiliations were greater between the Hawaiians and the whites,
because they were thrown among each other in matters of residence —
they were oat in the country nearer together. The plantation system
lias broken that up; and the political situation — ^I speak of the reve-
lation— ^has also brought about that change.

The Chairman. Is the progress of education in Hawaii due to the
efforts of this party called the missionaries — the old missionaries there t

Mr. Olbson, I should say that all the intelligent and law-loving
membtt's of the community (with possible exceptions which can be
explained) are in this movement. Those exceptions are men who are
more or less connected with the embassies, or who are agitators of anti-
American ideas, who, being adventurers in that country, have but
little or no property interests — are interested in the schemes for smug-
idisg opium, or laws which are intended for their personal interest.
They use the natives, but they have no real regard for them. I can
pat in, use and abuse. I know about the attitude of this class who are
at the head of the Government in relation to the schools.

The Chairman. Do you mean the Provisional Government!

Mr. Olisson. Yes; men who are influential in it. I know of their
generosity in the way of support of Hawaiians in the schools. I have
had conoection not only with the two schools I mentioned, but others;
and I know the help granted by these men has been enormous. They
have supported individuals in the schools, and have done it because of
o/oAa for the natives.

The Chairman. Has there been a general dissemination of knowl-
edge of English amongst the Hawaiians in the elementary studies!

Mr. Oleson. Yes. But a great many of them are able to read in an
English book who can not talk English, except indiflerently.

The Chairman. My question had reference to the extent.

Mr. Oleson. It is extensive in the sense that the Hawaiians can
read and write as peirhaps no other people can according to popula-
tien.

The Chairman. Since you have been living in Hawaii, have you
aeen any marked progress in morality or personal respectability
imongst what you call the Hawaiians, the native Kanakas!

Mr. Oleson. I think that in the city of Honolulu there is much
more immorality than there is out in the country. I shall have to asso-
ciate my observation in Honolulu with that of an observer in Hilo.

In the country, the commingling of the races and the immoralities

which are the bane of Hawaiian social life are not so excessive and

%rant as in the city of Honolulu. But there are causes for that, of

wme.

The Chairman. But as a general rule or result, has the influence,
the efforts of the missionary party (I will call them), in Hawaii been
baeficial or otherwise to the people!

lb. OIaESON. Beneficial to the people, I do not think there has been

508 HAWAHAN ISLAinJS.

a single thing gained by the Anglo-Saxon population that hasnot been
shared with the Hawaiians. There has been no race feeling whatever
on the part of the influential foreigner in the political reforms of recent
years. One point showing race animosity on the part of Hawaiians
was when the appointive power of the King for nobles was taken away
from him and the nobles were made elective by the i)eople. This was
not to be by the fullest, broadest suffrage rights, but by limitations,
educational and property, and the Hawaiians claimed that was inimiciU
to them. But as a matter of fact there are a great many Hawaiians
who are noble voters who are within those qualifications. I was present
when some of the articles of that constitution were discussed, and I
personally, with others, made a strenuous movement at the time, and
it was pretty well supported, to make that property qualification less
than was proposed, so as to take in the Hawaiian ministers. The
Hawaiian ministers have, in a measure, been the backers of good gov-
ernment.

The Chairman. Let me ask you if these kindly measures and good
efforts of the party which you now call the missionary party seem to
have been influenced by the motive of selfish gain or aggrandizement,
^acquisition of power, or one of real generosity toward the people of
Hawaii t

Mr. Oleson. I think it has been one of generosity toward the people
of Hawaii ; a movement in their own interest. You may speak of it as
a selfish movement, if you take the demand and determination to have
a good government as selfish interest. It was not any sordid move-
ment; it had its source in moral considerations.

The Chairman. Thathascharacterized the whole interestsof Hawaii!

Mr. Oleson. Tes, one little fact will show you the character of the
members of the Provisional Government and of the advisory council
as men who, giving a great deal of valuable time to the necessary leg-
islation of the present Government, are men receiving no salary what-
ever. The nobles received no salary whatever under the constitution
of 1887.

The Chairman. Was there, at the date of this revolution, to your
knowledge, any organization whatever, secret or open, for the purpose
of dethroning the Queen f

Mr. Oleson. No.

The Chairman. Or for the purpose of annexing the islands to the
tJnited States!

Mr. Oleson. No.

The Chairman. If such an organization or combination had existed,
would you have known it!

Mr. Oleson. I would have known it.

The Chairman. Are you satisfied to state that there was no such
organization f

Mr. Oleson. Tes.

The Chairman. When did you first hear of the movement to
dethrone the Queen f

Mr. Oleson. That was whispered after the mass meeting. Men came
from that and said: "Why don't they do something f Large powers
were given to the committee of safety to go on «nd organize the gov-
ernment, and men said, " That means that the Queen is out."

The Chairman. That was the first time you heard of itf

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. After the mass meeting!

Mr. Oleson. Yes; I do not know that that committee^ previous t>

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 509

the meetiiig, expected to be backed to snch an extent as to warrant

them to go on ; but, as I say, that is my opinion.
The Ohaibman. Amongst the Americans there in Hawaii, since you

have resided on the islands, has there been any evident disposition to

promote annexation to the United States!

Mr. Oleson. There has been no concerted attempt; it has been writ-
ten on publicly in the papers. Men have advocated it in the papers,

and Hawaiians have advocated it more than the Americans.
The Ghaibman. Do you speak of the Kanakas t
Mr. Oleson. Kative Hawaiians. I am not speaking of the white

people.
The Ghaibman. Tou said the Americans t
Mr. Olbson. No, the Kanakas, the native Hawaiians.
The Ghaibman. That they have advocated it more strenuously than

the white people f
Mr. Olesqn. Yes. I mean in public. '

The Ghaibman. Then it was a subject of open political discussion t
Mr. Olbson. Yes — only that it was not very common ; once in a while

there would be something about it in the papers; some one would say

something of it.
The Ghaibman. It is a topic that has been discussed t
Mr. Oleson. Yes: for a good many years.
The Ghaibman. Has there been any disposition evinced, to your

knowledge, of annexation to any other country, or toward claiming a

protectorate of any other country than the United States?
Mr. Oleson. Ko. When that has been broached in my presence I

have uniformly heard disapprobation of it. That is the sentiment of

the native Hawaiians, Kanakas, as well as amongst the Americans,

and also among many of the English.
The Ghaibman. Do you know whether they celebrate our ^National

days there Y
Mr. Oleson. Yes; the Fourth of July has been the celebration day

since I have been in the country.
The Ghaibman. Do the Kanakas celebrate t
Mr. Oleson. They do not participate in the speeches; but they do

in the sports, the prizes, etc. — boat races.
The Ghaibman. They enter with enthusiasm into the celebration as

a national f^te.
Mr. Oleson. Yes.
The Ghaibman. How about the Thanksgiving that is proclaimed by

the President of the United States!
Mr. Oleson. That day is observed in a quiet way; it is a semihoU-

day— the Hawaiians do not size that up, quite.
The Ghaibman. I notice that Mr. Willis mentions that it is observed f
Mr. Oleson. It is observed; but not anything like the Fourth of
Wy.

The Ghaibman. Woula you say that there was a feeling amongst
the general population, white and Kanaka, of the Hawaiian Islands of
a decided character in favor of the United States as a friendly gov-
ernment, or as the one to which they would ultimately look for protec-
tion in any emergency!

Mr. Oleson. I think that that is the minority sentiment in that coun-
try among all classes.
The Ghaibman. Has it been such since you have resided there t
Mr. Oleson. No; I think it has been gradually growing, as men of

510 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

all classes have &ced what they tmiformly agreed was inevitable Ibr
Hawaii.

The Ghaibkan. Upon what ground do yon base that conclusion —
that the monarchy must inevitaUy collapse!

Mr. Oleson. To, first, the dying out of the Kamehameha line; sec>
ond, the abuses of the reign of Ealakaua among the Hawaiians, not
yet become extinct. There was intense opposition to him when he
became King. That lies dormant in the minds of the Hawaiians —
that these kings are not high chiefs, that there must be an end to
their rule sooner or later, and that they must have a government firom
elsewhere.

The Chaibman. If you believed Ealakaua to be a heathen, why did
you not attempt to overthrow him in 1887 1

Mr. Oleson. There was a very strong sentiment to do it at the time.

The Chaibman. Do you know the reason why it was not put into
effectt

Mr. Oleson. As I said in my statement, because those men who
were influential felt that it was better not to make any such radical
change until the country was ripe for it and the situation demanded it.

The Chaibman. Ton have been waiting for public sentiment to ripen
upon this question and the coming of events to show that it was better
for the safety and security of g(K>d government in Hawaii that the
monarchy should fallt

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chaibman. Be substituted by a diiferent form of govemmentf

Mr. Oleson. Yes ; as a logical sequence.

The Chaibman. Monarchy through the world is regarded as being a
stronger form of government than a republic. Did the people of
Hawaii expect that when the monarchy should cease they would be
able to establish and maintain a republican government in Hawaii of
their own resources and without assistance from any other country!

Mr. Oleson. !No; I did not, personally; and those that I talked with
did not. We felt that it was impossible in the light of past experience,
and of the facts that we knew, for us to sustain an independent national
existence there.

The Chaibman. So that, at the collapse of the monarchy, whenever
that should occur, it was intimately associated, as I undexstand, with
the idea of annexation to the United States!

Mr. Oleson. That was the solution of it.

The Chaibman. And the two ideas ran together?

Mr. Oleson. Kan together. It was just as if the men had said ** We
will go on with the monarchy as long as we can, and when we can not
the United States will take us.''

The Chaibman. That was the whole ideat

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chaibman. The idea of going on separately from the United
States without the protection of the United States or the other countries
has not been entertain^ t

Mr. Oleson, That has not been entertained, except by Ashford and
Wilcox, as I deem very natural, when we consider their personal inter-
ests lay in the direction of maintaining a republic. They would then be
able to dicker with the United States and get appointments in that
way. But I do not think men of intelligence have for a moment
thought of it. They may be able to do it, after all, and sustain their
rights. But when men followed this movement, they followed it as a
teo^tative matter and thought that was the only responsible govern-

HAWAUAN I8LA1IDS. 511

neat tbey oonld get in the islands at the time. Bnt the ultimate ont
eome mast be annexation to the United States.

The Chairman. The present provisional forces of the Provisional
Government, that the Government seems to b^ able to equip, arm, and
pay, as I gather from this testimony, are about 1,200 men.

Sir. Olkson. I do not know that there are as many as that to pay.
Some of the volunteer forces are not under the pay of the Government.

The Chairman. Omitting the question of pay. the present military
force of the Provisional Government is 1,200 men.

Mr. Oleson. I think between 1,200 and 1,500.

The Chairman. Are those men weU armed and equipped!

Mr. Olisson. Yes.

The Chairman. With modern gunst

Mr.OLBSON. With modern guns; yes.

The Chairman. And modern ammunition f

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

The Chairman. Are they composed most largely of the white racet

Mr. Ol£SON. Yes.

The Chairman. Are there any native Kanakas enrolled in this
fisTceY

Mr. Olrson. I think there are some. Kanakas are not fighters*.

The Chairman. They are not belligerent f

Mr. Olrson. They are in talking; but not beyond that.

The Chairman. Th^y are a passionate people, and might be roused
into hostility f

Mr. OiiESON. Yes; but in cold blood I do not think the native would
light.

The Chairman. Suppose the Queen had the means of arming 1,000 or
1,200 natives, an equal number of natives, with equal facilities of all
kinds, arms, ammunition, equipments, such as the Provisional Govern-
ment forces have, and of placing such men under such drill as would
make of them soldiers who could be handled in action, what would be
jour opinion of the ability of that number of Kanakas, thus armed and
equipped, to stand against 1,200 white ment

Mr. Qlbbon. Wholly hyx)othetical.

The Chairman. What is your opinion t

Mr. Oleson. I do not think they would stand at all.

The Chairman. Do you think they would ever attempt to stand t

Mr. Oleson, No.,

The Chairman. You think they have such an estimate of the oour-
ige of the white race, and of that race's fighting quality, that they
would not make a stand against themf

Mr. Oleson. They would not.

The Chairman. Although they were perfectly armed, equipped,
organized as aa army ready to defend the Queen f

Mr. Oleson. Yes; they could not be depended upon — that has been
isorea repeatedly.

The Chairman. By actual experience t

Mr. Oleson. By actual experience.

The Chairman. Take the Queen in her present condition, with her

present resources, present playing upon the affections of the Hawaiian

jtttives, do you apprehend that she has any x>ossible chance of reinstat-

ttgherself upon the throne t

Mr. Oleson. Not at all; and she has not had any chance since

Jionary 14; not the ghost of a chance to reinstate herself by any

iiie she ooold marshal in the islands.

512 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ghaibman. So that, in a conflict, native Elanakas nnder the
leadership of the Qaeen could not stand agfainst the forces under the
leadership of the Provisional Government f

Mr. Oleson. That would be oat of the question. That is my i>er-
,6onal opinion. ^

The Chairman. That is what I am after, your personal opinion.

Mr. Oleson. In saying that I do not impute anything against the
natives; it is simply due to the superiority of the Anglo-Saxon people.

The Chairman. As I understand your opinion, the Kanakas are not
a military people, not aggressive!

Mr. Oleson. Ko, not aggressive. They will expose themselves to
danger; are physically strong and able men. They are the reliance of
the industries of that country, so far as the demand is for strength and
daring. The interisland steamers.which require dexterity, courage,
and strength, are manned by the Hawaiians. It is the only force in
the islands to do that work.

The Chairman. Then you think they would make excellent sailorst

Mr. Oleson. They are. I have met them in Kew England. They
had been sailors, and they had been all around the world.

The Chairman. Are they fond of their calling t

Mr. Oleson. Yes. Very much attracted to it.

The Chairman. Would you say that the Kanaka x>opulation, taking
them at large, are what we would call a governing people!

Mr. Oleson. No; they are not.

The Chairman. Do you think they would have the requisite skill in
the enactment of laws (if that were left entirely to them) to build up
and maintain good government f

Mr. Oleson. They could not do it.

The Chairman. You think a legislature composed entirely of Kan-
akas, without respect to their intelligence, and including the highest
order of intelligence, and a Kanaka cabinet, could not control the Grov-
emment of Hawaii t

Mr. Oleson. No ; they could not.

The Chairman. You are perfectly satisfied on that xK)intt

Mr. Oleson. Perfectly satisfied on that point. That is the case. By
a late paper from Honolulu — ^I do not know whether you would rather
have it or not — ^I see that President Dole has called upon Dr. Trousseau
to explain certain testimony which he had given against President
Dole, and calls for retraction. It is very brief. If you would like to
have it I will pass it to you.

The Chairman. You can put it in if you think it will reflect any
light.

Mr. Oleson. I think it will show that President Dole was not oon-
cemed in any conspiracy. And another thing, where Dr. Trousseau
said he knew by personal knowledge of these things, in his retraction
he states he got his information fiK>m a source which he supxK>sed was
reliable.

The Chairman. Have you seen any denial of their authenticity by
Trousseau or Dolef

Mr. Oleson. No. In a later paper he made a retraction to 3 other
men whom he had mentioned in the same connection — 4 other men.

Senator Frte. In reference to the protection of American life and
property, was the location of the troops at Arion Hall a central loca-
tion f

Mr. Oleson. It was a central place for a rendezvous. The two main
streets are at an angle — King street and Nuuanu street — ^aud Arion

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 513

Hall was a central location from which to scatter the troops in sqnads
to available points. I do not well see how they could hp.A^e been better
located for the protection of life and property to better advantage
than there.

The Ghaibman. Was there anything to prevent the location of those
troops in Arion Hall when you went out to the Government building
and the proclamation was being read — anything to prevent the Royal-
ists from making an attack on the men who entered the Government
bnUdingf

Mr. OL.ES0N. No; the Queen's forces had plenty of ways in which
they could have gotten there without passing by the United States
troops, even if the United States troops had been out, which 1 do not
admit.

Senator Fbye. But if the United States troops were in their quar-
ters there was nothing to prevent an attack being made by the Boyal-
ists on the men of the Provisional Govemmentt

Mr. Oleson. No.

Senator Fbye. Was there anything in those mass meetings which
were held to prevent an attack by the Queen's forces f

Mr. Oleson. No; the nominal Government could have suppressed by
tiie force they had in their hands that mass meeting; but they did not
dare to do it, because it would have aggravated things so that they
would have gone to their worst.

Senator Fbye. Peterson, andColburn, and Neumann, and Bosa, being
tiien the agents of the Queen and the Queen's cabinet as she formed it
after she had removed the Wilcox-Jones cabinet, were they reputable
men in the islands?

Mr. Oleson. I never considered any of them to be.

Senator Fbye. Did you have any acquaintance with Mr. Stevens t

Mr. Oleson. Yes.

Senator Fbye. What was your estimate of himt

Mr. Oleson. I had a high estimate of Mr. Stevens as a man who
was exceedingly discreet in his bearing toward events there. I feel
that he was placed in a very difficult position at the time the troops
were landed, on account of the merely nominal hold which the Govern-
ment had on the situation — it was practically in the hands of the irre-
sponsible portion of the community; there was practically no govern-
Bient that had any respectof the people. 1 haveheard since that Minister
Stevens did not request permission of the Government that the troops
be allowed to land. If he had made any such request and it had been
denied, I do not think Minister Stevens would have been justified in
not lauding the troops. There was no government: there was no agree-
ment on a plan of action among the leaders of the nominal govem-
m^t; there were diftagreements amongst them; there was no con-
fidence, on the part of the intelligent portion of the community, in them.
10 that in that sense, while they had nominal control of things, it was
amply a nominal government.

Senator Fbye. Did you at any time, in your investigations and in
your conversations with the men who were connected with the Pro-
visional Government, obtain from them any idea that they expected

uiy assistance from United States troops f
Mr. Oleson. No; not the slightest. I never heard it whispered,

aiui I was in a way to meet a great many of the men on whom the

figbtiBg was to depend, if there was to be any hghting. They did not

kiok for any assistance at all.
Senator Fbye. Is it your opinion that it was a fact that th^ptw«si»^
B. Bep. 227 33

514 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS

of the United States troops on shore had any effect in dethroning the
Qaeenor the establishment of the Provisional Government t

Mr. Oleson. I do not think it had the slightest.

Senator Fbte. And if the troops had remained on board ship the
same thing woald have happened f

Mr. Oleson. I think the same thing might have happened. But I
think something else would have happened — there might have been
irresponsible parties turned upon the community, and incendiary fires
and bloodshed might have followed.

Senator Fbye. But as to the estiiblishment of the Provisional Oov-
emment?

Mr. Oleson. As to the establishment of the Government, 1 do not
think it made any material difierence.

Senator Fbye. Mr. Chairman. I received by this morning's mail, firom
Oharles L. Carter, one of the commissioners, three or four statements
which were printed in the public papers of Honolulu, containing, over
the signatures of the men who are purported to have written them, con-
tradictions of the testimony of Dr. Trousseau, who appears several times
as a witness in Mr. Blount's report. I ask that they be incorporated in
this testimony. One is from Sanford B. Dole, one from Chief Justice
Judd, and one from Alft*ed S. Hart well in answer to some statements made
by Dr. Trousseau that these gentlemen, together with others named,
had been for a long time in the habit of meeting at the office of the
minister of the Uiiited States and conspiring to produce the revolution
of 1893. They contradict Dr. Trousseau right straight through. They
areas follows:

Trousseau once more — He is again brought to a reckoning — This time
President Dole secures a retra>ction of some statements to Blount

HONOLTTLU, December 27 y 1893.
GEOBaE Tbousseau, M. D. :

Dear Sib : I notice in Mr. Blount's report, of which I have a copy
on page 284 of Part ii, the following statement in your letter to Mr
Blount, dated May 16, 1893 :

^^ Almost daily, to my personal knowledge, meetings were held at
Mr. Stevens's house in which the possibilities of a peaceful revolution
with the prospects of annexation were discussed. Prominent at these
meetings were the chief justice, Mr. Dole, Mr. Thurston, Mr. Hartwell,
Charles Carter, and others, also Capt. Wiltse."

This statement, which ha« been published in the Commercial
Advertiser at Honolulu, is incorrect as regards myself. I was never
present at any such meetings, nor was I aware that such meetings
were held until informed of it by the publication of your statement to
that effect.

I desire that you will make due reparation in the matter with the
same publicity which the above statement has already received.
I am, very sincerely, yours,

Sanfobb B. Dole.

Decembeb 28, 1893.
Hon. S. B. Dole,

President of the Provisional Oovemmenti

Deab Sib : When I made to Mr. BJount the statements you refi^
to in your letter of the 27th, I believed them to be correct, as my
information came from a source that I could not consider but reliable.

HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

515

In spite of difference of opinion and bitterness of feeling on my part
engendered by the vile abnse I have been submitted to by your political
rfide, I have always considered yon as a gentleman.

Ton say that yon attended no meetings at Mr. Stevens's house; let it
be so; I accept your word for it.
Very respectfully yours,

G. Tbousseau.

Trauiseau and truth — Where they fail to agree in their evidence — Chief
Justice judd anH Judge A. S. HartweU deny statements of his to Blount

Editor' Stab:

Dr. Trousseau's statements to Mr. Blount, so far as they refer to me,
ve totally untrue. I never met any of the gentlemen named by him
at Mr. Stevens's house. I never attended any meeting with the gen tie-
man named or with any others at Mr. Stevens's house, or at any other
place, where' annexation wae discussed.

I do not consider that I owe my <' social and pecuniary position" to
the natives, although I believe I have their confidence and good will.
Before my appointment to the bench, now nearly twenty years ago, I
▼as receiving a handsome income from my practice at the bar; greater
than my salary as second associate justice, which was my first appoint-
meut.

I took no part whatever in the revolution of January, 1893. nor was
1 informed of the plans of the movers in it. I had no more iniormation
than any other <^ outsider."

A. F. Judd.

RoNOlAJiAJj December 26y 1893.

Qen. SartwelVs denials.

EiHor Star:

When Dr. Trousseau, in his statement to Blount and letter to Kord-
hofl^ says that ^'meetings were held at Mr. Stevens's house in which the
possibilities of a peaceful revolution were discussed," and that <' promi-
nent at these meetings were the chief justice, Mr. Dole, Mr. Thurston,
Mr. Hartwell, Charles Carter, and others, also Capt.Wiltse," Dr. Trous-
seau says, as far as I am concerned, that which is untrue. Mr. Charles
T. GaUck's statement to Blount contains similar language with that of
Dr. Trousseau, adding the expression that the persons named were so
managing as to ^^save their precious carcasses." Mr. Gulick will be
pleased to consider my denial of the truthfulness of both KordhofPs
and Dr. Trousseau's statements of the meetings in question, as apply-
ing also to his untruthful statement, in so far as I am concerned.

Bat while it so happens that I n'ever attended any such meetings as
Dr. Trousseau and Mr. Oulick have taken the grave responsibility of
asserting, it is true that talk of revolutions has been rife here for
The dread of it has been the main cause of many financial dif-

The viciousness of the above-mentioned statements of Messrs.
Trooaseau and Gulick is in the impression which they >vere meant to
fix that we were plotting revolution, since otherwise such statements
would be nothing but old women's gabble

516 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

So for from plotting revolation, the people who are today support
uig the Government of Hawaii, and who aided in its establishment,
were to a man, as I believe, opposed to the attempts at revolution
whieh were under several discussions in the early part of tiie year 1892,
and for which attempts the arrest-s for treason were made spring
before last.,

For even defending those treason cases in court I found myself the
subject of harsh criticism from many persons who are now staunch
Government men and annexationists.

Messrs. Blount and Nordhoff have fallen into the absurd but grave
error for which Dr. Trousseau and Mr. Charles T. Qulick have made
themselves responsible, of supposing that Mr. Stevens and his friends
were trying to bring about the revolutionary results, for attempting
which Bol^rt Wilcox, Y. Y. Ashford, and some 16 other Hawaiiuis
were examined before a judge on a charge of treason.

Dr. Trousseau's suggestion to Blount that the ex-Queen propose a ces-
sion of Hawaii to Grover Cleveland and then abdicate, and that ^< all
of us will assist," such result shows his view of the situation apart
from his »* point of view.''

Alfred S. Habtwell.

A4ioumed to meet to-morrow, the 20tk instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

WASfliNaTON, D. C, Saturday^ January 20^ 1894.

The sub-committee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator MoiWAN) and Senators Butleb,
Gbat, Sherman and Fbye, and Davis of the full conmiittee.

BWOEH STATBMEHT OF JOHV A. HeCAHDLESS.

The Ohaibman. What is your aget

Mr. MgOandless. I am 40 years of age.

The Chairman. What is your occupation!

Mr. MoOandless. In the Hawaiian Islands, an artesian- well driller.

The Chairman. What is the place of your nativity 1

Mr. MgCandless. Pennsylvania.

The Chairman. Are you of American parentage!

Mr. McCandless. Tes.

The Chairman. When did you go to Hawaii!

Mr. McCandless. I went to Hawaii in 1881.

The Chairman. Did you go there to experiment In the boring ot
artesian wells!

Mr. McCandless. No; at that time it had passed that state, and
the fact had been proven that they could get an artesian well. They
had half a dozen at the time I arrived there.

The Chairman. To what part of the Islands did you go!

Mr. McCandless. Except seven mouths I have been on the island
of Oahu all the time.

The Chairman. Did you get wells there!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you get water enough from the wells for sugar
planting! .

Mr. McCandlesb. YeA. On the island of Oahu thqr get water firm
Afteaian wella aa wdl m ttom ^<^ mcs^osXaioi^tsAamjk

HAWAnAN Ii3IiANB& 617

The Chaibman. Are there large plantations on the islaildT

Mr. McOandless. Yes. In 1890 one plantation had a capitalization
of half a million, and they ran in debt another half a million before
they got started.

The Ghairm in. How many hands does that sagar plantation employ T

Mr. McOanpless. 600. On the island of Kanai we get artesian
irells, bat the water does not rise over 6 feet above the sea leveL In
most cases they have to pnmp the water.

The Oh AIRMAN. Can not siphons be ran ontt

Mr. McOandless. No.

The Chairman. Do yoa bore in the flats T

Mr. McOandless. Yes; the flats near the sea level.

The Ohairman. Is the geological construction of the islands of sach
a character as wonld warrant, in yoor opinion, the belief that that is
going to bea valaable soarce of water sapply in the Hawaiian Islands!

Mr. McOandless. There is now invested in artesian wells in the
Hawaiian Islands aboat a half million dollars. We have oarselves done
$400,000 worth of the work, and it is qnite an industry.

The Ohairman. It is on the windward that they have the wells T

Mr. McOandless. On both sides ofthe island of Oaha. The artesian-
water belt extends all around the island of Oaha, with a few exceptions,
where we were anable to get water.

The Ohairman. Do you find the water in pockets or in the stone t

Mr. McOandless. We find it in the lava formation of the islands.

The Ohairman. You drive the well down until you find the perco-
lation of the water of sufficient strength to force an overflow?

Mr. McOandless. It is in the decomx)osed lava and the washing of
centuries, which make a packing to keep it in, and of course we go to
the open rock and get the water.

The Ohairma^. Do you look forward to the artesian system as
one that is going to be valuable to that country T

Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Ohairman. Your labors in Hawaii, I suppose, have carried
yoa amongst the people in the country T

Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Ohairman. Have you familiarized yourself with the character
and condition ofthe people of Hawaii?

Mr. McOandless. Yes; our business has taken us all around the
island of Oahu.

The Ohairman. Have you had occasion to visit other islands alsof

Mr. McOandless. The first well we drilled in the Kingdom was on
the island of Hawaii. We were there seven months. That was a
eomplete failure. Outside of that I have not been off the island of Oahu.

The Ohairman. I will ask you now to state briefly what you found
to be the condition of those people as to the comfort of living at their
abodes.

Mr. McOandless. They lived in the country there just about as the
poor do in any country that I have ever been in, except, i>erhaps, they
are more indolent than the poor of our country.

The Ohairman. Does nature furnish a larger supply of food to the
natives of the Hawaiian Islands than it does to the natives of most
eonntries, to relieve them of the necessity for labor!

Mr. McOandless. Yes ; it does in this way : The tare patch (that is
the food there) — I judge an acre of taro land, x)erhaps a half acre —
will keep a large family in food the year round. That is in addition to
the fish they catch.

518 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Are fish abundant off the coast of tiiose islands!

Mr. MgOandless. Yes; but fish commands a higher price in Hono-
Inla than in any seaport town I have ever lived in. That is because
the native will not go fishing unless the price of fish is high.

The Chairman. They are expert fishermen t

Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. And they have control of the fisheries T

Mr. MgCandless. No; the Chinese have most of the fishing rights.
There is a peculiar condition of affairs there in regard to the fisheries.
The water front of the islands is owned by the landlords — the i>eople
who own the land — and the privilege of fishing on this water fbont is
leased out.

The Chairman. By the owner of the soilT

Mr. MgCandless. By the owner of the soil. So that the Chinese
have been rather encroaching on that privilege and getting most of
the valuable fishing rights.

The Chairman. How far out in the sea does this privilege extend T

Mr. MgCandless. I can not say as to that.

The Chairman. Do the Hawaiians and Chinese fish ofbhore in boats
and with seines and other tackle?

Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. When they are fishing offshore this water privi-
lege does not interfere with them, does itt

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; it interferes, except in the case of Oovem-
meut lands; there it is open to the natives.

The Chairman. There must be some limit to this right. Is it three
miles?

Mr. MgCandless. 1 think that would be the limit, the international
limit.

The Chairman. You do not know about that! '

Mr. MgCandless. Ko.

The Chairman. In this way the Chinese and Hawaiians have what
we term a practical monopoly of the fishing industry, and will not fish
unless the market price justifies them in going out!

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; that is the case with the Hawaiians; but
the Chinese do not stop at all, they fish right along.

The Chairman. Around the islands other than Oahu is this fishing
carried on by the natives?

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; principally by the natives, because there is
no market on the other islands.

The Chairman. What I want to get at is whether fishing in combi-
nation with the taro is the real, substantial food support of the com-
mon people of Hawaii?

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Taro supplies the want for vegetable foodf

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. And takes the place of bread?

Mr. McCandless. Yes. I was going to say in regard to the natives,
to show their indolence in regard to their crop, I have found it the case
that the natives have leased out their taro patch to a Chinaman, and
the Chinaman has worked it and paid the Hawaiian in taro, and still
made a living off it himself. I have seen it many times.

The Chairman. Do the women in Hawaii work in the taro patches?

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; but the men mostly. It is a crop ea^Qj
taken care of.

The Chairman. Easily raised?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 519

Mr. McOandless. Easily raised. Of coarse, there mast be an aban-
dance of water — it grows in a pond; it mast be flooded with water.

The Chairman. Have yon, prior to January 17, 1893, been in any
way engaged in the political affairs of Hawaii?

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chaibman. Have yon been in any office there!

Mr. McCandless. No.

The Chaibman. Yonr connection with it then was as a private
eitizenf

Mr. McCandless. It was as a private citizen — to help right wrongs.

The Chairman. We will snspend the examination of Mr. McCand-
less, for the pnrpose of hearing Mr. Stevens, who, I am informed, is
not well and is desirous of returning to his home. .

SWOEH STATEXEHT OF MB. JOHV L. 8TEVEH&

The Chaibman. What is your aget

Mr. Stevens. Seventy-three.

The Chaibman. Your place of nativity!

Mr. Stevens. Mount Vernon, Me.

The Chaibman. When did you first go to Hawaii?

Mr. Stevens. I arrived there in September, 1889,

The Chaibman. Was that your first visit f

Mr. Stevens. My first visit to Hawaii.

The Chaibman. You went as Minister of the United States to that
Government t

Mr. Stevens. I did.

The Chaibman. Who was then the sovereign?

Mr. Stevens. King Kalakaua was the sovereign.

The Chaibman. Under what administration were you sent there T

Mr. Stevens. By President Harrison.

The Chaibman. W^ere you present at the time Liliuokalani succeeded
to the regal authority in the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Stevens. I was.

The Chaibman. And you remained there until what time — what
time did you leave the island sf

Mr. Stevens. The 24th of May, 1893.

The Chaibman. Proceed and state what you know of your own
personal knowledge in respect of the political affairs of Hawaii since
your arrival there, the changes in political conditions, the circum*
stances that led to such changes, the effects produced by such changes;
and we wish you to state also what participation yon had at any time
during your residence there in promoting the interests or welfare of
any political party connected with the Queen's Government or opposed
to the Queen's Government. When you shall have made your state-
ment, or at any time while you are making it, the members of the
committee will interpose such questions as they may desire, for the
purpose of keeping your attention to the testimony we desire to elicit.

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will, of course, be
under the necessity of condensing so far as possible. That inquiry
might require a volume; but, of course, I understand the committee
desires the salient facts. I will read what I think is better than I could
verbally state, and we will have before ns the events beginning twelve
days prior to the overthrow of Liliuokalani. 1 can read of events prior
to that; bat I think I had better take twelve days prior.

520 HAWAITAK ISLANDS.

Tlie CHAiQSfAN. Take yonr own course, so that yon answer the
qaostions. ♦

Mr. Stevens. The biennial Legislature assembled in May, 1892.
The body very soon asserted its constitutional prerogative in voting
out a ministry that had consented to the maladministration of the
Queen and her favorite at the palace, who exercised dictatorial XK>wers
and rioted in official police corruption. Instead of apx>ointing minis-
ters possessing the confidence of the Legislative msgority and of the
business men of the islands, she continued to select those of her own
type of character, those whom she knew would retain her palace favor-
ite in x>ower. Three successive ministers of this description were voted
out by the Legislature, with the warm approval of all the best men of
the islands. At last the Queen appeared to yield to the pressure of
public opinion and consented to the appointment of four responsible
men, three of them persons of wealth, and all of them men of good
financial standing, who took the official places with reluctance, all four
of them sharing the public confidence.

Known as the Wilcox-Jones ministry, it was believed that they
would safely carry the country through the following eighteen months
to the election and assemblage of the next Legislature. Fully shar-
ing this belief, the United States minister and naval commander left
Bonolulu January 4, in the U. S. cruiser Boston^ for Hilo and Vol-
cano, the distance of nearly 300 miles. It was the first time for
many months I had felt it safe for the United States minister and
naval commander to be away from the Hawaiian capital. We were
absent ten days. When we arrived in the harbor of Honolulu on our
return from Hilo, in the forenoon of January 14, there came to us the
startling news that the Queen and the ring of white adventurers who
surrounded her had, by intrigue and bribery, carried the lottery and
opium bills through the Legislature; had forced out the Wilcox and
Jones ministry, had appointed in their places four of her palace re-
tainers, two of whom the Legislature and the responsible public had
recently and repeatedly rejected, headed by the man who had carried
the lottery and opium bills through the Legislature.

In spite of numerous petitions and protests from all the islands,
both of whites and native Hawaiians, and the earnest remonstrance of
the chamber of commerce and the principal financial men of the
country, the Queen immediately signed the iniquitous bills. Both she
and the ring of adventurers who surrounded her expected thus to get
the money to carry on the Government by making Honolulu a fortress
of gamblers and semipirates amid the ocean, from which they could,
by every mail steamer to the United States, send out the poisoned
billets of chance by which to rob the American people of their mil-
lions of money — a method of gaining silver and gold as wicked and
audacious as that of the freebooters who once established them-
selves in the We^t Indian seas and made piratical forays on American
commerce. But even this was not enough for the semibarbaric Queen
and the clique of adventurers around her. To fortify themselves in
their schemes of usurpation and robbery they must have a new con<
stitution. They were afraid the supreme court would decide their
lotteiy bill unconstitutional. The supreme court must be recon-
structed, so that the Queen could reappoint the judges and give the
final appeal to the Queen herself. The new constitution was to be
proclaimed in a way that the existing constitution expressly piohibitB.
Her four new ministers were iH the plot.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 621

While the Boston was coming into the harbor of Honolnln, on the
fbrenoon of January 14, the mob of hoodlums, at the call of the Queen
and her retainers, were gathering in the palace grounds. The Legis-
latnre was prorogued at 12 a. m. The revolutionary edict of Hawaii's
misguided sovereign waq ready to be proclaimed, rumors of which were
already in the public ear. The storm of public indignation began to
gather. A few minutes before the appointed hour for the coup Wetat^ im-
mediately after my reaching the legation from the Boston^ I was urged
to go at once to the English minister to ask him to accompany me to
the Queen and try to dissuade her from her revolutionary design. I
promptly sought to comply with this request, went immediately to the
English minister, who was ready to cooperate with me if there were any
possibility of effecting any good. We went immediately to the foreign
office to seek access to the Queen in the customary manner.

The hour of proroguing the Legislature had arrived. The ceremony
eoucluded, the Queen went immediately to the palace, around which
the mob was gathering. It was too late for the American and English
ministers even to attempt to reason with the maddened, misguided
▼Oman, who had already launched the revolution which could not be
arrested, though her cowardly ministers of the lottery gang became
alarmed and drew back. She scorned their cowardice and pushed on
to her doom. Saturday night told every intelligent man in Honolulu
that the Hawaiian monarchy was forever at an end — ^that the respou-
8ible x>ersons of the islands, the property holders and the friends of
law and order, must thereafter take charge of public affairs. Tbe great
mass meeting of January 16 — worthy of the best American towns, of
tbe best American days, was held. It was made up of the best and
ehief men of the country — the owners of property, the professional and
educated citizens, merchants, bankers, clerks, mechanics, teaehers,
dergymen.

This assemblage was a unit in opinion and purpose. It was
rtirred by a common sentiment, the love of country and the desire for
public order and public security. It took its measures wisely and pru-
dently. Its committee of public safety asked us to land the men of the
BogUm lest riot and incendiarism might burst out in the night, for no
reliable police force longer existed, and whatever there was of this force
▼as now in the control of the usurpers and the lottery gamblers
who had initiated the revolution. Under the diplomatic and naval
rules, which were and are imperative, the 17. S. minister and naval
eonunander would have shamefully ignored their duty had they not
landed the men of the Boston for the security of American life and prop-
erty and the maintenance of public order, even had the committee of
public safety not requested us to do.

As American representatives, 5,000 miles from our Government, wo
ooold not have escaped our responsibilities even had we desired to do
so. Fortunately the commander of the Boston and those under his
eommand had no desire to shirk their duty. They appreciated the
obligations of American patriotism and the honor of the American
Kavy. The allurements of a semibarbaric court and palace had not
blinded tlieir eyes to the condition of things in Honolulu. On shore in
perfect order, they stepped not an inch from the line oi duty. They
nev^ lifted a finger In aid of the fallen monarchy.
The Chaibman. Who was then chamberlain t
Mr. Stbvbns. Mr. Bobertsou.
Hie Chaibman. Who was prior to himf
Mr. Stbvsns. MacFarlane.

522 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The CHArBMAN. Who preceded himf

Mr. Stevens. MacFarlaue was the chamberlain when I went there. •

The ChaibmJlN. Was Mr. Carter ever chamberlain f

Mr. Stevens. I think not. The brother of Chief Justice Jndd was,
and my impression is that no one was between him and McFarlane.
When Liliuokalani came in she wanted this favorite of hers to be in the
cabinet as minister of the interior, which was an important place, and
he could not get any responsible person to serve with him. Then they
compromised it by allowing him to be made marshal, which is an office
of great power and patronage, under which Chinese and Japanese lot-
tery gambling can be carried on. It requires a man of great integrity,
lest there be abuses, and the office was one having the most power
under the administration. Wilson wanted that, and he was made
marshal and installed in the palace.

There is a good deal of history between that, and contained in my
despatches, of wrangling, by which the different ones were put in.
I have the legislative votes that took place prior to that. Three cabi-
nets had been voted out in the course of a few weeks. Parker, Spencer,
Wideman, and Paul Neuman voted out August 30, 1892, by 31 yeas to
10 nays. Parker, Macfarlane, Gulick, and Paul Neuman appointed
September 12, 1892, and voted out October 17, 1892, by 31 yens and 15
nays. November 1, 1892, Queen appointed Cornwell, i^awahi, Gulick,
and Creighton, who were voted out the same day by 26 yeas to 13 nays.

The Chairman. Have you named all the persons!

Mr. Stevens. Peter C. Jones, W. L. Wilcox, Mark P. Robinson, and
Cecil Brown. Jones and Wilcox were two strong financial men, worth
more than $200,000 each; were not politicians; but they accepted their
offices as a matter of duty to the country. Mark P. Kobiuson was a
prominent business man, and Cecil Brown was a lawyer. All four of
this Cabinet are gentlemen of integrity, having the confidence of the
financial public. We were away from the Hawaiian capital but ten
days.

The Chairman. Just Ihere, if you please. In reference to what ex-
pected difficulty or complication of political affairs in Hawaii do you
sx>eak when you say that it was for the first time safe for you to leave
the islands?

Mr. Stevens. The first time I deemed it safe for me to be away f

The Chairman. Yes; why!

Mr. Stevens. For the reason that there was liable to be trouble.

The Chairman. Do you mean it was safe for the interests of the
Unit^ States!

Mr. Stevens. Safe for the interests of the United States.

The Chairman. Bo you not mean safe for the opposing power to the
then government!

Mr. Stevens. I mean the American interests in the islands, the com-
merci9.1 interests. In general terms that means nearly the whole, so far
as commercial interests are concerned.

The Chairman. Proceed.

Mr. Stevens. It came to us.

The Chairman. You say it came to us. Whom do you mean!

Mr. Stevens. Capt. Wiltse and to me. They sent out in boat«. We
got into the harbor about half past 10, and it took sometime to get to
the wharf, and they came out in boats.

The Chairm^. Who were the persons who informed youl

Mr. Stevens. We were informed.

Tho Chairman. Any official information given to you!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 523

Mr. Stetbns. "So ofScial communication, as I remember now.

The Chaibman. Who was your aid-decamp at that time!

Mr. Stevens. I had none; there was no person allowed me.

The Chairman. Did any person come from the lep:ation or the United
States consulate to give you information of the situation there?

Mr. Stevens. My impression is that Mr. Severance, the consul, sent
a verbal message as soon as possible. And others sent verbal messages.
There would be perhaps twenty, boats to come off.

The Chaibman. Was any message sent to you by the United States
consul, Mr. Severance, or anybody else?

Mr. Stevens. I do not know that there was; but I know that I
received the information at once. My daughter with my carriage met
me at the wharf with the most full information.

The CpAiRMAN. Well!

Mr. Stevens. In spite of protests and earnest remonstrances by the
Chamber of Commerce and a number of financial men of the country,
the Queen immediately signed the iniquitous bills. Both she and the
ring of adventurers who surrounded her expected there would thus
be established a scheme to rob the people of millions of money.

The Chairman. Those expressions are intense and liberal. Do you
mean that they are your personal conclusions, based upon your knowl-
edge of the affairs there!

Mr. Stevens. Knowledge of the bills before the Legislature and com-
mon rumor that had been going on all winter. The men in the lottery
charter were, one man from St. Louis, another from Chicago, and sev-
eral in Honolulu.

The Chaibman. Did you, as the American minister resident in the
Hawaiian Islands, receive any information in regard to the state of
affairs which you have stated, and the purpose which actuated the
Government, upon which you based the conclusions which you as
minister came to as against the Queen's Government.

Mr. Stevens. The information came to me from all sources. I will
say here that my many years' experience prior to these three years in
revolutionary countries, had taught me that it was absolutely necessary
to keep myself informed, and in order to keep myself informed I had
to have somebody in the different cliques or parties on whom I could
rely to get information. 1 kept myself constantly posted.

Senator 6b AY. And were you in communication with such persons f

Mr. Stevens. Tes. There was a contest about this lottery charter.
It was controverted in the newspax)ers for months and months, and all
Uie facts were as notorious as facts would be in Washington about any
great national measure here.

The Chaibman. In seeking information about these matters, did
you confer also with members of the Queen's Government, or persons
officially connected with the Queen's Oovernmentt

Mr. Stevens. From the time I went to Honolulu to the time I left,
the adherents of the Queen, the royalists, had access to the legation
more freely than anybody else.

The Chaibman. Bid you converse with themt

Mr. Stevens. I conversed with them. Of course, I had to exercise
a good deal of caution in conversing with anybody, and had to pick
oat those I conversed with.

The Chaibman. You have stated that your conclusions were reached
after conferences and consultations with the persons you have men-
tioned, and also from the debates as printed in the newspapers?

Mr. Stevens. Upon debates. The newspapers publislied t\v^ ^•^^X^^

524 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

just as yon do here, and the bills were published. They have three
newspapers, and everything of that character comes out.

Senator Gbay. Did yon avail yourself of the opportunities that
were presented, of correspondence with other intelligent people than
those connected with the Government, in order to inform yourself!

Mr. Stevens. That is a very important point; I am glad you have
asked me in regard to it. I wish to say that five islands constitute the
main portion of the islands. Those islands are separate, and on them
live influential men. In order to know exactly the state of affairs in
Hawaii, you must know what is going on in the different islands, and
who these important XDen are. It took me one year of careful investi-
gation to find out who they were, and to find out the state of things —
who is who and what is what. In doing that I availed myself of all
the agencies in the community.

Senator Gray. And youdid notdeclinecorrespondencewithanybody f

Mr. Stevens. Kot any. Of course I had to avoid compromising
myself with anybody.

Senator Gbay. I meant, for the purpose of gaining information for
yourself, not imparting it to anybody. You understood thatt

Mr. Stevens. Yes. In order to amend the constitution of Hawaii,
the amendment must be submitted to one Legislature. Their sessions
are biennial, and the amendment must be passed by one Legislature
and resubmitted to the succeeding Legislature and passed.

The Oh AXEMAN. By a mjyority vote!

Mr. Stevens. I am not sure whether it is a two-thirds vote or a
majority vote; but it must be submitted to the two Legislatures. Just
at this moment I can not say whether it is a two- thirds vote or a msyor-
ity ; my impression is that it is two-thirds.

The Ghaibman. Before you left Honolulu on board the Boston to go
to Hilo, did you have any knowledge or information of the movements
of which you have just been speaking, in regard to a change of the con-
stitution by the Queen T

Mr. Stevens. Oh, that had been a mooted matter before. I ought
to give some prior facts. In the Legislature before LiliuokalaTii came
to the throne, Kalakaua was opposed by some persons, and he wanted
to get his original power back.

The Chaibman. By original power you mean the power he had prior
to the constitution of '87 1

Mr. Stevens. Prior to that. In order to accomplish that, in the
winter of '90 he had delegations of natives from the islands to demand
a new constitution through a constitutional conventiun. That would
have been revolutionary, and it alarmed the business men of the islands.
They came to me and asked me to go to the King and advise him of
the danger of that. I said I would provided they got those haviog
English affiliations to have the English minister do the same. They
got the English minister: he arranged the meeting.

The Ghaibman. Mr. Wodehousef

Mr. Stevens. Wodehouse. He strongly urged the King not to go
into it, stating that it would be fatal to him. Then I followed, and
went into it elaborately, stating that in my opinion he could not bave
gotten up a better scheme than that to overthrow the monarchy. I
said, " If it is started, you do not know where it will end." The whites
had made up their minds, if Kalakaua ever attempted that, they would
break down the monarchy. It was hard for Kalakaua to take that
advice. I stated it very courteously and kindly, and in a day or two
he came around good naturedly and accepted our advice. When he
was dead, and LUiuokalani earner t/o be the sovereign, she said to the ;

HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 525

chief justice, <<What will be the cansequence if I do not take the
oath to that constitation?" The chief justice, who had been a sup-
porter of the monarchy, said in his courteous way, ^' You could not be
Queen." With this answer of the chief justice Liliuokalani took the
oath to support the constitution.

The GHAiBMAJf. If I understand you, the subject of changing the
constitution so as to restore to the monarchy the aucient power that it
Xwssessed before 1887 was the subject of discussion and action also on
the part of Kalakaua as well as Liliuokalani f

Mr. Stevens. Certainly.

The Chairman. When you left on the Boston to go to Hilo did you
know that the Queen had in contemplation, at that time or at any ear-
ner period, to promulgate this constitution by apronunciamentot

Mr. Stevens. I had come to the conclusion, as many men had, that
80 many ministries having been voted out and she accepting this Wilcox-
Jones ministry, and Wilson, the marshal, being on friendly relations
with the attorney-general, Mr. Brown, he thinking he was going to
be kept in — putting all the facts together, the lottery bill dead, and the
opium bill desid, we had made up our minds that the Queen and her
fiivorite would abide by the ministry for eighteen months, or until the
meeting of the new Legislature, and I did not dream of any revolution
that the Queen had on foot.

The Chairman. Let me ask. Afb^ the Queen prorogued the Legis-
lature would she have had authority to dismiss the ministry and reap-
point another without assembling the Legislature?

Mr. Stevens. She could not remove the ministry except upon a vote
of want of confidence by the Legislature. That was the constitution.

The Chairman. That is the only way in which she could do it!

Mr. Stevens. The only way — by a vote of want of confidence.

Hie Chairman. And, as I understand, you felt that no change of
file constitution could take placet

Mr. Stevens. Certainly.

The Chairman. And that relieved your mind of any apprehension
that there would be any efibrt made to revolutionize the Government
with respect to the constitution f

Mr. Stevens. Certainly. We considered that those four ministers
fer the next eighteen months would be the Government — ^for all practi-
cal purposes.

The Chairman. Let me ask whether, if you had in contemplation
anything of thsit kind, you would have felt authorized, as the American
minister resident, to go away as you did?

Mr. Stevens. I would not. If I had thought she had that revolu-
tionizing plan on hand, it would not have been proper for me to have
gone away.

The Chairman. Whyt

Mr. Stevens. Because I think I could have given her advice. I
would have given her the advice that it would ruin public business
and endanger life.

The Chairman. You felt at that time that the interests of the peo-
ple of the United States would be exposed to danger!

Mr. Stevens. Exposed to danger.

The Chairman. And you felt

Mr. Stevens. It would be my duty to go to her, as I had before
p»ite to Kalakaua.

The Chairman. Ships of war of the United States had been kept
in the harbor of Honolulu for some timet

Mr. SXBVSNS. Yes.

526 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibman. How many years!
. Mr. Stevkns. Probably thirty-five or forty.

The Chaibman. Was there ever a time during your residence there
as minister of the United States when there was no ship of war in the
harbor, no ship assigned to duty there?

Mr. Stbyens. I do not think there was any time when there was no
s14p of war there, unless the ship was oat of the harbor fbr target prac-
tice, or gone to Hilo, a trip of a few days.

The Chaibman. But assigned to duty there T

Mr. Stevens. I do not think there was a single month, while I was
there, that a United States ship was not assigned for duty at Honolulu?

The Chaibman. What is the necessity of the United States keeping
a ship of war in Honolulu, or in reach of the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Stevens. Because of the liability to anarchy. And why? To
illustrate that point, this was no new thing — the landing of troops. It
was done at least tnree times prior to January, 1893, if not more. I
remember three. Prior to this at different times the official represent-
atives of the Queen came to me and asked me to be in readiness to land
soldiers; that there were certain contingencies before them that they
could not provide for; and more than that number of times the naval
officers of the different ships got everything in readiness.

Senator Gbay. What was the nature of those contingencies?

Mr. Stevens. I will give this one: Prior to the overthrow of the
Queen a'nd the uprising of the business men to have a new government,
many of the natives under the lead of Kobert Wilcox, half white, and
others who were hostile to Wilson, the favorite, because he stood between
the natives and the Queen, engaged in revolutionary efforts.

Senator Geay. They were jealous of him?

Mr. Stevens. Jealous of Wilson, and that was the key to their
action. For many months they were organized, my information was.
It came in many ways, not only from those who were engaged in it,
but from the Queen's Government. They contemplated her overthrow.
That party was led by Mr. Wilcox, the same man who was in collusion
with Liliuokalani in 1889, a few months before I arrived there, to
change the constitution. Mr. Wilcox and several prominent white
men of the adventurers class had organized what they called a Liberal
Hawaiian League, and they had a military organization as well. Their
constant fear was that we would not permit the Queen to be over-
thrown, and of course they always took occasion to find out what the
naval officer and American minister would do if they undertook to
overthrow the Queen. I could not make my instructions and inten-
tions known.

The Queen was anxious to have me informed of her danger, and the
Wilcox faction was anxious to know whether I would interfere in
defense of the Queen. Of course, I had to keep noncommittal. That
party would have dethroned the Queen if they had had the help of the
white people. But the whites said, " No ; we can not accept the Govern-
ment from their hands." Consequently, there was a state of uneasi-
ness, of uncertainty, all the time, as there had been months before I
arrived there. Mr. Merrill had an experience with it for two years,
beginning with the revolution of 1887. After they got in the cabinet
of 1887 they had a peaceful time up to the Wilcox outbreak, a few
weeks before I arrived in the country.

The Chairman. Is the Wilcox of whom you speak the man who was
educated in the military school in Italy?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 527

The Ghaibman. Is there any other man of prominence of that name
Uieref

Mr. Stevens. There are three or four who are prominent.

The Ghaibman. I mean of that name?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; the Wilcox in the Jones ministry was a very dif-
ferent person from the Wilcox who led the outbreak of 1889 — he had
been a member of the Legislature, but was not a politician. I refer
to the member of the Jones cabinet. There were three or four of the '
name of Wilcox; but they were not related to Eobert, the man at the
head of the revolutionary movement.

The Chaieman. Is the man who was in the Jones ministry an Amer-
ican t

Mr. Stevens. An American of pure blood. His father was a
missionary. He lives on the island of Kauai — a man of busii^essy
education, and of high character.

The Ghaibman. Is he officially connected with the Provisional
Government t

Mr. Stevens. Only as an adviser and supporter.

The Ghaibman. Not officially!

Mr. Stevens. He was in the Jones ministry.

The Ghaibman. Which was succeeded by the Peterson cabinett

Mr. Stevens. Yes; the Peterson cabinet.

The Ghaibman. Proceed.

Mr. Stevens. I need not restate, I suppose, what I have already said,
and will proceed as requested.

The Ghaibman. The matters of which you are speaking occurred be-
fore you landed?

Mr. Stevens. Before we landed and while we were landing.

The Ghaibman. Before you personally landed?

Mr. Stevens. Before 12 o'clock was when I arrived. I am coming to
that. As soon as I had arrived at the legation I was informed of the
strong rumor that the Queen was about to attempt to proclaim. a new
GODstatution; and I was urged to go at once to seek the cooperation of
the English minister to dissuade the Queen from her design.

The Ghaibman. Who made that request of you f

Mr. Stevens. That came through Judge Hartwell. He has been
there twenty years, an American by birth, but married his wife there.
He is a graduate of Harvard, and one of the leading lawyers of the
inlands and has been one of the supreme judges. As before stated, I
at once endeavored to comply with this request. I went as soon as
possible to the English minister and asked him to go with me to see
the Queen. We went to the foreign office to seek an interview with the
Queen in the customary manner.

The customary manner was to send it, of course, through the minis-
ter of foreign affairs.

Senator Butleb. Bid you get access to the Queen T

Mr. Stevens. The Minister of Foreign Affairs had gone to the cere*
mony of proroguing the Legislature. He came into the foreign minis-
ter's office. We staid in there two or three minutes — asked two or
three questions. That was the first time I was let into the plot that
there was to be a new constitution. He was very cautious as to what
he said. I was not there when the invitations were sent out to come to
the palace and receive a glass of wine.

I did not go to the palace, but the other officials did. Before the
time arrived Mr. Wodehouse, who had been there so many years,
said: '^It is unusual for us to have this at the close of t\i^ 1^^-
islature," and the whole thing came into my mind wloat t\i^ ^u^^u

528 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

intended^— she intended to liave all the foreign officials there, with all
the ^clat possible. There were only five minutes left, and she h^
already gone into the palaee. If we had been two hoars earlier, we
could perhaps have gotten at her and accomplished something. I did
not go to the palace with the other foreign officials. Being absent on
the Boston when the cards of invitation were sent out, I had received
none to go to the palace, nor to the proroguing of the Legislature at
12 o'clock that day.

And only those present in Honolulu could know how thoroughly the
monarchy was dead after the Queen's revolutionary attempt to proclaim
a new constitution on the afternoon of July 14. I have already given
account of the mass meeting, mostly of white citizens, of the appoint-
ment of a committee of safety, and of their request of us to laud the
nava.1 force.

The Chairman. You say "us." Whom do you meant

Mr. Stevens. Myself and Capt. Wiltse.

The Chairman. Do you mean that they made a joint request of you,
or separate?

Mr. Stevens. They made the request to me.

The Chairman. And not to Capt. Wiltse!

Mr. Stevens. Not to Capt. Wiltse. They always make it to the
diplomatic officer.

The Chairman. In what form is that request madef

Mr. Stevens. In a note.

The Chairman. By whom!

Mr. Stevens. The committee of public safety.

The Chairman. Addressed to you, where!

Mr. Stevens. At the legation.

The Chairman. How long before you had arrived there!

Mr. Stevens. I arrived there on Saturday, and this meeting of the
committee of public safety was on Monday. After the committee of
public safety had been chosen, they made this request.

The Chairman. Was there any reason for making the request for the
landing of the troops!

Mr. Stevens. Only the fears of the citizens.

7 he Chairman. I want to know whether any request had been made
upon you before that time!

Mr. Stevens. No, onlyso far as individual citizens made represen-
tations of the danger.

The Chairman. Individual citizens did appear before you to repre-
sent the danger!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. Especially did I have a note l^om Bev. Mr.
Bishop, a man 65 years of age, born on the islands. He has every-
body's confidence. He informed me on Sunday that the Kahunas of the
Queen, the sorcerers, were evidently around the Queen, and there were
serious times ahead. He did not ask me, but he stated that that I
might know the danger. I learned from other sources, of persons who
knew perfectly well, if I did not do so, the legation would be crowded
with many people fearing what might happen during the night.

The Chairman. They would come there for protection!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Who is this Bev. Mr. Bishop of whom you spokef

Mr. Stevens. He was born on the islands; his father was a mis-
sionary; he was educated at a New York college. He has been identi-
fted with the islands for sixty-five years.

The Chairman. There is another Mr. Bishop who is very wealthy!

Mi. Szbybnb. He is a banker.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 529

The Chairman. Are they related?

Mr. Stevens. No. Mr. Bishop, the banker, is a native of New York;
the other, I rather think, is the son of a Gonnecticat man.

The Chaibman. A missionary?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Is this man, the Eev. Mi. Bishop, of whom you
speak, a man of snbstance and property?

Mr. Stevens. He has some property; I do not know how much.

The Chairman. Any wealth!

Mr. Stevens. Not wealthy.

The Chairman. Is he reputable T

Mr. Stevens. Highly reputable. He is known outside of the islands
as a man of science.

The Chairman. In addition to Mr. Bishop did other persons come
to you and admonish you of the state of danger?

Mr. Stevens. Prior to my arrival — I had left one daughter at home
and my wife

The Chairman. You were informed of that on your return t

Mr. Stevens. Before we returned, for many hours, persons in anxiety
had been coming to the legation, hoping for the Boston tc» come back,
lest something should turn up. The royalists were divided into two
ciiqaes, and loyalists came to the legation in anxiety as well as others.

The Chairman. To make it a little more dear, I will ask you whether,
on your arrival, your family, including your wife, informed you that
persons had been there to inform you in regard to the state of the pub-
lic mind!

Mr. Stevens. Precisely; and of their anxiety that the Boston should
return.

The Chairman. Did they give you that information immediately on
your arrival!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Did they seem to be concerned about it?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; they thought they were safe when the Boston got
there and I got back.

The Chairman. After your arrival there, and after re^^eiving this
information from your family, you spoke of Mr. Bishop coming to talk
with you personally. Were there other persons who came to talk with
you?

Mr. Stevens. I came in contact with a good many persons.

The Chairman. At the legation?

Mr. Stevens. At the legation, where I kept myself except for two
or t^ee hours that I was at the Government buildings, for the new
ministers had got frightened and they sent to me. They sent to Mr.
Wodehouse and the other diplomatic representatives to come to the
Government building, and we went there and waited two hours.

The Chairman. What ministers do you speak off

Mr. Stevens. Foreign ministers.

The Chairman. Eepresentatives of foreign governments.

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Were they all invited?

Mr. Stevens. They all came over to the Government building while
aU this wrangling was going on about the Queen's constitution.

The Chairman. t)id you join that party ?

Mr- Stevens. I went over that afternoon to hear what they had to
Hay, to find out about the constitution and obtain other information.

Ilie Chairman. Did you meet them at the Governmeut buWdivvi^X

S. Eep. 227 U

530 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stevens. Yes; we were there probably two hours.

The Chairman. Was any representative of a foreign government
missing on that occasion f

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember any.

The Chairman. You can state that it was a general conference.

Mr. Stevens. Oh, they invited the whole of them.

The Chairman. Who invited them! .

Mr. Stevens. The invitation to come came ' from the clerk of the
new minister of the interior, who got alarmed.

The Chairman. Who was the minister of the interior!

Mr. Stevens. I do not positively remember, but I think Colbnru.

The Chairman. And the invitation came from Liliuokalani's min-
ister of the interior to you!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; the chief clerk, Mr. Hassinger, who had been
there for years, brought it to me at the legation.

The Chairman. Did he ask you to come to the Government build-
ing!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Did he tell you that there was an assemblage of
the foreign ministers at the Government building!

Mr. Stevens. I am not sure; but I think he did.

The Chairman. Well, when you got there

Mr. Stevens. One or two came in after I arrived; but we all left
about the same time. We waited for the denouement at the palace,
but two of the new ministers were afraid to go back to the palace.

The Chairman. What two ministers were afraid!

Mr. Stevens. Colburn and Cornwall seemed to be alarmed.

The Chairman. What made you think thev were alarmed!

Mr. Stevens. Their appearance, and in sending for us. Then it
came out that they were afraid to go to the palace. Their manner
showed it.

The Chairman. Was there anything that indicated it!

Mr. Stevens. Only their sending for us and their general appear-
ance— their going backwards and forwards from and to the palace.

The Chairman. Were they passing backwards and forwards between
your meeting and the palace!

Mr. Stevens. Not between us. Finally, when Cornwall and Col-
burn left us, the message came from Mr. Parker, the minister of foreign
affairs, and they left us and went to the palace, and I waited perhaps
an hour or more and I went back to the legation and remained.

The Chairman. On those occasions when Liliuokalani's ministers
were present, was any intimation given or proposition submitted to
the foreign representatives in respect of the protection that should be
extended to American citizens or anyone else!

Mr. Stevens. They made no intimation to us. They asked us at
first to come there. We went there and waited, and did not confer with
each other what to do.

Senator Butler. What day was that!

Mr. Stevens. That was on Saturday afternoon, January 14, the same
Saturday afternoon when the Queen was present at the palace with the
mob and the Queen's guard around it, and the chief justice was with
her.

Senator Butler. That was the day the Boston returned!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

Sensitor Butler. That was the day before this public meeting of
which you spoke!

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 531

Mr. Stbtbns. Two days before.

The Ohaibilan. You spoke of a mob about the palace. Do you
mean a disorganized body of ment

Mr. Stevens. Disorganized body of natives 5 retainers who had been
dressed up respectably, and their leader had a constitution on a velvet
cushion.

The Chaibman. I am going into the inquiry whether, in the Ameri-
can acceptation of the word, that was a mob or an assemblage of the
Queen's supporters.

Mr. Stevens. That was, in the general acceptation of the word, a
mob; you may call it an assemblage.

The Chaibiilan. Was there any mob violence t

Mr. Stevens. The information came to me direct that when the
Queen was baffled, when they learned that the Queen would not pro-
claim that constitution at that time, they swore they would kill her. I
suppose that was a temporary outbreak. While I was not in that
crowd, I received more reliable information from the chief justice of
what took place, and of the wrangle between the Queen and Peterson
about the constitution — of the Queen .turning upon him and stating,
"You have had that in your pocket for two or three weeks.'' I am not
positive that I received these words from the chief justice. It came
to me in such a Ibrm that I took it as correct.

The Chaibman. Who was it informed yout

Mr. Stevens. Several parties.

The Chaibman. Can you name themf

Mr. Stevens. The strongest testimony came from the chief justice.
Whether he used that specific language or not, or I received that spe-
cific language from the chief justice, I could not say, because there
were so many talked to me on the subject. But information as to t^e
scenes in the palace and the revolutionary state of things came froTn
the chief justice, who was there four hours.

The Chaibman. All of which transpired before you went to th^
palace f

Mr. Stevens. Ko; all that transpired while we were over at the
GoTemment building and after we had left.

The Chaibman. Before you went to the palace t

Mr. Stevens. I did not go to the palace that day. The ofi&cals were
at the palace at 12 o'clock.

The Chaibman. At the palace?

Mr. Stevens. Where the scenes took place.

The Chaibman. I was going to ask the question, where the mob was
assembled!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. It was at the palace that this (constitution wan
expected to be proclaimed.

The Chaibman. You did not enter into that crowd?

Mr. Stevens. Not at all. I went home to dinner, and this inA^itji-
tion of the minister of the interior was for us to come at half-past oik*.
We went over to the Government building, and were there from one to
two hours. «

The Chaibman. My point is that you did not go to the palace that
afternoon.

Mr. Stevens. No; I attempted to go, but failed, as I have befoie
testified, owing to it being too late.

The Chaibman. Are you able to state from information that came
to you, beside that from the committee of safety, that you would be

532 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

wiiyng and fonud yourself aathorized, and, of course, compelled as a
matter of public duty, to ask Capt. Wiltse to land troops t

Mr. Stbyens. I would have felt it necessary if the committee of
safety had not made any request.

The Chairman. Based upon your judgment of the situation ?

Mr. Stevens. Upon my judgment of the situation. My only fear
was that I delayed it twenty-four hours too long. Had anything hap-
pened Sunday night it would have been my risk. The landing of
troops is something serioas. I had previously discouraged it. When
I did request it, I said it must be solely for the protection of American
life and property. I used the old formula, which does not go so far as
the formula given by Mr. Bayard to Mr. Merrill in 1887. I will read
the substance of the Bayard dispatch.

"United States Department op State,

" Washingtariy July 12, 1887.

• ••«•••

"In the absence of any detailed information firom you of the late dis-
orders in the domestic control of Hawaii and the changes which have
taken place in the official corps of that Government, I am not able to
give you other than general instructions, which may be communicated
in substance to the commander of vessel or vessels of this Government,
in the waters of Hawaii, with whom you will freely confer, in order that
such prompt and efficient action may be taken as the circumstances may
make necessary.

"While we abstain from interference with the domestic af^irs of
Hawaii, in accordance with the policy and practice of this Govern-
ment, yet, obstruction to the channels nf legitimate commerce under
existing law must not be allowed, and American citizens in Hawaii
must l^e protected in their persons and property , by the representatives
of their country's law and power, and no internal discord must be suf-
fered to impair them.

"Your own aid and council, as well as the assistance of the officers of
the Government vessels, if found necessary, will therefore be promptly
afforded to promote the reign of law and respect for orderly government
in Sat€aii»

• • • • • • •

" T. F. Bayard,

" Secretary of State.^

The Chairman. Have you any farther statement to make in regard
to the matter?

Mr. Stevens. Not on that point. I can answer any questions. Per-
haps I will put in here that when I went on board to Captain Wiltse
with my request, which said only for the protection of life and pro-
perty, I found that he had his order to the officers already drawn. I
found it was copied from the naval order, standing order, which covered
more than mine did. He said to me, " If you think it better to strike
that out, I will do so." I said, "Inasmuch as it is in the naval order
and Mr. Bayard's instructions, I have no right to ask you to strike it
out.''

The Chairman. That conversation between you and Captain Wiltse
occurred on Monday?

Mr. Stevens. That occurred on Monday, after I went on board.

The Chairman, About what hourt

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 533

Mr. Stevens. I slioxild think not far from 4 o'clock ; he landed about
5, and it may have been 4 o'clock.

The Chairman. When Oapt. Wiltse landed where t

Mr. Stevens. Landed from the Boston on shore.

The Chairman. Landed the troops ?

Mr. Stevens. The troops. I went on board to confer with him,
carrying with me my request with him to land the troops.

The Chairman. That was the first communication you had with the
ship!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you send any message to Capt. Wiltse before
that?

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Chairman. To any officers of the ship t

Mr. Stevens. Kot that I remember.

The Chairman. And when you got on board Capt. Wiltse had his
orders already drawn upt

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. In writing!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. And they were submitted to yout

Mr. Stevens. Submitted to me.

The Chairman. In what formt

Mr. Stevens. One that had been in the Navy for years. Mr. Bayard's
was the last one issued, and it seems that the Navy Department's
instructions covered all that Mr. Bayard's covered. When I drew my
request, I had forgotten Mr. Bayard's instructions. I read them when
1 went to the legation. Mine simply recited, "for the protection of
American life and property;" but when I saw Capt. Wiltse's, I saw
that it was in substance the same as Mr. Bayard's. I have Mr. Bay-
ard's here.

The Chairman. Was the order that Capt. Wiltse had drawn up
identical with the instructions you are about to read?

Mr. Stevens. Identical in substance; and I think the wording is
exactly the same.

My request to Capt. Wiltse is the following:

"United States Legation,

^^HonolulUj January 16, 1893.

"Sir: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu, indi-
cating an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines and
sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of the
United States Legation and United States consulate, and to secure
the safety of American life and property.
" Very truly, yours,

"John L. Stevens,
^^ Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary

of the United States,
" Capt G. C. Wiltse,
" Commander of the U. 8. 8. Boston."^

The order of Capt. Wiltse, as read by him to me when I went on
board the Boston, goes farther than mine. It not only requires the
protection of American life and property, but the preservation aif pub-
lie order.

That goes considerably further than my request went.

534 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Here is the order of Capt. Wiltse under which the
troops were lauded from the Boston,

"IT. 8. 8. Boston, 8eoondEatb,
^^HonolulUj Hawaiian IslandSj January 16j 1893,

"Lieut. Gommauder W. T. 8winburne

" U. 8. navy, Executiioe Officer TJ. 8. 8. Boston:^

" 8m : You will take command of the battalion, and land in Honolulu,
for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order.
"Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, and no
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs, and
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of
American citizens.

" You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change
in the situation.

" Very respectftilly,

"6. 0. Weltsb,
"Captoin, U, 8. Kavy, commanding U, 8. 8. Boston.^

You say. when you got on board ship that Monday afternoon, that
order of Capt. Wiltse had been drawn upt

Mr. 8TEVENS. Had been drawn up, a rough draft; whether Capt.
Wiltse changed it afterwards, I could not say.

The Chaibhan. Is it your recollection that that order which was
drawn up before you arrived on the ship and presented to you after
your arrival, was identical with this order I have just read?

Mr. Stevens. As nearly as I can remember.

The Chairman. That is the best of your recollection — that it is
identical with the order Capt. Wiltse read to you!

Mr. 8TEVENS. It so strikes me.

The Chairman. Did you. and Capt. Wiltse have any discussion on
the subject!

Mr. Stevens. Only on this one point — the preservation of public
order. I said first, that is not in my request; but I recalled that it
was in Mr. Bayard's, and Capt. Wiltse was ready to strike it out.

The Chairman. You speak of "my order.^'

Mr. Stevens. I did not say "my order." The order that I referred
to^y order, was a mere request.

The Chairman. What do you mean by "my" order; the requestyou
sent to Capt. Wiltse!

Mr. Stevens. My request that I meant to send to Capt. Wiltse for
landing the troops.

The Chairman. Had you sent that request before you went aboard
the ship!

Mr. Stevens. No; I carried it in person.

The Chairman. Had you any way of communicating with Oapt.
Wiltse before you went on board the ship!

Mr. Stevens. I do not know that I had any. But I had conferred
with Capt. Wiltse at different times, and he knew what would be the
form.

The Chairman. Had you conferred with him between Saturday and
Monday afternoon!

Mr. Stevens. I do not recall. He may have called at the legation a
half dozen times; probably h^ did*, but I could not say.

HAWAflAN ISLANDS. 535

The Chairman. Do you remember whether you had any conference
with him between Saturday and Monday afternoon with regard to the
form of uhe orders that he would give to his troops, or the form of the
request you would make of him t

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest. The only talk about form was on
board the ship.

The Chairman. If I have a correct view of your testimony it is that
when yon arrived on board the ship you found that Capt. Wiltse had
drawn up this order, which I have just read to you?

Mr. Stevens. I think it is identical.

The Chairman. He had drawn up this order and had it ready to
deliver to his subordinate f

Mr. Stevens. That is it.

The Chairman. Did you find a complete state of military prepara-
tion for lauding the troops when you got on board the shipt

Mr. Stevens. So far as I could judge; I saw the officers in the
cabin and I got that statement, that they were ready to land.

The Chairman. Do you know on what request or demand Capt.
Wiltse responded when, he prepared this order for the landing of the
troops on shore!

Mr. Stevens. On my request as the American minister.

Senator Frye. But you had not made itf

Mr. Stevens. When I got on board of the ship

Senator Frye. Before that. The chairman asks if the troops were
ready when you got on board — ^whether the order of Capt. Wiltse
was in ¥nriting when you got on board.

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

Senator Frye. But had not been delivered!

Mr. Stevens. No.

Senator Frye. At whose request or demand had Capt. Wiltse made
this preparation in advance?

Mr. Stevens. Undoubtedly on his knowledge of the situation. He
may have come to the legation, and the consul was around and had
written to the captain about it. He had gotten ready so many times,
and these all knew perfectly well that mine would be a mere form of
official request.

The Chairman. Would you, as United States minister at Honolulu,
have extended to Capt. Wiltse any order or request not in writing,
which you would have expected him to comply with or obey about so
grave a matter as the landing of troops f

Mr. Stevens. No; I made no request except one in writing. I have
no remembrance of any verbal request, but he called at the legation
frequently.

The Chairman. And it is quite likely you discussed the situation t

Mr. Stevens. Yes; we had discussed it running up to Hilo and back.

The Chairman. Now, I understand you to testify that Capt. Wiltse,
commanding that ship, did not have from you any written request or
authority to put his troops in condition for lauding and conducting
military operations before the time you arrived, at 4 o'clock or there-
abouts, on Monday, and that you then took the request in writing with
yout

Mr. Stevens. I think I did. That is my memory.

The Chairman. Have you any recollection of having communicated
with him — made any written request whatever before thatt

Mr. Stevens. I have no recollection of it.

The Chairman. Are you sure you did nott

536 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stevens. I think I did not. It is barely possible I sent him a
note speaking of the danger on shore; but I think not, because the
naval oflScers were as well aware of that danger.

The Chairman. Did you send him any request!

Mr. Stevens. None except that which is on file.
. The Ohaibman. And which you took with yout

Mr. Stevens. I think I took it with me; I have no recollection of
sending it by any person. That is my memory.

The Chairman. Is that the paper which you prepared and presented
to Capt. Wiltse and upon which the discussion arose as to a more
enlarged scope of the order which he gave to Capt. Swinburne t

Mr. Stevens. That is all; and perhaps it was not more than two
minutes' talk. After I carried my note, we compared them and found
out the difference.

The Chaibman. T6ur attention was called to the fact that Capt.
Wiltstfs order

Mr. Stevens. Went further than mine.

The Chairman. Upon what precedent had you formulated the
order which you took with you on board the shipt

Mr. Stevens. I had been in a revolutionary country before as min-
ister, and 1 had gotten used to the formula, and the request that I car-
ried to Capt. Wiltse was the formula I was then familiar with. The
files of the legation show that. I knew that Mr. Bayard's instructions
went further; but they had passed out of my recollection. When I
saw Capt. Wiltstfs order, I remembered that Mr. Bayard's went fur-
ther than mine.

The Chairman. Where were you a minister before!

Mr. Stevens. In 1867, 1870, 1871, and 1873 in Paraguay and Uruguay.
Uruguay was in civil war nearly all the time.

The Chairman. You were ministycr there!

Mr. Stevens. Had charge of the legation.

The Chairman. How long did you stay there!

Mr. Stevens. Three years. Paraguay had just gotten through that
struggle with Brazil, and Uruguay was in a state of war for two years
and a half, which was settled during my residence there.

The Chairman. So that you had gotten familiar with the duties of
U. S. minister under the circumstances you have given!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; and the responsibilities of a naval commander,
which made me exceedingly careful on every point.

The Chairman. Had you returned on shore before the troops left
the shipt

Mr. Stevens. Before the troops left the ship.

The Chairman. Where did you got

Mr. Stevens. To the legation.

The Chairman. Did you give any orders or advice as to tbe manner
of landing the troops, the streets through which the troops were to
proceed or march, the place at which they were to be posted, or the
placo where they were to be encamped t

Mi. tsTEVENo. At first we arranged that a portion should go to the
United States consulate.

The Chairman. Who arranged t

Mr. Stevens. Capt. Wiltse and I.

The Chairman. Where was that donet

Mr. Stevens. On board the ship. And as many at the legation as
we could take. If our grounds could take any more, we would ; but
we could not encamp more than 15 or 18. I assumed that the marines

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 537

bad their camp ntensils, and I then learned that they needed a hall for
the first time

The Gb'aibman. Why did you request that any troops be sent to the
legation t

Mr. Stevens. Why did It

TheCHAiEMAN. Yes.

Mr. Stevens. For the reason that the state of anarchy in which the
city was, and knowing that the only government which existed there
was that committee of safety and the citizens back of it, and the mili-
tary force that we had — knowing that the legation is the one of all
other places around which there should be some men, and that was a
more important part of the city where a dozen men could be sent this
way or that way to take care of the cx)ntingencies of fires. By stating
a little more in this connection you will understand it better. The only
two things that were new to me on the part of the request of the naval
officers was this : So soon as we found that they were to land I learned
from C«»pt. Wiltse and his officers that they must have a hall w stay
in and maps of the city for use in case of fires. So that from the time
I struck the legation, at 4 o'clock, up to nearly 10 o'clock, my entire
time was consumed in finding maps and a hall for the officers and men
for the night.

The Chairman. Did you go out in town?

Mr. Stevens. I stayed at the legation and sent a messenger.

The Chairman. Whom did you send?

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Pringle.

The Chairman. Your aide-de-camp t

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaibman. Did you, at the time you left the ship and made
this arrangement with Capt. Wiltse, have any apprehension that
there was any danger of life and property at the American legation?

Mr. Stevens. I knew this, that there was a liability of a crank — or
irresponsible persons — liable to come there and alarm my family.

The Chaibman. Did you expect that the Queen's government or
any mob ot citizens of Hawaii would possibly or probably attack the
American legation?

Mr, Stevens. No. What we alluded to were irresponsible parties
in the night setting fire to property.

The Chaibman. You apprehended that danger?

Mr. Stevens. We appiehended that danger.

The Chaibman. Did you apprehend that danger?

Mr. Stevens. I apprehended it, or I would not have consented to
tihe landing of the troops.

The Chaibman. Did you apprehend it as an attack on the legation ?

Mr. Stevens. I did not apprehend that the representatives of the
Government or the Queen would have anything to do with that.

The Chaibman. You also agreed that Capt. Wiltse should send a
detachment to the consulate ?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaibman. Had Mr. Severance requested the presence of any
ttoops there ?

Mr. Stevens. Prior to my visit ou board ship, without my knowl-
edge, Mr. Severance had communicated his fear to Capt. Wiltse.

The Chaibman. Did Capt. Wiltse so tell you ?

Mr. Stevens. Capt. -Wiltse so told me. And, still more, Capt. Wiltse
had the not«, and while I was on board the consul telephoned Capt.
Wiltse that he would give a signal in case there was an o\it\>Te^^«

538 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. Was there telephonic communication between the
ship and the shore t ^

Mr. Stevens. Between the ship and shore. All our naval vessels,
so soon as they get in the harbor, make telephonic connection.

The Chairman. You say Mr. Severance sent a note to Capt
Wiltse?

Mr. Stevens. Sent a note.

The Chairman. Did you see itt

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. What was in itt

Mr. Stevens. It was a brief note. I think I have it. Moreover, he
telephoned at the time that I was on board.

The Chairman. Where is that note!

Mr. Stevens. That is it fproducing paper].

The Chairman. Is this tne original note, or a copy of itt

Mr. Stevens. That is the original.

The Chairman. I will read this. It is headed personal:

" Honolulu, January , 1893.

" My dear Captain: In case of any outbreak or collision with the
committee of safety at the mass meeting to-day and the Government
forces with a view of suppressing said meeting, it might be necessary
to land a force to preserve order or protect our property. In such
case, should the telephone wires be cut, I can send you a signal by
lowering my flag at half mast, and you will, of course, be governed by
instructions irom Minister Stevens. It is reported this a. m. that the
mass meeting of the citizens will be interfered with or broken up by
the Queen's forces. A mass meeting is reported to be held at the
same hours.

"Very truly,

"H. W. Severance,
" Capt. Wiltse, " Consul OeneraL

** Captain of the United States Ship Boston^

Before you left to go on board the ship did you have any conference
with Mr. Severancet

Mr. Stevens. I did not.

The Chairman. Was there any t

Mr. Stevens. I did not know that that note was written until I got
(m board, or thought that a note was written.

The Chairman. Was it by virtue of that note that you and Capt.
Wiltse agreed that troops should be left there at the consulate t

Mr. Stevens. I think I could have recommended, even if the con-
sul's note had not been sent, because that is the usual way when there
is trouble in a country, that the legislation and consulates are pro-
vided for. I made the same rule there.

The Chairman. When these troops were so disposed as to place a
detachment at the consulate and another at the legation, was it the
honest and bona fide intention of yourself, and, so far as you know, of
Capt. Wiltse, to give protection to those American establishments, or
was it the intention and purpose to make a display of the American
forces at these respective points under the assurance of the American
flag, or was it because of the movement of a x)opular character which
you knew to be on foot for the purpose of overthrowing the Queen and
the establishment of a new government t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 539

Mr. Ststens. It had sole relation to the protection of American
life and property and, if you wish to cov<lr it by Mr. Bayard's order, for
the preservation of public order. I did not feel like going so far as
that.

The Ghatbman. At the time you made this request upon Gapt.
Wiltse, and at the time you made tMs disposition of the troops, did
you know of the existence of a purpose on the part of any of the citi-
zens of Hawaii to organize an opposition to the Queen's Government,
with a view to overthrowing or subverting it in any respectt

Mr. Stevens. All day Sunday and Monday when the meeting was
held, everything was open and public, just as in a railroad meeting in
any city — everybody knew it; reasons to believe there was no eft'ective
opposition. I believed the movements of the opponents of the monarchy
were irresistible, and everybody understood what was going on.

The CHAfRMAN. Did you know of the actual organization on Monday
evening?

Mr. Stevens. I did not, only by such information as I could get. I
put myself in contact with the Queen's representatives; they had
access to the legation, and I would inquire very cautiously about this
and that and a great many things. Many of the friends of the Pro-
visional Government I knew, and a great many I did not.

The Ghaibhan. Did you know of a programme, or whatever it Was,
before yon went on board the ship, for the establishment of the new
Uovemmentt

Mr. Stevens. I could not help but know it; it was all the talk Sun-
day and Monday. I knew it by the general appearance of things and
the talk; the leaders did not communicate their plans to me.

The Ghaibman. As I understand, the public meeting had not been
lieldat that timet
Mr. Stevens. It had been arranged for.
The Ghaibman. How did you know thatt

Mr. Stevens. By constant reports to the legation, both from royal-
ists and others.
The Ghaibman. It was information that you hadt
Mr. Stevens. I did not go to church that day; I think I remained
borne all day.

The Ghaibman. Did you derive that information, before you went
00 board that ship, from a report or statement made to you by any
member of a body that had organized or had agreed they would organ-
ize a Provisional Government?

Mr. Stevens. Ko; 1 think the representative men who were in it
refrained from communicating their details.
The Ghaibman. Did they communicate it to yout
Mr. Stevens. I think not.

Senator Gbay. Or did you have any conversation with any of them t
Mr. Stevens. I think I did not. I may have asked what they were
doing, and they may have said they would have a Provisional Govern-
ment I should say that is probable. I could not learn what was
going on; I would have to catechise somebody, and they would answer
me.

The Ghaibman. But you knew at the time you went on board the
ship that the state of public feeling there would culminate in an effort
to overthrow the Queen's Government and establish a government in
place of itt

Mr. Stevens. I understood that the Queen's government ^9b^ ^t ^\i
end. The Queen's government ended on Saturday a£teriiooii« T\ifix^

540 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

was no government of the Queen's for more than forty-eight hours;
from 4 <?clock Saturday afternoon, the 14th of January, the Queen's
government was absolutely dead, as much so as was that of Louis
Phillipe's government was after he left the city of Paris in 1848.

The Chairman. From the time you spoke of going on board ship
and conferring with Capt. Wiltse about troops going on shore, was
there any government in Honolulu which could have issued any authen-
tic order which the jieople would have respected!

Mr. Stevens. There was none. As I stated before, the only govern-
ment was the thousand white citizens who were acting as a unit; they
were absolutely masters of the situation, and their unity and self-pos-
session and the presence of the Boston kept the city as it was.

The Chairman. The period of time from Saturday afternoon to Mon-
day afternoon you regard as an interregnum?

Mr. Stevens. Absolutely an interregnum — theoretically and prac-
tically.

The Chaieman. During that time did you receive any information
to the effect that the Queen's forces were under arms and under orders
in any way to protect the public order, or to protect life and property,
or were engaged in any military operation t

Mr. Stevens. No authentic information.

The Chairman. Did you receive any information that that was the
state of the case t

Mr. Stevi'iNS. I remember that Mr. Peterson and his associates
called on me Sunday evening and made certain inquiries about the
situation, and Irom them I got some impression. But it was only his
story; I got no reliable information. It was the general situation that
taught me my duty.

The Chairman. What was Mr. Peterson's story about the military
preparation on the part of the Queen to protect the public security t

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Peterson was then between the opposing forces;
he was expecting the natives and white citizens would support him,
and he came to see what the United States of&cials would do. I did
not promise him anything.

The Chairman. What was his story ^

Mr. Stevens. His story was just what I have stated — ^that he was
expecting

Senator Fete. The chairman asked you if you had any informa-
tion that the Queen's troops or Queen's forces were in any condition to
make any attack upon the Provisional Government or to preserve
order and life or property?

Mr. Stevens. None at all.

The Chairman. Did you see any array of the Queen's troops any-
where in Honolulu between the time of your landing from the Boston
on Saturday and your goiug back on the Boston on Monday!

Mr. Stevens. Not any.

The Chairman. No parade through the streets!

Mr. Stevens. No parade through the streets that I saw.

The Chairman. Did you see any parade through the streets, of any
organization, or any police force in charge of Mr. Wilson?

Mr. Stevens. None whatever.

The Chairman. So that, as a part of the interregnum during these
days, between Saturday noon and Monday afternoon, there was no dis-
play of military force on the part of the Queen's government?

Mr. Stevens. None whatever thj^t I was made cognizant o£

The Chairman. Or on the part of the Queen?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 641

Mr. Stevens. None whatever.

The Chairman. Within your knowledge or information, did she dur-
ing that time exercise any governmental act except the promulgation of
the proclamation on Monday giving np the enterprise of overthrowing
the constitution t

Mr. Stevens. That was all. She made a communication to me on
Sunday — it may have come from the Queen or ministers — that I should
meet at the Government house the English ministers and others. On
Sunday, knowing the situation, I declined to go to the meeting, because,
first, I did not want to leave the legation, and secondly, when this
communication came I could not make a tripartite with Mr. Wodehouse
and the Japanese minister, and I declined to go to this meeting. That
meeting was evidently for the purpose of making an appeal for our
assistance to save her.

The Chairman. The proclamation was the only effort on the part of
the Queen to assert her government from the time you got oft' from the
Boston on Saturday alternoon to Monday afternoon, when you went
back on the Boston^

Mr. Stevens. That is all. I got a note from the Queen on Tuesday.
That was twenty- two hours after the troops were landed. That is the
only one.

The Chairman. I have not come to that; I am speaking of the
period you are pleased to call the interregnum.

Mr. Stevens. That is all.

The Chairman. During that interregnum what military array, if
any, was there on the part of citizens of Hawaii?

Mr. Stevens. You mean the citizens?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Stevens. My information was — of course I had to obtain from
A, B, and C

The Chairman. Did you see any military array?

Mr. Stevens. No.

Tbe Chairman. What was your information?

Mr. Stevens. My information was that the citizens were preparing
for a public meeting, and they were going to be governed by the
exigencies of the case. All the information that I could get was that
they were notifying all parts of the city and island to be at the mass-
meeting and have their arms at the right time. I could not get reliable
information of that; but it was such that I had no doubt about it.

The Chairman. Did you see any military organization or assemblage
of the citizens during this period of interregnum, or have any knowl-
edge of the fact?

Mr. Stevens. Ko; only at this meeting at the armory it came to me,
not ofScially, but I learned it from others.

The Chairman. At the armory ?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Did that meeting occur before you went on board
the ship?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. And you knew of it?

Mr. Stevens. Knew of the results of it. I think they had not
gotten entirely through when I went on board the ship. I could not
swear to that; I did not go to the meeting.

The Chairman. Was there any meeting of the retainers oi* sup-
porters of the Queen at the same time or about the same time?

542 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

Mr. SxEYSNS. I think they had one on the palaee grounds the same
afternoon.

The Chairman. Yon do not knowt

Mr. Stevens. I think so; I cannot swear to it. I. know they had
one there the same afternoon, or preceding afternoon, and my impres-
sion is, the same afternoon.

The Chairman. Did you know that before you went on board the
ship?

Mr. Stevens. I think so, because there were handbills posted in the
street, handbills on both sides nearly all through the city, as well as I
remember.

Senator Frte. Mr Chairman, if you can hold in your mind just
where you want to start, I would like to ask a few questions at this
point.

The Chairman. Yes.

Senator Frte. Mr. Stevens stated that he requested certain of the
troops to be sent to the consulate, and certain of them to be sent to
the legation ; but he did not give any account of the disposition of the
balance of the troops. Now, Mr. Stevens, answer my questions, and
answer them only. You say you thought when the troops came ashore
they would bring their tents with them?

Mr. Stevens. When I made my request!

Senator Frye. Yes.

Mr. Stevens. I stated that.

Senator Frte. When the troops came to the shore, you found they
had no tents?

Mr. Stevens. And they had to have a hall.

Senator Frte. Up to that time did you ever know that there was
such a hall in Honolulu as Arion Hallt

Mr. Stevens. Never, until the time the Opera House was refased.

Senator Frye. Did you call upon them for aplace to have the troops?

Mr. Stevens. The officers said they would' have to have a place to
stay during the night.

Senator Frte. Did you send a man for a place?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

Senator Frte. What did you send him after?

Mr. Stevens. The Opera House.

Senator Frte. Is the Opera House a place that was before occupied
by United States troops?

Mr. Stevens. I could not say as to that.

Senator Frte. Do you know it by report?

Mr. Stevens. I think it had been occupied before by a military force.

Senator Frte. Why did you send for the Opera House.

Mr. Stevens. Because I knew of that hall, and I knew of its
capacity.

Senatx)r Frte. And the only one that you knew of in the city as
suitable for the purpose you wished to use it for?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

Senator Frte. Your man returned?

Mr. Stevens. He had to go '^ miles to find the man in charge, and
returned with a negative — that the owner of the hall was not on the
island and he would not like to have the hall used for that purpose.
I found out that he was an Englishman and against the Americans.

Senator Frte. Then you heard of Arion Hall?

Mr. Stevens. I sent the same messenger, the same man.

Senator Frte. How far did you send himt

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 643

Mr. Stevens. About a mile, to a man known to be a royalist — Kalaka-
na's minister. Mr. Walker had been a minister, and bad been all through
these troubles. He said he would be very glad to let us have the hall.
He gave me the name of the manager. I sent a third man to the one
who had the management of the hall, and he granted the right to use
it It was then well on to 10 o'clock. Consequently the men had to
stay in the street that night to that hour.
Senator Frye. At Mr. Atherton's house t

Mr. Stevens. Yes; he had extensive grounds

Senator Fbye. In selecting Arion Hall for the use of those troops,
did you have any reference whatever to their location as regards tl\,e
Provisional Government or the Queen's Government t
Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest; it never entered into my head.
Senator Fbye. Had anyone made any suggestion to you on behalf
of the Queen or the Provisional Government that Arion Hall should be
selected on account of its location near the Government building?
Mr. Stevens. Never.

Senator Fbye. When you selected Arion Hall for the troops did you
have any reference whatever to its being near the palace and the Gov-
ernment building t
Mr. Stevens. Kot the slightest.

Senator Fbye. Did you have any reference whatever in your selec-
tion to the location of the troops being eflfective to prevent the Queen's
tToox)S attacking the Provisional Government's troops?
Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

Senator Fbye. As a matter of fact, is Arion Hall, so far as American
property is concerned — and I mean by that, of course, residences as
weU as anything else — a reasonably central location?
Mr. Stevens. A reasonably central location.
Senator Fbye. Do you know of any place large enough, other than
that, for quartering those troops in the city of Honolulu?

Mr. Stevens. Not obtainable. I had thought of another on my own
street. If Arion Hall had not been gotten we would have tried another
ball, which was nearer me, but the owner was not there.

Senator Fbye. The only purpose you had was to place the troops

where they could be protected during the night?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; and where they would be useful in case of fire.

Senator Gbay. You said that this was arranged on the Boston in a

conference with Captain Wiltse. What was to be the route the troops

were to take?

Mr. Stevens. No; I do not remember any arrangement as to the
nmte; the arrangement was as to where they were to land.
Senator Gbay. And where they were to go?
Mr. Stevens. No; we had not found this hall.
Senator Gbay. How was it they came to go to Mr. Atherton's?
M. Stevens. Simply because he had extensive grounds, and he
was an American.

Senator Gbay. That was a matter of arrangement before you left
the ship?

Mr. Stevens. I conld not say that; I presume so. It was arranged
where they would land, because they were going up the principal
itreets.
Senator Gbay. You knew they were going to Mr. Atherton's?
Mr. Stevens. I can not say positively.
The Chatbman. Did you know that before you left the ship?
Mr. Stevens. I can not say positively, for I do not remember it«

544 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. Proceeding from this period when you say there was
an interregnum to the time when you ordered the American flag to be
hoisted in Hawaii, I will ask you what was the condition of the people
as to order and quietude and the conduct of their ordinary vocations!

Mr. Stevens. You mean between the time of the recognition of the
Provisional Government and tbe raising of the flag!

The CHAraMAN. Yes.

Mr. Stevens. I will say that the people were generally at their avo-
cations, except that the citizens had constituted themselves soldiers —
the men from stores, the banks, and the workshops, responsible men —
were constituted the military force for the time being. <

The Ghaibhan. To what extent had this volunteer military organi-
zation increased!

Mr. Stevens. Volunteer and otherwise I could not tell precisely;
but I should say all the way from 400 to 600 men.

The Chairman. Armed men !

Mr. Stevens. Men they could place arms with. They were white
men accustomed to the use of muskets. But the men actually on mil-
itary duty probably would not be half that number.

The Chairman. Were the men organized for the purpose of repres-
sing mobs and incendiarism, or organized and armed for the purpose of
supporting the Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. The public order.

The Chairman. I want to ask you whether they were organized for
the purpose of preserving public order, or for the purpose of supx>orting
the Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. They regarded the t^rovisional Government as the
instrument through which they would preserve order.

The Chairman. They were considered troops of the Provisional Gov-
ernment!

Mr. Stevens. They were supporters of the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. Were they under the control of the Provisional Gov-
ernment!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. Those volunteers would never be called upon
except in an emergency. They had a military force which was disci-
plined, and they had this force from the workshops.

The Chairman. What was the number of the disciplined force!

Mr. Stevens. I could not speak with accuracy at this moment.

The Chairman. What is your opinion!

Mr. Stevens. I should say 160 men — possibly 200.

The Chairman. Were they organized in military companies!

Mr. Stevens. Military companies.

The Chairman. Under the command of Col. Soper!

Mr. Stevens. Under Col. Soper, I think.

The Chairman. Were there captains of companies!

Mr. Stevens. I do not know Capt. Ziegler; but I think he was the
captain of the German company at the Government house.

The Chairman. Were there other captains!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. I think there was another captain, Fisher, from
one of the banks, who was the captain at the barracks; the third com-
pany, Capt. Gond.

The Chairman. In that period which you call the interregnum, was
there any outbreak !

Mr. Stevens. There was no outbreak; they feared an outbreak.

The Chairman. Was there any demonstration to show that an out-
break was contemplated!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 545

Mr. Stbtbns. I think their fears came irom private information. I
Uiink there was no external signs of it. Of course the authorities pat
themselves as much in touch with the facts as they possibly could, and
they sometimes may have been alarmed unduly, as men would be in
such circumstances.

The Ghaibman. Did you believe that there ^as a general public
apprehension in that time, covering tlie period th«at I have just referred
to, of any armed demonstration against tlie Provisional Government,'
or any incendiarism, or any mob violence!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; very strong; so strong they got information that
t^ey barricaded the Government building and got ready for anything.
It is very likely half the time that the alarms were bogus t
The Chaieman. During this period of time where was the Queen f
Mr. Stevens. The Queen was in her \Vashinj5:ton house. That was
the house left to her by her husband, and by the husband's mother left
to him. It is the Washington house; well-known place, close to the
tpalace.
The Ghaibbcan. Did the Queen have any guards about herf
Mr. Stevens. As nearly as I remember the Provisional Government
allowed her a guard.

The Ghaibman. Of how many t What was your information on that
subject f
Mr. Stevens. I think 12.
The Ghaibman. Armed menf
Mr. Stevens. I presume so; I never went to see.
The Ghaibman. Were the troops taken from the organization under
file authority of the Provisional Goveriunentf

Mr. Stevens. As nearly as I remember at first they allowed her 12
of her own guards. But, of course, the Government kept an eye on
them, and subsequently they were changed to men of the Provisional
Government.
The Ghaibman. Were they changed at the Queen's request t
Mr. Stevens. That I could not say. I probably knew at the time;
bat I would not be sure. I think they were changed. They regarded
b^ native guard as of no consequence whatever. The reason I had
for raising the flag, I will give you in as condensed form as I have it,
wben yon reach that.

The Ghairman. I have not reached that. I am trying to find out
what the situation was at the time. Was there any interruption of the
relations between the Provisional Government and the American Gov-
ernment or between the ProvisionalGovemmentandany foreign govern-
ment during this period of time after the proclamation of the Provis-
ional Government and up to the time of the raising the flagf

Mr. Stevens. I should say no interruptions; but I would have to
give the facts, that you might understand my answer fidly. That will
eater right into the reasons for raising the flag. I will give those
reasons very sx)ecifically.
The Chairman. There were no interruptions of the relations I
Mr. Stevens. Bo you mean the diplomatic relationsf
The Ghaibman. Yes.
Mr. Stevens. Not so far as I know.

The Ghaibman. What Governments had recognized the Provisional
Government before the time of the raising of this flag)
Mr. Stevens. Every one represented there.
The Ghaibman. Which were —
Mr. Stevens. The English Government, the German OovQn\\ti«QXK|

S. Bep. 227 35

546 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

the Austro-Hungary the Portugaese, the Japanese. The Chinese are
only represented by a commercial agent. I think he recognized the
Provisional Government in some form.

The Ghaibman. You do not knowf

Mr. Stevens. I think he did.

The Ghaibman. Did yon have any official information as minister
of the United States from these respective Governments that their rep-
resentatives there had recognized this Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. It was published in the papers the next morning. I
heard of it the night before.

The Ghaibman. I am not speaking of that; I am asking whether you
had any ofiicial information from the ofiicers of these respective Gov-
ernments t

Mr. Stevens. They did not call upon me to notify me; but they
authorized the publication of their recognition in the paper of the next
morning.

The Ghaibman. Is there an official paper t

Mr. Stevens. There is a paper the royal Government had used. "The
Bulletin," which is the English organ, and the Provisional Government
used "The Daily Advertiser," and they published that in the Adver-
tiser. And I think the Balletin got it too.

The Ghaibman. Was it understood by you that the publications in
this gazette were official?

Mr. Stevens. I understood that they were duly signed by the
officials, and I learned that evening they were recognized by all in
thirty minutes except by the English minister; he did not do it until
the next morning. But he got ahead of me in calling on the Provis-
ional Government. I was too ill, and did not call for several days; and
he called within forty minutes after they were constituted.

The Ghaibman. Did these foreign governments officially communi-
cate their recognition to the Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; and it was published in the papers the next
morning. That was the way I got at it.

The Ghaibman. You say that the English minister

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Wodehouse.

The Ghaibman. Was he the minister)

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Ghaibman. You say he withheld his written recognition until
the next mornin g t

Mr. Stevens. Until the Claudine sailed for Washington.

The Ghaibman. What time did you make official recognition of this
Government.

Mr. Stevens. I could not say positively, because the legation was
thronged aJl the afternoon, and I was sick on the couch; but probably
not far from 5 o'clock. My wife and daughter think it was a little later.

The Ghaibman. What day!

Mr. Stevens. The day they were constituted — ^perhaps three hours
after they were sworn in and took possession of the buildings and were
conducting the Government.

The Ghaibman. You were at the legation!

Mr. Stevens. At the legation.

The Ghaibman. And lying sick on a couch f

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Ghaibman. How did you get information that this Provisional
Government had been established 1

Mr. Stevens. There were messengers coming from both sides.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS 547

The Chaibman. I am speaking of official information from the Pro-
visional Government.

Mr. Stevens. I can not say now, because I received it in so many
ways. I can say that the ministers of the Queen had access to me all
that afternoon, and others, and it was borne to me in various ways.

The Ghaisman. What did you regard as the official information of
the Government on which you, as the American minister, were author-
ized to act in recognition of that Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. I could not say; but there is probably a note on file
in the legation in Honolulu; I presume there is — stating that they were
constituted. But I learned it in very maily ways outside of that.
There was a complete want of goverimient, an interregnum, from Sat-
urday afternoon, and my purpose was to recognize the first real gov-
^nment that was constituted ; and if Mr. Wilson had gone forward and
shown any force and organized a government I should have recognized
tiiat. *

The Chairman. You received a note informing you of the organiza-
tion of the Provisional Government!
Mr. Stevens. Probably I did ; I can not swear to that*
The Chairman. You wrote a note!
Mr. Stevens. Oh, yes; I wrote a note.
The Chairman. When did you write that notet
Mr. Stevens. In the afternoon.
The Chairman. What time in the afternoon!

Mr. Stevens. I could not say. I got up off the couch

The Chairman. About what time!

Mr. Stevens. I could not swear to that. I prepared a note before;
bad it in readiness, because it was open as any railroad meeting would
be in your city or mine; and I probably got the note ready without
ligature beforehand.
Senator Gray. A note to whom!
The Chairman. To the Provisional Government.
Mr. Stevens. I looked up the matter of form in the legation, and got
it ready.
The Chairman. To whom did you send that note!
Mr. Stevens. My impression is I sent it by Mr. Pringle. I might
have sent it by Mr. Carter. I had not been asleep for four nights; I
eoald not sleep on the Boston, all this excitement going on, and about
lovelock I was violently attacked. I took my couch. A* medical man
would have said, '* Don't speak to a man this afternoon;" but under
the excitement they keep coming: I had no clerk, and my daughter —
consequently, in this state of my health I could not stop to look at the
dock when every man who came — the Queen's messenger this minute
and another messenger another minute. I went over it, and I think*
as I recall the incident, it was about 5 o'clock. Mrs. Stevens and my
daaghter afterward said they thought it was half past 5, because they
knew when the messenger went.

The Chairman. During that afternoon, while you were still on the
eouch sick, as you say, some members of the recent cabinet of Liliuo-
kalani came in to see you!
Mi. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. I wish to know who they were!
Mr. Stevens. They were Mr. Peterson, Mr. Parker — the whole four.
Bot I was too illy so that I received them oue at a time^ and only two
at an.

548 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. You received only one at a timef

Mr. Stbvens. I received two — Mr. Parker first. Mr. Parker was
more of a gentleman, and he wanted to know if Mr. Peterson conld
come in. Mr. Peterson was the leader.

The Chaibman. During your interviews with these two ex-ministers
of Liliuokalaui did they give you any intimation as to the proclamation
of the Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. Their only errand was this

The Chairman. What did they say to youf Did they give yon any
intimation that the Provisional Government had been proclaimedf

Mr. Stevens. Not so far as I remember.

The Chaibman. What did they communicate to youf

Mr. Stevens. I will make that clear. Before I had this violent
attack, say about 1 o'clock, I received this note from the Queen asking
me to come to the palace, and I received it about fifteen minutes before
the time appointed. There were two reasons for not responding. I de-
clined the Sunday before to go into a tripartite, especially withMr. Wode-
house. After I received that note, probably forty-five minutes or an
hour, these ministers arrived, and their message was this: whether I
could not properly ask the aid of Capt. Wiltse's forces to sustain the
Queen. Mr. Peterson went into a legal argument, while his associate,
Mr. Parker, was silent. Mr. Parker said to Peterson : '^ You must make
this very brief; " and the only answer I made was: "Gentlemen, these
men were landed for one purpose only, a pacific purpose; I can not use
this force for sustaining the Queen." Now, they say that they put the
other alternative — " assist the Provisional Government." There was no
alternative spoken of or hinted. I said : ^^ These men were landed for a
pacific purpose, and I can not use them to sustain the Queen."

The Chaibman. A pacific purpose!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; what I have just stated is the substance of what
occurred.

The Chaibman. Was that the substance of what occurred t

Mr. Stevens. Yes. And that was argued by Mr. Peterson on a
legal point. I ought to state the reason for that. In 1874 Kalakaua was
elected, and the natives were opposed to it, as history will show. The
American forces from the ship were landed to suppress the mob, and
the suppression of that mob was practically the putting of Kalakaua
on the throne. But that was not the specific intention; but, inasmuch
as he had been elected and his opponents had control of the city and
had driven the Legislature out, it resulted that way.

!Now, in putting down the riot in 1874, which put Kalakaua on the
throne, from that time on the Kalakaua family got the idea that the
United States would do the same; that the minister was obliged to do
it. I received formerly several times messengers from the Queen;
whenever they called I would, as a matter of duty, use that force to
sustain them, and in this belief Mr. Peterson made the argument that
they were the legaUy constituted Government, and that I could prop-
erly do as he suggested — he knew that I did not claim to be a lawyer,
and he thought he knew more about law than I did — that I could
properly use the force. I made as brief an answer as possible — ^'that
these men were on shore for a pacific purpose, and we can not take any
part in any contest; can not use the force to sustain the Queen or any-
body else.''

The Chaibman. Now, at that that time it seems, from what occurred
and the argument that was addressed to you by these gentlemen^ tbal

HAWAIIAN ISLA1ID& 549

the question arose as between the Provisional Government and the
Queen's Oovemuientt

Mr. Stevens. Bis whole argument was on the point whether I could
properly use the force. At the suggestion of Mr. Parker, because of
my condition of health, he made it brief.

The Chairman. But you were simply contemplating the question at
that time whether you could sustain the Queen's Government or the
ProviBional Government!

Mr. Stevens. No; the other alternative was not put by him at all.

The Chaibman. At the time that conversation occurred were you
aware of the fact that the Provisional Government had been proclaimedf

Mr. Stevens. Probably I was. That was in the course of two or
three hours recognized. I can not recognize the precise hour at which
they took possession of the Government building and issued their proc-
lamation.

The Chaibman. Did you at that time know that it related to a con-
troversy between the Queen's Government and the Provisional Gk)V-
emment?

Mr. Stevens. I knew from the conversation that they called upon
me from the Queen — to save her.

The Chaibman. To save her against dethronement!

Mr. Stevens. Against anybody— that their only hope for possession
of that Government by the Queen was by my assistance.

The Chaibman. Was there any suggestion made by these ministers
when they came to the legation that the Queen's person or the person
of an}' member of her cabinet was in any danger!

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chaibman. So that, what you had to say in regard to it had no
reference to the preservation of the life or security of the Queen or her
ministers!

Mr. Stevens. Nothing whatever.

The Chaibman. But it had reference to whether the Government
of the United States would recognize

Mr. Stevens. Put her in possession of the Government which she
had lost.

The Chaibman. How long was it after that interview with the
Queen's ministers before you sent this note of recognition by Mr. Prin-
j^eto the Provisional Government!

Mr. Stevens. I could not tell.

The Chaibman. About how long!

Mr. Stevens. I would suppose it might have been two hours; might
have been three.

The Chaibman. That is your recollection — two or three hours!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; two or three hours. Probably it might have
been — most likely was, two hours and a half; but that I would not
swear to — ^whether it was two, two forty-five or three, because I had
no record or watch at the time.

The Chaibman. On that day, which was Tuesday, had you visited
the Government building!

Mr. Stevens. I did not leave the legation from Monday evening
ontil several days after — ^remained constantly in the legation.

The Chaibman. Had you any conferences with members of the
Provisional Government during that interval and while you remained
at the legation !

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Chaibman. Had no conferences with any of them.1

.550 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stetens. No. As an individual, some member of the Provisional
G OA'ernmeut may have called. But the Provisional Gk)vernment leaders
^ere intelligent, and they would not embarrass me with questions I
could not answer — they were better posted men than their opponents.
They kept their plans from me for reasons of their own.

The Chairman. I suppose you are not speaking of the ofSicial ciom-
muuications between you and the members of the Provisional (Govern-
ment— that they did not make any official communication?

Mr. Stevens. I presume they sent a communication asking recogni-
tion, and I presume that note is at the legation in Honolulu.

The Chairman. Beside that!

Mr. Stevens. Beside that I did not see one of them — ^tbey did not
call; they probably sent their messenger, because they kept coming to
the legation, representative men on both sides, constantly, and it would
be impossible to make a record of every one. The whole town had
been in excitement for days.

The Chairman. Was it your purpose in anjrthing you did, from the
time you left the Boston on Saturday up to the time of your making an
official recognition in writing, to use the forces or the flag or the authority
of the United States Government for the purpose of dethroning the
Queen!

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest — absolute noninterference was my
purpose.

The Chairman. Was it your policy in any of these things that you
had done to aid any plan or purpose of the annexation of the Hawaiian
Islands to the IJDited States!

Mr. Stevens. Not at all. That was not the plan.

The Chaibman. Since your residence in Hawaii as a minister have
you personally-!-! do not speak of your ministerial character — favored
the annexation of Hawaii to the United States! Have you been in
favor of that movement!

Mr. Stevens. After 1 had been in Honolulu one year I came to the
conclusion that the annexation of those islands was inevitable, or
something else; that the then condition of things could not last very
long, and therefore my official communications to our (Government dis-
close just what my views were. Bat in my calculations for annexation
I never supposed, nor was it expected by the friends of annexation,
that it would be by revolution, but through negotiation, legislative
action, and the assent of the Queen on the lines of the treaty of '54.
That was the only plan thought of.

In that time I kept my own counsel, and nobody except the United
States Government knew what my real view was. In that time I may
have chatted with individuals and given an opinion when talking of
the situation of the islands — with Judge Hartwell or Eev. Dr. Hyde,
and I may have agreed with them that that would be the inevitable,
sooner or later, because that had been the form of expression, as the
records will show, for forty years. But that was merely an academic
opinion privately expressed.

The Chairman. As a matter of interest to the people of Hawaii, and
also the people of the United States and the Government of the United
States, were your personal wishes or inclinations in favor of or against
annexation!

Mr. Stevens. In the first twelve months I supposed something like
a protectorate would be preferable.

The Chairman. After that what!

Mr. Stevens. I came to the conclusion that while a protectorate

HAWAIIAI^ ISLANDS. 551

would be possible, annexation was the only logical and practical solu-
tion.
The Chaisman. Did you favor itf
Mr. Steyens. Only as I reported to the Department.
The Chaibman. I do not mean whether you advocated it, but
whether, in your own mind, you favored it.

Mr. Stevens. In my own mind I came to the conclusion that annex-
ation was better than protectorate, or something like what they have
in Sweden and Norway. I know that there were some men when I
first went there who have had the idea that it would be better to have
the foreign relations managed at Washington and have an independent
kingdom like Norway.

The Chaibman. During this period of time in Hawaii, did you believe
that it would be advantageous to the Government of the United States,
in a commercial sense, to acquire the ownership of the islands!

Mr. Stevens. Most emphatically. I came to that conclusion aft;er a
study of the future of the Pacific.

The Chairman. You believed that the future of the islands lay in ^
that direction t

Mr. Stevens. Exactly. I followed Mr. Seward for 25 years; I am a
believer in his philosophy as to the future of America in the Pacific,
and, of course, my investigations after I went to the islands confirmed
me.

The Chairman. Ha\ing such ^n opinion and such a belief and such
a trend of judgment about this important serious matter, have you in
any way, at any time, or on any occasion employed your power as a
minister of this Government for the purpose of promoting or accel-
erating that movement?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest, except in writing to Washington,
and that was marked confidential. There I expressed my views of the
situation. When I suggested a customs' UDion, I pointed out in that
that the customs union had more difficulties than annexation, and that
the protectorate system was a system which I could not see would work
with the American system.

The Chairman. Was it your observation of the condition of feeling
and sentiment amongst the Hawaiians, the native Kanaka population,
that they felt friendly toward and grateful to what was termed the
nuasionary element for their education and civilization in building up
their institutions and towns and other things that have occurred, or
were they possessed of a feeling of hostility toward the missionary
element? By the missionary element I mean not all who are classed
now as missionaries, but those men and their descendants who went
to the islands for true missionary purx)oses?

Mr. Stevens. I would say in answer to that, that nearly all, if not
all, the resi^onsible natives of the islands (I mean the men of education
and standing) are nearly all Americans, and the representative men
would be the four members of the Legislature who resisted the threats
and bribes in the strnjrgle about the lottery bill, led by Mr. Eauhana,
who had been a member of the Le^rislature tor fifteen years. He is a
man of character, and his three associates said, ^<The United States
IB our mother; let her take our children.^

The Chairman. I want to know whether it was a custom amongst
the Hawaiians with the white people there to celebrate our anniversa-
ries, such as the Fourth of July!

Mr. Stevens. The 4th of July on all the four principal islands is cel-
ebrated with more uniformity and earnestness than in amy i^tt£\> ol >^<6

r)52 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

United States. I am £Euniliar with the celebration of the 4th of Jnly in
my country fifty years ago, when they celebrated as they now do in
Hawaii.

The Ghaibman. Is it regarded as a £Bte day)

Mr. Stevens. As a f&te day.

The Chaibman. How aboat the proclamations of Thanksgiving that
go from the President out there!

Mr. Stevens. That Ib used in the churches, and much regarded, but
not the same degree as the 4:th of Jnly; but it is still a very imxmrtant
day.

The Oh AiBi£AN. Is that regaded by the Kanaka population t Do
they participate in the sentiment ux)on the request of our President f

Mr. Stevens. I think so.

The Chairman. Are yon aware of the existence of a similar state of
feeling on the part of the Hawaiian people, the Kanakas, toward any
other foreign government t

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Chairman. Do you understand and do you believe and do you
state, vLpon your understanding and belief, that there is an affectionate
regard or sentiment on the part of the Kanaka population toward the
people and Government of the United States!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; I will say the responsible portion of them.

The Chairman. How about the irresponsible, the ignorant peoplef

Mr. Stevens. The irresx>onsible, what we call the hoodlum — ^I use
that term for convenience — are gathered in Honolulu, as they would be
in any country, at the capital. That element is comparatively small
in numbers, but it makes a good deal of noise, and is under the control
of the white adventurers. And there is another element, which is quite
numerous, and if they only get their point and things go on, they are
satisfied.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the principal body of the Hawaiian
people, who reside in the country.

Mr. Stevens. I would divide those in three classes: the first led by
Mr. Kanhana and others like him. That makes the responsible and
the religious element, led by the Americans. Then there would be
the x>ortion living in the country districts who do not care one way or the
other.

The Chairman. Indifferent f

Mr. Stevens. Indifferent. If the demagogues were to go to them
and say, ^' The Americans are going to take away your lands," they
would get up a feeling, and they would all act at once. And then the
hoodlum element — a few hundred dollars would buy them and use them,
as the worst element in our cities.

The Chairman. Subject to be controlled, because they are purchase-
able!

Mr. Stevens. Purchaseable. They would not do any very great
harm, but they are corrupt.

The Chairman. Considering the condition that Honolulu is in, and
considering all the facts that you have been commenting upon, what
was your reason for requesting or directing the raising of the flag and
the establishment of a protectorate in Honolulu?

Mr. Stevens. I have it here in writing; but I think I can condense
it better.

Senator Frte. One moment before that question is answered, if the
ohairman please.

The Chairman. Yes.

HAWAnAN ISLAimS. 553

Senator Fbye. Yon have been over the recognition of the Provisional
Government and closed that chapter. In the recognition of the Pro-
visional Oovemment did you ask anything about the barracks and the
station house t
Mr. Stevens. I did not go into the particulars.
Senator Fbye. What importance on the question of the recognition
of the Provisional Government did the barracks and the police station
havet

Mr. Stevens. None whatever. As I have stated before, there was
an absolute interregnum, and there was no effective force for the Queen
at any time.

Senator Fbte. In determining: upon the question of recognition, did
you take into consideration at all the surrender of the barracks or the
police station f
Mr. Stevens. No.

Senator Feye. Capt. Wiltse is reported to have said that he would
not recognize the Provisional Government nntil the barracks and
police station had surrendered. Had Capt. Wiltse any authority in the
premises, if he said so?

Mr. Stevens. I would say that he never had any such conversation
with me, and I have no idea he said anything of the kind.

Senator Fbye. Is not the question of recognition a question entirely
and solely for the American minister?

Mr. Stevens. I would say so. So far as the American Government
is concerned, absolutely and entirely.

The Ghatbman. Was that request of the Provisional Government
made in writing?
Mr. Stevens. I think so.
The Ch AIRMAN. Is it there?

Mr. Stetens. I think it is on file at the legation. In answer to the
question of the chairman jmt a few moments ago I will proceed to state :
These volunteer troiops had been taken from their business for two
weeks. The Japanese Government had apowerful ironclad that was soon
expected. They had one ship there, but they had sent it off to Hilo, and
of that visit to Hilo we got information, which I sent to the Depart-
ment, that the Japanese were testing the sentiment of the men upon
tke plantations as to whether they would aid the Japanese. Now,
right here, it is important that I should be specific. The Japanese
Commissioner had but recently arrived. He came to me prior to my
going to Hilo and prior to the fall of the Queen and said that he wanted
tiie same rights of suffrage for the Japanese that other nationalilies
had. He wanted to get my encouragement, to find out what I was
about. That was before I went to Hilo. Of course I had to be very
diplomatic and did not make him any pledges or any signs.

At about the same time he had made this demand on the Queen's
Government, which was before the overthrow, and which was followed
op immediately on the Provisional Government — to give them the right
of suffrage. On the island of Oahu, as the reports came to me, they
iiad 700 or 800 Japanese who had been in the Japanese army. Infor-
mation came to the Provisional Government and came to me that the
adherents of the Queen, in a revolutionary attempt to replace her just
at this time before the flag was put up, might call upon the Japanese
laborers and residents, and that the Queen would promise them, for the
sake of their aid, that they should have the right of suffrage. There
was a good opportunity for the Japanese and the Queen's supporterfu
The eommisaioner had sent a request to Tokio by the 0\audm^^^\^<(^

654 HAWAIIAN ISLANDa

I foand ont afterwards, following the Japanese training ship which had
arrived from San Francisco, and in the meantime the training ship had
gone up to Hilo. We found out from what appeared to be a reliable
source that some political action in concert with natives was in view.
There was no proof of that except as this messenger conveyed it to us
in writing and the manner he had gained the information. That might
not be so, but there were outward signs of it.

The Provisional Government felt, as I felt, if the Queen's adherents
should make that promise, and they could get the aid of the 700 or 800
Japanese soldiers, a revolutionary attempt would be dangerous. In
the meantime the English minister, who had always insisted upon a
tripartite action in anything that took place in Honolulu, expected the
arrival of a British ship. The Provisional Government got the infor-
mation that the attempt would be made for two purposes: First, that
those representing the Queen and Mr. Neumann would want the informa-
tion to go to Washington that there was a chaotic condition of things
in Hawaii,'and that the Provisional Government had no real, stable,
authority — that an outbreak, although it might and would be crushed
out, would have a very bad eflPect.

Fear on the part of the mob of adventurers who had surrounded the
Queen — fear of the use of the Japanese force that might be used, the
fear of the pressure of the Japanese commissioner, with two ships at
his command (one of them larger than the Boston, with the attitude of
the British minister, with the ship he expected, all combined to make
me yield to the request to put up the flag. And the understanding on
their part was expressed in their note and was expressed in my answer
when we put it up — "That this must only go to the extent of support-
ing the Government against these outside contingencies," both from
the English vessel and Japanese, but much more from the Japanese,
because he was thoroughly in earnest to get that right of suffrage for
his thousands of Japanese. Now, we may have been unduly alarmed,
but the Provisional Government was alarmed, and that was the state
of the case.

It was specifically understood that there should be no interference
with the internal affairs of Hawaii, and there was no period iu which I
was more absolutely unconnected with internal affairs than in that
period when the flag was up.

The Chaieman. Did you i;eceive any official or other information
prior to the time of the raising of this flag that any government rep-
resented in Hawaii was opposed to the project of annexation, which
information had been submitted to the United States!

Mr. Stevens. Opposition from any Government! I had this infor-
mation, that Mr. Wodehouse, when he found that the Provisional Gov-
ernment was in favor of annexation, thought they ought to submit it
to popular vote, and they thought that was a very cool proposition for
any English minister to make. He made that- proposition very soon
after he found out that they favored annexation, and I think sent a
note to that effect to the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. You had that information!

Mr. Stevens. I had that positively from Mr. Dole himself, and other
intbrmation. I had repeated interviews with the Japanese commis-
sioner. He stated his point, and wanted me to assent to the idea that
the Japanese should have the right to vote. I had in a formal, diplo-
matic way, given him to understand that that was beyond my province
and responsibility.

The Ghaibman. At the time of the raising of the flag, as well as

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 555

before, the Japanese commissioneT insisted nx)on the snffrage propo-
sitionf

Mr. Stevens. Yes. And he furthermore said if we were to annex
the islands he hoi>ed the American GoverDinent would give the Jap-
anese the same rights as Americans or Englishmen or Germans. And
he was very earnest and very tenacious about it. And the sending of a
great war vessel under the circumstances was the one that caused the
most outside fear.

The Chaibman. And those were the reasons t

Mr. Stevens. The fear of anarchy and the fear of the Japanese, and
the fear that Mr. Wodehouse and the Japanese commissioner would
insist ux>on the same right with dealing with the affairs that I had,
which I knew my Government was opposed to.

The Chairman. Those were the reasons which influenced you to
accept the proposition from the Provisional Government for a protecto-
rate!

Mr. Stevens. It was a modified and strictly limited protectorate.

The Chairman. It is a protectorate!

Mr. Stevens. To the extent specified, yes.

The Chairman. After that fiag was raised and that protectorate
was declared, did you, as the American minister, or in any other capac-
ity, take any control or direction of any of the affairs of the Provis-
ional Government, or any control or direction of the people there in any
way!

Mr. Stevens. Not in the remotest degree. For two reasons, if you
will allow me to state the reasons.

The Chairman. Never mind the reasons. I can think of a dozen
reasons why you would not want to do it. Did you intend it, or did
the Hawaiian Provisional Government intend it, so far as you know,
as an attempt on the part of the United States to establish the right
of sovereignty over the islands of Hawaii — I mean this protectorate!

Mr. Stevens. No; I understood then, as I understand now, that
that was to sustain the sovereignty of the Provisional Government —
that their sovereignty was threatened under the circumstances.

The Chairman. To prevent other governments from coming in there
to interfere!

Mr. Stevens. That is it exactly.

The Chairman. It was pending the protectorate that Mr. Blount
arrived!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. Had you, before Mr. Blount arrived, received infor-
mation from Mr. Secretary Foster that your act in establishing that
protectorate had been disavowed!

Mr. Stevens. No; I understood his note as I understand it now.
It is in exact accordance with the little document I have just read. In
the liability of its being misunderstood, he thought it best to enlarge
upon it and define how far our limited protectorate could go. I so
understood it at the time. Secretary Foster went on to decide what
we could do and what we could not; and what we could do was what
we did.

The Chairman. When he disavowed what seemed to be a protect-
oiate!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; he defined how far our protectorate could go.

The Chairman. Then he disavowed what seemed to be a protecto-
rate. We will take his own language as conveying his actual mean-
ing. Did you understand that that disavowal reached t\v<^ ^Qm\i ot

556 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

proposition tliat you were forbidden, as American minister, to preserve
or protect the public peace!

Mr. Stevens. Not at all; but just the opposite, because the language
of the dispatch is explicit on that point.

The Chairman. And it was for that reason you considered his dis-
avowal comported with the purpose of raising the flagf

Mr. Stevens. Precisely. Everything I had done was in accord-
ance with his dispatch. President Dole was familiar with interna-
tional law, as well as Mr. Foster and myself, and never thought of
asking more than Secretary Foster's dispatch allows.

The Chaibman. How long did you remain there after Mr. Blount
arrived!

Mr. Stevens. I think he arrived the 2dth of March, aud I left the
24th of May.

The Chaibman. Did Mr. Blount carry over with him the dispatch
of Mr. Foster regarding the protectorate!

Mr. Stevens. Ko; Mr. Foster's dispatch came by telegram, and in
due course of mail afterward.

The Chairman. So that Mr. Foster's dispatch, whatever it meant,
had been received by you before Mr. Blount's arrival!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; I think thirty days before.

The Chairman. Did you think, from Mr. Foster's dispatch, that you
should haul down the flag and order the troops to go on board ship!

Mr. Stevens. Not in the slightest.

The Chairman. Is there anything which you can state except what
you have already stated, about the Japanese, and foreign interference —
any turbulence or danger that would require you to keep that flag fly-
ing and keep the protectorate in authority!

Mr. Stevens. My judgment was for its retention until there was an
order to the contrary. The same reason that caused me to raise it, in
my mind, continued. I do not know of any other than those I have
stated.

The Chairman. You have stated all the reasons that then induced
you to put up the flag and all the reasons that induced you to main-
tain it and maintain the protectorate after you received Mr. Foster's
dispatch!

Mr. Stevens. Yes; certainly. My documents explain why I would
do that and not do otherwise when negotiations were pending.

The Chairman. In the course which you took in maintaining the
protectorate and in maintaining the flag over Hawaiian soil, did you
understand that you were violating in any sense any order of the
United States Government given through the State Department!

Mr. Stevens. No. I stated in my dispatch the serious responsibility
I was under; that there was a contingency I knew no other way to
meet than the method in which I met it.

The Chairman. How long before you received that dispatch was it
that Admiral Skerrett came?

Mr. Stevens. I can not recall.

The Chairman. But it was before you received that dispatch disa-
vowing

Mr. Stevens. I shall object to the term disavowal; I do not admit
it was a disavowal.

The Chairman. I use the word disavowal.

Mr. Stevens. Admiral Skerrett might have arrived ten days or
two weeks after. There might have been a day more or a day less, but

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 557

it woald not yary firom several weeks between the arrival of Admiral
Skerrett and the dispatch of Mr. Foster.

The Chairman. The flag was flying when Admiral Skerrett arrived.

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaiuman. Did Admiral Skerrett make any objection to iti

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chaibman. Bid he ever suggest to you that it was an improper
attitude for the Government of the United States to maintain toward
Hawaii f

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Ghaibuan. Or that he would refuse to maintain it with his
troops on shore)

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chaibhan. Bid you have conferences with Admiral Skerrett 1

Mr. Stevens. Not on that specific point.

The Chaibman. Were j'ou in association with him ?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; constantly.

The Chaibman. Bid you converse about Hawaiian affairs.

Mr. Stevens. I think alter Admiral Skerrett had been there a cer-
tain length of time he said he would rather a portion of the troops
would be on board ship. We conferred with the Provisional Govern-
ment, and we reduced the number all around.

The Chaibman. The number was reduced under Admiral Skerrett's
suggestion and order, and with your assent t

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaibman. Where was Capt. Wiitse?

Mr. Stevens. He had gone home. He remained thirty days after
his time had expired.

The Chaibman. He remained after the flag was raised)

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaibman. But Admiral Skerrett reduced the force on shoref

Mr. Stevens. After conference with me and the Provisional Govern-
ment. We thought it was safe to do it.

The Chaibman. That was while the flag was up?

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Chaibman. Bid Admiral Skerrett undertake to interfere with
the existence of the protectorate!

Mr. Stevens. Not in the slightest. This was a mutual friendly
arrangement all around; what the state of the case required — the
reduction of the force.

The Chaibman. Bid Admiral Skerrett ever state to you before the
arrival of Mr. Blount that he thought it his duty as the admiral in
command to withdraw his entire force from the shore and haul down
that flag)

Mr. Stevens. No; he never even spoke to me that it was bad policy
to have it up — nothing of the kind. I think he had a captain who was
there a while. I heard of his making that remark. But it was only a
laatter of chitchat. He did not agree with and could not get along
vith the missionary people, and he wanted to go with another class of
people. I can not recall liis name at this moment.

Senator Gbay. Was he on Admiral Skerrett's shipl

Mr. Stevens. He was sent shortly up to Bering Sea^

Senator Gbat. You might mention his name.

Mr. Stevens. I can not recall it.

The Chairman. He had formed and expressed an opinion, as you

558 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

understood, contrary to the attitude of the Govemment of the United
States at that timet

Mr. Stevens. Yes. And he thought that the whole thing was a
mistake; but when he was conferred with by some of the citizens he
denied it. So that I could not say what liis real position was.

The Chairman. We do not want to go into that. When Mr. Blount
arrived, did he communicate to you any of the special instructions
that he had received!

Mr. Stevens. Not his instructions; but he gave me a copy of the
instructions from Washington, by which his authority was paramount
over mine, and that I should keep on with the ordinary duties of the
legation. But he never showed me his instructions nor gave me a hint
OS to what they were.

The Chairman. You had only a conjecture as to what they might
bel

Mr. Stevens. Only a conjecture.

The Chairman. Mr. Blount was cautious in withholding his instruo-
tions, was hef Did you ask to be informed of his mission there!

Mr. Stevens. Oh, no; I introduced him to the Provisional Govem-
ment, and was courteous as I could be to him.

The Chairman. Did you demur, dissent, to his coming there as min-
ister of the United States with authority paramount to your authority
there!

Mr. Stevens. No. I kept that locked up in my breast.

The Chairman. So that, whatever his mission was, it was not a
matter to arouse your antagonism!

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest. On the other hand, I treated him
with the utmost kindness, t knew that he came with a great deal of
prejudice, and I was careful

The Chairman. How do you know that he came with prejudice!

Mr. Stevens. By his conduct. It was very brusque with me in the
start. It was brusque in his refusal to accept the ofi'er of the American
citizens that he should take a house rather than go the royalist hoteL

The Chairman. That offer was made by whom!

Mr. Stevens. That was a committee of American citizens. I can
give you who they were and what they were.

The Chairman. Was it the committee of safety!

Mr. Stevens. They were not members of it. The chairman of it was
Judge Hartwell, who had nothing to do with the revolution whatever,
and the next member was Mr. Scott, a Kentucky gentleman, who has
had charge of the high school for many years — not connected with the
Govemment or even with politics.

The Chairman. How came the citizens to provide a house for Mr,
Blount any more than for you as minister!

Mr. Stevens. For the reason that they knew that the Hawaiian
Hotel was organized in the interest of the Queen's supporters and
organized in a very corrupt way.

The Chairman. T\'as there no other hotel there except the one at
which Mr. Blount stopped!

Mr. Stevens. That was the principal hotel. There were other good
hotels.

Senator Gray. That was^he principal hotel!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. There were other hotels.

Senator Gray. Mr. Blount says he went there because it was the
leading hotel, and that he never saw its proprietor to speak to him for
many weeks after he had been therey and he saw no men wlio were

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 559

royalists, except they came for the purposes of examination. Do you
know anything to the contrary)

Mr. Stevens. I know altogether to the contrary. The Hawaiian
Hotel had been for many months as complete a lodge for all the
Queen's supx)orters, to the extent that they watched every boarder
who was brought there. The man who kept that hotel was of a firm
that cheated the Oovernment out of 980,000. One of the firm was
sent to Washington as Kaiulani's counsel. The active manager of that
hotel at the time is a graduate from the Oxford I7nivei:slty, England.
He was divorced from his wife in the United States. He wrote those
vile letters in behalf of the Queen attacking me and Judge Dole.

Senator Gbat. Do you know that Mr. Blount had any association
with those people!

Mr. Stevens. That I can not swear to. I was giving the character
of the hotel, the reasons why these citizens suggested that he go to a
private house.

Senator Gsay. Do you know that Mr. Blount associated with the
people whom you have described on terms of intimacy or otherwise t

Mr. Stevens. I think it would be impossible for Mr. Blount to know,
because they were strangers to him.

Senator Gbay. Do you know that he did!

Mr. Stevens. I know that when I called at the cottage that they
were generally there.

Senator Gray. Where!

Mr. Stevens. At the cottage where he stopped, close to the hotel.
I found some of those parties were there.

Senator Gbay. Who were some of those parties!

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Peterson was one. You asked me why these citi-
zens made this ofier. It was because while he was at the hotel he
would be under espionage of the royalists.

Senator Gbay. Do you say that Mr. Blount when he arrived went
to the Hawaiian Hotel, and he there associated intimately or otherwise
with those objectionable characters!

Mr. Stevens. I do not believe that he did.

Senator Gbay. I will ask you whether or not that hotel is where all
American tourists and strangers would go!

Mr. Stevens. More likely to go.

Senator Gbay. Did not the tourists all go to that hotel!

Mr. SirEVENS. More or less. But so soon as they had been there any
length of time, they generally left it. A good many Americans left it
because of its anti- American character.

The Ghaibman. Kow, as I understand your statement, this body of
citizens undertook to provide quarters for Mr. Blount in order to pre-
vent him from falling under what they conceived to be and you con-
ceived to be evil influences!

Mr. Stevens. I will state it my own way. These citizens were of
the highest resx>ectability. This lady offered it because it was more
convenient to the legation, and where both parties would have access
without espionage, as the American citizens knew that they could not
go to the royalists hotel without espionage. And 1 had to caution Mr.
Bloant that his papers would be seen by the representatives of the
royalists. I think he regarded that caution.

Senator Obay. Did he make any objection to accepting the hospi-
tality of any one, or simply that he preferred to go to the public hotel
where he could pay his own expenses!

Mr. Stevens. I think he said Mr. Mills had arranged to go t^ \\i&
lioteL At tliat time he did not mean anything out of tlie "v^ttj.

560 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbat. I ask you if he did not mean what I have said, or in-
dicate something of that meaning Y

Mr. Steyens. I think he indicated to me that Mr. Mills had ar-
ranged for going to the hotel. I can not say that is the form of the
statement, but that is the implication.

Senator Gbat. That he reftised the hospitality Y

Mr. Steven^. That would not be a fair statement. They did not
propose free hospitality. They simply said he might pay the same as
would be charged at the hotel. I only took the message from thenu
They asked me to give the message. I do not know — it was arranged
that they would be willing to furnish him accommodations at the same
rate as at the hotel.

Senator Gray. Was anything said about "from nothing up"?

Mr. Stevens. Some other parties might have used that expression,
but I was asked to make no such offer.

Senator Gray. Did anybody go out with yout

Mr. Stevens. Yes; this committee went out.

Senator Gray. Who were the committee — a committee of whatt

Mjp. Stevens. Committee of citizens. Judge Hartwell, Dr. McGrew,
and Mr. Scott. Judge Hartwell has been one of the supreme judges,
a leading lawyer.

Senator Gbay. Was Judge Hartwell one of the Provisional Gov-
ernments X

Mr. Stevens. No | lie had no connection with it. And Mr. Scott is
the teacher of the high school, a man of very high standing, and has
been there for years. He was for six years at the royal college in
Japan.

Senator Gbay. Was there any committee from the Annexation
Olub who went out, or communicated with Mr. Blount in regard to itt

Mr. Stevens. I think the three gentlemen already named were mem-
bers of the Annexation Club. I am not sure that Judge Hartwell was.
They took these gentlemen because they were disconnected with the
Provisional Government and were American citizens* The Provisional
Gk)vemment had nothing to do with it and did not know of it.

Senator Gbay. After Mr. Blount's arrival there, and after he was
established at his headquarters, did he ask any information of you
about the situation of affairs in Hawaii Y

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest

The Ghaibman. Did you offer to communicate to him any informa-
tion which you had in regard to the situation of affairs there t

Mr. Stevens. It was not possible for me to do so without being dis-
courteous.

The Ghaibman. Did you ask him to have any conference about the
condition of affairs in Hawaii Y

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Ghaibman. Did he ask you whether it would be politic or safe
or unsafe to haul down the Hag and order the troops on board shipt

Mr. Stevens. Not the least — not a word; never a hint of what he
was going to do.

The Ghaibman. Did he ask you what your relations were to Hawaii
and other foreign governments Y

Mr. Stevens. Kot the least. He did not ask me to do what is usual
for a retiring minister to do — ^to go and introduce him to the foreign
representatives. I do not think he meant any harm in that. I do not
think he was posted as to diplomatic usage. But that is what custom
requires.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 561

The Ohaibman. Did you in any way interfere in any investigatioB
that he made while he was there Y

Mr. Stetens. Not*the slightest.

The Chairman. Did you enter any protest or objection to his re-
moving troops from the shore?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

The Chairman. Or hauling down the flag!

Mr. Stevens. Not the least.

The Chairman. Did that act of removal, etc., produce any com-
motion in the community Y

Mr. Stevens. An intense silent feeling.

The Chairman. I speak of outbreak or commotion Y

Mr. Steven's. Just the opposite of that — ^intense silence. But in
the homes of the families you would see the exhibition.

The Chairman. What is your information in regard to the power
of Liliuokalaui, as Queen of Hawaii, to organize and conduct any
enterprise, political or military, for the purpose of displacing the Gov-
ernment th^t exists there nowY

Mr. Stevens. I think she would have very little power. But I think
there are parties who might in her name do it; but I do not think it
probable.

The Chairman. Parties who might displace the existing Govern-
ment t

Mr. Stevens. No; I do not say that. But I think it possible that
an expedition organized in California or Vancouver might attempt it,
if they could obtain the money to do it.

The Chairman. But I am speaking of the power of the Queen.
• Mr. Stevens. Her own power — nil.

The Chairman. I understand you, then, that without assistance from
foreign governments any enterprise of the character that I have Just
asked about would be a failure t

Mr. Stevens. An utter failure. There is not the least danger of
any attempt being made except by outside aid. That is my opinion.

The Chairman. Suppose that Liliuokalaui had the undivided sup-
port of the native bom, of the Kanaka population, with all the re-
sources at their command, do you believe that she would be powerfiil
enough with that support to overturn the existing civil government in
those island sY

Mr. Stevens. I think one-fourth of the force of the Provisional
Government could resist all the native force on the islands.

The Chairman. Then your answer must be, she would not be pow-
erfiQ enough Y

Mr; Stevens. Not powerful enough* Two hundred AmmcaB sol-
diers could resist them alL

The Chairman. Do you consider the Hawaiian population^ native^
bcnm Kanaka population, as being a warlike x)opulationf

Mr. Stevens. They are the reverse of that in every sense.

The Chairman. How would* they compare with the American bornt

Mr. Stevens. I should say that a native Kanaka force of 2,^000, two
hDdred United States soldiers would more than equaJ.

The Chairman. So that you do not think the Provisional Govern-
ment is in any danger from the Hawaiian population Y

Mr. Stevens. !Not the least. From the native population 1 It would
be the whites from whom the organized opposition would come.

Ike Chairman. Did you ascertain before you left Hawaii,, and affcec

8, Eep. 227 ad

5,62 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

the declaratioB of the Provisional Government, that there was any white
organization being attempted against the Provisional Government t

Mr. Stevens. My information was to the effect l^at the same men who
put the lottery bill through, what they called the lottery and opium men,
had been acting together for a good while.

The Chairman. Did you hear of any attempt at organization amongst
these people, or any other white people, to overthrow or dislodge 5ie
Provisional Government, or impair HI

Mr. Stevens. Those rumors of attempt to overthrow the Provisional
Government 1 They were constantly getting information of attempts to
do it.

The Chairman. Attempts to do what, to form an organization Y

Mr. Stevens. To catch them unawares — ^to surprise the Provisional
Government.

The Chairman. Did you understand from any information that you
had — of course anything like a reliable character — that there existed
an organization Y «

Mr. Stevens. I should say that my information is that tlfere are two
or three organizations, mainly political. They have one organization
called the Native Hawaiians; t^ey have another, with a native name.

The Chairman. Are they natives?

Mr. Stevens. They are natives. They have political organizations
among themselves.

The Chairman. State any other.

Mr. Stevens. They had at one time what they called the " Liberty
League"; but I think that is disbanded. Those cliques have run
together; but the same men can extemporize an organization within a
week; because they drift together as naturally as similar men in our
cities.

The Chairman. I will try to get back to the question whether you
know or had any information of the existence of an organization
amongst the white people in Hawaii against the Provisional Govern-
ments

Af r. Stevens. Yes.

The Chairman. What was it?

Mr. Stevens. I have forgotten the name of it; I think it is "Liberty
League." But they had so many names that I can not remember; but
I think it was "Liberty League."

The Chairman. Who was the leader of that organization, if it had
any?

Mr. Stevens. It was understood that Mr. Golbum and Mr. Peter-
son were in it.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the time that this Provisional
Government was established.

Mr. Stevens. I have no doubt that those things have varied so that
there would be one clique in the League and then another clique.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the time of the organization of the
Provisional Government, not any anterior time.

Mr. Stevens. Those since the Provisional Government was estab-
lished would be the same as they had before.

The Chairman. Is there such an organization Y

Mr. Stevens. There are several organizations of years' standing.

The Chairman. Is there now in existence, or was there at any time
while you were in Hawaii, any political organization of white men for
the purpose of antagonizing and breaking down that Provisional Gtov-
ernment. Can you answer thatf

HAWAHAN ISLAin)S. 563

Mr. Stevens. I can give my opinion.

TbeGHAiBMAN. I do not want your naked opinion. I want your
information.

Mr. Stevens. My information is that the men who controlled the
Qaeen's Government mainly, and ever since she was in, have acted
together so often that that is virtually an organization.

The Chairman. Do you understand that there is such an organiza-
tion existing in Hawaii to-day Y

Mr. Stevens. I have no doubt that it exists to-day.

The Chairman. Do you know anything about it?

Mr. Stevens. I have no doubt it does.

The Chairman. Have you any information about itf

Mr. Stevens. Ko ; I see in Mr. Blount's report —

The Chairman. I am not speaking of Mr. Blounf s report.

Mr. Stevens. I knew it was when I left.

The Chairman. I want to get at the proposition whether or not
there is any hostile opposition to the Provisional Government existing
amongst the white people of Hawaii at this time, or was when you left
there.

Mr. Stevens. I have no doubt there is. I have no doubt the men ^
who acted before are acting now.

The Chairman. I want your information, if you have any informa-
tion about it.

Mr. Stevens. I have no information that an organization exists
since I left there, because that was six or eight months ago.

The Chairman. When you were there did it exist!

Mr. Stevens. It existed.

The Chairman. Who were the leaders of it?

Mr. Stevens. The reason I referred to Mr. Blount^s report is this:
Ton will find the committee, of which Mr. Gummings was one — I have
understood that he was; he was one of the leading members. That
was one organization. Then another organization is the one that
Nawi^i was at the head of. When I was there he was one of the leaders
of a political organization under Kalakaua, and it is possibly in exist-
^ce to-day, for it has been in existence for years.

The Chairman. I am trying to ask you of organizations formed for
the purpose of opposing the Provisional Government.

Mr. Stevens. I can not say that there is any such organization; I
can only reason from cause lo effect — ^that those organizations would
be hostile to the Provisional Government.

The Chairman. You are not aware of the existence of any such
organization nowY -

Mr. Stevens. No. In Mr. Blount's rei>ort I see he mentioned Mr.
Bush and Mr. Nawahi. But I can not swear to it.

The Chairman. Kow, what I want to get at is, whether among the
white people resident in Hawaii, who are not American citizens or
persons of American origin, there exists any opposition of an organized
character, whether political or military, against the Provisional Gov-
ernment.

Mr. Stevens. What exists to-day? I cannot testify to that.

The Chairman. Was there in your knowledge at the time you left
thereY

Mr. Stevens. Only as it appeared in the papers.

The Chairi^an. Did it appear!

Mr. Stevens. Yes. You will see it in Mr. Blount's report, and tJaafc

5^(4 HAWAIIAN ISiaj^MSk

is what I referred to. Mr. Cummiogs ia in it, and Mr. NawahL It raUf
to some degiree, all over the islands. Bat I can not say that it exists
to-day.

The Chaibman. I want to know now whether any of these foreign
people who are not Americans had any organization or association,
within yonr knowledge, to opppse the Provisional Government of
Hawaii, with a view to diverting Hawaii from the control or inflaence
of the TTnited States, either in the conduct of its current affairs or in
the ultimate purpose of annexation Y

Mr. Stetens. I will begin with the Portuguese first; I will take
them seriatim.

The Chaibman. No; answer the question.

Mr. Stetens. No, I could not give any information to which I could
testify. If you want to know the attitude of tiiese different populations
I will give it to you.

The Ohaibman. I have understood that some Germans are for us
and some against usY

Mr. Stevens. As you have asked the question, let me answer it in
a way that will enlighten it.

Senator Gbay. The question is, whether you have any knowledge
or information of any such association or combination!

Mr. Stevens. I will begin with the Portuguese, which were far the
more numerous Caucasian population there; the Germans and English
were smaller in numbers. The Portuguese number from 9,(HiO to 10,000.
They are nearly, if not quite, a unit for America and tor annexation.
Why is it so Y The young men have been educated in American schools,
which are a*s positive in their American character as you can find in
any of our American cities. Nearly all these Portuguese came from
the Azores and Madeira poor. They saw the energy and vim of the
Americans, and are largely employed by Americans. Then there la
some antagonism between the Portuguese and the natives. I have
stated the principal causes, and the Portuguese are a unit with us.
When you come to the Germans, a very large msyority is with us, except
such Germans as may (and they are not very many) gather around
Claus Spreckels. I will mention two German houses, at the head of
which are men who have been there a long time. Their children were
bom there, and they expect to die there. Both those houses, and they
are heavy houses, are with America, just as the English merchant is in
New York — they know that their business and their future interests
are entirely with us. They all talk English, and they are like Am^-
cans.

Take the English. A majority of the English affiliate with ua.
Why t For the reason that they do all their business with California,
Washington, and Oregon. They go to American schools, and many of
th^n have married in American families. There is Mr. Davies. He is
one of the heaviest merchants, but is opposed to us having Pearl Har-
bor, and is very hostile to American predominance in Hawaii. With
the exception of what gathers around Mr. Davies and Mr. Wodehouse
(which is a very mark^ minority of the English), the English are with
us as much as the Portuguese. When you come to the Norwegians,
whose number is small, you may say it is a unit for us. Beduce the
ojjposition to the Provisional Government to the white popuhition, and
you have the men whom the lottery and opium rings have had in their
power, and who will respond to the beat of the political drum. Any
one familiar with the political organizations in the cities of the United
States knows what that is.

HAWAIIAN I8LAin)8. 565

They have what is called the hoodlum element in Honolulu. Pay
them and you will have them. But what are called t^e missionary
people are not persons to bribe voters, and if a man were to throw m
$50,000 to carry a project against the missionary element, he could boy
ap the hoodlums, just as they bought the votes in the Legislature with
lottery stock, and those who woi2d not have lottery stock got cash
• down.

The Ohaibhan. Ton have made that statement. Do you know any-
thing of the payment of lottery stock or money to carry through the
lottery scheme Y

Mr. Stevens. I will answer the best I can. The facts are as noto-
rious as they would be in any American capital where anything of the
kind had been going on for years. I will give you this fact, and I will
. give you the name. Mr. Emuleuth, who is a native of Ohio, but who
has been out there fifteen years, an enterprising and respectable man so
far as I know. He is a member if the Provisional Government. The
day before the lottery cabinet was appointed, which must have been
the day before the coming back of the Boston^ Emuleuth went into a
commercial house in Honolulu, and as he was going upstairs, he heard
Peterson and Oolbum talking. Peterson did not want to put Oolbum
in the cabinet. Golbum had been the man who raised the money; and
Emuleuth heard this as he stopped on the stairs. Golbum wanted to
go into the cabinet, and Peterson was trying to reason him out of going
in. Peterson knew Golbum was a hard man to carry, and it ran in
this way: <^ Peterson, I paid this money, and if you don't put me in
the cabinet, I will join the other side and blow you to helL"

The Chairman. Emuleuth gave you this information t

Mr. Stevens. Emuleuth.

The Ghaibman. When?

Mr. Stevens. He gave that to me some days after the overthrow
of the GovemnJent.

The Ghaibman. When?

Mr. Stevens. A week or ten days after the overthrow; merely as a
historical fact, he gave it to me.

The Ghaibman. Prior to the time of your leaving Honolulu on the
Bostofij to go down to Hilo, did you have any information or reason to
suspect that such inHuences were to be employed in favor of either the
lottery or opium bill?

Mr. Stevens. No; just as I stated in my opening, after the Wilcox
and Jones defeat of the lottery bill and the opium bill, I thought the
fate of those bills were settled, and the cabinet would be carried over
for eighteen months.

The Ghaibman. What information you gathered fi*om Emuleuth or
any other source in regard to corruption in the Legislature to procure
these votes of want of confidence in the ministry and for the lottery
and opium bills was communicated to you after you returned Y

Mr. Stevens. Yes, and as a matter of history. Golbum knew his
power. Then Peterson said, "if we put you in, will you agree to the
constitution which the Queen is going to promulgated Golbum was
opposed to it, but he answered, "damn, it, Pete; whatever you sign I
inllsign.'' Emuleuth said, " those four men were going in that cabinet
for sure." They laughed at him; but when the cabinet was constituted
they went in.

The Ghaibman. You, as the American minister, were formingopinions
apon the public situation there?

Mr. Stevens. Public situatioiu

566 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chairman. And yon included, of course, the action of the Leg-
islature upon these respective measures Y

Mr. Stevens. Yes; I got that not by going to the Legislature, but
from the best sources I could.

The Chairman. You received that information from those sources
which you considered most reliable?

Mr. Stevens. Most reliable.

The Chairman. I want to know whether you formed the opinion as
minister of the United States before you left Honolulu to go down to
Hilo that, if such meiisures as the lottery or opium bill should pass,
they would produce a commotion or revolution? Were you of that opin-
ion before you left for Hilot

Mr. Stevens. I considered that settled, or I should not have gone
off. The repeated attempts and their failure, the petitions from aU the
islands, the opposition of the chamber of commerce, and the Queen's
assurance to the ladies who called on her, satisfied me that they were
dead.

The Chairman. If, before you left Honolulu to go down to Hilo, you
had been informed that the Queen intended to promulgate a new con-
stitution, reversing the constitution of '87 and restoring the ancient
powers of the monarchy, would you have expected that to create a
revolution?

Mr. Stevens. I could not expect otherwise. I knew it, but I had
repeatedly said so in conversations with Mr. Wodehouse, the English
minister, and others — ^that whenever an attempt should be made to
undo the action of 1887, by the Queen going back on her oath and
promises, there would be an end of the monarchy forever.

The Chairman. Had you been possessed of any information that
Liliuokalani, after the prorogation of the Legislature, would promulgate
this new constitution upon her own authority, would you have left
Honolulu?

Mr. Stevens, l^o; I would have stayed there. I considered it set-
tled when those four men went in, because of their character and their
means, and the information that the Queen's favorite had reason to
think he should remain marshal.

The Chairman. You speak of the Wilcox- Jones cabinet?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; I considered that those men would be the Gov-
ernment for the next eighteen months.

Senator Frye. When you went on board the ship to go down to Hilo,
did you not have conversations with the officers of the ship, in which
you expressed yourself as satisfied that peace was restored to Hawaii,
and that it would continue until your term of office would expire, and
that you could go home in comfort?

Mr. Stevens. I did.

Senator Frye. Was not that your belieft

Mr. Stevens. It was.

Senator Frye. Mr. Wundenburg in his testimony says that the over-
throw of the monarchy could not have been accomplished had it not
been the general understanding that the American minister would
make use of the troops. In your opinion, did the American troops
have any effect on the overthrow of the monarchy?

Mr. Stevens. Not the slightest.

Senator Frye. And whether the troops were on shore or not, your
opinion is that the monarchy would have been overthrownt

Mr. Stevens. Certainly.

Senator Frye. Mr. Wundenburg also states that shortly after the

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 56?

committee of safety met, on the 16th of January, it decided that they
were not ready for the landing of American troops; that a committee
of three, with Mr. Thnrston, went to the American legation and asked
Mr. Stevens to delay landing the Boston^s »men, and that it was re-
ported that Mr. Stevens said, ^<The troops will land at 5 o'clock,
whether you are ready or not."

Mr. Stevens. I am sure that no such committee came; but the fact
is, the troops were landed aside from any wishes of the committee of
safety.

Senator Fbye. William H. Cornwall testified ^

Mr. Stevens. He was one of the new cabinet.

Senator Fete. He states that Ministers Parker and Peterson called
upon Minister Stevens and gave him to understand that the Govern-
ment was able to take care of the situation^ and asked him to keep the
troops on board.

Mr. Stevens. Not true.

Senator Fbte. Did Ministers Parker and Peterson ever call upon
you and inform you that the Queen's Government was able to take
care of the situation, and ask you to keep the troops on board?

Mr. Stevens. No. You had better ask about Gov. Cleghom's pro-
test. A great deal of importance was given to the island governor's
protesting after the troops were landed. Cleg^horn, I have no doubt,
under the inspiration of the English minister — if you will ask me the
reasons, I will answer, but not now — came to me and wanted to know
why I landed them. I stated that the circumstances were such that
I was compelled to take the responsibility. I was very polite to him.
I said to him, '^I do not blame you for coming, and if I were in your
place I would make the protest"; and I was just as Courteous as I could
be. He went home, and I have no doubt he consulted the English
minister and had done so before coming to me.

Senator Davis. Did you tell Mr. Oleghorn then for what purpose you
had landed those troops?

Mr. Stevens. Probably my remajks implied that it was the neces-
sity of the case. As nearly as I can recollect I said this: <^The situa-
tion is such that I felt it necessary to take the responsibility." I
probably put it in that form. My reason for saying that Oleghorn
came by the inspiration of the« English minister is this: I knew for
months dating back in our intercourse that whatever the English
minister wanted Mr. Oleghorn to do he would do. He was a good-
natured man, arid entirely under Mr. Wodehouse's influence. The
governorship was of no account; it was abolished in 1887, and they
reestablished it in 1890 as a mere honorsiry office, because Oleghorn
was married to the sister of the Queen.

Senator Fbye. Cornwall stated that Mr. Hopkins insisted upon
knowing whether or not you intended to recognize the lawful Govern-
ment or the revblutionary Government, and that you said that you
sbonld recognize the Provisional Got^ernment, because they were in
possession of the Government building, and that you intended to sup-
port them?

Mr. Stevens, I am very glad you asked that question. I had no
conversation with Mr. Hoi)kius whatever. I did not even know him.
Ur. Hopkins brought me a note, and I sent an answer.

Senator Fbye. Did you say that to anybody!

Mr. Stevens. Never. I want to say that Mr. Hopkins brought the
not^they said it was Hopkins; I never had any conversation with

568 HAWAIUK ISLAM)S.

Hopkins at any time. After he had left the legation my daughter said
it was Mr. Hopkins.

Senator Fete. John P. Oolbnrn testified that Thurston had an
interview with them (him and Peterson) January 15, at 6 o'clock a. m.,
Sunday, and desired him and Peterson to depose the Queen; that in
the course of the conversation he said that he could inform us that Mr.
Stevens had given the committee of safety the assurance that if we
two signed a request to land the troops of the Boston, he would .
immediately comply and have them lauded to assist in carrying out
this work.

Mr. Stevens. Who put that question!

Senator Frtb. John F. Golbum testifies that Thurston in an inter-
view with hm and Peterson said that Stevens had given the commit-
tee of safety the assurance that if we two (that is, Colburn and Peter-
son) would sign a request to land the troops of the Boston he would
immediately comply and have them landed to assist in carrying out
this work.

Mr. Stevens. Nothing of the kind ; as perfectly romantic as if born
of another age. I am sure Mr. Thurston never said anything about it;
he is a man of too much sense.

Senator Fbye. Mr. Colburn says ftirther that immediately on the
landing of the troops he and Parker had an interview with you.

Mr. Stevens. Parker is the one who came with Mr. Gleghom to
protest.

Senator Fete. And he says that he (Colburn) had an Interview with
you; that in the course of that interview you said that there were a
number of women and old men in town besides children, who were
alarmed at the ruiAors of a revolution, and you wanted to offer them
protection ; whereupon Colburn said, "You want to annex the country j'^
and you replied, "No, those troops are ashore to preserve the Queen
on the throne, you gentlemen in your office, and to offer protection to
the community at large.*^

Mr. Stevens. That is absolute, pure fiction.

Senator Frye. Mr. Colburn says further: "We had under arms 600
men with rifles, 30,000 rounds of ammunition, 8 brass Austrian field
cannon, and 2 Catling guns."

Mr. Stevens. Why did they not nse themt

Senator Frye. Did they have such a force?

Mr. Stevens No; they would have used it on Suiiday and Monday,
if they had had any such force. You have to look at the facts. I have
answered that beiore. There was a complete collapse of the Queen's
Government from Saturday afternoon of January 14. There was only
one attempt at an exhibition of authority, which was by a policeman
attempting to prevent two men carrying arms and ammunition up to
the Government building. They had two men only. That is the only
resistance they dared to make. Wilson knew every step that was
taken, knew that the Provisional Government was being organized,
just as you gentlemen would know of a railroad meeting in your town.

The Chairman. If there had been any force of 600 men underarms
and under the control of the Queen would you have known itf

Mr. Stevens. There was nothing of the kind, or I should have known
it. The royalists party had two or three factions, one made up with the
Eobert Wilcox element. So far as it was possible for me to know — I
used all the judgment and experience I had — I was kept posted of the
purposes and intentions of the various organizations that were opposed
to Uxe Queen and those in her favor; and just as I have stated before,

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 569

•

there were two distinctive parties amongst the natives about the
Qneen.

The Chaikman. I wanted to know whether your sources of informa-
tion and the diligence of your inquiries made in regard to the actual
sitoation in the islands gave you an -opportunity to know satisfactorily
to yourself whether they had as many as 600 armed force, or whether
they had any organization of a military chacacter that was considered
dangerous!

Mr. Stevens. My information was directly the contrary; the only
force that I understood they had was the native police force under the
marshal and the Queen's guard of 70, men made up of native boys, not
equal to 10 white soldiers. Ten American soldiers were equivalent to
ttie whole of them. They never made any resistance, and did not dare.

Senator Fbte. The Queen's ministers delivered an address which is
given by Mr. Blount in his report, in which they stated that Mr. Ool-
born and Mr. Peterson reported that a committee of safety had been
f(Nrmed at the house of Mr. L. A. Thurston and had made overtures to
them to assist in dethroning the Queen, and they intended to go ahead,
and that your assistance, together with that of th^ United States
Government, had been guaranteed to them. Is there any truth in that Y

Mr. Stevens. None; I never knew of it until I saw it in that report.
I never heard of it before. I never heard of it until I saw it in that
report, as also that other inquiry about my promising Soper. You
might ask me if that is in there.

Senator Frye. Mr. Wundenburg further says that Mr. Soper was
offered the position of commander-in-chief; that he hesitated to take
it; that^he and others went over to see you, and then came back, say-
ing, ^^I understood them to say that Mr. Stevens had told them that if
they would take possession of the Government building and read their
proclamation, he would immediately recognize them and support them,
or. failing to get the Government building, any building in Honolulu."

Mr. Stevens. I never heard anything about it until I saw it in
Blount's report. It is pure fiction, absolute fiction, as well as that
other statement that Soper wanted to take military command. I did
not know that Soper was to have the military command until I saw his
api)ointment in the newspapers. Soper never came to me to ask me
anything about it. The first I knew of Soper being appointed to the
eommand was one or two days afteward.

Senator Fbte. Kaulukou in his affidavit says that Minister Stevens
wrote a letter, which he gave to Gharles L. Hopkins, in which he said
be would back and help the Provisional Government and not her
Majesty the Queen's Government.

Mr. Stevens. That is all fiction.

Senator Frye. Did anything like that ever occurt

Mr. Stevens. No. I maintained one fixed policy.

Senator Frye. And that was utter impartiality between the twot

Mr. Stevens. Yes. To the representations made to me before to
have the men landed, my answer was always the same, " The emer-
fCency must be a striking one, and then only for the protection of life
and property."

Senator Frye. Paul Neumann, in his testimony, says that on Tues-
^y, the 17th of January, Mr. Peterson and Mr. Parker, about 3 o'clock,
informed him that Mr. Stevens had told them categorically that he
V woald support with the United States forces a provisional government
if sach were proclaimed. Did you ever tell Peterson or Parker any-
thing Uke that!

570 "* HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stevens. ^Nothing of the kind. The only interviews in which,
as I have already stated, they asked my assistance to support the
Queen; but they did not put the other alternative, because they would
not insult me with that after I had refused the other. I said to them
squarely that the troops were lauded for a pacific purpose and could
not take part in any contest.

Senator Fete. He also says that at a meeting at which J. O. Carter,
Macfarlane, Widemann, and Damon were present, the statement was
repeated that Mr. Stevens unqualifiedly stated that he would by force
of arms sustain the Provisional Government. Did you say anything of
the kind?

Mr. Stevens. 'So; just like the other.

Senator Fete. He also states that the U. S. legation had been at
various times the meeting place of persons who had conspired to over-
throw the Hawaiian Government.

Mr. Stevens. There never was any such meeting in the four years
that I was there, at the legation. The people who had the entree of
the legation and who dined there and had other attentions there were
royalists quite *as many as of their opponents. The dinner party
spoken of was made up by my two parties; the Portuguese chargt^
d'affaires made one; the French commissioner another; Judge Hart-
well another; Mr. Thurston another, and, I think, one of the officers
of the Boston^ besides Capt. Wiltse. My daughter's conversation was
with Mr. Thurston, and 1 talked with the Portuguese charg6 d'affaires.
The meeting was of such a character that if we had wanted to talk
politics we could not have done so.

Senator Fbye. Mr. Charles T. Gulick testifies that the presence of
the American troops and certain rumors with regard to the attitude of
the American minister, caused the Hawaiian cabinet to confer with
that official before taking action, and that they learned from him in
writing that he recognized the Provisional Government and would 8ui>-
port it with the United States troops. Was there anything of that
kind?

Mr. Stevens. No. It was all done in the form that came from this
note. The man Hopkins, whom I did not know, and my daughter hap-
pened to know, he returned, but did not have any conversation, did
not speak to him, did not know him until that afternoon. My daughter
happened to know him by sight. He never submitted me any question ;
he brought a note, and all he wanted was an answer. I think my
daughtei took the note out of his hand and put it in mine, if I remember
correctly. I was sick at the time. Hopkins was one of those who had
been engaged in the giossest maladministration.

Senator Fete. Mr. John Lot Kaulukou in his testimony says: ''Next
morning I read a letter from Minister Stevens in the newspaper. He
said, 'I recognize the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands,
because it takes the palace, the station house, and the barracks. That
is my reason why I recognize the Provisional Government."' Did you
write any such letter!

Mr. Stevens. No; the only one that I ever wrote on the subject is
in that official pamphlet published by vote of the Senate last February.
I never wrote ^ny communication to any newspaper about it. Kaulu-
kou is one of the most corrupt men in the country, formerly oner of
Kalakaua's ministers.

Senator Fbte. He says further: ''If Mr. Stevens had never sent
any word of that kind, if he had never interfered; you would see these

HAW AH AN ISLANDS. 671

people cleaned oat in fifteen or twenty minutes and tbe Queen remain
on her throne till to-day." Did you interfere?

Mr. Stevens. Not tlie slightest.

Senator Fbte. Do you tbiuk if the troops had been in the United
States of America the Queen would have been on her throne to-day Y

Mr. Stevens. If our troops had remained at Hilo, 260 miles &om
Honolula, and had known nothing of what was going on, it would have
been the same. The Wilcox- Jones cabinet was composed of some of
Uiebest men in the islands. .The men who were leading this revolu-
tion were irresistible; they had the complete command of the situation.
Wilson knew that, and that is the reason why his associates did not
arrest anybody, f

Senator Frye. Do you know Dr. G. Trousseau?

Mr. Stevens. I do.

Senator Fbte. Is he regarded in the Hawaiian Islands as a tmthtul
man?

Mr. Stevens. He is so notoriously untruthful that any story going
the round of the capital they would say " That is one of Trousseau's
lies." He is an adventurer who came from Paris. He is a man of a
good deal of genius; he practices medicine in some American families
because of his genius; but there are physicans who have no afBliations
with him, because he has not his diploma. He has already apologized
to Judge Hartwell and others because of statements he mjide with
respect to them that he thought would not come back to the islands.

Senator Frye. Trousseau in his statement says that Dole, Charles
Carter, and W. H. Castle, and one or two others, naming them, were
in the habit of meeting at your house, the house of the American
minister, and conspiring for overturning the Queen. Is there any truth
in thatf

Mr. Stevens. Kot a particle. One of the parties was Mr. Castle; he
bad not been at my house but once for a year. I got acquainted with
him and his venerable father when I first came to Hawaii, and I
wondered why he had not called upon me. William Castle had only
stopi>ed at our house once in the year. Mr. Dole and Mr. Thurston
were men of too much sense to be willing to have a meeting at my
bouse. Although I was intimate in Mr. Dole's family, I never got a
bint from Mr. and Mrs. Dole that he was to go into the Provisional
Government. He was a man of too much culture to embarrass me with
the knowledge that he was to take part in the revolutionary movement.
It is the fact that he left the bench to which he had been appointed,
with his salary of $5,000 a year, purely as a sense of duty, to take the
responsibilities of the position he now holds. He is delicate, not a
strong man, and the pressure of resi)onsibility and anxiety is liable to
break him down.

The Chairman. Who comprised the supreme court at the time you
left Hawaii?

Mr. Stevens. At the time I left it was composed of Chief Justice
Judd, who had been chief justice for nineteen years, and Judge Bick-
erton and Judge Frear. Judge Judd was educated in law at Harvard.
Judge Bickerton is English.

The ChaibjVIAN. After the revolution occurred there in the executive
government, did that court continue to sit and discharge its functions^

Mr. Stevens. I so understood it; yes — ^right along. The Provisional
Government interfered as little as possible with the statutes; they
promptly repealed the lottery act and opium act, and I think that is

572 HAWAIIAN ISLAKDB.

about all they did« The conrts went right on, stopping only a few days
in the excitement.

The Chairman. Have you heard of any effort on the part of the Pro-
visional Government or the Queen's Government, or the followers of
the Queen or her cabinet, to deny the power and authority of the
supreme court of Hawaii since the revolution!

Mr. Stevens. No.

The Ghaibman. Or any change in it 9

Mr. Stevens. I have not. I know the constitution which it was
intended to proclaim was intended to change the supreme court. I
learned that when we had the conversation with Kalakaua before, and
from other sources in the later case.

The Ghaibman. To hold for six years.

Mr. Stevens. And a final appeal froip their judgment to the Queen,

The Chairman. I understand you to say, as a matter of fact, that
since the Provisional Government was instituted there has been no
one who has made any question of the authority of the supreme court
and its power to go on and administer justice?

Mr. Stevens. I am not aware of anybody. There may be some
lawyer.

The Ghaibman. The number of judges was reduced from five to
three by an act of the Legislature!

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

The Ghaibman. So that as their terms expired there would be no
reappointment until below the number of three?

Mr. Stevens. Yes: as one died they were able to reduce to three
quite promptly.

The Ghaibman. Who took Judge Dole's placet

Mr. Stevens. Judge Frear.

The Ghaibman. Who appointed himf

Mr. Stevens. He was api)ointed since the Provisional Government
was established. Mr. Dole resigned to take the place of President of
the Provisional Government, and they filled his place by the api>oint'
ment of Judge Frear.

Senator Fbye. Jni the testimony of Mr. Sam Parker, pages 439 and
440, or in an interview with him, he produced a statement signed by
A. B. Peterson, in which Mr. Peterson says: "On Sunday evening,
January 15, at half past 7 o'clock, Samuel Parker, Her Majesty's min-
ister of foreign affairs, and myself as attorney-general, called ui>on
J. L. Stevens, American minister, at his residence, to talk over the
situation.'' Did they call!

Mr. Stevens. They called Sunday evening. They did all thetalking.

Senator Fbte. He says, "Mr. Stevens stated that he desired to
protect the Government and advised Her Majesty's Government not to
resign, but said, in answer to a direct question put to him by me, that
in case the Government called upon him for assistance he did not see
how he could assist them as long as G. E. Wilson remained marshal of
the Kingdom, terming Mr. Wilson a scoundrel."

Mr. Stevens. That is not true. I think there was some conversa-
tion that they made as to the embarrassment that Wilson was making
as to the Queen's rule, because some of the Queen's supporters were
as anxious to get rid of Mr. Wilson as were her opponents.

Senator Gbay. Did you say that Wilson was a scoundrel!

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember that I did.

Senator Fbye. Did you give them as the cause of your opposition to
Wilson that he had caused the arrest of your Chinese coachfiiant

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 573

Mr. Stbyens. 'So, Let me tell the truth about that GhiBese story.
I had three Chinese servants. The man who drove my cairiage was a
Chinaman, as you have to have all the servants of one nationality.
This coachman was a faithful fellow. His friends had lost money by
lottery gambling, which Wilson allowed to go on. and he complained
without my knowledge, and Wilson's xK>lice arrested him for having in
his possession a knife which cost 15 cents. All I did was to telephone
to the police station. I never had any conversation with Wilson, and
he was never in my house. 1 telephoned to the police station to send
back my servant and send back the money which they had taken from
him when they arrested him, which was promptly done.

Senator Fbye. Peterson says he and Parker called on you again on
Tnesday, January 17. \

Mr. Stcvens. That was in the afternoon.

Senator Fbye. And that you promised that if a proclamation declar-
ing a provisional government was issued, you, on behalf of your Gov-
enmient, would immediatelj^ recognize it and support it with the United
States forces at your command.

Mr. Stbvens. That is pure fiction. TBat is the afternoon I was sick
npon the couch.

Senator Fbye. He says that he asked you what action you would
take if he called upon you for assistance, and that you said that in that
ease you could not come to the assistance of the Government; that he
^en asked what your action would be if they replaced the Government,
and you replied that in that case you would interfere with the forces
at your command.

Mr. Stevens. That is all fiction. His argument was that I could
legally and properly use the force to sustain the Queen. I replied that
the troops were landed for a pacific purpose, and could not interfere.
Nothing was said a^out the other side. They did not have the impu-
dence to ask me that, because they were couiteous in their manner.
Senator Geay. Do you know Mr. Waterhouset
Mr. Steyeks. Mr. Henry WaterhouseY There are several Water-
booses.

Senator Gbay. The one who is a member of the ProYisional Govem-
ment.
Mr. Stevens. That is Henry Waterhouse.
Senator Gbay. He lived near you?
Mr, Stevens. Near me.

Senator Gbay. Did you see him after you came ashore from tbA
Boston on Monday Y
Mr. Stevens. I do not recollect that I did.
Senator Gbay. At any time that Saturday, Monday,, or Tuesday t
Mr. Stevens. I have no remembrance; but if you want me to be
more specific as to Mr. Waterhouse I would say in this way, not offici-
ally. It is rarely that we ever talked about politics at all. He was a
gentleman who would not embarrass me, and he knew how cautious I
was. He never conversed with me at aU about the formation of the
Provisional Government, and the first news that I had that any meet*
ing was held in his house, the first hint, I found in Mr. Blount's report.
Henry Waterhouse was a man of character; he respected me, and would
not insult me by any such proposition as aiding the overthrow of the
Queen.

Senator Gbay. Did you ever during those four days, Saturday, Sun-
day, Monday, and Tuesday, see at your house or elsewhere any of these
gentlemen who were in the committee of safety, or were aKArvf^di m
the Provisional Government?

574 HAWAIIAN I8LAND&

Mr. Stevens. The committee csklled and presented iheir docnment,
which I have made of record among the documents.

Senator Gray. When did they call?

Mr. Stevens. I think they called right after the close of their mass-
meeting.

Senator Gray. That was on Monday!

Mr. Stevens. Monday.

Senator Gray. Did you see any of them on Saturday or Monday!

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember that I did. K I did^ I saw them as
individuals.

Senator Gray. I mean as individuals!

Mr. Stevens. I may have seen one or more of them; I can not say
that I did. If I saw them, I saw them just as I did the other side.
They had every access, both sides, to the legation; but the leaders o£
the Provisional Government were men of brains, and they did not em-
barrass me by coming there and letting me know their plans. And that
is what I said of Mr. Dole, who is alleged to have conspired with me.
He nor his wife never hinted to me his intention, and it was so of all
the others.

Senator Gray. Did Mr. Thurston call upon you during any of those
four days?

Mr. Stevens. Mr. Thurston, I think, called upon me once. Mr.
Thurston was taken sick, if I remember aright, on Monday, after the
mass meeting. I think he was sick and did not go out. I did not see
him again until he left on the Olaudine for Washington. I saw him
for a few moments only before he went on board the Claudind.

Senator Gray. Did you see Mr. Cooper during these days!

Mr. Stevens. Ifot at the legation.

Senator Gray. Or anywhere else!

Mr. Stevens. Ifor anywhere else.

Senator Gray. Did you see JJfo. Cooper on board the Boston^

Mr. Stevens. No.

Senator Gray. Did you see Mr. Castle on board the Boston^

Mr. Stevens. I did not. Mr. William E. Castle was a member of
the committee of safety, and he called when they presented their re-
quest.

Senator Gray. Did you see Mr. W. O. Smith!

Mr. Stevens. That is when they called and presented the request
of the committee of safety. I think only the subcommittee of three
called. Of course, there were so many who called during the three or
four exciting days that I can not remember in each case who did call; I
have to go on memory.

Senator Gray. Did you state to Mr. Thurston when he called, that
the troops would have to be landed from the Boston?

Mr. Stevens. Not at all. My answer was the same — when the
troops landed it would be for the purpose of protecting life and prop-
erty.

Senator Gray. You say you made no statement to Mr. Thurston
about landing troops!

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember any. I may have stated, as I did
to other gentlemen — that the troops might be landed. I used great
caution in my language; and you may be quite sure of this, that I was
quite as courteous to the royalist emmissaries as I was to the others.
There was reason : Mr. Thurston and Mr. Dole and others were men
of too much sense to embarrass me with improper questions.

Senator Gray. Did Mr. Thurston state to you on that occasion that
tbey had a propositloii fox e&t*d\A\^\i^ii% ^ i^rovisional government!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 575

Mr. Stetens. 'So; it wonld have been absurd for him to have so
stated. It waa generally talked that the opponents of the Queen
would form a new government.

Senator Gbay. That they were going to establish a provisional
government?

Mr. Stevens. Tes. When the Queen failed on Saturday, at the
churches and everywhere else they were talking over the situation,
and what they would do. They called a mass meeting for Monday,
and appointed a committee of safety and proposed to establish some
form of government, and that was notorious, and they would not have
to give me any special information.

^nator Gray. Whom did you get your information from ; you say it
was notorious t

Mr. Stevens. Such parties as would call there at the legation.
Men and ladies called there from both sides.

Senator Gbay. Did you state to Mr. Thurston on the occasion when
yon state he may have called — I think you said he did callt

Mr. Stevens. I think he called on Sunday. If he did he remained
but a few minutes.

Senator Gbay. Did you say to him when the Government was es-
tablished and actually in the possession of the archives and buildings
that you would recognize itt

Mr. Stevens. It was not necessary. He and those acting with him
knew i)erfectly well that the de facto government would have to be
recognized, and Judge Dole and Mr. Thurston understand international
law and usage as well as any of us. Judge Dole was too intelligent to
ask me what I would do in the contingency named.

Senator Gbay. When did the communication come to you at the
legation, asking you to land the troops?

Mr. Stevens. That came to me on Monday just after the mass meet-
ing.

Senator Gbay. Who brought itt

Mr. Stevens. It was this conmiittee of safety; I presume it was
only a part of them ; I think there were three.

Senator Gbay. The committee of safety was composed of 13 mem-
bers?

Mr. Stevens. I think there was a subcommittee of three. Mr. Castle
was one, Mr. Smith another; the third I can not recall.

Senator Gbay. That was before you went on board the Boston f

Mr. Stevens. Yes. I could not state the precise hour — whether
it was 3, or half-past 3, or 4.

Senator Gbay. And immediately after you went on board the Bos-
ton and requested the landing of the troops?

Mr. Stevens. Very soon. And my note was drawn up before the
committee called, and if it had not called I would have made the
request.

Senator Gbay. And you saw Capt. Wiltse that day?

Mr. Stevens. Capt. Wiltse called at the legation probably nearly
every day after we got back from Hilo.

Senator Gbay. I understood you to say that you went on board the
Bogfan some time about 4 o'clock, you could not be precise as to the
time, but it was after you received this communication from the sub-
committee of safety. !Now, I understood you to say, that prior to your
going on board the Boston that day you had a Aill conference with
Capt. Wiltse?

576 HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

Mr. Ststbits. Ko ; I did not say that. I presume I had. I think
he called there on Sanday.

Senator Gray. On that Saturday or Sunday, when you had this
conference with Gapt. Wiltse, was it arranged that he should land the
troops upon your making the request?

Mr. SxETBNS. The understanding was, if I did make the request,
the troops would be landed.

Senator Gray. What was necessary t

Mr. SxETENS. If it became necessary to land, that I would have to
make the request. That was the official way, and I had the legation
records before me running back twenty-five years. They could not
land until the request came from me.

Senator Geay. When you went out to the ship, Capt. Wiltse was
not surprised to have you make this request, because you had arranged
with him before for such a contingency T

Mr. Stetens. Not at all.

Senator Gbay. But you handed him the paper which you took out
withy out

Mr. Steyens. The official paper which had been used time after
time by my predecessors.

Senator Gbay. And you have already stated that the arrangements
were made then and there between you for the landing of the troops.

Mr. Stevens. Only contingently — ^if he landed at all the request had
to come from me. And Gapt. Wiltse knew that as well as I did.

Senator Gbay. After you left the Boaiany I understood the arrange-
ment was made between you for landing the troops, and you understMd
they v^ould carry their camp equipage with tbem, and it would not be
necessary that you should provide quarters for them?

Mr. Stevens. It never entered my mind; I took it for granted with-
out consultation that the marines had their own tents.

Senator Gbay. And you were there informed that a hall would have
to be provided?

Mr. Stevens. Yes; and maps for the city.

Senator Gbay. And when you left the ship it was understood that
the troops were to march out to Mr, Atherton's place?

Mr. Stevens. They were to do exactly as was done in 1889; march
tiirough the streets and get a lodging as soon as they could.

Senator Gbay. Was it understood that they were to go to Mr.
Atherton's when you lefb the ship?

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember.

Senator Gbay. Was Mr. Atherton talked about on the ship?

Mr. Stevens. I could not remember that; I think it was a mere
^casual idea — that Mr. Atherton had those extensive grounds, and was
one of the leading American citizens, and they marched thit)ugh the
street to get grounds somewhere, and his grounds were large enough.

Senator Gbay. Do you undertake to say it was not understood they
were to go to Mr. Atherton's when they left the ship?

Mr. Stevens. I do not remember. Whatever it was, it was a mere
incident, and with no special relation to anything in view. They had
to go somewhere and secure a hall.

Senator Gbay. When you sent the note of recognition to the Pro-
visional Government, to whom did you send it?

Mr. Stevens. I have no doubt I sent it to the minist^.r of foreign
aflbirs. Mr. Dole, under their organization, was President and minis-
ter of foreign afi'airs« Of course, the official usage is to send so^

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 677

notes to the minister of foreign affairs. I have no doubt I sent it to
the minister of foreign affairs. I presume I conformed to the custom.

The Chaibman. Had you previously heard of the proclamation of
the Provisional Government f

Mr. Stevens. Yes.

Senator Gray. Had you a copy of that proclamation f

Mr. Stevens. I can not say.

Senator Gbat. Had you read that proclamation t ,

Mr. Stevens. I can not say that I had.

Senator Gbat. Gould you say that you had nott

Mr. Stevens. I could not say that I had not.

Senator Geay. Was any proclamation sent to yout

Mr. Stevens. Things had to be done very rapidly that afternoon.
I bad no clerk, audi was a sick man, and it was impossible for me to
make notes. I have no doubt I received the proclamation.

Senator Gbait. And you can not say one way or the other whether
a copy of that proclamation was sent to you?

Mr. Stevens. I can not; I presume so. Mr. Pringle brought me
information and so did Mr. Carter, and so did others. I had it in
Tarious ways.

Senator Gray. Were you aware when it was sent to you that the
terms of the Provisional Government were not settled until there was
annexation to the United States?

Mr. Stevens. I did not understand that.

Senator Gray. Were you aware that the proclamation was so madef

Mr. Stevens. I never heard of it!

Senator Gray. Never heard of the proclamation?

Mr. Stevens. I did not know that that was the limit of the Pro*
visional Government until this controversy of Mr. Thurston and Mr.
Gresham.

Senator Gray. When you were acting for the Government, you did
not understand the terms in which the Government you were about to
recognize had been proclaimed?

Mr. Stevens. The only fact that I took under consideration was
that it was a de facto Government, and if that de facto Government
had proposed to annex to Mormoudom I should have recognized it. I
should have recognized it regardless of any ulterior purposes of that
Government.

Senator Gray. In this important condition of affairs in Hawaii, yoa
did not consider it necessary to examine the terms on which that Gov-
ernment was established?

Mr. Stevens. All I wanted to know was that it was a defaoto Gov-
ernment, and that information I had.

Senator Gray. Where did you get it, except from the proclamation?

Mr. Stevens. From parties who came from the Government house
and informed me, and I presume they sent a copy of the proclamation.

Senator Gray. Who were they? ,

Mr. Stevens. My impression is that Charles Garter was one and
Mr. Pringle was another. Mr. Pringle was acting as my aid. Others
gave me the information. Which one brought it first I could not swear.
I think I first received the information from my daughter.

Senator Gray. What time in the afternoon did this fact come to your
knowledge that the Provisional Government had been proclaimed?

Mr. Stevens. Probably — I can not say positively; I did not look -at
the watch — ^haif past 2 or 3. It might have been earlier or a little
later.

S. Kep. 227 37

578

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. By whom did you send your note of recognition t

Mr. Stevens. That I can not say positively.

Senator Gray. Did you send it back by the messenger from the Pro-
visional Government!

Mr. Stevens. I sent it by some one whom I considered a reliable
messenger.

Seuator Geay. And you can not say who it was! ,

Mr. Stevens. No ; I can not say that. It may have been Mr. Pringle,
or it may have been one of the clerks in the foreign oflSce.

Senator Gray. How soon after you were notified of the fact that the
Provisional Government had been proclaimed that you sent your note
of recognition?

Mr. Stevens. That I could not swear positively. I put it on record.
I think it was about 5 o'clock. Mrs. Stevens and my daughter think
that when this gentleman, meaning Hopkins, called with the note from
the Queen's recent ministers it was later. But not regarding that a
vital point I put it down in the records about 5. And the fact that the
chief justice called on me shortlj' and said that they had the rumor
all through the streets that the American minister had refused to
recognize the Provisional Goverument. He came to see if it were so,
and it was about dusk when Judge Judd called, when I said to him I
had just recognized. But I put it down as my opinion that it was
about 5.

Senator Gray. You do not claim to be accurate about thatt

Mr. Stevens. No; the official records will show that.

Senator Gray. Have you the official record!

Mr. Stevens. I think that is in Honolulu. I do not know that Mr.
BlouDt has put that on paper. My wife and daughter afterward said
they thought it was later.

Senator Gray. After the messenger who first came from the Pro-
visional Government to notify you that the Provisional Government
had been proclaimed, what other intelligence did you receive of its
proclamation!

Mr. Stevens. Now, I have to answer that in the way I have already
answered, that I considered that there was an absolute interregnum
between the afternoon of the 14th and the establishment of the Pro-
visional Government, and my relief from the situation was that there
was a de facto Government. The moment I got information that a de
facto Government was established and was master of the situation,
master of the archives, I thought it was my duty to recognize it, and
all the other foreign officials immediately did the same. And the
English minister called on the Provisional Government in x)ei^on
before I did.

Senator Gray. Kecognized it before you did!

Mr. Stevens. The English minister in person went before I did and
offered his congratulations.

Senator Gray. Did you before that get your note?

Mr. Stevens. I can not say. All those members of the official corps
knew the circumstances under which the Provisional Government had
been constituted as well as I did.

Senator Gray. I understood you to say, in answer to that question
as to whether you had any other information of the proclamation of
the Provisional Government than the messenger conveyed to you,
although not directly responsive, that it was not necessary, because it
was thoroughly understood for the last two or three days there was an

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 579

interregnnm, and that any government or any proclamation of any set
of people would constitute a de facto government.

Mr. Stevens. I did not say that. Let me answer it.

Senator Gray. What did > ou say when I asked you in regard to the
&ct; that it was notorious that there was an interregnum and it was
not necessary to have the information?

Mr. Stevens. I do not put it in that form. I say that the collapse
of all government on the islands took place on the attempted coup
d^itat of the Queen on the 14th, and from that time up to the time the
Provisional Government took possession of the Government buildings
the only government was the 1,000 citizens who called the mass meet-
ing, and the presence of ship Boston in the harbor. I had got infor-
mation that I deemed reliable that a government springing out of that
condition of things had become a de facto government, and by the
invariable usage of the world I was bound to recognize it.

Senator Gray. Then, I suppose, you ^ive that answer as accounting
for the fact that you did not need any other information than the flrst
i^Uable inlbrmation which you received that the Provisional Govern-
ment had been proclaimed t

Mr. Stevens. I had the most thorough information on that.

Senator Gray. I ask you what that was?

Mr. Stevens. I said before, probably by a note. But by various
means I got that information perhaps twenty times within an hour.

Senator Gray. From whom?

Mr. Stevens. The parties who called.

Senator Gray. Who were the parties!

Mr. Stevens. I will give you one instance. Chief Justice Judd is
one of the representative men of the islands. He came, I may say, at
5 or a little later, and he said the rumor had got on the street that I
had not recognized the Provisional Government. I am sure during
those hours there were many persons who called and talked of what
had been done.

Senator Gray. Who were the many persons?

Mr. Stevens. I could not be positive.

Senator Gray. Who was one?

Mr. Stevens. I presume that Mr. Dole sent his clerk of the foreign
office, and in addition to that Mr. Cooper, Carter, and Pringle, and I
presume there were many other persons who told me.

Senator Gray. Were they sympathizers with the Provisional Gov-
ernment who told you? -

Mr. Stevens. They were men who would give me absolute informa-
tion.

Senator Gray. I ask if that was a fact?

Mr. Stevens. That was a fact.

Senator Gray. You were not out of your house?

Mr. Stevens. Not out of my house.

Senator Gray. And on this information that the Provisional Gov-
ernment had been proclaimed you sent the note?

Mr. Stevens. So soon as I had evidence of the fact.

Senator Gray. What fact?

Mr. Stevens. The fact that out of that interregnum had sprung a
de facto government.

Senator Gray. The fact of its being a de facto government is a con-
clusion?

Mr. Stevens. Of which I had to be the judge.

580 HAWAIIAN ISLaInDS.

Senator Gray. Did you judge that that was the de facto Governinent
upon th6 information that came to you that a Provisional Government
had been proclaimed t

Mr. Stevens. Only in part. I judged it from the condition of the
town and all the circumstances. I knew that the Provisional Gov-
ernment had been talked of for sixty hours, and I had it from many
persons. I was living on the principal street, and they would hear it
on the street and tell my daughter about it, and would come by in a
carriage and tell me.

Senator Gbat. Had you any knowledge of any other fact in regard
to the transactions of that afternoon that bore upon the question at all,
except the fact that the Provisional Government had been proclaimed?

Mr. Stevens. I knew the fact an hour and a half before. You will
see how importantly this fact bears on the situation, the efforts of the
Ilrovisional Government to transfer the arms from the store, and the
abortive attempt of one of Mr. Wilson's policemen to interfere, and
tiiat was all the resistance for sixty hours —

Senator Gbay. Who told you that?

Mr. Stevens. I learned it probably from twenty different sources.
I heard the shot.

Senator Gbay. Tell me the names of some who told yout

Mr. Stevens. I guess my own daughter told me first.

Senator Gbay. Who told you afterward?

Mr. Stevens. That I could not tell, because events passing so rap-
idly like that, and a hundred men calling on me, it would l^ impos-
sible to remember who the individual was. But there were many.

Senator Gbay. Why did you not wait until the next day before you
sent the note of recognition?

Mr. Stevens. For the reason that a half century of the study of
governmQnt on both continents and 13 years of diplomatic experience
would have told me it was right.

Senator Gbay. That was the result of your study?

Mr. Stevens. My study and experience would have told me so.

Senator Gbay. And your study ^and experience told you that it was
right to recognize that government within an hour or an hour and a
half?

Mr. Stevens. I do not accept it in that form.

Senator Gbay. I ask you as a matter of £a*ct whether you did recog-
nize it within an hour or an hour and a half?

Mr. Stevens. I do not think that material; probably within an hoar
and a half or two hours. ^

Senator Gbay. Whether it is material or not, answer the question.

Mr. Stevens. I do not know the precise time by the clock.

Senator Gbay. That is sufficient; you do not know the time; you
can not say whether it was an hour or an hour and a half?

Mr. Stevens. It was probably inside of two hours.

Senator Gbay. Were you well acquainted with Mr. Thurston?

Mr. Stevens. Pretty well acquainted with him, because he was a
minister of the Government when I went to Honolulu.

Senator Gbay. Are you well acquainted with W. O. Smith?

Mr. Stevens. Passably well. He lived near me, within half a mile.
I never had much acquaintance with him; met him occasionally, and,
as Americans, we went to the same church. In the course of a year he
and his wife called at our house two or three times.

Senator Gbay. Did any of these gentlemeuy Mr. Thurston, Mr.

HAWAIIAN ISLAKM. 581

Smitli — any of them connected with the committee on public safety —
call upon you on Sunday!

Mr. Stkvkns. I have already stated that Mr. Thurston cfilled a few
minutes at my house Sunday. I would not know when a gentleman
called on me whether he was on the committee of safety or not, because

1 would not know until I saw the list. On Sunday they had not been
appointed.

Senator Gray. I say, not whom you knew were on the committ^ee of
safety, but whether any of these gentlemen whom you knew afterward
were on the ex)mmittee of safety.

Mr. Stevens. I have said that I think that Mr. Thurston called;
stopped in five minutes, a^ he passed down, and I think Judge Hart-
well called also. Others called of both parties during Sunday.

Senator Gbay. Did Mr. Damon call!

Mr. Stevens. I do not recollect Mr. Damon calling. •

Senator Gray. What sort of a person is Mr. Damon t

Mr. Stevens. He is a man of the highest respectability.

Senator Gray. What is his business!

Mr. Stevens. He is a banker. Mr. Damon is the son of an Ameri-
can missionary, who went there forty years ago, and whom our Gov-
ernment recognized officially. He became a clerk to banker Bishop,
and a great friend of the natives. He is an excellent financial man-
ag®*, and largely increased the value of the property of two prominent
natives. When the natives get into any financial trouble, Damon is
tiie man they go to to get them out. He is a man of the highest char-
acter.

Senator Gray. Did Mr. Damon and Mr. Thurston call on Monday?

Mr. Stevens. I have no reliable recollection in that regard. My
aoqnaintance with Mr. Thurston grew out of the fact that he was
minister of the interior tor the first thirteen months of my residence
in Honolulu. I knew liim officially and privately, for he lived in the
part of the city in which the legation is situated.

AFFIDAVIT OF JAMES F. MOBOAV.

HoNOLlTliU, OahUy 88 :

My name is James F. MoBaAN ; I am 32 years old ; was bom in the
city of New York of American parents; came here when I was about

2 years old; was educated and have lived here since; have been in
business as auctioneer and commission merchant for about six years; I
took the business of E. P. Adams, with whom I had been clerk for
about ten years.

I have been a member of the advisory council of the Provisional
Government from its formation, January 17, 1893. I have been closely
interested in Hawaiian x)olitical affairs for many years, and have care-
fully watched the progress of event's. I believe the Hawaiian mon-
archy came to an end at the time when it could no longer exist; it had
survived its usefulness, and with the revolutionary acts of the Queen
on January 14 matters culminated, and it was impossible to longer en-
dure such a Government.

I was not a member of the committee of public safety, nor was I
present at the meetings at W. O. Smith's office on the afternoon of the
14th; but I knew what was going on. After I was requested by the
committee of public safety to become a member of the advisory coan-
dly and learning that it was the intention to seek annexation \i(^ XXi.^

582 HAWAIIAN ISLAKD&

United States, believing that it was the only way to secure i)ermanent
atid enduring peace and good government, I met with the members of
the two councils at the office of W. O. Smith, on Tuesday. Sometime
between half past 2 and 3, we went to the Oovernment building, not
armed. When we arrived we found only a few people present; our
forces were not there when we arrived. Mr. Cooper read the procla-
mation; while it was being read, armed men commenced to come in,
and in a few minutes there was at least a hundred, all armed and pre-
pared.

Mr. C. McCarthy was there and said he was waiting for 100 armed
men, who were to come and defend that building; he said if they had
been on hand we would have been opposed and all shot down. We after-
wards secured several thousand cartridges which had been stored in
the building, in a preparation for the defense against us. Shortly after
reading the proclamation we went into session for the purpose of im-
mediately assuming the functions of Government. While we were in
session Parker and Cormwell came up, and pretty soon the other two
ministers. Before I went away Capt. Wiltse came in with his aids.
They looked about and .he said that Stevens had sent them to see
whether we were actually in possession of the Government building,
the Treasury, archives, etc. He was shown about the building.

Before I left I heard him say that we could not be recognized till we
captured the barracks and station house, dp to that time and there-
after, I never have known anything about the United States troops
supporting or assisting us. If there had been any such plan or ex-
pectation I am sure I should have heard it. I knew that the troops
had landed, and supposed it was for the protection of women and chil-
dren; I regarded that as necessary on account of the intense excite-
ment which existed and had existed for several days. A very little
thing would have caused an explosion. Shortly after the ministers
came up from the station house I went off for a lot of arms and ammu-
nition, which I had collected for the use of the Provisional Government.

When I got back to the Government building I believe the Queen's
surrender had been received, and I heard a rumor that Stevens had
recognized the Provisional Governmeat, and thought it was started by
some of our i)eople to bear on the Queen's people in the station house
and barracks to cause them to surrender. At any rate, they did sur-
render quite early in the evening.

After the commission went to Washington we continued to carry on
the Government and could have continued so without any assistance,
but there were rumors of uprisings, and a great many thought that if
the United States flag was raised it would at any rate prevent blood-
shed. This view prevailed against considerable opposition, and, the
flag having been raised, there certainly has been no bloodshed.

When Blount arrived, the council learned that he had called on
President Dole almost immediately and had stated to him that he must
take down the flag for he could not continue negotiations while the flag
was flying. This was done on the first of April. Shortly after the
provisional council called on Commissioner Blount in a body. He
received us courteously, and Mr. Damon, who acted as our spokesman,
said that he would willingly give him all the information in our power.
Mr. Blount replied that when he wanted any information 'he would
send ibr us. Damon said that he could tell a good deal about the
country, whereupon Mr. Blount slapped him on the shoulder and said:
^ 1 guess you're my man," and made an appointment for two or three

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 583

days later. I never was called upon for any information, and saw no
more of Commissioner Blount.

Mr. Fred Wundenburg said to me a day oi:two after the revolution,
after Ashley's appointment as marshal, that on Saturday, January 14,
he was made a committee to get arms and men, and that he ascertmned
that night that he could get over 200 armed and ready. He appeared
to he angry that he was not made marshal, and seemed to think that
such Rervice demanded recognition. He said he had no fttrther use
for the Provisional Government from that time on.

While the Queen was attempting her revolutionary act on the 14th
1 met Marshal Wilson near the station house. He was dressed in his
uniforaL Said he was very much opposed to what she was doing. That
if she did not desist he would go and shut her up in a room by herself.
fie also added that "she was wild and angry, and would not listen to
him; whereupon I said, thinking to test his sense of sincerity, and
knowing that my suggestion, if followed, would probably bring her to
tenns : '^ You go right up to the Palace and tell her that if she does not
stop at once and abandon that plan about a new constitution you will
resign your position as marshal; and if she won^t listen to you, resign
then and there." Wilson did not appear to like that, and walked oif,
saying: ^^I guess I won't do that." One of the deputies standing near
me said, very significantly, << Wilson is fooling you; he does not mean
anything of that kind."

Jas. F. Mobgan.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D.
1893.

[SBAXi.] Ghables F. Peterson,

Notary Public,

AFFIDAVIT OF WILLIAM E. CASTLE.

HOWOLXTLTT, OdkUy s$:

My name is William B. Castle; I was bom in Honolulu in March,
1849; my parents were American missionaries. My father arrived here
in 1^7 and still lives in Honolulu; he is the senior member of the
mercantile house of Castle & Cooke. I have always resided in Hon-
olulu, with the exception of two years spent at Oberlin College and
five years in IS'ew York City, where I studied law and practiced for a
short time. I returned to the Islands in 1876, at the request of King
Ealakaaa, as attorney-generaL I have been more or less connected
with Island x>olitics ever since, though always unwillingly, as it has
interfered with my business. Have been a member of the Legislature
five sessions.

Until very recently I have constantly and consistently opposed annexa-
tion to the United States; I have a strong regard for the native people
and have hoped that the native Government might continue, and it is
only recently that I have felt compelled to change my views upon this
subject. I do not think that it will ever be possible to have a govern-
ment of security to person and property in Hawaii under the old
forms. This conclusion ha« been reached very reluctantly, after closely
watching political anairs since my return in 1876.

Daring the latter part of the legislative session of 1892 I felt certain
that a climax must very soon be reached, and that some very radical
change must take place in the Government, or that the monarchy must
come to an end* Aside from conversation upon this subject with a

584 HAWATUN ISLANDS.

few friends, and some speculation as to when a change might come, how
it would be forced and who would do it, nothing was done; there was
no organization, nor any .plans made. During the last week of the Leg-
islature the air was filled with rumors, and the prospect looked very
dark. Still, nothing was done, and when the Queen, on the 14th of
January, actually attempted her revolutionary act — so far as any prep-
aration was conoemed — ^we were actually taken by surprise.

I was intimately acquainted with Minister Stevens and Capt. Wiltse,
with both of whom I often talked over the political situation. We all
felt that trouble was impending, but I do not think that anytliing was
more strongly impressed upon my mind by what either of these men
said than the thought that if trouble came and our rights, our liberties,
and property were threatened, we must help ourselves, for we could
have no oatside help, unless, indeed, such things should occur as might
ensue from a state of anarchy, when, as I understood, Americans might
expect assistance to the extent of personal • protection and the protec-
tion of property against mob violence. Knowing what a Hawaiian
mob meant from the illustration given in 1874, considerable uneasiness
was felt in Honolulu when the Boston^ with Minister Stevens, left
Honolulu a week or ten days before the i)rorogation of the Legislature,
and her return was observed with great relief upon the morning of the
14th.

Several days before the prorogation, things were in a very precarious
condition. Corruption was open and flagrant in the Legislature; the
lottery and opium bills were suddenly taken up and passed, and the
same combination immediately ousted the Wilcox cabinet, which was
the only one since the session opened which had the entire confidence
of the community. Upon this, the Reform members of the Legislature,
by way of protest, hoping to prevent the obtaining of a quorum, with
which any more outrageous legislation could be enacted, absented
themselves from the House. Upon Saturday morning^ however, the
day set for the prorogation, they succeeded in getting a quorum, a new
ministry was immediately announced, and the opium and lottery bills,
to the consternation and surprise of the community, were returned
signed. '

After seeing personally what took place I returned to my business
and remained at my office closely occupied until nearly 2 o'clock. As I
was about to return to my home I heard that the Queen was trying to
abrogate the constitution, and at once went to the street in front of the
palace, where I could see what was going on. Natives were the favored
ones, being allowed ingress and egress, and from them I learned what
was taking place. 1 saw the Queen come out on the veranda and si)eak
to the crowd of natives who assembled below. After speaking some
little time a native came and told me that she had said that owing to
unexpected opposition and difficulties over which she had no control
she would not then promulgate the new constitution, but she stated
that the matter was merely deferred for a few days.

Immediately after this I saw William White, the native member for
Lahaina, come out of the palace, run part way down the steps where
he stood, and began a loud and furious hai-angne. Twice I observed
Maj. Boyd, who was in full uniform, come down the steps and, touch-
ing his shoulders, apparently say something to him, but he was furi-
ously shaken off". Upon inquiry from another native who came out I
learned that he was making a most incendiary speech ; that he wae»
8a3ning that their ho])e of a new constitution was defeated by tue inter-
&rence of whites, and he urged them to rush into the palace and kill

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 585

sncli x>eraoiis as were opposing this plan. I expected to see another
such riot as that of 1874, bat learned afterwards that someone else
coanseled them to wait a few days, when they would get all they
desired.

Betnrning down town I went to the office of W. O. Smith, where an'
impromptu meeting of foreign residents had assembled. A paper was
lying upon the table, which had been extensively signed, in which the
signers pledged themselves to oppose to any extent the revolutionary
plans of the Queen, and to sustain the cabinet, which was trying to
fight her off. If I recollect right, Paul Keumann, Peterson, Colbum,
and others who have subsequently come out strongly in favor of the
Queen, were then present. I heard Colburn state the situation to the
meeting, saying how the lives of members of the cabinet had been
threatened in the palace on account of their opposition to the Queen's
plans, and Mr. Colbum then called upon the community to support
them in this opposition. We were not informed and did not then learn
that the Queen had expressed surprise at Peterson's opposition, he
having had a month to consider this proposed new constitution and not
having made any objections.

The community was now thoroughly aroused; it was felt that life,
property, and liberty ^were seriously imperiled, and the meeting imme-
diately elected a chairman ajud secretary, and a committee of public
safety of thirteen members was at once appointed, of which I was a
member. Subcommittees were at once appointed, which went about
their business immediately, and the meeting adjourned to meet at my
house on Sunday morning. That evening a number of us met at Mr.
Thurston's residence to talk over the situation and attempt to make
some plans for a provisional government in case the radical measures
of overthrowing the Queen should finally be deemed necessary as the
only available course. During the evening Mr. Fred. Wundenburg
came in and reported on what success he had met in a two or three
hours' search for arms and men to oppose the Queen. So far as I can
now recollect, he stated that he had not been able to find more than
60, although it was believed that a very much larger number could be
obtained as soon as the community should know that it was required.

I think that after Mr. Wundenburg left a messenger came from the
Drei Hundred, a well-known organization of Germans, offering the ser-
vices of their men, numbering, to my recollection now, about 80, and
their arms. The next morning the committee of public safety met at
my residence and remained in session a considerable part of the day.
It was finally deqided that the proper method was to ascertain public
feeling, for which purpose a mass meeting was called. We felt that if
a representative meeting should demand the deposition of the Queen
and the establishment of another government which the members of the
meeting would back up, the time had come to make the attempt. The
question was one of force sufficient to carry out the intention.

The meeting was called for Monday, and its voice was so unmistaka-
ble that preparations were concluded as rapidly as possible to take
possession of the Government by force, establish a Provisional Govern-
ment, and ask for annexation to the United States, which was also the
almost unanimous desire of the meeting. From the close of the meet-
ing till the final movement preparations were conducted openly and
notoriously. The offer of arms, ammunition, and men came in from all
sides; the thing lacking was a disciplined force, but there was no doubt
as to the enthusiasm and determination of the respectable, couserv^ti^^

586 HAWAIIAN ISLAKB&

portion of the cominnnity to ms^e an end of corrupt and misgovern^
ment and get security and peace by good government.

During this period I Baw Minister Stevens several times, also Capt.
Wlltse, and conversed with them upon the situation. I stated freely
that we proposed to fight for good government, and hoped that we
should at least have the moral assistance of the United States by a
recognition of the Provisional Government which was proposed to be
established, but I have no hesitation in saying that we were given to
understand clearly and definitely that the usual rule in such cases
would be followed and that we could not be recognized unless we
became in fact the Government of the country by taking possession
of the seat of government, which I certainly understood to mean the
various departments, including the treasury, the courts, and the
archives of the Government. It was to this end that our efforts were
directed and we expected a bloody fight to ensue when we went to the
Government building.

According to my recollection now, the request to Minister Stevens
to land United States marines was not thought of until Monday fore-
noon, when it was prepared in response to the request of numerous
citizens of many nationalities, some of whom had a vivid recollection
of the doings of the mob of 1874. They were people who thoroughly
indorsed our course and believed that we would succeed, but who felt
that while the attack was being made and the fight going on around
the Government building, a brutal mob would, in all probability, be
incited by the royalists to bum and destroy property, in the suburbs
as well as in the business portions of the town and that outrages would
be committed upon the persons of women and children. Threats of
such violence were made, and certainly several members of the Legis-
lature, if their words were to be believed, would not only incite, but
lead on just such a mob.

The request was therefore made to Minister Stevens for exactly that
kind of protection. It was put in writing, signed by all the Committee
of Public Safety, and taken to Minister Stevens by Mr. Thurston and
myself after the mass meeting. About 5 o'clock that evening troops
were landed and disposed about the town where they could be most
easily obtained should occasion require. Both Mr. Thurston and my-
self were ill with very severe colds, which in my case ran into an attack
of asthma, and with Mr. Thurston into threatened pneumonia, which
prevented our taking part in much which followed during the next
twenty-four hours. Monday night was one of suspense and terror
throughout the entire community. A riotous uprising of the mob ele-
ment was feared at any moment; no confidence was felt in the ability
or disposition of the Queen's Government to cope with the same. Two
incendiary fires did. in fact, occur, but no outbreak happened.

It is my belief, wliich I think is shared by nearly every one, that the
mere presence of United States troops exercised a restraining influence
and prevented any riotous uprising. While the troops were landing
and marching up Fort street, I was in town and met Marshal C. B.
Wilson, with several others, near the bank of Bishop & Co. Mr. Wilson
quite sternly wanted to know what the troops were landed for. I told
him exactly what had occurred,* giving him the substance of the note
to Minister Stevens, and stating that I believed the object for which
the troops were landed would be strictly observed.

At this point I desire to state that if there had been any plan or con-
spiracy by which the United States troops were to land and assist the
revolutionists in overturning the Government, I should most certainly

HAWAIIAN ISLANDa

587

bave known it. There was no such plan, and I utterly repudiate the
attempt to impugn the character and actions of both Minister Stevens
and Capt. Wiltse, and state here that it seemed to me at that time, and
I believe now that they would have been perfectly justified in giving a
quicker and more open support to the Provisional Government than
was finally accorded by recognition, and that they still would have
been within the requirements of international law apon that subject.

For a few moments on Tuesday evening between five and six o'clock
I was able to go to the Government building, where I found the Pro-
visional Government in full possession and exereising the functions of
government. A military establishment was being rapidly perfected;
^ere were hundreds of men under arms whose names were being
enrolled in companies; patrols were already being set to guard the
town, and there was every evidence of the Provisional Government's
being in successful control. I inquired at once whether the United
States minister had recognized the Provisional Government but was
answered that such recognition had not yet been accorded.

The negotiations were going on at that time for the surrender of the
barracks and station house, while a conference was held at thepala<;e
with the Queen. Going out of the building I saw that all was quiet at
the Arion Hall; not a soldier being in sight excepting two or three
sentries, who were pacing the yard. Indeed I saw nothing of United
States troops after their landing on Monday night untd my departure
on the foUowing Thursday morning with the annexation commission
for Washington; The United States troops did not lift a finger to
bring about the result. If the Queen's Government, the x>olice depart-
Bent, thought they would be attacked by United States troops that
certainly was their own concern, and nothing with which either the Pro-
visional Government or the United States troops had anything to do.

When in the yard surrounding the Government building, somewhere
between 5 and 6 in the evening, I met Capt. Wiltse and asked him
with some surprise if they were not going to recognize the Provisional
Government. I knew that we were in possession, and knowing the
moral strength we should receive from such recognition and that we
were certainly the de facto government, I felt that it might have been
given sooner. Capt. Wiltse replied quickly: " Oh no, we can't recog-
nize you until you are also in possession of the barracks and station
liouse."

I returned from Washington on the 7 th of April upon the same steamer
which brought Mr. Charles !Nordhoff to Honolulu. Mr. Blount was
already here and the flag had already been lowered. Although there
was some solicitade in town, I found everything orderly and quiet.
Within a few days I called on Commissioner Blount and had a pleasant
conversation with him. I informed him that I had an intimate knowl-
edge of what had taken place, and believing that he desired to obtain
only the facts and all the fact<s, should be happy to furnish him all the
information in my power ; and also put him in the way of receivinginfor-
mation on all subjects connected with the islands. Although I saw
Commissioner Blount several times after this, up to the time of his
departure, he has never accorded me an interview, nor has he asked
for any statement in regard to the matter.

Owing to my intimate knowledge and acquaintance with the Ha-
waiian people, several deputations from other parts of the country came
to me to procure interviews with Mr. Blount. I recollect particularly
two instances in which I wrote a note, saying that the natives would
like to interview him; that an interpreter would be fsixm&\iedL\ Xisi^X

588 HAWAHAK ISLANDS.

tbey were poor and wanted to return to their liomes as soon as possi-
ble, and that a steamer would leave within three days after my note
was dated, and requested an interview within such time. In each case,
Mr. Blount fixed the interview after the departure of the steamer; in
one case the natives remained at considerable expense, for another
steamer did not go for ten days; in the other they were discontented
and disgusted, and went home.

William R. Castle.
Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 5th day of December A. D.,
189a. •

[SBAL.] GHABLES F. PeTEBSON,

Notary Public.

ATFaAYU: OF EDWABD D. TEVHET.

HoNOLXTLTJ, OahUj ss :

My name is Edwabd D. Tenney; I was born in the State of Kew
York; I am 35 years of age; came to the Hawaiian Islands in 1877, and
have lived here ever since. I am a member of the well-known mercan-
tile house of Castle & Cooke; I am a member of the advisory council of
the Provisional Government and have been such since the 17th of Jan-
nary, when the Government was proclaimed. Up to that time I have
had nothing to do with Hawaiian politics, but have been a careful
observer of the progress of events.

If we could have had good government I think the country would
have been as well off, at least for the present, to have remained as it
was, but the conviction has been growing upon me for several years
that the Hawaiian monarchy could not last. It certainly had reached
the end of its useftilness; corruption was rife and the Government was
certainly upon the verge of financial disaster. The Queen made mat-
ters worse by her obstinate determination to assume despotic power
and overthrow constitutional government, and I think that she is
responsible for the overthrow of the monarchy and her own deposition.

I was present, a close observer of events, during January, 1893; had
been at my business Saturday morning the 14th, but was at home most
of the day. I heard from a passer-by of the Queen's attempt to abro-
gate the constitution. Drove into town very soon; found the general
feeling was that the Queen had gone to a point where people could not
yield any longer. There was a feeling of intense and ffeverish anxiety
as to what might follow. It was so on Sunday and Monday; business
was almost entirely suspended. It was very well known that men were
preparing for action. In the afternoon all business was stopped and
the community thronged en masse to the old rifles armory, where a
most enthusiastic, but orderly and determined, meeting was held. All
were serious; all in deep earnest. The purpose of the mass meeting,
as it was there understood, was that the Queen must be deposed; that
she had gone to a point where the community could no longer bear with
her.

I knew nothing whatever of the plans which wei*e being made; I
had not consulted with any of the committee of safety. I had come
to the conclusion that to insure safety, security to property, and good
government, the form of Government must be changed; that night
was one of intense excitement and uncertainty. There was great fear
of what might hai)pen; it was felt that if the mob element became
aroused the Queen's Government would have no control whatever,

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 689

and when it became known that United States troops were landed a
feeling of security became general — among the women and children
more particularly. The Queen's Government was very uncertain;
they did not know where they stood, and I do not think they could
have afforded protection. ^

The committee of safety proceeded openly. Its purpose was perfectly
well known to dethrone the Queen and establish a new Government.
It seemed to me certain that if the Queen's Government had felt them-
selvei* masters of the situation, they would have arrested the leaders,
instead of which, the committee carried out its work at its own will.
The next day, the 17th, there was the same feeling of unrest and uncer-
tainty as to whether the Queen's Government would resist the new
Government. About 11 o'clock in the morning, I was waited upon by
a committee and asked if I would become one of the advisory council.
All arrangements as I then understood were then completed.

I said that while I was somewhat in the dark, 1 believed the only
way we could get settled government was to depose the Queen, and I
consented. Nothing was said about Minister Stevens or of any sup-
port to be obtained from United States troops, nor had I heard any
nunors of that £ind. l^o doubt was felt that we could depose the
Queen, and that under the prevailing conditions the new Government
would be immediately recognized. At 1 p. m. I met the committee at
W. O. Smith's office. The proclamation was read and agreed to and
signed by all who were then present. About 2 :30 we left for the Gov-
ernment building unarmed and walked up nearly all together. We
asked for the ministers. There were none there; waited ten or fifteen
minutes for some of them to appear.

There appearing no occasion for further delay, the proclamation was
then read, nb one being present but the executive and advisory coun-
cils, the committee on public safety, some Government clerks, and a few
others. While the proclamation was being read. Col. Soper arrived,
and it being deemed necessary that we have force at once I went to
the armory on Beretania street, whereupon a force of armed men went
there immediately. From that time on, dozens and scores of armed
men poured in till the buildings and premises were filled to overflow-
ing. I believe that before 5 p. m. 1,000 to 1,500 men were there, not
all armed by any means, but asking for arms to support the Pro-
visional Goveranatent. Several hundred were armed and all were deter-
miaed to hold the position at any cost. As an evidence of the feeling
of the community, I observed that many former supporters of the
monarcby came in and joined us.

When we felt that we had force sufficient to hold our position, and
that the monarchy was in fact overthrown, we being in possession of the
headquarters and center of the Government, notes were sent to all the
foreign ministers and consuls, stating the fact and asking for recogni-
tion as the de facto Government. I can not recollect whether, in fact,
Stevens's recognition came in just before or just after the Queen's sur-
render. No one, at any rate, felt that there was any doubt that we
were masters of the situation, and that no other government existed.
As I recollect, before Stevens's recognition came, the order for the sur-
render of the station house and barracks had been received.

Although the United States troops were on shore absolutely none
were seen, so far as I know. Arion Hall, where they were posted, faced
a street opposite the Government buikliug, but no troops were in sight,
a&d they took absolutely no part at alL I recollect Gapt. Wiltse came

590 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

in with an aid and looked around^ and he asked some questions as to
the extent of our possession.

Martial law was immediately proclaimed by the Provisional Govern-
ment, the town and surrounding country was at ofice divided into dis-
tricts, our patrols were sent everywhere to maintain order and quell
any possible disturbance. They were in possession of the entire town
and surrounding country and maintained perfect order. As soon as
it was known that the Provisional Government was established, sus-
pense and anxiety subsided and everything settled down into a sense
of security.

The United States flag was subsequently raised because it was
thought that the mere act would operate to secure quiet and prevent
bloodshed. The Provisional Government had no doubt of its ability
to put down any revolt and maintain its position. Although there
was some opposition, it was deemed best on the whole to ask for pro-
tection, and it was done.

Commissioner Blount arrived late in March, and pulled down the
flag April 1. He wanted to do it the afternoon before, but it was
deferred until the next day upon the Government's request to give
time to have the town again patrolled and insure the maintenance of
the peace. No disturbance followed, and the Government has .been
growing stronger and more secure every day since.

I called upon Commissioner Blount alone; was not with the advish
ory council when they called, but the commissioner knew that I was
a member of the advisory council. Learning shortly after that he
desired to see a sugar plantation, I was requested to take him to the
Ewa plantation, of which our house are agents. I did so. Various
matters were discussed, but no politics were talked of in any way. He
has not asked me for any information at any time. I would have been
glad to have furnished him with all in my power.

E. D. Tenney.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 7th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[SEAL..] Ohasles F. Petebson^ Notary Public

AITISAVIT Y)F COMMITTEE OF SA7ETT.

We the undersigned hereby upon oath depose and say:

That we are the persons appointed as a citizens' committee of safety,
at Honolulu, in January last.

That neither prior to nor after our appointment as such committee,
did we or either of us, individually or collectively, have any agreement
or understanding, directly or indirectly, with the U. S. minister, Mr.
Ste,vens, or Capt. Wiltse, that they or either of tliem would assist in
the overthrow of the monarchy or the establishment of the Provisional
Provisional Government.

That at no time, either before or after such appointment, did Mr
Stevens ever recommend or urge us, or either of us, to dethrone the
Queen or establish a Provisional Government.

That at no time, either before or after such appointment, did Mr.
Stevens or Capt. Wiltse promise us, or either of us, that the United
States troops would be used to assist in the overthrow of the Queen or
the establishment of the Provisional Government, and such tax>ops, in
&ct^ were not so used.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 591

That at the time the committee addressed Mr. Stevens concerning
the landing of the troops to maintain the peace the Queen's Govern-
ment was atterly demoralized. The Queen had denounced her cab-
inet and they had publicly appealed to the citizens to support them in
a forcible resistance to the Queen. The new Government had not been
organized and the air was 1^11 of rumors and threats of violence and
contiict. The presence of the troops was a strong feature in prevent-
ing the irresponsible and lawless element of all nationalities from out-
break, but was not asked nor used for the purpose of dethroning the
Queen nor establishing the Provisional Government.

That the forces that rallied to the support of the Provisional Gov-
ernment were ample to^ overthrow the monarchy and establish the
Provisional Government, and such action would have been tjiken by
the committee regardless of the presence or absence of the American
troops.

That the reason of the confidence of the committee in its ability to
accomplish its object was that the same men who were supporting the
movement had carried through a peaceful revolution in 1887 and sup-
pressed an armed uprising in 1889. The armed supporters of the move-
ment were not a disorganized body, as has been represented, but were
oomposed largely of the volunteer white militia which was in existence
and formed the effective strength in the conflicts of 1887 and 1889, and
which, although disbanded by the Eoyalist Government in 1890, had
retained its organization, and turned out under the command of its old
officers, constituting a well drilled, disciplined, and officered military
force of men of high character and morale, with perfect confidence in
themselves, and holding in contempt the courage and ability of those
whom they have twice before overawed and defeated.

0. BOLTE.

Ed. Suhb.
F. W. McChesney.
J. A. MoCanDless.
^ William O. Smith.

Wm. E. Castle.
Andrew Brown.
John Emmeluth.
W. C. Wilder.
Theodore F. Lansing.
Henry Waterhouse.
L.A.Thurston.

Subscribed and sworn before me this 4th day of January, A. B. 1894,
by C. Bolte, Ed. Suhr, F. W. McChesney, William O. Smith, Wm. E.
Castle, Andrew Brown, John Emmeluth, W. C. Wilder, Theodore F.
Lansing, Henry Waterhouse, and L. A. Thurston, as a true and cor-
rect statement.

[seal.] Thos. W. Hobron.

Notary Fublio.

8IAIEMEHT OF PEBSOVS PRESEFT AT HEETING OF COMMITTEE

OF SAFETY, JANUARY 16.

We, the undersigned, hereby depose and say that we were present at
the meeting of safety at the residence of Henry Waterhouse on the
night of Monday, January IG^ last»

592 HAWAIUX ISLANDS.

That at such meeting no suggestiou was made nor expectation ex
pressed that the United States troops would assist in the overthrow of
the Qneen or the establishment of the Provisional Government.

That at no time during snch meeting did Mr. Soper or any other
member thereof go to Mr. Stevens's house, nor did Mr. Soper or any
other member of such meeting report that they had seen Mr. Stevens
and that he had assured them of the support of the Boston^ men.

That the statement of F. Wundenburg upon this subject and others,
as published in connection with Mr. Blount^s report, are misleading
and untrue. .

John H. Sopeb.

J. H. Fisher.

Theodore F. Lansing.

Henry Watebhousb.

W1L.LIAM O. Smith.

John Emmeluth.

J. B. Castle.

F. W. McGhesnet,

Andrew Brown.

C. BOLTE.

J. A. McOandless.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 4th day of January, A. D.
1894, by John H. Soper, J. H. Fisher, Theodore F. Lansing, Henry
Waterhouse, William O. Smith, John Emmeluth, J. B. Castle, F. W.
McChesney, Andrew Brown^ and C. Bolte as a true and correct state-
ment.

[SBAL.] THOS. W. HOBRON, •

N^otary Publie.

AFFIDAVIT OF FBAITK BBOWH.

Hawahan Islands, Honolulu^ Odhu^ ss:

Frank Brown, being duly sworn, deposes and says, that he has
resided in the Hawaiian Islands for the past forty-seven years; that he
was a member of the Legislature for many sessions; thathe wasinHono-
lulu pi-ior to and during the revolution of January 17,1893; thattheperiod
from Saturday until the troops landed he considered an interregnum;
that in his opinion there was no government during those days; that
he considered the landing of the United States troops a very good
thing to show that there was some protection against incendiarism and
destruction of private property in case anything should happen; he
was in the riot at the time of Kalakaua's election when troops were
landed, and was not sure but there would be a rei)etition of the trouble
at that time; that in his opinion there was much more cause for land-
ing the troops in January, 1893, than there was in 1887, as upon the
former occasion the city was thoroughly guarded by the respectable
element of the community, whereas in January last no such prepara-
tion had been made.

Frank Brown.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of December, A. D.
X893.
[sa&AL.] Alfred W.. Carter,

Notary Public*

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 593

AFnDAvrr of p. f. a. ehlees.

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu^ Oahuj ss:

P. F. A. Ehlbbs, being duly sworn, deposes and says, tbat he was
bom in Germany; that he has resided in Honolulu since 1866; that he
has a family, is a householder, and is engaged in business here; that he
was in Honolulu prior to and during the revolution of January 14-17,
18d3; that he talked with people, heard rumors, and that there was a
state of great excitement and alarm; that the presence of the United
States forces when they landed was a good thing, and prevented possi-
ble lawlessness which would have resulted in loss of property and
possibly life.

P. F. A. Ehlbbs,

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of December,
A. D. 1893.
[SEAX..] Alfred W. Cauteb,

Notary Fuhlio.

AFFIBAVrr OF X H. FISHER.

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu^ Oahu^ as:

Joseph Henby Fisher, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he
is 36 years of age, born in San Francisco, CaL, United States of America,
and has lived in Honolulu since February, 1883, and has been since tbat
date employed as teller in the bank of Bishop & Co. Is married and
has a family. Is a property owner. Was captain of Company B,
Honolulu Kiites, disbanded in August, 1890. That on the 14th day of
January began to recruit ex-members of Company B and others to join
m the movement for deposing Liliuokalani and forming a Provisional
Government. Knew that other ex-captains of the Honolulu Kifles
were doing the same. Compared notes with them and found nearly
all of the old members verj' prompt in volunteering, and also many
who were not formerly members. The roll of Company B on the even-
ing of 16th January had the names of 45 volunteers; nearly all had
anns and ammunition.

On that evening at a meeting of the committee of safety were organ-
ized as a battalion. Was appointed lieutenant-colonel. On the morn-
ing of the 17th January turned command of Comi)any B over to Lieut.
Potter. Orders were issued to assemble at the old armory promptly
at 3 o'clock on afternoon of January 17. Matters were precipitated by
the shot fired by Ordnance Officer Good on Fort street about 2:20
o'clock. Was at the armory immediately after, and at the request of
tike members of the new Government sent men as fast as they arrived
in squads to the Government building, the first sent being Capt.
Zeigler with about 36 men. Had not been told nor did not believe the
United States marines would take part one way or another. This
being the fourth time during his residence in Honolulu that he has
taken up arms in defense of good government in the Hawaiian Islands.

J. H. Fisher.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 2d day of January, A. D.
1894.

[seal.] AL.FKED W. CARTER,

lIotari| Pub\\c»
8. JKep. 227 38

594 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

AFFIDAVIT OF F. J. LOWBET.

Hawahan Islands, Honolulu^ Oahu^ ss :

F. J. LowREY, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he is an
American citizen ; that he is married, and a householder in Honolulu,
and has large business interests in the Hawaiian Islands; that he was
present in Honolulu prior to and during the revolution of January 17,
1893; that on Monday, the 16th, there was a general dread of incendia-
rism, and precautions were taken by himself and others for the protec-
tion of property; the feeling was so high that it was liable to break out
into lawlessness and violence at any moment; that when he heard of
the landing of the United States forces it was a great relief.

F. J. LOWRET.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 28th day of December, A.
D. 1893.
[SEAL.] Alfred W. Garter,

Notary PubUc

AFFIDAVIT OF C. B. BIPLET.

Hawahan Islands, Ronoluluy Oahu^ ss :

C. B. Bipley, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he Is an
American citizen, has a family, and is a householder in Honolulu;
that he was present in Honolulu prior to and during the revolution of
January 17, 1893; that in his opinion the landing of the United
States forces was fully justified by the critical condition of affairs at
that time, and unquestionably prevented riotous acts which would
probably have resulted in loss of life and property.

C. B. Ripley.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 28th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[seal.] Alfred W. Garter,

Notary Public

AFFIDAVIT OF E. F. BISHOP.

Hawaiian Islands, Honolula, OahUj 88:

E. F. Bishop, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was bom
in the United States and has resided in Honolulu over ten years; that
he is secretary of C. Brewer and Company, an Hawaiian corporation ;
that he is married and a householder in Honolulu; that he took no
part in the revolution of January 17, 1893, and has since remained
passive politically ; that on the evening of Monday, January 16, he
heard that the United States forces had landed at about 5 o'clock; he
did not understand that they had landed for the purpose of taking
any hand in the revolution, but for the purpose of protecting American
life and property; that he believed that the landing of the forces for
that purpose was justifiable, as there was a great deal of allayed
excitement in Honolulu at the time : that during the same evening, at
about 8 1). m., he was present with his father-in-law, J. S. Walker,
when that gentleman received a note from J. L. Stevens, the American

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 595

waister, asking for the use of Arion Hall as a shelter for the troops;
that Mr. Walker immediately wrote a note informing the minister that
the hall was leased to Mr. G. J. Waller, and dispatched this answer by
t^e bearer who brought the minister's note.

E. F. Bishop.

Snbscribed and sworn to before me this 29th day of December, A.
D. 1893.

Alfred W. Cabter,
[seal.] Notary Public,

AEilDAVrr OF J. B. ATHEETON.

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu^ Oahuy ss:

J. B. Atherton, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he is an
American citizen ; that he has resided in Honolulu for many years, has
a family, a home, and large business interests; that on Monday, Jan-
nary 16, as an American citizen he went to see Mr. Stevens, the
American minister, at about 2 p. m., to suggest the landing of the
BonUnCs forces for the protection of American life and property; was
told by the minister that it was his intention to land the forces, and
was promised a guard for his home and property if he wished; that
this affiant was very apprehensive and did not know what might hap-
pen; that he was present and witnessed the riot in 1874 at the time of
the election of Kalakaua, and knew what such a thing meant as soon
as the natives should be aroused and incendiarism suggested to them;
that in his opinion there was more reason for the landing of the troops
m January, 1893, than in 1874.

J. B. Atherton,

Sabscribed and sworn to before me this 28th day of December, 1893.
r__._ 1 Alfred W. Carter,

l^^^'J Notary Fublio.

AFFIDAVIT OF W. L. WILCOX.

Hawahan Islands, Honolulu^ Oahtij ss:

W. L. Wilcox, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was bom
in the Hawaiian Islands, and has resided here during his whole life;
that he has acted as interpreter during very many sessions of the Leg-
islature and is permanently employed as Hawaiian interpreter for the
courts; that he is perfectly familiar with the native language, and dur-
ing the three days from January 14 to January 17 circulated among
the Hawaiian people in Honolulu; that particularly on the Monday
before the landing of the troops threats were made by the natives that
they would destroy property in Honolulu by burning; these threats he
repeated to members of the committee of safety and others.

W. D. Wilcox.

Sabscribed and sworn to before me this 28th day of December, A. D.
1893.
[SEAL.] Alfred W. Carter,

Notary Public.

8TATEHEHT OF CHAEIiES L. CARTER.

ONE INCIDENT IN THE HAWAHAN REVOLUTION.

At the meeting of citizens on Saturday, January 14, in response
to the call of the Queen's cabinet for help, the anxiety of persow^ tv<^w

596 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

me and their requests for expression of tbeir sentiments led me to ask
Mr. Oolbnm, minister of the interior, at the close of his speech, what
assurance there was that the constituted police and military forces
would not make an attackf Whether the Queen's adherents would be
removed from command of them f To this Mr. Colbum replied that as
a cabinet minister he ought not to be asked to answer such a question
in public, but that he could give assurances that a satisfactory settle-
ment was even then being made. He then withdrew and called me to
him — ^he was with Judge Hartwell — and to the best of my recollection
one of them said in substance that the matter of which I had spoken
was all right. A request to Mr. Stevens to land his forces had been pre-
pared and was in HartwelFs hands to be delivered; that Mr. Stevens
had consented to this for the purpose of defending the cabinet and the
constitution against any possible aggression by the Queen. Later,
Mr. Hartwell told me the paper had gone off for Mr. Peterson's signa-
ture and asked me to get it. I tried but failed to And Peterson.

I have since been told that Mr. Peterson still has the paper, and that
for palpable reasons it was never shown to Mr. Blount.

The next morning the cabinet evaded all this and adhered to the
Queen, and Mr. Stevens stated that he could not assist a counter revo-
lution by the committee of safety.

The foregoing ought to explain the half truth upon which the old
cabinet bases its charges against the American minister.

Chables L. Cabteb.

Honolulu, January 2^ 1893.

STATEMENT OF L. A THURSTOV, HAWAnAH MIHISTEE, PUB-
LISHED NOVEMBER 21, 1893.

Washington, November 21.

'< I am urged to make a statement for publication, setting forth the
position and claims of the Hawaiian Government and making reply to
charges contained in Mr. Blount's report.

<< As I have received no official information that Mr. Blount has
made a report, have not seen a copy of it, and do not know what it con-
tains, except from reading newspaper abstractions therefrom, ai^d am
unaware of the present contentions of the U. S. Government concern-
ing Hawaii, I am unable, at present, in the absence of such knowledge,
to intelligently state what the position and claims of the Hawaiian
Government are. It would, moreover, be contrary to diplomatic
courtesy for me to publish a statement on such subject prior to inform-
ing the U. S. Government of the same.

"A large portion of the published extracts from Mr. Blount^s report
consists, however, of personal attacks upon me and those associated
with me in the Provisional Government, impugning our veracity, good
faith, and courage, and charging us with fraud and duplicity. I deem
it proper, therefore, to make a personal reply to such charges, confining
myself to statements of fact, of which, as a principal actor, I am pre-
pared to testify to before any impartial tribunal.

"First, before stating such facts, I desire to call attention to Mr.
Blount's method of constructing -his report. Although he, in several
places, states that I was the leader of the revolutionary movement, he
has never asked me a question concerning the same, nor given me
opportunity to make any statement, although I have at all times been

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 597

ready and willing to do so. TLe same is true of a large number of other
men who took a leading part in the movement of January last.

"In the second place his evidence consists exclusively of prepared
affidavits or of answers to leading questions put by himself, at private
interviews, no one else being present but the stenographer. In no
instance has there been any cross-examination of witnesses or oppor-
tunity given to contradict or explain evidence given or present other
evidence.

" A brief examination of the published portions of the report shows
numerous incorrect statements. I shall endeavor for the present, how-
ever, to answer the more salient x)oints only.

" First, Mr. Blount charges that the American troops were landed
under a prearranged agreement with the committee of safety that
they should so land and assist in the overthrow of the Queen. In
reply thereto, I hereby state that at no time did Mr. Stevens or Capt.
Wiltse assure me or the committee of safety, or any subcommittee
thereof, that the United States troops would assist in overthrowing
the Queen or establishing the Provisional Government; and, as a
matter of fact, they did not so assist. I can produce witnesses in sup-
port of this statement, of the highest responsibility, in overwhelming
number, but Mr. Blount has rendered it unnecessary to do so. The
statements of Mr. Wundenburg and Mr. Damon have been put forward
as the strongest evidence in support of Mr. Blount's contention. In
Mr. Wundenburg's statement he says that when the committee of
safety told Mr. Stevens they were not ready to act, he replied: 'Gen-
tlemen, the troops of the Boston will land at 5 o'clock whether you are
ready or not.' The reason of this reply and the subsequent landing of
the troops is manifest. The troops were landed to protect American
citizens and property in the event of the impending and inevitable con-
flict between the Queen and the citizens, and not to cooperate with
the committee in carrying out its plans. In fact, the troops did not
cooperate with the committee, and the committee had no more knowl-
edge than did the Queen's Government where the troops were going
nor what they were going to do. The whole gist of Mr. Damon's long
examination is likewise contained in his statement that when, after the
organization and proclamation of the new Government, the request
was made for the support of the United States troops it was refused.
Commander Swinburne, the commanding officer, sending ba<;k word,
•Capt. Wiltse's orders are, "Eemain passive.'"

"Second, Mr. Blount charges that the Queen had ample military force
with which to have met the committee, and but for the support of the
United States representatives and troops the establishment of the Pro-
visional Government would have been impossible. In reply thereto I
hereby state that, although the presence of the American troops had a
quieting effect on the rough chaiacters in the city and may have pre-
vented some bloodshed, they were not essential to and did not assist in
the overthrow of the Queen. The result of the movement would have
been eventually the same if there had not been a marine within a
thousand miles of Honolulu.

*'In support of this statement I cite the following facts:

"1. The troops did not land till Monday night, the 16th of January,
after the revolution had been in full progress since the afternoon of
Saturday, the 14th, during which time the committee of safety was
oi>enly organizing for the' avowed purpose of overthrowing the Queen.

^^2. There was absolutely no attempt at concealment from the Gov-
ernment of the objects and intentions of the committee*

698 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

"3. The Queen, her cabinet, and their supporters were utt^erly
demoralized, suspicious of one another, and devoid of leadership.

"4. The committee of safety and their supporters were united; had
ample force to execute their purpose ; knew precisely what they wanted,
and proceeded with intelligent deliberation, thoroughness, and confi-
dence to do it.

"There is no conflict concerning the facts of the first proposition. It
is admitted by all that the Queen began the revolution at noon on Sat-
urday, the 14th, by attempting to promulgate a constitution; that such
attempt was immediately followed by preparation on the part of the
citizens for armed resistance, and that the United States troops landed
at 5 o'clock Monday, the 16th.

" In support of the second proposition, that there was no conceal-
ment from the Government of the intentions of the committee, I sub-
mit the following:

" I. On the afternoon of Saturday, the 14th, in reply to the request
of the Queen's cabinet for advice as to what they had better do, the
Queen then still insisting upon the proclamation of the constitution
and supporting it by force, T advised them to declare the Queen in rev-
olution and the throne vacant, and at their request and at the expressed
approval of two of them and the tacit assent of the other two, then
and there drew up a form of proclamation to that effect

"2. At half past 4 in the afternoon of Saturday, the 14th, at a
meeting of about 200 citizens at the office of W. O. Smith, the
Queen was denounced in the strongest terms, armed resistance and a
counter revolution were oj^enly advocated, and the Queen's minister of
the interior, John Colburn, addressed the meeting, asking their armed
support against the Queen. The Queen's attorney-general, Mr. Peter-
son, and her attorney, Paul Neuman, were both present taking part in
the meeting. The committee of safety was publicly then and there
named and proceeded forthwith to organize.

"3. At 6 o'clock on Sunday morning, the 15th, I told Mr. Peterson
and Mr. Colburn, two members of the Queen's cabinet, that the com-
mittee intended to depose the Queen and establish a provisional gov-
ernment; that if they would take charge of the movement, well and
good, otherwise the committee intended to take action on its own
account. They ask for twenty- four hours in which to consider the mat-
ter. I declined to wait, stating to them that the committee intended
to proceed forthwith.

"4. The committee met openly that morning at 10 o'clock, with the
fall knowledge of the Government of the place of its meeting. It
remained in session during the greater part of the day, while several
police kept watch of the building from the street.

"5. On Monday morning at 9 o'clock the committee, without attempt
at concealment, met in my office, within 200 feet of the police station,
Marshal Wilson's headquarters, where the entire police force was sta-
tioned. While the meeting was in progress Wilson came to the office
and asked to speak to me privately, and we went into an adjoinuig
room. Our conversation was, in substance, as follows:

^^ Wilson said: ^I want this meeting stopped,' referring to the mass
meeting for that afternoon.

"I replied: *It can't be stopped. It is too late.'

"He said: 'Can't this thing be fixed up in some wayt'

**I replied: *Xo, it can not. It has gone too far.'

<^ He said: ^The Queen has abandoned her new constitution idea.'

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 599

" I replied: * How do we know that she. will not take it up again as
she said she would?'

" He said, * I will guarantee that she will not, even if I have to lock
her up in a room to keep her from doing it; and I'll do it, too, if nec-
essary.'

" 1 replied : ' We are not willing to accept that guarantee as suffi-
cient. This thing has gone on from bad to worse until we are not
going to stand it any longer. We are going to take no chances in the
matter, but settle it now, once and for all.'

" Wilson then left the office. He has since stated that he immedi-
ately reported to the cabinet and advised arresting the committee, but
the cabinet was afraid and retiised to allow it.

" 6. At 2 o'clock on the afternoon of Monday, the 16th, a mass meet-
ing of 3,00(1 unarmed men was held within a block of the palace. The
meeting was addressed by a number of speakers, all denouncing the
Queen. The meeting, with tremendous cheering and enthusiasm, un-
animously adopted resolutions declaring the Queen to be in revolution,
and authorizing the committee to proceed to do whatever was neces-
sary. The police were present, but no attempt was made to interfere
with the meeting or make any arrests. The meeting adjourned amid
the most intense excitement, and the citizens dispersed throughout the
town awaiting the further call of the committee. While this meeting
had been in progress another was being held by the royalists in the
streets, within a block of the armory, which adopted resolutions in
support of the Queen.

"Never in the history of Hawaii has there been such a tense condi-
tion of mind or a more imminent expectation of bloodshed and conflict
than there was immediately after the adjournment of these two radi-
cally opposed meetings. Mr. Blount's statement that the community
was at peace and quiet is grossly inaccurate. It was at this juncture,
two hours after the adjournment of the above meetings, that Gapt.
Wiltse and Mr. Stevens, acting ux>on their own responsibility and dis-
cretion, and irrespective of the request or actions of the committee,
landed the troops, which were distributed in three parts of the city,
instead of being massed at one iK>int, as stated by Mr. Blount. The
reason that the Queen's Government took no action against the com-
mittee, or its supporters, was that they were overwhelmed by the unan-
imous display of indignation and determination shown by the citizens,
and w^e cowed into submission in the same manner that the King and
his supporters were cowed under precisely similar circumstances by the
same citizens in June, 1887.

" In support of the third proposition, that the Queen and her support-
ers were demoralized and devoid of leadership I submit the following:

" 1. During the few weeks prior to the revolution Mr Colburn, min-
ister of the interior at the time of the revolution, had been one of the
leadersof the political party opposed to myself, and hewasbitterly hostile
to me x>ersonaily. My first intimation of the revolutionary intention of
the Queen was at 10 o'clock on the morning of Saturday, the 14th, when
Mr. Colburn came to me greatly excited. He told me of the Queen's
intention to promulgate a new constitution, and asked my advice. I
said to him : * Why do you not go to the members of your own party f
He replied: * I have no party. Those who have been our supporters
are supporting the Queen. The down-town i)eople [referring to the
merchants] have got no use for me, and, unless the members of your
party and other citizens will 6upi)ort us, we are going to resign right
away.'

GOO HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

"2. At 1 o^clock the same day I met all the members of the cabinet
at the attorney-generars oflBce. They had jnst come from an inter-
view with the Qneen, at which she had announced her intention of pro-
mulgating a constitution and demanded their support. They stated
that she had threatened them with mob violence, whereupon they had
immediately left the palace, each one going out by a separate entrance.
While we were talking a messenger came from the Queen requesting
them to immediately return to the palace. Peterson and Colbum pos-
itively refused to do so, stating that they did not consider their lives
would be safe there. I shortly after left them and started down town.
After I had gone about two blocks I was overtaken by a messenger
from the cabinet asking me to return, which I did. They asked me to
ascertain what support they could expect fr'om citizens, and formally
authorized me to s^te the condition of affairs to leading citizens and
in their behalf to call for armed volunteers to resist the Queen. I
immediately proceeded to comply with their request, and, with the
assistance of others, within an hour or two thereafter about 80 leading
citizens had signed a written agreement agreeing to support the cabi-
net against the Queen by force.

^^3. Later the same afbernoon Mr. Golbum infonned me that they had
finally gone to the palace and held a stormy interview with the Queen
lasting for over two hours. He told me he had no confidence in his
colleague, Mr. Peterson, who he believed was playing double with
him, and told me to beware of telling Peterson anything further. As
a reason for his distrust he said that he knew nothing of the intention
to promulgate a constitution, but that, while they were discussing the
matter with the Queen, she said, in reply to an objection made by
Peterson: 'Why did you not make this objection before f You have
had this constitution in your possession for a month and raised no
objection to it.' Colbum said also that in reply to an objection made
by Mr.Tarker, minister of foreign affairs, she said: * Why did you not
tell me this last night when we were talking over the subject V Col-
burn further stated to me that at a cauctis of their party on the previous
Friday night one of the members of the Legislature, Kaluna by name,
had said that if he could establish the new constitution he would die
happy if he could kill some other man before dying.

"4. The Queen was furiously angry at the refusal of the cabinet to
join her in promulgating the constitution, and publicly denounced them
therefor.

'^ 5. When the Queen made announcement of her failure to promul-
gate the constitution,, two of the leading royalist members of the Legis-
lature, dne in the throne room in the palace and one upon the steps of
the building, addressed the assembled crowd, denounced the cabinet
as traitors, and said that they wanted to shed blood. One of the com-
mittee included the Queen in his denunciations.

"6. During the entire time between noon of Saturday, the 14th, and
the afternoon of Tuesday, the 17th, when the Provisional Government
was proclaimed, the Queen's cabinet was without plan of auction, and
did practically nothing but rush about the city consulting with various
foreign representatives or citizens of all parties as to what they had
better do, begging the American minister for the support of the Amer-
ican troops against the committee of safety, and securing from the
Queen a declaration that she would not again attempt to abrogate the
constitution, which they hurried into print and distributed broadcast
to try and appease the indignation of citizens and break up tiie pro-
I)osed mass meeting.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 601

"In support of the fourth proposition that the committee and their
supporters were united, had ample force to execute their purpoi^e, and
proceeded with deliberation and confidence to do so, I submit the fol-
lowing:

*^ An essential factor in judging whether the force of the committee
was sufficient, and their confidence in themselves well founded, is to
know what the same men under similar conditions have done upon pre-
vious occasions. Fortunately, there is no dispute as to the facts con-
cerning two recent incidents in Hawaiian history in which the same
parties who were brought into conflict in January, 1893, were arrayed
against each other under similar circumstances:

^'1. In 1887 the Ej'ng, by a manipulation of the electorate and the
legislature, had encroached upon popular rights and obtained autocratic
power over the people. In this course he was supported by practically
Uie same persons who in January last, and now, constitute the Koyal-
ist party in Hawaii, The open l^ribery, corruption, and debauchery
of the King and his supporters crystallized the opposition thereto into
an organization of practically the same men who organized and now
constitute the Provisional Government. Such organization was formed
with the openly avowed intention of wresting from the King his auto-
cratic powers or dethroning him. In preparation for the expected
movement the King fortified the palace, loopholed its basement for
sharpshooters, erected sandbag breastworks at the entrance of the
building, mounted cannon and Oatling guns at all the approaches
thereto, largely increased his regular mUitary force, and defied the
organization and public opinion.

The leaders of the revolutionary movement proceeded deliberately to
collect such arms as were available and organized their plans. An
executive committee of thirteen was appointed, who took entire con-
trol of the movement and called a mass meeting in the same building
nsed for that purpose in January last. The King attempted to head
off the meeting by sending a letter to it promising certain reforms.
The letter had no effect. Kesolutions were adopted denouncing the
King and demanding the gi^anting of a new constitution depriving the
King of all personal power. The resolutions were forthwith presented
to the King by the committee, who, unarmed and alone, proceeded
direct from the meeting to the fortified palace with the ultimatum that
he comply with the demands within twenty-four hours or take the con-
sequences.

*'The King was then in absolute control of the regular troops, the
especial troops enlisted for the occasiop, 4 companies of native militia,
the police, all the artillery and Gatling guns, the government build-
ings, the palace, the barracks, and the station house, with full knowl-
edge of, and weeks of preparation for, the action taken by the citizens.
His military strength was greater and his control of the public build-
ings more complete than was that of the Queen in January last.
He did not fire a shot; submitted to all demands; disbanded his
troops and turned the whole control of the Government over to the
revolutionary party, which, in consideration of his abject submission
allowed him to continue on the throne in a figurehead capacity.

"2. Tn 1889, while the same men who now constitute the Provisional
Government were in control of the King's Government, a conspiracy
was organized among the royalist supporters by the King and Liliuo-
kalani for the overthrow of the. cabinet and the restoration of the old
royal power and constitution. The conspirators took the cabinet by
snrprisey and on the night of July 29 took possession of the (jovetiu£L<^\i\i

602 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

buildings and palace, and securing possession of all the artillery
fortified the palace. The regular troops, by order of the King, refused
to assist the cabinet, who called upon the white militia and white
citizens for assistance. The call was promptly responded to. The
revolutionists were protected by an 8-foot stone wall around the pal-
ace, and used artillery as well as rifles, while the cabinet supporters
were armed with rifles alone. The fighting opened at 9 o'clock in the
morning with less than 30 cabinet supporters in x)osition in front of the
palace, which number was later increased to about 600. The royalist
revolutionists opened with a furious fire of both artillery and small
arms. Within half an hour they were driven from their guns. Seven
were killed and 12 wounded, and before dark all of them were dis-
persed or captured, while not one of the Cabinet supporters was
injured. .

" Such is the undisputed record of events upon two occasions when
the royalists and the organizers of the Provisional Government have
come into armed conflict when there has been no suggestion of support
to either side by any outside power. Under these circumstances I
submit that the burden of proof is upon those who claim that the lead-
ers of the Provisional Government are cowards, or that they are incom-
petent to organize or successfully carry out a revolution against the
royalists in Hawaii.

''It is unnecessary for me here to restate the details of the bitter con-
stitutional conflict which had been carried on between the Queen and
the Legislature during the seven months prior to January last-, or
to speak of the intense indignation existing among all classes of
citizens by reason of the open and successful alliance of the Queen
with the opium and lottery rings. The political liberties of the people
had been trampled upon, and their moral sense shocked. It simply
needed the added provocation of the arbitrary attempt to abrogate the
constitution and disfranchise every white man in the country, to spon-
taneously crystallize opposition into a force that was irresistible.

''In reply to the sneer that the persons taking part in the movement
were 'aliens,' I would say that every man of them was, by the laws of
the country, a legal voter, whose right to the franchise was, by the
proposed constitution, to be abrogated; a large proportion of them
were born in the country, and almost without exception those who were
not born there had lived there for years, owned property there, and had
made it their home. They were the men who had built up the country
commercially, agriculturally, financially, and politically, and created
and made possible a civilized government therein. They were and are
such men as to-day are the leading citizens of the most progressive
communities of the United States, with interests as thoroughly identi-
fied with the interests of Hawaii as are the interests of native and
foreign born citizens in similar communities in this country identified
with itF

Adjourned until Monday^ the 22d instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 603

Washington, D. C, Monday^ January 22, 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Geay,
BuTLEB and Fbte, and Senators Daniel and Davis, of the fuU
eonojnittee.

SWORV STATEMEHT OF JOHN A. McCAVDLESS— Continued.

The Chairman. What connection had you with ])oliticaI movements
in Hawaii, and when did you first become associate ;d with any political
movement in Hawaii?

Mr. MgCandless. My first connection was in 1887. During the
winter of 1886 and 1887 there was organized, under the laws of the
Kingdom, an organization called the Honolulu Rifles, and it suddenly
became very x)opular with all the foreigners and whites of the islands.
I joined that military organization, and continued to be a member of
it until 1888, when I made a visit to the States.
The Chairman. Did you hold any of&ce in that organization f
Mr. MgCandless. I was nothing but a private. I was one of a com-
mittee of thirteen of the political organization.
The Chairman. At that time?
Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. What was the nature of that organization f
Mr. MgCandless. That was an organization to compel the King to
grant a new constitution, or it was organized with the intention of
forming a republic, making a republic — that is, dex)osing the King,
making a republic with a view of annexing the islands to the Unit^
States.

The Chairman. Then why was not that purpose persisted in, or was
it abandoned Y

Mr. MgCandless. It was persisted in that a great many people
thought we should give the King one last show to redress the wrongs
that he had committed, and take a great many of the prerogatives
away from him, and perhaps he would do better. That spirit prevailed
to such an extent that a mass meeting was called and strong resolutions
were drawn up. They were made so strong that, they did not think
that any man of self-respect could accede to the demands of the reso-
lutions, and so soon as he should refuse they would start the revolution.
The Chairman. How was that mass meeting as to numbers?
Mr. MgCandless. The mass meeting of 1887 was a mass meeting of
1,2()0 people.

The Chairman. Of what class of people was that mass meeting com-
posedt

Mr. MgCandless. Of most of the white people of the Hawaiian
Islands.
Senator Gray. Where did you go from to Hawaii!
Mr. MgCandless. West Virginia.
Senator Gray. Where were you born?

Mr. !A{cCandless. In Pennsylvania. My father moved from Penn-
sylvania when I was a boy. I went to California and stayed there a
year and a half, and went to the Hawaiian Islands in 1881.
The Chairman. Your business out there was sinking artesian wells?
Mr. MgCandless. Yes.
The Chairman. Did the Eang make concessions that reconciled thia

604 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

mass meeting or combinatioD of citizens to his 1(H) ger remaining on the
throne?

Mr. McCandless. There was a committee of thirteen appointed at
the mass meeting to wait on the King and present the resolutions to
him, and he was given 24 hours to accede to the demands or take the
consequences.

Senator Fbye. And you were a member of that committee!

Mr. McCandless. No; I was of the executive committee. This was
a committee appointed for the purpose of carrying the resolutions to
the King. *

The Chaibhan. Did the King accede to the demandst

Mr. McCandless. He did.

Senator Gray. Did he grant a new constitution f

Mr. McCandless. Yes ; he proclaimed the new constitution which
we wrote out. I can tell the details of that.

Senator Feye. That was the constitution of 1887!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did the King proclaim that by his own authority f

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Did his cabinet join him in signing itt

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Do you know whether the legislative assembly took
any action in regard to that constitution f

Mr. McCandless. It was taken in this way — recognized as the law
of the land, and that question was never raised.

The Chairman. The general grievances of which you have been
speaking, I suppose, consisted of the King's connection with the opium
bill?

Mr. McCandless. That was one.

The Chairman. What else?

Mr. McCandless. It got to that point that the Government did not
exist for anything but to tax the people and give them no return for
it. Money was squandered in different directions — it was squandered
in an embassy to Bussia to assist at the coronation of the Czar. Then
there was a man-of-war bought by Kalakaua, in which there was a
stealage of something like $10,000. This was common report in Hono-
lulu.

The Chairman. That is the information upon which you were act-
ing?

Mr. McCandless. Yes. Two of the ministers got $500 a month,
but they actually only got $150 a month, and the remainder went to
the King. The register of public documents, an office the same as
our county recorders, whose office is carried on and supported by fees —
in that office the King put a notorious man and entered into an agree-
ment with him that he should have $150 a month and the balance of
the fees to go to the King.

The Chairman. This is a general description of the nature of the
abuses of which the people were complaining f

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. How long was it after that reconciliation or resto-
ration of confidence in Kalakaua that you remained in Honolula or in
the islands?

Mr. McCandless. Of course, the revolution was the 30th day of June,
1887, and I remained there until the middle of July, 1888.

The Chairman. Where did you go then?

Mr. McCandless. I went over to the State of Washington and

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 605

stayed there about a year. But my interests were the same in the
islands.
The Chairman. And you returned to the islands?
Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Chaibmajj. And remained there until wlient
Mr. McOandless. The Ist day of June, last year.
The Chairman. Where was your place of residence on the islands?
Mr. McOandless. Honolulu.

The Chairman. Were you carrying on this business of sinking wells
during all this time?
Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Chairman. That was your vocation in this country?
Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you have many men in your employ?
Mr. McOandless. The business varies there. At times I had 30 or
40 men.

The Chairman. Were these wells sunk on private account or Gov-
ernment account?
Mr. McOandless. Mostly on private account.
The Chairman. Did the Government have any interests in any of
them?
Mr. McOandless. Yes; we have drilled wells for the Government.
The Chairman. Under contract?
Mr. McOandless. Under contract.

The Chairman. Between the period of the establishment of the
eonstitution of 1887 and, I will say, ^vithin a year before this recent
revolution, what was the state of the public mind, the public order, in
Honolulu, I mean among the Hawaiian people?

Mr. McOandless. The state of the public mind from 1887 was that
we had made a mistake, a serious one, that we had not carried out our
intentions, because the King had no sooner proclaimed the new con-
stitution than he began to reach out for his prerogatives, and it was a
conflict from that day up to Januaiy, 1893, between the people and the
sovereign.

The Chaibman. During that period of time do you know of any
movement to break down the constitution or of dethroning Liliuoka-
lani or for the purpose of annexation to the United States !

Mr. McCandless. From that period up to the 14th of January of
last year?
The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. McOandless. I do not; except the Ashford and Wilcox con-
spiracy.

The Chairman. If such an organization as that had existed in
Hawaii would you necessarily have known it?

Mr. McOandless. I will state it this way: I was in the revolution
of 1887, and was one of the executive committee. I was one of the
committee of thirteen that made the constitution of 1887, and I was
one of the committee of safety that was organized that afternoon from
a large crowd, and I do not think anything of that kind could have
been in existence in the Hawaiian Islands and I not know it.

The Chairman. So that your position was a prominent one in con-
nection with this movement that you have been describing?
Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Now, at what time did you personally get the first
information that Liliuokalani had discarded the constitution of 1887^ or
intended to do so ?

606 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. MoOAin)LESS. So soon as she came on the throne, or so soon as
the remains of Kalakna came back (of coarse that was the first informa-
tion that we had of his death), rumors were circulated that she did not
intend to, or would not, take the oath under the constitution of 1887.
We had information that she hesitated, and that the chief justice
urged her, and the friends urged her, to sign the constitution, and she
did so with hesitancy. Then, probably in the fall of 1892, my brother
came to me with the information that the Queen had a programme. This
information came to him, I think, from Mr. Peterson, but I am not sure
on that point — that is, her late attorney-general — that the programme
was to give the opium to the Ghine^se, which would win the Chinese;
to give the lottery to the gamblers, which would win the gamblers, and
to grant a new constitution to the Hawaiians. All that was then left
were the missionaries, who could go to Hades. That was the programme
that was given to me in the fall of 1892. But we did not believe it.
There were rumors of that kind constantly through the Le^slature
during the term of the Legislature of 1892. But auythiilg aside from
that — it came to ipe about half past 1 on Saturday afternoon, the 14th
of January.

The Chairman. Do you recollect the month in which the Legislature
metf

Mr. MoCAin>LESS. On the 30th day of May.

The Chairman. And continued in session without interruption!

Mr. MoGandless. Without interruption; yes.

The Chairman. Wafi that an exciting term of the Legislature t

Mr. MoCandless. Very much.

The Chairman. And the public attention was brought to its pro-
ceedings f

Mr. MoCandless. Constantly.

The Chairman. And it was during this session of the Legislature
that you heard this rumor, that it was suggested that LiUuokalaHi
intended to overthrow the constitution!

Mr. MoCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. And you stated the information to be that she had
in fact attempted or intended to make the attempt to overthrow t^e
constitution !

Mr. MoCandless. Yes; on the 14th of January I was walking up
Fort street and I met Mr. Hopper, a gentleman who has a large rice
mill in the Hawaiian Islands and lives just adjoining the palace
grounds. He said, ^^The Queen is up there attempting to promulgate
a new constitution." I laughed at it, because she had won everything,
and had appointed her own ministers and had control of everything for
a year and a half.

The Chairman. And had passed the opium bill!

Mr. MoCandless. Had passed the opium and lottery bills, and the
ministry would do her bidding.

The Chairman. And you thoui^ht that was all she would do!

Mr. MoCandless. I thought that was enough for her to do. He said,
"You go into Spreckels' bank, and you will find out." 1 went into Mr.
Spreckels' bank, to Mr. Spalding, and I said, "I understand that the
Queen is giving us a new constitution." He said, "It is so; I have just
come from there." I walked up to the corner of Fort and Merchant
streets — that is probably the business center of Honolulu — and the
people began to congregate immediately. In a little while the infor-
mation began to come down from the palace, which wa>s about three
blocks from there, of how matters were progressing there. Finally

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 607

tbM crowd grew to several hundred — of coarse this was all white peo-
ple's business— and probably about 2 o'clock, or half past 2 o'clock, tiie
information came down from the ministers to know what support they
could get as against the Queen.

The Chairman. Who brought that information!

Mr. McCandless. I could not say; It was sent down by messenger.

The Chairman. Sent to whom ?

Mr. McCandless. Just down town. They knew who the business
men were and where they would be likely to be.

The Chairman. What did you say was the nature of the message
which had been sent!

Mr. McCandless. To know what support the ministers could get
from the white people as against the Queen. They went into the
office

The Chairman. Let me understand whether it was the common
understanding of the crowd there that the ministers had made such a
suggestion or such a request!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Then they went into the office!

Mr. McCandless. Went into the office of W. O. Smith. Someone
took a piece of office paper, brown paper such as lawyers use, the size
of a sheet of legal cap, and then wrote a heading in lead pencil stating
that, " We hereby agree to stand by the ministers against the encroach-
ments of the Queen" — something to that effect. It was only a line or
two, and the people as they came in signed that.

The Chairman. About how many!

Mr. McCandless. There may not have been more than a hundred.
That included most of the lawyers there. Paul Neumann

The Chairman. Paul !N^euniann!

Mr. McCandless. Yes; and Mr. Cecil Brown, an Englishman, who
was very much wrought up over the matter. There was scarcely any-
one who entered the office, and whom I knew, but signed the paper.

The Chairman. Do you remember any person who refused to sign it!

Mr. McCandless. I do not.

The Chairman. Do you think there were as many as a hundred sig-
natures to the paper!

Mr. McCandless. I should judge so.

The Chairman. What was done with that paper!

Mr. McCandless. I do not know.

The Chairman. Do you know who took charge of it!

Mr. McCandless. It was left on that desk. It was certainly there
the next day. In fact, it was there Monday. Of course, the informa-
tion kept coming down right along, and finally some of the ministers
came down.

The Chairman. As I understand you, that was an enrollment of the
citizens who were with these ministers in their antagonism to the
Queen !

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman, Well!

Mr. McCandless. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon two of the minis-
ters came down.

The Chairman. What day!

Mr. McCandless. The same day, within an hour.

The Chairman. Do you mean Saturday or Monday!

Mr. McCandless. Saturday.

Senator Gray. Name the ministers.

608 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. MoCandless. Colbiim and Peterson.

The Chairman. They came to Smith's oflScef

Mr. McOandless. Came down to Smith's office. By this time there
were probably 700 or 800 people around there. . Of course, there is a
very complete system of telephone, and the news was telephoned all
over the city. Mr. Colburn came in and someone said, "Make us a
speech," and he said, "Do you want a speech V and they said, " Yesj
tell us the story." Mr. Colburn proceeded and told the story.

The Chairman. What position did he hold in Liliuokalani's cabinet
at the time?

Mr. McCandless. Minister of the interior. They said : "Tell us the
story." He said he had information that morning that the Queen
intended to promulgate the new constitution. He said that he imme-
diately carried the news to Judge Hartwell and Mr. Thurston. They
had been political enemies, of course, and they had advised the ministers
to resist — that is, to refuse to countersign the new constitution, and to
do all they could with her to keep her from signing the new constitution.
After the Legislature had been prorogued they proceeded to the palace,
right across the street, and there she made the speech (which of course
is a matter of history) to the effect that she proposed to give the people
a new constitution. She asked the ministers to countersign it, and they
refused to do so. Mr. Colburn told the story of her looming very
angry, and Mr. Peterson made the remark that the constitution was
faulty in some respects, whereupon she replied: "You have had it in
your posession for a month and you returned it without any comment,
and I took it that it was all right."

The Chairman. That is what Mr. Colburn told the crowd!

Mr. McCandless. That is the speech that Mr. Colburn made to the
crowd.

The Chairman. Well !

Mr. McCandless. He stated that they had escaped from there and
thought that their lives 'i^ ere in danger; that she had sent for them
again, and that at this time she had concluded not to promulgate the
new constitution.

Senator Butler. Have you any information as to who it was pre-
pared that constitution for the Queen?

Mr. McCandless. All the information is that she prepared it her-
self. It is a constitution taken from the constitution of Kamehameha
V and some extracts from the constitution of 1887. We got infor-
mation from Mr. Colburn and, probably, from Chief Justice Judd, who
read it, and he noted some changes.

Senator Butler. You say it was claimed that she prepared that
constitution herself!

Mr. McCandless. That is what she claimed since.

Senator Butler. Is she capable of writing such a constitution f

Mr. McCandless. She took the constitution of '87 and the consti-
tution of Kamehameha V and prepared it. The constitution of 1887 is
very much like the constitution of Kamehameha V, with some vital
changes. We compared them.

The Chairman. I want to know what Mr. Colburn said to that
crowd, and all that he said, as you remember it. I think where you
paused in answer to the question of Senator Butler you were pro-
ceeding to state that Mr. Colburn had said that the Queen had
retracted her purpose of promulgating that constitution.

Mr. McCandless. For the time being.

The Chairman. Is that the way- he stated itf

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 600

Hr. McGandless. I think so.

The Chairman. Go on.

Mr. McCandless. In regard to Mr. Colbum. «*Now,^ said he,
^^ gentlemen, we want to know what support we can get as against the
Queen, because she is apt to do this at any time."

The Chaibman. That was in this public speech?

Mr. MgCandless. That was in the public speech he was making.
He said that the only reason she had desisted was that she was unable
to get them to sign the constitution. She got it into her head that it
would not be legal unless countersigned by the cabinet, and if she
cynld get the cabinet to sign she felt that she had a legal constitution.

The Chaibman. Did Oolburn state that!

Mr. MgCandless. Yes. That was the strange thing. It was said
at the meeting that she did not believe that it would be valid without
the signatures of the ministers.

The Chaibman. Is that about all that Colburn said?

Mr. MgCandless. All that I can remember. Of course, that is the
substance.

The Chaibman. Was any action taken by that crowd upon that
statement made by Mr. Colburn or in consequence of it or immedi-
ately afterward ?

Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chaibman. What was it?

Mr. MgCandless. Immediately someone — I can not say who it
was — ^proposed that we must have a committee of public safety. It
was in a room that was packed, a room a little larger than this and an
OQter room. The two rooms were packed and Mr. Cooper was seated
at the desk. The paper was where the ministers were.

The Chaibman. By what number had this paper been signed on
Monday?

Mr. MgCandless. This was all on Saturday.

The CHAtBMAN. Oh, yes; I beg pardon.

Mr. MgCandless. Someone made the motion that there be a com-
mittee of safety appointed, and someone said, "Appoint Mr. Cooper
chairman of the meeting and we will leave it to the chair to pick them
out," and that was unanimously agreed to. It was just informal. There
liad been no organization before that; and in the presence of Mr. Col-
bom and Mr. Peterson, Paul Neumann — no, I would not say as to Neu-
mann then ; I do not think he was in; he had gone out — the committee of
thirteen was picked out, and it was taken from that list of people in the
immediate vicinity.

The Chaibman. Who picked them out?

Mr. MgCandless. J)dr. Cooper; but he was assisted by two or three
gentlemen — suggestions made. The committee of thirteen was selected
and someone suggested that they be made a committee of safety, and
someone said, ^^ Get out of here," and the rooms were immediately cleaned
out, and we began to discuss the situation.

The Chaibman. Were you one of the committee?

Mr. MgCandless. I was.

The Chaibman. Api)ointed in that way?

Mr. MgCandless. Appointed in that way. I said, "I will carry my
gon, but I wish to be excused."

The Chaibman. You were not excused?

Mr. MgCandless. No.

The Chaibman. And you went on the committee?

Hr. MgCandless. Went on the committee.

8. Kep. 227—39

610 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibman. What was the fiiiBt thing the committee did after
organization f

Mr. MgCandless. The first thing? The doors were closed and some
one said: "Gentlemen, we are brought face to face with this question.
What shall we dof And there wa* but one sentiment prevailed:
'*The Queen has violated the constitution, and we have to carry it to
the end; we can not live in this country; we have to resist that or
leave the country.''

The Chairman. Whom did you select as chairman of that meeting?

Mr. M< Candless. Mr. Cooper.

The Chairman. Did you come to any resolution as to what you
would do in the way of resisting!

Mr. MgCandless. If you will allow me to go back just a little—
a couple of hours.

Senator Butler. Did you keep any minutes of your proceedings!

Mr. MgCandless. We did not care to keep any minutes then. We
were going in to a ticklish business.

Senator Butler. You did not keep any minutes!

Mr. MgCandless. I think there were some slight notes, llie hard-
ware stores closed at 1 o'clock; but about half past 2 o'clock they all
opened again to deal out ammunition and guns to the people, to those
who wanted to buy them. Cecil Brown, who had been in the Wilcox
cabinet, come to me and said : '^ You can get all the ammunition you
need, if you have not enough." He said: "I have just got my arms."
We began to gather up arms and ammunition. I sent my brother to
the country to catch a late afternoon train and bring up his arms and
ammunition. He had a cattle ranch about 7 miles from town. He
went down and returned to town about 7 o'clock with his gun and
ammunition. So we began as early as that to prepare to resist; the
conclusion was arrived at — of course, it did not come oflf immediately —
at that meeting. It was half past 4 or 5 o'clock when the committee of
safety was appointed, and we appointed a committee to see what arms
we could get. We discussed the situation and decided that we would
go right on now, if we had the entire support of the white population —
that we would go ahead and proceed to organize a provisional govern-
ment.

The Chairman. Was there any resolution for the purpose of ascer-
taining whether you had the support of the population!

Mr. MgCandless. "No; and the first meeting was the next morning.

The Chairman. Sunday morning!

Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Where did you meet then!

Mr. MgCandless. At W. E. Castle's.

The Chairman. Was he a member of that committeet

Mr. MgCandless. I am not sure about that; I think he was not.

The Chairman. He was a friend to the movement at all events!

Mr. MgCandless. Yes. We held the meeting, and one of the first
things we decided was to hold a mass meeting and ascertain whether
the public of Honolulu was in accord with that sentiment. If it was,
we would go ahead and perfect the organization in the meantime as
much as possible, and if, at the mass meeting, the whites showed they
were anything like they were in 1887, we would procieed with the revo-
lution. The first thi^g we did at the mass meeting was to send one of
the members to a printing ofiice for the purpose of putting out posters
immediately.

The Chairman. When was that called!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 611

Mr. McGandless. At half past 1 Monday, the 16th.
The Chairman. The meeting was determined on and the posters
were ordered printed on Sunday!
Mr. McGandless. Yes; and posted that day.
Senator Gbay. Posted on Sunday?
Mr. McGandless. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Did you appoint any committee or take any steps
in regard to the number of persons who would go into that meeting,
and the extent to which they were to be supplied with arms and ammu-
nition!

Mr. McGandless. Iwillhaveto go back of that a little. OnSaturday
afternoon the old officers of the Honolulu Rifles were there among the
first men, and they hunted up the rosters of 1887 and hunted up every
man they could find, to see how he was fixed for arms and ammunition.
The Ghairman. Had that organization been dissolved!
Mr. McGandless. It was dissolved in 18%. It consisted of four com-
panies— a battallion. The old officers began to get the njen together
and hunt up the arms and ammunition. Aside from still continuing to
discuss the situation, they came to the conclusion to call a mass meet-
ing. I do not recall anything that we did there of the details^ but dis-
cussed the situation generally.
The Ghaibman. Did you find the movement was a strong one, both
to numbers and as to the supply of arms and ammunition!
Mr. McGandless. We found arms and ammunition enough.
The Ghaibman. How about the men!

Mr. McGandless. That was the question — could we get the men.
That was still in the hands of the officers of the different companies
that had been organized in 1887 and disbanded in 1890, and they were
working on that right straight along.
The Ghaibman. A sort of recruiting service!
Mr. McGandless. Just a recruiting service that was started before
the committee of safety was organized.

The Ghaibman. When did you become satisfied that you had enough
of military strength, consisting of soldiers, arms, and ammunition, to
warrant you in starting on the work of revolutionizing the Government!
Mr. McGandless. We were satisfied of that on Monday morning
from the reports of the officers of the different companies, and we were
satisfied in this wayj almost every man we went to said, **What is this
for; annexation, or is this a repetition of 1887!" That would be the
first question asked us, or asked anyone who was recruiting or talking
on the subject. We said, "Of course, there is but one answer to it —
provisional government, annexation, and wipe the monarchy out;" and
they said they would be with us. Many of us were there in 1887 and
took the same stand.

The Ghaibman. iNow, at what time did you first see the proclama-
tion of Liliuokalani after she had receded from h6r purpose of estab-
lishing this new constitution!

Mr. McGandless. That was about 10 o'clock Monday morning, I
think. No; I beg pardon; I saw that in the Government building; I
saw that about 9 o'clock.
Senator Gbay. Saw whatt

Mr. McGandless. That she would not attempt to promulgate the new
constitution.
Senator Davis. Was it signed?

Mr. McGandless. It was signed. I saw the document. That would
he another story. I had business at the foreign ofGLce abou\> % c?^q«^

612 HAWAHAX ISLANDS.

where all fonr of the ministers were present, and they showed ns the
original document signed by Liliuokalaiii and the ministers.

The Chairman. The four ministers of whom!

Mr. McCandless. The ministers of Liliuokalani.

The Chaibman. Was that proclamation scattered around the dtyf

Mr. McCandless. Yes ; broadcast.

The Chairman. Printed!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The CHAiBMAJi. It was by authority^ then!

Mr. McCandless. Yes ; by authority.

The Chaibman. It was a paper printed, called "by authority ''t

Mr. McCandless. That is what they put at the head.

The Chaibman. To indicate its official character!

Mr, McCandless. Yes.

The Chaibman. Notwithstanding that proclamation, your mass-
meeting was held when !

Mr. McCandless. About half past 1.

The Chaibman. What members assembled!

Mr. McCandless. Just similar to the mass meeting in 1887. There
was not a business house in Honolulu that was not closed. All the
business houses closed up and the heads of the firms came to the meet-
ing; all factories stopped, all machine shops, all business stopped jast
as in 1887. There were some events that transpired on Monday morn-
ing, the 16th, before the mass meeting. Had we better finish those up!

The Chaibman. Yes.

Mr. McCandless. We met first

The Chaibman. You mean the committee!

Mr. McCandless. On Monday morning the committee of safety met
in Mr. Thurston's office. Just as I was going in Marshal Wilson came
out of the room with Mr. Thurston. He took him into his private office,
and they stayed there some minutes, and Mr. Thurston came back and
reported what the conversation was between them. The report in
regard to that was that Marshal Wilson said to Mr. Thurston, <^ Can't
this thing be stopped !"

Senator Gbay. What did he mean; the meeting!

Mr. McCandless. The movement; the revolution.

Senator Gbay. Are you sure he meant the movement, or the meeting!

Mr. McCandless. I will state the whole thing and you will see he
meant the movement. Thurston said, ^^ I do not think it can." Marshal
Wilson saidi "Well, I will guarantee that she won't do that any more;
if she attempts h 1 will lock her up before she can attempt anything
again." Mr. Thurston said, "We can't stop on any such guarantee as
that; it has gone too far now; we can't stop it." That is the substance
of Mr. Thurston's statement to the committee of safety as to what
occurred at his interview with Marshal Wilson. Of course, I can not
give you the exact words now. Then there was a committee of three
appointed from the committee of safety to go up and confer with the
ministers. They had requested it in writing, the day before, in a letter
to Mr. Thurston. I'hey asked for a conference with the committee of
safety, and William Wilder, F. W. McChesney, and myself constituted
that committee. We were instructed to go and hear what they had to
say, and say nothing. We went up to the Government building and
the foreign office. They were all there. We were ushered in, and
they were on the other side of the room. We were opposite to them.
Finally there was a pause— one of the ministers said, "What is it,
jfentJemenf' And wo s^id, " W© have com© up her© to b©© you on

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 613

accotmt of the appointment you asked of Mr. Thurston.'^ One of the
ministers said, ''We have decided that there is nothing to say, just
now; the Queen has just signed a paper that she will not commit an
act of this kind again, and agreed to abide by the constitution."

Senator Gray. That was Monday morning?

Mr. McCandlbss. Monday morning. Of course, we had nothing to
say. McChesney said, *'What is this mass meeting of yours!" They
had gotten out posters late Sunday night.

The Chairman. To whom did he address that question t

Mr. McCandless. To the cabinet.

The Chairman. Name them.

Mr. McCandless. Colburn, Peterson, Parker, and CornwaU.

The Chairman. They were all present!

Mr. McCandless. All present — all four of them. They had gotten
out posters calling a mass meeting of the people in Palace Square.
McChesney said, *'What did you call that meeting for f Parker said,
"To draw the crowd away from your meeting." That, I think, ended
the interview. I do not remember anything else being said.

The Chairman. Was that a formal visit of the committee of safety
to the Queen's cabinet!

Mr. McCandless. That was a formal visit of a committee of the com-
XDittee of safety to the cabinet.

The Chairman. Where did it occur!

Mr. McCandless. In tbe foreign office of the Government building.

Senator Gray. Two members of the cabinet had been before the
committee, and said they did not agree with the new constitution, and
were at outs with the Queen. That is so!

Mr. McCandless. That is so — down at the public meeting. But
there was at that time, as we afterward ascertained— did not know it
then — a proclamation drawn up by the ministers, and it was even
signed — I think drawn up and in their possession ready to be pro-
claimed at any time — declaring the Queen deposed and reorganizing
the Government. This letter from the cabinet to Thurston, asking for
the conference, was in regard to the ministers taking charge of the
GoYernment and deposing the Queen entirely, and their entering into
the movement with us, we supporting them.

Senator Gray. The first movement was largely initiated by the sup-
port of these recalcitrant ministers of the Queen!

Mr. McCandless. I will put it the other way — ^they were the ones
who initiated

Senator Gray. I say the movement was initiated in support of the
recalcitrant ministers against the Queen's proposition to proclaim anew
oonstitution !

The Chairman. At their request.

Mr. McCandless. Yes; at their request.

The Chairman. You spoke of a proclamation drawn up and ready
to be signed, or had been signed. What proclamation was that!

Mr. McCandless. That was the proclamation di'awn ui> on Satur-
day afternoon.

The Chairman. By whom !

Mr. McCandless. I think by Judge Hartwell and Thurston, and
probably W. O. Smith and the cabinet.

The Chairman. What cabinet!

Mr. McCandless. Peterson, Colburn, Parker, and CornwalL

Thd Chairman. What was included in that proclamation!

614 HAWAHAN TSLAimS.

Mr. McCandless. Just declaring that the Queen had violated the
constitution, and declaring the throne vacant.

The Chairman. Do you say that paper was signed by anybody?

Mr. McCandless. I understand it was signed by the ministers and
ready to be proclaimed if the Queen resisted any further.

The Chaibman. It was intended that, if the Queen insisted in going
on with her revolutionary projects, the ministers would . unite with
Thurston and others in issuing a proclamation declaring the throne
vacant?

Mr. McCandless. Deposing — declaring the throne vacant. I think
that it is rather a mistake; it would be deposing her and wiping the
government out of existence as a monarchy. It was together with a
movement for annexation.

The Chairman. Why was not that proclamation issued?

Mr. McCandless. I will go back to Saturday afternoon at, say, half
past 2 o'clock, when Mr. Neumann was present in W. O. Smith's ofiSce.
The people began to gather in and get the information of the Queen's
attempt to promulgate the new constitution. Then came the cry,
" Now is the time to get* rid of the whole thing." Neumann said,
" Well, I don't know that I would go as far as that." I remember dis-
tinctly hearing Neumann make that remark.

Senator Gray. So far as what?

Mr. McCandless. Wiping out the whole monarchy. And on Sat-
urday night — ^you must remember now that up to half past 1 Saturday
afternoon the ministera and the element that promised support were
political rivals, political opponents

Senator Gray. You mean Saturday?

Mr. McCandless. Yes. The ministers on Sunday night had a meet-
ing and came to the understanding that, as the Queen had receded
from the position she had taken, their best plan was to try to stop this
revolution if they could, at least throw cold water on it, and they still
continue as ministers of the Queen.

The Chairman. You are now speaking of the Queen's ministers?

Mr. McCandless. Yes. On Sunday they were in communication
with the committee of safety in regard to the next move, the proper
move to make to stop the Queen in her mad career and to turn over
the Government entirely. Tliere were two communications on Sunday
requesting a conference with the committee of safety, the time set
being Monday morning at 9 o'clock.

The Chairman. Two communications to whom?

Mr. McCandless. From the ministers to the committee of safety;
and it was for that reason that this committee was appointed that went
up to the Government building to wait on the cabinet.

The Chairman. We are trying to find out why that proclamation,
which you say was drawn, and which you say was signed by the min-
isters, was not issued.

Mr. McCandless. Simply because this element that had backed the
Queen, had been her supporters from the time she had been on the throne,
was against the white element of Honolulu. They had not been polit-
ical friends, and if there was any way in which they could get out of it
they would do it.

The Chairman. Is it your idea that they were then experimenting
to see whether the safe side for them to take was the side of the mon-
archy or the side of the revolution?

Mr. McCandless. Yes; that was the way it was Sunday; and the
heed information we had was that at their meeting Sunday, at which

HAWAHAK ISLANDS. 615

Hacfurlane, Joe Carter, and Panl Neumann were present, they decided,
that their safest place was to go back on the side of the monarchy.
Therefore, when the meeting took place Monday morning they had not
anything to say. They had this proclamation of the Queen ready and
showed us the original copy.

The Chairman. As I gather from your statement, your idea is that
they had become convinced between Saturday and Monday that their
personal interests lay in the direction of maintaining this Queen on the
throne, and that they were attempting to get and did get from her a
declaration that she would carry out the constitution of '87?

Mr. McCandless. Yes; and would not attempt to promulgate the
new constitution again.

The Chairman. That was their attitude as you understood it!

Mr. McCandlbss. That was their attitude as I understood it.

The Chairman. Do you think you can be mistaken about that!

Mr. McCandless. I do not think 1 was. They met Saturday, asked
for aid; we got together, gathered up arms and got recruits to support
them, and by Monday morning they had issued this proclamation and
pasted notices for a counter mass meeting.

The Chairman. And that was after they had given their assent to
the proclamation dethroning the Queen and abolishing the monarchy!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. You do not know whether it was signed!

Mr. McCandless. If I understood correctly, it was signed.

The Chairman. As I understand, the whole cabinet, with these two
ministers, had given their assent to that!

Mr. McCandless. The whole cabinet had given their assent to that
programme on Saturday afternoon. They were completely demoralized,
because their lives were in danger.

Senator Frye. You said there were two or three things that you
thought were important, and those you stated. Then you got down to
the meetings on Monday morning. Kow, go back.

The Chairman. I asked you what was done at the mass meeting
held by the opponents of the Queen!

Mr. McCandless. All the business houses were shut up, and the
whole white population of Honolulu came to the mass meeting.

The Chairman. Do you mean the male population !

Mr. McCandless. The male population ; the women did not go,
because they were iu a tenible state at home.

The Chairman. State of apprehension!

Mr. McCandless. State of apprehension ; because before this we
had rumors that the half whites proposed to bum the town.

The Chairman. What numbers met there!

Mr. McCandless. I should judge from 1,000 to 1,200.

The Chairman. Were there any armed persons iu the crowd!

Mr. McCandless. No; I do not think there were, unless individuals
with concealed arms.

The Chairman. Were the persons there in the habit of carrying
concealed arms about them !

Mr. McCandless. No.

The Chairman. On that occasion did you know that they were with
arms concealed about their persons!

Mr. McCandless. No; I do not recollect any one at the meeting.

The Chairman. Did they elect a chaii*man!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Th« Chairman, Who wa« it!

616 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. MoOandlbss. William C. Wilder,

The Chairman. Were speeches madet

Mr. McOandless. Yes.

The Chairman. By whomt

Mr. MgCandless. I do not know that I can give yon the names; I
have them here in this little pamphlet.

The Chairman. Have yon an account of the proceedings of that
meeting t

Mr. McC ANDLESS. Yes ; I have a complete account here : " Two
weeks of Hawaiian history, from January 14 to the 28th.'' One of the
printing houses printed that. I have read it, and it is a very correct
statement.

The Chairman. Are there any statements in that history that you
object to as being untrue!

Mr. MgCandless. I do not remember any. I have read it over sev-
eral times.

The Chairman. The facts stated in that history came under your
personal observation generally! •

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; as a general statement.

The Chairman. Are you willing to submit this as your statement of
the facts that occurred during that time!

Mr. MgCandless. I should not like do that now^ without reading it
over very carefully.

The Chairman. Were any resolutions adopted at that meeting!

Mr. MgCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. What were they!

Mr. MgCandless. I can give them to you word for word out of that
book.

The Chairman. Just read them.

Mr. MgCandless. The resolutions are as follows:

"1. Whereas Her Majesty, Liltuokalani, acting in conjunction with
certain other persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally, and against
the advice and consent of the lawful executive officers of the Govern-
ment, attempted to abrogate the existing constitution and proclaim a
new one in subversion of the rights of the people;

^'2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of
violence and bloodshed and a display of armed force; and such attempt
and acts and threats are revolutionary and treasonable in character;

"3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such
contemplated action was unlawful, and would lead to bloodshed and
riot, and have implored and demanded of her to desist frt>m and
renounce such proposed action;

^^4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has
in a public speech announced that she was desirous and ready to pro-
mulgate such constitution, the same being now ready for such purpose,
and that the only reason why it was not now promulgated was because
she had met with unexpected obstacles, and that a fitting opportunity
in the future must be awaited for the consummation of such object^
which would be within a few days;

"5. And whereas at a public meeting of citizens, held in Honolulu on
the 14th day of January, instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known
as the * committee of public safety,' was ap]K)inted to consider the
situation, and to devise ways and means for the maintenance of the
public peace and safety, and the preservation of life and property;

I' 6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling ot
this mass meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 617

action, and has this day presented a report to such meeting, denonnciDg
the action of the Queen and her supi>orter8 as being unhivvfuL unwar-
ranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endangering the peace
of the community, and tending to excite riot, and cause the loss of liff
and destruction of property:

" Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities,
and regardless of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn ana
denounce the action of the Queen and her support-ers ;

"And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action
taken and report made by the said committee of safety; and we do
hereby further empo\^er such committee to further consider the situa-
tion and further devise such ways and means as may be necessary to
secure tbe permanent maintenance of law and order, and the protection
of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii.''

The Chaieman. Was that resolution adopted by the meeting^

Mr. McCandless. It was, unanimously.

The Chaieman. Was there much enthusiasm exhibited on that occa-
doD?

Mr. McCandless. A good deal. The speakers had all been in-
structed to be as moderate as possible, and every speaker — whenever
there was any allusion to the intentions of the people, they just went
wild. ^

The Chaieman. At the time that meeting was being held another
meeting was being held, as I understand, by the supporters of the
Queen t

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chaieman. What distance was there between the places of the
meetings t

Mr. McCandless. Less than half a mile — third of a mile.

The Chaieman. Did you visit the meeting in the palace grounds!

Mr. McCandless. Palace Square.

The Chaieman. Yes; Palace Square.

Mr. McCandless. No; I did not.

The Chaieman. After your meeting disx)ersed, the meeting of the
opponents of the Queen, did the committee of safety reassemble!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chaieman. Where did you meet!

Mr. McCandless. At W. O. Smith's office.

The Chaieman. What steps did you take, if any, to carry out the
resolutions which you have just read!

Mr. McCandless. We knew we had the support of the whole white
popalation in the movement on foot. In the morning, at the morning
meeting, before this mass meeting, we had drawn up a paper and
asked the American minister to land troops to protect life and prop-
erty.

Senator Gray. When was that!

Mr. McCandless. The Monday morning meeting.

The Chaieman. Was that request communicated to the minister
before the mass meeting was held!

Mr. McCandless. I believe so.

The Chaieman. Do you know who communicated it to himt

Mr. McCandless. No; I could not state. After tlio mass meeting
the infoilnation was that the troops were to be landed at 5 o'clock.
There was a division in the committee as to whether it was wise for
the troops to land then or not. Those who were thinking of their
property and their families, and the families of tlie w\io\e ^\\\\» e^nrm-

618 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

inanity, were anxious tliat the troops should land on account of a fear
that the city might be burned and looted, and knowing that the troops
were ashore nothing of that kind would take place. On the other
hand, there were other members of the committee who felt that if the
troops came ashore it would make a changed condition, and we did not
know just what the result would be.

The Chairman. Were they apprehensive that if the troops came
ashore they would support the Queen, or what were they apprehensive
about?

Mr. MgCandless. We were absolutely ignorant on that point.

The Chaieman. What was the apprehension with regaid to the land-
ing of the troops!

Mr. McCandless. We were making such rapid progress with our
organization, and the other people so completely cowed, we thought
probably it would precipitate a crisis so soon as the troops came
ashore, and in a day or two we would be better prepared to resist it
than then, and it was between those two ideas the committee was
divided.

The Chaibman. By precipitating a crisis did you think the troops
would attack you?

Senator Fbye. The Queen's troops, encouraged by the United States
troops!

Mr. McCandless. Yes. We did not know anything about that.

Senator Gray. Was anything said in your meeting on Saturday,
after your committee of safety was formed and you had cleared the
room, about Mr. Stevens and the United States ship Boston^

Mr. McCandless. Yes; we talked that over.

Senator Gray. So soon as your committer was formed!

Mr. McCandless. Well, its was during the conversation.

The Chairman. On Saturday !

Senator Gray. Yes. Was anything said about the attitude of Mr.
Stevens!

Mr. McCandless. It was talked of— what his attitude would be.

Senator Gray. Was anybody deputed to go and see him!

Mr. McCandless. Yes; I think there was a committee of one or
two appointed on Saturday afternoon to have a talk with him, to ascer-
tain what his attitude would be in the then crisis.

Senator Gray. Did that committee report!

Mr. McCandless. The report was that there was no information;
that he was entirely noncommittal.

Senator Gray. Who said that!

Mr. McCandless. Mr. Thurston, I believe.

Senator Gray. But said he would protect life and property!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. He did not say he was noncommittal!

Mr. McCandless. Well, he was noncommittal as to contending
forces; but would protect life and property.

Senator Gray. Was anything said by them that conveyed the idea
to you that Mr. Stevens was hostile or indifferent to the movement ot
the committee of safety, or was without sympathy for it!

Mr. McCandless. I think not.

Senator Gray. Anything at all!

Mr. McCandless. I think we felt this way, that without any encour-
agement from him we certainly had the syni[)athy of the American
minister.

Senator Gray. That was the general fueling, was it not!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 619

Mr. MoGanbless. Yes.

Senator Fbye. A committee was sent to Minister Stevens to request
him not to land the troops then!

Mr. McCandless. Yes; we did not feel certain that night, and
thought we would get our strength better in a day or two.

Senator Gbay. That the landing of the troops might bring on a
crisis f

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. If you were not as well prepared as you thought you
would be later!

Mr- McCandless. No, sir.
. The Chairman. Was there a request sent to Mr. Stevens not to
land the troops!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Who composed that committee!

Mr. McCandless. Mr. Thurston and W. O. Smith.

The Chairman. Did they report to the committee of safety!

Mr. McCandless. They did.

The Chairman. What was the report!

Mr. McCandless. The report was that Mr. Stevens said, owing to
the unsettled state of affairs he was going to land troops.

Senator Frye. He would not change his purpose!

Mr. McCandless. No.

Senator Gray. You had previouRly asked Mr. Stevens to request the
landing of the troops !

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Had any troops landed at the time he announced
his intention to have them landed notwithstanding your request!

Mr. McCandless. No.

The Chairman. What time Monday afternoon was that!

Mr. McCandless. At the time of the meeting!

The C A AIRMAN. No; the time you got this report!

Mr. McCandless. Probably a quarter to 5, from half-past 4 to quarter
of 5.

The Chairman. How long after this report was made of Mr. Stevens's
refusal to prevent the landing of the trooi)s before they were actually
landed!

Mr. McCandless. I do not think it was over a half hour, perhaps
three-quarters.

The Chairman. They must have been on their way to the shore at
that time!

Mr. McCandless. I presume they were. I did not know.

The Chairman. Did the committee of safety, acting under the reso-
lutions of which you have spoken, prepare any programme for the
organization of the civil government!

Mr. McCandless. Ye^. We began that. That was discussed hur-
riedly Saturday evening. It was more in detail on Sunday morning;
but by Monday morning we had the plan completed.

The Chairman. Projected!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. After you got the indorsement of the mass meeting
yon proceeded to execute the programme which you had already agreed

upon!
Mr. McCandless. Yes.
Senator Orat. Were you at the meeting at Mr. Castle^t en Sub-

day morning!

620 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. McCandless. I was.

Senator Obat. By which was appointed the committee that waited
on Minister Stevens and reported t

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who reported, Mr. Thurston t

Mr. MoG ANDLESS. I think it was Mr. Thurston and Mr. Smith. They
were the gentlemen who were appointed first.

Senator Gbay. Do yon recollect what they reported then at that
meeting 9

Mr. McCandless. Of course, they went to see what would be the
probable attitude of the American minister in the case of our uprising.

Senator Gray. Wljat did they reportt

Mr. McCandless. They reported that Mr. Stevens, in regard to that
point, was noncommittal.

Senator Gray. Did he not say he would land the troops at any
moment to protect life and property t

Mr. McCandless. He did.

Senator Gray. Did he not say that he would recognize the Provi-
sional Government or whatever government it might bet

Mr. McCandless. I think there was a report of that kind.

Senator Gray. That Stevens would recognize the Provisional Gov-
ernment when established?

Mr. McCandless. When there was any in existence.

Senator Gray. When it was in existence?

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

The Chairman. Did the committee of safety select the officers of
the Provisional Government?

Mr. McCandless. They did.

The Chairman. And selected Mr. Dole as President?

Mr. McCandless. Yes. I will tell the story of that. All that hap-
pened at the meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's

Senator Gray. Monday evening?

Mr. McCandless. Monday evening. We were there until, i)erhap8,
11 or 12 o'clock.

The Chairman. What took place at the meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's
house?

Mr. McCandless. At that meeting when we proceeded to appoint
the members of the advisory council and the members of the execu-
tive .council^ we sent a committee of one, Mr. Bolte, to Judge Dole
asking him if he would take the position of president of the Provisional
Government. Mr. Dole, at that time Judge Dole, knew no more of the
workings of the committee of safety than any other outsider, and Judge
Dole gave Mr. Bolte no encouragement, at all. But finally, after
entreaties on the part of Mr. Bolte, he came and said he did not care
about that at first; finally he said he would come to the meeting.
Judge Dole came to the meeting, and of course we stated to him at the
meeting that we desired him to become president of the Provisional
Government which we were about to inaugurate. At first he declined
entirely; that is, at first, he could not see his way clear. He finally
made the statement, after talking quite a while, that he had not arrived
at the conclusion yet that that was the only solution of the matter-
that is, a provisional government looking to annexation. Then he was
asked what his opinion was. H'esaid,my opinion is — of course Liliuoka-
lani is out of the question; she has started this revolution, and can not
be trusted any longer — ^my opinion is that Kaiulani would be best for
as; to have Kaiulani on the throne with a regency until she is of ag«.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS- 621

That was Judge Dole's statement to the meeting on Monday evening
at 8 o'clock. That was argned with him, and finally before he left he
agreed to take it nnder advisement and consult with his friends and
let the committee know the next day.

Senator Gbay. That was at Mr. Waterhouse's house Monday even-
ing!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gicat. Was anything said about Mr. Stevens thenf

Mr. McCandless. 1 think so.

Senator Gbay. Were the United States troops mentioned!

Mr. McCandless. We talked over everything.

Senator Gbay. The attitude of the United States minister and the
landing of the troops were talked over?

Mr. McCandless. We had a good deal of business on hand.

Senator Gbay. You say you talked over everything, and that was
talked overt

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Was any committee sent to Minister Stevens that
evening?

3ir. McCandless. Not that I remember. iNo committee — I do not
think there was. We also invited Mr. Cecil Brown there. Mr. Cecil
Brown is an Englishman and has quite a large following there. We
wanted him very much to be one of the new government, and, of course,
he came there. The whole plan was laid before him, the intentions of
the committee and the appointment of the Provisional Government,
including the application for annexation to the United States. Mr.
Wundenburg and I individually talked to Mr. Brown, pt^rhaps a half
bour, to convince him that he should see it in our light and come over
and be one of the supporters. We retired from the room, went out on
the veranda, and continued our entreaties with him to try to get him
to come in the government, and, of course, we laid the whole matter
before him. Finally he said to us, '* Let me alone." Said he, " I will
solve this for myseif." He said, " If I decide not to become part of the
government no one living will know that I was here," and after stay-
ing out there, probably an hour, he retired, and could not see his way
clear to coming in there. Afterwards he became a member of the
advisory council. As I stated. Judge Dole took it under considera-
tion and went home. I think we selected most of the names of the
Provisional Government. They had been selected up to that time.
The first idea was to have 4 ministers and a President, but in pick-
ing out 5 men that we thought could agree, we found difficulties.
In fact, we consulted Judge Dole in regard to that. So that we finally
gave lip the idea of 5, and came to the conclusion that we could find
4 men who could work very harmoniously in the government.

Senator Gbay. Had Minister Stevens been advised of the project
for a Provisional Government and annexation to the United States 9

Mr. McCandless. I do not know.

Senator Gbay. Do you know whether it was undersjbood there that
he knew what was going on 9

Mr. McCANDLESSi Well, everybody knew it.

Senator Gbay. Did you not understand that he knew it; was not
tiiat your opinion t

Mr. McCandless. It would be my opinion that he would know.

Senator Gbay. Do you not know now, and did you not know then^
that he did understand it!

Mr, MqCANPLESS. )ifp; I do not know it.

622 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. It was not talked about f

Mr. MgCandless. Oh, it was discussed, certainly.

Senator Geay. In what respect was it discussed T

Mr. McGandless. It wafi discussed in respect to what would be the
attitude of the American minister.

Senator Gray. Was it thought his attitude would be sympathetic
or unsympathetic f

Mr. McGandless. There were doubts about that.

Senator Gray. Were there any doubts that Mr. Stevens sympathized
with the movement.

Mr. McGandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you doubt itf

Mr. McGandless. It was doubted that much that we requested him,
after we requested the troops to be lauded, not to have them landed,
for fear it would precipitate a crisis.

Senator Gray. Had you any doubt at that time in regard to Mr.
Stevens's sympathies with this movement?

Mr. McGandless. I do not think there was any serious doubt in
my mind about it, although I was one of the members who took the
side that we would stand a better show on Monday afternoon not to
have the troops landed.

Senator Gray. When did you want them landed t

Mr. McGandless. Well, I thought we had better be let alone. The
idea prevailed that they had better be let alone, and when the crisis
came he would land them himself.

Senator Gray. Then it was your idea it would be better not to have
them landed? I see it stated here that the proposition of the commit-
tee was that they should be landed the next morning at 9 or 10 o'clock.
When did you think they should be landed?

Mr. McGandless. I do not think there was a time stated. We
thought it was better to let them stay there because the crisis would
be precipitated.

Senator Danebl. What were you afraid of in that crisis?

Mr. McGandless. The Queen's forces.

Senator Daniel. That they would suppress the revolution t

Mr. McGandless. Yes; might attempt it.

Senator Daniel. Do you think they could do it?

Mr. McGandless. I do not think so.

Senator Daniel. Did you then think so?

Mr.. McGandless. We did not think so Monday morning. Minister
Thurston defied Marshal Wilson in his interview with him.

Senator Frye. But as I understand you the uncertainty was as to
what effect the landing of the troops would have; whether it would
encourage the Queen's troops?

Mr. McGandless. We did not know what effect it would have-
encouragement or otherwise.

Senator Frye. The landing of the troops the last time had put Kala-
kaua on the throne, had it not?

Mr. McGandless. Of course in 1889 the movement was an intrigue
that both Kalakaua and Mrs. Domiuis were in, and they were taken by
complete surprise.

Senator Frye. The troops had the aid of the King, the existing (jov-
ernment?

Mr. McGandless. I can not say as to that.

Senator Frye. He remained on the throne, did he not?

Mr. McGandless. That movement in 1889 was not to put him on the
throne; he was on tke thiono.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 623

Senator Grat. Had you not beard before tbe meeting on Monday
evening, if not at tbat meeting, that Minister Stevens would land the
13'oops to protect American life and property, and tbat be would recog-
nize tbat Provisional Government so soon as it had possession of tbe
Government building f

Mr. McGandless. That he would recognize tbe Provisional Govern-
ment whenever it was a government.

Senator Gray. Tbat be would consider tbe Government — ^put it tbat
▼ay — when it bad possession of tbe Government building?

Mr. McGandless. No; I do not think so.

Senator Gray. What did you understand t

Mr. McGandless. When we bad tbe upper band he would recognize
us.

Senator Gray. What did you understand? Did you not suppose
during Monday or Tuesday tbat tbe presence of the United Stisbtes
tioops was tbe important factor one way or tbe other? or do you mean
to say that you gave no account to it at all?

Mr. McGandless. I say it had its bearing. It stopped all ideas of
riot and bloodshed.

Senator Gray. Did you not think it stopped all idea of your move-
ment?

Mr. McGandless. I do not think so. Our movement was weaker
Monday morning than Monday evening.

Senator Gray. Do you not think the landing of tbe United States
troops stopped all idea of the movement?

Mr. McGandless. On their part?

Senator Gray. I am not talking from a standpoint one way or tbe
other. It is quite possible from what you say if I had been there I
would have been where you were. lam not criticising you. But as a
matter of fact, looking at it, state, under the resx)onsibilitie8 you are
under as a witness, if you did not believe tbat tbe idea of your move-
ment was entirely dissipated by the presence of tbe United States
troops?

3Ir. McGandless. ITo; I do not think so.

Senator Gray. You think it would have been precisely as it was if
there had been no troops there at tbat moment of time?

Mr. McGandless. If you take into consideration the movement of
1887, bow we won then, and could have set up a government, and the
whites takeii by surprise in 1889, yet maintained their supremacy

Senator Gray. You supported tbe existing government in 1887?

Mr. McGandless. We did not support them in li887. Of course,
there was a complete overthrow of tbe monarchy.

Senator Gray. Did it continue?

Mr. McGandless. Yes.

Senator Frye. In view of those facts — you were going on to say?

Mr. McGandless. In view of those facts we had tbe same amount
of confidence tbat any man bad who had been through tbe same tbmg,
and there was no reason why we should not win again.

Senator Frye. You were going on to state how they formed this
provisional government. You got tbe notice to Dole and notice to
Cecil Brown and stated tbat they were awaiting rei)lies.

Mr. McGandless. Of course Mr. Brown left. We did not expect
him to go in after that. And then we began to pick out tbe members
for tbe advisory council. I think we agreed tbat night on the execu-
tive council — the four ministers — and we selected most of tbe names
for the advisory council. We probably stayed there until 11 ot V^^
past 11 o'clock, and then adjourned until tbe next moinmj^.

624 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Frye. Was that Monday nigbtt

Mr. McCandless. That was Monday night We met the next morn*
ing at Mr. Smithes office.

Senator Geay. That was* Tuesday?

Mr. McGandless. Tuesday morning. By that time, we had before
us the programme for the Provisional Government, and Mr. Damon had
been selected as one of the members of the advisory council. That
morning he was at our meeting for the first time, and he made a state-
ment to the committee that he had just come from the palace. He
stated his interview with the Queen, and he stated that he said to Her
Majesty, " On former occasions you have called on me for advice, and

1 now come unasked to give you some advice; you can take it or reject
it just as you choose." He said, " Heretofore I have defended the mon-
archy, and thought it was possible to get along with it; but it has got
to that point now, after your actions on Saturday, that I have to change
my standard, and I hp>ve joined the forces who propose to annex these
islands to the United States of America;" and he said, "It would be
useless for you to resist; if you do there will be bloodshed and a
great many killed ; you will probably be killed, and we will win in the
end, because we are determined to carry this through." She assured
him that she would give up.

Senator Gray. Did he mention to the Queen the presence of the
United States troops t

Mr. McGandless. ]^o; that was the statement made to the then
committee of safety.

Senator Gray. Mr. Damon said he did mention to the Queen the
United States troops 9

Mr. McGandless. Of course, I am giving you the substance.

Senator Gray. Do you know whether he mentioned the fact to her
of the presence of the United States troops!

Mr. McGandless. That may be so; I do not remember.

Senator Gray. Where did you get this information!

Mr. McGandless. From Mr. Damon, and Mr. Damon reported it.
We were busy on the papers in connection with the Government, and
probably about 10 or 11 o'clock I was informed — did not happen to be
present--that Judge Dole had come in and announced that he had
made up his mind, and had taken the position of president. I was
out in the meantime recruiting; had been hunting up men; all around
men were waiting for the word to fly to arms, and the time was set for

2 o'clock. It is well known; they knew it just as well as we did. I
learned it afterwaJrds that that was the time set for the overturn of the
Government. At half past 1 we had finished everything; the proc-
lamation was signed, and all the papers in relation to the Government
were signed and delivered. There was nothing tp do then but to get
to the Government building and take it, and launch the new Govern-
ment. About that time Judge Dole came to me and said, ^^McGandless,
will you go and get the troops ready; we are ready: ^' and of course I
said, "yes." So I started out. If I had a map I could show just
exactly the course I took in getting to the Government building. I
started from W. O. Smith's office, at the comer of Fort and Merchant
streets. Just as I came out of the door a car was passing that went
right past the armory on the corner of Beretania and Punchbowl streets,
and of course that was our headquarters. That was where we had
agreed upon to rally the troops before starting for the Government
building.

Wh^n I got to the comer pf King and Fort streets the car was pasQt

HAWAIIAN ISJLANDS. 625

hg. The streets are very narrow at that point; there is only room
for a carriage to pass. I heard a policeman's whistle. I ran to the
rear end of the car, and found that John Goode had come out of E. O.
HalFs with guns and ammunition, and a policeman was trying to stop
him. There was a dray that blocked the way, and the policeman was
«i7ing to get on the wagon. There is where I cried out to Goode to
shoot, and he did. And I hollered for them to shut up their shops
a&d get their guns, and they came right out lively. When I got to
•Beretania street I saw this first company making for the armory.
They had been in the building from 6 o'clock in the morning. It was
Ziegler's company, A. They started for the armory all together, with
Winchesters and everything. When I got there I jumped off the car,
aod told them of the shooting of the poUceman. They double-quicked
to the armory, and Goode with his load of ammunition had gone up
that street there, and along there down to the armory. [Indicating on
diagram.] By this time our friends were arriving in all directions,
coming in there single and double, with arms.

Senator Gbay (indicating on the diagram). Is this a thickly set-.
fled part of the cityf

Mr. MgOandless. All this is a residence part.

Senator Gba^y. Thickly settled t

Mr. McCAiofLESS. Pretty thickly settled, grounds around — all these
his extending here for the next 5 miles, clear to Waikiki. Just as
soon as there were enough arrived to take care of what we had col-
lected, the wagonload, the first company was sent to the Government
building with Capt. Zeigler. They marched down to this corner into
the Government building yard. I stayed there [indicating on the dia-
gram].

Senator Gray. Which f]X)nt of the Government building was the
proclamation read^fromt

Mr. MgGandless. On the front steps of the Government building,
fteing the palace^ I stayed there until the third company march^
down. I came down with the third company. There were four com-
panies and all the men conveyed the arms to the Government building.
When I arrived there^they had finished reading the proclamation.
This is iK)l]ce headquarters, just a block from where we were, and all
through these streets here were frill of people — ^2,000 or 3,000 people in
the streets. When that shot was fired the people left and came down
town. Hiey thought the war had commenced down there. Some one
came to the committee of safety and reported that now was a good
opportunity to go up; the streets were entirely bare going to the Gov-
ernment building, and they came out and marched up to the Govern-
ment building a iew minutes earlier than they would have done if
there had been no firing of the shot.

Senator Fbye. They got up there before the troops didt

Mr. McCanbless. Yes. On that account the way was all open, and
nothing to interfere.

Senator Fbte. How many were there altogether f

Mr. MgOaitdless. There were 18 altogether. I was one of them.

Senator Fbye. Eighteen of what?

Mr. McCanbless. The committee was composed of 13 members in
file first place, and when the men were appointed it was found that
tiiere was some good man Ut come in, and it was increased to 14, and
the 4 ministers were put in, which made 18.

Senator Fbye. You went yourself where the military wast

8. Eep. 227 — Uo

6!^ nkwAUAS isukima

Mr. McGandless. Yes. And I think the other company marclMd
up together.

Senator Fbye. Bat yon dldrnot see themt

Mr. McCAin>iiSS& I did not see them. I was sent off on other busi-
ness. That is a stat-ement np to the proelamation. When I got up to
the Croyermnent building, just as fast as the men came in and the guns
eame in they were given to the men, and they organized the Provisional
Gorernment. They immediately wrote letters to aU the ftxreign minis-
ters there, stating that they had organized a government, and had-
charge of the public buildings and arohiyes.

Senator Frte. Did yon go into the oouncils of the Pvovimonal G«^^
emment^ or stay in the military f

Mr. M0GANBI4E8S. I carried my gun up there, and I was sent for,
and I went out of the ranks into where the councils were. I know the
first gentleman who called there was Maj. Wodehouse, the English
minister. When he came in President Dole was srtting at a taMe
about the size of this, at one end of it, and the members of the ooiui*
dl aroai»l through the room. Mr. Wodehouse came in on tlmt side
and came around to President Dole and shook hands. I did not hear
what was said; but the statement of President Dole aftorwards was
that the minister hoped the Oovernment would 'protect EnglisfaaMn —
see that the English sabject^s property was not jeopardised. And the
Japanese minister was right behind him. He came in and spoke to
President Dole, and did not speak afterwards. Thon he amd. Mr.
Wodehouse went out.

Senator Fsye. What time was thatt

Mr. MoGiLNDLESS. That was probably 4 o'clock ; I think a little
later than that Mr. Pringle called; just came in, did not say anythang^
just looked around and left.

Senator Fbte. When did you send a communication to Mr. Stevens
that you had proclaimed your government f

Mr. McCanbless. They were all sent together.

Senator Fbye. When you sent the messages to the other ministersl

Mr. MoGAia>LBBS. Yes. That was between 2 and 3 o'clock.

Senator Fbye. When did you get your answer from minister
Stevens t

Mr. McOAja)iiESS. 1 think it come irom him aboot half-^ast 4.

Senator Fbye. After the English minister and the Japanese nsinis*
tor had called f

Mr. MoOandless. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Some others camet

Mr. MoGandless. Those were the only two that came, Mr. Wode-
house and Mr. Fuge.

Senator Obay. Did any others come inf

Mr. MgGanbless. Mr. Ganavaracame later.

Senator Fbye. Who washed

Mr. McGandless. The Portuguese minister.

Senator Gbay. Do yon recollect when the reception of the note of
recognition ftom Minister Stevens was 9

Mr. McGandless. Yes; I was there when it came.

Senator Gbay. You can not fix the timet

Mr. McGandless. Things were in such contliflion that I could not
fix the time exactly; but it was 4 or half past 4 that the note of reeog-
nition came.

Senator Gbay. Had Gapt. Wiltse been in!

Mr. McGandless. lam not sure whether he came.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 627

Senalor Gray. Had Mr^ Swinburne been inf

Ifc. MgCanbless. They were in daring the evening before darkj
I mean the afternoon.

Senator Gbay. Wwe thtjy there before or after yoii sent out the
noticest

Mr. MoCakdlbss. After the notices; I do not think any before.

Scmatoor Gbat. Had you any conversation with them that afternoon t

Mr. MoOanbless. No; I was kept busy on military matters and was
in 9asA otit of the building.

Senator Gbay. Did yon see any of the United States forces, blue-
jackets, whatever they weref

Mr. MoGandless. Of course, I knew where they were.

SentstoT Gray. Did you see them ?

Mr. MoGanbless. No; not that I remember.

Senator Gbay. Did you see the sentries \

Mr. MoGandless. I did not pass the gate, so, of course, I could not
see the sentries.

SeDati>r Gbay. Where were you: in the fordgn minister's office?

Mr. McGanblbss. Of course, if I had come out to the front of the
huilding and looked directly to the left-^no; I could not see the gate
from there, I would have to step out into the yard to the side gate.
That I could see, but the front gate I could not, because of the Music
HaH.

Seaifttor Gray. Were you in the ranks, or a parivatet

Mtw McGAm>l/ES8. I was in the ranks.

Senator Gbay. You had no officers t

Mr. MoGandless. We took the officers of '87.

Senator Gbay. You had officers, thenf

Mr. McCanbless. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Did you have any military organization at the time
you went there, or did you just go as you pleased t

Mr. MoGandless. Oh, no; came up there organized.

Senator Gbay. Did you have any communication, or any of the
officers, with the commander of the U. S. troops 9

Mr. MoGandless. No; I do not think there was any one who had
eommunieation with the officers of the U. S. troops.

Senator Gbay. Did I interrupt you? You got where these ministers
came in, and you knew of the note of recognition from Minister Stevens,
and so on.

Mr. MoGandless. Probably a little earlier than that, probably 3
o^Qk>ck or a littie after, a deputy marshal was sent up from down at
^e iM>liee headquarters. He came in and asked that the ministers —
our ministers — go down to the police station in order to see if we could
aol effect a compromise. That is the statement he made. He said he
was authorized to make the statement. That, of course, was refrtsed.
He said: <^ There are some of the ministers who would be glad to come
up, bttt they are afraid."

Senator Gbay. That is, of the oM ministers t

Mr. MoGandless. The old ministers, the Queen's ministers. I think
1m said if a couple of gentlemen will come down, that will inspire con-
Adeoce in our ministers, and they will come up. He went back with
irord that if they would come up there would be no harm done; they
voidd be allowed to come and depart again: and so Mr. Parker — ^there
two of them came up; I am not sure which two; but I think it
Parker and Gomwail came up, and Mr. Parker came in as gcKid

628 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

natnred as possible. He is a great big, good-natared Hawaiian. They
had a little friendly chat.

Senator Gbat. Do yon mean a native f

Mr. MoCanblkss. He is a native, a half white.

Senator Fbte. Abont the color of the rest of themf

Mr. MgGandless. Yes; abont the color of the rest. He said: ^^Oan't
we fix this thing npf We don't want to be fighting you people." We
told him that there could be no compromise. He said : ^'I wanted the
others to come up with me, but they would not come ; they were afraid."
And I think he volunteered the statement that if we would send one or
two men down it would inspire confidence in them. Mr. Damon and Mr.
Bolte accompanied them back to the police station. In a short time all
the Queen's ministers came to the Government building, and on behalf
of President Dole a demand was made on them for the surrender of the
barracks and the surrender of the police station. They said they would
go over and see Her Majesty, andthatsome one should accompany them.
Mr. Damon accompanied them. The ministers went over to the palace
and stayed there an hour — between an hour and an hour and a half.
In the meantime we moved from the interior oiBce and went to the
finance ofSce so that this front office might be turned over to the mili-
tary; that is, the council did. Then Mr. Damon came back with some
one representing the Queen. I think it was Parker. This protest was
written out, and it was presented to Judge Dole, and he was asked to
acknowledge the receipt of it. He acknowledged the receipt of the paper
just as any officer or anyone would acknowledge the receipt of a paper.

Senator Gbay. Who handed it to himt

Mr. MgGandless. I can not say whether it was Parker or Mr. Damon.

Senator Gbat. But you can say what was said when it was handed!

Mr. MgGandless. That I can remember. The paper was handed to
President Dole. He made a statement; said, ^' Here is a protest they
want to file, and I do not see any objection to acknowledging the
receipt of it."

Senator Gbat. Did he say thatt

Mr. MgGandless. It was something to that effect. Of course, it is
hard to remember the words in an exciting time like that, and a year
ago. But he said, '^ I do not see any objection," or words to that effect

Senator Gbat. You understood that there was some point made ^
before about the reception of that protest by President Dolet

Mr. MgGandless. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Do you say you can not recollect the words f

Mr. MgGandless. I do not recollect the exact words. It is hard to
do that. I have a pretty good memory, but it is hard to get those
exact words; but they were just the words that "I do not know of
any objection to acknowledging the receipt of this dispatch which is
presented.'*

Senator Gbat. He did receive it? ' z

Mr. MgGandless. Just indorsed it, and handed it back to them. ^

Senator Gbat. He did receive it?

Mr. MgGandless. Yes; and the paper was indorsed and handed \z,
back to Parker. He took it off. He wrote the words there, I do not j '
remember what they were, just acknowledging service. Then it got to 1
be pretty nearly 7 o'clock, dark, and they said tiiat the police station p
was surrendered, and everything was surrendered, and they deputized ..
Soper, who had been appointed commander-in-chief, to go down and ./*
demand the surrender of the police station, and take it, and there were ^'

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 629

20 men deputized under Gapt. Ziegler to accompany ns. We marched
down Merchant street.

Senator Gbay. That was after the protest had come int

Mr. MgGandless. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you have an order from the Queen f

Mr. MoOanbless. No; we marched down and halted the troops in
front of the post-oflSce, in the line of Bethel street, probably within 76
feet of it. We, Ool. Soper and I, had to force our way, the streets were
jammed, and the troops were halted there. We marched forward into
the station house and the marshal's office, and demanded the surrender.
They had their Oatling gun and had commenced to take it apart to get
it away. The doors were so narrow they could not get it from one
part of the building to the other without tiE^iLing it apart.

Senator Gbay. Who was there?

Mx. NkoCANDiJESS. Mr. Wilson.

SeftiKtor Gbay. Was there any order from the Queen t

Mi. MoCandless. I do not know that there was.

Senator Gbay. Do you know of any order from the Queen f

Mr. MoGandless. ]^o.

Senator Gbay. Do you not know that Marshal Wilson received an
order firom the Queen f

Mr. MgGandless. I do not; I never heard of it. He then invited
us into the deputy marshaPs office, and we talked over the details of
the government, and he ordered the men to assemble below. It was
just as strong there of liquor as any place I was ever in — to get up
Dutch courage. They had a barrel down there.

Senator Gbay. What sort of liquor did you drink t

Mr. McCandless. The natives prefer gin. We went down below in
the back yard, and Marshal Wilson made a speech to the men and Gol.
Soper made one to them, and that ended the formal turning over of
the station house to the Provisional Government. I then went out into
the street and told Gapt. Ziegler to march his men in. We marched
them into one of the rooms, took charge of it, and went back.

Senator Gbay. How many Gatling guns were theret

Mr. McGanbless. One.

Senator Gbay. How many cannon t

Mr. MoGandlsss. The cannon were at the barracks.

Senator Gbay. How many arms were theret Did you take any
account of the arms delivered t

Mr. MgGandless. There was not then ; there was that night.

Senator Gbay. Ton did not take any account t

Mr. MoGandless. No. I went back to the Government building.
In the first place Mr. Wundenburg ^ad been sdected to be put in
charge of the station house; but Mr. Wundenburg protested against
it, saying, ^^ I have been a lifelong friend of Mr. Wilson, and it is pretty
hard to go down there and ask him to surrender; you send Soper and
MeCandless to take charge of it, and when Wilson is gone I will go
down.'' A brother of mine went down with Wundenburg and took
charge of the station house, and they were in charge of it for several
days.

Senator Gbay. Where did you go when you went firom the station
honsef

Mr. MoGakbless. Back to the Government building.

Senator Gbay. Into the council room?

Mr. McGAin)l.ESS. Into the council room.

Senator Gbay. Do yon know what time it was theni

630 BAWAIIAK tSLAHDA.

Mr. MioOAlVDi^BBS. Eight o^clock, or hslt pasi 8.

Senator Gbat. Did you see any United States tioops tlieiit

Mr. McGAHDUfiSS. 'So.

Senator Obat. Did yoa go over there that eyening at all t

'Mr. MoOanblsss. Weat past.

Senator Gbat, Did you haye any Gomnmnication with tbem atjdlt

Mr« MoOAifDLESfi. No» not any person.

Senator Gray. Do you know whether anybody furnished the United
States troops with provisions that night t

Mr. MoG ANDLS8& They had their own provisions.

Senator Obay. Do yon know whether anybody connected with. the
oily OF Provisional Oovernmentt the committae of safety^ furniahed or
caused to be furnished re&eshmients or provisions to the IJnited States
troops f

Mr. MgCandless. Not that I know.

Senator Obait* JBither that night or the next morning t

Mr. MgCandless. Yes; the next daiy, I believe, the ladiM went
down and got them cofieOf

Senator Gbay. Do you know of any man, notladieSi who interested
himself in doing itt .

Mr. MoOandless. No. There may have been; I do not know.

Senator Gbay. Have you heard of anyone!

Mr. MoGandusss. No; not pn that point.

Senator Gbay. Coffee was furnished them 1

Mr. MoOaitdlbss. I think it was.

Senator Gbay. Do you know whether Mr. Garter had anything to
do with itf

Mr. McGAinDLBSS. No.

Senator Gbay. Do you know who dug that latrine that nightt

Mr. MgGan]>les£L I heard afterwards.

Senator Gbay. Do you know whether any of the committee of
safety or anybody connected with the Provisional Government had
anything to do with digging that latrine!

Mr. McGANDLBSa. No.

Senator Gbay. Do you know how long coffee was furnished them in
the way you have described!

Mr. MgGanbx^ss. For a dny or so coffee was furnished them.

Senator Gbay. By whom !

Mr. MgGanbless. Mr. Knowltie.

Senator Gbay. Who is he!

Mr. MgGandlessl He has an eating house down town.

Senator Gbay. Do you know at whose instance!

Mr. MgGandlbss. Yes; at the instance of the ProvisioDal Gtoveni-
ment.

The Ghaibhan. That was in addition to their rations!

Mr. MgGandless. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Was it not at the instance of the Proviaioiial Gov*
emment that that ooffiBe was furnished on Wednesday morning!

Mr. MqGaitdi^ess. I do not know. I think the Udies furnished that

Senator Gbay. On Tuesday evening!

Mr. MoOai^dubss, I do not know of anything being done Tuettlay
evening.

Senator Gbay. You were otherwise engagiidf

Mr. MgGakdless. Otherwise engaged*

Senator Gbay. You were not in the commiasary business then!

Mr. MGGAKi)ijiS8& No; we bad more seriouA business on hand^st

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 681

least we thought we had when we got back to theGoTemment building
tkat evamag. There was not mach done exeept proceeding imme-
diately to organize a commission and charter a steamer to send the
commissioners to the United. States to negotiate for annexation. That
mm done that nigixt I do not think we adjourned until 11 o'<dock.

The Ghaibman. Who was in charge of the Treasury, the Hawaiian
money, at the time this reYolution took placet

Mr. MoOakdlbsb. It was in the Oovemment tmilding.

The Chairman. Who had charge of it!

Mr. McGanblbsss. G«orge Smithies was in charge. He was the
register of aeconnts.

The Chairman. Did he become a member of the Provisional Gov-
cnuiMBtf

Mr. McCandless. He was kept there, and within the last two
months he has been dismissed.

The Chaibmah« Wsa there any actual capture of the money by the
Provisional Government.

Mr. MoCandless. The information was that th^ went up there to
inquire for the ministers, the advisory and executive couucals. Of
osorae it merged right fiom the committee of safety into them. They
asked for the Queeu'^ ministers, and they were not in there, and they
taktd for the chief cleric, Mr. Hassinger, and demanded the keys,
and they were turned ov^r.

The Chaibhan. That carried with it the custodv of the money f

Mr. MoCandlsss. Te&, and of the €k>vemment departments — all the
affuiB of the Government.

The Chairman. Did the affairs move along as smoothly under the
Provisional Government as they had before! I mean tiie ordinary
routine of the Govemmentf

Mr. HoGANDLEBa Yes; we had taken the precaution to put men
over the fire department.

The Chairman. I am not speaking about mob violence, but the civil
government. Did it ge on before t

Mr. MoCANDiiBSB. Yes, one of the first things was to suspend the writ
of habeas eorpus and declare martickl law. That was Tuesday evenings

The Chairman. Who did thatf

Mr. McCandless. The Provisional Government.

The Chairman. By proclamation 9

Mr. MoCandlbss. Yes; by proclamation.

The Chairman. From that time and as long as you remained in Hono-
lulu, wae there any outbreak or any mob violence, or any assemblage
of crtizena that appeared to be riotousf

Mr. McCandless. No, with the exception. of one night. One night,
piobably I can not give that night, it was after the Garn$ty an English
war ship, oame in. The United States men had liberty and the English-
men had liberty, and very late at night, 9 or 10 o'clock at night, the
slEoete on which most of the saloons are, a great many half wmtea got
around there and got to talking with these English sailors } got to pat-
tine them en the back and telling th^n to go for the Yankee sailors,
and so the Englishmen attacked someef the Americans.

The Chairman. A sort of sailors' fight!

Mr. MoCandlsss. I think there were some natives.

The Ghaibman. Was any force used to put down that fight T

Jfr. McCandless. Ko; the native people are not a hard people to
handle at all, and if the marshal had done his duty there would not
have been much of that.

682 HAWA.IIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbat. When was thatt

Mr. MgGandlsss. That was probably the middle of February. 1
can not say the date.

The Chairman. Who was the marshal t

Mr. MoOanbless. George Ashley. He was appointed and removed
afterwards.

The Ohaibman. Was any force used to put down that riott

Mr. MgGandlsss. Oh, no; that was allowed just to quietly subside.

The Chairman. Was there any occasion since the establishment of
the Provisional Government when there were any riots which rendered
it necessary, or it appeared to be necessary, to put them downt

Mr. MgGandless. No.

The Chairman. The country has been in a peaceful state under the
Provisional Govemmentf

Mr.McCANBLESS. Yes; there was only one thing they were afraid of,
and that was incendiarism. Of course, we heard of that constantly —
heard of it from the men it came from.

The Chairman. Threats of burnings f

Mr. MoCanbless. Threats of burnings.

The Chairman. After you had organized your force under Ool. Soper
on Tuesday the 17th, did you have any apprehension that Queen Liliuo-
kalani could marshal a military force or armed citizens' force of suffi-
dent magnitude and strength to reinstate her in her possession of tiie
Government t

Mr. MgCandless. No; but we did not take any chances on that—
we continued to pei'fect our organization and to extend it so as to be
ready for anything of that kind.

The Chairman. Taking all you know about the Hawaiian Islands
and the native population and the warmth of the men who were engaged
in and are now carrying on this Provisional Government, is it your
opinion that Liliuokalani has any chance toward reinstating herself
without the intervention of some foreign government t

Mr. MgCandless. None whatever. She has not had frt>m the first.

The Chairman, Did you regard the movement from the time it was
inaugurated as one determined and resolute, or one that might give way
to some counter movement on the Queen's part — some concessions on
her part!

Mr. MgCandless. There never was any such idea prevailed there
that I know of. It was one of strict determination. We sent the com-
missioners to San Francisco. When we found that annexation had not
taken place under Mr. Harrison's administration we felt that our
interests were in just as good hands under President Cleveland. We
did not see how the dial could be turned backward.

The Chairman. You say that annexation was the ultimate result of
this revolution — ^that such was the belief of those who were engaged
initt

Mr. MgCandless. Yes. You could not have gotten the men to take
up arms otherwise. The whole object was annexation.

The Chairman. You si)oke of that being the case the year before*

Mr. MgCandless. That was only a stepping-stone — ^the annexation
movement in '87.

The Chairman. Do you know whether the Kanaka population, the
native population, sympathize in that sentiment f

Mr. MgCandless. In '87 they did. Kearly the whole native popu-
lation was on our side — sympathized with the movement. Of course
there were none of them taken into the organization.

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 633

The (yHAiBMAN. Was that distinctively an annexation movement
inWf

Mr. MoOandless. Oh, yes.

The Chaibman. What change, if any, has occurred since that timet

Mr. McCandless. The natives were completely captored with the
idea of the lottery being there, and that there would be no farther
trouble about having all the money they needed if they could get the
lottery. They were carried away with that idea. The native is like
an Indian; he will spend all the money he can get to gamble.

The Chaibman. They are» gamblers f

Mr. MgOandless. Yes. *

Senator Obat. What is their principal game, cards t

Mr. MgGanbless. They do not care tbr cards. They have a Chi-
nese game there called ^^ Paha Pia^ and che-fah. There were as high
as fifteen to twenty games running in the city at a time. That con-
sisted of going in and buying the tickets, guessing a number or a word.
It was a Chinese game, and they were very fond of it. It was a very
common report that the marshal's office was receiving $500 a week to
allow that game to continue^receiving the money from these different
banks. The Chinese cook that I had at my place told me of it. The
Chinese do not think anything of bribing, and the games are controlled
by the Chinese. He said that the marshal got $500 a week and the
deputy marshsd so much, and the others still less, making about a
tiiousand dollars a week that was paid.

The Ghaibman. This Hawaiian sympathy. Had that died out
before the revolution Y

Mr. MGCAin>LESS. I think it had.

The Chaibman. Among Kanakas.

Mr. MgCanbless. I thmk so, although the annexation question had
not been discussed publicly until the last two or three years. It was
discussed then pubUcly through the press and openly.

The Chaibman. And that sentimeut died out because they thought
they could get the money under a separate government through lottery
schemes and such likef

Mr. MgCandless. Yes. I know the leaders of the last Legislature,
among the natives, would pat their pockets, right in the legislative
chamber, and say, ^'Here is what we are here for." It had gotten to
that condition. 1 have seen that myself, right in the legislative hall.

Hie Chaibman. By the members of the Legislature t

Mr. MgCandless. By the members of the Legislature.

Senator 6b AY. The white members t

Iftr. MgCandless. The half- whites. It had gotten to that pass that
it was just about as corrupt as it could be.

The Chaibman. What time did you leave the islands to come over
heret

Mr. MgCandless. The 1st day of June.

The Chaibman. Did you leave to come here to give your testimony t

Mr. MgCandless. No. I have larger interests in the State of Wash-
ington than I have in the Hawaiian Islands. Like many people there,
1 come to the States to invest my money. I went to the State of Wash-
ington in 1886. My partner stayed there, and has been there ever
since, and as I accumulate mouey I take it to the State of Washington.

The Chaibman. Your visit to the United States is merely on busi-
Desst

Mr. MgCandless. Yes. I would not have come over except that I

promised my £ami]y to come to the Fair.

684 BiiWAUAN ISLAKOa

BeEator Obay. Wkere is y^r family t

Mr. MgOandless. I have two homes— one in Honolala and the other
in the State of Washington. I brought my family with ma.

The Ohaishan. Tour citiaen^hip is in the United Stetosf

Mr. McGandlbss. Tea; a citizen of both cenntiies.

The Chairman. You are a citizen of the United Stotos and yote
under the Hawaiian eonstitutioat

Mr. MgGaj^dless. Yes.

The Chaibkak. Bat your visit to the United States hail no ecmne^'
tion with the maintenance of the Provisional Giivenunent.

Mr. McOandless. No.

The Chaibman. You had no politioal mission over heref

Mr. MoCanblbsb. Nof just on my private affairs.

The Chaibman. And you were summoned here ftom Bestttlel

Mr. McCanplbss. No; EUensburg is my home.

Senator Fbtsl As a member of the committee of aafe^ did you expeefc
at any time, from the commenceauuit of the revolution down to its
close, to reo^ve any siqiport whatever from the Amerioan m^n^el"4^^
or the troops of the Navy f

Mr. MgCandlbss. No.

Senator Fbys. If the troops of the Navy had remained on boacd
tiietr ship, in your judgment, would it have made any differaaice in the
result f

Mr. McCANDLip^ps. None whatever; I do not think.

Senator Fbye. Did Minister Stevens^ or anybody else eonneeted with
the American Government, any officer on board the shipper anybody in
authority, convey to your committee of salMy any assurances or inti-
mations that the marines would aid the revolutionary movement t

Mr. MoCanbless. Not that I am aware of.

The Chaibman. Have you any reason to believe that there was an
understanding as to thatt

Mr. MoC ANBiiBSS. No. On the contrary, Mr. Stevens was, of eourse,
noncammittal; said he would protect Ametiean lives and proper^jr^
noncombatants.

Senator Fbyb. Did you know Mr. Stevens pretty wellY

Mr. MoCanbless. Yes; well acquainted with himf met him several
times in Honolulu, visited his family, and my fiimily visited his fiaaily*

Senator Fbye. Do you know what the estimate of his charaeter was
among the citizens there t

Mr. MgCanblbss. I do not know of an American who was not proad
of him as a citizen and as the American rej^resentative. I haiH[>eiied
to have a conversation with him just the day before tiie flag was taken
down; had business with him. I went up to call upcm him to talk
about some matters. That was the 31st day of March^ 1 think. It
was either that or the 30th. At all events it was the day before the
flag was taken down. We talked of the situation some, and he staled
that he was very well satisfied with everything as it was: imd the flag
was mentioned, I am quite sure it was, among other things, and he
said the flag would never come down, and that afibenuKm or that diqr»
at 11 o'clock, Mr. Blount called on President Dole and said he was
going to take the flag down at 4 o'clock that afternoon. Of ceurte,
it was very much of a surprise; and it was agreed that the flagahoold
come down the mxt day.

Senator Fbte. Were any demonstrations made at all in taking it
dowul

HAWAIIAN ISLAND3. 635

Mr. McCanblbbs. No.

Senator Fby£. What day did you leave tbe isiandat

Mr. MgCandless. The iBt day of June.

Senator Fbyb. The past Janet

Mr. MgGandless. Yes.

S^aator Fbys. Wbat was the character of the members of tbe Pro-
visional Government — ^high in that country t

Mr. McOandless. Yes; as I have stated before^ the men who make
up the adviflory eoancil are just such a class of men as make up the
boards of trade and chambers of commerce where I have lived in the
cities — ^men of character and standing in the community.

Senator Fsysl In yoor judgment is there any danger that the royal
party may recover the possession which it had and restore the Quieeeat

Mr. MoOAiirDLBSS. I do not think there ia any danger. Th^re is only
one Bkiment that is ipFee^ncilablB in tiie Hawaiian iSands^ ftnd that id
the anti- American and the half whites.

Senator Fbte. What is the trouble with the half whitest

Mr. MoOastblsss. They^ of course, believe theniAelves a good deal
better than the natives, and they have betm given a great many posi-
tions under the Oovenunent that it will be impossible for them to have
with the white people controlling it. The part the full natives take in
the Government, the positions they have they will c<mtinue to have*^
the Proviaional Government have no quarrel with the Hawaiian
people^

Senator Fbye. Do you know what troops Marshal Wilson and the
Quean had at the time you had this interview with Wilson t

Mr. MoOandless. I think he was allowed 75 men. Those were not
under Wilson; those were in the barracks. When we took charge of
the atation house I should judge there were 120 to 125 men.

Senator Fbte. Were they policemen, or whatt

Mr. MoOandless. Policemen. And be said he had a good many
extras in that night

Senator Fbte. From the time the Queen undertook to promulgate
the new constitution up to the time of the establishment of tbe Pro*
visional Government, was any police force on the streets preserving
order t

Mr. MoOAin>LESS. They weie on the streets just aa common as they
were ordinarily.

Senator Fbte. They were t

Mr. MoOandless. Yes.

Senate Fbte. Under the charge of Wilson t

Mr. MoOandless. Under the command of Wilson.

Senator Fbte. Did your committee of safety have any idea that in
order to take control it was necessary to take those barracks where
tboie 76 men were and the police station; did you have any such ideat

Mr. MoOandless. Of course, we knew that there was no other armed
resistance; and, of coutse» we were bound to take it.

Senator Fbte. Did you not regard yourself as in full possession
when ytu took possession of the Government building, the archives,
treasury, and everything elset

Mr. MoOandless. Yes; we had the Government and all the depart-
ments of the Government.

Senator Fbt$:. Had the m&a in charge of the Government buildings
deserted t I mean the Queen's men.

Mr. MoO 4NDLESS. The ministers were absent when the committee

636 HAWAUAK ISLANDS.

of safety went tbere. When the committee went there they asked foi
them, and they made the demand of the chief clerk

Senator Fbye. What was the danger to yonr committee of safety
that made yon call on Minister Stevens and ask him not to land thik
troops f What did yoli apprehend!

Mr. MoGandlebs. We apprehended fire and the looting of the cily.
We heard those mmors right along.

Senator Fbye. Incendiarism f

Mr. MoOandless. Incendiarism; yes. There were two or three
fires the very night that we took charge of the Government— two or
three fires that they never accounted for.

Senator Fbye. And that you apprehended from the lawless element
and not the Qneenf

Mr. MgG ANDLESS.. From the element that were her supporters.
' Senator Obay. You knew you were going to make some trouble, did
you not!

Mr. MoOandless. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Do you know why Arion Hall was selected!

Senator Gbay. Of your own knowledge!

Mr. MoOandless. I do not know of my own knowledge.

Senator Fbye. Do you know of any other suitable place for the sol-
diers to be protected that night!

Mr. MoOandless. That is the only reason for selecting that. I did
not know of any suitable place. That is the only suitable place that
they could get.

Senator Gbay. Were you with Oapt. Wiltse and Minister Stevens
when they were selecting the place!

Mr. MoOandless. Ko.

Senator Gbay. You said you knew it was the only place they could
get!

Mr. MoOandless. Of course I knew; they marched out beyond the
Government building; I saw them there myself, with stacked arms.
They marched out King street until they got in front of Mr. Atherton's,
that is a mile from the business center, and Mr. Atherton, I under-
stood, invited them into his yard to get them out of the streetn

Senator Gbay. Did you see them out at Atherton's!

Mr. MoOandless. 'So.

Senator Gbay. Did you go out with themY

Mr. MoOandless. No.

Senator Gbay. You went out afterwards!

Mr. MoOandless. Yes; I passed them afterwards, going borne.

Senator Fbye. Did the committee of safety have anything to do with
making any request as to the placing of troops in Arion H^!

Mr. MoOandless. No.

Senator Fbye. When the Provisional Gk)vemment took possession
of the Government building, were there any American soldiers drawn
up in sight of the Government building, in martial array!

Mr. MoOandless. Not that I know of.

Senator Fbye. When you went there was there any in sight!

Mr. MoOandless. No.

Senator Gbay. Do you know where they were!

Mr. MoOandless. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Do you know of any interference on the part of tbe
United States to help or hurt the Provisional Government's cause!

Mr. MoOandless. No.

Senator Fbye. Or to help or hurt the Queen's cause!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 637

Mr. McCandless. No; it was one of strict neutrality.

Senator Frte. What was the understanding of the committee of
safety — ^that these troops were to be absolutely impartial?

Mr. McOandless. Why, yes; that was all the information they
had. They would not be anything else.

Senator Fbte. You were there while Mr. Blount was there f

Mr. McCandless. Yes; for some time after he arrived.

Senator Fbte. Did the various members of the committee of safety
call on Mr. Blount with any communication t

Mr. McCandless. The committee of safety called on him — net the
advisory council — called on him in a body to pay our respects to him,
and he was informed there that any members of the committee of safety
or advisory council were ready at any time to come before him.

Senator Fbye. Were they invited!

Mr. McCandless. IN'ot that I am aware of.

Senator Frye. You were not invited!

Mr. McCandless. I was not invited. The only one that I know of
being invited before I left the islands was Mr. Bolte.

Senator Fbte. What was he; a member ot the commitee of safety!

Mr. McCandless. He was a member of the committee of safety
and member of the advisory council, and still of the advisory council.

Senator Fbte. Is he an American!

Mr. McCandless. He is a German. He is at the head of the
American house of Gimbaum & Co., of San Francisco.

Senator Fbte. Do the Germans sympathize with you there!

Mr. McCandless. Yes.

Senator Fbte. Almost unanimously!

Mr. McCandless. Almost unanimously. I do not know of a Ger-
man in the Hawaiian Islands who was against the movement.

The Chaibman. Claus Spreckels was!

Mr. McCandless. He was not there. But at the beginning Claus
Spreckels was in favor of it.

Senator Gbat. Do you know the fact of your own knowledge that
when this committee, the members of the council, or any of them,
called on Mr. Blount that he said it was a matter of extreme delicacy
on his part to ask any of them to come before him to testify as to the
strength or ability or authority of their own government, but he would
be glad to hear them!

Mr. McCandless. I never heard that statement before. I called on
him and Mr. Damon was the spokesman. After the assertion was
made that any members of the advisory council, or the committee of
safety, would be glad to call on him at any time, he said, <^Mr. Damon,
I want to have a talk with you one of these days." "Very well,'' said
Mr. Damon, " I will be ready at any time."

Senator Gbat. I wanted to know if you knew of Mr. Blount making
that statement!

Mr. McCandless. !No; I spoke to him and told him that I repre-
sented the younger element of Honolulu, and was there to assure him
there were hundreds of young men in Honolulu who were prepared to
call on him and make statements if he desired to have thenu but they
knew he was busy and did not care to caU unless invited by Mr. Blount.
That is the statement I made to him. He told me to thank the Ameri-
cans for the offer, and that was all there was of that.

Senator Fbte. Do you think of anything else you wish to state that
you have not stated!

638 HAWAIIAN ISLAKDa

The Ohaibman. Yoa identify this book, Two Weeks of BawaUan
History, of which yoa spoke in your examination f

Mr. MoOanbless. I read the resolutions of that.

The Ghaibmak. Now, this book you will take with you and examine
carefully, and see if you have any statements to make to the contrary
of anything therein contained, on your own knowledge or information.

8W0£V STATEKEHT OF BBWITT OOFnUlH-^Joiitimied.

Senator Gray. Were you on duty on the Pensaeola at Honolulu in
the Ml of 1891 and during January and February, 1892 1

Mr. OoPPMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Were you frequently on shore!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

The Chairman. On the PenMeolal

Mr. GoFFMAN. I serred on both ships.

Senator Gray. Were you frequency on shoref

Mr. OoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you mix with the people of Honolulu f

Mr. GoPFHAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. So that your aeqnainftanoe with Honolulu was not
confined to the few days that you were attaohed to the BaatoHy at the
time of this revolution t

Mr. OoFFMAN. I was tbare Tery nearly six months, the fii^t time.

Senator Gray. After the passage of what was known here as the
McEliDley bill, the tariff bill of 1890, did you find from your contact
with business people there that the pi^oeperity of those islands had been
affected by the prorisions of that bill in regard to making sugar ft«e
in the United States!

Mr. OoFFHAN. Yes ; generally so.

Senator Gray. And was that very generally marked f

Mr. GoFFMAK. Yes; I hare heard it stated that they thought the
monetary trouble they were laboring under at the time was generally
due to the fact that the United States Government, by the passage of
the McKinley bill, had killed, to a ceflrtain extent, if not altogetlwr, tiie
sugar industry of the islands.

Senator Gray, l^ow, what I was going to ask you is, dUL tiiat ha^e
its effect on annexation sentiment f

Mr. GoFFMAK. I believe that is ait the bottwi of it.

Senator Gray. Did it, to your knowledge, have the ett&ct of creating
a sentiment of annexation t

Senator Frye. For or against itf

Senator Gray. Have you knowledge that it did create aniiexati<m
sentimentt

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you hear any persons who before that were
opposed to it say they were in favor of it!

Mr. OOPFMAN, Yes.

Senator Gray. You have already testified that you commanded one
of the companies of the battalion that was landed on Monday, the 16th
of January, 1893 f

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. You landed at the wharf. What did you do at the
wharf, so soon as you got out of the boats t

Mr. OoFFMAN. So soon as we landed we formed our battalion*

JBAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 639

BstrntOT Ob AT. Did ycm form immediately t

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Was it understood before yon left the boat where
yon were to march f

Mr. Coffman. Yes; I think our route of march was mapped out
before we left the ship.

Senator Gray. Who piloted you, if anybody t

Mr. OOFFHAN. When we got to thd Goyemment building, alter
detaching the marines, Mr. Hugh Gunn, I think, guided us to Mr. Ath-
erton's place.

Senator Obay. What relation did he have to the Provisional Gov-
ernment, if any t

Mr. GoFFMAN. He commanded a comx>any of volunteer soldiers of
the Provisional Government after that, and was known as one of the
Ftnmaieintd Gt>vemment men or people.

Senator Gray. Was there, to your knowledge, any other building
Boitable for the use of the teoops of the Boston than the opera house
and Arson Hallt

Mr. OoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Wheret

1^. CoFFHLAN. On Nunanu avenue, a little more than halfway
between tiie United States consulate and the Amerieau minister's res-
idence.

Senator Gray. What sort of building was thatt

Mr. OoFFMAN. It was a large three-story, brand-new hotel, and unoc-
cupied.

Senator Gray. Bo you know who owned itf

ILr. GoFFMAN. Mr* John Thomas Waterhouse, who was present while
oar troops were standing in the street waiting to find out where Mr.
Athecten's was.

Senator Gray. Do you know whether that building was obtainable!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I have no doubt in the world that it was obtainable.

Senator Gray. Is that simply an opinion t

lib. Goffhan. That is my opinion.

Senator Gray. Did you hear Mr. Watorhoase say anything skbout itt

Mr. OoFFMAN. I beard Mr. Waterhouse say that he was glad to see
the troops, and marched down in front of us after we had halted. He
nM, ^I am glad to see this," and passed on in front of our troops> as
muflb as to say he was glad to see our troops.

Senator Gray. He owned that hotol building t

Mr. CoFF[MAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Is the situation of that building in a more thickly
built «p jatet of the townf

Mr. COFFHAN. I can not say more thickly built up; but there^are
fine rMidenees around there, and it is m<»re accessible to the business
portion.

Senator Gray. Was it nearer to what you considered the property
of American citizens than Arion Hallt

Mr. OoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. More so, or how t

Mr. Goffman. It was nearer to the residence portion, which was the
part which would be attacked in any incendiary work to go on.

Senator Gray. Will you point on that map where it isf

Mr* OoFFMAif. On Nuuana avenue.

Senator Gray. You say it is on Nuuana avenue, a little move than
half way between the U, S^ oonsulato and the U, S* legalion^

640 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes. (Indicating on diagram.) There is Nnaana
avenue; that is the legation; it is about here — ^the house is not down
here.

Senator Gbat. It was a new and unoccupied building f

Mr. CoFFMAN. It was a new and unoccupied building.

Senator Gbat. Large enough to have accommodated your forcet

Mr. OoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did any one suggest the use of that building t

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes; I did myself.

Senator Gray. Where and when!

Mr. GoFFMAN. When the troops were drawn up; I think first when
they were drawn up in the street, and certainly afterward, when we
were waiting for a place to go.

Senator Gbay. Whom did you suggest it tof

Mr. GoFFMAN. To the officers in general. Mr. Swinburne was pres-
ent when I spoke of that place as a good place.

Senator Gray. What was said, if anything, in reference to thatf

Mr. GoFFMAN. My impression was that they thought it was not as
good a location as farther down town.

Senator Gray. You have spoken of Mr. Gunn and Mr. Waterhouse.
After you landed did you see any others who were connected with the
committee of safety or afterward with the Provisional Government f

Mr. GoFFitfAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Who was it!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I remember Mr. Garter.

Senator Frye. Mr. Gharles Garter!

Mr. GoFFMAN. Mr. Gharles Garter; yes. I remember Mr. Gastle.
I do not know what his first name is; he is a brother to the commis-
sioner, a taU nervous man with a red beard, I remember. I do not
believe I could call the names, because it is a question of testimony.
Those men I was acquainted with; I knew who they were, and Mr.
Gunn 1 knew pretty well.

Senator Gray. Was that at the landing placet

Mr. GoFFMAN. No, up the street.

Senator Gray. What part of the street!

Mr. GoFFMAN. It was first when we halted, and the second time
while we were waiting to go to Mr. Atherton's when I saw Mr. Gunn,
and later I saw Mr. Garter. I was informed that Mr. Garter had
obtained Arion Hall for our barracks. I also saw Mr. Garter at Arion
Hall that night, and to my mind he was the moving spirit for provid-
ing for the quarters of the troops and their comfort — ^little things as
they needed, such as sinks or latrines for the men. And they hauled
in their sand late at night. I am quite sure that Mr. Garter made the
ari^ngements, or Mr. Swinburne and Mr. Garter spoke about the con-
dition of the sinks for the men. In fact, there was only one sink*

Senator Gray. Did that continue until the next day t

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. Though tfulness for your comfort!

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. By members of the Provisional Govemmentf

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes; they were back and forth into the Government
building. Our officers knew a great many of them, and they used to
talk to a great many. They used to come to the fence and come to
the gate, and I am quite sure that there were some of the officers who,
while they did not idlow persons to come into the grounds unless they
were passed in by an officer, all of them were recognized by the officers
and allowed to come and go \>?bK^^ and forth.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. . 641

Senator Gbay. Was anything said in your hearing by any of these
people about expecting you over to the grounds of the Government
building t

Mr. COPFMAN. Yes. The day they took possession was one of the
first intimations, and caused me to commence to think — the fact that
one of their men came over to our house, one of their of^cers or one of
the sympathizers, and in conversation with other persons expressed
gnrprise that our troops had not gone into the grounds of the Govern-
ment building when they took possession.

Swiator Frye. Who was that!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I think it was Mr. Gunn, who commanded one of the
Yolonteer companies.

Senator Gbay. How long was this after the proclamation of thePro-
Tisional Government, if you can recollect f

Mr. CoFFMAN. I do not think it could have been more than two
boors, or x>erhap8 not so long, or a little longer.

Senator Gbay. Where were you when the Provisional Government
was proclaimed from the front of the Government building?

Mr. CoFFMAN. I was in the yard of Arion Hall, in command of my
company.

S^ator Gbay. Gould you see the proceedings from where you weref

Mr. COFFMAN. !N'o.

Senator Fbye. Which front did you understand afterwards was it
that the proclamation was made fromf

Mr. OoFFMAN. From the front of the building.

Senator Fbye. There is only one front!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes; only one front.
• Senator Fbye. Which way does that facef

Mr. CoFFMAN. It faces the palace.

Senator Fbye. And not Arion Hallf

Mr. CoFFMAN. ]^o-, the x)OBitions of the two buildings are like this
[illustrating]. Arion Hall is there and the Government building
there, with a narrow street between theuL

Senator Gbay. The proclamation was proclaimed from the north
front of the Government building f

Mr. CoFFMAN. I should say so; yes. That was the main entrance.

Senator Gbay. Where were you when the proclamation was read?

Mr. OoFFMAN. In here, at Arion Hall, back of the opera house.

Senator Gbay. So that you could not see thatf

Mr. COFFMAN. No.

Senator Gbay. Were there any troops in here [indicating]!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes; and jperhaps Mr. Laird; I do not know whether
he was here [indicating]. That is where the artillery were and that
is where Mr. Young was [indicating].

Senator Gbay. Does this recall to your recollection the x)osition of
theta^oopsf

Mr. COFFMAN. Yes; my recollection of the troops is that they were
a little differently arranged from that. I do not know; I may be mis-
taken on account of the points of the compass; but I think my com-
IKany was drawn like this [indicating]. I think it stood here [indica^
ting] and Mr. Young's right in here [indicating].

Senator Gbay. That [indicating] would not indicate that the troops
w^e along here!

Mr. CoFFMAN. No; only here — sentries.

Senator Fbye. The other ofdcers testiHed that no troops were thera
bat the sentries.

a. Bep. 227 U

642 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Ob at. Where were the gunst

Mr. GoFFMAN. My recollection is that one ^n was here [indicating],
pointed toward the building; the other gon here [indicating,] pointing
out here. But my impression is that you can see the palace from this
street here [indicating].

Senator Gbat. Is this a street [indicating] t

Mr. CoFFiffAN. Yes; it comes out onto the street. There is a fence
along there, where my men used to come from this yard here [indicat-
ing].

Senator Obat. Is there a gate at that i>oint [indicating]?

Mr. OoFPMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbay. You say that the next day these gentlemen provided
for your comfort — Mr. Garter and others who seemed to be of the
Provisional Government.

Mr. GoFFMAN. I got the impression that everybody seemed on our
side of the question^ seemed to be in sympathy with them, and seemed
naturally to look to those people for anything that was wanted done,
no matter what it was.

Senator Gbat. You say that you were somewhat familiar with the
people of that city and with the condition of things there. From your
observation of matters about this time, and what you knew of those
people, what is your military opinion as to whether that Provisional
Government coidd have been established at that time in the way it
was if the United States troops had not been landed in Honolulu!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I do not think it would have been.

Senator Gbat. Did or did not that seem to be the accepted opinion
in Honolulu f

Senator Fbtb. Mr. Goffman has not laid the foundation for such an
opinion as that.

Senator Gbat. Ko; I freely confess that aU this examination has
been outside ot the rules that govern the courts, but the latitude here
is greater than in court practice. Still, I think that is a proper ques-
tion. I will ask you if you had the opportunity, after as well as before
you landed, in your contact with the people of Honolulu, to get an
impression and form an opinion as to what their sentiments were in
regard to the matter I have just mentioned!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I think so.

Senator Gbat. Did you meet the people!

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Where!

Mr. GoFFMAN. At their private houses.

Senator Gbat. Did you go to the club !

Mr. GoFFMAN. \es; and at the hotel and on the streets.

Senator Gbat. Have you extensive acquaintances in Honolulu!

Mr. GoFFMAN. I think I know almost everybody in Honolulu; while
not intimately, I know them pretty well.

Senator Gbat. Was the revolution and proclamation of the Pro-
visional Government a topic of conversation!

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes ; but not until after we landed.

Senator Gbat. You heard it frequentiy spoken of !

Mr. GoFFMAN. Very frequently.

Senator Gbat. I will ask you whether you gathered irom the oppor-
tunities which you have described a defiaite opinion as to what the
impression was in regard to the matter which I have just asked yoa
about!

Mr. GoFFMAN. My opinion is that everybody believed that the entire

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 643

Amencan force and American minister were in accord and sympathy
with the movement, and I do not think the movement would have been
undertaken had they not thought so beforehand.

Senator Gbat. Do you think that is the opinion f

Mr. COFFMAN. I think that is the opinion. If you say to them,
<^ Would you have taken possession of that building had you not known
that the sympathy of the United States troops and minister was with
you,'' some of them will say, "Well, perhaps not: but they were there.^'

The Chairman. You say they would say thatf

Mr. CoFFMAN. I heard Mr. McCandless say so, and I heard Mr. Gunn.

Senator Obay. Have you heard other people say sof

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes; I have heard other people say so; and in my
mind I am thoroughly convinced that those men thought and felt if
there was necessity our troops would aid them. I do not say they would
have done so by firing or anything of that sort. At the time the thing
came on me so suddenly I did not give it much attention; but after that
time, after it simmered down, I came to that conclusion.

The Ch AIRMAN. How could you^aid them except by firing f

Mr. GoFFMAN. The moral presence of the troops, which is very great
on an occasion of that kind, and the position in which they were placed.

Senator Gray. Your position is, that while these troops were there
toprotect life and property there waa a general impression in Hono-
lulu that carried the purpose of their presence far beyond that.

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes; I believe that.

Senator Gray. I will ask you whether the people of the Queen's
party did not to your knowledge generally (and if you do not know
Bay you do not know) entertain the opinion that the presence of the
United States troops was in sympathy with the movement f

Mr. Goffman. They did; and I have heard them say such things
after the thing was over.

The Gh AIRMAN. Did they include you amongst the Sjonpathizers
with the Provisional Government!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

The Gh AIRMAN. Was that an improper estimate of your attitude t

Mr. Goffman. No.

The Ghairman. You were in sympathy with themf

Mr. GcFFMAN. Yes. I was there to do whatever I was ordered to
do, so long as it was a legitimate order from my commanding ofQcer,
and if it was I would have carried it out.

' The Ghairman. After you had been there sometime you had the
same feeling f

Mr. Goffman. Yes; right straight through.

The Ghairman. So that you have been ready at any time heartily to
enter into the movement to overthrow the Queen?

Mr. Goffman. I would have entered into any order that was given
me properly.

The Ghairman. I am talking of your preferences!

Mr. Goffman. Yes. While we have no sympathy with the Queen,
I have contended with my shipmates that the manner in which it was
done was the only question. That is the only question I ever brought
np.

The Ghairman. Did you express your views there as being favor*
able to annexation?

Mr. GolPFMAN. Oh, yes.

The Ghairman. You have expressed them openly t

Mr. Goffman. Yes; to everyone.

644 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. And as being opposed to the Queen and her mon-
archy!

Mr. GOFFMAN. As opposed to the Queen and her monarchy. That
question never came up. I had no opinion of the old Queen, and I
would be glad if she lost her place.

The Chaibman. Do you think that a proper estimate to form of the
Queen f

Mr. OoFFMAN. I think it is, because I do not think, from what I have
seen recently, that she is a fit person to have hold of the reins of the
Government.

The Chairman. As an officer, and while you were there, did you form
an opinion that the Queen was conducting a fair, honest, and reputable
government!

Mr. COFFMAN. That is a question I did not form an opinion upon.

The Chairman. Did you have an opinion on the subject 1

Mr. CoFFMAN. No; not prior to this trouble.

The Chairman. I mean during the trouble !

Mr. CoFFMAN. No ; can not say that I had.

The Chairman. Upon what ground did you form the opinion that
the Queen was not a proper person to be in charge of the government?

Mr. CoFFMAN. In what I have seen later in the letter replying to
Mr. Willis's question.

The Chairman. I am speaking of the time you were on shore as an
officer of the Navy. I understood while you were there you gave
expression to the opinion that the Queen was not a proper person to be
at the head of the government.

Senator Gray. Did Mr. Coffman give expression to that opinion!

Mr. Coffman. In fact, I can say that I said at times that she would
not be restored.

The Chaibman. Did you make use of that expression while you
were there as an officer!

Mr. Coffman. Yes.

The Chairman. Upon what did you base that opinion that the
Queen could not be restored!

Mr. Coffman. I based it upon the rush with which it was carried
on. That was before Mr. Blount came out there, before any investi-
gation ; what we saw from the press, that the President had negotiated
the treaty and sent it into the Senate, and we saw the discussions in
the Senate.

The Chairman. Was that an estimate of the Queen's power based
on her want of military resources!

Mr. Coffman. Yes. I believe after her military resources were
taken from her she did not have the means to procure them again ; I
do not mean money means, but that the Provisional Government woiUd
prevent her getting hold of the means for her restoration.

The Chairman. And that is the ground on which you base your
opinion that the restoration of the monarchy was not likely to take
place!

Mr. Coffman. Yes.

The Chairman. Now, comparing the people there, the main support-
ers of the Queen as you knew them, with the main bodies of the citi-
zens there engaged in this adverse movement, which would you eay
were the more intelligent and better class!

Mr. Coffman. I should say, as a man, those who are in the Provis-
ional Government are much more intelligent, that is, much better edu-
cated, and I think that they have a greater number, a majority of those

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 645

who are conceded to be the best people in the island ; although I must
say that there are men who are supporters of the Queen, and whom I
know personally, whose integrity I believe as good as any man's in the
Provisional Government.

The Ghaibman. I am speaking of the general masses.

Mr. GoFFMAN. Tes. The natives, you might say, are almost as a
unit opposed to the Prdvisional Government.

The Ghaibman. Without reference to whether they are property
holders or not?

Mr. GoFFMAN. Yes.

The Ghaibman. It is a question of sentiment and devotion to their
own institutions!

Mr. GoFFMAN. A question of sentiment and devotion to their own
institutions.

Senator Gbat. I omitted to ask one question. Why were you of
opinion that another place than Arion Hall or the Opera House should
have been selected for the troops!

Mr. GoFFMAN. For the reason that the Government building would
be the XK>int of attack, and that unless we were to be in the way of any
firing that might be going on, it might be better to be placed at a point
which I considered at that time needed more protection than any prop-
erty around Arion Hall — ^that portion of the city which is the residence
portion.

The Ghaibman. Were there any troops located in the Government
buOdingt

Mr. GoFFMAN. There were none there when we went there.

The Ghaibman. No; I mean at the time you considered the coptro-
?erfiy between the Hawaiians and the Provisional Government would
involve, necessarily, the United States troops!

Mr. GoFFBiAN. Prior to that time I formed this opinion — ^prior to the
time they went into the Government building, and I had it more
strongly after they went in there.

The Ghaibman. Was there any garrison in the Government build-
iog at the time your troops were first stationed there!

Mr. Goffman. Ko.

The Ghaibman. Where was the garrison!

Mr. Goffman. There was none, except that of the Queen's troops,
which was back of the palace.

The Ghaibman. Well, an attack by the populace upon the Provi-
sional Government, or by the troops of the Provisional Government upon
the Queen's forces, would have been made at the barracks where the
forces were!

Mr. Goffman. No; I do not think they had any idea of attacking
the Queen's people. I think they thought the Queen's people would
attack them.

The Ghaibman. Suppose they had the idea of attacking the Queen's
people, would they or not have made it at the baiTacks!

Mr. Goffman. I think they would have gone and taken x)ossession
of the Government building, feeling if any attack were to be made
tfae Queen's people would make it.

The Ghaibman. From anything you saw there at that time, was
there any demonstration on the part of the Queen's troops to indicate
that they would make an attack upon the Government building or ou
any of the troops about the Grovernment building!

Mr. Goffman. No 3 not that I saw.

646 HAWAIIAN ISLANBB.

The Ohaibhak. Then th^re was no danger of a collision that you
could seef

Mr. OoFPMAN. None, except that they had taken place there before.

The Chairman. You mean on former occasions, several years before!

Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes; several years before.

The Ohaibman. The Government building was not a fortified place,
was itf

Mr. COFFMAN. No.

The Chairman. Was it constructed of wood or brick!
Mr. CoFFMAN. I think it is coral, and perhaps brick ; not wood*
Senator Frte. What is the color of the coral t
Mjp. COFFMAN. Light color; 'gray color.
Senator Fbye. Does it harden t
Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

Senator Gray. After you left Arion Hall wasjanything done for your
comfort — after you went into Camp Boston!
Mr. CoFFMAN. Yes.

genator Gray. When did you go into Camp Boston!
[r. CoFFMAN. My recollection is that we remained three nights at
Arion Hall, the 16th, 17th and 18th, and the forenoon of the 19th.
When we went into Camp Boston we were furnished with beds, mat-
resses, mosquito bars, and mosquito netting for the men, all furnished
by the Provisional Government, which at that time had taken posses-
sion.

Senator Gray. Did they keep on furnishing you coffee!

Mr. CoFFMAN. "So; 1 do not think they did; I think a short time
after that we got our own cooking arrangements and cooked our own
provisions.

Senator Gray. How did you get these things; what was the mode!

Mr. CoFFMAN. We had a lot of requisition blanks which were fur-
nished to the camp, and the adjuta.nt--of course, I do not refer to pro-
visions, because when we got there we got our ship's cook — ^wonld
make a requisition upon the commissary of the Provisional Govern-
ment, Mr. Hall, and if not through him, Mr. McCandless, who was one
of the military committee.

Senator Gray. Did you have sheds!

Mr. CoFFMAN. There were wash sheds for the men to wash their
clothing, an of&cers' kitchen built, and bunks afterward. Bunks were
put in the guardroom for the men who remained on shore. My recol-
lection is that was afterward.

The Chairman. You did not decline any of the hospitalities that
were offered you!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I never heard of it.

The Chairman. Had the same hospitalities been tendered by the
Queen's government would they have been equally acceptable!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I think I would have accepted.

The Chairman. Everything was fish that came to your net!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I think so.

Senator Frye. Are mosquitoes plentiful on the islands!

Mr. CoFFMAN. I did not sleep a wink that night.

Senator Frye. How many months of the year are they troublesome!

Mr. CoFFMAN. The whole year round.

Adjourned until Thursday, the 25th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS.' 647

Washington, D. C, Thursdayj January 25^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The Chairman (Senator Mobgan) and Senators Obay
andFBTS.
Absent: Senators Bxttleb and Shebman.

8W0BV STATEMENT OF M. STALKER.

The Chairman. State your age and place of residence t

Mr. Stajlkeb. I am 52 years of age and my residence is Ames, Iowa.

The Chaibman. When did you last visit the Hawaiian Islands!

Mr. St ALKBB. I arrived in the Hawaiian Islands the 17th of Decem-
ber, 1892.

The Chaibman. When did you come away from there f

Mr. Stalkeb. I left there the Ist day of February following.

The Chaibman. Had you ever before that visited the Hawaiian Is-
lands?

Mr. Stalkbb. No.

The Chaibman. What was your purpose in making that visit, gen-
erally speaking f

Mr. Stalkeb. I went simply for a pleasure trip, winter's outing, and
to consider the customs of the people.

The Chaibman. What is your profession t

Mr. Stalkeb. Professor in the Agricultural College of Iowa.

The Chaibman. And it was an interest in your profession that led
you to look up the habits and customs of the Hawaiian people f

Mr. Stalkeb. No; no connection with the college whatever.

The Chaibman. Had you ever been there before t

Mr. Stalkeb. No.

The Chaibman. What islands did you visit!

Mr. Stalkeb. Oahu and Hawaii.

The Chaibman. Oahu is the one upon which Honolulu is situated t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Did you go to Hilo!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Did you go out into the country!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Just visited the volcanoes, or make an exploration
amongst the people f

Mr. Stalkeb. I saw comparatively little of the people on the islands.
I was there several days and visited the people of Hilo and some of the
prominent men of the town, and talked with them.

The Chaibman. Did you make any examination of the homes and
farms of the common people of Hawaii .while you were out there!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; to rather a limited extent — ^made a number of
short excursions from Honolulu and vicinity to some places more
remote.

The Chaibman. What opinion did you form of the native x>opulation
of Hawaii, as to their docility, disx)osition to be quiet and good citi-
zens!

Mr. STAI.KEB. My estimation of them is that they are an excej)-
tionally quiet, docile people.

The Chaibman. You would not regard them then as being an aggres-
sive military' people, or aggressive in political eitbrts or ventures!

648 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stalker. No; just the reverse of that condition I should say
was true of tliem.

The Chaieman. Do they seem to be a happy people at homef

Mr. Stalkeb. Quite so, I think.

The Ohaibman. Did you ascertain from your observations whether
they were living in a comparative degree of comfort, as other persons in
a similar situation in life in other countries f

Mr. Stalker. I think they are. It requires comparatively little in
that country to make one reasonably comfortable.

The Chairman. Did they impress you as a misgoverned, depressed,
and downcast people f

Mr. Stalker. No; I would not say that.

The Chairman. I suppose their holdings of land are quite limited,
small!

Mr. Stalker. That is the result of my observation, that the hold-
ings of a great majority of natives are comparatively small, although
I think the aggregate number of holdings is a good deal larger thau
that of any other nationality.

The Chairman. Did those small holdings seem to be sufiBcient for
the maintenance of the families who were residing upon themf

Mr. Stalker. They seemed to be.

The Chairman. To what do you attribute that they can live on so
small an area of landf •

Mr. Stalker. In the first place, as I have already stated, one can
live in that country better than in an inclement country, such as ours,
in clothing and houses, and, to some extent, food. The country is won-
derfully productive in some of its vegetable growths. They have
access to the sea, which is literally swarming with fish in addition to a
small plat of ground to be cultivated in taro. It is possible to support
a family in reasonably good condition off what would seem to be
exceedingly slender opportunities in this country.

The Chairman. As a class, would you say the people are exi>ert fish-
ermen f

Mr. Stalker. I doubt whether my observation on that subject would
make me a very good witness. I should say hardly, in a large sense,
as their fishing is carried on for private purposes.

The Chairman. The native Kanaka depends upon his skill as a
fisherman, rather than endeavoring to carry on any large enterprisef

Mr. Stalker. ,Yes; I saw no enterprise like that carried on by the
natives, in a large way.

The Chairman. Were you in Honolulu in the latter part of the year
1892 and the first part of the year 1893!

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Chairman. When did you get back to Honolulu firom your visit
down to Hawaii!

Mr. Stalker. I doubt whether I can give that date. I think I
went down about the first of the year and was gone seven or eight
days. I returned some days prior to the so-called revolution; the date
I can not just recall.

The Chairman. When you returned to Honolulu, what would you
say was the situation of the people there in respect to projected or
contemplated legislation upon the subject of opium and the lottery; in
a state of excitement or quietude!

Mr. Stalker. There was a good deal of excitement in the assembly;
or, at least, a good deal of acrimonious discussion; I would not say
intense excitement; I would say hot-blooded discussion.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 649

The Ghaibkan. Did yoa hear the debates in the assembly, the Tieg-
idatnret

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Were the newspapers engaged in considering, dis-
cossing these questions t

Mr. Stalker. Yes ; the newspapers were pretty actively interested
in those topics.

The Ghaisman. How about the responsible citizens of Honolulu;
were they also concerned in these matters f

Mr. Stalker. Yes; I think they were.

The Chairman. Were you made aware while you were there of an
alleged effort to press these bills through by getting a change in the
ministry of the Queen so that she could get a ministry or cabinet to
sign the bills with her on their passage!

Mr. Stalker. Yes; that charge was made in the public press. I had
no other means of knowing; I had no private information on that subject.

The Ghairman. Was that a subject of anxious discussion amongst
the people of Honolulu t

Mr. Stalker. Yes ; there was a good deal of talk on that subject.

The Ghairman. Were you there at the time the ministry was changed
by a vote of want of confidence t

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Ghairman. Did that change in the ministry produce any very
decided impression upon the people f

Mr. Stalker. I can not say that I appreciated any marked change
outside of the atmosphere about the Government building among the
pubhc oflScers, members of the assembly. They manifested a pretty
high state of interest and some intensity of feeling on the subject. I
can not say that I appreciated anything of the kind among the common
people, especially on the streets.

The Ghairman. Did you then have the impression that a change in
the ministry and the passage of the opium and lottery bills would be
likely to result in a revolution in the Government f I am speaking now.
of the time when the change took place.

Mr. Stalker. No ; I am sure that did not manifest itself to my mind.

The Ghairman. Did you hear of any association or conspiracy or
any other voluntary combination of men in Honolulu at that time for the
purpose of revolutionizing the Government, dethroning the Queen, and
annexing the islands to the United States, in consequence of the pas-
sage of the opium bill and the lottery bill!

Mr. Stalker. No ; I did not.

The Ghairman. Was there any mob demonstration or military
demonstration there to indicate that there was deep-seated or a vio-
lent state of feeling amongst the people in regard to' these projected
measures f

Mr. Stalker. No.

The Ghairman. When did you first become aware that a revolution
was on foot in Honolulu t

Mr. Stalker. If I remember correctly, it was on Monday, the 16th.

The Ghairman. About what timef

Mr. Stalker. I attended a mass itieeting at 2 o'clock in the after-
noon and had some conversation with some citizens, I believe, earlier
in the day, which led me to believe that there was an organized plan
being developed to change the Government.

The Ghairman. When you say ^^ being developed,'' do you mean in
process of developmentt

650 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Staleeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. What was the first intimation yon had, or first idea
grasped by you, that that might result in a complete revolution of the
Government f

Mr. Stalkeb. I think it was other than this. I had formed a con-
jecture of that kind a day or two earlier from some little matters that
I had observed that I could not interpret the meaning of any other way.
I refer now to the fact of being in one or two hardware stores in town
and seeing

Senator Gbay. Was that on Monday t

Mr. Staleeb. This was Monday, and possibly as early as Saturday-
observing some citizens getting fixed ammunition, cartridges — saw a
number of citizens come in and rather quietly procure ammunition
and go out with it.

The Ohaibman. Then you began to think that they would have use
for that ammunition in some emeute or disturbance that was to take
placet

Mr. Stalkeb. I began to regard that as a possibility. I knew
nothing but what I saw, and began to wonder why there were so many
citizens wanting fixed ammunition.

The Ohaibman. And it was not until Monday, if I gather your
recollection about it, that you discovered there was an actual and
combined movement in that direction t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. About how many persons do you think were at the
meeting which you mentioned as having taken place in Honolulu on
Monday t

Mr. Stalkeb. Twelve hundred or 1,400.

The Ohaibman. Did it seem to be an intense meeting in its exhibi-
tion of feeling f

Mr. Stalkeb. A good deal.

Senator Ob ay. You, yourself, were at the meeting t

Mr. Stalkeb Yes.

Senator Gbat. There were other tourists, like yourself, who helped
to make up that numbert

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; I might say I saw people there from our hoteL

The Ohaibman. Speeches were made and resolutions adopted t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Were there demonstrations of applause and cheer-
ing about the meeting f

Mr. Stalkeb. Applause and cheering were pretty vociferous at the
time the speeches became of a rather sensational and exciting nature.

The Ohaibman. You have seen assemblages of that kind — ^not that
kind particularly, but many public assemblages — ^wonJd you say from
^our observation that that was an enthusiastic and strongly exciting,
intense meeting t

Mr. Stalkeb. I can hardly say that they were intensely excited. It
was a pretty enthusiastic meeting; a good deal of vociferous cheering
greeted the speakers, but there was no excitement, no disturbance.

The Ohaibman. Did the meeting impress you with the idea tiiat
there was a resolute purpose to carry out the endt

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; it did.

The Ohaibman. What was that end, as you gathered it from the
meeting; what was the purpose they had in viewt

Mr. Stalkeb. I believed then^ for the first time, certainly that a

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 651

revolation was in obntemplation, althoagh that was disclaimed in the
speaking.

The Chaibhan. In the speeches was it stated, or did you under-
stand it to be advocated as an attitude of the meeting, that in the
event they could get a guaranty of their constitutional rights they
would not overthrow the Queen or revolutionize the Government t

Mr. Stalker. As I recall it there was no policy, no promise of any-
thing outlined. It was rather a declamatory style of speaking, in which
the existing' Oovemment was severely criticised, different speakers
saying: ^< We are not here as revolutionists, but to talk about griev-
ances." I can not recall a single speech where so much as a single word
was said about changing the form of the Government. I can not recall
anything of the kind.

The Chairman. And yet you were conscious all the time that that
would be the result t

Mr. Stalker. Yes; when 1 went to my hotel immediately after the
meeting I said to some of my Mends, <• There will be an attempt at rev-
olution here inside of three days;" I was laughed at.

The Chairman. Suppose that the Hawaiian people had been left to
settle this matter in their own way, without the intervention of the
TJnited States or any other country, could you state it as your opinion
that the popular demonstration which you witnessed at that meeting
and the persons who were engaged in it and the purposes which
actuated them were sufficiently strong and the people were sufficiently
powerftil to carry their end against the real government t In other
words, did you believe from all the surrounding circumstances that the
revolution then inaugurated would be successful aside from the inter-
vention of the TJnited States t

Mr. Stalker. I am not prepared to say I believed the Hawaiian
citizens who were most enthusiastic in this meeting would of them-
selves conduct a successful revolution; but I had been led to believe by
some remarks of citizens that the men were coming from the Boston.

The Chairman. State what those remarks were, and who were the
men who made them, and when they were made as Well as you can
remember.

Mr. Stalker. If I remember correctly, it was a fHend of mine, a
Mr. White, who was a member of the revolutionary party, a nice
gentleman. He said to me on this day

The Chairman. What dayt

Mr. Stalker. I think this was Monday — ^< If you want to see some
fan get up early to-morrow; there will be an end of Kanaka Govern-
ment.^

The Chairman. What time of day was that remark made to yout

Mr. Stalker. I have been trying to recaU that, and I am not quite
able to say whether this was in the forenoon or afternoon.

The Chairman. That was on Mondayt

Mr. Stalker. Yes; I am sure this was on Monday.

The Chairman. Where were you when Mr. White made that remark t

Mr. Stalker. I met him on the street.

The Chairman. Do you remember whether it was before or after the
the mass meeting which you attended t

Mr. Stalker. I can not say as to that.

The Chairman. You have stated what he said. Have you stated
all or is there something else you wish to addt

652 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stalkbb. I thiuk that i& siU 1 recall, anything like verbatim.
He used those words.

The Ohaibman. After the mass meeting had passed, I will say the
two mass meetings that occurred on Monday, was there a state of qoie-
ttide in Honolulu f

Mr. 8TALKEB. Yes; I think there was. When I left the meeting at
the barracks, held by the supposed revolutionists, I went to the meeting
held by the natives — that is, mostly native people who were in attend-
ance at this meeting around at the Government building: I walked in
and out of that crowd and through it, and I saw no disturbance.

Senator Gbay. That was an ox>en-a]r meeting f

Mr. Stalker. Yes; this was an open-air meeting. I saw no demon-
stration. I could not understand what they were talking about. I saw
no violence, no demonstration. 1 walked about the streets afterward,
and I saw no disturbance, heard no loud talking, nor anything to indi-
cate violence — so far as a man could see on the E(tLrface

The Chaibman. On Monday evening and night was Honolulu in a
condition of quietude, or one of excitementf

Mr. Stalkeb. I saw no excitement whatever.

The Ohaibman. About what time did the troops from the BoaUm
come in that evening?

Mr. Stalkeb. Late in the afternoon, a little before sundown; I
should think between 4 and 5 o'clock, as I recall it.

The Ohaibman. Did their appearance create any excitement amongst
the population t

Mr. Stalkeb. Apparently not. There was quite a little talk about
it. The question was very frequently asked : " Why are the Boston boys
heref " Some of us walked over from the hotel, which was a block or
two blocks away, heard their music, and saw the boys marched up the
street.

The Ohaibman. Did the troops come with drums and fifes or with a
brass bandt

Mr. Stalkeb. They had a drum corps.

The Ohaibman. Did you witness anything of an exasperated or agi-
tated feeling on the part of the natives as they were marching up
through the streets t

Mr. Stalkeb. In their faces I think there was a good deal of intense
excitement manifested. They were comparatively quiet. That seems to
be their disposition. They stood around in considerable numbers. A
few hundred of them were out there when the Boston boys came to a
halt in front of the palace, standing on the sidewalks and in the streets.
But there was very little conversation going on, even amongst them.

The Ohaibman. Was it a mixed assemblage of women and children t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Such as would attend a demonstration of that kind
in towns here!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Ohaibman. Was any clamor raised against them — hissing or
resentment at their coming ashore t

Mr. Stalkeb. ^o ; nothing that I could recognize as a hiss.

The Ohaibman. Did you witness any demonstration against the
troops while they were ashore by any person of Hawaiian nativity t

Mr. Stalkeb. I did not

The Ohaibman. You would say, I suppose, that their presence on
the island was not a cause of national offensei so £Bur as you could aeet

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 653

Mr. Stalkeb. It certainly did not manifest itself in the way of dis-
orderly conduct if it was.

The Chairman. It was not such as would accompany the Britishert
if they were to land in Baltimore without invitation from the Presidens
of the United States f

Mr. Stalkeb. I think not.

Senator Gbay. WhDe you are on that subject of the landing of the
troox>8y I will ask you a question. You have already said that (on
Monday, I think it was) you heard expressions i^om a number of peo-
ple that some revolution, indications of which you thouglit you had
seen, would be supported by the troops from the Boston. When these
troops landed did you gather from your contact with or observation
of the people an impression as to how that landing was regarded, and
what was the general opinion as to the purpose of that landing?

Mr. Stalk£B. The feeling, so far as I was able to judge of it, from
conversations with the citizens, was that they would at least not be in
the way of any revolutionary effort that might come on.

The Ghaibman. You mean the troops from the Boston would not bet

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Obat. Was that landing and the impression that it created,
in your opinion, a discouragement of those who were in the contem-
plated revolution f

Mr. Stalshsb. It was not; most decidedly.

Senator Gbay. Were you present when the troops landed from the
boats t

Mr. Stalkeb. Not at the wharf; not at the landing.

Senator Obat. You first saw tliem as they passed your hotel f

Mr. Stalkeb. They did not pass immediately by the hotel, but two
streets away. I saw them as they came up.

Senator Gbay. Where was their first halt!

Mr. Stalkeb. Their first halt was in a sort of plaza, or broad street,
near what they call the royal palace and Government building.

Senator Gbay. How long did they halt!

Mr. Stalkeb. They were there several minutes. I should think they
stood around there a quarter of an hour or more, possibly twice that
long. Then they marched on past the palace down the street a few
blocks beyond and turned into the grounds of a private citizen. A
little later they marched back up the street to their same position, the
palace being on the right side and the Government building on the
left hand as they came back, and went into quarters for the night in a
building that stands immediately at the end of the Government build-
ing and facing the palace on the opposite side of the street.

Senator Gbat. That was Monday t

Mr. Stalkeb. Monday night. It was dark before all this was
through with.

Senator Gbay. Were you up there when they went into quarters t

Mr. Stalkeb. I^o; I was not there when they returned; thi3 was
alter dark.

Senator Gbay. Did you get up early the next morning, Tuesday, to
see what the fun would be which Mr. White had predicted you would
enjoy t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. What did you observe on Tuesday t

Mr. Stalkeb. I walked out to the corner of the palace grounds, a
plot of land possibly of 20 acres, cornering on the hotel grounds. I
walked along on the west side of the court over to the stxe^ti ^\i«!c^\X2l<^

654 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

troops were quartered, and walked along immediately in from, of where
they were quartered, and everything was perfectly quiet. It was just
in the gray of the dawn. Everything was perfectly quiet there. There
were a few guards on duty ^ that was all that was visible so far as the
troops were concerned. I then walked quite around the palace ground
and passed the quarters of the native troops, which were immediately
on the opposite side of the palace grounds on which the men of the
Boston were quartered. The two were on almost directly opposite sides
of the palace. Everything was quiet in the palace grounds.

Senator Gray. Go on in your own way with the events of that day.
This was pretty early in the morning; had you your breakfast t

Mr. Stalker. No; I went out pretty early in the morning; I went
back to the hotel and had my breakfast as usual; a little later in the
morning I went down town. The hotel is away from the business
streets of the city, and I went down on the business streets and in some
of the business places; dropped in where £ had acquaintances and it
was all as it had been — ^business houses were open, men were buying
and selling. I saw no demonstration; heard nothing said of an excita-
ble character. I went to the public library for a time and returned to
the hotel tor my dinner.

Senator Gray. About what time was thist

Mr. Stalker. This was x>ossibly 1 o'clock, I should say; possibly a
little after 1 o'clock when I came out from my dinner. I wsJked out
from the dining hall on to a broad lani that runs around the three sides
of the hotel; just as I came on to this veranda I heard a shot.

The Ohairhan. Was this Tuesday t

Mr. Stalker. It was Tuesday morning of which I was speaking.
I heard a shot in the direction of the business part of the town. I
stood waiting a moment to see whether it was a matter of any conse-
quence. Possibly two or three minutes later a carriage came by at a
very rapid pace, with a driv'er on the front seat and a man on the rear
seat with a rifle. This was succeeded in pretty rapid succession by
other carriages, being driven at a rapid rate, containiug 1, 2, or 3 men
with guns. These carriages were driven past the hotel in the opposite
direction from the business iK)rtion of the city. These carriages came
from the direction where the shot was fired, and came in front of the
hotel. I walked down in front of the hotel, in the grounds, and asked
a gentleman at the telephone station what this meant. He said, ^^The
war has commenced; one man has been killed."

The Chairman. Who told you thist

Mr. Stalker. The man at the telephone station. He said that a
policeman was shot. A number of carriages passed by in rapid succes-
sion, and occasionally a man on foot. I, with some friends, went to the
top of the building, where there is a sort of outlook, an observatory.
There is a view in every direction. We could see the palace grounds, the
public building, and to some extent the town in other directions.
We remained up there twenty minutes, probably thirty minutes;
I could not tell the time exactly, and could see little or nothing that
was indicative. So we came down, and I remarked to my ^ends.
"Probably it will be uncomfortable tor us on the front porch; we hau
better take the rear of the building if there is to be fightmg on the cam-
pus." I thought I would go down and see if I could get some word from
the seat of w%r. I walked past the side of the palace grounds and saw
no excitement there until I came to the comer, came to the street
that passes between the palace and the Government building. On
going to the Government building I saw a crowd in the Btreet, quite a

HAWAIIAN ISIiAin)3. 655

number, and as soon as I reached a point of vantage where I conid see
well, I observed there were men inside the grounds with guns, and
some few straggling citizens were in there unarmed. Guards were
placed at the gates, and after that citizens were not allowed to go in
without permission. About the time I arrived, or very soon after, a
g^itleman commenced reading a document which proved to be a revo-
lutionary declaration and the announcement of the organization of a
new government.

Senator Obat. Do you know whether he had commenced reading, or
whether it was that you then flr^t perceived that he was reading, and
had been for a little while after you arrived!

Mr. STAiiKEB. I did not hear him reading on my arrival, and did
not have the impression that he was reading at the time I arrived,
though I did not get a good point of observation at once, and there
was some confusion. I could not see very well, and I would not be posi-
tive whether the man was reading at the time I arrived or not; my
impression is that he began reading after I arrived.

Senator Gbat. How long did you stay in the vicinity of the Govern-
ment building at your point of observation t

Mr. Stalker. I stayed there and thereabout for probably half an
hour, possibly longer.

Senator Gbay. On which front of the building were yout

Mr. Staxk£B« I was on the side facing the palace — the main entrance
of the building.

Senator Gbay. Were you down the street that separates the Gov-
ernment building from the building in which the United States troops
were quartered!

Mr. Stajlkeb. Yes; the Goverment building and the building in
which the United States troops were located are separated by a nar-
row alley. It is not a public sti-eet; it is a very narrow way, and there
JB practically no travel along it.

Senator Gbay. That is caUed Arion Hall t

Mr. Stalkbb. Arion Hall.

Senator Gbay. How far is Arion Hall, or the ground on which it is
sitaated, from the public building, as nearly as you can estimate!

Mr. Stalkeb. Simply a narrow roadway or alley between the two.
There is room to drive a carriage between the fence inclosing the
grounds of the public building and that of Arion Hall, and that is
about all, as I remember.

Senator Gbay. When you walked down there did you see the United
States troops!

Mr. STAL.KEB. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Where were they!

Mr. Stalkeb. They were at the end of Arion Hall, in a little court
or vacant piece of land.

Senator Gbay. Outside the Government building!

Mr. Staxkeb. Outside the Government building.

Senator Gbay. Drawn up in a line!

Mr. Stalkeb. I do not think they were when I saw them. I do not
rmnember observing them when I walked up first. . I think as I came
away they were not in line. I would not be too positive about that.

Senator Gbay. Did you see any of the officers or converse with them !

Mr. Stalkbb. At that time!

Senator Gbay. Yes.

Mr. Stalkeb. I do not remember talking with any officer on that
occasion.

656 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Obat. Very well; state anything else that occurred in the
sequence of events of that day in your observation f

Mr. Stalkeb. The Hawaiian flag was floating from the mast over
on the palace.

The Ohaihman. On the palace t

Mr. Stalker. Yes; on the Queen's palace. And I observed couriers
or orderlies going back and forth. I did not know the significance of
it, but observed individuals go from one building to the other ^ they
passed the guards at both places, came in and went out, and this sort
of thing was kept up certainly for a half hour or longer without any
visible change taking place anywhere.
, The Chaibman. By the palace do you mean lolani Palace f

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; that is the palace as distinguished from the Oov-
emment building, where state business is transacted. After a little
the flag on the palace came down, and there was a murmur through
the crowd that the Queen had probably surrendered; that the flag
was down. But a moment later it was pulled up again. It seems it
was being adjusted. Then a cheer went through the crowd when the
flag was pulled up; but a little later a native Hawaiian came out and
lowered the flag, and pretty soon the word went through the crowd on
the streets that the Queen had surrendered. A little later it was in
print, what doubtless has been presented in evidence here a good
many times, that the Queen had surrendered ^^To the superior mili-
tary forces of the United States."

The Chaibman. I would like you to give the day and the time of
day exactly when that occurred.

Mr. Stalkeb. When the flag came downt

Senator Gbat. Mr. Stalker has already said it was Tuesday, the 17th
of January.

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; Tuesday, the 17th. And this was late in the
afternoon. I could not say what time of day it was. I believe it was
between 3 and 4, possibly as late as 4 o'clock, though I would not be
positive as to the time of day.

Senator Gbay. Was it not as late as 5t

Mr. Stalkeb. That the flag came downt

Senator Gbay. Yes.

Mr. Stalkeb. It might have been. Let me see. About 2 the ball
really opened over there, and it might possibly have been bs late as 5.
I should say it was as late a$ 5 when the flag came down. There was
a good deal of delay, parleying back and forth, until pretty well along
in the afternoon.

Senator Gbay. You were on the streets all this time, from the time
you went up after dinner to the public building to the time of the
events which you have described as coming under your observation ;
did you continue in the streets of Honolulu f

Mr. Stalkeb. I was back and forth after getting some information.
When I first went over I remained a time, half an hour, possibly longer
than that, and then went back to the hotel to tell some of my friends
there, who were in a pretty uneasy state of mind, what had occurred.
I then came out on the street, and I was on the street during tiie
afternoon and evening.

Senator Gbay. Did you hear anything said during that afternoon
and evening in regard to the presence of the United States troops f

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; I heard frequent remarks about their presence.

Senator Gbay. And the significance of their presencet

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; I believe I did.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 657

Senator Gray. What was it, as you understand itt

Mr. Stalker. This query came up, probably in some conversation
with people sitting about in the hotel: *'If the troops were there to
protect property, why did they not protect that buildinsf, its offices and
treasury, against parties wlio came therewith arms in their hands, and
nobody presumably knowing what they were going to do and what they
were there for f'

The Chairman. To what offices do you refer!

Mr. Stalker. The permanent offices of the Hawaiian Government.

The Chairman. The Government building!

Mr. Stalker. Yes; the Government building generally.

Senator Gray. When you got back to the hotel after the proclama-
tion of the new Government and the hauling down of the flag was
everything quiet that evening!

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do you know what gave that sense of repose ? I ask the^
question in this form: WaS it confidence in this newly established Gov-'
ernment and its ability to preserve order, or was it the presence of the
United States trooi)st

Mr. Stalker. That I would not be able to answer. As I said
before, I saw no strept demonstration or acts of violence; nor did I
hear threats during this time, either before or after.

The Chairman. You have been speaking about the impressions you
derived from conversations you heard at the time you have indicated.
Can you trace those conversations to any particular individuals —
those remarks?

Mr. Stalker. I do not believe I can. A number of us was at the
hotel, and a good many I did not know the names of. We engaged in
miscellaneous conversation, and remarks were frequently made by
persons whom I did not know.

The Chairman. Were these men who have any connection with the
pohtical movement there either for the Queen or against her!

Mr. Stalker. No, I think not; they were people who, like myself,
were simply standing by.

The Chairman. Disinterested observers, or rather observers of mat-
ters with which they were not connected!

Mr. Stalker. iTes.

The Chairman. I suppoi^e it was very much as it would be with any
other discussion of a currentevent by gentlemen looking on and observ-
ing without having any participation at all!

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. You were not partisans of either party!

Mr. Stalker. No'.

Senator Gray. On the next day what seemed to be the condition of
things!

The Chairman. That would be Wednesday!

Senator Gray. Wednesday; yes.

Mr. Stalker. Matters were quiet. I was in and out of the hotel
and on the streets around in front of the public buildings. I think on
Wednesday I was in Mr. Severance's office. He was our consul at that
time, and he gave me a pass or permit which entitled me to go to the
baikiing. I had been there a good many times; had a good many
acquaintances in the office; and I went in and out and talked to them.
I think it was next day that Mr. Severance gave ine a pass.

Senator Gray. Did you hear any discussion of the events of the day
before!

S. Eep. 227 12

658 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stalkeb. Comparatively little; there was no excitement on the
street that I could detect.

Senator Gray. It was understood that the Queen had surrendered
in the way you have described!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes. The next morning these matters were all in the
public prints, and iier ukase, or whatever she termed it, was printed, and
in the moniing papers.

Senator Geay. Did you hear any talk of projects or schemes of resist-
ance to the Provisional Government on that day. or shortly after?

Mr. Stalker. No; never while I was there did I hear anything to
lead me to believe that there was any organized resistance in contem-
plation.

Senator Gba y. Did you ever have any conversation with any of the
oflScers of the Boston?

Mr. Stalker. Yes; I met them frequently at different times on
board the boat, and met them at the hotels.

Senator Gray. Did you have any discussion with any of them in
regard to these events which had taken place!

Mr. Stalker. I talked with Capt. Wiltse about the subject.

Senator Gray. What was the tenor of your conversation, so £ar as
it had reference to this matter!

Mr. Stalker. I remember on one occasion we were driving up firom
Waikiki, which is a suburb, bathing resort, and the conversation turned
on this matter. I was interrogating Capt. Wiltse as to whether the
United States troops had not participated in this matter to rather an
unjustifiable extent.

The Chairman. Will you state just when that was!

Mr. Stalker. This was a few days after; I can not state the day.

The Chairman. After this Tuesday!

Mr. Stalker. Yes; after Tuesday — ^between that and the end of the
month some time. I asked him this question, whether this was not a
move to destroy the form of government that was the one preferred by
the great mass of the people of the islands.

Senator Gray. With reference to the participation by the soldiers!

Mr. Stalker. With reference to their participation; as to whether
our Government had not involved itself in what had been done. Capt
Wiltse made this remark to me: <^ All this talk about who has a right
to vote and who has a right to govern in 'these islands is bosh : I do
not care a cent about that; the only question is. does the United States
want these islands ! If it does, then take them.'' Those were his words.

Senator Gray. You say this was some days after the revolution!

Mr. Stalker. Yes; some days.

Senator Gray. And after the circumstanced which you have
described!

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. Was or was not the movement which jtm have
already described, and which resulted in the surrender, such as it was,
of the Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government on
the terms of the proclamation, an annexation movement to the United
States, as distinguished, I mean, from an ordinary revolution having
for its object the displacement of one government by another!

Mr. Stalker. I believe it was. Perhaps even a better form would
be

Senator Gray. State it in your own form.

Mr. Stalker. I believed it was.

Senator Gray. State in your own words what your belief waa.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 659

Mr. Staxeeb. My belief was that it was a movement intended to
end in the annexation of those islands to this country.

Senator Gray. By that yon mean that was the purpose which ani-
mated those who acted in the revolution f

Mr. Stalkeb. Yea.

The Ghaibman. Did you have any reason to know or believe that
that movement was disconnected from any purpose on the part of the
revolutionists to preserve and maintain their rights under the constitu-
tion of 1887 1

Mr. Stalkeb. I did not believe the revolution was inaugurated for
the purpose of securing their rights under that constitution.

The Ghaibman. You did not believe thatf

Mr. Stalkeb. Ifo.

The Ghaibman. State the grounds of that belief.

Mr. Stalkeb. I believed it firom this fact, that one of the first items
of information that came to us after the downfall of the existing govern-
ment was that a boat would be dispatched immediately to make a tender
of these islands to this Government. That was early the next morning.
That was a matter of conversation everywhere. Gu making inquiry, I
went down to Mr. Severance's oflSce to ascertain whether I could get a
permit to go home on that boat. I had stayed a little longer than I had
intended, on account of the exciting events there, and I wanted to come
over on the Claudine at the time she sailed with the commissioners.
Mr. Severance told me that I would not be able to get on board that
boat; and it was evident the following day that the preparations were
active for annexing these islands to the United States.

Senator Gbay, You were stating, in answer to a question by the
chairman, what the grounds of your belief' were. You stated one fact.
1 will ask whether you had any grounds for it in what you heard from
those who were active in the revolution that annexation was their
object t

Mr. Stalkeb. Possibly simple disconnected remarks. I had no
conversation with any active member of the revolutionary party con-
taining statements to that effect; only incidental remarks dropped in
my hearing, like these: " Soon we will all be Americans."

The Ghaibman. By whom were those incidental remarks dropped?

Mr. Stalkeb. I can not say. I remember hearing that remark
dropped by some person. I believe I heaid that remark, or similar
lemarks, in some of the crowds on the street, from men whom I would
not know.

Senator Gbay. English- speaking people — ^American peoplet

Mr. Stalkeb. Gh, yes; American people.

The Ghaibman. To get at the nature of the belief on which you
were forming these opinions, I will ask you whether any person offi-
cially connected with the Queen or the revolution came to you to
inform you of the nature of the affairs or the progress of the afiairs
that were expected t

Mr. Stalkeb. Ko.

The Ghaibman. What you had learned was the common gossip on
thestreett

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes: that is where I gathered practically all my
mformation.

Senator Gbay. You were seeking information t /

lb. Stalkeb. I was seeking information. I was inquiring

The Ghaibman. Did you gather from what you heard there and
observed there in this way that these people who were promoting t\i<^

660 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

revolution would not have been satisfied to have continued the mon-
archy if they could have felt assured of the preservation of the rights
which they held under the constitution of '87!

Mr. Stalker. I certainly gathered the impression that they would
not be satisfied with that

The Chaibman. From whom did you gather that impression, if you
can state f

Mr. Stalkeb. I gathered that impression first from the speeches
made at the mass meeting.

The Chaibman. Were those speeches reported in the morning papers
or the papers the next day t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chairman. Were they correctly reported t

Mr. Stalkeb. Measurably so.

The Chaibman. Have you any fault to find with the report, or any
amendment to make of it, according to your memory f

Mr. Stalkeb. Not specially. I would not make any criticism on
the reports. I do not tliink they were verbatim reports in every
respect; but there was nothing stated that would materially change the
tone of the speeches.

The Chaibman. What you are stating is the conviction that you
derived from the speeches as they were delivered and reported!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. And I thought you said, remarks made in the meet-
ing?

, Mr. Stalkeb. And remarks made in the meeting, some of those in
the form of speeches, and occasionally by individuals in the meeting
responding. For instance, when Mr. Baldwin, I think, made use of
this expression : '^ What we do ought to be done under the constitu-
tion,'' a number of individuals shouted "No;'' and while that might
Eoint in the opposite direction from my interpretation — the general
elief— the general impression that I would gather from the tenor of
those speeches was that they were intending to form a new government
if public sentiment would seem to justify the movement.

Senator Gbat. Do you mean a form of government in favor of annex-
ation t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. The speeches you refer to — those made to the audi-
enc^^were very largely by men put up to speak t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. That is your conclusion t

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

The Chairman. In regard to these incidental remarks in the audi-
ence, were they different from the resolutions adopted at the meetingt

Mr. Stalkeb. Simply cries of " No," when a speaker indicated cau-
tious movement; but nothing in opposition to the resolution which was
a resolution favoring the continuance of the committee of safety and
expressing belief in their ability to look out for the interests of the
people, or something to that effect.

The Chaibman. Amongst those objections that you have been speak-
ing about here, did you hear any cries or expressions to the effect that
the Queen was not to be trusted; that she intended to overthrow th^
constitution ?

Mr. Stalkeb. Nothing of that kind from the crowd, that I recall.

The Chaibman. Well, from the speakers!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 661

Mr. Stalkeb. From the speakers; yes — that the Queen was revo-
lutionary in her acts.
The Chairman. Did the crowd deny thatt

Mr. STAL.KEB. No.

The Chairman. Did they not concur with the speakers on that prop-
osition t
Mr. Stalker. They did. It would be ray impression that they did.
The Chairman. So that, you would gather that the real pith of the
movement was that they would no longer trust the Queen, because she
had begun a revolution by overturning the constitution t
Mr. Stalker. Yes; that was said, m eflect, by the speakers.
The Chairman. Can you say, on the Tuesday or Wednesday that
you have mentioned, that the appearance of the Hawaiian Kanaka
population was that of a people resentful at the invasion of a hostile
power, and were awed into submission by a display of military force t
Mr. Stalker. That would be my opinion.

The Chairman. Did you observe any evidences of resentment, and
what were they, on the part of the Kanaka population at the appear-
ance of the U. S. forces in Honolulu!

Mr. Stalker. Have you in the first part of that question the expres-
sion "resentment?"

The Chairman. Eesentful at the invasion of a hostile and foreign
power t

Mr. Stalker. You had better agree on a way of stating that before
it is taken down.

Senator Gray. State it in your own way; you have not answered
the question.
The Chairman. Yes; state it in your own way.
Mr. 3TALKER. I believe that a large majority of the native Hawaiian
population, so fiar as I was able to judge, was opposed to the action
taken by the troops of the Bostouj and regarded it as unfriendly
toward their Government.

The Chairman. Can you state any fact that will go to support that
conclusion— any expression from any native Kanaka, or any movement
of the Kanaka population that will support that proposition?

Mr. Stalker. I would not be able to recall, probably, a statement
of any native. There was a quiet, or rather sullen, expression on the
faces of nearly all the native population, and a rather suppressed mur-
mur in regard to the presence of these troops. But I can not recall
any expression definitely used by individuals in the way of objection.
Senator Gray. I know the difficulty in stating an Impression
gathered as to the opinion of a large mass of people, of producing or
reproducing individual expressions. But, to put the chairman's ques-
tion in another form: Did you not receive this impression of which you
speak from the deportment and conversation that you observed and
felt, so to speak, all around you, and would not that support that opin-
ion!
Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Chairman. Will you state what that deportment and conversa-
tion were!

Mr. Stalker. I do recall, after thinking it over, a somewhat pro-
tracted conversation with one native who was a member of the assem-
bly.
The Chairman. What is his namet

Mr. Stalker. A Mr. Bush. He was unstinted in his denuncia-
tion of the course pursued and of the purpose to overt\ixo'« \^Mb ^:63eX-

662 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

lug government and take away from them their independence, as he
termed it, and annex the islands to this country. That was his state-
ment of the case. And further, if I may be permitted to say — as he is
in some sense a representative man among them, a public man, at least
— he voices this, coupled with the assertion that it was the opinion of
an dverwhelming majority of their own people.

The Chairman. How long had you known Mr. Bnsht

Mr. Stalker. I had only seen him in the assembly as I had seen
many others. I saw him probably within a day or two after I went
over there first, and saw him almost every day while I was in Honolulu.

The Ohaibman. Was he opposing or favoring the lottery and opium
billst

Mr. Stalker. I think he was favorable to the bills.

The Chairman. Both billst

Mr. Stalker. Certainly the lottery bill; I do not recall his action on
the opium bill.

The Chairman. Do you remember the persons who were in Honolulu
promoting the passage of that bill — I mean from abroad, foreigners t

Mr. Stalker. I simply had it from others, not from any acquaint-
ance, that there were two Americans who were the particular promoters
of the scheme.

The Chairman. Who were they t

Mr. Stalker. I do not recall their names; one was said to be from
Chicago, the other from St. Louis. Their names I do not recalL I
came over on the Australia in her February trip with one of the men
in whose favor this grant was given. He was a man whose home, I
think, is in the islands. He is a Scotchman.

The Chairman. What is his namet

Mr. Stalker. I have forgotten his name. I met him on board ship
only, and his name at this moment has slipped my mind.

The Chairman. In his criticisms on the action of the Gk>vemment,
or upon the revolutionists in breaking down his lottery, was he
earnest t

Mr. Stalker. No; I never heard him discuss that question further
than this: We had a little talk about it one day, and he simply said
that now he did not suppose that anything would come of it. But he
did not enter into any discussion of the merits or demerits of any of
the parties engaged in this movement.*

The Chairman. But that the revolution had crushed out his lottery?

Mr. Stalker. Yes; and that his lottery was dead. He gave me
that impression.

The Chairman. Was there any other person in Hawaii whom you
became acquainted with, and with whom you had conversation in the
same line that you had with Mr. Bush f

Mr. Stalker. Yes ; I talked with other people who criticised these
actions.

The Chairman. State who they were, if you please.

Mr. Stalker. I remember a conversation in the family of Mr.
Walker.

The Chairman. Was he a member of the Legislaturet

Mr. Stalker. He was president of the Assembly.

The Chairman. He was president at the time the vote of want of
confidence in the Wilcox- Jones cabinet was expressed*

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Chairman. How did he vote on thatt

Mr. Stalker. I do not know how he voted on that question.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 663

The Chairman. Do you not remember that he was opposed to the
retention of the form^T cabinet and in favor of putting in the new
lottery and opium cabinet?

Mr. Stalker. No; my impression is that he was on the other side
of those questions; that is, opposed to the opium and lottery bills.

The Chairman. That is your impression?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Chairman. What did Mr. Walker have to say to you about the
purpose of this revolutionary movement?

Mr. Stalker. It would be hard, if not possible, to separate just
what Mr. Walker said from what was said by other parties, as there
were a number of people in the house during the evening.

The Chairman. Was it at the entertainment?

Mr. Stalker. A few people; not a public entertainment. I was
invited there to attend the meeting of probably none but members of
his own household.

The Chairman. It was not a dinner party?

Mr. Stalker. Ko.

The Chairman. The subject of Hawaiian x)olitics was under discus-
sion there?

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

The Chairman. What did Mr. Walker say in his opinion was the
real motive of this movement?

Mr. Stalker. The expression was freely indulged in that it was
a movement to annex that country to the United States and freely
criticised as such.

The Chairman. Did Mr. Walker object to that?

Mr. Stalker. It was objected to; I am not able to fix upon Mr.
Walker himself individual expressions as separate from other members
of the household, where there were two or three grown sons and others.
The action of the revolutionists was freely criticised, and the statement
made that it was a few of the missionary stock that created the trouble.

The Chairman. What was said, if anything, about the Queen hav-
ing made up her mind to overthrow the constitution of 1887 and substi-
tnte one of her own making in place of it?

Mr. Stalker. I do not remember any conversation on that phase of
the subject.

The Chairman. That was a subject of general conversation in the
community, was it not?

Mr. Stalker. Oh, yes.

The Chairman. Can you account for its not being referred to on
tbat occasion when you were discussing Hawaiian troubles?

Mr. Stalker. No; I can not. Let me see. Mr. Walker did criticise
the action of the Queen in that particular.

The Chairman. What was his criticism?

Mr. Stalker. Simply that it was not warranted by law.

The Chairman. If not warranted by law, was it revolutionary, or
m accordance with law?

Mr. Stalker. Ko; I do not remember his making a criticism or
using the expression that it was revolutionary; do not remember that
he did, though he indulged in some general criticism of the course pur-
sued by the Queen.

The Chairman. Would you regard the overthrow of a constitution
to which the Queen had made oath of allegiance and to which her
title to the throne depended, and the substitution in place of that of a
oonstitutioii of her own making, of her own will, wMc\i Od'dbW^^^ XXi^

664 HAWAIIAN ISLAND&

rights and powers of the people of Hawaii, as being peaeefiil or revo-
lutionary!

Mr. Stalker. Certainly revolutionary.

Senator Gray. I will ask you in that connection : Considering that
revolutionary, would you consider the fact that no such proclamation
of a change of constitution was actually declared, though intended to be
declared, coupled with the fact that there was a declaration from the
Queen that she had abandoned all idea of changing the constitution,
except in accordance with its terms and requirements, revolutionary!

Mr. Stalker. The substitution of a constitution in any such way
would be revolutionary.

Senator Gray. Bead the question.

The question was read as follows:

^<I will ask you in that connection: Considering that revolutionary,
would you consider the fact that no such proclamation of a constitu-
tion was actually declared, though intended to be declared, coupled
with the fact that there was a declaration from the Queen that she had
abandoned all idea of changing the constitution, except in accordance
with its terms and requirements, revolutionary?"

Mr. Stalker. That would admit of a doubt, at least of its beiug
revolutionary.

Senator Gray. You are asked not a hypothetical question, but a
question as to conduct that occurred. The Queen did, according to the
evidence, announce her intention of proclaiming, on her own authority,
a new constitution; but she never actually did it, but told those who
wanted ber to do it, and those of the population who were disposed to
favor it, that she would defer it. She afterwards issued a proclamation
to her people why she abandoned all idea of changing the constitution,
except ill accordance with its terms and requirements. Taking all that
conduct together, do you consider it revolutionary!

Mr. Stalker. I should hardly think it was revolutionary.

The Chairman. The latter part of that question you certainly would
not; that is, you came to the conclusion that the Queen intended to
amend it in accordance with existing law!

Mr. Stalker, l^o; but to change it in accordance with existing law.

The Chairman. Take the first part of the question, with reference
to the methods provided in the constitution of '87, by which the Queen
assumed the right to declare the new constitution. Would you regard
that revolutionary or a regular proceeding!

Senator Gray. That is, if she had proclaimed it!

The Chairman. I speak of her purpose.

Mr. Stalker. Can I answer that in my own way!

The Chairman. Yes; it is your own way we want; not anybody
else's.

Mr. Stalker. The act of imposing a constitution in such a way
would certainly be irregular and revolutionary; if she had it in mind
to do that thing, but did not do it, in my mind it would not be revolu-
tionary. Have I answered that question!

The Chairman. Yes. Suppose that the Queen had it in mind, and
was prevented only by the fact of an opposing force which she was
afraid would overturn her Government, would her motive and conduct
be less revolutionary than they would have been had she gone on
and accomplished it in the absence of such an opposing force!

Mr. Stalker. The motive might be; the conduct would not be.

Senator Gray. Are you aware that this constitution of 1887 that the
Queen had sworn to support, had been proclaimed by the Eang in pre-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 665

cisely tl\e same way that the Queeu proposed to proclaim the new con-
stitatiouf

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. Without any reference to the Legislative Assembly or
to the people at large f

Mr. Stalker. Yes.

Senator Gray. You have already stated where you were from, and
why you were out on those islands — ^that you had no interest politically,
commercially or otherwise in those islands to affect your inclinations ot
feelings in regard to this matter!

Mr. Stalker. None whatever.

Senator Gray. You were not a partisan of either sidef

Mr. Stalker. No.

Senator Gray. To what party do you belong in this country!

Mr. Stalker. I am a Eex)ublican.

Adjourned until to-morrow, the 26th iustant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

Washington, D. G., Friday y Jtmuary 26 j 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present : The Chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senator Fryb.

Absent : Senators Butler, Gray, and Sherman.

SWOBH STATEHEHT OF JOHH A. M'CAITDLESS— Continued.

The Chairman. I have examined the paper you handed me, entitled
Two Weeks of Hawaiian History, from January 14 to Januaiy 28, and I
find that it is copied into Mr. Blount's report. Do you agree with the
statements in that history as being substantially true!

Mr. McCandless. I do.

The Chairman. The proceedings of the meeting which you attended,
the mass meeting, as therein set forth are true as therein stated?

Mr. McCandless. They are true, except as I have noted. There is
a typographical error that makes it the 17th where it should be the
16th, and about there being 1,200 present by actual count.

The Chairman. How many do you think there were!

Mr. McCandless. My estimate is that there from 1,000 to 1,200.
This account of the organization of the government I know to be cor-
rect.

The Chairman. Have you a list of the officers who were engaged in
movements against the Queen's government?

Mr. McCandless. I have a list [producing paper.] That is a partial
list of the military officers engaged against the Queen's Government,
it t)eing a list of the officers who were in the revolution of 1887.

The Chairman. Were they in that revolution as officers or privates!

Mr. McCandless. As officers. I have given their official standing
from 1887 to 1890. In 1890 they were disbanded, and the same ones
came on the 17th of January, 1893, in support of the revolution.

The paper submitted by Mr. McCandless is as follows:

666 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

"EX-OPFICERS OP THE HONOLULU RiPLES IN 1887-'90 AND WHO
WERE ACTIVELY CONNECTED WITH THE REVOLUTION OF JANUARY
17, 1893.

"G. F. McLeod, late adjutant; J. H. Fisher, late captain Company
B; G. W. Ziegler, late captain Company A; H. Gunn, late captain of
ordnance; J. M. Camara, late captain Company C; A. Gartenborg,
late captain of ordnance ; W. W. Hall, late captain and quartermaster;
J. L. Tolbert, late first lieutenant Company A; G, C. Potter, late first
lieutenant Company B; J. M. Vivas, late first lieutenant Company C;
J. Ascb, late second lieutenant Company A; I. A. Burget, late second
lieutenant Company A; J. Y. Simonsen, late second Ueutenant Com-
pany A; T. £. Wall, late second lieutenant Company B; A. G. Silver,
late second lieutenant Company C.

^^ In addition to this most of the noncommissioned officers were with
us also."

The Chairman. On page 448 of Executive Document No. 47, House
of Kepresentatives, I observe the names of the officers of the Hawaiian
Patriotic League; and these persons have also signed a statement
which the President sent to the House of Kepresentatives; which
statement purports to express the opinions of 8,000 native Hawaiians
in regard to the maintenance of the monarchy and annexation of the
islands to the United States. I will ask you to state in respect to
these persons what their standing is in Honolulu?

Mr. McCandless. Mr. Cummings is a half-white, whose father left
him very well oft*, and he has practically squandered the whole of the
fortune. The next two, Joseph Nawhi and Bush, I would refer you to
Minister Willis's report in regard to their characters.

Senator Frye. What does Minister Willis say of themf

Mr. McCandless. That they are men of no standing, and that Mr.
Bush is of very bad reputation, which I know to be a fact. The others
I know; they are men of no standing, and of bad reputation in the
Hawaiian Islands.

Adjourned until Monday, the 29th instant, at 10 o'clock a. m*

Washington, D. C, Monday^ January 29j 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.

Present, the chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler, Gray,
and Frye.

Absent, Senator Sherman.

Senator Frye. Mr. Chairman, I move that the correspondence which
has been submitted to Congress since the order under which this com-
mittee has been acting, and such as may be sent in before the commit-
tee shall have closed its investigation, shall be made a part of this
record.

TheCHAiBMAN. That is proper.

8W0BH 8TATEHEHT OE WULIAH 8. BOWEV.

Senator Frye. State your business and residence!

Mr. Bo WEN. I am a journalist and reside in New York City.

Senator Frye. You are connected with what paper f

Mr. BOWEN. The Kew York World.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 667

Senator Pbyb.' Editorially?

Bir. BowEN. Mine is a peculiar, unique position. I am the confiden-
tial man to the proprietor of the World.

Senator Frte. Were you sent to the Hawaiian Islands at any timef

Mr. Bo WEN. I was, last winter.

Senator Fbye. At what time did you got

Mr. BowEN. I sailed from San Francisco on the 31st of March.

Senator Fbye. And arrived in the islands when?

Mr. BowEN. On the 7th of April.

Senator Fete. How long did yon remain there?

Mr. BowEN. Until the 26th of ApriL

Senator Fbye. What was the purpose of your visit to the islands?

Mr. BowEN. I was sent there by the World merely to study the sit-
uation and note the conditions prevailing there. My visit was hastened
somewhat by the report that a special commissioner had gone to the
idands. I followed him from San Francisco.

Senator Fbte. Do you know what time Commissioner Blount arrived
in the islands?

Mr. BowEN. About ten days before I did.

Senator Fbye. Did you make, as you were instructed to do, an exam-
ination into the condition of affairs of the islands at that time?

Mr. Bo WEN. I did. I did not stay so long as I had expected to do;
but I made an examination to the best of my ability.

Senator Fbye. Did you become acquainted with the members of the
Provisional Government?

Mr. Bo WEN. I did.

Senator Fbye. What kind of men did you find them to be?

Mr. BowEN. I found Mr. Dole, the President, to be a man of the high-
est character. In fact, I was surprised : I had a different impression
before I v ent out to the islands. I founa Mr. Dole and most of the mem-
bers of the Provisional Government to be men who would compare favor-
ably with the best of our public men — Mr. Dole, especially.

Senator Fbye. Did you become acquainted with the Queen's special
supporters?

Mr. BoWEN. I did.

Senator Fbye. What estimate did you form of them?

Mr. Bo WEN. With one or two exceptions, I found them to partake
more of the Poljmesian type than that of the Anglo Saxon. I found
the Queen's principal adviser to be a man of mixed blood, an amiable,
kindly gentleman, but like a child as compared with the others.

Senator Fbye. Who was that?

Mr. BowEN. Mr. Sam Parker, a happy-go-lucky man, but one who
was very kind to me.

Senator Fbye. You may state generally what investigations you
made there during the time you were present.

Mr. BowEN. The policy of the paper to which I am attached is one
of investigation, with opposition to annexation. Of course, I wished
to follow specially the policy of my paper. I had not been in the
islands over twenty four hours before my personal sympathies tended
toward the side of annexation. That is, I found a charming place, a
beautiful island; I found a little city that compares favorably with any
city in the United States, except in the Chinese quarters; I found elec-
tric lights, street cars, good police, and the telephone more used in
proportion to the population than anywhere else in the world. I found
a delightful society. I was entertained a good deal at dinners. The
conventionalities of life are more strictly observed there t\ia\i vwK^NR\jKt^

668 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

in the Uuited States; that is, you see more people in evening dress
than you do anywhere eUe in the United States, relatively. I found
the gentlemen of the Provisional Government of high character, as I
stated. I found churches there that reminded me of Massiichusetts,
in congregations and appearance of things. That made an impression
on me in my sentiment, and led rae to think that it would be an inter-
esting portion of the United States. The climate is charming for
women and children. It is not so tropical as in most of the tropics; it
compares with Havana, but not so warm.

That is the sentimental side of my stay at Honolulu. On the other
hand, I would state, I was confronted by an economic question on
which my mind was not clear — the question of cooly labor. That was
the contrary side which raised up when I thought of all the beauties
of these islands, and I tried to be impartial.

Senator Frye. What was the result on your own mind of all your
investigations f

Mr. BowEN. I have not settled the economic question. If the cooly
question could be disposed of I think annexation would not be a difficult
matter to determine. But I know that sugar is not grown without con-
tract labor; and as cane sugar is the chief and almost main industry ot
those islands it is a question whether our American people woidd agree
to the conditions that exist with regard to contract labor.

Senator Frye. Have you read Mr. Blount's report!

Mr. BowEN. I have.

Senator Frye. I have not the page; I do not know whether you have
or not; but my recollection is that in that report Mr. Blount makes
some allusions to you.

Mr. BowEN. He does.

Senator Frye. Do you know what they weret

Mr. BowEN. I have the report with me.

Senator Frye. Can you read the lines to which I refer!

Mr. BowBN. Yes.

^^No. 3.] Mr. Blount to Mr, Oresham.

" Honolulu, Hawahan Islands, April 26, 1893.

'^ Sib : On the 7th instant the A lameda reached this place. Among its
passengers were Dr. William Shaw Bowen and Mr. Harold M. Sewall.
The San Francisco papers announced that they had refused to say that
they were not joint commissioners with myself to Honolulu. The former
represented himself to me as a correspondent of the New York World,
and said he would be glad to give me any information he could gather
here. Thinking it a mere matter of courtesy, I thanked him. On Sun-
day, the 16th instant, I was out walking and met him on the street,
riding in a buggy. He left his buggy in the hands of his friend, Mr.
Sewall, and joined me in a walk of some length. Before it was con-
cluded he said to me that he and Paul Keumann were arranging a
meeting between President Dole and the Queen, the object being to
pay her a sum of money in consideration of her formal abdication of
the throne and lending her influence to the Provisional Government
with a view to annexation to the United States. He repeated tJiis
statement frequently, at intervals, to which I made no response.

'^Finally he asked me if I did not think it would simplify the situation
very much here and facilitate annejcation. Suspecting that my answer
was designed to be used to induce the Queen to yield to solicitations
to abdicate, I replied: <I have nothing to say on this subject' Dr.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 669

BOwen Raid: ' I did not ask you officially, but simply in a private way.*
I responded : * I am here as a commissicmer of the United States and
must decline to converse with you on the subje^jt.'

"The next morning: early I had an interview with President Dole. I
told him that I had seen in the San Francisco newspapers intimations
that Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall were here as representatives of the Pres-
ident of the United States; that the former told me that he had
arranged to bring him and the Queen together on that morning; that I
desir^ to say to him that neither Dr. Bowen nor Mr. Sewall, nor any
other person was authorized to act for the Government in that or any
other matter relating to the present condition of affairs in the islands
save myself; that I did not know absolutely that these two gentlemen
bad claimed to have such authority. He replied that he had been
informed that they were here representing the Government. He did
not give his authority.

"He said that there had been some approaches from the Queen's side
with propositions of settlement; that he had responded: 'I will con-
sider any reasonable proposition.'

"I told him I would not permit the Government of the United States
to be represented as having any wish in the matjter of any negotiations
between the Queen and the Provisional Government. He asked if I
would be willing to authorize the statement that I believed it would
simplify the situation. I replied that I was not willing to do this, that
I was not here to interfere with the opinions of any class of persons.

"Since this interview with President Dole I have heard that Dr.
Bowen, when asked by newspaper people if he represented the Presi-
dent of the United States, declined to answer, saying that all would be
revealed hereafter.

"He is representing himself in various quarters as an intimate friend
of the President. I can but think that these statements are made to
create the impression that he is here authorized to bring about nego-
tiations for a settlement between the Queen and the Provisional Gov-
ernment.

"On the day before yesterday Dr. Bowen came over to my table to
say that a meeting between the Queen and President Dole had occurred,
and terms were agreed upon. I said I did not care for him to talk with
me on that subject.

"On the 21st instant Mr. Glaus Spreckels called to see me. He said
that he suspected there was an effort at negotiation between the Queen
and the Provisional Government, and that he had urged the Queen to
withdraw her power of attorney from Paul Neumann. I inclose here-
with a copy of that power of attorney (inclosure iNTo. 1) which Mr. Spreck-
els says was derived through the agency of Mr. Samuel Parker, the last
secretary of foreign affairs. He told me that Paul Neumann would
leave for Washington by the next steamer, under pretense that he was
going to the United States and from there to Japan. How much or
how little Mr. Spreckels knows about this matter I am unable to say,
as I do not know how to estimate him, nev^er having met him before.
He promised to see me again before the mail leaves for the United States
on next Wednesday, and give me such information as he could acquire
in the meantime.

"I believe that Dr. Bowen, Mr. Sewall, and Mr. Neumann have pre-
tended that the two former knew the opinions of Mr. Cleveland, and
assured the Queen that annexation would take place, and that she had
better come to terms at once.

"Mr. Neumann leaves here on the next steamer, probably with a

670 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

power to act for the Queen, with authority derived from her out of these
circamstances."

Senator Fbye. What have you to say in relation to thatf

The Chairman. Mr. Bowen had better take it up in detaQ instead
of making one sweeping remark about the whole of it.

Mr. Bowen. The first statement to which I wish to call attention is
the one published in the San Francisco paper that Mr. Bowen and Mr.
Sewall ^^ refused to say that they were not joint commissioners with
myself to Honolulu.''

The Gh AIRMAN. Will you allow me to ask who is Mr. Sewall f

Mr. Bowen. Mr. Sewall is the son of Mr. Arthur Sewall, of Maine.

Senator Or at. He was the late consul at Samoa?

Mr. Bowen. Yes. He is a shipbuilder of Bath. Mr. Sewall was in
my company and was purely on a pleasure trip. He had considerable
experience in Polynesia, and wanted to go to the islands for the sake
of going.

Senator Frye. You may go on and make your statement.

Mr. Bowen. As I wa6 leaving San Francisco, just as the steamer
was shoving off, a young man came to me and said: <' Are you going
on a secret mission to the Hawaiian Islands?" I laughed and said,
" If I were I would not admit it." Mr. Sewall did not speak. That
was based on the fact that Mr. Sewall was going, he having been
mixed up in the Samoati affair. The San Francisco Chronicle pub-
lished the next morning a sensational report to the effect that Mr.
Sewall and myself were going out to the islands on a special commis-
sion for the Government. It was stated that when I was approached I
had declined to give any information. That paper followed on the next
steamer to Honolulu, and was circulated there. I did not see it, did
not know about it at the time, but it did circulate for a week before my
attention was called to it. Mr. Blount became acquainted with it as soon
as the paper arrived. Mr. Blount states that I called upon him and rej)-
resented myself as a correspondent of the New York World, and that
1 would be willing to give him any information I could gather. In fact,
I called on the Oommissiouer and informed him of my mission to the
islands — that I was there as a correspondent to the New York World.
Mr. Sewall did not appear in the matter. I went there with the news
instinct of a developed journalist. I saw very little to write about the
country; it had been covered. There were a great many correspon-
dents there. I conceived the idea of obtd^ining some very important
and very exclusive news. I studied the situation.

I knew before I left here that annexation was undoubtedly impracti-
cable at present^-I had very strong reasons for believing that. I
always believed that the American people would not believe in the res-
toration of the Queen. I therefore saw a status quo condition there
that I thought would continue, and that there was a fine field for mak-
ing history. I was in company with Paul Neuman going out in the
steamer and the Queen's commissioners were just returning from
Washington. I became very intimate with them, especially Mr. Neu-
man. Mr. Neuman had the power of attorney from the Queen. I
thought that I heard from authority which was entirely correct that
the Queen had a disease of the heart. I had that from a professionsd
source which it would be improper for me to mention ; but it came from
the best authority on the islands, I heard that she had a disease of
the mitral valves of the heart, and that she was liable at any time to
sudden death. I thought it was equitable that she should be taken
care of. I am only explaining the motives which prompted me to do

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 671

what I did. I tbonght it would be better if the Queen were taken care
o£ She was generous to her following, and there were many people
depending upon her. That made an impression on me. I thought "^he
should be taken care of.

One day while dining with Paul !N'euman I said : " I think it would be
a g^od thing if the Queen could be pensioned by the Provisional Gov-
ernment; it would make matters harmonious, relieve business, and
make matters much simpler." I also said that I was aware that cer-
tain gentlemen in Washington were opposed to pensioning the Queen;
•that certain Senators raised that objection to the treaty that was
brought from the islands because it recognized the principle of the
right of a queen to a pension. There was one Senator, especially, from
the South, who said, without discussing the treaty, that that was objec-
tionable to him; that his people would object to it. I said, '' If there
is no annexation it is a serious question; if there is, the Queen should
be taken care of." Neuman agreed with me. He was a strong friend
of the Queen, disinterested and devoted. But he said it could
not be done. I told him that I had become acquainted with the mem-
bers of the Provisional Government who were high in authority, and I
thought I would try to have it done. I had a conference with Presi-
dent Dole. He received me in his usual kindly manner, but he was
very wary and noncommittal. Finally he said that he would consider
any propositions coming from the Queen — would lay them before the
executive council.

I saw Mr. Neuman again. There were several conferences. Mr.
Dole said he would not make any propositions himself and asked me
what I thought the pension ought to be. On the spur of the moment,
not having considered the matter, I said I thought the Queen ought to
get a very handsome pension out of the crown lands. I asked if there
was any question about raising the money, and he said none whatever.
He finally asked me to name the figures. He had the idea that the
figures had been suggested. I said, *'You ought to give $20,000 a year
to furnish her followers with poi.^ That is the native dish. Mr. Dole
said he would consider that question. I saw Mr. Neuman and he said
he would see the Queen and Mr. Dole. He was to go to see Mr. Dole
at his private house, but Mr. Neuman was taken ill and the meeting
was deferred. The next time I saw him was at the Government house.
The result was that Mr. Dole told Mr. Neuman that if the Queen would
make such a proposition to him it would receive respectful attention
and intimated that he thought it would be accepted. Mr. Neuman
saw the Queen and told me that he thought it would be done; that the
more he thought of it the more convinced he was that it would be bet-
ter all around.

The question of annexation was not specially considered. I said to
Mr. Dole, "If you could have annexation you would simplify the mat-
ter." I said to the other side, " I do not think you will get annexa-
tion, and at the same time I do not think you will get anything else;"
but I said, "I think you ought to take care of the Queen." After I
had the first meetings with Mr. Neuman and Mr. Dole, I thought I
ought to tell Mr. Blount what I had done. I had no secret purpose;
nothing in the world but my journalistic scheme. As he stated, I met
Mr. Blount one day, got out of my carriage and joined him. We walked
together for an hour and a half, and walked back to the city. He said,
"Come with me to my cottage." We stood for some time on the piazza
and discussed the thing at great length. Mr. Blount was noncommit-
tal, but appeared very much interested, and when I left he told me he

672 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

wished me to let him know what I did. He said nothing farther to
me about it, but went to the Qaeen and did as he stated in hid
report. I have no doubt whatever that if Mr. Blount had not prevented,
and secondarily Mr. Glaus Speckels, the agent for the sugar trust, that
plan would have been carried out. I have no doubt of it in my own
mind. •

Mr. Blount specifies that I Was there to facilitate annexation, and
all the way through his statement regarding me asserts, or rather inti-
mates, that I was conducting an annexation propaganda. That was a
mistake entirely; I was not justified in doing anything of the kind. In'
the first kind, it would have been contrary to the policy of my paper,
a thing which no one attached to the paper would feel at liberty to do;
and, in the second place, my own mind was not clear on the subject.
While sentimentally clear th^re were practical objections which I
thought I saw. I had no purpose or interest in doing anything to
bring about annexation.

The Chairman. Was this before Mr. Keumau had been to the United
States.

Mr. BowEN. I had been with him and the commission. This was
before the treaty. All my associates were royalists; at the islands I
received more, attention from the royalists than from members of the
Provisional Government. These dinners and my predelictions against
annexation would have been naturally that way if I had been going
for merely personal interest.

The Chairman. Have you seen the contents of the power of attorney
held by Mr. Neuman?

Mr. Bo WEN. Yes, I have read it as published in Mr. Blount's report.
If Mr. Blount had given me one hint that he regarded it as an impol-
itic course, that it was embarrassing to him, I would have dropped it
But he said nothing whatever, he simply listened at the first interview,
and after that said he would let me know. The next day I reported
progress to him, and he did not ask me not to tell him anything more
about it. In the meantime he had been to the Queen, to Mr. Dole, and
had done what he could to prevent the carrying out of the plan. Mr.
Neuman had an interview with the Queen. She told him that she
would do nothing more in the matter, and asked him to give back her
power of attorney, and he tore it up in her presence. This was the
22d, that he tore up his power of attorney.

There is another matter to which I wish to call attention. Mr.
Blount intimates, without specifically charging, that I represented
myself and Mr. Sewall represented himself as acting for the Govern-
ment here and that I represented myself to be a friend of the Presi-
dent. . I did not go to anyone whatever and represent myself in
any official capacity. Everybody knew that I was a journalist. A
reporter called on me and he told everyone who I was. I informed a
number of people that I had no official position there whatever. The
first one was Mr. Wodehouse, the British minister. He asked me,
and I informed him that I had no official position there. I informed
the President of the Provisional Government and many others, includ-
ing Mr. Hastings, who is here in Washington, formerly one of the
Hawaiian legation. Honolulu is a hotbed of rumors. It is an isolated
community. Keally a little New England village is not to be compared
with Honolulu, especially during these troubled times. Everyone
was suspected of a motive, and there were all manner of rumors afloat
regarding everybody. There was a rumor every day in regard to Mr.
Blount and his actions, and this mysterious article appeared in the

HAWAIUN ISLANDS, 673

San Francisco Chronicle after I left there. That cansed a good deal
of gossip regarding my visit and that of Mr. Sewall.

Senator Gray. Feeling is pretty high there between the parties f

Mr. BowEN. Very bitter. Mr. Blount said I represented myself as a
fiiend of the President. On a number of occasions I said I had the
honor of Mr. Cleveland's acquaintance, and I was his friend. I was
justified in doing so, because I took a very active part during his cam-
paign. I furnished a good deal of political matter for the World, and
it is conceded that the World did its share in supx)orting party poli-
tics. I acted for my paper according to its policy. I saw a good deal
of Mr. Cleveland at the time of his nomination. Mr. Cleveland gave
me a statement to print in the World, which was unique in its line. It
was the day after his election. He indorsed the World and its course
during the campaign and extended his thanks for it. No other paper
had anything of the kind. That Mr. Cleveland gave to me. I was at
Buzzard's Bay some time, and he showed me a good deal of fi^vor. I
performed a good many small services for him.

Senator Gray. When you said that you were President Cleveland's
friend you meant in a personal way; not that you were representing
himf

Mr. BowEN. Not by any means. I said that I was his friend and
represented it that way. I am not a partisan at all. I felt very kindly
toward the President, and as the World was very friendly toward him
I was justified in saying what I did. I did not make any. boasts of
that; but in conversation in the islands I spoke of the fact that I was
the President's friend.

Senator Frye. While you were there did Mr. Sewall take any part
in the affair of representing himself as having anything to do in the
Batter f

Mr. BovTEN. Mr. Blount's allegations against Mr. Sewall are abso-
lutely false. We lived together in the grounds of the Hawaiian Hotel
in a cottage. I did not take Mr. Sewall in my confidence in this mat-
ter; the affair was practically arranged before I hinted to him that it
was going on. Mr. Sewall was a high-minded young man ; he was
devoting himself entirely to society; and without any motive I did not
take him into my confidence. Mr. Sewall knew nothing whatever
about this matter. The allegation against him was made of whole
cloth, and there is no justification whatever for it. Mr. Blount's sus-
picions led him to make accusations that were not true.

Senator Gray. Mr. Sewall's name was coupled with yours in that
article in the San Francisco paper, was it not?

Mr. BowEN. Yes. Undoubtedly he was the cause of the whole
matter. The fact that he had been consul at Samoa was ground for
the suspicion that we were out on a mission. Mr. Sewall had said
nothing to anybody; he informed no one, and he certainly took no
part in it.

There is another allegation made there which I think is without
fonndation. He speaks of Mr. Neuman as being a plausible but very
tmscrupulous person.

Senator Gray. Mr. Blount says that is the impression he gathered.
I think he modified that in another dispatch.

Mr. BowEN. I did not know of that.

Senator Gray. Mr. Blount in an early dispatch, in giving informa-
tion that he thought proper to give to the State Department, spoke of
Mr. Neuman, and said, from what he could gather, he was plausible
but unscrupulous; but in another dispatch, after he li^d. ^^\ickK£»^
8. Ecp. 227 43

674 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

further information, said that when hecametohaveftirtherintercoiiTse
with the people he thought differently of Mr. Neuman.

Mr. BowEK. I am very glad he did. He was a devoted friend ot
the Queen.

Senator Fr ye. Then he would not have cheated her 1

Mr. BoWEN. No; he thought this the best plan. And if it had
taken place, there would have been a saving of all the subsequent
trouble.

Senator Fbye. Is there anything else in the report to which you
desire to call attention f

Mr. BowEN. Nothing, except to say that I did not represent myself
as being there in a diplomatic capaciliy; that I was there simply as I
have represented to this committee — as a joumaJist. Mr. Blount
states that in his report. I was not conducting any annexation prop-
aganda; I had no such purpose; and Mr. Bewail took no part in the
matter, and knew practically nothing about it.

Senator Fbye. Are there any facts connected with the affairs of the
Hawaiian Islands which you desire to state?

Mr. Bowen. Only impressions. I was not there during the revolu-
tion. I was informed by numbers of the Provisional Government, in
response to questions, that the American minister did not conspire to
overthrow the Queen. I was informed that he did practically as he
has stated in his own report. I was told so under certain circum-
stances and there was no reason for deceiving me.

Senator Fbte. Did Paul Neuman make any claim that the minister
interfered to destroy the royal government f

Mr. Bowen. He did not. Paul Neuman is a good-natured man, per-
sonally not prejudiced against anybody, that is, individuals; but he
disliked the so-called "Missionary Party ^ there and the Annexation
Party, and he included Mr. Stevens among them. Paul Neuman was
always consistent. He was always a friend of the Queen, and he was
head and shoulders intellectually above any others of her supporters.
He was intelligent enough to form opinions during his stay .here in
Washington, and to see that there were great difficulties in the way of
restoration; and while he did not commit himself to me on the subject,
he thought that this course for pensioning the Queen would be the best
for all concerned.

SWOBH STATEMENT 07 M. STALKEBr-Continued.

Senator Gbay. You have already been sworn, and you have read
over your testimony given the other day. Have you any special cor-
rection to makef

Mr. Stalkeb. No; nothing special.

Senator Gbay. There was another point about which you spoke to
me after having read over your testimony. It was in regsurd to a ques-
tion that had been asked you, a point which you had touched upon,
as to impressions which you derived from those who were support-
ers of t^e Provisional Government. In regard to the impression
that prevailed with regard to the ability of the supi>orters of the Pro-
visional Government to maintain themselves without the aid of the
United States troops. Have you anything more to say on that subjectf

Mr. Stalker. I did receive the impression from that source that
the Provisional Government would not have been able to maintain

AWAIIAN ISLANP8. 675

itself and keep its supporters, or, rather, its defenders, together without
the cooperation of the United States troops.

Senator Gbat. Bo you mean that you gathered that impression from
those who were favorable to or supporters of the Provisional Govern*
mentf

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Was the impression gathered that the movement
tbey made depended on the presence of those troops tor encourage-
ment, morally or otherwise f

. Mr. Stalkeb. I cannot say that I was told that the original move-
ment depended upon the presence of the troops, bat rather their ability
to maintain their hold without the presence of the troops afber it had
been acquired.

Senator Gbat. It was with reference to tihatf
-Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; with reference to that, especially.

Senator Gbay. Is there any other point on which you wish to be
more explicit f

Mr. Stalkeb. I might say that I received these statements definitely
from one or two members of the Provisional Government, or, at least,
active supporters and cooperators.

Senator Gbay. Will you be good enough to state what opinion or
impression you got when you went there as to the ability of the existing
Government to maintain peace and order and protect life and property f

Mr. Stalkeb. I never heard that fact called in question.

Senator Gbay. You mean the fact of the ability of the Govemmenti

Mr. Stalkeb. The fact of the ability of the existing Government to
maintain order and protect life and property. In fact, I have heard it
repeated by citizens of the country, without respect entirely to their
j[>olitical afi^liations, that there is no part of the civilized world where
life and property were so secure as in that country.

Senator Gbay. Would that tally with your own observation during
the weeks that you were there before this revolution 1

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes; I think it would.

Senator Gbay. Was there any evidence of any disorder up to the
landing of troops on that Monday, the 16th of January — any disorder
or feeling of insecurity f

Mr. Stalkeb. None whatever that I observed.

Senator Fbye. What are you professor off
' lifr. Stalkeb. I am professor of veterinary science.

Senator Fbye. Veterinaiy surgeon f

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Where did you live when you were in the islands!

Mr. Stalkeb. At the Hawaiian Hotel f

Senator Fbye. That is the royalist hotel f

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Did* Mr. English live th^e at the same time!

Mr. Stalkeb. Yes.

Se«ator Fbye. Were you and Mr. English on intimate terms!

Mr. Stalkeb. No.

Senator Fbye. You were not!

Mr. Stalkeb. I can not say that we were.

Senator Fbye. Did you not have daily conversations with him!

Mr. Stalkeb. No.
- Senator Fbye. Did you not ultimately suggest to him that he come
<nrer and become a professor in the college where you were!

676* HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Stalker. There was a party suggested it. I did not suggest
to Mr. English, nor he to me, about coming here.

Senator Fbyb. Was anything said about Mr. English coming over
and becoming a professor?

Mr. Stalker. We had some talk ; yes — at least, I should say Mr.
English made application to me with the view of securing a place; but
I gave him no encouragement to think that he could secure a place.

Senator Peye. Did you state to anybody here that when you were at
the Government buildings on the day that the proclamation was made
you saw paraded in front of the Government buildings the American
troops with their armsl

Mr. Stalker. I think not.

Senator Fr ye. Anything of that kind f

Mr. Stalker. I think not.

Senator Frye. Were you not informed that that statement could
not be correct, because the testimony showed conclusively that the
troops were back of Arion Hall, and were not in view of the Govern-
ment Building 1

Mr. Stalker. I think my testimony was to the effect that the troops
were in line with their arms.

Senator Frye. I was not asking what you testified to. I asked you
whether or not, previously to testifying before this committee, you
stated to any one that our American troops were in front of the Gf<)v-
ernment Building, drawn up in front of the Government Building with
their guns, when the proclamation was being read*

Mr. Stalker. I did not.

Senator Frye. Anything of that kind!

Mr. Stalker. No; neither here nor elsewhere.

Senator Frye. And you were not told by anybody that that would
not do, because the testimony showed that they were in the back yard
of Arion Hall?

Mr. Stalker. "So. Your statement is the first that I heard of any
such suggestion*

Washington, B. C, Tuesday^ January 30^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and
Frye.

Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman. ^

SWOBH 8TATEMEHT OE P. W. BEEDSB.

The Ohairman. Where do you reside and what is your aget
Mr. Beeder. I am 68 years of age and I reside at Cedar Bapids, Iowa
The Chairman. Have you been in the Hawaiian Islands recently t
Mr. Beeder. I have.
The Chairman. When was that!
Mr. Beeder. Last winter.

The Chairman. How long a time did you stay there! Why did you
go and when did you come away t

k-.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 677

Mr. Beeder. I do not remember the dates; but it was during the
mouths of November, December, January, and February.

The Chairman. Had you ever been there before!

Mr. Reeder. No.

The Chairman. I suppose you were there as a tourist f

Mr. Reeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you spend much of your time in Honolulu or
through the islands?

Mr. Beeder. Most of the time in Honolulu.

The Chairman. In what month did you get there f

Mr. Beeder. I was there fifteen weeks in all, not quite four months.

The Chairman. When you got there in November, did you ascertain
or know whether there was any political excitement amongst the
Hawaiian people f

Mr. Beeder. None that appeared on the surface.

The Chairman. Was there any question of grave importance politi-
cally that was under discussion among the people!

Mr. Beeder. There was not. When you went to the state house
you could see there was friction between the parties.

The Chairman. What parties!

Mr. tiEEDER. They are divided there between what is called the
native party and the missionary party. The missionary party now
does not mean missionary per ae — ^persons who go there to teach reli-
gion— but it is a party that has received that name because it is opposed
to native rule.

The Chairman. Native rule or monarchical rule!

Mr. Beeder. That means native rule.

The Chairman. What particular measures were under discussion
upon which these parties were divided !

Mr. Beeder. One thing which was in the Legislature there, and
which gave rise to a good deal of ill feeling, was the discussion of the
opium bill, and then the discussion of the lottery scheme. There were
some men pushing their interests there— scheming for some sort of
license to indulge in the practice of lottery.

The Chairman. Do you know who those men were — any of them!

Mr. Beeder. I did not know them; no. They were men, as I under-
stand, from New Orleans.

The Chairman. Did you get the names of any of them!

Mr. Beeder. No, I did not.

The Chairman. But they were there for the purpose of pressing their
plan for getting a charter, I suppose, for the lottery scheme!

Mr. Beeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you understand that it was apart of the scheme
that had been conducted in New Orleans!

Mr. Be^er. I understood that they were there for that same pur-
pose.

The Chairman. Did the subject lead to much discussion among the
people!

Mr. Beedsr. It did; yes.

The Chairman. Was it acrimonious!

Mr. Beeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Fierce, was it!

Mr. Beeder. Yes. Before the matter was adjusted finally the ladies
thought they could intercept it between the time it passed the legisla-
ture and the time the signature was given by Liliuokalani, the Queen —
thought they could intercept it by petition, and you could &qi^ b»^ ^i3DL%

678 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

tone of the people there that it had produced a good deal of violent
feeliDg upon the part of those English-speaking people there.

The Chairman. They were opposed to itf

Mr. Reedeb. Yes.

The Ghaibmak. How did the native Kanaka x>opalation seem to be
disposed toward itt

Mr; Beedeb. I could not understand very much about that, because
I could not sx>eak their language. But they quietly acquiesced in it.

The Chaibman. I suppose they are a quiet kind of people f

Mr. Eeedeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Disposed to acquiesce in matters that they can not
easily reverse or prevent!

Mr. Eeedeb. They would rather lie down and enjoy themselves
under a tree than engage in any industry — as a rule.

The Chaibman. They have not the energy or the scope of the Angle^
Saxon, the Frenchman, German, or Portugaesef

Mr. Reedeb. No.

The Chaibman. Who, did you understand, was promoting this lot-
tery scheme amongst the governing authorities there, the cabinet, the
Queen, and any other persons?

Mr. Beedeb. The native names there are so strange that I did not
get the names, but I understood it was a good many of the house or
the legislative body — the native men of the legislative body. I under-
stood further that there was this about it: It wa« for the purpose of
relieving themselves — creating a revenue — relieving themselves from
debt and creating a source by which some money could be obtained.
I believe that was the reason assigned by the Queen — that she had to
have it to get more money.

The Chaibman. On the part of the Queen you understood it to be a
revenue measure!

Mr. Reedeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Do yon remember what offers they made in order
to induce the Government to grant the charter?

Mr. Reedeb. No, I do not remember. I will say another thing in
that connection: In the Legislature it was bandied back and forward
among the natives that they had been bribed. There are two houses
there, the house of commons or representatives and the house of
nobles, and they would get into, heated debates, and one would cast
up to the other that they had received bribes.

The Chaibman. Did they have an interpreter there f

Mr. Reedeb. Yes. A native would make his speech in his native
language and then the interpreter would repeat it in English.

The Chaibman. Did you attend the meetings of this legislative As-
sembly?

Mr. Reedeb. Oh, yes.

The Chaibman. You spoke of two Houses. You do not mean th^
were separate bodies 1

Mr. Reedeb. No: they all met together, but they were designated
as such — House of Nobles and House of Representatives.

The Chaibman. They sat together f

Mr. Reedeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Were these accusations of bribery and cormption
freely made in the House 1

Mr. Reedeb. Yes; especially when the debate would go along until
it became heated.

The Chaibman. So that the men who were reidBting the grant of

HAWAIIAN ISLAITBS. 679

;bi8 concession to the lottery people were charging the other side with
bribery and corniption, if I luiderstcand you!

Mr. BeedeBi The natives would do it among themselves.

Senator Frye. Charge each other f

Mr.KEEDEB. Yea.

The Chairman. But I understand the accusations came from those
trho were opposed to the granting of the lottery charter.

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

The Chairman. They charged that those persons who were promot-
ing or advancing this lottory scheme were bribed f

Mr.EEEDER, Yes; that was the charge,

The Chairman. Did those charges produce any collision amongst
those people!

Mr. Beeber. Fo; not that I saw.

The Chairman. Was there much anger exhibited!

Mr. Beeder. Yes; a good deal.

The Chairman. How did you understand that the Queen and cabi-
net were disposed toward this lottery business!

Mr. Beedeb. 1 do not know that I could give you an intelligent
answer in regard to that.

The Chairman. I mean what you gathered from general reputation
in the community. Was it understood thatthe Queen and her cabinet —
I mean the first cabinet that was there while you were in the islands —
or the later one!

Mr. Beeder. This came up for action in the last days of the Legis-
lature. You see the council, the. legislative body, sat from May for
about eight or nine mouths, I guess, and this was during the time I
was there, and I did not get there until November.

The Chairman. Did you find this subject rife when you got there!

Mr. Beeder. No; but it was soon developed.

The Chairman. And the movement was made in the Legislature!

Mr. Beeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you understand that the cabinet which was
there when you got there — the Wilcox-Jones cabinet — was favorable
to or opposing this lottery bill!

Mr. Beeder. I did not know about that. The trouble that arose
about the Wilcox-Jones cabinet arose mainly from some other things.

The Chairman. What were they! Proceed and state those other
things to which you refer.

Mr. Beeder. As I understand the history (and I learned it from
them) there had been constant friction there over this thing which they
had conceded in the constitution of 1887.

The Chairman. You do not mean that they had conceded the lottery!

Mr. Beeder. No; that lottery business was developed after I got
there.

The Chairman. Go on and make your statement.

Mr. Beeder. Up to 1887 they had a constitution which granted to
the kings (who were the five Kamehamehas and Lunililo, who followed
them) this thing thatthey had conceded, which was the appointing power
of the house of nobles, which houseof noblesrepresented one- third of the
body. This body was, I think, about 52 members, and 17 of thembe-.
longed to the house of nobles. The King, Kalakna, had surrendered that
right. They made that elective — of the house of nobles 17 members were
made elective by the people. But they had made another property
qualification — I mean these two parties to the constitution — which was
that any man who could prove that he had $000 income, either from his

680 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

own x>6r8onal eftorts or something that grew oat of some investment he
made, coald exercise the right of suffrage or could vote for a member of
the house of nobles.

The Ohaibman. Did you find when you got to Honolulu that the
question of returning to the old regime — the old method oi appointing
nobles — was one of the subjects under discussion by the people?

Mr. Rbedeb. Yes, sir; that was it.

The Ohaibman. Who was contending for thatt

Mr. Beedeb. The Queen and native party.

The Ohaibman. You speak of the native party. Do you mean all
the natives?

Mr. Beedeb. Let me explain that. The heads of the departments
were Americans or the decendants of Americans, and their employes,
as a rule, were natives.

The Ohaibman. You are speaking of the Queen's cabinett

Mr. Beedeb. ^o: I am speaking of the heads of the departments.

The Ohaibman. These were appointed by the Queen's administra*
tiont

Mr. Beedeb. The heads of the departments?

The Ohaibman. Yes.

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know how they got their appointments.

The Ohaibman. They were not elected by the people!

Mr. Beedeb. No.

The Ohaibman. Therefore they must have been api)ointed by the
Grown or the Legislature. I suppose they were appointed by the
Crown.

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know about that — how they received their
appointments. The men who were in the employ were, as a rule,
fiavorable to the Government; that is, the government which had found
its authority in the constitution of 1887. Then you will find a good
many Americans who were doing business in the city, and who, if they
had clerks, as a rule those clerks would talk tor the Government.
That was the native part that was talking for. the Government and
that part of the natives. That is my experience.

The Ohaibman. I suppose you do not know, not being acquainted
with any of the people, what was the sentiment among the conunon,
ordinary Kanakas on that question t

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; I do.

The Ohaibman. State how you found it.

Mr. Beedeb. The larger body of the native i)eople talked for native
rule, and felt aggrieved because it had passed into the hands of the
Americans. I had two sources of information: There was one place
situated on the corner of Nuuanu avenue and Beretania street, which
had been in the early years a place of resort for the Grown or Govern-
ment. It was called Emma House or Emma Square. It is now occu-
pied particularly as the headquarters of the common Kanakas. That
is one of the places where I daily went. They keep a sort of reading
room, and the natives would gather to discuss their affairs, and I could
hear the sentiment there of a good deal of the middle or lower classes
of Kanakas.

The Ohaibman. Did a good many of them assemble there t

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; a good many.

The Ohaibman. Who spoke English!

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; a good many who did. Then I made it a subject
of inquiry; if any man was a prominent man, I asked what he said.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 681

The Ohaibman. What purpose had yon in stadying these problems
of xK>litic8 in Hawaii?

Mr. Beebeb. That is one of the things I like^ to find out what is
going on.

The Ghaibman. Was that the purpose for which you were there t

Mr. Reedeb. I write sometimes for the newspapers.

The Ghaibman. Are yon a correspondent for a newspaper!

Mr. Sesbeb. I could not say that I was a hired correspondent; I
wrote some articles and sent them home.

The Ghaibman. What paper did you send them tot

Mr. Beedeb. I sent them to our papers. I am quite well acquainted
with the people of the Gedar Bapids Bepublican and the Gedar Bapids
Times.

The Ghaibman. Then you were gaining information for the purpose
of being able to write those letters to the newspapers?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; I do not want to say that, but it was one of the
things I looked to.

The Ghaibman. But you had no connection politicaUy with any
thing in Hawaii t

Mr. Beedeb. No.

The Ghaibman. No business connection with anybody!

Mr. Beedeb. No : not a thing above ground.

The Ghaibman. simply a tourist looking over the country t

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Bo you think f^om the people you heard speaking
at this meeting room which you have mentioned, and your imperfect
knowledge of the Hawaiian tongue, you could gather the real senti-
ment of the Kanaka population on the subject of this lottery?

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know whether I could say that much or not.
I do not understand that the lottery business was extensively discussed
amongst them — ^that is, the middle and lower classes.

The Ghaibman. Those you heard speak of it, were they in favor of
or against the lottery?

Mr. Beedeb. Some of them — ^they were divided; I think a good
many of them were opposed to it.

The Ghaibman. I suppose it was really a question between public
morality and governmental revenue?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; those were the points.

The Ghaibman. The white people, men of business and men of prop-
erty, were opposed to using that scheme for the purpose of raising
revenue f

Mr. Beedeb.^ I think so; I think that was true.

The Ghaibman. On moral grounds?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

The Ghaibman. Bid you detect any other movement, or anything in
what they did or said to indicate that they had any purpose of trying
to deprive the Hawaiian people of any just right that they might wish
to enjoy, and from which they might derive a profit; or were they really
in good earnest in trying to preserve proper morality in the administra-
tion of Gt)vernmentt

Mr. Beedeb. I had no reason to suspect that they were dishonest.
I had no reason to suppose that they opposed the scheme of lottery on
any other grounds than that. It might have been to the Government
a source of revenue; but they opposed it somehow or other.

The Ghaibman. There was an opium bill pending before that Legis-
lature while you were there t

682 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Beedeb. Tes.

The Chairman. What did you gather from common report and com-
mon ramor as to the purposes and provisions and chareteristics of that
bill!

Mr. Beeder. That followed very much the same train of thought.
The people were divided on it for about the same reasons-^for the
same purposes on both sides.

The Chairman. I suppose the purpose of introducing opium there
was to cater to the habits of the Chinese who were there!

Mr.^ Beeder. It was freely talked there that they would be great
patrons. In fact, they had several places open then for the purpose of
administering the drug.

The Chairman. Is there a Chinatown in Honolulu!

Mr. Beeder. Yes; distinctively so.

The Chairman. Like it is in San Francisco!

Mr. Beeder. Yes; the same as they have in San Francisco.

The Chairman. Are there many Chinese collected together in that
part of the city of Honolulu!

Mr. Beeder. Pretty much all the Chinese there are in that part of
the city.

The Chairman. Crowded together in that area [indicating on map]!

Mr. Beeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Have you been in Chinatown frequently!

Mr. Beeder. Yes, frequently.

The Chairman. What would you say as to the number of persons
congregated there!

Mr. Beeder. It would be a mere guess, but I would say to you I
suppose perhaps 3,000. That is the west there, and Chinatown proper
is on the west side of Honolula. There is one street tbere as a rule,
which divides them. Of course there are persons scattered around one
place or another who are Chinamen, but oft' in this direction toward
the Kamebameha Museum

The Chairman. Is that toward the east or west!

Mr. Beeder. Toward the west; it is west of Nuuanu avenue, princi-
pally along in this direction. They are from right back here where the
ground falls off [indicating]. Then there is out here what is called the
Insane Asylum. In this direction here there is a great scope of land
which winds around what is called the Beceiving Hospital, and all this
here is covered with rice plantations and vegetable patches. That is
largely made up of Chinese. This portion of the town — I do not know
whether it comes up so far; I think it is one street west

The Chairman. Then you would say that this portion of the town
between Smith street and the western boundary of the town is occu-
pied largely by Chinamen f

Mr. Beeder. Yes. Then in the town there is an area on Kuuann
avenue. This [indicating] is occupied by tailors, by shoemakers, by
butchers, who cater to the wants of the people.

The Chairman. Of the Chinese!

Mr. Beeder. Yes; and all who choose to patronize them.

The Chairman. What do those Chinese in Honolulu seem to be
principally engaged in for a living!

Mr. Beeder. The great body of the Chinese are out on the sngai:
plantations.

The Chairman. I speak of those in Honolulu.

Mr. Beeder. Those in Honolulu are engaged there in rice culture or
as vegetable growers, and those that are right in the city proper are

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 683

engaged nt the toiloring business largely, and the sboemakin^ busi-
ness. It is principally t^keu up by shoemakers and tailors and mer-
eha&ts and restaurant keepers.

The Chaibman. They have little shops and stores?

Mr.RESDEB. Yes.

The Chaibman. As a rule, are the Chinese people an orderly and
vell-behaved people? •

Mr. Bebbeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Fond of gambling?

Mr.BEEDEB. Oh, yes; that is one of their industries.

The Chairman. Do they have opium joints amongst. them?

Mr. Beedeb. They have a few, but as a rule not public. It is not a
business recognized there.

The Chaibman. The law opposes it?

Mr. Beedeb. I could not say that; I think likely — I do not know
about that.

The Chaibman. But it is a business not openly adopted?

Mr. Beedeb. No ; not on a front street. It is a place usually a little
off, very small place. I understood that there were two or three of
them in town.

The Chaibman. In passing through Chinatown in Honolulu, did you
gain the idea that the Chinese were contributing much to the moral
support and advancement of Hawaii, or was the tendency the other
way?

Mr. Beedeb. I did not gather very much about it. They behave
themselves. They are not very much in the police court, and they
have not to be dealt with very much.

The Chaibman. Do' they taJ^e an3rthing like an active, strong, prom-
ineat position like the white race in Honolulu?

Mr. Beedeb. They do not.

The Chaibman. They are there like they are everywhere else where
they are assembled — where you have seen them in this hemisphere —
people who seem to be devoting themselves to their own callings,
indulging themselves in their habits of gambling and opium smoking,
and such like?

Mr. Beedeb. They are just like they are in San Francisco.

The Chaibman. Are there any public moralities conducted amongst
them?

Mr. Beedeb. I could not answer that. I have no knowledge that
I know of. I will say they have a joss house there, and then they have
what is called a Young Men's Christian Association, and they make
some effort of improving their people.

The Chaibman. Would you think that the free introduction of opium
amongst those people would create any insecurity as to the peace and
order and proper government of the islands?

Mr. Beedeb. The Chinese would be principally the patrons of such
places. I do not know that that would create much disorder. They
go to those places and have their smoke out and their debauch and
thea go away. After the debauch is over they go about their busi-
ness on the street; there does not seem to be very much about it.

The Chaibman. Do you think the better classes of Honolulu were
patting themselves to unnecessary trouble in trying to prevent the
introduction of opium into that city?

Mr. Beedeb. No; I think it was pushed principally by the native
men in that Legislative Assembly.

684 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

The Ohaibman. You mean the measure to license the introdnctton
ofopiamt

Mr Beedeb. Yes. It was done largely for revenue for the islands.

The Chairman. Did you gather from the people there that they
thought that was a rather dangerous enterprise for the public mor-
ality and the maintenance of the lawt

Mr. Keedeb. Yes. The men who were opposed to it were opposed
to it from those considerations.

The Ohaibman. Were they very earnest about it!

Mr. Beedeb. They seemed to be. The ladies were more earnest
than anybody else.

The Ohaibman. I suppose they were fearing the demoralization of
their sons.

Mr. Beedeb. I think that was amongst the things. They had a large
petition. You could see by the names on it that they were Americans —
at least, not Ohinese.

The Ohaibman. Did you see any demonstration amongst what we
call the white population in Hawaii — Americans, Germans, English or
what not — ^that seemed to lead in the direction of the demoralization of
those people or the imposing upon them of unjust or improper restric-
tions of lawt

Mr. Beedeb. I think I can say that I did see some things which I
ojyposed very much all my life. For instance, there is this: there are
a good many white men who are living there with Kanaka women to
whom they are not married — a good many of them. But I do not know
of any leading legislator or any leading man there who had his family
with him who was addicted to this practice.

The Chairman. Can you say that any such irregularities of life as
those to which you have alluded have received partial encouragement
or even toleration ^n the part of what we call the white populationt

Mr. Beedeb. By a good many of the middle and lower classes. Do
you consider that former question was answered? I would divide that
question. Let it be read until I say stop.

The question was read as follows:

<' Did you see any demonstration amongst what we call the white
population in Hawaii — Americans, Germans, English, and what not —
that seemed to lead in the direction of the demoralization of those
people? ^

Mr. Beedeb. From that last sentence — ^< demoralization of those
people." There are a good many men there living with Kanaka women to
whom they are not married. Some of them were living there long
enough to have families by them, and still recognize themselves as not
married — and still recognize that the marriage vow was not obligatory
upon them. That was true of a good many of the Chinese; they were
living with the Kanaka women, and so were some of the Portuguese.
I do not think these practices obtain amongst the better elements of
the population of Honolulu, or that they were tolerated or encouraged
by them.

The Ohaibman. In the discussions that you heard there among the
people, do you remember whether the question came up as to the
necessity of getting rid of the cabinet in order to be able to carry this
opium bill and this lottery bill into effect!

Mr. Beedeb. I do not think that there was. The main thing that
they had there troubles on was another issue. The Queen was strug-
gling to get the ascendency for the purpose of promoting these things
— a return to the native rule, already explained.

HAWAII /LN ISLANDS. 685

Senator Fbye. That is, the Queen and her people were trying to
get rid of the constitution of 1887, which imposed restrictions upon her
and her cabinet?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Frye. Was this opium bill and this lottery bill part of the
campaign — ^to get the Kanaka population to do away with the constitu-
tion of 1887?

Mr. Eeedeb. I do not think they had any design of that kind. I
think those two bills were for revenue. I think it was said by the
Queen that she was embarrassed and the Government was embarrassed
on account of its debt.

The Chaibman. Did you understand that the debt was a very large
one!

Mr. Beedeb. Yes, it was large for that place. It amounted to almost
$4,000,000 — when pay day for the interest came it would amount to
very nearly $4,000,000,

The Chaibman. I suppose you are not familiar with the facts in
regard to the burden of taxation in Hawaii, to know upon whom it
falls?

Mr. Beedeb. Fell upon the property.

The Chairman. Who owned the property — I mean, of course, the
property that would yield revenue!

Mr. Beedeb. I think there was a large amount gathered from the
sugar plantations.

Senator Fbye. The chairman asked who owned the property. Did
not the white men own nine- tenths of it?

Mr. Beedeb. I think so; yes, eight- tenths.

The Chaibman. Do you know any Kanakas or half-whites who
owned any large sugar estates?

Mr. Beedeb. No; but there were men in business there who were
half-whites, who owned stock in some of those companies.

The Chaibman. But, if I gather your idea, the great burden of tax-
ation rested upon white men who owned the property?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Did you see any disposition or detect any disposi-
tion.amongstthose people to do, or to attempt to do, anything else than
protect themselves against unjust legislation, legislation that was
wicked in its character, and that tended to break down the authority
of law and good morals?

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know that I could interpret the action of the
white people as having anything to do especially in that direction.

The Chaibman. Have you any personal knowledge of the facts that
tended toward the recent revolution?

Mr. Beedeb. I have some, gathered in the way that we have been
talking about.

The Chaibman. You were there an observer.

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

The Chaibman. Were you in the Legislature — I mean the hall where
the Legislature sat — on the Saturday that it was prorogued by the
Qa^n?

Mr. Beedeb. I was not; no.

The Chaibman. You were not there at that time?

Mr. Beedeb. I was not there at 12 o'clock; no.

The Chaibman. Did you go to the Government building that after-
noont

686 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Eeedeb. Ko; I was not in the Government building; I was
there in the vicinity.

The Chairman. At what time did yon first get the impression that
the political movement that had been started in Hawaii or in Honolnla
would result in dethroning the Queen and the establishment of a new
government?

Mr. Beedeb. I had no means of knowing. Things moved along
pretty rapidly. I had no means of knowing when that point anivied^
when slie would be dethroned.

The Chairman. That does not answer my question. I want to know
when you first heard the rumor that there was a movement on foot to
dethrone the Queen.

Mr. Keeder. 1 absolutely did not get that impression until Tuesday;
it did not develop itself until Tuesday, the 17th.

The Chairman. What was the information which you received on
Tuesday, which you say led you to the conclusion that there was a
revolution on foot which would result in dethroning the Queen t

Mr. Beeder. On Tuesday the proclamation for a new government
was read.

The Chairman. Was that the first information that you had about
it!

Mr. Eeeder. I had been keeping track of it all along, but that was
the first information that I secur^ that was evidence to me that the
Queen was to be dethroned.

The Chairman. I suppose you would say that that was the first time
you believed .or felt that the movement was really a serious onef

Mr. Beeder. Yes; that was the first time.

The Chairman. Although, I believe from your statements, you I'ad
heard some intimations of it or discussion about it?

Mr. Beeder. No; I heard no intimation.

The Chairman, l^othing at all?

Mr. Beeder. [Nothing at all ; because the meetings of the committee
of safety were kept secret, and at that meeting on Monday afternoon at
2 o'clock there were certain speeches made in which there was not an
intimation of any kind that I could gather that they were designing
anything of that kind.

The Chairman. You heard those speeches?

Mr. Beeder. Not all of them.

The Chairman. You heard some?

Mr. Beeder. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you mix in the crowd?

Mr. Beeder. I was around and amongst the crowd.

The Chairman. How many English-speaking people did you hear
converse? •

Mr. Beeder. There were two meetings. You are speaking of the
one conducted on tlie part of the revolutionists?

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Beeder. They were pretty much all English-speaking people.

The Chairman. You did not gather, if I understand you correctlj,
at that meeting, from speeches or conversations that you heard in the
crowd, that the movement to dethrone the Queen at the time of that
meeting was a serious one?

Mr. Beeder. No; I did not gather that they had determined on that
project at that time. In fact, there was nothing said of it in the seven
speeches. After the seven speeches, aU went ^ong in the line of com-
plaints.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 687

The Chaibman. Of what!

Mr. Beedbb. Complaints that the Government of the Queen was
not a snitable Grovernment; that she had been refusing all along to
keep within bounds of the authority of the constitution.

The Chairman. Of the constitution of 1887?

Mr. Rbbdeb. Of 1887 — that there had been, I think they said, seven
uprisings in five years of one kind or another — I could not particularize
what they were^ and that the Government was not a stable one; that
she could not give one; that there was too much Motion. That was
the line of the speeches.

The Chaibman. Did you hear any statements made by the speakers,
or did the persons in the crowd make any, to the effect that the Queen
had attempted to abrogate the constitution of 1887 and substitute for
it one of her ownt

Mr. Beedeb. I heard nothing except what grew out of the talk.
She got up on the portico of lolani palace

The Chaibman. You did not hear that; you were not there.

Mr. Beedeb. You are sx>eaking of what I know personally t

Senator Gbat. And impressions that you gathered from actual con-
tact with the people.

The Chaibman. In this public meeting, in this crowd in which you
mixed, did you hear any statement as to a matter of fact that the
Queen hatd attempted to abrogate the constitution of 1887 and substi-
tute for it one of her own getting up?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; that waa the talk in that meeting — that was part
of the complaint.

The Chaibman. Was there any complaint in those speeches about
the opium bill and the lottery bill?

Mr. Beedbb. Yes, they were talked of, too.

The Chaibman. Was anything said about voting out the cabinet?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes, that was talked of, too. That was part of the
complaint.

The Chaibman. A sort of enumeration of grievances?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes. The speeches were not very long. The whole
meeting did not last to exceed an hour and a half. They opened at 2
o'clock and adjourned at a half aftei* 3.'

The Chaibman. That was before you formed a definite conclusion
that there was to be a revolution there?

Mr. Beedeb. Yes. I was not informed that they were going to over-
turn the Grovernment. On Tuesday afternoon I came to the conclusion
that there was going to be something done. As I understood it, they
read from the steps of the Government building this proclamation

Senator Fbye. Were you there?

Mr. Beedeb. No : I was not right there.

The Chaibman. Were you out in view of lolani Palace at the time
the Queen was up on the palace somewhere, the portico, and presented
some constitution and made some speech to her people?

Mr. Beedeb. I was near there, but I could not understand the lan-
guage; she did not present a constitution; she made a speech.

The Chaibman. Was there a large crowd about the Queen at that
timet

Mr. Bbedeb. The orowd in both places seemed just about alike as
to numbers.

The Chaibman. I spoke of that occasion. Was there a large orowd
about lolani Palace at the time the Queen appeared on the portico-^
whatever you may call it?

688 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know what you call a large crowd. It is only,
a g^ess; there might have been 1,200 to 1,300 people there.

The Chairman. Did yon see any military array, any troops drawn
up in line under arms t

Mr. Beedeb. No.

The Chaibman. Was the crowd to which the Queen was speaking
excited t

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know; they did not seem to be; there was a
good deal of earnestness about it.

The Ghaibman. Did the Kanaka population exhibit any more ex-
citement than the balance of the people?

Mr. Beedeb. I did not see it. The truth of it was there was noth-
ing but the Kanaka population there, I guess.

The Ghaibman. Have you any special knowledgeabout what occurred
in Honolulu during the period of that revolution t I would like to know
what you know about it; what your observations were.

Mr. Beedeb. At between 2 and 3 o'clock on Tuesday afternoon the
proclamation was read. Now I was not there at tha^ but I was out
where I could see a good deal of a crowd. There was only a handful
there, comparatively, to me. And then following that the marines
came up and took their station near the premises, or near, between the
two houseH a little away from the gates. There were three roads that
came up from the west end of the town, and is a pretty large three-
cornered square, is there, and they took possession of the square— each
of the three roads up into the city. That w.as on Monday.

Senator Geay. In the afternoon!

Mr. Beedeb. Afternoon — close to 5 o'clock — late in the afternoon.
They took their position there.

Senator Fb ye. You did not see any marines paraded on Tuesday?

Mr. Beedeb. Tuesday!

Senator Fbye. Yes.

Mr. Beedeb. They were there on the grounds.

Senator Fbye. Did you see any marines paraded on Tuesday when
the proclamation was read to take possession of the building!

Mr. Beedeb. My memory is not clear on that point.

Senator Fbye. Where did you see them!

Mr. Beedeb. Ou the grounds; but I can not say that they paraded
or not. They were right there on the grounds.

Senator Fbye. What were they doing!

Mr. Beedeb. I do not know whether I saw them paraded or not;
but they were there.

The Ghaibman. That is the point in the case, whether you saw them
paraded. I understood you to say that you did not witness the read-
ing of the proclamation.

Mr. Beedeb. I was not right there.

The Ghaibman. Where were you!

Mr. Beedeb. I was not far away.

The Ghaibman. How far away!

Mr. Beedeb. Bight across the block — ^maybe two blocks.

The Ghaibman. Were you in full view of the audience— the crowd!

Mr. Beedeb. Oh, yes.

The Ghaibman. At that part cular time or before that time!

Mr. Beedeb. Before what time!

The Ghaibman. Before the proclamation was read!

Senator Gbay. On Tuesday!

The Ghaibman. At the time the proclamation establishing this Pro-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 689

▼ifflonal Government was read, did you see any United States marines
drawn np in line, armed , etct

Mr. E>££B£B. I do not know whether I saw them right in arms, bat
they were there. I could see them. I was up a square or two. I could
Bee them there before the Government house.

Senator Fbye. How do you mean you saw themt Were they in
line? Or do you mean to say you saw some straggling soldiers?

Mr. Besder. I do not know whether they were in line, drilling.

The Chaibman. In line of battle, drawn up ready to fight t

Mr. Rbedeb. I could not tell that; I saw them there.

Senator Gbay. Do you know where the troops were quartered, in
Anon Hall, a building back of the Opera House t

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Was it there you saw themt

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; dose in the vicinity of the Opera House.

Senator Gbay. Were they not in the rear of Arion Hall, inside the
fence?

Mr. Beedeb. I saw them scattered all around the hall and near the
opera house.

Senator Gbay. Do you mean that the marines were out beside the
Government building, where you could see them and anybody could see
themt

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; I saw them there. They were not in the grounds
of the Government building.

Senator Gbay. Quite i« body of themt

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. 'Did they have armst

Mr. Beedeb. I could not tell exactly whether they had their arms.
I was within a block or so of them.

The Chaibman. Pretty large crowd at the time that proclamation
was being readt

Mr. Beedeb. No; there were only a few.

Senator Gbay. Did you see the troops when they were landed on
Monday afternoon t

Mr. Beedeb. I did not see them during the time they were land-
ing; no.

Senator Gbay. You saw them march through the streets t

Mr. Heedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Did you have any previous information that they
were to landt

Mr. Beedeb. No; I had not anything.

Senator Gbay. You said the first you knew of any troops from the
Boston being ashore was seeing them on the streets, marching t

Mr. Heedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. From what direction were they marching t

Mr. Beedeb. They were marching up from where the Boston was
landed, up through one of those streets.

Senator Gbay. What was the public impression, so far as you were
able to gather itt You were out there and in contact with the people,
were you not t

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. What impression did you gather as to the object of
^oae troops landing; what was the popular impression t

Mr. Beedeb. I did not know and do not know anybody else who
did know. I was just waiting developments there and seeing what I
could see.

S. Bep. 227 U

690 HAWAHAN ISLAND&

Senator Gbay. What developmonts did you witness in that line as
to the impression created by the presence of those troops — ^that they
were there to support the Queen, or there to support the Provisional
Governmentf

Mr. Keedeb. I was just waiting to see what they would do, because
I could not tell why they were there, and I did not know anybody who
did know.

Senator Ob at. And you did not gather any impression at all t

Mr. Seedeb. Kot that I know of.

Senator Gbat. Have you any opinions, as a matter of fact, as to
whether they had any influence upon the establishment of tiie Provi-
sional Government, bom from your observation there t

Senator Gbay. What is itf

Mr. Eeedeb. I think that the Government — ^in those who were in
power — ^it excited some fears that they were there for the purpose not
to sustain the Government, but to help change it somehow or other.

Senator Gbat. Not to sustain the existing Governmentf

Mr. Beedeb. The Queen.

Senator Gbat. Was that the impression that you gathered flrom
your talk with the people!

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. From what you saw and heard t

Mr. Beedeb. Yea.

Senator Gbat. That they were there to aid the change in the Gov-
ernmentf That is the way you put itf

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Had you any interest, one way or the other!

Mr. Beedeb. Not a bit of interest; not a cent's worth.

Senator Gbat. You belonged to neither party!

Mr. Beedeb. No.

Senator Gbat. How long had you been on the islands!

Mr. Beedeb. I had been there very close on to four months, and
been among the people.

Senator Gbat. Largely f

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. You had been an interested observer of what was
going on — ^it was interesting to youf

Mr. Beedeb. Yes.

Senator Gbat. You were alert — ^your mind was alert, to take in what
was going on around youf

Mr. Beedeb. Yes; that was it.

Senator Gbat. What were you there forf Were you on business or
on pleasure f

Mr. Beedeb. I was there just as a tourist.

Senator Gbat. There for your health f

Mr. Beedeb. That was part of my business there. I had something
in my throat and I thought it would boil it out.

Senator Gbat. Was any of your family there with you!

Mr. Beedeb. No.

Senator Gbat. May I ask you, if you will not consider it an imper-
tinent question, what your politics are!

Mr. Beedeb. I am a Bepublican. I never had a thought of politics
while there. I was an American citizen. I had no allegiance to one
party or the other. I determined that I would not impenl my safety,
I had no interest whether the Queen's Government shot^ld survive or
the missionary party should succeed. I intended to pursue such a

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 691

course as to have the protection of my Government in case the Oovem-
ment fell into the hands of either of those peoples. I knew if I joined
a party and became interested in it and the party which I had joined
was beaten, I would lose the protection of my Government.

Senator Gray. You did not want to join a party as a mere tourist
there!

Mr. Beebbb. No.

Senator Gbat. You had no business in joining either party, had
you?

Mr. Beedeb. No.

Senator Gbat. Did you have anything to do with the domestic affairs
of tiiose islands?

Mr. Bebdeb. No.

Adjourned until to-morrow, the 31st instant, at 10 o'clock a. m.

Washington, B. 0., Wednesday^ January 31j 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment.
Present: The chairman (Senator MoBaAN) and Senators Btttleb,
Gray, Fbte, and Shebman, and Senator Davis, of the ftdl committee.

SWOEV STATEMEHT OF CHABLES L MACAETHUB.

The Ghaibman. State your residence.

Mr. MagAbthub. Troy, N. Y.

Senator Fbye. What is your business!

Mr. MaoAbthub. I am the editor of the Troy Budget.

Senator Fbte. Were you at any time in the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes: the last of February, or early in March,
1893. I remained there aoout seven or eight weeks, I should say.

Senator Fbye. What was your business there f

Mr. MaoAbthub. I went there to get rest, practically; but I found
a state of things that very much interested me, and I investigatied.

Senator Fbte. You investigated the condition of affairs in the'
islands t

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes. I presume you gentlemen have a paper
from me. I wrote considerably. I wrote an article which was pub-
lished pretty widely. I was there when Mr. Blount was there, and I
saw him frequently. His wife and mine were acquaiuted and went
about a good deal together.

The Ghaibman. That is your paper, the one with the map in it?

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes. 1 could not cover as much ground as I wanted
to because I found it of so much interest. I knew there was meat in it
and I went right over it.

Senator Fbye. Did you make a special business of investigating the
condition of affairs in the islands!

Mr. MaoAbthxtb. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Ajid in the course of that investigation did you have
communications with parties of both sides there, the royalists as well
as the Provisional Government t

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes. All the time I was there the Provisional
Government was in power. I did not report the result of my investi-
gations to Mr. Blount. I did on one affair. He mentioned here thai

692 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Dr. Waiiam Shaw Bowen, of New York, undertook to get theQaeen to
sell her rights aud abdicate. I took a part in that affair, and I could
tell the story. I did not reduce to writing the observations that I
made while in the islands. I have written a good deal to my own
paper. That (alluding to article in Troy Budget of Nov. 26, ^93), is
more of a statistical matter, showing the history of annexation and
leaving out the rest. There are some statistics about the population,
showing that just at that time they were saying that they should have
a plebescite there to justify annexation. I investigated that subject,
and I found that there never had been one in territory annexed to the
United States, and if there had been, the population would have voted
it down in each case. We have never seen a case of that kind. Even
in the annexation of Louisiana there were two riots against annexation.
That annexation would have been beaten had you taken a vote of the
population.

The Chairman. You are the editor of the Northern Budget?

Mr. MacArthue. Yes.

The Chairman. In the issue of November 26, 1893, you have pre-
sented some views about affairs in Hawaii. Those are the conclusions
to which you sincerely arrived in your examination of the facts on the
ground t

Mr. MAOAlEiTHtJR. Yes. I did not go into that part of it which
would be more interesting to you. I found that the native population
was somewhat against annexation. I never could get at the bottom
cause of it; I think I did, however, get at what I thought were the
bottom causes. It was the woman question — the color question. Some
of the richest men in the islands had married natives. One, Mr.
Bishop, of the State of New York.

The Chairman. You speak of white ment

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes, white men — missionaries there. Of course
the native population think it a great thing, an elevated thing, to marry
their daughters to white people, and I found on investigating on the
Island of Hawaii and on those of Mauai and Oahu that the report had
been circulated all through the islands that among the people of the
XJ. S. the men who married negroes were despised, and that they would
lose their caste in Hawaii by marrying natives. It became a woman
question to a great extent in the islands, and the women influence the
men always. They thought their daughters ought to marry reputably,
and they thought they would occupy the position that the negro does
in the IT. S. country in such cases.

Senator Fbte. If the islands were annexed?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

The Chaibman. That there would be a racial degradation t

Mr. MaoAbthub. Degradation. The women got hold of this ques-
tion and went into every native household. When I got at the bottom
of this matter, I found that every man, native, that 1 talked with, pre-
sented that phase of the subject to me. I made inquiries, and I found
that this impression had been carefully circulated everywhere among
these native people. I found it in the Island of Hawaii, the Island of
Mauai, and I found it in Honolulu.' I naturally felt that they were a
very clannish people. The chief justice told me that in every case in
which a jury of native people was had, they never could convict a
native — ^that they had to take this thing from the juries and firom tbe
examining boards, and segregrate the lepers in these islands. In the
criminal cases the chief justice told me, and two other judges told me
also

HAWAnAN ISLANDS. 693

The Chairman. What would you thiuk of the political proposition
of incorporatiug those people into our body politic?

Mr. MaoAbthub. I think it ought to be done, because you do not
build America for a little time; you build for a century; and the time
is not far distant when the Pacific coast will have six or eight millions
of people, and the native Hawaii population would be entirely rubbed
oa^ at the present percentage of decrease, somewhere between 1920
and, say, 1930.

The Chaibman. For similar reasons would you also think that it
would be better for our country that the Japanese and Chinese should
be brought in freely and incorporated into our body politic?

Mr. MagAbthub. Mr. Blount said to me, '^ What are these people
going to do for laborers?^

The Ghaibman. I am not speaking of that; I am speaking of the
social efiect in the United States of incorporating the orientals into the
8oeial system, what we call the body politic, of the United States.

Mr. MagAbthub. The Asiatics can not vote or become citizens
nnder the Hawaiian constitution.

The Chaibman. I am not speaking of that, but the effect of annexa-
tion, in your judgment, as to Asiatics?

Mr. MagAbthub. It is not that, because they are a hardworking
people. They earn their money, and they get what they consider
wealth and return to their own countries. The exports from those islands
are 9115 for each man, woman, and child in the inlands. There are no
SQch exports in the world. I think it is a detriment to confine them-
selves exclusively to sugar.

The Chaibman. Do you concur in the prevailing opinion that the
Kanaka population of Hawaii is passing away — ^perishing?

Mr. MagAbthub. At the rate of decrease that is now going on, or in
the last decade, they will be entirely wiped out in 1930. It has been
carefully calculated. You see there are only 34,000 natives, and there
are 90,000 of population. Of that, perhaps 12,000 are Portuguese. The
Portuguese and white men there in voting would outnumber the native
population, that is, the native voting population — outnumber them in
the property qualification.

The Chaibman. You speak now of the constitution of 1887?

Mr. MagAbthub. I am speaking of this present constitution, under
which the house of nobles and house of representatives were elected.
There is a much lower elective power for the house under the present
Provisional Government.

The Chaibkan. You are speaking of the constitution which Liliuo-
kalani tried to overthrow?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Davis. What kind of people are those Portuguese?

Mr. MagAbthub. They are mostly from the Azores.

Senator Davis. We know where they are from, but how do they
isizeup?

Mr. MagAbthub. They are a civil, orderly people.

Senator Davis. Industrious?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Davis. Are they law-abiding?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes,

Senator Davis. Do their children go to school?

Mr. MagAbthub. Oh, yes; there is compulsory education there for
all classes.

Senator Davis. Do they have their own homes there^ to t&<^mi^^^\jgsv\A

694 HAWAnAN ISLANDS.

Mr. MaoArthub. Yes.

Senator Davis. Do you regard them as a progressive people!

Mr. MagAbthub. I do. I regard them as the most progressive of
all the three natives brought in there — Chinese, Portuguese, and
Japanese.

Senator Davis. You do not classify them with the Asiatics?

Mr. MacAbthub. No; not at all. They dress well; they have little
gardens about their houses ; they cultivate various things. The Azores
is very similar to the climate of the Hawaiian Islands; it is the same
class of soil — volcanic soil.

The Ghaibman. Did you understand firom your examination of the
condition of the Portuguese in Hawaii that their coming to the islands
was a voluntary act on their part for the betterment of their fortunes?

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes; betterment of their fortunes.

The Chairman. Not compulsion?

Mr. MagAbtuub. No; they sent out agents. They wanted to ad-
vance the thing, partly ciapanese, partly Chinese, and somebody went
over and by arrangement brought these people there.

The Chaibman. Not under the cooly system?

Mr. MagAbthub. No; the i)eople of the Azores are the most lib-
eral-minded of any of the Portuguese.

Senator Davis. Do they have their wives with them'1

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes; and children. They have brought their
wives; they have little villages in Hawaii — ^the sugar companies build
for them Japanese houses. They did not like these houses, so they
went to work andmade Japanese villages for them — ^little wicker things.

The Chaibman. So that, I understand you, taking a general survey,
the Kanaka population, the white population, and the Portuguese pop-
ulation, it would be a disastrous economic movement on the part of the
XJnited States to incorporate those people into our body politic ^

Mr. MagAbthub. No. But for the future the laws of the United
States would prevent

The Chaibman. 1 was speaking of it as an economic question —
whether you think it would be advantageous or disadvantageous to
the United States to incorpr»rate such a population as you have been
describing into our body politic. Do you think it would be aa advan-
tage or a disadvantage?

Mr. MagAbthub. I think it would be an advantage.

The Chaibman. You do not include the Chinese in that statement?

Mr. MagAbthub. No, not altogether. I think the Chinese are the
worst population of all, perhaps.

The Chaibman. Do they bring their families with them?

Mr. MagAbthub. Not to a great extent.

The Chaibman. Do they intermarry with the native women?

Mr. MagAbthub. Not much. Some of the Japanese do, and I
think some of the Portuguese.

The Chaibman. They come there as denizens, and not to become
citizens?

Mr. MagAbthub. They cannot become citizens now.

The Chaibman. I am speaking of their motives.

Mr. MagAbthub. They come there to make money and go home.

The Chaibman. This article which you published in your newspaper
November 26, 1893, seems to contain a statement of your views on a
number of questions. I want to ask you whether you regard that as
your sincere impression now?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDfJ. 695

The article is as follows:

" [From the New York Mail and Express.]
<*INTKODU0TORY BY THE EDITOR OF THE MAIL AND EXPRESS.

" Hon . Charles L. Mac Arthur, the venerable editor of the Troy Northern
Budget and formerly State Senator, has complied with a request of the
Mail and Express for an article on Hawaii, the circumstances that led
to the overthrow of the Queen, and the personnel of the Provisional
Government,

"Mr. MacArthur went to Hawaii shortly after the revolution and
enjoyed thesamefacilities for observation as Mr. Blount had. A graphic
and entertaining writer, the veteran editor has made travel a habit for
jTears, and wlien he wants to find facts or objects knows just where to
look for them.

" IN HAWAH WHEN COMMISSIONER BLOUNT WAS THERE.

"To the editor of the New York Mail and Earpress :

" Sir : You have asked me to write for your paper on the subject of the
Hawaiian Islands, now an absorbing theme of public discussion. I
premise by saying that I was in the islands with my wife the best part
of last winter, for weeks at the same hotel in Honolulu with Commis-
sioner Blount and his amiable lady, saw them* daily, and had fairly as
good opportunities as he had to get at the bottom facts of the situation,
the same sources of information being open to me as to him. Besides,
I had greatly the advantage of him in that I saw and conversed with
all classes of people and got at their inner ideas, whereas his reticence
repelled rather than invited free intercourse. It was unfortunate
for the object of his mission that he remained secluded in his quarters
most of the time, instead of going about with his eyes and ears open
and bringing into requisition the Yankee habit of asking questions.
It was also unfortunate that he did not visit the great coffee and sugar
producing island of Hawaii, the largest of the group, which has an
area seven times greater than that of Oahu, on which Honolulu is sit-
uated, and six times larger than Maui, the next largest, with double
the production of sugar and other commercial products of any other
island.

^'As I understand it, Mr. Blount only visited the island of Maui out-
side of Oahu, and then only paid a visit to see the great Spreckels
sugar plantation, the largest in the world, where he was, of course, hand-
somely entertained. What he should have done was to have visited
the great island of Hawaii, the garden island of Kauai, and the island
of Molokai, and have seen the conditions of these islands for himself,
and have conversed with the leading men of all parties throughput the
group, instead of shutting himself up like an oyster in Honolulu and
getting most of his information at second hand. I do not, however,
desire to make any adverse criticism on Mr. Commissioner Blount, at
least until his report becomes public, for he is a very amiable and cour*
teous gentleman, and all my intercourse with him was of the pleasantest
character. But I can't help saying that a trained newspaper man would
have bored into all the sources of information and have swept the field
cleaner and more thoroughly in gathering material for a satisfactory
report by the methods ordinarily in vogue with newspaper men than
was possible by the methods and means adopted by the honorable
chairman of the House Foreign Atl'airs Committee of the last Con6;ve^

696 HAWXHAK ISLAKDa

^^ANNEXATION THE MOBE DE8IBABLS.

^^On the assumption that the United States ultimately means to do
anything with Hawaii other than to crush it or let it alone severely,
there are two solutions of the question pending. One is annexation,
the other a protectorate. Of the two, annexation is altogether ttte
more desirable to both countries. The better way would be to provide
for annexation on a plan similar to that by which Alaska was aoUnitted.
Hawaii does not ask to come in as a State until the islands have grown
to somewhere near the stature, in x>opulation and importance, of a fqll-
gtown State. The older States, after the late experiences on the silver
bill and in other respects, feel like going slow in admitting any new
State with a population of, say, not more than 150,000, with two Senators,
whose votes in the Senate would equal the votes of the Kew York Sena-
tors, who have a constituency back of them of now nearly 7,000,000, or
would have as great a voice in the Senate as Pennsylvania with its
more than 5,000,000, or Ohio and Illinois with their more than 3,000,000
of population each, or of five other States with more than 2,000,000 popu-
lation each, or of eighteen other States with more than 1,000,000 popu-
lation each, that would naturally object to admitting Hawaii as a State
with two Senators, until she grows up to a stature more nearly ap-
proaching in population and resources the average size of all the States,

<' The average population of these twenty-seven States is about 2,000,-
000 each, and the average x>opulation of many more than oue-half of
all the States is more than 1,000,000 each. These larger States will
doubtless hereafter object to the admission of a new State that has not
a population of at least a quarter of a million. That the islands once
annexed as a Territory would speedly double in population and go on
increasing at a rapid rate there can be no doubt. But for the present
Hawaii, if annexed, should remain a Territory governed very much as
Alaska is governed.

"NOT A SOUND OBJECTION.

•

"Senator Perkins, of California, and other Western Senators desire
that the Hawaiian Islands should be acquired and annexed to Cali-
lornia as a county with a county government. That proposition will
do to think about, but is too large a question to be discussed here.
Honolulu, as to location, is 2,100 miles &om San Francisco. The argu-
ment is often used against annexation that the Hawaiian Islands are too
far off and too far west to be annexed to this country. From the cen-
ter of the American Union, now somewhere in the vicinity of Indian-
apolis, Hawaii is not so far off as portions of some of our Northwestern
States, and is nearer than Alaska. Besides the Aleutian Islands, a
part of Alaska, are more than 300 miles west of the parallel of the
Hawaiian group. With fast railroads across the coutinent, and
steamers that regularly make the trip from San Francisco to Honolulu
in six days now, and could in four or five, the *too far off'' and *too far
west' objection don't count. Honolulu is in point of time no further
from New York than Washington was from Boston when the Revolu-
tion broke out. As to a protectorate. Governor Marcy, when Secre^
tary of State, was thoroughly in favor of annexing the Hawaiian
Islands, and ably showed the utter absurdity aud folly of the United
States establishing a protectorate over the Hawaiian Islands or any
other territory. He said that a protectorate gave no sovereignty to the
protector. The protected got the substance, while the protector got

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 697

only the shadow — and paid all the costs. And he was right. It is
notable that every American Secretaiy oi State, including Bayard, who
has written npon the subject, except Gresham, and every President
down to Cleveland has &vored the American acqoisition of Hawaii.

"ABEA AND POPUIiATION.

'^ The Hawaiian Islands have an area of 6,470 square miles — abont
the size of Connecticut. The population in 1890 was 89,990. Of this
number the natives (of the Hawaiian race) counted only 34,436, being
in a minority in the population amounting to 21,115. There were 6,186
half-castes. Counting all the natives and all the half-castes as native
Hawaiians they still lack 4,373 of being half the x>opulation, and are
outnumbered by what are classed * foreigners,' by 8,746 in the x>opula-
tion table. All Hawaiians born on any of the islands of foreign parents
are classed as ^foreigners,' although native whites bom on the soil were
ignorantly styled as a class by Secretary Gresham as < aliens.' These
^foreigners,' Hawaiian native bom, number 7,495, are all whites and
mostly the children of American missionaries. The other Americans
not bom there number 1,928^ so that the American native-born Haw-
aiians, or those who have located there, in round numbers count up
9,500. Statistics show that about 91 per cent of all the business of
Hawaii and a proportionate amount of all the private property should
be classed as American.

" There were 27,661 Japanese and Chinese, mostly coolies, employed
in sugar-making; also, besides nearly 9,000 Portuguese, mostly similarly
employed. These latter, being white, are admitted to citizenship and
may vote, while the Orientals are excluded from the ballot. The
Portuguese are almost to a man annexationists, are American in senti-
ment, and have a representative in the executive and legislative body
of the Provisional Government. All of the other ^foreigners' of
Hawaii, exclusive of 588 Polynesians, number only 2,494, of whom
1.344 are Britons and 1,034 Germans. A majority of the Germans are
for annexation — the Britons are not. The latter compose all the real
substance among the white population opposed to annexation. It was
this body of 20,596 white 'foreigners,' nearly all of whom are Hawaiian
citizens under the law and belonging to the constitutional voting class,
numbering about two-thirds as many as all the native Hawaiians, that
the ex-Queen undertook to disfranchise and to deprive of their civil
rights under the old constitution, by suddenly proclaiming a new con-
stitution putting all the political power and rule in the islands in the
hands of the natives, that caused the revolution in January last and
the deposition of the Queen.

"A COBBUPT LECHSLATUBB.

•

**The last Hawaiian Legislature was guilty of notorious bribery and
corruption. It passed the odious lottery and opium bills, which were
signed by the Queen. The Queen arbitrarily selected her cabinet in
defiance of constitutional principles, and the new revolutionary govern-
ment in justification of her overthrow made this assertion, which never
has been and can not be truthfully controverted: 'Her Majesty pro-
ceeded on the last day of the session to arbitrarily arrogate to herself
the right to promulgate a new constitution, which proposes among
other things to disfranchise over one fourth of the voters and the own-
ers of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom^ t^ ^\^q\\^\>^^

698 KAWAHAS ISLANDS.

Upper House of theLegislatnTe and to substiitate in place thereof an
appointive one, to be appointed by the Sovereign.' Americans who are
now shouting^ ^home rale for Hawaiians' and demanding that the
Provisional Government shonld be approved by a popular vote will do
well to remember that the native Ha waiians are not by any means a
majority of the population, and that the Queen sought to take the
ballot from the hands of white men and confer it solely to her Kanaka
brethren.

"NOT OP BOYAX BLOOD.

" It would be well for those to reflect who are now deploring the loss
of the deposed Queen's rights to ascertain just what those rights are.
She has not a drop of royal blood in her veins, and therefore does not
get any of her pretended royal rights by descent. When Kamehameha
V expired, December 11, 1872, the royal family became extinct. Then
the system of election was resorted to to fill the throne. Lunaiilo, one
of the high chief class, was elected by a vote of the nobles and repre-
sentatives. He died in 1874, and then a new election of the sovereign
was held by the nobles and representatives. The general supposition
was that Queen Emma, the widow of Kamehameha lY, would be
elected, but when the election came off* Kalakaua captured the Leg-
islature and secured a majority, it was charged at the time, by unfair
methods. Eiots against Kalakaua followed, and he was only kept on
the throne ultimately by the landing of an American force.

"When Kalakaua died, in 1891, he had no heir, and by his will he
selected his sister, Liliuokalni, as his successor. Thus the right to the
throne by inheritance or by an election was abandoned, and the Queen
who was deposed last winter seemed to owe her elevation to the will of
her brother, which mode of selection seems to have been acquiesced in
at the time. Whether there was any law or change of constitution
which authorised a childless sovereign to will away the throne to a rela-
tive or not, I do not know. Similarly, however, the deposed Queen has
designated as her successor Kaiulani, the daughter of her sister, now
18 years of age, the daughter of Mr. Cleghorn, an Englishman who
married one of Kalakaua's sisters and who held office under that King.
Kainlani is now being brought up^ in England, under the tutelage of
Theophilus G. Davies, formerly English consul at Honolulu, and now in
business there, and whose son is said to be engaged to marry Kaulani.
She visited Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland last winter in company with Da-
vies, and Mrs. Glevelaud gave the incipient Queen distinguished consid-
eration. Davies has lately had interviews with Cleveland and Gresham
and has returned to Honolulu, proclaiming that Lil will be re^tored^
and here's where * the English of it' comes in.

** Perhaps one reason why women seem to be the favorite sex for sov-
ereigns, in violation of the Salic law, is because the descent of property
in Hawaii is through the female and not the male line. Kalakaua and
his sister Lil were of what is known as the high chief class. Their
blood was not, therefore, * royal,' but, so far as inherited, of a very bad
kind, for it is a historical fact that their grandfather was the first per-
son ever executed in Hawaii for the murder of his wife.

'<A DYING BAOE.

"It seems absurd that an American statesman should be willing to
commit the future destinies of Hawaii to the rule of the monarchy of a
race rapidly dying out, rather than to the vigorous and progressive

HAWAHAK I8I4ANDS. 699

auspices of the American Eepnblic. The native population of Hawaii
feU off from 1866 from 57,125 to 3^,446 in 1890— a loss of 22,679 in
twenty-five years. At that rate of loss the whole native population of
Hawaii will be wiped out completely early in the second quarter of the
next century, so that the child may now be born who will live to see
the entire extinction of the Hawaiian race. This is a startling fact.
Yet it seems to be true that in a little more than a century since the
discovery of the Hawaiian group by Gapt. Cook the x>opulation has
dwindled from 400,000 to less than one-eleventh of that number. I have
not space to give the reasons for this decay of the race, one of the prin-
cipal of which seems to lie in the fact that the native women generally
lack the motherly instinct for the proper care of their children.

<< A common custom among Hawaiian mothers is to give away their
children at birth, some promising to give them away even before they
are bom. The mother, for this loss of her offspring, solaces herself
often by adopting the child of some other woman as a household pet,
after the manner of many American women who prefer pugs to progeny.
It is certain that a newer and more virile race is shortly to entirely
supersede the aboriginals on these islands. The evolution is now going
on with startling rapidity.

<^Now that the public lands are about exhausted in America and
Hawaii lies contiguous to our own shores, shall the dominant race to be
planted there be American or English, or shall the structure of the
future be built on the basis of a race, as Cleveland proposes, who will
sink out of sight among the 4ost tribes' early in the next centuryf
Statesmen who are statesmen worthy of the name do not build the
nation for a day, but for all time. In view of the fact that our Pacific
coast will in the near future have a population of 10,000,000 of people,
with a vast commerce over the Pacific Ocean, and that this commerce
will require protection over that great sea, the reasons for annexation,
now that the opportunity offers, are too obvious to need to be recounted
here.

•*A SETTLED POLICY.

^^ The students of American history know that in the United States
annexation has been the settled x>olicy always. The original American
colonies numbered only eleven, including the three counties of Dela*-
ware, which were really a part of Pennsylvania, and the number of
States remained at eleven for two or three years after the adoption of
the Federal Constitution in 1787. The number was swelled to thirteen
in 1789 and 1790, when North Carolina and Ehode Island reluctantly
came into the Union. The original colonies contained no more than
1,000,000 square miles of territory, a narrow strip of laud stretching
from the Atlantic coast to the Alleghanies in the West, to the Floridas
and Louisiana in the south, and to the northward to Nova Scotia and
XDanada. All during our earlier history it was a struggle to annex new
territory or to protect what we had. The real bottom bone of conten-
tion in the war with Great Britain in 1812 was as to which nation should
hold the navigation and mouth of the Mississippi Bi ver. In the present
century we have made by purchase the following annexations, namely:

InlSOS, LonisianacoBt ! $15,000,000

I11ISI9, Florida 5,000,000

Iiil848, California and New Mexico 15,000,000

InlS53, Arizona 10,000,000

In 1867, Alaska 7,200,000

Total oo8t of territory purchased ^'!2k,'3fi!f^^^M^

700 HAWAIIAN I8LAia>8.

" The nation has repaid its entire cost of 852,000,000 for all the terri-
tory purchased in a single year by the product of the mines of Califor-
nia. Texas was annexed in. 1845, not by purchase or treaty, but by a
joint resolution of Congress. The acquisition of Louisiana and the
Floridas more than doubled the original million square miles of terri-
tory on which the United States started into business; then Texas
came in with 300,000 square miles more, next California and l!^ew Mex-
ico with still a greater extent of territory, then Arizona in 1853 with a
large slice more, and Alaska in 1867 with 500,000 more, so that now the
original million of our area has been swelled by annexation to four
times its first size, and, in fact, the center of the Bepublic has traveled
west into the territory annexed.

** There has not been an annexation of territory made that has not
added greatly to the material grandeur and to the prosperity of the
whole United States, and it would now be difficult to find throughout
all these broad realms a single American, not a crank, who wouldn't
be willing we should go to war rather than any acre acquired should be
wrested from us. The acquisition of territory by America is very
much like the birth of children — not always longed for by the parent
or prospectively welcome to the family, but once they join the home
circle they are valued above all price and are too precious to be bought
with money. So would it be once that Hawaii became an American
possession.

"NO PLEBISCITE OB VOTING ON ANNEXATION.

"It is claimed by some of the Clevelandites that Hawaii should not
be annexed without a majority vote of the aboriginal natives, who are
themselves a minority of the whole permanent inhabitants, in its favor.
This is against all American precedent in annexations in this country,
and generally in all practice throughout the world. The question of
the annexation of any of the territory acquired by us was never sub-
mitted to a vote of the people of the country acquired in any case. It
is probable that if the inhabitants had voted, including those of the
aboriginal natives, the vote in each case would have been against
annexation. The Indians in these countries would have been against
annexation, and with their votes annexation would have been defeated.
Even as it was the Louisiana acquisition was opposed strongly there,
and serious riots in opposition resulted in JSTew Orleans. lu our acqui
sitions the government in control of the territory transferred arranged
the terms of each transfer, and there was no x>opnlar vote on the subject.

" Those who controlled territory to transfer transferred it, as has
been proposed in the case of Hawaii, and all such transfers have been
approved as wise, popular, patriotic, and glorious by the American
X>eople. And as those who are represented in the Provisional Govern-
ment now propose to cede Hawaii control and own nine-tenths of the
business and private property of the islands and have shown their
ability to sustain that Government against all opposition that can
come from within the country, their right to act on the question is in-
disputable.

" WHAT THE MAP SHOWS.

"The accompanying map shows that Hawaii is the great crossing
point in traversing the Pacific Ocean — the hub that sends out spokes
to all other prominent points and ports of that greatest o<*ean of the
world. All the steamer lines, other than coastwise, here cross and

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

701

diverge to all x>oiiits of the compass. It is the strategical and naval
key to the whole Northern Pacific Ocean. All naval and military
aathorities concur in the statement that the strong nation that has
power to hold Hawaii will have the dominion over this great sea and
can control the vast commerce of the Pacific, for it is the gateway
and toll gate of the water roads to China, Japan, the Indies, the
Orient, as well as the focusing point of vessels bound to North and
South America, to Australia, and to the innumerable groups of islands
composing the Indian Ocean archipelago. Here are some ocean dis-
tances, in.miles, from Honolulu to —

SftD FmnciBco 2,100

Portland, Oregon : 2,460

Panama 4,620

Tabita 2,380

Samoa 2,290

Fiji 2,700

Auckland 8,810

Sydney 4,980

Hongkong 4,800

Yokuhoma 3,440

Victoria, B.C 2,360

Ocean Island 1,260

<^ Thomas Hart Benton long ago declared that the dominion and
empire of the world lay along the route to the Indies and with the
country that controlled the commerce over it. This has been true ever
since the discovery of America. The map shows that the mainland of
Alaska is west of Honolulu, and the Aleutian Islands, a part, of Ameri-
can territory in Alaska, are more than 300 miles west of the Hawaiis.
With the laying of an ocean cable to Honolulu, which there is good
assurance will be done by a British company very soon, and the com-
pletion of the Nicaragua canal, which is also sure to come later, the
importance of the Hawaiian Islands will be vastly increased. Within
ive years after American annexation Honolulu would become the
Hongkong of the Pacific, with a population of at least 100,000, and
the i)opulation of the whole group would be doubled with a steady
increasing growth thereafter.

"The growing commerce of our Pacific coast with the Orient and
elsewhere on that ocean will be immensely increased in the near future,
and these American interests demand the acquisition of these islands
for commerce in time of peace and for defense in time of war. It should
be remembered that the United States are being builded for all time
and not for a day. If the United States acquire these islands on the
terms proffered by the Hawaiian Provisional Government, our Govern-
ment would get $10,000,000 of actual value in property for nothing,
besides the Pearl River coaling station on the same terms, which may
be easily and cheaply^ fortified at small cost, so as to become a naval
Gibraltar of the Pacific, strong enough to be held by our white squad-
ron against any force likely evef to be brought against it. And there
is no civilizing or Americanizing to be done to train the annexed peo-
ple into accord with our institutions, for the white men now at the head
of the Provisional Government are all of the best New England stock,
as well as those who support it. All the executive heads of the Pro-
visional Government, except one, are white men born on the soil of
Hawaii, sons of American missionaries, who Christianized, civilized,
and raised Hawaii &*om heathendom, although declared ^aliens' by
Secretary Gresham.

**OJLIMATE AND PEODUOTIONS.

" The islands have the finest climate in the world, and Hawaii has
been justly styled the Paradise of the Pacific. It raises the products
of the tropic and the temperate zones. It is the richest piece of cane

702 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

sugar producing conntry in the world, as it may be seen from the &ct
that the average prodnct of sugar in other countries is two tons to the
acre, while in the islands it is four, and often eight tons in exceptional
cases. Heretofore the annual exports of the islands for several years
have been of the value of about $115 per each man, woman, and child
in the whole country — a larger percentage to population than enjoyed
by any other country in the world. This year the first six months'
customs statement shows that the average for the year in sugar exports
alone will reach about $110 per head for each inhabitant — a large in-
crease. Cane sugar is not raised here above the 1,500-foot iQvel of the
sea. Experiments that promise success are now being made in raising
the red Australian cane above the 1,500-foot level. If the effort is
successful the sugar crop will be vastly increased. Above that level
is now raised as fine coffee as is produced in any country in the world*
But coffee cultivation has not been pushed, sugar raising being more
profitable.

<< But with the advent of Yankee methods both the coffee, rice, and
other products of the soil will be enormously increased. Hawaii is
truly an exceedingly fertile land abounding in rich products. It only
has to be "tickled with a hoe to laugh with a harvesf Do we want
itf Well,' the Americans ought to know enough to take a good thing
when it is offered for nothing, and is needed for the purposes of com-
merce and protection. To reject annexation now, and to crush out by
bayonets an American government over what is really only an outlying
American colony, only to restore it to heathendom and the rule of the
Kahunas, would be the greatest political crime and blunder that the
Americans have committed in this century, only excepting the efforts
of the rebels to destroy the Union. In this case the instrument of the
crime employed by the administration is one who endeavored to pull
down our flag and to put in its place that of the confederacy, — and one
who has already pulled down the stars and ^tripes in Honolulu, and is
now engaged in the anti- American effort to run up the Britishized flag of
the heathen Queen in its place.

" COMMISSIONEB BLOUNT^S BEPOBT.

- »

«* WhOe I write Commissioner Blount's report has just been brought
in. It seems to have fallen lifeless, limp, and dead upon the public as
being anything like a true and living witness against annexation. As
the late American minister, Mr. Stevens, promises to dissect Blount's
cadaver, it is only fair that his scalpel shall have the first slash at it.
I only say here that I do know that Blount's report is a wicked perver-
sion of the facts, as I had the opportunity of gathering them in Honolulu
before his arrival there and after. The story of a Stevens conspiracy is
utterly absurd. The plain facts, briefly, are these: There was great
excitement over the passage of the opium and lottery bills at the close of
the legislative session, and the whole civilized and Ohristianized part
of the community was up in arms against these measures, which had
been bribed through the Legislature and mothered by the Queen.

''The Christian ladies of the city called on the Queen in the interests
of morality, asking her not to sign these bills. The Queen promised
not to do so, and asked the ladies to unite with her in prayer that God
would give her strength to resist the temptation. They d\d so, and the
whole city knew of it. Kext morning the city was shocked to learn
that she had played the hypocrite and signed the odious bills. A popu-
lar ferment ensued. On that day, when the session had closed finally,

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 703

the commiiiiity was still farther shocked when the Queen, on her own
volition, without the consent of her cabinet, proclaimed a new consti-
tution, cutting off the franchise of a large x)ortion of the whites and
practically handing over their liberties and properties to the tender
mercies of the native Kanakas.

^^ This last straw broke the camel's back. The revolution instantly
broke out, which resulted in the establishment of the Provisional Gov-
ernment. Mr. Stevens was absent, and had been for days previous, on
board a United States war vessel, the Boston^ I think, which had gone
on a cruise in the outer islands for target practice. Neither Stevens
nor the United States cruiser arrived back in Honolulu until after the
revolution had been under full head for fully forty-eight hours, and he
and tJie officers of the vessel were in utter ignorance of what had
happened until they landed. Then he and they acted promptly. That
does not look much like a Stevens conspiracy. It was the fact that
the Queen's party took advantage of his absence to establish a new
constitution and to make a revolution of their own, and she lost her
throne in the attempt.''

The Chaebman. When you were in Hawaii did you know Paul
iN'eumanf

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

The Chairman. What relation did he hold to Liliuokalanif

Mr. Mac Abthtje. He was her attorney — held the power of attorney
that he had here when he originally came.

The Chairman. The same as is printed in Mr. Blount's reportf

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

The Chairman. Were you personally acquainted with the Queen t

Mr. MagAbthub. I met her in California. She was at the same
house that I was. I knew her husband in California, and I should not
have been able to see her but for a previous acquaintance. She was
not receiving anybody.

The Chairman. What year was it that you first met the Queen f

Mr. MagAbthub. I think it must have been in 1887. I was in Cali-
fornia three or four times. I am not quite sure of the year; I think it
was in 1887. The Queen's husband was over there trying to float some
Government bonds.

The Chaibman. That was before the Queen's accession to the throne f

Mr. MagAbthub. Before her accession. She was Mrs. Dominis
thenf

The Chairman. Did you have with Mr. and Mrs. Dominis a personal
acquaintance?

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes ; to a limited extent. I spoke to them fre-
quently at the hotel in California.

The Chairman. Did you have frequent conversations with her!

Mr. Mag Arthur. Yes ; some.

The Chairman. When you returned to Hawaii after this revolution
had been inaugurated, did you see her again f

Mr. Mag Arthur. Yes.

The Chairman. Did you have any conversation with hert

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

The Chaibman. On political topics f

Mr. MagAbthub. Not very much; I did to a small extent.

The Chairman. I would like to know what you know in respect to
Paul Keuman's authority to represent Liliuokalani, and of any over-
tores that were made by him, with her consent, or, as he asserted, with
Iier consent, to surrender her crown to the Provisional Governments

704 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

her royal authority, for a moneyed conBideration. Give as your knowl-
edge abont that, and yon can go on and state the whole affair in yoor
own way.

Mr. MaoAbthub. I went to Mr. Dole. I had trouble in my own
mind as to whether the Queen had not some personal rights in the
crown lands, for the reason that the treasury department had never
asked her to make a return on the income, which was about $75,000 a
year, from these lands and which she had received, and as the treas-
ury had never asked her for a return I thought she had an individual
right in the lands. I said to the people, '^ She has individual rights, and
you have not asked her to make aretarn to the treasury of what she
has received and what she did not receive.'' The President explained •
it all to me, the grounds of it. When Mr. Neuman indicated that they
were willing — I had made the suggestion and others had — ^that they
ought to buy her out, pay her a definite sum, $25,000 or some other
sum per year for her rights. Her rights had been shattered, but I
thought they ought to pay for them, and so I went, in accordance with
Mr. Neuman's suggestion, or by his consent, to see President Dole.

Mr. I^euman said he wanted to talk with President Dole about this
matter, but he had^ot been there officially, and he could not go there
publicly to his official place. I talked with Mr. Dole, and Mr. Dole
said he could not officially do anything without consulting his exec-
utive committee, but he said he would be very happy to meet Mr.
Neuman and see what they wanted — see if they could come to any
terms about this thing by which the Queen would abdicate and sur-
render her rights. Then he said, '^ Where will Mr. Neuman like to
meet me?" .^d%er we talked it over we thought Mr. Neuman would
not be willing to come there publicly, and so it was suggested that Mr.
Neuman could call on Mr. Dole at Ms house on a given evening and
bring his daughter along.

The Chairman. Do you remember what evening that wasf

Mr. MacAbthub. I do not remember. And in accordance with
that, Mr. Neuman and his daughter called, nominally for the daughter
to see Mrs. Dole, so that it could not get out, if they made a call, they,
could say it was merely a social call, not an official call. Of course, I
do not know what their conversation was; but Mr. Neuman, acting on
that, called on the Queen. Mr. Dole and Mr. Neuman both impressed
on me the importance of not having this thing get out, or the whole
thing would go up in smoke. Mr. Neuman said he could bring this
thing about if he could keep it from the Queen's retainers — ^her people.
He said, "That is the difficulty about this thing." This matter went
on for three or four days. Mr. Nectnian saw the Queen and she agreed
not to say anything about it, so Mr. Neuman tells me, and I got it
from other sources there which I think are reliable. They came to
some sort of understanding; I do not know what it was. They went
so far as to say this woman would not live over three or four years;
that she had some heart trouble; and if they gave her $25,000 a year
it would not be for along time.

The Ghaibman. As an annuityf

Mr. Mac Abthub. Yes ; and Mr. Neuman said she assented to it, it
she could satisfy one or two of her people.

The Ghaibman. From whom did you get the understanding that the
Queen assented to itf

Mr. MaoAbthub. I got it from Mr. Neuman, who was her attorney,
and others.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 705

The Chairman. Was any provision included in that proposed ar-
rangement in favor of the Princess Kainlanif

Mr. MagAbthub. Ko: in fact, they were a little bit antagonistic.

The Chairman. Was Mr. Neuman acting as the agent of Kainlanif

Mr. MagAbthub. Ko; As I understand, he never was the agent
of Kaiulani, but of Lilioukalani.

Senator Fbye. The last 25 or 30 lines of this letter which you have
put in as your testimony clearly ought not to come in as testimony, it
being certain criticisms of political action. I want to ask you to leave
that out.

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes; I will leave it out.

The Chaibman. You desire to leave out of your statement the last
part of it, because it is mere comment!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes; mere comment.

Senator Gbay. When did you go to the Hawaiian Islands f

Mr. MagAbthub. It was early in March, I think. I went there two
or three steamers before the one on which Mr. Blount went.

Senator Gbay, You were there when Mr. Blount arrived!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Where did you stop when you went there!

Mr. MagAbthub. Both at the same hotel.

Senator Gbay. You were stopping at that hotel when Mr. Blount
arrived!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes. He had a cottage in the grounds.

Senator Gbay. Is that the hotel where tourists are likely to stop!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. How long did you ren^ain there!

Mr. MagAbthub. Seven or eight weeks; I do not quite remember.

Senator Gbay. Do you remember what day of the month you got
back!

Mr. MagAbthub. I got back home the 20th of May.

Senator Gbay. Did you come straight back!

Mr. MAGABTHUB. Yes.

Senator Gbay. It would take about two weeks direct travel to come
from Hawaii to your home!

Mr. MagAbthub. It takes six days by steamer from Honolulu to
San Francisco and four^r five days across the continent home.

Senator Gbay. I understand your testimony to be that you were in
the islands for your health!

Mr. MagAbthub. I went there exclusively for leisure. I saw such
a condition of things that I went to investigating.

Senator Gbay. I understand from what you have just said, and that
has not been made of record, that you "believe in the general policy of
the Nicaraguan Canal and the annexation of these islands!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. You are what may be called an annexationist!

Mr. MagAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Of course, you think that annexation would be for
the benefit of the people of the United States!

Mr. MagAbthub. I do, decidedly. I did not go there an annexa-
tionist; but when I found the conditions of things there, 1 changed
my views about it.

Senator Gbay. Had you been there before!

Mr. MagAbthub. No.

Senator Gbay. You had not been in the islands before!

Mr. MagAbthub. No.

8. Bep. 227 iS

706 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. And you think that the treaty of annexation that
waB proposed to the Senate by the commissioners of the Hawaiian
Islands and the Secretary of State and President, in January, 1893,
would have been a good treaty to confirm!

Mr. MagAbthub. So far as I understand it; I am not familiar with
details of that treaty.

Senator Obay. You think it would be good to make those islands
an integral part of the United States f

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And its people a part of the body politic?

Mr. MaoAbthub. I do. There may be a good deal in that question
of annexation to California.

Senator Gbay. Do you think it would be well to make it an in-
tegral part of the United States and the people a part of our body
politic!

Mr. MaoAbthub. I do.

Senator Gbay. ^Natives, Chinese, Portuguese, and Japanese t

Mr. MaoAbthub. Certainly the Portuguese.

Senator Gbay. I said the Chinese.

Mr. MaoAbthub. Our Constitution is in the way of incorporating
the Chinaman as a citizen.

Senator Gbay. You think the Constitution of the United States
prevents Chinamen from becoming citizens!

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And on that account you are quite willing that the
people should become part of the body politic, believing that the Con-
stitution would exclude the Chinamen!

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes; as citizens.

Senator Gbay. And it was that view of the Constitution that caused
you to make the answer you did!

Mr. MaoAbthub. I am not opposed to the Chinaman in California.

Senator Gbay. Was the result of your observation there such as to
bring you to the opinion that the Provisional Government fairly rep-
resented in the American fashion the people of those islands!

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbay. You think it did! You think it was supported by a
majority of the people of those islands!

Mr. MaoAbthub. Not by a majority of the natives.

Senator Gbay. I am not speaking of separating the two classes, but
of a majority of all the people of those islands, whites, natives, and alL

Mr. MaoAbthub. If tbey took a vote under the present voting
system, under the constitution of 1887, with American interests there,
and the Portuguese who may become citizens, and are practically citi-
zens there now, they would get a msyority.

Senator Gbay. Now !

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes; now.

Senator Gbay. Do you believe they would at the time the Provisional
Government was established or within a few weeks thereafter!

Mr. MaoAbthub. I believe they would now.

Senator Gbay. Do you extend that opinion!

Mr. MaoAbthub. That is the voting population. There is a prop-
erty qualification for the house of representatives and a larger qusJ-
ification for the house of nobles. Taken together, that vote, combined
with the Portuguese and white population, they would secure a migoiityi
because annexation sentiment has grown lateJy.

HAWAII4N IfiLAlKDa. 707

Senator Gi&at. I am told that this article is to be incorporated as a*
part of your testimony.

Mr. Mag Arthur. Yes. I would like to omit that last part. I wind
ap with an allusion to Mr. Stevens.

Senator Gray. Did you meet Mr. Blount shortly after your arrivid
in the islands t

Mr. MaoArthur. I was there when he arrived.

Senator Gray. Did you meet himf

Mr. MacAbthur. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you see him constantly t

Mr. MaoArthur. Every day while I was there. I went down to
Maaai, made excursions to the volcano and came back, and would see
Mr. Blount every day while in Honolulu.

Senator Gray. You have already told me that you met Mr. Blount
directly after his arrival, and boarded at his hotel, and that you saw
him every day!

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did he se^a to you to be engaged in gathering in-
formation t I do not say from what source; I just say, did he seem to
be about that business f

Mr. MaoArthur. He was, so fiur as I could ascertain. Yes; he was
in his cottage pretty nearly ail the while; did not go out any; did not
make excursions.

Senator Gray. But he seemed to be gathering information t

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes; that was about the purport of it.

Senator Gray. Did he seem to be honestly engaged in itf

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes ; except that he would not see some men at first
like Lobenstein, who had been a surveyor and knew all about the land
system. After he saw him he said he was the best man he could get —
liaveyou any more such menf

Senat(^ Gray. Did your observation of Mr. Blount during those
weeks or months that you were on the islands give you any opinion as
to the man's honesty or integrity t

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes; I thought he was honest.

Senator Gray. Did you think he was an upright man t

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes, I do— ordinarily so.

Senator Gray. A gentleman t

Mr. MaoArthur. Yes.

Senator Gray. I mean in the wide, broad acceptation of that termt

Mr. MaoArthur. Oh, yes.

Senator Gray. He did not, I assume fix>m what you said, gather
information in a way that would satisfy a newspaper man!

Mr. MaoArthur. No; he did not.

Senator Gray. You believe, from what you have noticed of your
profession, that the newspaper men have a faculty, trained or other-
wise, superior to other men in getting facts t

Mr. MaoArthur. It is the profession of their life; yes.

Senator Gray. And you do not think that Mr. Blount, from what
you saw, was up to the standard as a newspaper gatherer of informa-
tiont

Mr. MaoArthur. ISo.

Senator Gray. I observe in your article, which I have in my hand

and glanced at very hastily, you say, ** It is claimed by some of the

Glevelandites that Hawaii should not be annexed without a majority

' vcte of the aboriginal natives, who are themselves a minority of the

I whole permanent Inhabitants, in its favor.'' What Clev^aaditi^ ^tf^

708 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

called, or other person, have you heard claim, or where have yoa seen
in print, as yoa claim, that Hawaii ought not to be annexed without a
majority vote of the native population!

Mr. MacAbthue. The New York Times, The World, and the differ-
ent administration papers that express their views, held that a
vote should be taken on it.

Senator Geay. But there should not be a majority vote of the natives
separated from all others f

Mr. MaoAethub. I mean native whites as well as others. There is
a large proportion of the population natives who are whites.

Senator Geay. Then you mean that those people contend that there
should not be annexation without a vote of all the real x>opulation <^
those islands!

Mr. MaoAethue. Yes,

Senator Feye. Of all who are to vote!

Mr. MaoAethue. Yes.

Senator Geay. That is not what I mean. The majority vote of all
the inhabitants of those islands who belong there either as natives or
as naturalized citizens! That is what you mean!

Mr. MaoAethue. Yes.

Senator Geay. Then you say, ^' But that is against all American
precedent in annexation and generally in all practice throughout the
world!"

Mr. MaoAethue. Yes.

Senator Geay. Are you aware that Mr. Seward, when he was Secre-
tary of State, declared in an official paper that —

"A revolutionary government is not to be recognized until it is
established by the great body of the population of the State it claims
to govern f

Mr. MaoAethue. No; I do not know that. What I meant there
was that there had never been a case of annexation in this country
where the people had voted on it.

Senator Feye. That is, the annexed population!

Mr. MaoAethue. The annexed population. If it had been, the
annexation would have been repudiated in every case.

The Chaieman. In the case of a plebescite in Hawaii, where the
population is homogeneous, there is not as much reason for having
a plebescite of our own people for the admission of those strangers as
there would be of submitting to them in case they desired to come int

Mr. MaoAethue. Yes; in the case of Louisiana and the case of
Texas, annexation would have been defeated if submitted to a vote of
all the inhabitants there.

The Chaieman. But in those cases the people wercv homogeneous
with our race here.

Mr. MaoAethue. As to whites that may be.

Senator Geay. There was no doubt in the case of Louisiana of the
full authority of the French Government to make the cession.

Mr. MaoAethue. Exactly. That is the ground I take on Hawaii.
There were two riots in New Orleans against annexation to the United
States, and they had to send troops to put them down. The govern-
ment that is in power and possession has the right to make its treaty
of annexation, and there never has been in the history of the country any
precedent of its kind of a plebiscitum.

The Chaieman. In the annexation of a country, merging its sov-
ereignty into another, the question is a governmental question and not

Of the people oo&oemed I

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 709

Mr. MaoAbthtjr. Exactly; because the Government represents the
people^ as in the case of Texas.

The Chairman. I do not know that you remember, but it appears to
me that at the time the treaty with Mexico was sent in by Mr. Triste,
and submitted to the Senate of the United States, there was a motion
made to submit the question of annexation to a plebiscite. I do not
know that you remember that.

Mr. MacArthur. I do not.

Senator Gray. I willask you whether you approved the pulling down
of that flag by Admiral Skerrettt

Mr. MacArthur. ICes; because there was no protectorate over it.
I prefer annexation to a protectorate. The latter gives no sovereignty;
it simply protects, and nothing else.

The Chairman. I will ask you whether there exists in Honolulu a
club in which men of different politics and different races and different
nativity assemble!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. Mr. Cleghom is the president of it. He is
the father of Kaiulani.

The Chairman. Do gentlemen belonging to different political ptkrties
and elements meet there on terms of friendship and cordiality f

Mr. MacArthur. Entirely so. It is the most good-natured club
yon ever saw.

The Chairman. And there they discuss questions of annexation f

Mr. MacArthur. It is all good-natured.

The Chairman. They entertain discussions on that question t

Mr. MacArthur. Yes.

The Chairman. Having reference to prosperity, eto.t

Mr. MacArthur. Yes.

The Chairman. In those club meetings does good feeling prevail!

Mr. MacArthur. Certainly,

The Chairman. WUl you say, as compared with like assemblages of
gentlemen in the United States, there is any more feeling of friction
or opinion there?

Mr. MacArthur. Not as much. There is less friction through all
those islands than there is in any other country in the world that I
ever saw.

The Chairman. You have traveled a good dealt

Mr. MacArthur. Yes; all over the world.

The Chairman. And your attention has been drawn, of course, to
the observation of such questions?

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. They do not have any angry pohtical discus-
sions in the streets in Hawaii. They meet together, and they are the
best-natured people in the world.

The Chairman. Political divisions do not enter into the social rela-
tions of the people f

Mr. MacArthur. Ko. In Hawaii the line of rank and descent was
through the mother.

The Chairman. It is like it is among the Indian tribes of this coun-
try!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. That is the reason they prefer to have a
Queen to a King.

To Stenographer : Senator Morgan directs that the following be
added to my testimouy.

O. L. MaoArthub.

708 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

called, or other person, have you heard claiin, or where have yon seen
in print, as you claim, that Hawaii ought not to be annexed without a
majority vote of the native population f

Mr. MacAbthtjb. The New York Times, The World, and the diflfer-
ent administration papers that express their views, held that a
vote should be taken on it.

Senator Gbat. But there should not be a majority vote of the natives
separated from all others f

Mr. MaoAethue. I mean native whites as well as others. There is
a large proportion of the population natives who are whites.

Senator Gbat. Then you mean that those people contend that there
should not be annexation without a vote of all the real population oi
. those islands f

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Of all who are to vote!

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbat. That is not what I mean. The majority vote of all
the inhabitants of those islands who belong there either as natives or
as naturalized citizens! That is what you meant

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Then you say, ^* But that is against all American
precedent in annexation and generally in all practice throughout the
world f

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes.

Senator Gbat. Are you aware that Mr. Seward, when he was Secre-
tary of State, declared in an official paper that —

"A revolutionary government is not to be recognized until it is
established by the great body of the x)opulation of the State it claims
to govern t"

Mr. MaoAbthub. No^ I do not know that. What I meant there
was that there had never been a case of annexation in this country
where the people had voted on it.

Senator Fbte. That is, the annexed population f

Mr. MaoAbthub. The annexed popudation. If it had been, the
annexation would have been repudiated in every case.

The Ohaibman. In the case of a plebescite in Hawaii, where the
X>opulation is homogeneous, there is not as much reason for having
a plebescite of our own people for the admission of those strangers as
there would be of submitting to them in case they desired to come in t

Mr. MaoAbthub. Yes; in the case of Louisiana and the case of
Texas, annexation would have been defeated if submitted to a vote of
all the inhabitants there.

The Ghaibman. But in those cases the people werex homogeneous
with our race here.

Mr. MaoAbthub. As to whites that may be.

Senator Gbat. There was no doubt in the case of Louisiana of the
full authority of the French Government to make the cession.

Mr. MaoAbthub. Exactly. That is the ground I take on Hawaii.
There were two riots in New Orleans against annexation to the United
states, and they had to send troops to put them down. The govern-
ment that is in power and possession has the right to make its treaty
of annexation, and there never has been in the history of the country any
precedent of its kind of a plebiscitum.

The Ghaibman. In the annexation of a country, merging its sov-
ereignty into another, the question is a governmental question and not

Of the people oonoer ned t

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 709

Mr. MaoAbthur. Exactly; because the Government represents the
people, as in the case of Texas.

Mr. MacArthub. I do not.

Senator Gray. I will ask you whether you approved the pulling down
of that flag by Admiral Skerrettt

Mr. MacArthub. ^es; because there was no protectorate over it.
I prefer annexation to a protectorate. The latter gives no sovereignty;
it simply protects, and nothing else.

The Chairman. I will ask you whether there exists in Honolulu a
dub in which men of different politics and different races and different
nativity assemble!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. Mr. Cleghom is the president of it. He is
tiie father of Kaiulani.

The Chairman. Do gentlemen belonging to different jwlitical parties
and elements meet there on terms of friendship and cordiality t

Mr. MacArthur. Entirely so. It is the most good-natured club
you ever saw.

The Chairman. And there they discuss questions of annexation!

Mr. MacArthur. It is all good-natured.

The Chairman. They entertain discussions on that question!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes.

The Chairman. Having reference to prosperity, etc!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes.

The Chairman. In those club meetings does good feeling prevail!

Mr. MacArthur. Certainly.

The Chairman. Will you say, as compared with like assemblages of
g^tlemen in the United States, there is any more feeling of friction
or opinion there!

Mr. MacArthur. !N"ot as much. There is less friction through all
those islands than there is in any other country in the world that I
ever saw.

The Chairman. You have traveled a good deal!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes; all over the world.

The Chairman. And your attention has been drawn, of course, to
the observation of such questions!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. They do not have any angry political discus-
sions in the streets in Hawaii. They meet together, and they are the
best-natured people in the world.

The Chairman. Political divisions do not enter into the social rela-
tions of the people!

Mr. Mac Al^THUR. Ko. In Hawaii the line of rank and descent was
through the mother.

The Chairman. It is like it is among the Indian tribes of this coun-
try!

Mr. MacArthur. Yes. That is the reason they prefer to have a
Queen to a King.

To Stenogr APHER : Senator Morgan directs that the following be
added to my testimony.

O. L. MacArthub.

710 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Ohaibman. Anything else f

MacAbthub. I have, by late steamer, reliable information ttiat
there is danger that the reciprocity treaty with the United States
will be repealed unless the present tension is relieved* The im-
I)orts from the United States under that treaty in 1892 amounted to
$3,838,^9.91. Nearly all this was admitted to Hawaii free, wh«i*eas
as to other competing countries the Hawaiian tariff ranges from 10 to
25 per cent on such imports. With the abrogation of the reciprodty
treaty goes the privilege of our acquiring the Pearl Lochs for a naval
station.

There are 915,000 acres of crown lands. The rental from these is
stated at about $75,000 annually. The Provisional Government has
them now. In addition the other Oovemment lands are 851,071
acres, valued at $1,729,700, on which there is a yearly rental paid to
the Provisional Government from portions leased of $58^863.

SWO&N STATEMEITT OF ADMIBAL OEO&OE BELKVAP.

The Ghaibman. What is your profession t

Mr. Belknap. I am a rear-admiral in the Navy, on the retired list

The Ghaibman. We are interested to know, and I think the people
of the United States are very much interested in knowing, whether the
Hawaiian group of islands, with its base, and particularly Pearl Harbor,
is of real importance to this country and its defense in a military and a
naval sense; .and, if you think it is, or if it is not, what are the general
reasons on which you predict that opinion f

Mr. Belknap. I think it is a matter of prime importance to the peo-
ple of the United States to acquire those islands. I think, in view of
the present state of affairs^ the coming growth of the population of
the Pacij&c coast, and especially when the Nicaraguan Canal shall have
been completed, that those islands will form the most important com-
mercial and strategic point in the Pacific Ocean. I think it would be a
suicidal policy on the part of the United States to allow Great Britain
or any other European power to get any foothold on those islands.

The Chairman. That policy seems to have been anticipated on the
part of the United States for perhaps forty or fifty years, so that the
question would then arise, of course, whether it would be better for us
in the sense of protecting our commerce and our coast to assume the
control of the Hawaiian group of islands, in order that we might there
establish our naval station and have in the middle of the Pacific Ocean
a means of offense and defense against the fleets of Europe and Asia!

Mr. Belknap. I think we ought to assume control right a^ay. And
as to the fleets of Europe attacking those islands, I think they have
their hands full in looking out for their own interests in other parts €i
the world.

The Chairman. You have been on the islands!

Mr. Belknap. Yes; I have been there twice.

The Chairman. And I suppose you have some acquaintance witt
Pearl Harbor t

Mr. Belknap. I never went to Pearl Harbor.

The Chairman. Do you know where it is located f

Mr. Belknap. I know where it is located.

The Chairman. And its general character t

Mr. Belknap. Yes, sir.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 711

The CHAiitMAN. And you also have a general acquaintance with the
Bav of Honolulu t

Mr. Belknap. Yes; in my judgment Honolulu is one of the easiest
defended ports in the world. They talk about ships attacking that
harbor, the fact is they can not do it successfully. A few heavy guns
properly located would keep them away.

TheCHAtBHAN. You speak of the rim of mountains back of Hono-
lulu!

Mr. Belknap. Yes; Punch Bowl and other mountains back of Hono-
lulu. It is constantly rising ground back of the city.

The Chairman. Do you think it would be feasible to ptablish bat-
teries around on the reef in Honolulu Bay t

Mr. Belknap. No; it is not feasible. It is only a half mile from
shore, and that would not be necessary.

The Chatbman. With long range artillery would we be able to give
the harbor any perfect protection!

Mr. Belknap. Yes. They talk about long-range guns. It is all
nonsense. They can not get the range on ship that they can on shore.
I landed a force in Honolulu in 1874 and kex)t it there a week. That
was when Kalakaua was elected King. If you will allow me I will tell
you the circumstances.

The Chairman. I think that is what Senator Frye desires to exam-
ine you about. Proceed with your statement.

Mr. Belknap. I arrived there on the Tuscarora from San Diego.
We had been engaged in making deep-sea soundings. We arrived at
Honolulu on the 3d of February, 1874. As we went into the harbor
we noticed a throng of people on the wharf and streets. As soon as
the pilot came on board we learned that King Lunalilo had just died.
It was too late to call on the minister that day, but at 10 o'clock the
next morning I went on shore. The minister was then Mr. Henry A.
Pierce.

The Chatkman. From what State was het

Mr. Belknap. Ma!ssachusetts. He had been in Honolulu for many
years, and he made a fortune. He came back to the United States and
lost it. Then Gen. Grant made him minister. Mr. Pierce told me that
the Legislative Assembly would meet on the 12th of that month, and
would elect a successor to King Lunalilo, he having died without
designating his successor. It became necessary therefore under the
eonstitntion that the Legislature should elect the King. Mr. Pierce
said there were two candidates in the field; one was David Kalakaua,
the son of a high chief; the other a widow of Kamehameha IV— Queen
Emma. There were large numbers of natives and a great body of
Americans who favored Kalakaua as being th^ better person for
American interests, while some of the natives, and particularly those
belonging to the English church, and the greater part of the English
people,headed by the British minister, wanted Queen Emma. Mr. Pierce
said he thought there would be trouble, and wanted to know if I would
land a force in case it were necessary to do so.

The Chaibman. I want to ask right there whether or not there was
a distinctive British influence in Hawaii, as there was an American
interest, and were they controverting with each other for the real con-
trol of the politics of the islands f

Mr. Belknap. I think that was undoubtedly the case. Mr. Wode-
house, the British commissioner, was there. He is now the minister.
He has been there for a number of ye.ars; I think he has been there
over thirty years.

712 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. So that the advocacy and promotion of British
interests in Hawaii, yon think, were as manifest as those of the Ameri-
can interests f

Mr. Belknap. Beyond a doubt. Wherever you find an American
minister or consul in any part of the world attempting to fiirther the
interests of the United States the English always secretly undermine
the efforts of the consul and minister. That has been my observation
the world over.

Senator Butleb, Do you think that proceeds fix>m the English
people realizing the fact that the commercial competition is to be
between the two great nations!

Mr. Belknap. I think it does in a measure. If any American goes
beyond a native of Oreat Britain, it is continually a thorn in the side
of the English people.

Senator Fbye. STow I will be pleased to have you go on with your
statement.

Mr. Belknap. I told Mr. Pierce that I would do everything possi-
ble. I arranged that day a system of signals by which Mr. Pierce
could signal to me on board the ship if he found it necessary.

The Chairman. Was there at that time any outbreak or riott

Mr. Belknap. Ko.

The Ghaibman. Simply expectation!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbte. An outbreak liable to occur at any timet

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Ghaibman. You made arrangements beforehand for the landing
of the troops!

Mr. Belknap. Yes. There was a British man-of-war in the harbor,
and we did not want him to get ahead of us. We arranged a system
of signals with lanterns and rockets at night and a flag by day. On
the morning of the meeting of the Legislature I determined to attend
and witness the proceedings in company with the minister. Gapt.
Skerrett and I — Gapt Skerrett commanded the Portsmouth which
arrived in Honolulu the morning after we did — went to the legislative
haJl. We staid there and saw the organization of the Assembly. As
a ballot was about to take place we left the hall and remained outside.
Perhaps in a quarter of an hour after that the voting was finished and
the ballots were counted, and it was found that Ealakaua had received
39 votes and Queen Emma 6. Kalakaua was declared elected. As
soon as this news was given outside of the court-house, where the
Legislature was in session, the adherents of Queen Emma broke out
into a riot. They rushed up the back way, through a door in the back,
into the hall, or through the windows out into the legislative assembly
and then began to club the members and senators, I do not know which,
broke chairs, smashed tables and windows, and threw all they could
lay their hands on out into the street. A large party of them
assembled about Queen Emma's residence, and they were marking
threats to devastate the town.

While this riot was in progress I said to Mr. Pierce, "I had better
land the force now." He said: "No; wait a little while.'' Finally,
Mr. Bishop, who was prime minister, minister of foreign affiurs under
the King-elect, said to Mr. Pierce: "We would like to have the force
landed now." So that I immediately sent a messenger down to the
wharf where D. G. Murray lived, and had a signal run up. In about
ten minutes our men were landed — ^180 men, seamen, offloerSy and

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 713

marines, and they marched up to the court-hoase, formed a column in
front of it, and sent one company up into the hall to clear it out.

Senator Fbte. The legislative hallf

Mr. Belknap. The legislative hsdl — ^to clear it out. I think that in
less than ten minutes after arriving on the scene of action everything
was quiet there.

Senator Butleb. Did that company meet with any resistance!

Mr. Belknap. No. The rioters had nothing but clubs to resist with,
and they attempted no resistance. But the police of the Government
had torn off their badges and some of them had joined the rioters, so
that there was nothing to do but to laud the troops to preserve order.

The Chairman. Was any force landed from any other shipf

Mr. Belknap. Gapt. Bay, who was commanding Her Majesty's ship
TenedoSj instead of staying in town that morning, went out horse
riding, and his executive officer did not act at first upon the request of
the British minister. They had no signals to send off to the ship to
call the men on shore. But within half an hour after our men got on
shore and the riot was quelled, the detachment from the Tenedos came
marchin&r up to the court-house.

Senator Butleb. A deta«hm6Dt from the British shipf

Mr. Belknap. British ship. Mr. Pierce turned to Mr. Wodehouse
and said, <^ You had better withdraw this force and send it up to Queen
Emma's."

Senator Butlee. Which force t

Mr. Belknap. The' American minister said, " You had better advise
your officers to go up to Queen rimma's house and disperse the crowd
there." Gapt. Bay did not get back into town until late in the afternoon*
Some few months after he was relieved of the command of that ship,
ordered home, and never had an hour's duty from that time forward.

S^iator Fete. They did not like it that the Americans should get
ahead of them f

Mr. Belknap. !N"o; they did not. The Englishmen resident there in
the islands were very much chagrined, particularly Mr. Wodehouse,

The Ghaieman. The riot was quelled f

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Ghairman. Peace restored!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Ghaieman. Order established t

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbye. And Kalakaua was preserved on the thronet

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Feye. Did you go there to establish him on the throne!

Mr. Belknap. No; but to preserve order.

Senator Fbye. And his establishment on the throne was a mere
incident.

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Frye. If you had not gone on shore, would not Queen
Emma's troops have routed themf

Mr, Belknap. I think they would; I think there is no question
about it.

Senator Frye. What did you go on shore for?

Mr. Belknap. To preserve order and protect the American minister;
preserve life and property of American residents. In my judgment it
was necessary to land the force for such purpose; it was also in the
interest of the United States that Kalakaua would rule in those islands,

714 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

ifistead of Queen Emma, because if she bad been elected Qaeen^ her
inltueuce would have been throw ii in favor of England.

Senator Fbye. Still, as a United States naval officer, you did not
think you had any right to take sides in the fight f

Mr. Belknap. No; none whatever.

Senator Fbye. But if it resulted in the retention of Kalakaaa yon
would congratulate the American people upon that factt

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbte. ^ave you been in various other places where troops
were landed t

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Eeye. Were they ever landed on the order of the minister!

Mr. Belknap. No. When I commanded the Asiatic squadron Mr.
Swift said to me, "You would not obey my order to land troops!'' I
said, "No; I could not do that; it is against the regulations — we are
ordered to maintain relations of the most cordial character with the
ministers and consuls of the United States, and when they make
requests we are obliged to consider them in all their light and bear-
ings and govern ourselves accordingly." We are responsible for our
acts to the Secretary of the Navy alone. That is the principle on
which I acted in Honolulu.

Senator Butleb. If you were to receive an order from the Secretaiy
of the Navy to take an order irom a minister would you obey him!

Mr. Belknap. The orders of the Secretary of the Navy are the
orders of the President of the United States.

Senator Shebman. Does not the Secretary of the Navy always
speak in the name of the President of the United States!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbye. I read from Article xvxnof the present Naval Bega-
lations:

"The officer in command of a ship of war is not authorized to dele-
gate his power, except for the carrying out of the details of the general
duties to be performed by his authority. The command is his, and he
can neither delegate the duties of it to another nor avoid its burdens,
nor escape its responsibilities; and his ^aide or executive' in the exer-
cise of the power given to him for ^executing the orders of the com-
manding officer,' must ke^x) himself constantly informed of the com-
mander's opinions and wishes thereon, and whenever, and as soon as
he may be informed or is in doubt as to such opinion or wishes, he
must remedy such defect by prompt and personal application, to the
end that the authority of the captain may be used only to carry out
his own views, and that he may not be, by its unwarranted exercise,
in any measure relieved from his official responsibilities, which can
neither be assumed by nor fall upon any other officer."

Do you understand those to be the present regulations!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Then —

^^^ He shall preserve, so far as possible, the most cordial relations
with the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United States
in foreign countries, and extend to them the honors, salutes, and other
official courtesies to which they are entitled by these regulations.

" He shall carefully and duly consider any request for service or
other communication from any such representative.

^'Although due weight should be given to the opinions and advice
of such representatives, a commanding officer is solely and

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 715

responsible to bis own immediate superior for all official acts in the
administration of his command. • * *

"On occasions where injury to the United States or to citizens thereof
is committed or threatened, in violation of the principles of interna-
tional law or treaty rights, he shall consult with the diplomatic repre-
sentative or consul of the United States, and take such steps as the
gravity of the ease demands, rei)orting immediately to the Secretary
of the Navy all the faets. The responsibility for any action taken by
a naval force, however, rests "wholly upon the commanding officer
thereofl"

Now, suppose you were in command of a*ship in the harbor of Hono-
lulu, and the Secretary of the Navy should send you an order to obey
the order of William P. Frye, then a resident in Honolulu and not in
the naval service, would you be obliged to obey any order of William
P. Fryet

Mr. Belknap. No.

Senator Fbyib. Would not that order which had been sent to you to
obey William P. Frye be illegal t

Mr. Belknap. I think it would bo.

Senator Fbte. Suppose you were there with a ship, and a man by
the name of James H. Blount, whom you knew to be a commissioner
appointed by the President of the United States to remain in those
islands for certain purposes, should send you an order to land your
troops for any purpose, would you, as a naval officer, feel under the
slightest obligation to obey the order f

Mr Belknap. I would first demand his authority for issuing any
order of that sort.

Senator Fbtb. Suppose you should ask his authority, and he should
read tills to you :

"Department of State,

" Washington^ March 11, 1893.

'*To enable you to folfill this charge, your authority in all matters
touching the relations of this Government to the existing or other gov-
ernment of the islands and the protection of our citizens therein is par-
amount; in you alone, acting in cooperation with the commander of the
naval forces, is vested full discretion and power to determine when such
forces should be landed or withdrawn."

Suppose you should receive such an order as that from the Secretary
of the Navy, would you feel bound to obey such order!

Mr. Belknap. I should think that was in direct violation of the Reg-
ulations of the U- S. Navy.

Senator Fbyb. Then

« March 11 1893.

" Sib : This letter will be handed you by the Hon. James H. Blount,
special commissioner by the President of the United States to the Gov-
emmtot of the Hawaiian Islands. You will consult freely with Mr.
Blount and will obey any instructions you may receive from him regard-
ing the course to be pursued at said islands by the force under your
command. You will also afford Mr. Blount all such facilities as he may
desire for the use of your cipher code in communicating by telegraph
with this Government.

"Hilaey a. Herbert,

*'^ Secretary of the Navy.
" Rear- Admiral J. S. Skerrett,

^Commander in Chief U. 8. If aval Forces^ etc?

716 HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

Suppose yon, as commanding officer, had received from the Secretary
of the Navy an order that you should obey the instructions and direc-
tions of a man by the name of James H. Blount, then temporarily a
resident in the Islands of Hawaii and a commissioner on the part of
the United States, would youthen feel obliged to obey bis instructions f

Mr. Belknap. What is a commissioner?

Senator Fbye. He is nothing, in my opinion. Gall him a minister
plenipotentiary.

Senator Butleb. Suppose, when you called upon Mr. Blount for a
copy of his instructions he should give an authority from the President
of the United States, who is Commander in Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States, would you then feel obliged to obey the
order?

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbyb. Suppose the authority from the President of the
United States was an appointment as special commissioner for the
purpose of making an investigation in the Hawaiian Islands, and the
President of the United States should direct you by an order to obey
the orders of this commissioner, would you feel obliged to do itt

Admiral Belknap. Yes, if it implies that Mr. Blount was to exer-
cise paramount authority in naval matters; but the authority conferred
upon him is qualified by the words ^^ acting in cooperation with the
commander of the naval forces," which I submit implies consultation
and joint action of the parties concerned. If he should order me to
make war upon the Grovernment of those islands I should feel that I
could not do it, for under the regulations I would have been held solely
re8i)onsible for the act of war.

Senator Fbye. Even with these instructions from the President of
the United States^ under the regulations of the Navy Department
does not the responsibility still remain with the commanding officer?

Mr. Belknap. It does still remain.

Senator Fete. Is there any way of relieving the officer of that
responsibility? If the President of the United States or the Secretary
of the !N"avy were to send an order direct to you to land troops or refrain
from landing troops that would relieve you from responsibility?

Mr. Belknap. That would relieve me.

Senator Frye. But sending an order to you to obey the indtmctions
of somebody else can not change the responsibility from you to some-
body else?

Mr. Belknap. !N'o, not under the terms of the regulations.

Senator Butler. That proceeds upon the theory that no naval offi-
cer is bound to obey an illegal order, and he is the sole jud^e as to
whether it is illegal?

Mr. Belknap. Yes, in so far as law and regulation covers the par-
ticular case.

Senator Frye. This is addressed to Eear-Admiral Skerrett.

" Honolulu, March 31y 1893,

"Sir: You are directed to haul down the United States ensign from
the Government building, and to embark the troops now on the shore
to the ship to which they belong. This will be executed at 11 o'clock
on the 1st day of April.

"I am, sir, your obedient servant,

*^ James H. Blount,
^^ Special Commisitioner of the United States.^

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 717

Do you regard that as a legal order!

Mr. Belknap. I have been in the naval service nearly forty-seven
years, and that is the most peremptory order I ever saw issued by any-
body. It' Mr. Blount wanted that done he might have reqaested the
admiral to do it, after consultation with him. Such would have been
the courteous and cooperative course.

Senator Fbte. Do you think Mr. Blount had any right to give any
such order!

Mr. Belknap. I do not think he had, at least in such peremptory
terms. There was no cooperation there.

Senator Fbye. And if the obeying of that order involved the taking
of human life would you, as the commander of a ship, have obeyed it!

Mr. Belknap. !N"o; because I would have been held responsible if
anything happened. Such order would not have relieved me from the
responsibility imposed upon me by the regulations.

Senator Fbye. Notwithstanding the directions of the Secretary of
the Navy, notwithstanding the instructions of the Secretary of State
to Mr. Blount, notwithstanding Mr. Blount's direct order, under the
Naval Eegulations you would not be relieved from responsibihty as a
naval officer in command?

Mr. Belki^ap. I would not have been relieved, but I would have
withdrawn that fon;e if the minister wished it.

Senator Frye. I understand that. If there were no great responsi-
bility, overwhelming responsibility, you would comply with the wishes
of the minister just the same!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Now

"U. S. Legation, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands,

^'January 16, 1893.

"SiB: In view of the existing critical circumstances in Honolulu,
indicating an inadequate legal force, I request you to land marines
and sailors from the ship under your command for the protection of
the U. S. legation and the U. S. consulate, and to secure the safety of
American life and property.
"Yours, truly,

"John L. Stevens,
" Envoy Extraordinary j etc., of the United States.
"To Oapt. C. 0. WiLTSE."

Do you regard that as a perfectly legitimate request, and properly
madef

Mr. Belknap. That is i)erfectly legitimate; a request I have had
made to me a half dozen times during my service.

Senator Fbye. That request does not compel you to land troops!

Mr. Belknap. It does not; it is a proper, legitimate, and courteous
request from one official to another.

Senator Fbye. You would learn, as a naval officer, all you could with
regard to the existing conditions, and if, in your judgment, the safety
of the legation and the consulate and the security of life and property
were of such a character as to require the landing of troops, you would
land themf

Mr. Belknap. Yes. It is the business of an officer to inform him-
self thoroughly before taking such grave action.

Senator Fbye. But notwithstanding the fact that you had received
that request, if you had determined from your own inveatlc^atiai^ii^^

718 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

made through your own ofiScers, that the landing of the troops was not
necessary, you would not land themf In other word^ the thing is
still left entirely in your charge f

Mr. Belknap. Yes; but if I do not eomply with the request and any-
thing happened detrimental to the United States I am responsihle.
The regulations hold me to that.

Senator Butleb. It has become a question of tweedledum and
tweediedee between Mr. Blount and Mr. Stevens-— one is a request and
the other a command. Suppose Admiral Skerrett had declined, on his
responsibility, to take down the flag and send his troops back on the
ship, and anything had happened to the American legation and Amer-
ican life and property, Admiral Skerrett would have been responsible^

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbte. Would he not have been tried by a court-martial t

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbye. And would he not have read the Naval Regulations,
which are law, to determine whether he had obeyed the regulations^

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Butlek. The same responsibility rested on Admiral Skerrett
in declining to obey the order as rested on him in obeying it — ^if any-
thing had happened to American interests in Honolulu by the American
troops remaining on shore, he would have been responsible. So that
the responsibility is pretty well understood to be that an Army or Navy
officer sent off on an expedition of that kind is vested with a certain
amount of discretion!

Mr. Belknap. He is to determine in his own mind what the interests
of the Government demand. During this last cruise I sent officers and
men up to the capital of Korea, 40 miles from Chemulpo. I received a
telegraphic order to cooperate with the minister, and when the minister
sent to me for a force I dispatched it to him in conformity with the order
of the Secretary of the Navy to cooperate with the minister.

Senator Butler. You did it on your own responsibility.

Mr. Belknap. On my own responsibility, in interpretation of the
orders of the Secretary, the wishes of the minister, and of my own per-
sonal knowledge of Korean affairs.

Senator Fbye. Before this order of the Secretary of the Navy, given
to Admiral Skerrett to obey the orders of Mr.* Blount, did you ever
know of any such order t

Mr. Belknap. I never heard of it.

Senator Fbye. Did you ever know of a minister or commissioner in
a foreign country making such an order as Mr. James H. Blount made
to Admiral Skerrett t I refer to the one i have just read.

Mr. Belknap. Never. As I said before, it is tiie most peremptory
order I ever saw in print.

Senator Fbye. The order of Capt. Wiltse to the officers who took
the troops on shore is as follows:

^^SiB: You will take command of the battalion and land in Hono-
lulu for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives
and property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public
order.''

Now, I would like to ask you what are the rights of officers in com-
mand of ships in foreign countries touching the matter of preservation
of public order ! That part of Capt. Wiltse's order was not in response
to the request of Mr. Stevens. He said nothing about public order;

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 71^

he adopts the old diplomatic form of expression, protection of life and
property; whereas Gapt. Wiltse in his order nses the additional expres-
sion, '* assist in preserving public order.'' What do you understand to
be the rights of a commanding officer with regard to preserving public
order in foreign countries t

Mr. Belknap. All the foreign countries are not alike as regards the
conduct of ships of war. There are small governmeuts where the fleets
would act difierently from what they would in larger countries; but
the landing of a force is a grave act and should always be well con-
sidered.

Senator BuTLEB. And I supx>ose they are in large measure controlled
by the treaty stipulations of those countries!

Mr. Bblknap. In great measure; but in Honolulu there is not a
street, there is not a precinct, there is not a corner of it where an
American is not living or has not his business and property, and to
protect that property it is necessary, in case of a riot, where the police
can not control, to land a force from a ship.

Senator Fbye. Then you would say that Gapt. Wiltse, if in his judg-
ment he thought there was liability of a riot and the likelihood of the
destruction of American property, had a right to order his troopsashore,
one of his purposes being to preserve public order t

Mr. Belknap. Yes; I would have done the same thing under the
same circumstances.

Senator Fbye. So that when you landed your troops in 1874, not-
withstanding the fact you knew the result of lauding those troops and
interfering with that mob to preserve public order would result in the
maintenance of King Kalakaua on the throne, you would have done
what you did by way of landing the troops and putting down the riott

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

Senator Fbt£. It is not for the officer or minister to take into consid-
eration what would be the effect of such landings and putting down of
riots; he is concerned simply in the fact that they are landed for the
purpose of protectiug life and property ?

Senatiir Butleb. That is true hi time of peace, not in time of wart

Mr. Belknap. In time of war it would be a different question.

Senator Butleb. For instance, you would not feel warranted in
landing a force at Rio nowl

Mr. Belknap. !No; so far as I understand the situation at this
distance.

Senator Butleb. Mr. Frye asked you some questions with regard
to the power of naval officers. Supi)Ose you were in charge of the
Charleston, we will say, at the port of Liverpool or Gopenhagen, and
yon were ashore and a riot were about to break out, would you feel
authorized to land a force to protect American property f

Mr. Belknap. No, unless the Government confessed its inability to
afford protection.

Senator Butleb. So that it is not universal!

Mr. Belknap. No.

Senator Fbye. How about Panama?

Mr. Belknap. In Panama we have the right by treaty. I landed
there myself.

Senator Butleb. But it is not a universal rulef

Mr. Belknap. No.

Senator Butleb. It is done in pursuance of some treaty stipula-
tions between our Government and the government where the troops
are landed. •

720 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Belknap. Yes ; for the protection of the treaty.

Senator Butleb. Otherwise yon would not think of doing snch a
thing f

Mr. Belknap. No; such conditions could not exist there. When I
was a midshipman on board the frigate Puritan^ at Valparaiso, Chile,
they held a presidential election in that country, and the party defeated
in that election got up a revolution, and one alternoon we landed the
troops. We landed a force on that shore, and we remained on the
wharf there several hours; the British ships did the same thing. We
did not proceed up into town, but we were there for the purpose of pro-
tecting the consulate if necessary. In November, 1863, the Chinese at
the Barrier Forts fired on our flag. They fired from two of four forts;
we captured all those forts, blew them up, razed them to the ground,
and retired.

Senator Butleb. That was an act of war.

The Chairman. But the firing began the war.

Mr. Belknap. The commodore in command was commended by the
Secretary of the Navy for such action.

Senator Butleb. You would do that in Liverpool!

Mr. Belknap. Yes ; if the flag was deliberately fired upon.

Senator Butleb. If your flag were fired upon, you would not stop
to consider the strength of the Government, but would fire in return!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Chaibman. I have drawn up a question which, according to my
view, presents the true relations of the commander of a ship in a port
to the minister of the United States who may be resident there at the
time. When a war ship of the United States is in a port where there
is a civil commotion which threatens to become riotous, to endanger
the treaty rights of the citizens of the United States, and the question
arises whether it is proper to land troops to preserve order, is it not
the right and duty of the minister of the United States to ascertain
and determine whether the condition of the country is such as to require
the landing of troops f In such a case, and as to the question whether
the necessity for the landing of troops actually existed, you would feel
bound, I suppose, if in command of a war ship of the United States,
to respect and follow Ihe request of the minister of the United States
to land the troops!

Mr. Belknap. A minister of the United States, of course, has a per-
fect right to make any request of that sort of the commander of a ship,
of a squadron, but it is the duty under the regulations of the Navy
Department for the commanding officer of the ship to examine the
matter himself and to decide for himself whether he oUght to land the
force or not, because the responsibility under the regulations of the
Navy Department finally rests upon him. If any great mistake is made
by which injury comes to the United States in their interests, or any
citizen suffers harm through the action of a commander in chief or a
commander of a vessel, he is responsibla On the contrary, if he make
a mistake in landing the force he is also responsible under the regula-
tions.

Senator Fbye. In the recognition of a de facto government, to whom
does the recognition belong — ^to the minister of the United States resi-
dent in such country or to the naval officer t

Mr. Belknap. It belongs to the minister.

Senator Fbye. The naval officer has nothing to do with that ques-
tion of recognition ?

Mr. Belknap. Nothing to do with it. I was commander of the war

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 721

ship AUisJca when the minister of the United States in Peru, Mr. Chris-
tiancy, recognized a new government during the Chilean- Peruvian
wars. That government was overthrown, and when Mr. Hurlbut
became minister he recognized another government.

Senator Fbyb. You were there all the time f

Mr. Belknap. Yes. When I was at Honolulu in 1874 ever thing
was at the lowest ebb; property was worth nothing, the people 'ould
hardly get along. But that fall of 1874 Kalakaua, accompanied by
the American minister, Mr, Pierce, came the United States and a treaty
of reciprocity was negotiated. From that moment an era of prosperity
dawned upon those islands and trade there increased several hundred
per cent. I think the 35,000,000 pounds of sugar exi)orted from there
in 1875 went up to 136,000,000 pounds in 1890; and the product of rice
increased in the same proportion. In fact the United States made
those islands what they are — gave them all their prosperity. The town
of Honolulu is as much an American town as any town in this country.
In 1882, when commanding tlie Alaska^ I was sent in gr^at haste to
Honolulu from South America because troubles were apprehended there.
The reciprocity treaty was about to expire, and many people there were
afraid that the United States would not renew it.. Furthermore,
Kalakaua had gone into such extravagant expenditures that the peo-
ple were getting restive under it. After being King for eight years he
took the foolish notion into his head to be crowned, a ceremony carried
out at enormous expense, and the taxpayers of the islands, a majority
of whom were Americans, were stirred up over it and trouble was
apprehended.

I arrived there early in September, 1882, and I stayed there two
months. During that time there was a meeting of all the planters on
the islands in a convention at Honolulu. There was considerable
excitement, but finally, after some conferences with the Government,
the convention adjourned and everything passed off quietly. There
was no trouble; but at that time I was prepared to land a force in case
of any outbreak. The English were very anxious to know what we
were going to do. Mr. Wodehouse, the British commissioner, was there.
One afternoon, or one morning, rather, Mr. Dagget, our minister, and
myself got an invitation to dine on a British man-of-war which was in
the harbor. We were somewhat surprised at that. When we went on
board to dinner that evening we found Mr. Wodehouse there. During
the dinner champagne flowed pretty freely. After the coffee and cigars
were brought in Mr. Wodehouse attempted to find out what we were
going to do there in a certain emergency. But they got no satisfac-
tion; Mr. Dagget and I simply confined ourselves to general talk. I
commanded at Mare Island from 1886 to 1889. That was during Mr.
Cleveland's first administration. Grave troubles were apprehended at
Honolulu at that time, and we kept our ships constantly there. One
afternoon I received a confidential telegram from the Secretary of the
Navy asking me if I could be ready at a moment's notice to go over to
Honolulu. I telegraphed back "yes." Two or three days after that I
got a telegram from the Secretary of the Navy saying that, after a con-
sultation with Mr. Bayard, Secretary of State, they had concluded to
send an order over to the minister by a telegram through me, which I
sent direct from the navy-yard to Honolulu.

Senator Frye. Do you know what the nature of that telegram was!

Mr. Belknap. I do not remember it, 'but it must be on file in the
Navy Department. For the last ten years we have kept our ships in

S. Rep. 227 46

722 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Honolulu all the time. Admiral Kimberly was there a solid year.
Admiral Brown was there for more than a year, and for some reason
or other our Government has been obliged to keep that port guarded
by onr ships of war. I take it that the interests of the United States
have gotten so great that that was a nece8sary policy to pursue.
Since the Canadian Pacific line has been opened (they have a line of
steamers now from Vancouver to Australia and New Zealand, touch-
ing at Honolulu) it has become vastly more important for the interests
of Great Britain to acquire those islands than it has ever been before.
I believe to-day that the Canadian authorities are making every effort
to divert trade froni those islands to Canada.

Senator Frye. I suppose in landing troops for the preservation of
American life and property you do not feel it incumbent upon you to
wait until an outbreak has actually happened f

Mr. Belknap. Not always. ,

Senator Fbte. If a certain thing is to happen which is likely to
produce an outbreak, like an election, such as that of Kalakaua, you
feel yourself at liberty to get ahead of that!

Mr. Belknap. That was what was done at Corea. There was no
outbreak; but the minister requested the presence of the troops, and
the King was afraid for his life.

Senator Fbye. If you found that the Provisional Government on a
certain day, say Monday, at 2, 3, or 5 o'clock, or at any time in the day,
was going to take actual possession of the Queen's public buildings,
and dethrone her absolutely, you would not deem it necessary to wait
until that had taken place for the landing of the troops!

Mr. Belknap. No; not if convinced that riot would ensue.

Senator Fbye. But owing to the liability of its taking place and the
likelihood of a riot, you would land your troops?

Mr. Belknap. Y^s; under the peculiar condition of affairs at the
moment.

Senator Fbye. What is your judgment as to what it would cost to
fortify Honolulu!

Mr. Belknap. I have not any doubt that $5,000,000 would put
Honolulu in a most perfect state of defense^ with guns mounted in
earthworks.

The Chairman. If you desired to control the Pacific Ocean, North
Polynesia, in a military sense, either for an offensive or defensive
operation in reference to the protection of the western coast of the
United States, including Alaska, is there any place on that coast or
elsewhere in tlie Pacific Ocean which you would consider so important
to the United Stiites as the Hawaiian group, if we had there a fortified
port or naval station f

Mr, Belknap. I know of no point in the Pacific Ocean which we
should hold as good as the Hawaiian Islands, especially Honolulu.

The Chairman. You think it would be a great national misfortune
to have any other flag than ours put there?

Mr. Belknap. Yes; most emphatically.

The Ohaibman. Or if the flag of any foreign country should be put
there would that alter your opinion as to the merit or value of the
possession for tbe protection of our western coast and our commerce in
the Pacific Ocean!

Mr. Belknap. So long as there is no other flag there it is always an
open question ; it involves the liability of tioublesome questions i&rising
all the time. Our flag should be there, in my opinion.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 723

The Ohaibman. Suppose some foreign power should close the ques-
tion by coming in and occupying the islands, if they saw fit to do it, as
a base of operations against the United States, would you not consider
that a great calamity to this country!

Mr. Belknap. A very great calamity. Great Britain now has Puget
Sound, which she ought not to be permitted to hold a single day, in my
judgment. Especially with the Nicaragua Canal Honolulu will be a
I)ort of call of all the ships in the Pacific Ocean.

The Ohaibman. Is it indispensable to have a port to recoal in the
Pacific Ocean t

Mr. Belknap. Yes; and Honolulu is a splendid harbor.

The Chairman. Well sheltered!

Mr. Belknap. Well sheltered. Another peculiarity of the Hawaiian
Island is, the climate is so fine and equable, they have no violent
storms, such as they usually have in the tropics. We ought to have our
fiag there, and we ought to have a cable connecting the islands with
the United States.

The Chaibman. In your survey for the route for the cable between
San Diego and Honolulu, did you find any practical obstructions!

Mr. Belknap. Ko. We have made ^ closer survey since my survey
and found that a cable can be very readily laid.

The Chairman. I am informed that you made a survey for a cable
route also, exteuding from the coast of Japan in the direction of the
United States along the Aleutian range!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Chaibman. State whether you found the route practicable for a
cable.

Mr. Belknap. I found the route practicable, except the very deep
water, which I think would be obviated by going a little further north.

Tlie Chaibman. A large part of that route would be on land if you
chose to make it!

Mr. Belknap. It would be cheaper to have it in water.

The Chaibman. Is that ocean troubled with icebergs to interfere
with the laying of a cable!

Mr. Belknap. Not where you would lay the cable. I think possibly
sometimes the Pacific mail steamers have encountered them, when
they have gone north, in very high latitudes; but I have not seen ice-
bergs in the Pacific Ocean except off Cape Horn.

The Chaibman. Did you take the temperature of that ocean current!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Chaibman. What would you say was the average temperature!

Mr. Belknap. It was 8^ or 10<^ higher than the rest of the ocean, so
far as I remember.

The Chaibman. It is decidedly a warm current!

Mr. Belknap. Very warm current.

The Chaibman. A heavy flow of water!

Mr. Belknap. Very heavy; similar to our Gulf Stream.

The Chaibman. It is that current which keeps warm the coast of
California and Oregon!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Chaibman. And also keeps open Bering Straits!

Mr. Belknap. Yes.

The Chaibman [exhibiting a newspaper article from the Boston
Journal of December 20, 1893]. Is this a correct statement!

Mr. Belknap (after examining). Yes.

724 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

The statement is as follows :

Bear- Admiral George E. Belknap writes to the Jonmal the following
very interesting letter regarding Hawaiian matters:

" To the Editor of the Boston Journal :

"The letter of ex-Minister P. C. Jones, of Hawaii, published in this
nioming's Joomal, is in error in one point.

•'He says that 'in 1874 Minister Pierce ordered Capt. Belknap to
land a force of marines at Honolula, which Was done.'

"Mr. Pierce gave no order of that character, nor was he empowered
to do so by the regulations controlling the intercoarse of diplomatic
and naval officers on foreign stations. The regulation governing the
intercourse of naval commanders with ministers and consuls of the
United States at that period was as follows : ' He (the naval commander)
will duly consider such information as the ministers and consuls may
give him relating to the interests of the United States, but he will not
receive orders from them, and he will be responsible to the Secretary of
the Navy, in the first place, for his acts.'

"But the undersigned was in thorough accord with Minister Pierce,
and, at his request and that of the King-elect,ianded the force of blue-
jackets and marines at Honolulu on the occasion referred to — 12th Feb-
ruary, 1874 — suppressed the riot, restored order throughout the town,
and occupied the most important points at that capital for several days,
or until assured by the King's ministry that protection was no longer
necessary.

"This action was taken, first, for the protection of American citizens
and their property; second, because it was deemed imperative for the
conservation of the intexests of the United States to take decisive action
at the Hawaiian capital at such crucial time. The English party, as it
was called, had worked and intrigued for the election of Queen Emma
to fill the throne made vacant by the death of Lunalilo, while Kalakaua
was the candidate favored by most of the Americans at the islands.

" The party favoring the election of Emma were not content to abide
the result of the election, for she having been defeated in the legisla-
tive assembly by a vote of 39 to 6 her partisans broke forth at once into
riotous proceedings. The legislative hall was invaded, some of Kala-
kaua's adherents in the assembly were clubbed nearly to death, the
furniture was destroyed, and the archives thrown into the street.
Meanwhile the police had torn ott* their badges and mingled with the
rioters, the Government troops could not be trusted, and the Grovern-
ment was powerless to act.

" At such juncture the request was made to land the force. Trouble
had been apprehended, and preconcerted signals had been arranged,
and in fifteen minutes from the time the signal was madecompanies com-
prising 150 officers, seamen, and marines, together with a Gatling gun,
were landed from the Tuscarora and Portsmouth and marched to the
scene of action. At the head of the column was a sergeant of marines,
whose great height and stalwart proportion seemed to impress the
wondering Kanakas more than all the rest of the force. He was some
6 feet 9 inches in height and his imposing appearance on that occasion
is among the notable traditions at Honolulu to this day.

" The riot was soon suppressed and order restored. Half an hour
after such action a detachment of blue jackets and redcoats was
landed from H. B. M. ship Tenedos, but there was nothing left for such
force to do. It has been asserted by some credulous people that Great
Britain has no eye teward the Hawaiian group, but the English resi-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 725

deots at Honolula were much chagrined at the tardy action of the
TenedoSj and it is a significant fact that her commanding officer was
soon relieved, ordered home, and never got another hoar's dnty from
the admiralty. Comment is unnecessary.

<<G£o. E. Belknap.

" Bbookline, December 19 j 1893.^

Adjourned until tomorrow, the dlst instant, at 10 o'clock.

8W0BH 8TATEHEVT OF BICHOLAS B. DELAMATEB.

Senator Fbye. Give your name, age, and residence!

Mr. Delamateb. My name' is Nicholas B. Delamater; I am 47; I
live in Chicago, 111., and I am a physician.

Senator Fbye. Have you ever been in the Hawaiian Islands; if yes,
when ; how long were you there, and when did you leave!

Mr. Delamateb. I went there in August, and left this last June.

Senator Fbye. What was your business while in ttie islands!

Mr. Delamateb. Eusticating.

Senator Fbye. Did you become familiar with the islands and people
while there!

Mr. Delamateb. Somewhat!

Senator Fbye. Did you, at the request of Senator Cullom, make a
written statement of facts that came under your observation while in
the islands just before and during the revolutionary proceedings in
January, 1893!

Mr. Delamateb. I did.

Senator I^ye. I purpose reading that statement. During the read-
ing, should you discover anything that you may desire to correct, you
may do so:

"There are vast possibilities waiting capital. The coffee industry
can be increased more than a hundredfold; the rice, banana, cocoanut
vastly increased. Pineapples ^ill in a few years be a large export.
They can be raised there, with comparatively small capital and quick
and large returns, of a very superior quality. Sugar lands enough, yet
wild, to supply all comers for many years to come.

''There is a very small fraction of the available lands under cultiva-
tion.

" Heretofore everything has gone to sugar on account of the enor-
mous profits in it, the average per a^re being from 5 to 10 tons.

"This country is destined to be a very rich one.

"Now, as to the revolution.^

The Chaibman. What are the prospects of coffee culture in the
Hawaiian group!

Mr. Delamateb. I judge that they are very good. There are many
quite good-sized plats there in between little mountain peaks where
they can raise an exceedingly good coffee, and they raise a quality of
coffee which one of my friends, a coffeeraan in Chicago, says is among
the best of coffees in the world.

The Chaibman. Is coffee an indigenous plant there!

Mr. Delamateb. No; I think there is nothing indigenous among
those things.

The Chaibman. It is very much like California!

72 C) HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Delamater. Very mncli like California. It is a volcanic struc-
ture altogether.

Senator Fbte. I will continue the reading:

*' During the legislative session preceding the same there was a con-
stant conflict between the Queen and Legislature as to the cabinet.

'*The Legislature was composed of twenty-four representatives,
elected by citizens who could read and write, and who had an income
of $260."

Mr. Delamateb. I think I am correct with regard to the income;
but that you have.

Senator Fbte. You are not certain of it!

Mr. Delamateb. Not exactly.

Seiiator Fbte. Then you say:

"Twenty-four nobles, elected by those with incomes of t600 — ^these
are annual incomes; and four cabinet ministers, appointed by the reign-
ing monarch, subject to dismissal by vote of want of confidence by the
Legislature."

Mr. Delamateb. I do not know whether the four members of the
cabinet are four members of the Legislatui*e.

Senator Feye. Then :

"There was finally a cabinet appointed of leading men, nonpoliticans
mainly, and the individuals composing it represented several millions
of property."

Was that the Wilcox- Jones cabinet!

Mr. Delamateb. Yes.

The Chaibman. I understand that those cabinet ministers became
members of the Legislature ex-officiof

Mr. Delamateb. Yes, ex officio.

The Chaibman. It is not necessary, as in the Parliament of Great
Britain, that they should be mem)bers of the legislature!

Mr. Delamateb. No 5 ex offi^no they are members.

Senator Fbye. You say: "Shortly after this every one seemed ,
easy. The lottery bill had apparently dropped out of sight, the opium
bill had been defeated, the U. S. S. Boston went away for a week's prac-
tice, Minister Stevens going upon her; several members of the Legia-
lature went home. The last week of that session a vote of want of
confidence was passed by purchase and bribery, a new cabinet, of very
shady character, was appointed, the lottery and opium bills were then
revived and passed by open purchase."

The Chaibman. When you speak of purchase and bribery, do you
mean that you have any personal knowledge of that fact!

Mr. Delamateb. I saw a couple of men

The Chaibman. Perhaps you had better name them.

Mr. Delamateb. I did not know the men. I was simply in the
legislative hall, the Government building. I do not know their names,
and I should not remember them had I heard them at the time.

The Chaibman. Did they have open transactions of that sort!

Mr. Delamateb. It was common report upon the street.

Senator Fbye. I proceed : " There was no apparent attempt at con-
cealment of the purchase of members of the Legislature. On a Saturday
morning following the Queen prorogued the Legislature on notice
from that body. She appeared in person in state and with her reUnne.
I was present. Her speech was one of peace and of the ordinary kind.
Her guards, about 75 in number, marched oyer to the palace yard."

Mr. Delamateb. I suppose you have a copy of that speech!

Senator Fbye. Yes. "Eight across the street, drawn up in line, a

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 727

native society, according to prearrangement, immediately appeared
and presented to tbe Queen a new constitution, demanding its imme-
diate promulgation." Were these guards demanding its immediate
promulgation!

Mr. Delamatee. Yes.

Senator Frye. You say: "She at once called on her cabinet to sign
it. Part of them refused and went down town and notified the promi-
nent and leading citizens."

Mr. Delamateb. When I say they refused, I do not mean to say
that I was in the room and saw them refuse.

The Chairman. That was the fact, as accepted by common under-
standing?

Mr. Delamater. Yes.

Senator Frye. You go on to say: " Up to this time the plan of those
who are now the Provisional Government was to get control through
constitutional measures and the ballot, by compelling the Queen to
recognize the right of a majority of the Legislature to name the cabi-
net ministers. That is, that the Queen should call on a member of the
majority to form a cabinet, whom she would appoint. The outlines of
the new constitution, it is claimed, were such as to give the reigning
monarch absolute power.

''Excitement ran very high. Threats were freely made against any-
one interfering with her plans, both by herself and her adherents. The
leiiding men and members of pre\aou8ly o])posite parties at once united,
and flBlt that life and property demanded immediate action, instead of
ordinary political methods. The Boston^ with Minister Stevens, came
into port about this time in total ignorance of what had occurred. Up
to this time 1 had not called on Mr. Stevens and did not know him by
sight. Excitement ran high Saturday afternoon and evening and Sun-
day. Steps were immediately taken to organize a volunteer military
force for protection of property, and to my certain knowledge a very
respiectable force, composed of leading and prominent men — merchants,
cajiitalists, planters, lawyers, professional men of all kinds, and others
— was organized before Monday. A signal was decided on that would
call them together very quickly should any emergency arise. The
lenders as yet had no plan, and did not know what to look for.

'*On Monday afternoon two large toass meetings were held, one by
the present Provisional Government people, and the other by the Roy-
alists. I was at the Boyalists' meeting. Excitement was at high ten-
sion. Kumors of intention and threats of burning houses and stores
were iWe. I heard many Eoyalists say they desired Mr. Stevens to land
troops from the Boston to save property. I also heard a number of
quite prominent Royalists say they had asked Mr. Stevens to land
troops to save property and prevent bloodshed. At 5 this Monday
afternoon the troops were landed. Many of tbe radical hotheads were
not in favor of landing the troops, feeling that they could overthrow
the Queen, and realizing that if they were landed it would prevent a
light.

*' I talked with a number of the leaders, and also with several very
intimate friends, who were very near and supposed to be in the confi-
dence of the leaders, among them being Dr. F. R. Day, the attending
family physician of Chief Justice Judd; Vice-President Damson, Mr.
W. R. Cassel, and ^ve or six other members of the committee of safety,
and who attended ^i Thurston on the voyage, in company with the
other commissioEeis, coming to present their case to the United States.
li^ot one of the persons seemed to know what Minister Steven& Nt<^\\V^

728 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

do. They all claimed that they could get no expression from him as
to what course he would pursue in case of revolution further than
that he would protect the lives and property of noncombatant Ameri-
can citizens.

"It seemed to be the general understanding that he would raise the
American flag at some large and convenient place, declare it American
territory, and proclaim that all desiring protection should go there.

"When the troops were landed themariues werestationed at the Amer-
ican legation and at the office of the consul-general. The sailor com-
panies were marched down past the palace and Oovemment building,
and it was the intention to quarter them some considerable distance
away, and, as I understand it, they were camped the first night. The
next day an empty building was found near the Government building
and palace, was secured, and they were quartered there.

Mr. Delamater. In talking to Dr. Day since I found that to be a
fact.

Senator Fbye. As a matter of fact you found out that they went into
the building that night instead of the next day!

Mr. Delamater. Yes.

Senator Fbye. You go on to say :

<< All Monday evening excitement was intense, and a large portion
of the inhabitants kept watch all night for fear of tires, etc.

**The next morning, Tuesday, I learned that at some time during the
day a signal would be given which would call the volunteers together at
a building (really an open shed) near the palace, and that the commit-
tee of safety would take possession and declare monarchy at an end. I
did not learn the time, and I am very sure the consul-general, Mr.
Severance, did not get any information more than I did. I am also mor-
ally certain that no help was expected from the United States forces,
and that they expected to fight a battle and win before Mr. Stev-
ens would interfere. I know the general impression was that Mr.
Stevens and Capt. Wiltse would not interfere until they had positively
placed themselves in position, and that they failed to get any encour-
agement irom him, even as to interference, any further than that he
would protect all noncombatant American citizens who should apply
to him and go to a place designated by him.

^' Of course I do not know as to absolute facts. I do not know that
Mr. Stevens did not say he would, but I do know that the general
impression among the prominent citizens was as stated above. And
that the Dr. Day mentioned in a previous part of this letter, and who
was a student of mine, afterwards my clinical assist&mt in my college
work, and later my assistant in private practice, as close as he was to
the Provisional Government leaders, had the same impression.

'^ That afternoon, Tuesday^ I was driving in a buggy and came near
what is known as the old armory, on Beretania street, I saw, all at once,
men coming at full speed in all sorts of conveyances and on foot, in fiill
run toward the armory. Every one carrying a gun, I concluded the
signal had been given. I learned later that a wagon had started fix)m
a large wholesale hardware store down town loaded with ammunition
to come to the armory, and that the Queen's police had stopped it, and
being shot at by the driver, had run away. There were three police-
men, and all ran. This was within a block of the police station, and
the citizens had taken this shot as a signal and gathered at once.
Inside of fifteen minutes there were in the neighborhood of 200
citizens — clerks, lawyers, doctors^ merchants, and capitalists — each

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 729

with a rifle and double belt of cartridges around them, formed in line
and ready for action."

Mr. Delamateb. It is possible that in writing a letter of that kind
I may have overstated the number that got there in a few minutes.
Yon know how that comes. But there was quite a number.

Senator Fbte. You say:

**At the same time the Provisional Government, as represented by its
committee, took occasion to reach the Government building, each from
his own office and by the shortest route.

" When there, it is true, without any Provisional troops in sight, but
knowing them to be so stationed as to be able to intercept the Queen's
guards should they undertake resistance, and knowing that force to
be more than double the entire forces of the Queen, and knowing them
to be composed of men of standing and ability, they did, without the
immediate presence of the troops, read the proclamation."

I suppose the immediate presence of the troops meant the Provi-
sional Government troops?

Mr. Delamateb. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Then : " I was there before it was entirely finished,
and about the time they had finished reading the Provisional troops,
in two companies, marched into the grounds, having met with no offer
of resistance. They were immediately placed on guard duty and
quartered in the Government building. The Queen's officers at once
gave up possession. A communication was then sent to the Queen,
and a demand made on her to abdicate, an offer of protection, and
assurances of pecuniary assistance if she submitted to the new order
of things. After some parley this she did." Now, let me ask you right
there, when that proclamation was read were any United States troops
in sight of the building!

Mr. Delamateb. Yes, Arion Hall.

Senator Fbye. Standing at the Government building, could you see
the United States troops?

Mr. Delamateb. I think you could; 1 am not sure about that. I
was out in the yard of the Government building, and coald see them.

Senator Fbye. Could you see more than two sentries anywhere?

Mr. Delamateb. There were no troops drawn up in line. From the
yard I saw the troops leaning on the fence.

Senator. Fbye. They were inside the fence!

Mx. Delamateb. Inside the fence and standing on the grass, look-
ing on.

Senator Fbye. But not outside at the Government building?

Mr. Delamateb. No; not outside their own yard.«

Senator Fbye. You then say: "Of course I was not present at any
of the interviews, but had information which to me was satisfactory
that a demand was being made for the surrender of the pala<3e, police
station, and armory. I was at the police station and saw that the
Provisional Government had placed it with a small force of the Queen's
defenders in a state of siege, with ample force to capture it and a fixed
determination to do so, and an hour later I was there again and found
it in possession of the new Government. I then learned that Minister
Stevens, after the Provisional Government had shown him that they
were in actual possession of the Government building and all public
offices and the police station and had the Queen's guards cooped in
their own armory, recognized it as the de facto Government, and imme-
diately a number of the representatives of other governments did the
same. England and two or three others did not till the next da^^ J^

730 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Dblamater. There is a little point there that might or might
not be of use. The Queen's flag, the royal standard I saw lowered
from the palace before Mr. Stevens recognized the new Grovernment. I
understood afterwards that it was raised again. But I saw it lowered
at that time.

Senator Fbyb. Ton proceed to say:

'^Now, of course Minister Stevens might have recognized it a half
hour earlier than I know anything about. I was not a participant, and
had no claim to inside iDformation, but I was doing all 1 could to learn
everything that was going on, and as the harmony of action and
information seemed general, I felt that I had correct information as to
the time and sequence of events. Of this I am sure, the Provisional
Government would have succeeded if United States forces had been a
thousand miles away. They had, from my own personal observation,
a force more than double that of the Queen, and composed of such men
as meant business. Among the privates who went on guard duty there
was represented several million dollars. *

^<As to Mr. Blount, a commission of some kind was expected, and
preparations made to give him a reception, which was nonpartisan.
That is, both sides would take part. Of course, there was no certainty
as to time of his arrival, no cable being connected with the islands. The
vessel came and a committee having representatives of both sides went
out to meet it. A large concourse of citizens of all classes turned out
A native society of women decorated with garlands of flowers; two
bands, etc., were at the dock and waited hours after the vessel had
anchor^. Both sides were ready for a general nonpartisan and enthu-
siastic reception.''

The Chairman. What dd you mean by both sides!

Mr. Delamateb. Eoyalists and annextionists.

Senator Frye. I read :

"Finally, word came that Mr. Blount declined the reception of any
honors. He was landed and quartered himself at the Hawaiian Hotel,
the most prominent hotel there. He was domiciled in one of the cot-
tages and remained there during his stay in Honolulu.

"It was perhaps an unfortunate circumstance that this placed him
in the midst of the most marked royalistic influences, but it can not be
claimed, so far as I know, that he knew of this. He persistently
declined to accept any hospitality from persons of either side so long
as he was "special commissioner." This feature of his conduct was
very marked, and while I have no fault to find with it, was carried, it
seemed to me, to the extent of at least appearing like posing.

"He was soon known as the 'silent man,' as an * interrogation point,'
and various other appellations, because of his treatment of those with
whom he came in contact. No one seemed able to get the slightest
expression from him as to his opinion on the subject. He seemed ready
to ask questions without limit, of those who called, and to listen in
absolute silence to answers, and of course had his stenographer take
all conversations. His wife was at once made much of, especially by
the prominent American women. One little instance of his full con-
sistency as to accepting hospitality: Mrs. Day had entertained Mrs.
Blount in the way of private picnics, a lunch party, horseback rides,
etc. One evening about dusk, Dr. and Mrs. Day drove to the Blount
cottage in a two-seated surrey, to ask Mrs. Blount to take a little ride,
Mv. Blount was on the sidewalk by the side of the carriage when Mrs.
Blount got in and Dr. Day asked him to go. He declined on the ground
he could not accept any hospitality from anyone.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. , 731

"As an evidence of his courtesy, he received a dispatch from Wash-
ington directing him to appear before the United States consnl-geueral
and take the oath of office as minister. The same dispatch had a clause
stating that a successor to Mr. Severance would soon be sent on, Mr.
Blount had received a good many favors from Mr. Severance. This
part of the dispatch he folded under and concealed from Mr. Severance,
when be apx^ared with the dispatch as a credential."

Mr. Delamateb. Of course, I do not know that as a fact; but I got
it from Mr. Severance.

Senator Fbye. You say —

"And three days Liter, of his own motion, gave this to a Royalist
pai>er officially, for publication."

Do you know that!

Mr. Delamateb. Yes. I do not know that he gave it to the paper ; it
had it officially, and it was published.

Senator Fbye. You go on to say:

"And three days later, of his own motion, gave this to a Koyalist
paper officially, for publication. His reason, as stated by himself, being
that he was friendly to Mr. Severance, and could not bear to tell him
personally."

" Within a week from his arrival the Royalists started the report that
the Queen was to be restored, and several distinct days wete set. My
opinion at the time was that they started them without any foundation.
Tliey claimed to have assurances from Mr. Blount. I did not at the
time believe he had given the slightest encouragement. I am sure the
Provisional people felt the same way at this time, basing their belief on
the utter impossibility of getting anything out of him on their part.
The flag came down. Although Mr. Blount was at the house of Minister
Stevens on the afternoon preceding, and after he had issued his order
to the naval commander, he did not, I am certain, mention the matter
to Minister Stevens, who first heard of it from Mr. Waterhouse, of the .
Provisionals, late in the evening.

"Up to this time I did not know Minister Stevens by sight. About
this time a friend urged me to pay him a formal visit as the representa-
tive of my country, etc. I did so on his regular reception day, remained
about ten minutes in general conversation, making no allusion to public
affairs. I called on him once later. These are the only times I met him
in the ten months I was there, and at neither time had any talk with
him about afTairs.

"A few days after my first call on Mr. Stevens I made a formal call
on Mr. Blount as a representative of the President and presented my
card, which gave my profession and my American residence. The call
lasted not to exceed five minutes. No conversation on Hawaiian affairs
was had, except he asked me what I thought would be the effect of
lowering the flag and removing the troops. I said I thought it would
prove that the Provisional Government was able to take care of them-
selves. I remained as long as it seemed thete was occasion. I left
with him my Honolulu address and telephone number, and remarked
that if I could be of any service, would be pleased. My wife and Mrs.
Blount met a good many times socially. My wife called on Mrs.
Blount. This is the only time I met Mr. Blount.

" Within a week after his arrival the people began to wonder that
he was not calling on the leading and prominent men."

Mr. Delamateb. By calling on him, I do not mean to say that he
was calling on him socially, but for information.

732 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Fbte. You then say :

^^When he was made minister these same men, who belong to the
class who rush forward and force service or information unasked, but
who had called formerly and offered to beat hi.s service whenever desired,
were still wondering. Those men, like Chjef Justice Judd, who was not
an active partisan (in fact, many of the prominent men were uncertain
whether he was not favorable to the Queen), found that informatiou on
vital points was not asked for.

"I formed and expressed the idea that th^ object was to make it
appear that the Provisionals were able to care for themselves. This
was quite strongly combated by many who began to feel that Mr.
Blount was opposed to the Provisionals and favoring the Queen. And
finally, before coming away, I was compelled to admit that Mr. Blount's
conduct was certainly very singular; that he was not conducting his
intercourse just as I would expect a gentleman to do, and that his treat-
ment of Mr. Stevens seemed very ungentlemanly, to say the least. Mr.
Stevens and I never mentioned his name in either of our conversations.

<^For a long time there was no American flag at his headquarters,
and, inasmuch as the Stars and Stripes were floating everywhere else in
Honolulu, this became a subject of marked comment. Finally the wife
of one of the naval officers bantered him pretty strongly on the subject,
and ofl'ered to, and did, present him with a flag which was draped on
his front x>orch. Later Mr. Blount issued, by publication in the press
of the city, a proclamation defining the pn)tection he was authorized to
give American citizens. The last clause of this proclamation relating
to the loss of all claim on the American minister for property, or
family, as well as personal protection, by those who took active part in
internal affairs of the country, while probably good law, seemed to me
unwise, unnecessary, and not at all diplomatic. Its effect was to cause a
great deal of uncertainty as to whether he was not contemplating at
that moment, as the Eoyalists positively and confidently asserted, the
immediate restoration of the Queen.

^^In fact, Mr. Blount's course was such that, justly or unjustly, the
Royalists were encouraged and the Provisionals were discouragCKl.

"Whether the Royalists received from him information as to what
was the final intention I do not know, but .they guessed exceedingly
well, for in April, May, and June I heard from the lips of Royalists
there the most positive declarations that they knew that President
Cleveland would do certain things. Those things the President has
since done.

<<As to the sentiment of the nation, Hawaiians of Hawaiian parents,
the Queen is certainly not popular. There is, I believe, a much stronger
feeling in favor of Princess Kaiulani. I talked with a large number of
them who were decidedly in favor of annexation also.

"The royalist party there is not made up of or led by natives* but
largely by Englishresidents. The motive seems fairly clear. Mr. Davis
has had complete control over Kaiulani and her education. The near
approach of her reign would give him large advantages in a financial
way. He would probably be in fact, if not in name, prime minister.
He w^ould have the placing of Government loans (probably) and the
inside track in many contracts, etc. Then, socially, his family and that
of Mr. Walker, his partner, who are the leaders of the English'society,
would be very close to the court social world. Mr. Oleghom, the father
of Kaiulani, is Scotch. A son of Mr. Wodehouse, the English minister,
is married to a half-sister of Kaiulani. When the native women under-
took to have a large mass meeting and present to Mr. Blount a petition
they split on the qu^atiou Nv\i<btih.«c it should be LUioukalwi or Kaiulani."

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 733

The Chaibman. Is this the gentleman who furnished those statistics T

Senator Fbte. He has them all in there. My impression is that you
have them in the record.

The Chairman. Dr. Delamater, where did you get these figures that
you have in this statement?

Mr. Delamater. The most of them I got from the report of the
board of education. They were issued by the Queen's Government
there.

The Chairman. It is a compilation made by you!

Mr. Delamater. A compilation made by me.

The Chairman. From authentic papers?

Mr. Belamater. From the official report of the board of education.

Senator Gray. This is as full a statement as you could make of your
observation there!

Mr. Delamater. Yes. I intended it to be as full a statement as £
could make.

Senator Gray. When did you go to the islands!

Mr. Delamater. August, 1892.

Senator Gray. How long: did you stay!

Mr. Delamater. Until June of this last year — 1893.

Senator Gray. If not improper so to do, may I ask what was your
object in going!

Mr. Delamater. I was there simply for recreation — a matter of
health. I had, for twenty years, a professorship in a medical college,
with a fair practice, and had become utterly tired out.

Senator Gray. That is the only object you had!

Mr. Delamater. Tes. You need not fear to ask me any question
you may think i)roper.

Senator Gray, I wanted to know whether you were there in any
matter concerning the islands. It was a private purpose for which you
were there!

Mr. Delamater. Yes. I had no other interest there.

Senator Gray. I do not wish to know what the private purpose was.
Had you any other interest there!

Mr. Delamater. None at all. The private purpose was only to
regain my health.

Senator Gray. I can suppose you came in frequent contact with the
Americans on those islands!

Mr. Delamater. I have not had any correspondence with any of
the Americans since I came away.

Senator Gray. I mean while you were there.

Mr. Delamater. Oh, yes; we had a private boarding house, with
an English family; so that 1 was in pretty close contact with the white
people, both English and Americans.

Senator Gray. Was there any sentiment of annexation prevailing
there during the few months you were there that you could discover!

Mr. Delamater. Yes.

Senator Gray. Among what classes!

Mr. Delamater. Among the Americans.

Senator Gray. Among the Kanakas!

Mr. Delamater. I should say yes. It seemed to me, taking it under
a form of government like that, the expressions in favor of annexa-
tion to this country were quite pronounced.

Senator Gray. General!

Mr. Delamater. I should say quite general. The object, it seemed
to me, so far as I could judge, was mainly to get better comisv^x^vdL
relations.

734 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

Seuator Gbat. W^e the Islands in a state of business depression
while you were there, or otherwise!

Mr. Delamater. Business depression.

Senator Gbat. To what was that attributed?

Mr. Dklamateb. To the McKinley bill.

Senator Gray. That that the McKinley bill made sugar fireef

Mr. Dblamateb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And deprived the grower of the advantage that he
had when there was a taxf

Mr. Delamateb. Yes.

Senator Gbay. And you say that the change in that condition of
things was the principal cause of the business depression f

Mr. Delamateb. Yes; I think so. Of course you know a doctor is
not a business man, usually, and I just got a sort of impression.

Senator Gbay. Were the sugar growers Annexationists, with the
exception of Mr. Spreckles!

Mr. Delakateb. I judge that before I came away they were. But
I got the impression very strongly in my mind that the sugar growers
were opposed to it at the start. I did not talk with a great many of
them ; but I got that impression at the start.

Senator Gbay. What impression did you finally get!

Mr. Delamateb. My final impression was, that, in common with
others, they were in favor of it.

SWOBH 8TATEKEVT OF FBAHaS B. DAT.

Senator Fbye. State your age and occupation.

Mr. Day. I am 34 years old and a practitioner of medicine. ,

Senator Fbye. Where !

Mr. Day. My residence is Honolulu.

Senator Fbye. How long have you been at Honolulu!

Mr. Day. I located there in the fall of 1887 and have been a resident
ever since that time until last August. I left there for this country at
that time.

Seuator Fbye. V^eve you there at4;he time Kalakaua was compelled
to assent to the constitution of 1887!

Mr. Day. I was in the city at the time, but not a resident. *

Senator Fbye. Were you a witness to what took place then!

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Fbye. Are you acquainted with the people of the islands!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Has your residence been all this time at Honolulu!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Fbye, I will bring you down now to the few weeks preced-
ing what is known as the last revolution, and you may state what you
saw going on, and what you knew in the Legislature and elsewhere.

Mr. Day, Politically there was a great deal of interest in the conflict
which was going on in the Legislature for some few months before the
revolution of January, 1893. The struggle seemed to be between tlie
Queen and her supporters and the opposition, to establish a precedent
which would make the sovereign appoint the cabinet from a majority
of the Legislature— that is, by calling a leader of the majority of the
Legislature, and he select his associates, and she confirm them; the
Queen and her party, on the other hand, attempting to have the ap-
pointing power purely a personal prerogative of her own, ignoring, in

HAWAIIAN islands: 735

other words, the majority of the Legislature and selecting whom she
chose for the cabiuet. The fight was a long and bitter one until, I
think it was, in IS^ovember, when she yielded to the opposition so far
as to call a member of the opposition Mr. G. N. Wilcox to form her
cabinet — known as the Wilcox cabinet. That cabinet was formed by
the Legislature and was composed of Mr. Wilcox, Mr. P. C. Jones, Mr.
Mark Kobinson, and Cecil Brown, and practically, for the first time since
the Legislature had convened some months before, they got down to a
working basis and things went along smoothly until two or three days
before the close of the Legislature, when the country was taken by
surprise to find that the Wilcox cabinet had been put out by vote of
want Of confidence, and the appointment by the Queen of a cabinet on
her old plan of simply personal authority. That cabinet was composed
of Samuel Parker, W. H. Oornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson,
if 1 remember rightly.

That cabinet did not possess the confidence of the business commu-
nity, and they were consequently disappointed at the selection. The
following day, I think, the Legislature passed what was known as the
lottery bill, legalizing the establishment of a lottery in Honolulu — a
bill that had been brought before the Legislature in the earlier months
of the session and had aroused a good deal of public opposition. The
opposition was so strong that it was, for a time, at least, withdrawn or
laid aside, and the community supposed for good. But it was rushed
through the third reading and the Queen signed the bill, making it law,
during the last days of the Legislature; I do not remember the exact
date. The opium bill was passed in very much the same way, licensing
the sale of opium. It is needless to say that the community was
aroused almost to the point of desperation, certainly of the deepest
indignation, over these rapidly succeeding acts of the Queen and her
party.

On Saturday, the 14th of January, the Legislature was prorogued in
the usual form, and immediately after that the Queen attempted to
promulgate — or rather attempted to overthrow the existing constitu-
tion and promulgate a new one which made certain radical changes in
the form of the Government.

Senator Frye. When the Jones- Wilcox cabinet was formed and the
lottery and opium bills had been defeated, before the Boston left the
harbor on the trip down to Hilo, had everything settled down to quiet t

Mr. Day. Everything was supposed to be settled when the Wilcox
cabinet went into office and the machinery of Government was going on
for the two months that they held office. Their dismissal, I think, on
a vote of want of e>oufidence was a complete surprise to the community.

Senator Frye. So that there was no expectation of any difficulty at
the time the Boston left the harbor and went down to Hilo!

Mr. Day. None whatever.

Senator Frye. That was supposed to be settled for the next eighteen
months— during the life of the Legislature?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. When the Boston left and there took place what you
were going to state — the Queen attempted to form a new constitution!

Mr. Day. The newsof rhatattemptspread through thecommunity with
great rapidity, and business men, property holders, professional men
of the community, all felt that it meant a crisis in the country's history.
The feeling was so intense that it was a spontaneous sentiment that
something radical would have to be done. In a hurried way a number
of business and professional men met at a central location in the city

736 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

(W. O. Smith's office) to discnss the situation, and it was there
decided that they should appoint a committee of thirteen (which has
become a historical number in Hawaiian affairs), to devise ways and
means of correcting what they considered abuses of the Crown, and to
take such measures as Hiey thought necessary for that purx>ose. The
feeling in the community was one of unrest, and the most intense excite-
ment prevailed during the day, the following day, and the Monday suc-
ceeding, and the Tuesday following the Monday. Nothing was accom-
plished, so far as I know, on Sunday; but Monday morning an
announcement was made that there woiild be a mass meeting held in
the afternoon by the citizens in favor of good government.

Senator Fbye. Was that a public announcement?

Mr. Day. A public announcement; yes. Accordingly, at 2 o'clock in
the afternoon, the meetiug was held in the armory on Beretania street.
That meeting was attended by the white men of the community, mostly
of all classes and nationalities. There must have been, I should judge,
1,200 or 1,300 men there, and it was an exceedingly quiet meeting. You
could tell by the expression of the men's faces that they understood
that it was a matter of extreme importance and gravity which con-
fronted them. At this meeting the speakers related the political his-
tory of the country for the last few months, and also a report of the com-
mittee was made, and speeches which incited the men to their duty
as citizens who wanted to preserve their civil liberties. The actionof the
committee in calling the meeting was ratified, with only one dissenting
voice, and also ordering the committee to go on still ftirther and take
such measures as they thought necessary for the maintainance of gov-
ernment and the protection of life and property. The meeting adjourned
about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, everyone feeling that we were on the
eve of a crisis. That evening the news came to me that the monarchy
was to be abrogated and that there was to be the establishment of a
a provisional form of government.

Senator Gray. When was that?

Mr. Day. That was Monday evening; and I think the word was
passed around pretty generally among the supporters of the Reform
party, as it was called. That evening about 5 o'clock troops from the
Boston were landed, and a detachment was sent to the legation, the
consulate, and Mr. Atherton's grounds on King street. The latter
detachment was afterward removed to Arion Hall. That night I
remember being aroused by the alarm of fire. It turned out to be a
small aft'air, supposed to be of incendiary origin, on Emma street.

Senator Gray. An outbuilding, was it not?

Mr. Day. That is my recollection — that it was an outbuilding. It
was a small fire. On the following day we understood that at a given
signal those who were in favor of the movement were to meet at the
Honolulu Rifles' armory, and with arms, and proceed upon the Govern-
ment building. I was returning from making a professional call shortly
after 2 o'clock in the afternoon, and passed the armory. I saw the men
collecting there

Senator Gray. You say that they were notified. Were you one of
those who were notified f

Mr. Day. !No. I saw a friend coming toward the armory. I asked
him what was the matter, and asked if the signal was given, and he
said that Goode had shot a policeman and they were going to proceed
at once ; so I put my horse away and put my revolver in my pocket and
hurried to the armory. I had planned myself, without discussing the
matter with anyone, to do my duty as a professional man. I had pro-

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 737

vided surgical dressings in considerable quantity for the wounded and
had taken my revolver to use simply in case of a conflict, which every
one expected. I went to the armory. Men were collecting from all
parts of the city, and I walked with them to the Government building.
The grounds were then fairly well filled with men bearing arms and
gathering crowds of people. I remained there an hour or more.

Senator Frye. When you got there what was going ont

Mr. Day. The troops were drawn up in line in front of the door.

Senator Feye, The Provisional Government troops t

Mr. Day. The troops of the Provisional Government. The men who
ha<l been collecting at the armory and walked over. They were drawn
up in line around the main entrance of the building. I remained there
an hour or more and learned that the proclamation abrogating the
monarchy had been read, but I did not hear it; 1 was not in proper
position to hear it. I then walked out the side entrance, saw the troops
of the Boston in the yard of Ariou Hall, not drawn up at all, not with
their muskets in their hands — most of them leaning up against the
fence, looking on at what was going on across the way.

Senator Geay. Did the troops have their muskets stacked?

Mr. Day. That is my recollection — that they were. They had a
guard pacing before the gate, but they were simply there looking out
— ^not under arms. I walked to the steps of the opera house, a short
distance away, and stood there a short time. I saw a commotion in
the crowd and they all looked toward the palace. I saw the royal
standard come down from the flagstaff upon the palace. I asked some
one who was standing near by what it meant. They did not know;
neither did I. I had with me at that time Dr. Delamater. We were
together. He was under my professional care and I thought it was not
best for him to be there any longer, so I took him home. I think after
that I went about my professional duties.

Senator Gray. Were you there, after this first hauling down of the
Hawaiian flag, when it was hauled up again!

Mr. Day. I do not remember about that; it was about that time I
left the opera house and took Dr. Delamater to his home.

Senator Feye. When you were at the Government building, at the
time this proclamation was read, did you remain there until the Pro-
visional Government men took possession of the Government building,
the archives, and all that — ^went in and took possession ?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. Were any U. S. marines around the Governernment
building t

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Feye. None at all there while you were there!

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Feye. None in sight of the Government building except
the two sentries!

Mr. Day. They were in the grounds of the building of Arion Hall,
across the street from the Government building.

Senator Feye. Inside the fence!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. Not out on the street!

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Geay. What sort of fence!

Mr. Day. Picket fence.

Senator Feye. They were not out on the street!

S. Rep, 227— -IT

738 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. DAT. No, not at all; except the sentry, who was pacing in front
of the gate.

Senator Fbte. Daring Monday your people feared there woold be
riots!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. Was that fear general!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. In your opinion was there danger to the American
people and their property at that time!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. Was American property scattered all around in that
section of the city!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. Did you know how general the alarm was amongst
the people at that time, on Monday! What were they afraid of prin-
cipally!

Mr. Day. They were afraid of riots and incendiarism and conflict
between the white men, who were determined to make a change, and
the natives.

Senator Frye, Did you know Minister Stevens!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Frye. Well!

Mr. Day. I treated most of his family during the time he was there.

Senator Frye. Were you the physician for Chief Justice Judd!

Mr. Day. Yes; I have treated nearly all his children and himself.

Senator Frye. Do you know whether or not there was any expecta-
tion on the part of the men who were engaged in behalf of the Pro-
visional Government that Minister Stevens was going to have the troops
help them!

Mr. Day. I had no such idea whatever. I supposed they were landed
simply for the protection of American interests aiid under the excite-
ment of the inevitable conflict that was coming.

Senator Frye. Did you expect the troops to take part in the conflict
as between the Queen and the Provisional Government!

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Frye. Do you know what the Provisional Government
expected — the leading men in the affair!

Mr. Day. I do not; I never heard that they did.

Senator Frye. Did the troops take any part!

Mr. Day. They did not.

Senator Frye. Do you know anything about what forces the Queen
had on that Monday!

Mr. Day. I know that she had the Queen's guard and the police.

Senator Frye. The Queen's guard consisted of about 75 men and the
police about 60!

Senator Gray. Ask Mr. Day how many they consisted of!

Senator Frye. Do you know how many they consisted of !

Mr. Day. The guard, I suppose, consisted of about 80 men, and the
police — I do not remember the exact number — I sup^iose 65 or 75.

Senator Frye. Do you know what armed forces the Queen had on
her part on Monday ?

Mr. Day. [ knew of none.

Senator Frye. Was there any fear on the part of the men of the
Provisional Government of a conflict with the Queen's forces!

Mr. Day. They had no fear at all; they feared a conflict, but had no
fe^ of the result.

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 739

Senator Frye. So far as you know, if the Boston bad been a tbons-
sand miles at sea would tbere bave been a different result?

Mr. Day. Tbere would bave been no diflfereuce in tbe result, except,
probably, it would have been wrought with blood.

Senator Fkye. But as to who would win they had no question?

Mr. Day. 'No.

Senator Feye. Was there any fear among the Provisional Govern-
ment's men of the Queen's Guard?

Mr. Day. I do not understand your question.

Senator Fbye. Among the white men, the Provisional Government's
men, was there any fear of the valor of the Queen's Guard?

Mr. Day. They expected they would fight, but they had no fear of
them.

Senator Feye. They were native Hawaiians, were they not?

Mr. Day. Native Hawaiians.

Senator Feye. Is there much fighting material among the native
Hawaiians?

Mr. Day. They are not a belligerent people.

Senator Feye. Quiet, good-natured people?
■ Mr. Day. They are.

Senator Feye. Were you in Honolulu during the Wilcox riot of 1889 ?

Mr. Day. I was in the islands; I was not in Honolulu just at that
time. I had gone to Mauai just at the time that occurred.

Senator Feye, Were troops landed at that time?

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Feye. What is the character of these men who are now in
control of the Government?

Mr. Day. They are the best men in the community.

Senator Feye. Compare favorably .with men here?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. Men of education, most of them?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. Were you there when the fiag was hauled down?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. Was there any commotion?

Mr. Day. None.

Senator Feye. In your opinion, can the Provisional Government
maintain itself?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Feye. The chief followers of the Queen are whom?

Mr. Day. Hawaiians and half-whites.

Senator Feye. Natives, you mean?

Mr. Day. Natives.

Senator Feye. Half- whites?

Mr. Day. Half- whites, and a large proportion of English people.

Senator Feye. What kind of men were those whom the Queen pub
into her cabinet — Corn well and Colbum?

Mr. Day. They were not men who commanded the confidence of the
community.

Senator Geay. That is, of what you called the best men of the com-
munity; or do you mean the whole population?

Mr. Day. I should say that tbey did not command the confidence of
a large majority of the white community.

Senator Geay. Were you in Honolulu when Mr. Blount was there?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Geay; Did yoa have any communicatioQS with, hiux^

740 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Day. Only professionally.

Senator Gbay. You did not appear before liiin as a witness f

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Obay. What time did you leave tlie islands T

Mr. Day. The 8th of August. I left Honolulu on the same steamer
that Mr. and Mrs. Blount came on.

Senator Gbay. Game from there here; that is, to the United States?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Have you read Mr. Blount's report!

Mr. Day. No ; extracts only.

Senator Fbyb. So far as you know anything about the affairs of the
islands during this time, did Mr. Stevens have anything to do with this
revolution f

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Fbye. Did you attend Mr. Stevens?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Do you remember Mr. Stevens being sick during the
time of the revolution f

Mr. Day. I do not remember. I did not attend him if he was sick
during that time. I attended his daughters more than I did him,
although that was some little time before that.

Senator Gbay. You say you went to the Hawaiian Islands in 1887 1

Mr. Day. Yes; to reside.

Senator Gbay. And practice your profession!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Of what state are you a citizen!

Mr. Day. Illinois.

Senator Gbay. Did you become a citizen of the Hawaiian Islands !

Mr. Day. I am a voter there.

Senator Gbay. Are you a citizen!

Mr. Day. I do not know just what the laws are in that respect.

Senator Gbay. Did you ever become naturalized!

Mr. Day. I did not take out naturalization papers.

Senator Gbay. Do you still consider yourself a citizen of tiie United
States!

Mr. Day. I believe that is a question that has not been decided.

Senator Gbay. Do you consider yourself such!

Mr. Day. I call myself an American.

Senator Fbye. You did not forswear your allegiance to the United
States!

Mr. Day. I did not forswear my allegiance to the United States,
but I did sign the constitution which requires a voter to support the
constitution.

Senator Gbay. Did you attend this meeting on Monday!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Were you a supporter of that meeting!

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator 6k ay. Were you there when the troops landed I

Mr. Day. I was in Honolulu.

Senator Gbay. I mean in town.

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Did you see the troops!

Mr. Day. I saw them in the evening.

Senator Gbay. You did not see them march up from the landinir!

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Quay, You ^vcrc not present at the lacdiug!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 741

Mr. Day. Ko; in driving about in the evening on my professional
rounds I saw them.

Senator Gbay. You spoke of being informed — ^notice was passed
around on Monday evening that there was to be a movement to estab-
lish a provisional government. Did you get that uoticef

Mr. Day. I got a statement.

Senator Gbay. On information?

Mr. Day. Information; yes, sir. It should hardly be dignified as an
official notice.

Senator Gbay. Who informed youf

Mr. Day. Mr. George Smith.

Senator Gray. The person at whose office the meetings were held?

Mr. Day. No; he is a wholesale druggist there.

Senator Gbay. Not the Mr. Smith who is a member of the Provi-
sional Government?

Mr. Day. Ko.

Senator Gbay. Was Mr. George Smith a supporter of the movement?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gbay. Is he an American?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gbay. How many Americans were on the committee of
safety?

Mr. Day. I do not know; I will have to look over the list to tell
you that.

Senator Gbay. Henry A. Cooper?

Mr. Day. Do you mean by Americans the same as myself, born in
the United States and living there under the laws and having sworn
to support the Hawaiian constitution and abide by their laws?

Senator Gbay. You may call it an American living there and in
business there.

Mr. Day. I do not know how our statutes are; whether we are
Americans.

Senator Gbay. The same as yourself.

Mr. Day. Yes; Henry A. Cooper is an American^ the same as 1 am.

Senator Gbay. F. W. McChesney?

Mr. Day. American.

Senator Gbay. W. C. Wilder!

Mr. Day. American.

Senator Gbay. C. Bolte?

Mr. Day. German.

Senator Gbay. Andrew Brown?

Mr. Day. Scotchman.

Senator Gbay. William O. Smith?

Mr. Day. Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. Henry Waterhouse?

Mr. Day. English.

Senator Gbay. Theodore F. Lansing?

Mr. Day. American.

Senator Gbay. Edward Shur?

Mr. Day. German.

Senator Gray. L. A. Thurston?

Mr. Day. Hawaiian.

Senator Gbay. That is, he was bom theret

Mr. Day. A Hawaiian of American parenti^gQb

iSenator Gbay. John Emmeluth?

Mr. Day. I think he is a German.

Senator Gbay. W. B. Castle?

742 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Day. An Hawaiian.

Senator Gray. J. A. McCaudlesst

Mr. Day. An American.

Senator Gray. Were they all voters, the same as yout

Mr. Day. Yes; many of them are old residents of tlie country.

Senator Fryb. Is there anythinji^ that occurs to you that you would
like to state in connection with this matter? If there is anything that
you know about the revolution that occurred about that time, and it is
legitimate, you may state it.

Mr. Day. I would like to state my opinion, if you will allow me,
about the landing of the American troops — ^my individual opinion.

Senator Fbyk. Yes.

Mr. Day. It seemed to me as though it was the duty of the American
minister, under the conditions, to land the troops for the protection of
American property.

Senator Gray. And life!

Mr. Day. And the lives of women and children that might be sacri-
ficed, perhaps. I think that duty devolved not only upon him, but
upon all ministers there, to land troops for the protection of the citizens
and their lives; but the Boston was the only ship in the waters at the
time. The same thing has been done during the last crisis by the
British and Japanese, by landing troops from their ships.

Senator Frye. What do you call the last crisis?

Mr. Day. During the time when there was, apparently, danger of
conflict between the Provisional Government and the royalists at an
attempted restoration of the Queen.

Senator Gray. While you were there?

Mr. Day. No.

Senator Frys. That has been since the Provisional Government was
established?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gray. After you left the islands?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gray. That is hearsay.

Senator Frye. Did most of the valuable property in Honolulu belong
to men of American birth?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gray. Do you know Mr. Thurston?

Mr. Day. Yes.

Senator Gray. Have you seen him since you have been here?

Mr. Day. I saw him for a few minutes last evening.

Senator Frye. When did you arrive, yesterday?

Mr. Day. Last evening.

Senator Frye. Did you call on Mr. Thurston or did he call on you?

Mr. Day. I called on him.

Senator Frye. Was Dr. Delamater with you last evening when you
called?

Mr^ Day. Yes; Mr. Irwin, Dr. Delamater, and I called on Mr. Thurs-
ton. Mr. Thurston is an old patient of mine.

8W0BN STATEMENT OF BOSWELL BAHDALL E0E8.

Senator Frye. Are you a chaplain in the Navy?
Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Frye. Rave you cv«t \i^^\i in Honolulu?
Mr. Hoes. I \iave.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 743

Senator Pbye When and how long were you there t

Mr. Hoes. I reached Honolulu on the U. S. S. Pensacola September
25, 1891, and remained there until March 9, 1893.

The Chairman. Who was your captain?

Mr. Hoes. The commanding officer of the Pensacola was Capt. Albert
Kantz, U. S. Navy.

Senator Frye. What were you doing there during that time?

Mr. Hoes. 1 went there as chaplain of the PenaacoUi^ and, having con-
siderable leisure, apart from my professional duties, I commenced a study
of the history of the country, pursuing it as carefully and critically
a8 the books and pamphlets at my command would permit.

The Chairman. Do you mean to say that you stayed ashore from
1891 to 1893?

Mr. Hoes. Ko; I will explain that. I was officially attached to the
Pensacola while she remained in Hawaiian waters, and performed my
duties accordingly; but, having considerable leisure at my disposal, as
already said, 1 engaged in historical studies, and was instrumental,
with Prof. Alexander, J. S. Emerson, and others, in organizing the
Hawaiian Historical Society, and was officially connected with that
organization until I left Honolulu. The Queen, subsequently hearing
that I was so deeply interested in historical research, applied to Secre-
tary Blaine, through iViinister Stevens, tor permission for me to remain
in Honolulu after the Pensacola left, to prepare a bibliography of
Hawaii, and also to examine and arrange the early archives of the Gov-
ernment, which were in a state of disgraceful confusion. I was subse-
quently detached and remained in Honolulu until the time stated.

The Chairman. If the Queen made that application of her own
motion she could not have been a very ignorant woman?

Mr. Hoes. No one ever claimed that respecting the Queen. As a
matter of fact, however, the Queen took this action upon the advice of
Prof. Alexander, the recognized historian of the country, and of others
who were interested in the history of Hawaii and the preservation of
its early archives.

Senator Frye. Did you keep a scrapbook?

Mr. Hoes. I kept a scrapbook of the first days of the revolution. It
was made up of all the cuttings relating in any way to the revolution,
taken from the Advertiser, a supporter of the Provisional Govern-
ment, and the Bulletin and Holomua, both of which then and subse-
quently advocated the cause of the Queen.

Senator Frye. In that scrap book does there appear the recognitions
of the Provisional Government by the various governments represented
in Honolulu?

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Frye. The letters of recognition sent by the various Gov-
ernments represented in the Hawaiian Islands do not appear of record
here, and I think they ought to come in. They are as follows:

Consulate of Chile,
Honolulu^ Hawaiian Islands^ January 18^ 1893.

Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the proc-
lamation issued yesterday, whereby I am informed, for reasons set
forth, the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a provisional
government established, the same being now in possession of Gov-
ernment departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and
whereby you request me to recognize the said Provisional GoverumaiSLt

744 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

aa the de facto Government on behalf of the Government of Chile, and
»to afford to it the moral support of my Government.

In response I have the honor to say that I comply with the above
request and recognize the said Provisional Government as the defaeto
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, so far as my authority as consul
for Chile may permit me to act for and on behalf of the Government of
the Eepublic of Chile in the premises. I have the honor to be, gentle-
men,

Your very obedient servant,

F. A. SCHAEFEB,

Consul for Chile.
Hons. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
W. O. Smith,

Executive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of the Hawaiian Islands,

AUSTRO-HUNaABIAN CONSULATE, HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

Honolulu^ January 18j 1893.

To the Executive Council of the Provisional Government in Hawaii^
Messrs. Sanford B. Dole, J, A. King, P. C. Jones, and Willinm O.
Smith:

Gentlemen : I have the honor to own receipt of your esteemed favor
of yesterday's date, and hereby take much pleasure to recognize and
acknowledge on behalf of the Austro-Hungarian Government the pres-
ent Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and that I shall do all in my
power to further and support the same.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,

H. F. Glade,
Austro-Hungarian ConsuL

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 18^ 1893.

Gentlemen : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your com-
munication of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the proclama-
tion issued yesterday, informing me that for reasons set forth the
Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated, and a Provisional Govern-
ment established, and requesting me to recognize the said Provisional
Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and
to afford to it the moral support of my Government,

In answer, I have the honor to state that I comply with the above
request, and recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, within the scope of my authority.
I have the honor to be, gentlemen^ your obedient servant,

H. Benjes,
Consul for Mexico.
Hons. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
W. O. Smith,
Executive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of the Hawaiian Islands.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 745

Vice-Consulate of Eussia,

Honolulu^ January 18^ 1893.

Sirs: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your communica-
tion of 17th inst., and in reply beg to inform you that I take pleasure
to recognize the Provisional Government of Hawaii as defined in the
proclamation inclosed in your letter, on behalf of the Government of
Bussia, and I shall afford to it my moral support as representative of
the country last named.

I have the honor to be, sirs, your most obedient servant,

J. F. Hackfeld,
Acting Vwe-Consul.
Messrs. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
William O. Smith,

Executive Council of the Provisional Government

of Hawaii, Ronolula.

Consulate of the Netherlands,

Honolulu, January 18y 1893,

Sib: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the communi-
cation of the executive council of the Provisional Government of the
Hawaiian Islands announcing the abrogation of the Hawaiian mon-
archy,of your possession of the Government, departmental buildings, the
archives, and the treasury, as well as being in tontrol of the city.

Added to the above is your request for the official recognition of the
existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands on behalf of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands, which I have the honor to represent, and
to give you the moral support of my Government.

In reply I take pleasure in assuring the gentlemen of the executive
council, that I cordially extend to them ^11 assent to their claim for
recognition, and of my intention to add such moral support as may
come within the scope 6f my consular authority.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your very obedient servant,

John H. Paty,
Consul for the NetherUinds.
Messrs. S. B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
W. O. Smith,
Executive Council, Hawaiian Provisional Oovernment, etc.

Impebiax German Consulate,
Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu^ January 18, 1893,

To the Executive Council of the Provisional Government i7i Haicaii,Messrs,
Sanford B. Dole, J. A. King, P. 0. Jones, W. 0. Smith:

Gentlemen : I have the honor to own receipt of your esteemed favor
of yesterday's date, and hereby take much pleasure to recognize and
acknowledge on behalf of the Government of Germany the present
Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and that I shall do all in my
power to further and support the same.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,

H. F. Glade,
Imperial German Consul,

746 HAWAIIAN ISLAND?

KONGL SWENSTA OCH WORSTA KONFULATET,

Honolulu, Januury 18 j 1893.

Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
Excellency's communication of January 17 informing me that the
Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and that a provisional Govern-
ment has been established in Hawaii for reasons set forth in a procla-
mation, of which you sent me a copy; also that such Provisional Govern-
ment has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the governmental
departmental buildings, the archives and the treasury^ and is in con-
trol of the city.

In reply to yourrequestto recognize the Provisional Government and
ai!brd it the moral support of my Government, I beg to say that I do
recognize it as the existing de facto government of theHawaiian Islands,
and that I shall report to my Government immediately.

I have the honor to remain, your excellencies', your most obedient
servant,

H. W. Schmidt.

Honolulu, January 18, 1B93.

Gentlemen: I have the honor to own the receipt of your commu-
nication of yesterday's date, together with a copy ot the proclamation
issued yesterday, informing me that for reasons set forth the Hawaiian
monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government estab-
lished, and requesting me to recognize the said Provisional Govern-
ment on behalf of the Spanish Government as tbe existing de facto
government of the Hawaiian Islands, and to afford to it the morsd
support of my Government.

In response, I have the honor to say that I comply with the above

request and recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto

government of the Hawaiian Islands within the scope of my authority.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,

H. Benjes,
Yice- Consul for Spain.
Hons. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
p. C. Jones,
W. O. Smith,
Executive Council of the Provisional Oovemmeni

of the Hawaiia/n Islands.

His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Consulate-General,

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19, 1893.

Gentlemen: The receipt of your communication, dated the 17th
instant, inclosing a copy of proclamation issued on the same day, inform-
ing me that for reasons set forth in said proclamation the Hawaiian
monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional Government estab-
lished, which is now in possession of the Government departmental
buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and requesting me on behalf
of H. I. J. M.'s Government to recognize said Provisional Government
as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, pending the receipt

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 747

of instructions from H. I. J. M.'s Government, to whom advices of your
action and of the position which I have taken in relation thereto have
heen despatched.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient servant^

SUBURO FUJII,

Agent and Consul- Oenerah

Hons. Sanford B. Dole, J. A. Kma, P. C. Jones, Wm. O. Smith,
Executive Council of the Provisional

Oovernment of the Hawaiian Islands.

Honolulu, January 18y 1893.

Gentlemen : I have th^ honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of yesterday's date, together with a copy of the procla-
mation issued yesterday, whereby you inform me that for reasons set
forth the Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and a Provisional
Government established, the same being now in possession of the
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury,
and whereby you request me to recognize the said Provisional Govern-
ment on behalf of the Government of Italy as the existing de facto
Government of the Hawaiian Islands and to aftbrd to it the moral sup-
port of my Government.

In response I have the honor to say that I comply with the above
request, and recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto
Government of the Hawaiian Islands so far as my authority as consul
for Italy may permit me to act lor and on behalf of His Italian Majesty's
Government in the premises.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your very obedient servant,

F. A. Sohaefer,

Consul for Italy.

Hons. Sanford B. Dole, J. A. King, P. C. Jones, and W. Q. Smith,
Executive Council of the Provisional

Oovernment of the Hawaiian Islands.

[Translation.]

Consulate-General of PoRTXiaAL in Hawah,

Honolulu^ January 18^ 1893.

SiB: You inform me by your letter of the 17th instant that, for the
reason set forth in the proclamation which accompanies it, the
Hawaiian monarchy has been abrogated and that a Provisional Gov-
ernment, which has been established in its place, is at this moment in
possession of the Government buildings and master of the capital.

Under these circumstances 1 recognize the Provisional Government
as being the de facto Government of Hawaii, and I hasten to submit
the decision I have just taken to my Government.

Accept, sir, the assurance of my very distinguished consideration.

A. de Souza Oanavarro,
Consul' Oeneral and Charg4 W Affaires of Portugal.

Monsieur S. B. Dole,

President of the Executive Council of the Provisioiial Oovernme^U

748 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

British Legation,

Honolulu, January 19 j 1693.

Gentlemen: The receipt of your communication of the 17th instant
is acknowledged, together with a copy of the proclamation, informing
me that for reasons set forth in said proclamation the Hawaiian mon-
archy has been abrogated, and a Provisional Government established,
and whereby you ask me to recognize the said Provisional Government
on behalf of Her Britannic Majesty's Government as the existing de facto
Government, and to aiibrd it the moral support of my Government.

In reply, I beg to say that I recognize the Provisional Government as
the existing de facto Government pending instructions from my Gov-
ernment.

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

James H. Wodehouse,

H. B, M?B Minister Resident.

To the Members of the Executive Council of the

Provisional Oovernment of the Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu.

United States Legation,
Honolulu, Hiwaiian Islands, January 17y 1893.

A provisional government having been duly constituted in place of
the recent Government of Queen Lilioukalani, and said Provisional Gov-
ernment being in full possession of the Government buildings, the
archives, and the treasury, and in control of the capital of the Hawai-
ian Islands, I hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the
de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.

John L. Stevens,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.

Royal Danish Consulate,

Honolulu, January 18, 1893.

Sms: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communi-
cation of yesterday's date, inclosing a copy of proclamation issued last
evening, informing me, that for reasons set forth in sai4 proclamation,
the Hawaiian Monarchy has been abrogated and a provisional govern-
ment established, which is now in possession of the Government depart-
mental buildings, the archives, and the treasury^ and requesting me, on
behalf of the Government of Denmark, to recognize said Provisional
Government as the de facto government of the Hawaiian Islands, and
to accord to it the moral supi)ort of my Government.

In reply, I have the honor to state that I hereby comply with the

above request, recognizing the said Provisional Government as the de

facto government of the Hawaiian Islands, to the extent that my

authority will allow me to act, pending a reply from my Government.

I have the honor to be, sirs, yours, most obediently,

E. C. MagFablane,
Acting Vice- Consul for Denmark.
Messrs. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
William O. Smith,

Executive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of the Hawaiian Iskmds.

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 749

Consulate op Bblgium, January 18^ 1893.

Sirs: I have the honor to ^knowledge receipt of your communica-
tion of 17th instant, and in reply beg to inform you that I take pleasure
to recognize the Provisional Governmeut of Hawaii as defined in the
proclamation inclosed in your letter on behalf of the Government of
Belgium, and I shall to it my moral support as representative of
the country last named.

I have the honor to be, sirs, your most obedient servant,

J. Hackfeld,

CansuU
Messrs. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. G. Jones,
William O. Smith,

Executive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of Sawaiij Honolulu.

Chinese Commercial Agency,

Honolulu^ January 18^ 1893.

Gentlemen : We have the honor to acknowledge a receipt of your
circular letter of the 17th instant covering a copy of the proclamation
issued yesterday, whereby you inform us that the Hawaiian monarchy
has been abrogated and a provisional government established, the lat-
ter being now in possession of the Government departmental buildings,
the archives, and the treasury, and whereby you request us to recognize
the said Provisional Government on behalf of the Government of the
Empire of China as the existing de facto government of the Hawaiian
Islands and to afford to it the moral support of our Government.

In answer we have the honor to say that we comply with your request
and recognize the said Provisional Government as the de facto govern-
ment of the Hawaiian Islands so far as our authority as commercial
agents of China may allow us to act for and on behalf of His Imperial
Chinese Majesty's Government.
We have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servants,

Goo Kim,
Chinese Commercial Agent,
Won6 Kwai,
Assistant Chinese Commercial Agent.
Hens. Sanfobd B. Dole,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
William O. Smith,

Executive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of the Hawaiian Islands.

Office of the Peruvian Consulate,

Honolulu^ January 18j 1893.

Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
valued communication of the 17th instant, inclosing a copy oi the
proclamation then issued, wherein it is set forth that the Hawaiian
monarchy has been abrogated and a provisional government estab-
lisliciL

750 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

You retjuest me to recognize said government on behalf of the Grov-
ernmeiit of Peru as the de fcLcto government of the Hawaiian Islands,
and to aflord to it the moral support of my Government.

I have the honor to state, in reply, that I take pleasure in complying
with your request, and I hereby recognize the said government as the
de facto government of the Hawaiian Islands, in so far as my authority
in the x)remi8es will permit.
I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,

£bug£ Cartwright,

Consul for Peru,
Hons. Sanford B. Dolb,
J. A. King,
P. C. Jones,
Wm. O. Smith,

Members of the Executive Council of the
• Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands.

[Translation.]

Consulate and Commissariat of France in Hawaii,

Honolulu^ January 18y 1893.

Sir: I have receivjed the letter dated the 17th of this mouth by
which you inform me that for the reasons indicated in the text of the
proclamation which you handed to me on the same day, the members
of the executive council, of which you are a part, have proclaimed,
yesterday, the abrogation of the Hawaiian monarchy and the establish-
ment of a provisional government.

In acknowledging the receipt of this communication I at once inform
you that I have informed my Government of the events which have
just taken place in this archipelago, adding that I recognize the actual
condition of affairs pending instruction.

Accept, sir, the assurances of my most distinguished consideration,

ViZZAVONA.

Monsieur Dole,

President of the Executive Council of the

Provisional Oovernmentj Honolulu.

Senator Gray. Were these printed contemporaneously with their
recognition t

Mr. Hoes. Yes. If it is desired I can state a very interesting point
that I happen to know from personal knowledge in regard to the Eng-
lish recognition.

The Chairman. We are trying to ascertain when it was.

Mr. Hoes. I was present in the room of the Provisional Govern-
ment the first afternoon it was organized.

The Chairman. What date was that!

Mr. Hoes. Saturday being the 14th, that was the 17th, Tuesday.

Senator Gray. You were where!

Mr. Hoes. As I said, I was present in the room of the Pr»jvisional
Government the afternoon it held its first meeting, and while I Was
there the English commissioner, Maj. Wodehouse, came into the room
and hjid a whispered conv^ersation with President Dole which could
not be heard, at least by me, and I do not think by anyone except the
President. A short time after that, probably within one hour, I had

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 751

a short conversation with Maj. Wodehouse on the porch of the Gov-
ernment house in which he told me that he had recognized the Pro-
visional Government. I suppose, of course, the inference was he had
done it informally. I state this because there was a delay of twenty-
four hours, or more, before he recognized the Government in writing.
While his formal recognition was not made as early as those of the other
representatives in Honolulu, he was in reality the first to recognize
the new government, with the possible exception of the U. S. minister,
Mr. Stevens.

Senator Fbye. Were you there when Mr. Stevens sent in his recog-
nition f

Mr. Hoes. I suppose I was, but I can not swear positively as to that.

Senator Frye. But you think Mr. Wodehouse was the first one!

Mr. Hoes. I do not know whether he preceded or succeeded Mr.
Stevens.

Senator Frye. What time was it that you were there and Mr. Wode-
house was there?

Mr. Hoes. If I were aske<f what time Mr. Wodehouse had the whis-
pered conversation with Mr. Dole I could not swear to it, but I should
venture to say not far from 4 o'clock — in fact, probably after 4 o'clock.

The Chairman. Will you allow me to inquire what sort of a man
Mr. Dole is? Give your description as you understand him. I would
like to know something about his character and temper.

Mr. Hoes. I am personally and intimately acquainted with President
Dole. I regard him as mentally, morally, intellectually, and I may
add, physically, one of the finest types of men I have ever met. He
is broad minded ; he is conservative; he is dispassionate; and I believe
I state the opinion of most men in that country when I say that he is
more highly looked up to and respected than any other man in public
and political life in that country.

The Chairman. From your knowledge of his character and bearing,
would you suppose that he would be engaged in a mere adventure for
revolutionizing the country for the purpose of getting political power
into his hands?

Mr. Hoes. I do not think that any such thought or suggestion could
enter the mind of any man living in Honolulu or the Hawaiian king-
dom.

The Chairman. As to Dole?

Mr. Hoes. As to President Dole.

Senator Frye. Were you there from the 1st of January, 1893, until
aft«r the revolution?

Mr. Hoes. I was.

Senator Frye. You may state, if you please, what you observed as
taking place in the Legislature of the Hawaiian Islands during the
month of December preceding the revolution.

Mr. Hoes. That is a pretty broad question. It was a continuous
scene of disordry and disgracefulness.

Senator Frye. In what particular?

Mr. Hoes. Bribery, undignified wrangle, and a perpetual fight to
npset one ministry and to replace it with another.

Senator Frye. What ministry were they undertaking to upset?

Mr. Hoes. I could not carry the names of the various ministers
composing the several cabinets in my mind any more than I could the
movements of the men in a game of chess.

Senator Frye. You know the Wilcox-Jones cabinet?
' Mr, Hobs, y^St

752 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Feye. That was composed of respectable meni

Mr. Hoes. Higlily.

Senator Fbye. Having the confidence of the peoplet

Mr. Hoes. Having the confidence of the better class of the people,
but not having the confidence of the class of the people led by
unscrupulous aSveuturcrs like C. W. Ashford and others like him,
totally devoid of character.

Senator Frye. Was there an attempt being made to oust that cabi-
net?

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

The Chairman. Were those attempts made for the purpose of per-
sonal aggrandizement of power or for questions that were upt

Mr. Hoes. My understanding was, and I think the understanding of
most of the honest men there was, that it was a fight between so-called
royal prerogative on the one hand and honest government on the
other — a contest between the Queen and her desire for personal and
autocratic power on the one hand, and the better and higher interests of
the Hawaiian people on the other.

The Chairman. That is a very general statement and 1 want to
inquire of you whetlier this political controversy had reference to any
particular legislation or executive action in reference to changes in the
constitution, or any other thing — whether there was any real question.

Mr. Hoes. I think at last it had primary reference to the passage of
the so-called " lottery bill."

Senator Frye. Do you remember when the Boston left the harbor
and went down to Hilof

Mr. Hoes. Yes; very well.

Senator Frye. At that time the Jones- Wilcox cabinet was in power,
was it not?

Mr. Hoes. It was.

Senator Frye. State whether or not at that time there was a feeling
of security that it would remain in power and that the thing was settled.

Mr. Hoes. Yes; and 1 know, moreover, that it was the prevalent
opinion among the best classes there that the lottery bill and lottery
agitation would not be introduced again. It was the belief at that
time that it had received its death blow at an earlier stage of the
legislative proceedings, and, resting upon that belief, several of the
legislators who would have vot^ against it, believing that all
important legislation had already been transacted, left for their homes.
This so weakened the numerical strength of the party of good order
and the anti-lottery element in the legislature, that those who were
in favor of the lottery saw that their chance had come, and, in the
absence of the members referred to, and especially in the absence of
the Boston and Mr. Stevens, the American minister, sprung the lot-
tery bill very suddenly upon the legislature, and carried it through.

Senator Frye. And they overturned the Jones-Wilcox cabinetf

Mr. Hoes. Yes. I do not think I make any mistake in stating, iu
order to show with what haste the whole thing was managed, that the
official announcement to the Legislature that the Queen had signed that
lottery bill was made to the Legislature the very same morning that the
Queen prorogued that body.

Senator Frye. So that when the Boston actually sailed there was a
feeling of security that the conditions of peace were to last until the end
oi that Legislature f

Mr. UoKs. I believe that was the general feeling and belief.

Senator Fryk. When the Boston sailed tliero commeuccH^ a sUuggle

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 753

in the Legislataret Did that end in the enactment of the lottery and
opiam bills?

Mr. Hoes. It did of the lottery bill; I am not clear in my mind as to
the opium bill, because everybody was so concerned in the fate of the
lottery bill that its discussion overshadowed everything else.

Senator Fbte. Did that not result in the displacement of the Jone&-
Wilcox cabinet?

Mr. Hoes. It did.

Senator Fbye. Do you remember the return of the Boston on Satur-
day the 14th t

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Fryb. Were you present and a spectator of most of the
things that took place on the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17tli of January,
1893!

Mr. Hoes. Most all of them.

Senator Fbye. Will you state day after day what was going on!

The Chaibman. Commencing, I suppose, with the arrival of the
Boston in the port of Honolulu?

Mr. Hoes. When the Queen prorogued the Legislature I saw her
leave the building in her state carriage and go to the palace. A few
minutes subsequently I went home. Not long thereafter, I learned by
telephone that the Queen had promulgated, or was about to promulgate,
a new constitution. I went at once to the palacci grounds, and found
collected there a large crowd of njitives listening to a harangue by a
member of the late Legislature and friend of the Queen, named White,
who spoke from the front steps of the palace. The action of the
Queen created a great deal of excitement in the community — a sup-
pressed, but at the same time a determined excitement.

The Chaibman. State what came under your personal observation.

Mr. Hoes. The next day was Sunday. The excitement continued.
Everyone wondered what was to come next, and what was to be done
next. Monday came and a poster was seen upon the street.

Senator Fbye. Was that the poster [exhibiting paper] t

Mr. Hoes. It was a poster similar to this. I got this from the
printing office.

Senator Fbye. How was it seen upon the streets t Was it posted t

Mr. Hoes. Posted about the streets.

The Chaibman. You mean on the houses!

Mr. Hoes. Publicly posted, in the usual manner.

Senator Fbye. Calling for a meeting on Monday aftemoont

Mr. Hoes. Yes. Shall I read this!

Senator Fbye. You may.

Mr. Hoes. The poster is as follows:

"Mass meeting. A mass meeting of citizens wDl be held at the Ber-
etania Street armory on Monday, January 16, at 2 p. m., to consider
the present critical situation. Let all business places be closed. Per
order of committee of safety. Honolulu, January 14, 1893.''

Senator Fbye. Well!

Mr. Hoes. I attended the meeting at the armory Monday afternoon,
January 16. I was told that it was a larger and more enthusiastic
meeting tban gathered in the same place at the time of the revolution
of 1887. I am informed that it was the most enthusiastic and unani-
mous meeting — I mean unanimous in the sentiments which seemed to
pervade the people — of any state or political meeting ever held in Hon-
olulu. That meeting appointed a committee of safety.

B. Rep. 227 48

754 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Chaibman. Ton say you were told that. What was youp
opinion?

Mr. Hoes. I was not there in 1887^ and therefore have no opinion on
that point.

The Chaibman. What is your opinion about the enthusiasm and
zeal and unanimity of feeling at the meeting you attended.

Mr. Hoes. I was told

The Chaibman. Not what you were told.

Mr. Hoes. The enthusiasm and zeal of the meeting were its most
conspicuous characteristics, and there was absolute unanimity of word
and action. The resolutions that were offered were unanimously passed.
There was no unhealthful excitement displayed. The people were nat-
urally somewhat excited, but they had great confidence in Mr. Thurston
and others who composed the committee of safety. They placed dis-
cretionary power in the hands of that committee, and the meeting
adjourned. If there had been any persons present at that meeting
who desired to offer opinions adverse to those which had been expressed
by the speakers, I believe they would have been allowed vo do so.
There were none such offered or suggested.

The Chaibman. You believe that!

Mr. Hoes. I do 5 but of course. I could not prove it. It would be only
a matter of belief; but at all events no one offered to speak on the other
side. The meeting adjourned and most of the crowd then poured down
in front of the palace where they thought the meeting of natives in
behalf of the Queen was in progress. I can not »ay what the feeling of
that crowd was, or what their motive was in going around there, but I
know wlrat my own motive was — ^it was a feeling of curiosity and a desire
to be present and see a row if there should be any, and I expected there
would be one. I believe I had every reason to think so.

Senator Fbye. When you got there what was going on?

Mr. Hoes. The meeting of natives had a4joumed and the people had
dispersed. I ought to go back and speak of something that occurred
Monday morning. This meeting was held Monday afternoon, January
16. Monday morning a newspaper supplement appeared on the
street, in the Hawaiian language, which was issued from the printing
office of John E. Bush, and a copy of which you hold in your hand.

Senator Fbte. Was that in the Hawaiian language?

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Gbay. When was that posted!

Mr. Hoes. It was not posted, it was handed around to the crowd
by carriers.

Senator Gbay. What day!

Mr. Hoes. The morning of the day this meeting was held at the
armory — Monday, January 16.

Senator Ob at. Can you translate that poster!

Mr. Hoes. No.

The Chaibman. Do you know what printing office it was printed at!

Mr. Hoes. At Ka Leo O Ka Lahui printing office, I supx>ose. I
wanted to speak of another point. It is in connection with the landing
of the troops. The troops landed Monday. Monday night I heard an
alarm of fire and I went to the fire.

Senator Gbay. Were you keeping house!
^ Mr. Hoes. No. I kept house until my family returned to the United
States, shortly before the revolution. There was an alarm of fire Mon-
day night, and I went to the fire. It was one of two fires that
occurred that night. I was informed that the natives and those who

HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 755

led them had said that in case of the dethronement of the Queen the
conduit pipes of the city would be tampered with, and that prominent
houses would be burned.

Senator Gray. Who informed yout

Mr. Hoes. That was current rumor in Honolulu about that time.
There are some things concerning which I can not speak from positive
knowledge, but which were matters of x>opular rumor. But there was
a feeling of fear prevalent; no one could tell what might be done, or
what might not be done, by natives led on by white adventurers, who
were aiming to excite the passions of the natives.

Senator Fbye. There was a pervading fear that there would be
trouble?

Mr. Hoes. Yes. There were, as I have said, two fires that night,
«ne on Beretania street and another at Emma Square.

Senator Fbte. Did you think that night that Ufe and property were
in danger?

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Was there a feeling during Monday that the lives
and property of Americans would be in danger!

Mr. Hoes. There was a pervading fear of uncertainty. I believe
that a great many people felt that their lives and property were in
danger. After that meeting at the armory was held there was a
feeling of insecurity. The meeting having placed broad discretionary
powers into the hands of the committee of safety, the people awaited
with patience and confidence the result of their deliberations. The
next afternoon, Tuesday, came the reading of the proclamation
dethroning the Queen and proclaiming the Provisional Oovernment by
the committee of safety.. I was present at the Oovernment house
when the first troops of the Provisional Government filed in.

Senator Gray. The Government house t

Mr. Hoes. The Government house. A sturdy, determined-looking
set of men filed in there with muskets and rifles.

Senator Geay. How many in the first squad f

Mr. Hoes. In the first squad that went in there might have been
25 and there might have been 50.

Senator Fbye. Were you there when the proclamation was read?

Mr. Hoes. I think I must have been there between five and ten
minutes afterward, not longer than that.

Senator Fbye. Were many people in front of the Government build-
ings t

Mr. Hoes. Not many.

Senator Fbye. Did the Provisional Government take possession of
the public buildings?

Mr. Hoes. They had absolute possession at that time of what is
called the Government building, containing the offices of administra-
tion.

Senator Fbye. They immediately after that issued an << order^" Jan-
nary 17, on Tuesday, calling for arms?

Mr. Hoes. Yes; I have one here.

Senator Fbye. Did they issue that!

Mr. Hoes. Yes. Shall I read it I

Senator Fbye. Yes. '

756 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Hoes. It reads as follows :

"Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 17^ 1893,

"PEO VISIONAL aOYEENMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Obdeb Ifo. 1.

"All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian
iBlands are hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at
the Government building and to furnish to the Government such arms
and ammunition as they may have in their possession or control as
soon as possible in order that efficient and complete protection of life
and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently be
put into operation

"Sanfobd B. Dole,
«'J. A. Bjng,
"P. 0. Jones,
"William O. Smith,
^^Uxecutive Council of the Provisional Oovernment

of ths Sawaiian Islands.
"John Emmeluth,
"Andrew Beown,

«C. BOLTE,

"jA3fEs F. Morgan,
"Henry Waterhousb,
"S. M. Damon,
"W. G. Ashley,
"E. D. Tenney,
"F. W. McOhesnet,
«W. C. Wilder,
^Advisory Council of the Frovisional Oovemment

of the Sawaiian Islands J^

Senator Frtb. Do you know how many troops the Provisional Gov-
ernment had at the time they took possession of the Government
buildings?

Mr. Hoes. Do you mean before that night was over?

Senator Fryb. Yes.

Mr. Hoes. I do not know. I should say several hundred.

Senator Frye. Armed or otherwise!

Mr. Hoes. I think they were all armed. Among them were many
pf the best men in the community.

Senator Frye. Do you know how many they succeeded in getting
under arms under that proclamation?

Mr. Hoes. I do not. I believe the number was increased steadily day
by day, but to what extent I do not know.

Senator Frye. Going back to Monday. In your opinion was there
such a condition of things existing in Honolulu at that time as to
require the presence of the American troops from the Boston to pro-
tect American life and property?

Mr. Hoes. Most decidedly, in my opinion.

Senator Frye. During all those weeks of revolution, and after the
United States troops had arrived, did those troojis take any part in the
conflict between the Queen and the Provisional Government?

Mr. Hoes. No, not to my knowledge.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 757

Senator Pbye. Do you know whether during all that time of the
days of the revolution the Provisional Government had any expecta-
tion of the assistance of the American troops!

Mr. Hoes. I never heard it suggested.

Senator Fr YE. In your opinion if the Boston had been a thousand
miles at sea instead of in the harbor, would the Provisional Govern-
ment have become a government at that time?

Mr. Hoes. I believe it would.

Senator Frye. In your opinion had it sufficient force to overcome all
that the Queen could bring against it!

Mr. Hoes. I think it had sulficent moral force and physical force.

Senator Frye. Have you any doubt that the Provisional Govern-
ment would have gone forward even in the absence of the Boston and
the American troops!

Mr. Hoes. I think the sentin^ent of the people would have forced the
issue at that time.

The Chairman. The sentiment in regard to what!

Mr. Hoes. The sentiment of the people as to their individual and
collective rights.

The Chairman. Do you mean under the constitution!

Mr. Hoes. I mean under the higher constitution, the constitution ot
revolution.

Senator Frye. Did you have any con versation with any prominent
Hawaiians in relation to the change of government !

Mr. Hoes. I mingled a good deal during the time I was in Honolulu
among the common Hawaiian people and among the prominent Hawai-
ian i)eople. I was constantly studying the historical side of the ques-
tion, as well as contemporary opinion, and I was persistently trying to
learn the views of the people. To answer your question more exactly, I
did have conversation with prominent Hawaiians.

Senator Frye. Did you have any conversation with J. A. Kawainui!

Mr. Hoes. Yes. He was the editor of the most prominent newspaper
in the Kingdom — the Kuakoa.

Senator Frye. When did you have that conversation!

Mr. Hoes. Shortly after the revolution.

Senator Frye. Will you please read it!

Mr. Hoes. Yes, sir. (Eeading:)

"The Kemehameha dynasty had a strong hold upon the native heart
because of its noble ancestry, but Kalakaua and the late Queen, on
account of their comi)aratively ignoble origin, did not command the
respect due to genuine high chiefs. The corruption of Kalakaua and
her late majesty have brought sore evils upon the Hawaiians. Then,
too, certain designing foreigners have exercised a very pernicious polit-
ical influence on the natives, and have sought to use them only for the
accomplishment of their own ends. For my part I am tired of this
state of things. What I want is good government. I do not care for
a condition of affairs that is constantly shifting. We need a govern-
ment that will be respected abroad and trusted at home. Either annexa- ■
tion to the United States or a protectorate. I prefer the former because
of its greater stability. With annexation we should, of course, to a
great degree enjoy the same condition of things that prevails in Amer-
ica. I have had enough of monarchy, and believe that the safety and
prosperity of the country is dependent upon its annexation to the United
States, and there are many of the intelligent native Hawaiians who
agree with me in this opinion. The majority of my race are ignorant
of what is really conducive to their best interests. It c»s!L\^<c3k\»\ife^

758 HAWAIIAN ISIi^LNDa

matter of surprise that they look with fond recollections to the throne
and the old institutions. The future seems so uncertain that they can
not conceive what is in store for them, but when they find that they are
treated justly under the new government, as they have been from the
first day of its formation, and indorsed their attempts to efiect organic
union with the United States, they will quickly give it their confidence."

Senator Frye. Did you have an interview with Hon. A.'Kahif

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Fbye. A prominent member of the last royal Hawaiian Leg-
islature!

Mr. Hoes. Yes. Shall I read it?

Senator Frye. Yes.

'*I am 53 years old. During all these years I have lived under the
Hawaiian monarchy, that is, under Kamehameha III, lY, and Y, Luna-
lilo, Kaiakaua, and the late Queen LUiuokalani. I was personally
acquainted with all of these rulers, but it was not until the reign of
Kaiakaua that I commenced to take an active part in public life. I
was perfectly familiar with the whole of that monarch's career. Dur-
ing the first half of his reign he conducted the Government with some
regard to decency, but during the latter half the native Hawaiian peo-
ple strongly objected to his actions. During the whole of this x>eriod
the voice of the ex)mmon people was never heard or felt in the Legisla-
ture. The King's henchmen and creatures were elected through the
power and influence of the Crown for the sole purpose of carrying out
the wishes of the King, in utter disregard of the desires and rights of
the masses of the Hawaiian people. The common people had no show
whatever at the- elections. The Government officiids were everywhere
instructed to compel the people to elect the King's favorites. During
these years many self-respecting Hawaiians resisted the encroach-
ments of absolutism and made a desperate, but unavailing, fight
against overwhelming odds. Kaiakaua controlled every district jus-
tice, assessor, tax-collector, sherifi*, and all other Government officials,
and, through them, controlled the polls and drowned the voice of the
people. The rule of the late Queen has been just as rotten and cor-
rupt as that of her brother Kaiakaua. The greatest mistake of her
reign was the fact that she exceeded her brother in seeking and acting
upon the advice of the most unwise and corrupt counselors, and it was
this mistake on her part that cost her her throne. I stand for the
rights of the people and not for the rights of any privileged person.

<< Monarchy is dead, and I am glad of it. I rejoice and am proud to
support the Provisional Government, for it commands my perfect con-
fidence, and I was the fifth person in the country to swear my allei-
giance to it. What I desire is a firm and strong government, and I
shall do everything to promote its stability. If we could have a stable
republic, with President Dole at its head for four years, and his suc-
cessor to hold office for the same length of time, it would be an ideal
government, but if the present Provisional Government strongly
advise annexation to the United States, as seems to be the fact, I shall
heartily give it and the movement my support. My determination in
this respect is fixed and unchangeable. There is no going backward;
we must go forward. I believe that all those who will stop to think
will agree with the views which I have expressed. I shall do every-
thing in my power to show my constituents that these views are the
only path to prosperity, and I believe that I shall succeed. The great
mass of the Hawaiians are very poor, and some radical change must
be made or they will be unable to obtain their means of livelihood.

fiAWAHAN ISLANDS- 759

There are foreigti adventarers in, this country, whose names I need not
mention, who are cast down because by the recent change in public
affairs they have lost the government pap. They are nothing but
soreheads, and have grossly deceived and ihisled the native Hawaiians.
Again, I say, I rejoice in the new order of things. I stated on the
floor of the recent Legislature that the conduct of affairs under the late
monarchy was thoroughly rotten. We have h^d quite enough of it,
and it is my firm belief that the native Hawaiians will quickly recog-
nize the recent government changes as a great blessing."

Mr. Hoes. I ought to say one word in connection with this.

Senator Gray. Were those notes made at the time of the conversa-
tion?

Mr. Hoes. That is what I was about to speak of. The fact is, Mr.
Eauhi can not spe^k a word of English, yet this statement of his
seems to read very smoothly. I had a friend with me when I called
upon Mr. Kauhi, who understood the Hawaiian language as perfectly as
he did the English. This friend talked to Kauhi, received his replies
to his questions, and then communicated them to me in English. I took
bis statement home and wrote it out, and then took it to my friend and
told him that I would not be satisfied with it until it was submitted to
its author. I went back with my friend to Kauhi, who translated the
statement to him, and Kauhi- said it was correct.

Senator Fbye. You stated you were studying the people for historical
purposes ?

Mr. Hoes. Yes; and also to learn contemporary opinioiu

Senator Fbye. Do you know E. W. Wilcox!

Mr. Hoes. Fairly well.

Senator Fbye. Who is he!

Mr. Hoes. He is the roan who figured so prominently and conspic-
uously in the revolution of 18S7, and has mingled in politics more or
less ever since, and was a member of the last Hawaiian Legislature.

Senator Fbye. Do you know whether he was a witness before Mr.
Blount or notf

Mr. Hoes. I do not know.

Senator Fbye. Did you have an interview with Wilcox f

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Fbye. Is this the interview? [Exhibiting the pai>er.]

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Fbye. You may state when that was.

Mr. Hoes. Shortly after the revolution*

"INTEBVIEW of B. W. WILCOX WITH B. B. HOES, HONOLULU, JAKU-

ABY 27, 1893.

** What are your views, Mr. Wilcox, in regard to the present situation
in general?

^^ Queen Liliuokalani brought these evils upon herself and the country
both by her personal corruption, and that of her Government. She
surrounded herself with bad advisers, and seemed determined to drive
the nation to destruction. Good people had no influence over her what-
ever, for she indignantly refused to listen to them. I believe that if we
can be annexed to the United States, the rights of all of our citizens, and
especially those of the native Hawaiians, will be protected more care-
fully than they have ever been under the monarchy.

"What, in your opinion, is the personal feeling of the native Hawaiian
element in this community t

760 ' HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

<^My cotmtiTmen, with the exception of the most intelligent among
them, do not understand much about these things. They need to be
educated. They have so often been told by designing men that the
United States was their enemy that they are naturally suspicious.
Politicians who have sought to use the natives simply as so many tools
have deceived them. When they understand from the lips of disinter-
ested men and patriots what annexation means, and become acquainted
with the benefits that it will bring them, they will be as much in favor
of the movement as any of our other classes of citizens.

^^Does the present Provisional Government command the respect of
the native Hawaiianst

^^They are naturally somewhat prejudiced against it, as monarchy is
the only form of Government with which they are familiar, but this
feeling will quickly wear away as the Hawaiians are led to see that
the Government is friendly to them and their interests. They already
have confidence in the integrity and patriotism of President Dole.

"You advocated annexation to the United States, I believe, several
months ago, in your newspaper, 'The Liberal!'

"Yes, and I have repeatedly done so in public meetings held in this
city.

" How long do you think it would be after hoisting the American
flag before the natives would be entirely reconciled!

"Almost immediately.

"Are you doing anything to instruct the natives so that they may
have correct views in regard to these matters!

"Yes; but I am compelled to move cautiously or I shall lose my
influence over them. I believe I am doing a good work by constantly
conversing with them on the subject. I have told my countrymen that
the monarchy is gone forever, and when they ask me what is the best
thing to follow it I tell them annexation, and I firmly believe that in a
very short time every Hawaiian will be in favor of that step. The
great thing is to keep them from being influenced by the arguments of
designing men who pretend to be their friends, but who are really their
enemies — men who will try and use them as tools to accomplish their
own corrupt and selfish plans. We have had too much of this and it
is high time to call for a halt.

"Have you confidence in the integrity and piatriotic intentions of the
commission that has just been sent to Washington by the Provisional
Government!

" It is made up of good men, and 1 believe they will endeavor to do
what is for the best interests of the country.

" The above is correctly reported.

"E. W. Wilcox.''

Senator Fbyb. That is signed by Mr. Wilcox !

Mr. Hoes. Signed by him personally, and read to him careftdly
before he signed it.

The Chairman. By whom!

Mr. Hoes. By me.

Senator Fbye. The day that the Government buildings were taken
possession of by the Provisional Government and the proclamation was
read were there any United States troops in front of the Gk>vemment
building!

Mr. Hoes. I did not see any.

Senator Fbye. Do you. know where they were at the timel

Mr. Hoes. Yes,

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. * 761

Senator Feye. Where were they!

Mr. Hoes. In Arion Hall.

Senator Frye. Back in the yard?

Mr. Hoes. I can not say.

Senator Frye. They were not in sight of the Government bnilding!

Mr. Hoes. I am snre I wonld have seen them if they could be seen
from the front of the Government building, but I saw uone.

Senator Frye. Do you know anything that the United States did
to help or hinder either side?

Mr. Hoes. No.

Senator Frye. Did you ever hear any complaint?

Mr. Hoes. I never did, except that it was charged in a general way
by the newspapers that she had been dethroned by Mr. Stevens and
the United States forces.

Senator Frye. The Eoyalist press!

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Gray. And the Eoyalist people!

Mr. Hoes. I take it for granted that they made this charge, although
I have no recollection of hearing any of them do so.

Senator Gray. You did not come in contact with them!

Mr. Hoes. Yes I did, I made it my study to associate with all classes.

Senator Gray. You did not come in contact with the Eoyalist people
on that point!

Mr. Hoes. I have no recollection of that claim being put forward by
them while I was there.

Senator Frye. Is this a copy of the act of the bill 185 granting a
franchise to establish and maintain a lottery [exhibiting paper]!

Mr. Hoes. Yes; it is a copy of the original bill as introduced in the
legislature.

The bill referred to is as follows:

No. 185 z.

Introduced by .

First reading, day of , 1892.

Second reading, day of , 1892.

Third reading, day of , 1892.

AK ACT granting a franchise to establish and maintain a lottery.

Be it enacted by the Queen and the Legislature of the Hawaiian King-
dom:

Section 1. The exclusive franchise is hereby granted to D. H. Cross,
of Chicago, Illinois, United States of America; W.B.Davenport, of St.
Louis, Missouri, United States of America, and John Phillips, J. J. Wil-
liams, and Dr. Gilbert Foote, of Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, and
their successors and assigns, or such corporation as may hereafter be
incorporated or organized by them, to establish and maintain a lottery
and to sell lottery, policy, and combination tickets, devices, and certifi-
cates and fractional parts thereof at terms and prices in just propor-
tion to the prizes to be drawn, and to insure perfect fairness and justice,
in the distribution of the prizes, for the term of twenty-five (25) years.

Section 2. The majority of the said grantees, or if a corporation be
formed, then a majority of the directors of said corporation shall be
domiciled in Honolulu, and said business shall be conducted in the city

76^ - HAWAIIAK IBLANDa

of Honolnla, on the island of Oahn, Hawaiian Islands, where all thd
drawings of said lottery shall take place.

Section 3. The said grantees and their sncoessors and assigns shall
pay for said franchise to the Hawaiian Government the sum of five
hundred thousand ($500,000) dollars each year, in quarterly install-
ments, at the end cf each quarter after the announcement of the first
drawing; that is to say, on the 31st day of March, the 30th day of June,
the 30th day of September, and the 31 st day of December, of each year.

Section 4. Said sum shall be devoted to the uses and purposes here-
inafter set forth, and the minister of finance is hereby authorized to
pay the same as herein provided, as long as the same is received for said
franchise.

First. Subsidy to be paid for an ocean cable between the port of
Honolulu and a x)ort on the North American Continent connecting
with any American telegraph system, one hundred thousand ($100,000)
dollars per annum. This subsidy shall be paid in quarterly install-
ments in the manner in which it is received, to such company with
which the Hawaiian Government may enter into a contract under
Ghapter x.xx of the session laws of 1890, and to commence after the
sending of the first message over such cable, and to continue as long
as such cable is maintained in working order.

Second. Subsidy to be paid for the construction and maintenance of
a railroad around the island of Oahu, fifty thousand ($50,000) dollars
per annum, to be paid to such company who may construct and main-
tain such railroad and during such time in which said railroad is k^;it
in operation.

Third. Subsidy to be paid for the construction and maintenance of
a railroad from Hilo, Island of Hawaii, through the districts of Hilo
and Hamakua, fifty-thousand ($50,000) dollars per annum, to be paid
during such period during which said railroad is kept in operation.

Fourth. For improving and maintaining the improvements of Hono-
lulu Harbor, fifty thousand ($50,000) dollars per annum.

Fifth. For roads, bridges, landings, and wharves in the Hawaiian
Kingdom, one hundred and seventy-five thousand ($175,000) dollars
per annum, to be apportioned as follows: Island of Oahu, fifty thou-
sand ($50,000) dollars; Island of Hawaii, sixty thousand ($60,000) dol-
lars; Island of Maui, forty thousand ($40,000) dollars; Island of Kauai,
twenty-five thousand ($25,000) dollars.

Sixth. For the encouragement of industries in the Hawaiian King-
dom, fifty thousand ($50,000) dollars j^t annum, to be disbursed as
may be from time to time directed by the Legislature.

Seventh. For the encouragement of tourist travel and immigration,
twenty five thousand ($25,0^) dollars per annum, to be disbursed as
may be from time to time directed by the Legislakire.

Eighth. If at any time during the existence of this firanchise the
provisions of the reciprocity treaty relating to Pearl Harbor should
be abrogated, then the amounts mentioned in subdivisions fifth and
seventh shall be used as a subsidy for the purpose of opening the har-
bor known as Pearl Harbor and erecting and maintaining dry docks
and other improvements in said harbor.

Kinth. If for any reason any of the above subsidies can not be
applied to the purposes herein set forth, then the sums so set apart
shall be used as from time to time the Legislature may direct.

Section 5. The grantees and their successors and assigns shall be
exempted from any and all taxes and license fees of any kind whatso-
ever upon or for said franchise, except the said sum of five hundred
thousand ($600,000) doTLdx^ ^t «siii\&m^ ^oid as aforesaid.

HAW.^LIIAN ISLANDS- 763

Section 6. The minister of the interior is hereby authorized to grant
a charter of incorporation to the grantees of this franchise and their
snccessors and assigns, in conformity with this act, and under the fol-
lowing conditions :

First. The capital stock of such corporation shall be five million
($5,000,000) dollars, represented by fifty thousand (60,000) shares of
stock of one hundred ($100) dollars each, par value, provided the said
capital stock maybe increased to ten million ($10,000,000) dollars, repre-
sented by one hundred thousand (100,000) shares of par value of one
hundred ($100) dollars each share.

Second. All powers of the corporation shall be vested in a board of
directors to consist of five (5) x)ersons, each of whom shall own at least
five hundred (500) shares of the capital stock of the said corporation.

Third. The corporation shall be empowered to sue and be sued, to
plead and be impleaded, to appear in any court of record or justice,
and to do any other lawful act, such as any person or persons might
do for their own defense, interest, or safety, in its corporate name.

Fourth. The president and secretary of the board of directors shall
be the proper persons upon whom citations, notices, and other legal
process shall be served.

Fifth. The corporation shall* furnish bonds to the minister of
finance in the sum of one hundred and twenty-five thousand ($125,000)
dollars as surety for the prompt and panctual payment of the sums
and in the manner set forth in section 3 (three) of this act; which
bond shall be filed at the time when the urst drawing and distribu-
tion of prizes is anuouuc d.

Sixth. The board of directors shall have power to establish as
many agencies as may be necessary, and to appoint a president,
superintendent, secretary and treasurer, and such clerks and agents
as may be required, and may remove them at pleasure, fix salaries of
all officers and employees of the corporation (except that of the com-
missioners appointed by the Queen, with the approval of the cabinet
as heieinafter provided), and fix the amount of their respective bonds
and sureties, and shall make and establish such rules and by-laws for
the proper management and regulation of the affairs of the corpora-
tion as may be necessary and proper. A majority of the board of
directors shall be necessary to constitute a quorum, and shall have
power to remove any officer of the company. The board of directors
shall have power to fill any vacancy that may occur by death, resigna-
tion, or removal.

Seventh. At all meetings held for election of directors or for any
other purpose, every stockholder whose name is entered upon the
books of the company as such, and none other, shall be entitled, either
directly or by proxy, to cast one vote for each share of capital stock
held by him. All transfers of stock shall be made and entered on the
books of the company.

Eighth. The persons named in the first clause of this act shall be.
and they are hereby, constituted the first board of directors, who shall
at their first meeting appoint one of their number president, and the
said board shall serve for two (2) years fipom the time this incorporation
takes effect, and thereafter until their successors are elected and qual-
ified, at the expiration of which term a meeting of the stockholders for
the election of a board of directors shall be held on a day fixed for sdl
elections thereafter. A two-thirds (§) vote shall be necessary to consti-
tute an election, and if no election be held, the meeting will adjourn
over one (1) year.

764 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Ninth. There shall be two (2) commissioners appointed by the Queen
with the approval of the cabinet, who shall hold office during the pleas-
ure of the Queen and cabinet. The duties of said commissioners shall
bo to preside at all Lottery drawings and to superintend the same and
secure perfect fairness in the allotment of prizes in each scheme. The
salary of said commissioners shall be six thousand ($6,000) dollars per
annum each, payable out of the treasury of the corporation in quarterly
installments. The said commissioners shall not own or be interested
in the capital stock of the said corporation, nor purchase nor own any
ticket or tickets, devices, certificates, or iractionaJ parts thereof.

Tenth. All drawings of lotteries under this act shall be made public,
admission free, and it shall be compulsory upon said company to hold
annually twelve (12) regular drawings, and as many additional special
drawings as the directors of said company may designate ;

Eleventh. The stockholders of the capital stock of the corporation
shall be liable to the creditors of said corporation to the amount of the
shares by them respectively held.

Twelfth. The corporation shall present a full and accurate account
or exhibit of the state of its affairs to the minister of the interior, on
the first day of January of each and every year.

Thirteenth. At the expiration of this franchise, three (3) commis-
sioners shall be elected by the stockliolders, whose duty it shall be to
liquidate its affairs on such terms and in such manner as shall be
determined by a majority vote as set forth in subdivision eight of sec-
tion 6 (six) of this act.

Section 7. Any person selling, offering or exposing for sale after
the 31st day of December, 1892, any lottery or policy, or combination
ticket or tickets, or devices or certificates or fractional parts thereof,
except as authorized by this act, or in violation of this act, or in vio-
lation of the rights and privileges herein granted, shall be liable, upon
conviction thereof to a fine not exceeding five thousand ($5,000) dol-
lars, nor less than five hundred ($500) dollars for each and every
offence, and all police and district courts of this Kingdom shall have
jurisdiction in such cases.

Section 8. The grantees of this firanchise and their successors and
assigns, shall have the right during the whole term of said franchise,
to dispose of by lottery or a series of lotteries, any land, improved or
unimproved, which said corporation may become possessed of by pur-
chase or otherwise in the Hawaiian Islands, but such lands shall be
disposed of by special drawings only, which shall be advertised as
drawings for property.

Section 9. The grantees of this franchise and their successors and
assigns, are hereby given the right of uninterrupted passage through
the mails of the Hawaiian postal system, of all written and printed
matter relating to or connected with the business of said lottery upon
paying current rates of postage therefor.

Section 10. This act shall take effect from and after its approval,
and all acts and parts of acts in conflict with the same are hereby
repealed.

Senator Fbye. Do you think that the Provisional Government would
have succeeded in accomplishing its purpose of overthrowing the
Queen and taking possession of the Government buildings if there had
been no United States troops there!

Mr. Hoes. I have not the slightest doubt they would have done so.
If they had not, others would have done it for them. But these are
among the strongest men in the community, and in the whole country.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 765

Senator Frye. The Provisional Government was formed on the 17th
of January, and you left the next March f

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Frye. What was the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian
Islands after the Provisional d^vernment was formed t

Mr. Hoes. Absolute quietness.

Senator Frye. Any apparent unrest on the part of the opponents
of it!

Mr. Hoes. None, except what was expressed in the Boyalist paper,
the Bulletin. The city was just as quiet as any country town in
New England.

Senator Frye. Is that Government qualified to maintain itself f

Mr. Hoes. I am quite sure of it.

Senator Frye. Are you acquainted with the members of the com-
mittee of safety!

Mr. Hoes. Most of them. Of the 14 whose names are attached
to the proclamation establishing the Provisional Government I am
personally acquainted with all but 1.

Senator Frye. What is the character of these men!

Mr. Hoes. I believe they represent in every respect the best element
in the country.

Senator Frye. Reliable men!

Mr. Hoes. I believe them all to be.

Senator Frye. Do you know Sam Parker, Oolburn, and Comwell!

Mr. Hoes. I know Sam Parker audi know Corn well.

Senator Frye. Did you know our minister, Mr. Stevens!

Mr. Hoes. Very intimately.

Senator Frye. What was your estimate of him!

Mr. Hoes. I always regarded him as a remarkable man.

Senator Frye. As an honest man!

Mr. Hoes. As a conservative, honest, conscientious man ; a man who
never, under any circumstances, lost his head; a man who never acted
under impulse. I sustained confidential relations with Mr. Stevens.
I think £ had his implicit confidence, and I know that he had mine.

Senator Frye. Did you ever learn firom Mr. Stevens that he intended
to interfere with the government of the Queen or the Provisional Gov-
ernment!

Mr. Hoes. I never learned it from him, and I flatter myself if he
had told any of his associates of the fact he would have told me,
because we ofben conversed confidentially about Hawaiian matters.'

Senator Frye. In your opinion was the request madQ by the min-
ister ux>on Capt. Wiltse to land the troops on Monday wise and dis-
creet!

Mr. Hoes. I think it was.

Senator Frye. Were you there when Mr. Blount was there!

Mr. Hoes. No.

Senator Frye. You understand the purpose of this committee is to
obtain whatever information it can, especially in reference to what
took place after the revolution and the establishment of the Provi-
sional Government. Can you think of anything you wish to say that
will be information to the committee!

Mr. Hoes. I do not recall anything in particular.

Senator Gray. Where are you from, what State!

Mr. Hoes. New York.

Senator Gray. As I understand, you are a chaplain in the Navy

Mr. Hoes. In the U. S. Navy.

766 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Senator Gbay. Yon were on those islands, for the reasons that you
have described, from what date?

Mr. Hoes. From the 25th of September, 1891, until the 9th of Marchj
1893.

Senator Gray. You were there long enough to become very well
acquainted with the residents of the island and the people, as you have
related!

Mr. Hoes. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you ever observe any considerable annexation
sentiment before the emeute of January, 18931

Mr. Hoes. I observed a very general opinion held by the prominent
people there, that annexation was the ultimate solution of the Hawaiian
question, but I did not observe any particular sentiment as to when that
event would take place.

Senator Gray. Was that a growing sentiment among the American
population, so called?

Mr. Hoes. I do not know whether it was growing; it seemed to be
generally prevalent.

Senator Gray. I mean during the time you were there t

Mr. Hoes! Yes.,

Senator Gray. Was it understood by you during the Saturday and
Monday and Tuesday, which were the eventful ones in this revolution,
there was a movement for annexation t

Mr. Hoes. I do not believe the people knew or cared what it was for,
so long as it resulted in the establishment of good government. I
believe the people reposed such absolute confidence in the committee
of safety that they would follow them through fire and water.

Senator Gray. What people?

Mr. Hoes. I mean the people who desired law and order and good
government.

Senator Gray. That is the portion that started the Provincial
Government at the time?

Mr. Hoes. Yes, the portion that started it, and subsequently upheld it.

Senator Gray. Was it not a fact, in your own observation, that on
Monday and Tuesday, particularly Tuesday, it was mooted about that
this movement was an annexation movement as a fact?

Mr. Hoes. I have not any recollection that it was.

Senator Gray. One of the gentlemen who was a member of the
committee of safety and was active in the military operations and has
testified before the committee, in stirring up the people, as he was
active in doing, he found that he could not do it until he told them it
was for annexation to the United States. Have you any knowledge
on that subject?

Mr. Hoes. I have no recollection of hearing that talked about at
that time. The feeling of the iieople was simply as I have described it.
It was such an intense desire to be rid of royalty, as it had existe.i and
acted in Hawaii, that any solution would have been accepted if advo-
cated by the committee of safety.

Senator Gray. Did you not understand that the proclamation of the
Provisional Government declared that it would be established until
annexation should be declared between the islands and the United
States.

Mr. Hoes. I believe it was so expressed, but, I believe the meaning
intended by that phrase

Senator Gray. Do you not know that Mr. Thurston has always been
an ardent annexationist?

HAWAHAK I8LAin>8. 767

Mr. Hoes. I have heard Mr. Thurston make a great many addresses
in the Legislatare, but I never heard him use a phrase advocating
annexation.

Senator Gray. Would you expect to hear him in the Legislature?

Mr. Hoes. The Legislature was made up of a band of honest men on
one side, pitted against an unprincipled rabble on the other. Mr.
Thurston was never afi*aid to express his honest convictions at any
proper time, or in any fitting place, and, had he so chosen, he would
have been as willing to advocate annexation in the Legislature a-s upon
the public rostrum.

Senator Gbay. Did you expect him to advocate annexation in their
Legislature?

Mr. Hoes. Yes; openly, at the proper time, had he seen fit.

Senator Gbay. Why would he do it?

Mr. Hoes. I do not believe that those who might have been in favor
of annexation thought the time was ripe for it. That leads me to say
tiiaty in my opinion, twenty^lbur hours, or even ten hours previous to
the prorogation of that Legislature the idea of annexation as an event
soon to be consummated never entered the head of any man composing
the present Government and its band of officials, not even Thurston's.

Senator Gbay. Many things that occurred within the course of the
revolution, so called, so for as its time is concerned, but after the revo-
lution, after the events commenced Xo shape themselves, did not you
understand that annexation was a part of it?

Mr. Hoes. I did not until the proclamation was read by the Provi-
sional Grovernment.

Senator Gbay. Were you present at the meetings of the committee
of safety?

Mr. Hoes. Never.

Senator Gbay. Were you not consulted by persons who were active
in that revolution?

Mr. Hoes. What do you mean by consultation?

Senator Gbay. As to their plans. '

Mr. Hoes. No; I was in total ignorance of them.

Senator Gbay. You were not in the movement?

Mr. Hoes. No.

Senator Gbay. Did you see Mr. Stevens during those three days?

Mr. Hoes. I am unable to say, but very likely I did.

Senator Geay. But you have no distinct recollection? You could
not say that you saw him at that time?

Mr. Hoes. I could not swear to it.

Senator Gbay. And you can not speak of your own knowledge of his
conduct during the x>eriod of which I have been speaking — three days?

Mr. Hoes. No; if you mean personal knowledge — ^knowledge that £
would derive from Mr. Stevens himself.

Senator Gbay. What lawyers call personal knowledge,

Mr. Hobs. No.

Adjourned to meet on notice.

768 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

Washington, D. 0., M<mday^ February 5, 1894.

Subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present the chairman (Senator Morgan), Senators Gray, Sherman,
and Frye,
Absent, Senator Butler.

SWOKH STATEHEHT 07 WHUAK E. SDEPSOH.

The Ghaibman. When did you first visit the Hawaiian Islands?

Mr. Simpson. I went to Honolulu on the first ship which left San
Francisco after the Presidential election, and was on the ship that
carried the news that Mr. Cleveland had been elected. This wa^ in
1892, and I must say that I never witnessed such a public demonstra-
tion as there was when the knowledge was given out that Mr. Cleve-
land was elected. The wish had been so general that he should be
elected that of record there was not more than half a dozen wagers
that the election would be otherwise. I never saw a community so
bound up in the information which they hoped to receive, that Mx.
Cleveland would be elected.

The Chairman. Was that common to aU classes, natives as well as
the white people?

Mr. Simpson. Natives, Germans, English, and Americans. They told
me afterward that the oldest inhabitants never knew when the wharves
had been so well fiUed with people as they were upon the arrival of
that ship, expecting Mr. Cleveland's election. That impressed me as
being a very clear idea of what they wanted down there.

The Chairman. Was there any satisfactory reason stated that was
commonly accepted by this mass of people for their rejoicings at Mr.
Cleveland's election?

Mr. Simpson. Yes: and it was acquiesced in by all classes. The
people at that time believed that the action of the McEinley bill in
placing sugar from all countries on the free list and placing a bounty
of 2 cents a pound on American-grown sugar was an ii\justice to the
sugar-raisers who are so much Americans that it practically meant
aU of them, and those who were not Americans secured their profits
from the business by their proximity to the American market. .They
believed it was an injustice, for the reason that, in 1876, when the reci-
procity treaty was concluded and put into effect between the United
States and the* Sandwich Islands, it had been done with the direct
purpose of augmenting the sugar interests of the Americans living in
the islands, and the best reasons that I could get for the same favor not
being shown them when the McKinley bill was put into effect was that
the matter had been overlooked by the framers of the bill.

The Chairman. What was the purpose of your visit to Hawaii T

Mr. Simpson. In July, 1892, having previously been in the commis-
sion business in Tacoma, it was brought to my attention that the bananas
raised in the Hawaiian market would find a much better market in the
I^orthwest if they were brought direct; that in handling the trade the
principal profits were made by the San Francisco jobbers and consumed
by the extra freights to such an extent that they had been getting their
bananas to the Northwest from New Orleans by rail by the way of San
Francisco. In looking up the matter, and having been commissioned
by some of the business houses there to go to Honolulu and secure a
cargo of bananas, I became interested in the subject. I looked tiie

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 769

matter up carefully, and from the inyestigation I had given it I came
to the conclusion that there was a splendid market for the merchants
and farmers in the Hawaiian Islands. I found that nearly all the
hananas that were raised were shipped to San Francisco and reshipped
by the San Francisco trader with the Hawaiian Islands. So I collected
considerable data, compiled it

The Ghaibman. Were your observations confined to the banana
trade?

Mr. Simpson. No; confined to all lines of trade. I immediately
organized a company for the purpose of running a steamship from
Tacoma, in the State of Washington, to Honolulu. When the organ-
ization of the company was completed the board of directors requested
me to go to Honolulu to see what arrangements could be made for the
steamship we hoped to place on the line. Prior to going to Honolulu
I made a tour of the principal cities of the Northwest and received
orders for 5,000 bunches of bananas per month.

The Chaibman. You mean the American cities f

Mr. Simpson. The American cities in the Pacific northwest.* That
insured us a profitable cargo coming back. I based my calculations
on the successful operations of the company with freight transporta-
tions, paying no attention to the passenger part of it, because that was
not staple; you could not depend upon its being a regular thing. I
collected data from the various manufacturers and farmers in the Pacific
northwest, and went supplied with samples of all kinds and descriptions
ready to do business with Honolulu. When I got there I immediately
made myself known through letters of introduction from the chambers
of commerce in Tacoma and Seattle and from the governor of the State
and various others. A meeting of the chamber of commerce was
arranged, and I appeared before those gentlemen and laid the matter
before them. They thought quite favorably of it. The great trouble I
had to work against the first week was their lack of knowledge of the
Pacific northwest, but they became satisfied that they were buying goods
in a market that had originated in our country. They entered with con-
siderably spirit into the scheme. I established an agency with the
house of G. Brewer & Co., the oldest house doing business in the islands.
They were very enthusiastic over the matter.

The Chairman. I do not care about the present details of your busi-
ness transaction. Did you find the commercial community of Honolulu
aroused to an interest in your enterprise?

Mr. Simpson. Yes; and that interest was manifested in the orders
that they gave me. They gave me an order for 1,250 tons of merchan*
disc, consisting of oats, wheat, and barley.

The Chairman. Did you start your line in operation!

Mr. Simpson. No, sir.

The Chairman. What prevented it?

Mr. Simpson. The revolution prevented it.

The Chairman. To what revolution do yon refer!

Mr. Simpson. The revolution of January 14 to 1 7, in Honolulu, I left
the islands on the steamer prior to the revolution. At that time there
was no intimation that any such thing would take place. For months
the Legislature had been in session. I had become well acquainted with
the leaders on both sides of the question, for the reason that I had made
application to the Legislature for a subsidy.

The Chairman. Did you succeed in getting it?

Mr. Simpson. Yes. The subsidy consisting of $500 per trip, mail
eontracty remission of all port charges, light-house fees,, free wha£^<^<6^

8. Bep. 227 id

770 HAWAIIAN I8LAND8.

•

free storage, and remission of all dues upon any goods which were
transported to Honolulu for the use of our company. Just prior to the
' time I made my application Mr. Spreckles was engaged in the same
thing. His subsidy was about to run out, and I was told that it cost
him considerable money to get his subsidy through. I waited until he
got his subsidy through, and I worked mine through on the proposition
that what is good for the goose is good for the gander. So soon as the
natives learned that I had no money — ^I was approached by some of
them

The Chaibman. You speak of native members of the Legislature?

Mr. Simpson. Some of the native members.

The Ghaisman. Did you concede anything to them on Ifhat score —
use any money?

Mr. Simpson. Not the slightest. All the money that was spent was
on a prospectus in the American language and the Kanaka language.

The Chairman. Which cabinet signed your concession t

Mr. Simpson. It was known as the Wilcox-Jones cabinet. It con-
sisted of Wilcox, P. C. Jones, and the minister of foreign affairs, a
native, but in sympathy with the American movement. The Legisla-
ture granted my subsidy with not more than 3 votes against it, whereas
Mr. Spreckels's subsidy carried quite a number of votes against it, from
the fact that he did not see them all in the proper spirit. Before I went
to the Hawaiian Islands the impression I had always had was that Mr.
Spreckles controlled things down there. After I had been there a
while I found that to be untrue. There were six business houses there,
and they practically do all the business in the islands, with the excep-
tion of what local retail trade there is^done outside of Honolulu: These
six houses are either owners, part owners, managers, or agents for all of
the sugar plantations and some of the other plantations in the islands.
They practically control the entire business of the islands.

The Gh AIRMAN. In that industry f

Mr. Simpson. Commercially.

The Chairman. You speak that broadly.

Mr. Simpson. I speak that quite broadly. They buy in the round
lot for their own sailing vessels. They buy and sell the sugar and rice,
and they supply the plantations with whatever they need and operate
them, acting for resident and nonresident owners. I do not know that
I can better explain my ideas of the situation politically as it stood
than by giving you a small extract of an interview which was published
in the Portland (Oregon) Telegram, January 15, 1893.

The Chairman. That was while the revolution was going onf

Mr. Simpson. While it was going on and before I returned to the
islands, and prior to any information being received in this country.

"POLITICAL MATTERS.

" The Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom is comx>osed of repre-
sentatives and nobles, elected by the people, the representatives being
ill the same relative standing as our Kepresentatives and the nobles
taking the place of our Senators. They all sit together as a body of
the whole, and it is a very interesting proceeding to see and hear them
transact business, as all speeches delivered by natives and in the native
language are immediately interpreted and repeated in English, and
everything said by members who speak the English language is like-
wise interpreted into the native speech. The cabinet of the country

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 771

is apx>ointed by the Qneen, under the advisement of the leader of the
party voting a ^lack of confidence' in the' previous cabinet,

<^ ANNEXATION QUESTION.

<^ A great deal is heard there in reference to annexation to the United
States. This agitation doubtless originates from the fact that prior to
tiie passage of the McEinley bill Hawaiian sugar entered the ports of
the United States free, while sugars from all other countries paid a
duty. The McEinley bill placed the Hawaiian product on an equal
basis with that of all other countries, and the American Government
pays 2 cents x>er pound on its home-giown sugar. This the plantation
owners of the Hawaiian Islands believe to be an injustice, and with
good reason, as of the $36^000,000 assessed valuation of the property
in the country American citizens own $22,000,000, or nearly two-thirds
of the taxable property in the Kingdom. There is a great difference of
opinion even among the American residents of the islands as to whether
annexation would be the best method out of the diificulty or not.

^* Among other remedies they mention for placing them on their for-
mer footing is for the United States Government to cease the payment
of a boun^ on sugar grown in this country; tor it to place a duty of
1 cent per pound on all other foreign sugars, admitting the Hawaiian
product free, and the payment of a bounty of 1 cent per pound by this
Government to the Hawaiian sugar planters. Of the foreign popula-
tion of the Hawaiian Islands, after the Portuguese, the Americans pre-
dominate, with the Germans and English about evenly divided. The
Germans as a rule take sides with tiie Americans in all commercial
undertakings, while the English of course oppose the annexation of the
island to the United States, and in support of their position argue that
the natives would lose their identity in becoming suffragists of the
American Government."

Kow the data that I looked up, prior to the time that the company
was organized, begun with the commercial beginning of the islands and
extends up to the present time. It is historical, and shows the con-
nected commercial workings of the islands from the time Capt. Gook
landed there in 1778.

The Ohaibhan. Before you go into that I would like to ask you
something more about the political situation in Hawaii at the time you
were there. What time did you leave the islands to go awayf

Mr. Simpson. It was a few days before Christmas. I do not remem-
ber the date of the month. It was a few days before Christmas, 1892.

The Chairman. Was the subject of annexation, of which you spoke,
a matter of much conversation among the people there at that timet

Mr. Simpson. It was.

Senator Shbbman. A few days before Christmas, 1892, you left the
islands?

Mr. Simpson. Yes.

The Chairman. That was the only visit you made to Hawaii?

Mr. Simpson. That was all. My visit was made for purely com-
mercial enterprises. The only interest I had in getting acquainted
with the people was to ftirther the interests of my corporation. The
people^ as nearly as I can remember now, were in this condition: The
Legislature had been in^ session a number of months longer than its ordi-
nary term. The white members, composed principally of the wealthy
(dtizens in the islands, were sacrificing their business and remaining

772 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

in Honolulu in attendance upon the Legislature. It was a pecuniary
loss to them, but they did it* purely in a spirit of defense; that is to
say, they expected some action of the Queen, through her henchmen
in the Legislature, which would be detrimental to the business interests
of the islands ; just what it was they did not know. There was nobody
there who was willing to say that annexation would likely take place
within the Hear future. The general impression was that it was bound
to come. They were to wait, but they feared some action of the Queen.
They had no idea that the subject of a new constitution was under
consideration. They had no idea that the Queen would be able to pass
this opium bill. While, of course, that had been introduced in the
Legislature, it had been side tracked. So long as these white members
remained in Honolulu there was a feeling that the Queen could not
carry it through.

The Ghaibman. Are the same remarks applicable to the lottery billt

Mr. Simpson. And the lottery bill. But they fiually stayed on so
long that one after another would drop out, and very shortly the Queen
had control of the legislature, and, as I am informed, she had these
bills passed. The people went about their ordinary business. They
did not disguise the annexation question, nor disguise any of the
Queen's actions at all, but treated the thing as though she and the par-
ticular bill she desired to put through were standing menaces of their
interests. I had several talks with Minister Stevens while I was there.
Minister Stevens had been advocating the same principle of trade in
Honolulu that I had been advocating in the Puget Sound region, and
when he learned that I had, he very kindly called on me at the hotel
and I returned his call. In the course of several conversations we
became as intimate as persons might be under the circumstances. We
talked principally as to the interests of the country in a commercial
way. While we talked in a general way, I can not recall anything that
Mr. Stevens said to me that I could construe as being in the light oi
anything more than a wish.

He told me that frankly and politely — ^made no bones about it — ^that the
question of annexation was certainly a very live one there, and that it
undoubtedly would become an issue sooner or later. He also told me
« that he did not express his opinion on the subject to anybody in Hono-
lulu. That I remember distinctly. He told me that he could not do
that, because it would give a wrong impression. He always stated
that he took information from all classes, and I remember that some
information he gave me appeared to me as though the thing must nee-
essarily come up in some shape sooner or later. That was that in 1876,
when the reciprocity treaty ,between this country and the Hawaiian
Islands was first put into effect, the United States had practically
exercised protection over these islands; that it was beyond any ques-
tion not only the duty of the CTnited States to exercise this protec-
tion at that time, but to continue to do it, on account of the monetary
interests of its citizens. Mr. Stevens stated that the United States was
the only country that had systematically kept a war ship there ; that the
British Government rarely had a ship there, and then only temporarily
on its way to Australia.

The Ghaibman. I suppose you have stated as fully as you desire to
do the political situation out there t Are there any oth^ facts yon
wish to state f

Mr. SI3IPS0N. The natives did not seem to take any particular inter-
est in the matter except that they felt that something ought to be done
by the United States to relieve the sugar situation. They had no

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 773

organized ide£t ad to annexation or a protectorate ot a better treaty, or
anything of the sort, and they did not look to their own Government;
they looked to the United States to relieve them. I guess that is about
all I have to say on that subject.

The CHAraMAN. Now, if you will, proceed to give the data which you
say you have collected with respect to the commercial situation of
Hawaii.

Mr. Simpson. Prior to the settlement of the white men in the islands,
the native products were taro (or kalo), sweet potatoes, yams, sugar
cane. bananas, calabash gourds, wauke (or paper mulberry), out of which
they made their clothes; awa, from which they mauufactured their
drinks, and also a few hogs and fowls. At that time there was no cir-
culating medium, the trade being carried on by barter. The natives
were not an ingenious people, and the improvements they made were
quite crude, but apparently carried on with very good judgment. They
built extensive irrigation ditches, and leveled terraces, and .worked
their taro patches with very crude tools and implements. The first trade
with the outside world was in January, 1778, when Cook traded them
some nails and bits of iron for hogs, vegetables, fresh water, and wood.
Portlock and Dixon were the first to recognize the commercial impor-
tance of the geographical location of the group in 1786, when they pur-
posely made it a stopping place to replenish their ships. Portlock and
Dixon were en gaged in buying furs from Indians on the Northwest coast
of America and selling them in the Canton market. This tra^e was
augmented to a considerable extent.

Si 1791 Capt. Kendrick, of Boston, in the sloop 2^^ Wnshingi^m^
left 3 sailors at Kauai to collect sandalwood and pearls against his
return to England. This was the beginning of the sandalwood trade
with China, which reached its height during the period of years cov-
ered from 1810 to 1825. Sandalwood was sold on board the vessels
in the Hawaiian Islands at that time at $10 a picul, or 135^ pounds.
The trade averaged $400,000 a year for some years. In 1835 the sandal>
wood trade had practically ended. Capt. Vancouver first gave the
natives the slips and seed for raising orange trees and grapevines and
many other subtropical plants, in 1792. The great bulk of marketa-
ble vegetation of the islands was not indigenous to the islands. Nearly
everything they have there is brought from the different shores, in fact
the way the city of Honolulu is located there is no foliage, except 15
or 20 cocoanut trees. Now it is a beautiful city of subtropical trees
and foliage. In 1793 Vancouver returned from his trip to California
and landed a bull, 5 cows, 3 sheep, the first of the kind placed on the
islands. Horses were first taken to the islands in 1803 by Capt. Cleve-
land. Vancouver superintended the building of the first ship in 1794.

The Chairman. Where was that built?

Mr. Simpson. It was built at Lahawa.

The first organized eftbrt for commercial relations with the United
States was made when missionaries landed from New England in 1820.
The first whaling ship arrived at Honolulu in 1820, to be soon followed
by many others, and Hawaii was made a base of supplies. Much time
was saved by ships engaged in whaling by taking their oil to Hawaii,
transshipping it to New England, making necessary repairs, laying in
supplies, and utilizing natives on their whaling voyages. The Hawaiian
proved to be the best sailor obtainable. In 1826 it was estimated that
100 whaling ships annually were putting in at Honolulu, and each ship
is said to have expended on an average the sum of $20,000 each, or about
^2fiQ0fi^ a year. Becognizing the value of this growing trafSc mer«

174 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

chants eBta))li8bed trading houses to gather in this important indastry.
The whaling trade continued to be the chief source of income to the
islands for a number of years. In 1845 there were 500 whaling ships
arrived there. In 1878 the whaling trade practically died out. Exper-
iments were made in growing commodities, such as silk, cotton, wheat,
sugar, coffee, but nothing of particular value was accomplished, except
in raising coffee and sugar. The coffee culture increased rapidly and
promised well until there came a drought in the years 1851-'52, which
it was said caused a blight. That for a time ended the advancement
of this industry.

The Chairman. Coffee, like the other plants you have been speaking
of, was not indigenous?

Mr. Simpson. No. They have experimented in coffee for a number
of years down there, and the trouble has been that the people who have
been engaged in experimenting do not understand their business.
They would start their trees at too low an altitude. Whenever they
^ot above 2,000 or 2,500 feet they have had the best results. Now they
are going into the matter to a greater extent than they have ever done
before. They grow a splendid quality of coffee.

Senator Gbat. Have they sufficient area at that altitude and higher
to make it an important matter?

Mr. Simpson. Yes. Their area to a certain extent is limited, but
there is a vast area that it will take a good many years to set out,
especially the island of Hawaii, which has 4,500 square miles, and the
greats portion of it is above 1,500 feet. The other islands are not, of
course, so la^ge.

Senator Gbat. On what island is Honolulu?

Mr. Simpson. Oahu.

Senator Obat. Do you know what the area of that island is?

Mr. Simpson. Six hundred square miles.

Senator Gbat. Is that all ?

Mr. Simpson. It is next to the largest inhabited island in the group.
Inhere are five principal islands.

Senator Gbat. The city of Honolulu has the greater portion of the
population?

Mr. Simpson. Yes. Coffee that they raise there has a splendid
flavor, and in time is going to become a very profitable commodity. It
is known as the Kona cofi'ee on account of its being raised in a dis-
trict by the name of Kona, and it has a flavor that resembles a mix-
ture of Mocha and Java. It has never been gone into systematically,
but they are going ahead with it now, and they will undoubtedly build
up a great business there.

Senator Gbat. Mr. Spalding, who was before us, expressed the
opinion that it would not be a success there.

Mr. Simpson. That is the opinion of nearly everybody who lives
there, but it is not borne out in experiments which have been made by
men who understand coffee culture. It is a peculiar industry, and
must be given careful attention, and the knowledge of years must be
brought to it. The merchants of Honolulu net more money for the
coffee that they sell in the San Francisco market grown on the island
of Hawaii than for any coftee sold in the San Francisco market, and in
spit-e of the fact that it is not prepared for market in what would be
ordinarily termed a marketable condition; it is not separated. The
good and the bad are all dumped into the same sack, and while I was
there one house in Honolulu had quite a little stock of it, some 1,200
or 1,500 bags, and the proprietor had refused at Honolulu 26

HAWAJUN ISLANDS. 775

ceots a pound for that coffee. Anyone who is posted in >green coffees
knows tliat that is a pretty good price placed at shipment.

The Chairman. Your inquiries into the industries of Hawaii were
stimulated by tlie trade you were trying to establish between /those
islands and Puget Sound.

Mr. Simpson. I took up eacl^ article to see whether we could handle
it, and also took up articles that promised well. In fact, when I
returned to Tacoma I completed a good size coffee company to go into
the culture of coffee there, but it was killed by the revolution. The
sugar business is completely controlled by the American Sqgar Befining
Company.

The Chairman. You mean in San Francisco?

Mr. Simpson. No; I mean the sugar trust in the United States. The
sugar trust now controls all the sugar refineries in San Francisco.
Do you want me to give you some sugar datat

The Chairman. >lot just now; you may proceed with your state*
ment.

Mr. Simpson. The first plantation for sugar purx>oses was estab*
Ushed in 1835 by Ladd & Co., Americans, and cane was raised in a
small way for a number of years. They got quite a valuable charter
firom the Hawaiian Government. They claimed at that time it was
procured for the purpose of selling the charter. It gave them the
selection of a vast quantity of land for a nominal consideration. When
gold was discovered in California a new market was opened up, and
the trade of the islands had greatly increased up to the year 1893. When
the gold fever was on in California they had very few supplies there,
and the people of the Sandwich Islands went into the raising of com-
modities to a greater extent than they had before or since. For
instance, they started flour mills and went into the raising of wheat on
the islands. I do not believe any is raised now. In the fifties sugar
sold up to 20 cents a pound in California, and later the acreage was
considerably increased in the hope that a reciprocity treaty would be
Buccessftdly negotiated with the United States. When the reciprocity
treaty was finally signed and ratified in 1875-^76 the raising of sugar
cane became the chief product of the island. The first commercial
treaty that was ever negotiated with the United States was in 1826;
the steam navigation between the islands in the group was first
started in 1853; the first steamship line between San Francisco and
the islands was established in 1870, a line running through to Aus-
tralia. •

The Chairman. Where do they get their coal for the operation of
that steam intercomtfiunication between the islands t I want to know
whether it is imi)orted.

Mr. Simpson. It is all imported.

The Chairman. And from what part of tlie earth particularly ?

Mr. Simpson. Altogether you may say with one or two shipments of
coal it has come from ^Newcastle in Australia.

The Chairman. Sydney?

Mr. Simpson. New South Wales. It is from the Ifewcastie mines
of Australia. They call it Newcastle coal. It is a bituminous coal,
and it costs them in Honolulu from $6.75 to $7.50, according to the
cost of shipping from Australia.

The Chairman. Is there any wood or other substance in Hawaii
that will be of use in steam navigation hereafter!

Mr. Simpson. No.

776

HAWAIIAK ISLANDS.

The Chairman. So that their dependence for fnel for this pnrpose is
npon foreign ports entirely.

Mr. Simpson. Yes.

The Ohaibman. They ought to make a good market for coal between
Honolulu and Seattle f

Mr. Simpson. Do not say Seattle. That is the poorest coal on the
Paciiic coast.

Senator Gray. Have you good coal in the Northwest ?

Mr. Simpson. Yes; we have good coal in the mines that have been
worked a long while. Now, about the woods; the indigenous woods of
the Hawaiian Islands number 150 kinds. The insects have done con-
siderable damage to them ; the most common is the borer, a species of
bug. I may say right there, on account of the limited amount of wood
on the islands the question of rain has become quite a serious matter.
When hogs and cattle became so plentiful they were turned loose, and
they rooteid hp the trees and roamed wild, and the greatest sport they
get down there is hunting wild cattle. They have destroyed all the
trees below 2,000 feet, and they passed laws while I was there prohibit-
ing them cutting fcrees except for firewood.

The Chairman. When you say the cattle destroyed the trees you
mean they ate the foliage and under plants f

Mr. Simpson. Yes. Of indigenous woods the most common are the
Oahea.

The Chairman. I do not care to go into that wood subject. My
question was about getting fuel for steam navigation in the islands.

Mr. Simpson. On Oahu is the best, at $13 per cord in 4-foot lengths.
And ri^ht there I would state that I sold, strange as it may seem, quite
a quantity of firewood. I have an order irom one firm in Honolulu to
fill up whatever space we had with firewood from Puget Sound.

Tl^ Chairman. You sold that to be delivered, but you never got a
chance to deliver itf

Mr. Simpson. JSo.

The Chairman. Where did you get the data that you now hand me
in relation to the conunerce between the United States and Hawaii?

Mr. Simpson. From the annual reports of the collector-general of
customs of the Hawaiian Islands, and from reports emanating from
the Treasury Department of the United States. One verified the other.

The Chairman. Are you satisfied that the figures that are based
ujH)n that data are correct t

Mr. Simpson. I am. The figures are as follows: The total export
and import trade of Hawaiian Islands from first year of official data
recorded, 1855, to December 31,1892, amounts to $265,136,486, the
imports being $98,981,325 and exports $166,155,251. This is with aU
countries. The first year in which there is a complete record of the
business done between the United States and Hawaiian Islands was
the year 1870. The total amount of merchandise and bullion exxM>rted
to and imported from Hawaiian Islands from 1870 to 1892, inclusive^ is
valued at $203,145,447, divided as follows:

Exported

to Hawaiian

Islands.

Merchandise
Bollion

Total..

$56,183,611
8,108,608

63,292,119

Imported
from Hawaiian
Islands.

$138, 670, 737
1, 182, 501

TotiL

$193,854,848
9,201.608

139,853,828 108,148k4«7

HAWAHAN ISLANDS. 777

The above table gives some idea of the profit which Las accrued to
the American traders from the Hawaiian Islands traf&c. The United
States secured from the Hawaiian Islands daring a period of twenty-two
years —

Merchandise and bullion to the valne of $139,853,328

For which they retamed merchandise and bullion to the value of 63, 292, 119

Showing a balance of trade in favor of the United States of . . .. 76, 561, 209

The reciprocity treaty went into effect in September, 1876. The net
total excess of imports over exports of both merchandise and bullion
up to 1877 was $3,139,997. By deducting this amount from the net
balance of trade from 1870 to 1892 the amount dt^rived, $73,421,212,
represents the balance of trade in favor of American traders under the
operation of the reciprocity treaty.

The foregoing figures show the difference in the volume of trade and
the value of trade prior to and during the time of the operation of the
treaty of reciprocity of 1876. '

The Chaibman. Does your table show whether there is any material
falling off' in the trade in consequence of the repeal of the tax on sugar f

Mr. Simpson. The figures do not stow that conclusively, for this
reason, that the season following the adoption of the McKinley bill
the gross tonnage was increased very much, but the price was reduced
for that reason. The actual figures show the production of sugar was
much greater than it had been prior. Some new sugar plantations
came into bearing that were not producing before.

The Chairman. Have the business enterprises with which you have
been associated made any examination into steaming coals in what you
call the northwestern Pacific, that is, along the line of the United
States and the British Possessions on the Pacific Ocean f

Mr. Simpson. I have in a general way. Of some particular kinds of
coal I made a specific examination for the purpose of using them on our
line of steamship.

The Chaibman. Where was your line designed to run; from the
United States to where ?

Mr. Simpson. To points on Puget Sound; that is to say, Victoria,
Seattle, and Tacoma.

The Chairman. Where did you expect to get your supply of fuel t

Mr. Simpson. It depended very largely on where we got the great-
est amount of our freight. If we could get a suflftcient quantity of
freight to warrant us in going into Victoria to stop there, we would
have to get coal from the Comax mines in California. If it were not
advisable to go in there we proposed to get a quantity of coal in Ros-
lyn, in Washington, which is mined exclusively by the Northern
Pacific. It is equal to any coal in the State of Washington: but the
Vancouver coal is a little cheaper, from the fact that the Northern
Pacific Railroad Company put an arbitrary rate on carrying coal to
the seaboard, because they had to haul over the mountains.

The Chairman. What is the length of the haul to the sound t

Mr. Simpson. About 75 miles. *

The Chairman. Is there no coal available on Puget Soujndt

Mr. Simpson. That is the Eoslyn coal.

The Chairman. Is there no coal on Puget Sound but tl^t which is
brought 70 or 75 miles by r?ilf

Mr. Simpson. Within 7 or 8 miles of the sound.

The Chairman. Is that good coal?

Mr* Simpson. It is fairly good coal, but not so good as Koslyn. ca^

778 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

The GHAiftMAK. Have they many open mines in the State of Wash-
ington f

Mr. Simpson. Quite a number; I should say in the neighborhood of
40 or 50. But there are not many of them tliat are worked. The fMt
is, the coal deposits are so great that it does not pay to work them,
except tiiey have a guaranteed channel for their trade. Nearly all
the coal mines are owned or controlled by large corporations, such as
the Southern Pacific EaiJroad Company, the Union Pacific Railroad
Company, the Northern Pacific Eailroad Company, the Great Northern,
and the Pacific Coast Steamship Company. They are large users of
coal, and nearly all of them have gone into the coal business, because
they wish to make the profit.

The Chairman. As the mines are worked deeper does the quality of
the coal improve f

Mr. Simpson. That is the general belief. Of course, where coal
dex)osits run, as you might say. along the surface, they do not increase;
they are rarely worked; they do not bother with them.

The Chaibman. What was to be the tonnage of the ships that you
were to send out on this linef

Mr. Simpson. About 3,000 gjoss.

The Chairman. How much of that would be occupied in carrying
fiiel to and from Honolulu f

Mr. Simpson. Do you mean for the use of the shipf

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Simpson. We figured that we would put in 1,000 tons of coaL

The Chairman. That would leave how much room for freight —
about 1,000 to 1,200 tons T

Mr. Simpson. Yes.

The Chairman. About one-half your cargo would consist of fuel for
the ship f

Mr. Simpson. The size of ship we proposed to operate.

The Chairman. That would be still greater on a smaller ship t

Mr. Simpson. The proportion would be still greater.

The Chairman. So that, in making a voyage in a steamship from
Pnget Spund to Honolulu and return, you would make the calcolation
that one-half your space in going out to Honolulu and one-fourth of it
returning would be occupied by fuel ?

Mr. Simpson. In a general way; yes.

The Chairman. How would the cost of coal, if you had to purchase
it in Honolulu, compare with what you would have to give for it, say^
in Victoria?

Mr. Simpson. A good steam coal sold by the dealers in Honolulu
would cost us $14 to $21 a ton, according to the man's ability to maka
a trade with those fellows. But that is a contingency we would not
meett

The Chairman. What did it cost in Victoria t

Mr. Simpson. The best coal that we could put on at Victoria would
cost us $3.50 a ton.

The Chairman. In both cases do you mean on board shipT

Mr. Simpson. Alongside the ship, on a lighter. The Boslyn coal
would cost us a trifle more than that; and there is another still nearer
the coast, known as the South Prairie coal, which carries a high pro-
portion 01 steam properties. But it is a small mine, and we could not
probably get very much of it. If we could get any we would put that
coal on board the ship from coal bunkers at about $3 a ton. Do yoa
want the coal proposition of the Pacific Ocean t

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 779

The Ghaibman. I want tx) know what acquaintance you have with
steam communication between the eastern and western shores of the
Pacific Ocean. I want to know generally what' your acquaintance
with the subject is,

Mr. Simpson. The way it is operated now is by two lines of ships
from San Francisco to China and Japan, making Yokohama the ]X)rt of
entry, making one line from San Francisco to Australia, stopping at
Honolulu, Samoa, Apia, New Zealand, and Sidney; and a line of ships
to Vancouver, British Columbia, to Cliina ^nd Japan, oi)erated by the
Canadian Steamship Company, and also under subsidy from the Eng-
lish Government and Canadian Government— heavy subsidies, too—
and a line of steamships from Tacoma to Yokohama and Hongkong.

The Chairman. Have you ever had any business connection with
any of the trans-Pacific lines ?

Mr. Simpson. I have imported a few goods, but nothing of a»y
importance. I have never been employed by any of them.

The Chaibman. As a rule, what is the tonnage of ships that cross
the Pacific Ocean f

Mr. Simpson. Ships running from San Francisco to Yokahoma, on
the Oriental and Occidental line, average from 4,000 to 5,000 gross
tonnage. On the Pacific Mail, operating between the same points,
they run from 3,000 to 5,000. On the Spreckles line, between San
Francisco and Australia, they run about 5,000 tons, and they have one
ship that runs only between San Francisco and Honolulu, 3,500 tons.
One of the ships of the Canadian Pacific Bailroad Company, operating
between Vancouver, China, and Japan, the Umpress of Indiaj is about
14^000 gross tons, and the ships running between Vancouver and
Australia on the Canadian Pacific line are about 5,000 gross tons, and
those between Tacoma and China and Japan are from 3,000 tons to
5,500 tons.

The Chairman. Would all these ships on leaving the American
coast take coal for the entire voyage across the Pacific Ocean t

Mr. Simpson. That is according to circumstances. Possibly I can
give you fiill information in reference to that subject. The ships run-
ning from San Francisco to Yokahoma, as a rule, only carry enough
coal to take them to China and Japan, except the coal market in Yoka-
homa for Hongkong is such as to to warrant them in carrying coal
from San Francisco, provided they have plenty of space to carry it.
They usually take from San Francisco a coal supply for twenty days.
The ship going from San Francisco to Yokahoma takes about sixteen
days out and about fourteen days to return, and they consume in round
numbers from 40 to 50 tons of coal per day. That coal costs them in
San Francisco from $6.50 to $7,50 per ton, and they purchase whichever
toal is most advantageous to them in price and qualtity. Coal is taken
to Australia from San Francisco, from England, and from the Pacific
northwest coast. The prices are of various kinds, averaging about the
same; that is, for some coals. Of course, cannel coal for stove or grate
purposes from the English mines runs higher. The manner in which
that coal is taken from San Francisco is by the operation of established
lines of colliers between San Francisco and the mines of the Pacific
northwest by ships going from England to San Francisco or points on
the Pacific coast, bringing coal in ballast, and by ships carrying lumber
from the Pacific northwest to Australia and securing a return cargo of
coaL

The Ohaieman. Is that a large trade ?

Mr. Simpson. Quite a large trade. It is very rarely that a ship finds

780 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

it necessary, a steamsliip engaged in the transpof tatiou bnsiness, to
stop at any way port for coal. It is very seldom that they do that now.

The Ohaibman. Does the course of a vessel from San Francisco to
Yokohama take in Honolulu f

Mr. Simpson. No; Honolulu does not lie in the direct course between
San Francisco and Yokohama.

The Chairman. How far away is it?

Mr, Simpson. The Geodetic Survey people make it 952 miles.

The Chairman. How long would it take a steamer to. make that
distance, running at the ordinary rates at which they run in crossing
the Pacific Ocean ?

Mr. Simpson. The ships now in that traffic, when they go into Hono-
lulu, lose an average of about three to three and a half days. I^ow,
there is a point that comes up ri^ht there.

The Ohaibman. You are si)eaking now of Yokohama and San Fran-
cisco t

Mr. Simpson. Yes.

The Chairman. Suppose it were between Hongkong and San
Francisco?

Mr. Simpson. Those lines do not go to Hongkong.

The Chairman. I mean, supx)ose there were a line between San
Francisco and Hongkong,- would not that go by Honolulu?

Mr. Simpson. I am not sufficiently posted to say.

The Chairman. A steamship line from San Francisco to Australia,
would go by the Sandwich Islands?

Mr. Simpson. It is in direct line.

The Chairman. So that a steamer going from Yokohama to San
Francisco would have to leave its course about three days, if it had to
go into Honolulu for refreshment, fuel, or anything else? That would
be about the length of time?

Mr. Simpson. Yes. But it does not seem to me to be very much of
a loss. The Pacific Mail Steamship Company and the Occidental and
Oriental Steamship Company, operating between San Francisco and
Yokohama, are operating on an agreement between them whereby the
ship of one line stops in at Honolulu one month and one of the other
line the next month. They have a schedule of a year at a time, and by
stopping in at Honolulu they do not make any more trips. Con-
sequently the pay roll goes on the same. In reference to the pay rolls
there is less difference between the money spent for labor on board
those ships running to China and Japan than there is on the ships run-
ning from the American coast to the other points in the Pacific Ocean,
for the reason that they employ Chinese and Japanese laborers, and
get them very much cheaper. The cost of labor is only 6 per cent less,
than it is upon ships operating in the Atlantic Ocean and employing
English labor; so that, for that reason, they only lose what coal is
actually necessary for them to buy in making the trip.

The Chairman. The point of my inquiry was in reference to the
advantage of the Hawaiian Islands — of course, Honolulu in particular —
as a resting place, place of refreshment, place of repairs in case of any
disaster to ships crossing from any portion of the United States to any
of the large cities of Asia they might choose to enter. That was the
point of my question — what you have to say on that subject. If you
have anything to add you may proceed to state it.

Mr. Simpson. There can be no question about the advantage of the
Hawaiian Islands in the case either of disaster to ships or the use of
the islands as a coaling station for the Navy of this country. In a

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 781

cbmmereial way the loss of the principal lines in ranning from the
United States to the Orient is practically confined to the extra coal
that they may consume in making the trip, which, on the line now in
operation between San Francisco and Yokohama, would be in the
neighborhood of $600 or $900. Of course, the lines running from
points between Vancouver and Yokohama are of no benefit; but the
running between Vancouver and Australia, or San Francisco and lines
Australia, or Nicaragua and the Orient, are of inestimable value.

The Chairman. If the Hawaiian group of islands were in charge of
some great and powerful maritime government, in your opinion would
it become a central distributing point of the commerce of the Pacific
Ocean in almost every direction — a point of interchange and distribu-
tion t Of course^ the idea which is couched in my question means
that under such conditions would it be likely that Honolulu or the
Hawaiian Islands might become a great commercial center f

Mr. Simpson. From a commercial sense, strictly speaking, the
Hawaiian Islands can hardly be a commercial distributing point except
for the goods used within their own country. But in so far as the
protection of commercial shipping is concerned, the islands are cer-
tainly of great importance. That is to say, the Hawaiian Eangdom
possessed by any maritime power would give to the ships of that nation
a particular advantage in times of perU.

The Chaibman. What is the objection to productions of India and
China and Japan meeting the productions of Mexico and the United
States -and British America for exchange at Honolulu f

Mr. Simpson. That is a condition that more likely would have existed
prior to 1850 than it is likely to exist there now, from the fact that in
those days a line of clipper ships was in use, wliich made it advan-
tageous for an interchange of commodities on through business. But
now, with the railroad and steamship traffic, I can not see where it is
going to be of any benefit to the commerce of the world, in a strictly
commercial sense, in so far as making it a trading post is concerned.

The Chaibman. You, therefore, assume that steam power is to sup-
plant the sailing ship entirely f

Mr. Simpson. Certainly. In the days of sailing ships it was com-
mon to use that point as a base of supplies where ships were engaged
in various kinds of traffic, as, witness the whaling trade. It was better
to employ ships to transport the products which the whaling ships
procured than it was to send those ships all the way around the Horn ;
it saved them considerable time for getting oil from the whale.

The Chaibman. But transportation on sailing ships is cheaper than
on steamers f

Mr. Simpson. That is true, of course, if limited to steady markets.
But as that country stands there is no product that passes by that
island, no two products, one growing in the Orient and one in the
South American Continent, that are interchangeable as a common
thing. The usual route of vessels engaged in that trade is, they start
from England, go to Australia with commodities, and pick up a cargo
there if possible. From there they go to some point on the Pacific
coast, load a cargo, and return to the United Kingdom.

The Chaibman. Perhaps I can illustrate my question to you better
by supposing a case. Suppose you have your choice between sending
a cargo of pig iron, hardware of the coarser kinds, heavier kinds, or
steel bars for railways, or other material of that sort, on board a sail-
ing ship or steamer f

Hr. Simpson. You mean commodities T

782 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

TheOHAiBHAN. GommoditieR, yes; which do not reqaire too rapid
transportation, bnt one that is cheap and safe, wonld you not prefer
to ship your commodities on a sailing ship if you could save freight by
doing so t

Mr. Simpson. Do you mean, if they were going to the Orient, to take
them, to Honolulu and then ship them to the Orient T

The Ghaibman. Or as a place of refreshment for ships t

Mr. Simpson. In that case it undoubtedly would be of great advan-
tage.

The Ghaibman. I do not agree with your assumption that steam
transportation or steam navigation is going to supplant the sail. I
think it will be found, after a while, that the supply of coal is so lim-
ited, or the 'price will be so great, that for the heavier commodities it
will not be used for transx>ortation and sailing ships will come in
vogue and be an important part of the commerce of the world.

Mr. Simpson. One reason why I take that ground is, when I was in
Honolulu I saw a bill of lading issued by the Southern Pacific Bailroad
Gompany of goods shipped from London and routed across the Atlantic
and the United States by the Southern Pacific Railroad Gompany, and
from San Francisco to Honolulu by steam navigation. Arbitrary rates
exist across the American Gontinent and between San Francisco and
Honolulu. The rate fluctuates on the Atlantic according to the dis-
placement of cargo offered, and that transportation was 31 shillings and
6 pence. The same articles taken from New York Gity to Honolulu
overland would cost us in American money $5.30. The same articles
taken in a sailing vessel from London to Honolulu, occupying some eight
mouths in time, (and it would be a good trip to make it in eight months),
would cost $4.85, according to the then existing rate. !N ow, the persons
shipping those goods preferred steam across the Atlantic and the Ameri-
can Gontinent, over a sailing vessel, from the fact that the money
invested in the cargo in transit would be greater than the cheap rate
on the return cargo from Honolulu, except the ship struck there in the
sugar season, when they could get a return cargo to the Pacific coast.
There would have to be that difierence arranged for.

The Ghaibman. As a general proposition, I suppose, it is not to be
disputed that over a long distance the transportation of heavy articles
of commerce would be cheaper by sail than by steam t

Mr. SiDCPSON. That was the generally accepted idea, except where
you get cheap fuel. The resources of the Pacific Ocean for fuel are
greater than on the Atlantic. They have tliree distinct bases of supply
where there is an enormous amount of coal. I speak of the Japanese
coal fields, the Australian coal fields, and the cosd fields of the North-
western Pacific coast. The Japanese coal fields and the I^orthwest
Pacific Goast fields are almost inexhaustible. An enormous amount
of coal can be produced there. The methods of handling in the
Northwest Pacific coast are very crude in comparison with the manner
the business is handled in well- settled and well- worked coal ilelds. It
is so much in its infancy that it has hardly gone beyond its experi-
mental stage.

The Ghaibman. As yet the real value of the coal out there is not
known, and can not be known, until they go further down into the seam
or vein ?

Mr. Simpson. No. Known coal fields are so numerous and known
deposits are so numerous at this time that it would be a waste of money
to expend it in finding new fields.

The Gsai^14A:n, You mean in our own country!

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 783

Mr. SniPSON. In the State of Washiogton, I know that to be true.

The Chaibman. Give a general statement of the commercial relations
between Hawaii and the United States.

Mr. Simpson. The Hawaiian Islands are to the Pacific Coast and to
the country west of the Mississippi Biver what the West Indies are to
the Atlantic and the country east of the Mississippi Biver. They
raise and can raise the same products. They are at present nearly
identical in formation, in methods, and manner of doing business, and
of articles actually handled. There is, to my mind,' no alternative for
the United States except to provide conditions and manner of doing
business with the Sandwich Islands, from the fact that the coun-
try west of the Missouri Biver is practically dependent upon those
islands for the commodities which are raised in the islands, to procure
them at anywhere near the price at which the same commodities are
sold east of the Mississippi Biv^r. In the West Indies sugar, rice,
and the fruit culture is in its infancy, but it will be augmented very
fast. The principle article, sugar, is dependent upon the Pacific coast
market, so called, and the Pacific coast is compelled to reciprocate.
For this reason sugar raised in Cuba and refined in the Eastern part
of the United States is compelled to pay too great a transportation fee
to reach the markets of the Pacific coast. Were there no sugar raised
in the Hawaiian Islands the sugar would be received from China and
Japan rather than from Cuba, on account of this transportation. The
sugar business is controlled by the American Sugar Trust, of which
Spreckels and his interest are a part. During the winter of 1892-'93
contracts were made by the American Sugar Trust, through Spreckels
as agent, for their product of sugar for five years. The stipulations
of that contract are these:

The trust agrees to pay to the grower for sugar laid in San Fran-
cisco the same price that Cuban sugar brings in New York City, less
a quarter of a cent per pound. This quarter of a cent per pound dif-
ference is for the purpose, as claimed by the sugar trust people, to com-
pensate them for the difference in freight that they would have to pay
if they had to take Cuban sugar to the Pacific coast. It is simply a
subterfuge for the purpose of obtaining the advantage of a quarter of
a cent per pound. That contract also states that all sugar running in
grade of 96 per cent saccharine shall pay a thirty-second of 1 cent per
pound for each degree over 96 per cent saccharine, and a sixth of 1 x>er
cent on each degree under 96 x>er cent saccharine. All the planters in
the islands engaged in the sugar business have signed this contract from
the fact that there is no other outlet. When I was in Honolulu in the
winter of 1892 the growing price of sugar was about 990 per ton. The
(Sanse of that was that the previous crop of Cuban sugar had been prac-
tically a failure, and they were enabled to get a much better price than
they are getting at present. The last quotations which I received from
Honolulu they were paying for Hawaiian sugar laid in San Francisco
2|, almost the lowest price it has ever reached, and which price does
not pay even a small interest on the investment.

The rice business of the islands is carried on principally by the Chi-
nese and Japanese. The rice they raise grades with what is known
commercially as No. 1, or as good as any rice in the South Sea Islands
or off South Carolina.

The Chaibman. How is it raised T

Mr. Simpson. By irrigation; different from what it is in the fields
m the South.

784 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

The Ghaibhan. Yon mean irrigation brought on the land by ditches T

Mr. Simpson. No; but they allow the water to stand nntil the crop
ripens, then they draw it off. If they can not, the men go on and do it
in rubber boots. Most of that rice is milled by one concern at Hono-
lulu, and very little of it is shipped to the United States in the condi-
tion of what is known as paddy. It enters successfully in competition
with Japanese and other Oriental rice on the Pacific coast, and very
rarely does any rice from the Atlantic seaboard, South Carolina, or
Louisiana reach the Pacific const. I do not know of but one season
where any was shipped there, and that was three years ago when there
was an enormous crop in the South and they could not find a market.

The next interest of importance in the Hawaiian Islands is the banana
business. In the Hawaiian Islands they are raised usually in very
small patches by Chinese. They are handled through a middleman,
and the cost on board ship at Honolulu is about 100 per cent more for
bananas than it is in any of the West India countries. In 1892 there
were $175,000 worth of bananas shipped from the Hawaiian Islands.
Ten years before there were none. With the decline of the sugar prod-
ucts in the Hawaiian Islands the people have no alternative except to
turn their attention to raising of coffee and fruits. It will require some
years to bring coffee to a distinctively commercial point, as that requires
a system of individuality which fruit does not need. However, experi-
ments are now being made and organized plantations are going into
the matter in a scientific way. The fruit culture in the islands will
unquestionably take lead in the new departure for other goods to raise
beside sugar and rice. That is from the fact that there is no other
commodity they can raise and which will have so great and popular a
market, particularly, as bananas.

To illustrate that, in 1882 there were 35,000 bunches of bananas
landed at Kew York City. In 1891 there was an average of 35,000
bunches per day arrived in New York City. To-day the banana in the
I^ew England States is the x>oor man's food. Down to eight years ago
the banana was unknown except as a curiosity, and now they buy
them by the carload. I am told that they affect the trade in flour,
bacon, and other common foods of the people. One pound of bananas
has as much nourishment in it as 4 pounds of bread. There is a great
market west of the Missouri Kiver, which is practically virgin, and the
cost of raising bananas in the Hawaiian Islands will be undoubtedly
decreased with the scientific growing of them, and the conditions are
such that they can be transported to points east of the Pacific slox>e
and west of the Missouri Eiver as cheap as they can be brought from
west of the Atlantic and east of the Mississippi. At present a bunch
of bananas from Honolulu, sold in the markets of the Pacific Slope out-
side of San Francisco, will bring from |3 to $4.50.

The Chairman. Are not bananas raised abundantly and profitably
in southern California T

Mr. Simpson. I^o; no more than they can be raised profitably in the
southern part of Florida. I have seen them raised in Florida, but
their growth was stunted. While they are in the same latitude that
the Hawaiian Islands are the conditions seem to be different. The
pineapple is another food which is being raised systematically, more
so probably than bananas. They can raise and mature pineapples
every month in the year. That is also true of bananas. It is different
in the Hawaiian Islands from what is in any other portion of the
world. This would insure a high price in the markets o£ the Pacific
coast. In. two months of the year, in August and September^ the pine-

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 785

apples are an overprod action, and until a treaty is effected with the
United States on a muph broader plan than the one now in eifect, the
raising of these fruits, and especially pineapples, will not be so great a
success. The present treaty with the CTnited States admits compara-
tively a few of the Hawaiian articles into the United States and all of
tiie articles produced and manufactured in the United States into
Hawaii, with the possible exception of spirits and tobaccos.

Until a treaty is effected whereby manufactures of all descriptions
and canned goods are placed on the free list from that country no
marked improvement can be made. The general impression in the
Hawaiian Islands when I was there was that when the treaty runs out
in 1894, when canned goods in the Hawaiian Islands would certainly
go on the free list, the effect would be to accelerate the trade to a
greater extent than any other method that could be adopted. Strange
as it may seem, the Hawaiian Islands are entirely dependent upon the
Pacific coast for their supplies of every kind and description.

The Chairman. What do you mean by supplies t They do not
depend upon the Pacific coast for taroT

Mr. Simpson. Of every class and description. That is to say, the
chief subsistence are the articles which are procured from the Pacific
coast. Of course, the most indigenous article of food the natives live
on is what is commonly called poij a pasty stuff that is made from taro
and raw fish. But in spite of that fact, of the 92,000 people in all the
islands, they are known as the greatest consumers per capita of any
people in the world.

The Chaibman. Do you mean of provisions t

Mr. Simpson. Of everything. There is more stuff bought and taken
in there than in any other place in the world. To illustrate a little
more Ailly, I will cite some of the articles which I sold while I was
there. Brick, lime, apples, potatoes, butter, eggs, fire wood, beer,
banana crates, flour, whole barley, rolled barley, chopped feed, cracked
com, bran, shorts, feed wheat, oats, timothy hay, wheat hay, alfalfa,
carrots, mules, coal (steam and stove), plaster, shingles, salmon
(canned and salted), coarse sand, wire nails, onions, sash, doors, and
blinds, crackers, provisions, hardware, etc.

The Chairman. With what do they pay for all thist

Mr. Simpson. The manner of doing business in the Hawaiian Islands
is, these principal houses pay cash for what they get; that is to say,
nearly all of them carry their profits to San Francisco. One of the
large houses showed me its books, disclosing that he had not, since he
had been in business, had less than $34,000 of cash on deposit in San
Francisco. Goods are paid for in cash in San Francisco when they go
on board the ship and discounted.

The Chairman. Is the money actually shipped to San Francisco, or
is there exchange T

Mr. Simpson. !No; it is carried there.

The Chairman. How do they get hold of this money T

Mr. Simpson. The money that they get from the sale of sugar is
deposited to the credit of these concerns in San Francisco, and they
pay their bills in that manner.

The Chairman. Is there enough commerce in the Hawaiian Islands
to enable them to become the largest consumers per capita in the
world t

Mr. Simpson. Yes. - The figures that I have heretofore submitted to
you prove that assertion, showing that since the year 1870 there has

S. Kep. 227 50

786 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

been a profit to the traders in that business of aboat $76,000,000 in
round figures.

The Chairman. If I oompreheud your statement correctly, the whole
population of Hawaii is dependent for subsistence in every way ui>on
the sugar crept

'Mr. tinfPSON. The sugar crop and the rice crop ; they are the two
principal crops.

The Ghaibman. Do they not raise cattle, hogs, and i>oultryT

Mr. Simpson. No; they are the most improvident people I have ever
met with. I have never lived in the South, but in the West Indies
and in the several countries where they have cheap labor they have
utterly no idea of the value of money. I w^ standing on the comer
talking to a contractor when a native laborer came up and asked for a
position. The contractor and I were talking of the improvident char-
acter of the native Kanaka. The contractor asked him how much he
wished for his work and the fellow said $50 amonth. The contractor
said, << Jack, I can not pay you that; I will give you |2 a week," and
the Kanaka at once said, << When shall I go to workf" That is true,
they have no idea or conception of the value of money.

The Ghaibman. You are now speaking of the very low classes T

Mr. Simpson. Qf the natives.

The Chairman. They are not all that way; some of the natives are
respectable people, having sense and chara<$ter.

Mr. Simpson. I do not remember having met more than pne or two
hill-blooded natives who were men of means. I do not wish to ques-
tion their character, because they are the most honest people that I ever
met. Of the so-called 35,000 natives in all the islands, as a matter of
fact there are only about 6,000 who are j^ll-blooded natives, the bal-
ance having a strain of various kinds of blood. Liliuokalani has a strain
of negro blood, and is not a descendant of the ancient chiefs of the
islands, as is generally supposed.

The Ghaibman. You tMnk the mixing of the blood has improved
the people t

Mr. Simpson. Yes. There are other articles which can be raised
and manufactured with profit in the islands. For instance, common
salt can be gathered at a very low price, and if the trade were entered
into it, could be sold at a very good profit.

The Chairman. There are none of the leading minerals — iron, cop-
per, and leadf

Mr. Simpson. No; the soil is all disintegrated lava, and everything
nearly requires irrigation.

Acyourned to meet on notica

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 787

Washington, D. O,, WedneBday^ February 7, 1894.

The subcommittee met pursaant to notice.

Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Butler^ Sher-
man, Frye, and Senator Dolph of the full committee.
Absent: Senator Gray.

8W0RH STATEMENT OF COMMAHDER HICOLL LTJIXLOW.

The Chairman. At wliat time have you visited the Hawaiian Islands t

Mr. Ludlow. I have only been there once. I was commander of the
Mohican. I arrived there on the 10th of February last and left there
on the Ist of May.

The Chairman. What American ship did you find in portf

Mr. Ludlow. I found the Boston there. Subsequently the Alliance
came in and reported. The Adams was sent down to take the place of
the Mohican^ and on her arrival I went north. The Mohican was
Admiral Skerrett's flagship; I was his chief of staff during the time
I remained there.

The Chairman. On your arrival at Honolulu, what did you find to
be the condition of the community there as to quietude and regularity
in the conduct of business f

Mr. Ludlow. I had never been there before, and I am not able to make
any correct comparison of the affairs then with what they had been.
But the people complained of hard times, as they began to do every-
where. Of course, business went on just the same; they did a good
deal of talking; apparently they had not much else to do; stand around
and talk on the streets and on the piazzas.

The Chairman. Were you around in the city much during the time
you were there t

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; I was ashore every day. I was brought in con-
tact with everybody in town of every position. As the admiral's
chief of staff, I returned a great many calls with him, and made a great
many social calls.

The Chairman. Were you at that time aware of the existence of any
organization for the purpose of overturning the Provisional Govern-
ment?

Mr. LuDiiOW. None whatever, any more than, of course, the adher-
ents of the Queen on one side and of the Provisional Government on
the other: there was some talk. There was no conspiracy or fighting,
simply talk. I have been around in different parts of the world, and I
thought that Honolulu was as quiet a community as you could find;
everybody's doors and windows were unlocked. It was so night and
day: as quiet a community as exists on the face of the earth.

Tne Chairman. Would you describe it as a community satisfied
with the existing government!

Mr. Ludlow. The Provisional Government t

The Chairman. Yes.

Mr. Ludlow. A great many were dissatisfied with it; thought that
it ought not to be there; thought that it was not the legitimate govern-
ment of the islands.

The Chairman. Were they satisfied with the administration of the
affairs of the Government t

Mr. Ludlow. Oh, yes; I heard nothing said about their honesty and
proper administration of the affairs of the Government;*^ \i<^N«&\L<ejda^^

788 HAWAIUN ISLANDS.

any qucRtion raised as to what disix>sitioii was made of the money and
BO on. The men who were in the Provisional Government were recog-
nized as as good men as were in the islands.

The Chaibman. Was there an established police force in the islands T

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; rather an inefficient police force; never had a
call for one while I was there. There were some scraps down in the
lower part of the town among the sailors; bnt I never knew of a blow
being struck except by two lawyers, who got into some dispute over
some politics, when one struck the other over the face. That thing is
all exaggerated about people being in a tremble. Ladies are traveling
around in their carriages; and there is more, exaggeration about fear
there than any place I ever saw.

The Chairman. You saw no evidence at all of intense public anxiety T

Mr. Ludlow. No.

The Chairman. Did you have an opportunity to form an opinion of
Mr. Dole and his cabinet in respect to their ability as men to conduct
public affairs, and the manner in which they demeaned themselves in
their positions T

Mr. Ludlow. I have met them all, and consider them all first-rate
men — dignified, <)uiet, and little talk among them. They were inclined
all the time to keep these people from talking. A few days after Mr.
Blount arrived, and got the American flag down from off the Govern-
ment building, he asked me what I thought of the state of public opi-
nion ; whether it was any quieter after the flag came down than before.
I told him there was a change. I told him that it seemed to put the
responsibility where it belonged, and the people seemed to go on about
their business; there was not so much talk about it as there had been ;
they simply accepted the thing, while formerly, while our flag was flying,
it made us responsible for everything that took place. We were respon-
sible, in a measure. I was very much surprised to see that flag up
there.

The Chaibman. Did the Provisional Government make any habitual
display of soldiery f

Mr. Ludlow. Oh, no. They were recruiting. I do not think at any
time up to the time 1 left there they had to exceed a hundred men.
And there was nobody who could drill them or get them in shape.
They had to send to Cleveland, Ohio, to get uniforms.

The Chairman. Were they kept in barracks t

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; they had two barracks, one was the Government
building, that the Provisional Government occupied, south of it; then
there was another old barracks, the artillery barracks, north of the
Queen's palace. There may have been other posts. They had a review
ground just opposite the Government building. I have seen them drill
there.

The Chairman. What is your opinion of the advantage that the
Hawaiian group of islands would be to the United States as a military
base in time of war!

Mr. Ludlow. As a military base for a cx)untry like this it is too far
away — 2,000 and odd miles. If it were Great Britain, it would be
another thing. But with a country like this, with our ideas of a stand-
ing army and a navy, an outpost 2,000 miles away would not be the
thing.

The Chairman. Would that be the case with respect to Bermuda, if
we owned thatt

Mr. Ludlow. Bermuda is nearer, a day and a half sail of the port
of New York; two days' sail, certainly.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 789

The Ghaibhan. If yon were stationed with a fleet at Honolahi, and
the American coast were to be assailed by any great European power
with steamships — and they would have to use that class of vessels to
make anything like an effective assault — would you not consider that
you had an advantage over an advancing or attacking power by hav-
ing that x)ositionf

Mr. Ludlow. No. The Pacific is a very large ocean. You can not
keep the track of your enemy on the ocean as you can on land; they
could pass you, get in behind you, and you would never know it in the
world.

The Chairman. In a naval engagement between the United States
and any maritime power, say Great Britain, would it not be their first
attempt to take those islands!

Mr. Ludlow. I think there is a treaty between France and Great
Brit4iin by which they will never acquire a foot of Hawaiian territory.

The Chairman. That is for civil administration. But in the event
of war that would scarcely avail much in a country that wanted to go
and establish itself in a military position f

Mr. Ludlow. Great Britain has a better plaee than that on our
frontier.

The Ghaibman. Where is thatt

Mr. Ludlow. Victoria. They have everything they want there.

The Ghaibi^ AN. Victoria, if I understand the geography, is open to
a land attack by the United States*

Mr. Ludlow. Yes, but you have to embark your troops j it is an
island.

TheCHAiBMAN. Hardly.

Mr. Ludlow. Vancouvers Island.

The Chairman. You can get plenty of crossings so as to reach Van-
couvers Island.

Mr. Ludlow. They keep a pretty good squadron there all the time.

The Chairman. You seem to think, though, in the event of a war
with the United States, Great Britain would find it to her advantage,
if she saw proper to do so, felt authorized to do so, to seize upon those
islands for the purpose of establishing there a base of supplies to
recruit her ships, and furnish them with coal and provisions and what-
ever she needed.

Mr. Ludlow. Undoubtedly they would if they thought it was to
their advantage. I never knew Great Britain to hesitate with a ques-
tion of that kind. «

The Chairman. Did you examine Pearl Harbor while you were out
there t

Mr. Ludlow, l^o; nothing more than the surveys. I kept pretty
close to the ship. I did not know what would turn up, and if I was to
put more men on shore I wanted to be there.

The Chairman. What would be your opinion, with the use of modem
guns of high power, as to the ability of any power to control Honolulu
by erecting fortifications upon the high lands around the bay and back
of the- bay to protect that harbor against the invasion of a fleet com-
ing from the open ocean T

Mr. Ludlow. A fleet* could shell the place to pieces. You could
send a fleet there and could certainly destroy the place.

The Chairman. Could guns be placed around the heights surround-
ing the bay of Honolulu in such positions as to prevent a fleet coming
near enough to Honolulu to shell it and destroy itf

Mr. Ludlow. No. Are you familiar with the harbor t

790 HAWAIIAN I8l4Aim&

The Chaibman. I could not say that I am familiar.

Mr. LxTDLOW. There is a reef that rana aroand the island, and
wherever there is a stream of fresh water coming down from the hill
it cats a channel — the coral will not grow, and that has left that little
pocket in there. It is very smalls

The Chaibman. How many ships of war could harbor theiref

Mr. Ludlow. There is not room enough for a ship to swing at anchor.

The Chaibkan. How far from the line of the bay are the elevations
that surround Honolulu T

Mr. Ludlow. The first one is the hill called the Punch Bowl, an
extinct volcano, that lies behind the town a mile and a quarter or a
mile and a half from the water. It runs down to a flat plain on the
edge of the water with this coral reef.

The GHAiitMAN. Gould not guns be placed on the hills in such posi-
tion and with such range as would enable those maintaining them ^ere
to keep a fleet ofi'T

Mr. Ludlow. If the fleet fired to destroy the town, they would not
pay much attention to the batteries up there. And it would not be a
difficult matter to hit the town.

The Chaibman. I suppose, therefore, you think that men-of-war
that might be in the bay for repairs and for provisions or coal would
not be made secure by fortifications around the harbor T

Mr. Ludlow. No; not for Honolulu. It would be a very great
expense building forts outside. I do not think it could be done; it
would not be practicabK

The Chaibman. How would it be in Pearl Harbor t

Mr. Ludlow. There you have different conditions. The harbor is
very deep inside and it runs a good ways back. I think it must run
5 or 6 miles back in toward the -center of the island.

The Chaibman. It also has tongues of land running out into it T

Mr. Ludlow. Yes — side bays. But most of it is quite deep, and that,
with the range of modern artillery on board ship, make it pretty warm
for anybody inside there.

The Chaibman. It is what the naval officers would call a well-shel-
tered placet

Mr. Ludlow. Yes. There is a good deal of work to be done to make
it available. My recollection is that something like a quarter to a half
mile of excavations would be necessary. Whether that is sand or coral
we do not know; there have not been any borings.

The Chaibman. Suppose it is coraU Is that difficult to excavate
under water!

Mr. Ludlow. 'No; not nowadays, with modem dredging.

The Chaibman. And once excavated, it is easy to keep it openf

Mr. Ludlow. You can keep it open very readily, I think, as soon as
they get the mouth of Honolulu Harbor cleared out. This plant belongs
to the Government, and they are going to send it down to Pearl Harbor ;
that was the intention when I left there— to see if they can not deepen
the mouth of it. There is one thing to be said about it, it would make
another port there for the people of Honolulu and would throw <iut
some of those who are in business, because it would make a better
harbor than at Honolulu.- •

The Chaibman. If you were putting the steamer Boston to sea for a
voyage into the Pacific Ocean and back around Cape Horn, could you
carry coal enough on the Boston to reach Australia and back to the
mouth of the Chesapeake!

Mr. Ludlow. No.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 791

The Ghaibman. How far woald you be able to steam with the coal
you could carry on the Boston f

Mr. Ludlow. I never served on the Boston; I could only give you
my impression* I do not think her steaming radius is over 3,500 miles.
She is one of the old type of ships.

The Ghaibman. Take the best of modem ships — cruisers which
have large capacity for carrying coal, and built purposely for that.
What is the steaming radius of those ships T

Mr. LiTDLOW. Probably the steaming radius of the Columbia is the
largest. My impression is that at her most economical speed she has
something like 10,000 miles. The Philadelphia has probably 6,000 miles,
and the San Francisco has probably 5,000.

The Ghaibman. That means 5,000 miles out and backf

Mr. Ludlow. Five thousand miles alone.

The Ghaibman. You could not take either of those ships from the
mouth of the Ghesapeake Bay around to San Francisco, and when you
arrived there have them in fighting condition f

Mr. Ludlow. No ; you would have to stop on the way.

The Ghaibman. Where would you stopt

Mr. Ludlow. Idl time of i)eacet

The Ghaibman. Any time.

Mr. Ludlow. We have any number of stations — a dozen or more
coaling commercial stations all through the West Indies; Pemam-
buco, Brazil; Bahia, Eio Janeiro, Montevideo, and Sandy Point,
Straits of Magellan, and Gallao; and also Panama and Valparaiso.

The Ghaibman. At Valparaiso you would find coalT

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; and at Gallao.

The Ghaibman. In time of war you could not obtain coal supplies
for the naval vessels t

Mr. Ludlow. I believe coal is contraband.

The Ghaibman. So that in time of war if you wanted to cany coal
for the best cruiser you have from Ghesapeake Bay to San Francisco,
you would not find her in fighting trim when you got to San Francisco T

Mr. Ludlow. Ko.

The Ghaibman. Do you not think that under such circumstances it
would be of advantage to the United States to have at some point in
the Pacific, away from our coast, places where we have the right of
control, and places where we could protect our coal supplies T

Mr. Ludlow. I see what you are leading up to. We could not reach
Honolulu.

The Ghaibman. We could reach Skmoa, could we notf

Mr. Ludlow. No.

The Ghaibman. Suppose we were already at Samoa and at Hono-
lulu and had our supplies, and we had to combat with the ships that
would come from the Mediterranean and around the Horn for the pur-
pose of attacking the coast of Galifornia, which country would have
the advantage in a military sense in such an arrangement as that!

Mr. Ludlow. Samoa would have to be counted out. It is over 6,000
miles from there, and we are 2,000 miles from Honolulu.

The Ghaibman. My question is that we are already in possession ot
Samoa and Honolulu, and we have sufficient coal there to supply any
emergency whatever. Then the question would be, having the right
to coal your ships at those points, and protecting them and protecting
your depot of supplies, would you have an advantage over a maritime
power that had to cross the Atlantic and come around the Horn, or

792 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

had to go thronirli the Mediterranean and the Saez Canal for the par-
pose of attacking the coast of California f

Mr. Ludlow. There might be a slight advantage. But these other
nations have all got nearer stations than that; the French and German
as well as the English are in possession.

The Chairman. I suppose our Navy would not be of much use to us
if we could not do more than to send our ships with coal enough to go
out and fight and get back?

Mr. Ludlow. That is all we can do. We have made no effort to get
any coaJing station abroad.

The Chairman. As a naval officer, do you think it is a wise policy T

Mr. Ludlow. For this country, yes.

The Chairman. Then we do not need a Navy.

Mr. Ludlow. Oh, yes. You can not defend California with fortifica-
tions; you have to defend that place on the sea.

The Chairman. The high seaf

Mr. LxTDLOW. Outside of gunshot. The class of ships we have been
building there are battle ships. We have a few cruisers, but not what
we would call fighting ships.

The Chairman. Your idea, then, of the use of a navy would be that
the best policy is to have strong ships, well-armed vessels, at the prin-
cipal ports, where they could come inside, get their coal and provisions,
and go outside and fight T

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; and not to allow our territory to be hurt It is
not so much offense as defense.

The Chairman. When you get up in the country about Puget
Sound where they have large military and naval establishments on
Vancouver Island, or Victoria Island, wherever it is, you would find
difficulty. there unless you stationed your ships inside the sound T

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; but we have some «,000,000 or 9,000,000 men in
the United States, and we could have 1,000,000 men over there in no
time. They would lose that in thirty days.

The Chairman. That is to say, the land forces would go out!

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; we could get them across.

The Chairman. In that case, then, your reliance would be \ipon the
land forces and not upon the navy T

Mr. Ludlow. We would have to be there to see that they got there
safely. They have to have vessel transportation.

The Chairman. You seem to think that we have little need of a navy,
more modem fighting ships, except of the cruising class.

Mr. Ludlow. Oh, no; battle-ship class.

The Chairman You prefer those!

Mr. Ludlow. We need them both. If a man has certain work to do
he wants proper tools to work with. They work together.

The Chairman. Can you name the ports on the Atlantic where you
think these battle ships should be stationed to meet the ships of
another nation, say British ships?

Mr. Ludlow. You can count those ports very readily because the
depth of water comes in. Inhere are several ports on the coast of Maine.
Portland is probably the principal one. There is another at Ports-
mouth, N. H., where we have a naval station. Then you come down,
and, although Boston is not a s^fe port to get into under all the cir-
cumstances with a heavy-draft ship, yet it is of great importance that
that port should be defended. Then there is New York, of course, and
the mouth of the Delaware.

The Chairman. And Newport?

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 793

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; you have Newport.

The Chairman. Any other places t

Mr. Ludlow. You could mention many harbors up there that have
sufficient draft of water for these ships to enter, but other ports could
be looked out for with lighter draft ships.

The Chaibman. Going on the same principle you woulcl have ships
with sufficient power at the entrance of these principal bays on the
Atlantic, the Gnlf, and Pacific to fight foreign ships as they came in at
each of these places T

Mr. Ludlow. They woold have to be in a position to be easily gath-
ered together.

The Chairman. Would it not be a little difficult to gather a fleet at
particular x)oint8 — say New York — ^to defend an attack by English ves-
sels, if you had to bring them from the different ports of the Oulf and
South Atlantic and Chesapeake, and so on, in order to meet a military
or naval force from Great Britain!

Mr. Ludlow. You have got to move, no matter how the blow is to
be struck.

The Chairman. It would be a risky operation t

Mr. Ludlow. Of course there would be some risk.

The Chairman. It would not be so much so if we owned the outside
points, say the Bermudas f

Mr. Ludlow. They are near enough as an outpost, and sufficiently
near to be supported.

The Chairman. As a naval defense you say that the Atlantic coast
would not be so safe against the invasion of a foreign fleet without the
possession of these different points that we are speaking of, as if we
owned themf

Mr. Ludlow. It would be very much better if we owned them.

Senator Sherman. I would like to have you. describe much more
fiilly than has been done here the defense on Vancouver Jsland. I
have been there, and know something about it, but I have not a knowl-
edge of the geographical terms. What kind of fortifications or defenses
have been established at Vancouver Island!

Mr. Ludlow. Not very many of them. They have been mounting
some high-power modem guns there, I think not to exceed a half dozen,
within the last two years. But they have a small naval station on a
little harbor that they go into, and it has been principally directed to
the defense of that.

Senator Sherman. How far is that irom the city of Victoria t

Mr. Ludlow. It is 2 miles, or 2^ miles as I remember it. I was there
as a visitor only, a very short time.

Senator Sherman. Have the English any other fortifications or naval
stations along the Pacific coast except that one! Is there any up in
Canada, farther north?

Mr. Ludlow. Ko; that is the only one. They have their depot of
supplies farther south, down to Ooquimbo.

Senator Sherman. How far is Port Townsend from Victoria!

Mr. Ludlow. About 25 miles. You mean the strait where"" Puget
Sound runs iuf

Senator Sherman. Land to land — from Port Townsend across to the
nearest land^ in plain sight of it, is itf

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Sherman. Do you think the channel is 10 miles!

Mr. Ludlow. Do you mean the strait?

Senator Sherman. Yes.

794 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Ludlow. Straight across is from 10 to 15 miles.

Senator Shebman. Your idea is that in case of war our forces conid be
throwu on the island, and they could practically occupy that island
without regard to the Navy T

Mr. LuBLOW. They have some ships there, and also naturally thej&
would make the best fight they could. But they resdize the fiact that
war without us would involve all ti^ey have to the north of us.

Senator Shbbman. Still, there is no other preparation for defense,
for any other fort on the island except thatf

Mr. Ludlow. I never heard of any and do not believe there is.

Senator Shebman. Is there any ddfficalty in landing on the inside T

Mr. Ludlow. On the inside; no. There are abundant harbors on
the West Pacific coast — some very fine harbors in there that have never
been surveyed.

The Ghaibjian. Have you mentioned the depot of supplies at
Coquimbot

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; that is in Peru. That is the southern part of
their squadron. They have a store ship there, and a direct line of
steamers clear up to Callao.

The Ghaibman. Is it Goquimbo or the Esquimaltt

Mr. Ludlow. Esquimau is fortified somewhat.

The Ghaibman. Land fortifications T

Mr. Ludlow. There are some land fortifications there, but not of
very great importance. They have a dry dock and can do repairs there.

The Ghaibman. They have not built ships there yetf

Mr. Ludlow. Oh, no.

The Ghaibman. They have their coal supplies back on the island T

Mr. Ludlow. Their coal mines are the Kanaimo, which are on the
east side of the island of Vancouver, about 60 or 70 miles north of
Victoria; and, at Departure Bay, the Wellington mines; 50 miles north
is the Gomax mine. I'here is the greatest abundance of coal to the
north end of the island; it is only a question of opening it up.

Senator Shebman. Does that coal go to San Francisco t

Mr. Ludlow. Yes. So far as I know, it is the only bituminous coal
found on the west coast. The coal is of very excellent quality.

Senator Dolph. Are you acquainted with the coal industry in the
State of Washington T

Mr. LxTDLOW. It is this way. For three years I was the light-house
inspector at San Francisco, and in that position I had to buy a great
deal of coal, and I tried all the coal from all the mines that I could
find in the market in San Francisco.

Senator Dolph. How long ago was thatT
, Mr. Ludlow. That was in 1887, 1888, 1889, and 1890.

Senator Dolph. Are you familiar with the product from the Green
Biver country, the mines opened by the Gentral and Southern Padficf

Mr. Ludlow. In Wyoming!

Senator Dolph. No; in Washington.

Mr. Ludlow. The Green Eiver in Washington T Noj I have not
seen those; I did not know there was any on the m9>rket.

Senator Dolph. Do you know the quality of the coal used by the
Gentral and Southern Pacific from mines in Washington east of Tacoma
and up in the Gascade Mountains!

Mr. Ludlow. I have not seen them. They get their coal fit)m Coma
Vein, Yancouvers Island. They own 30 per cent in those mines, and
Dunsmores own 70.

Adjourned to meet on notice.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 795'

Washington, D. C, Thursdnyy February 5, 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present: The chairman (Senator Morgan) and Senators Gray and
Frye.
Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman.

BWOSH STATEMENT OF HICOLL LTJDLOW— Ckmtinned.

Senator Gbat. You have already been sworn t

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Gray. And you stated in your examination the other day
that you went to the Sandwich Islands, in command of the Mohican^
with Admiral Skerrett; that you arrived there on the 10th of Febru-
ary, and were there until whent

Mr. Ludlow. The Ist of May.

Senator Gray. You have already said that you were ashore nearly
every day; that as Admiral Skerrett's chief of staff it was your duty
to make a great many social and official calls; that you came in con-
tact with the people of those islands, and that you were an interested
observer of the condition of things obtaining there. That is so, is it
notT

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

SenSktor Gray. Did you, with reference to the revolution of January
17, 1893, form any opinion fi*om these sources of observation and infor-
mation as to whether or not that revolution would have been accom-
plished' when it was accomplished and as it was accomplished if it had
not been for the presence on shore of the United States troops t

Senator Frte. Do you consider that a legitimate question T

Senator Gray. I do.

The Chairman. I e^cpect Mr. Ludlow had better answer that ques-
tion.

Mr. Ludlow. I would like to call attention to a fact in the question.

The Chairman. State your opinion about it.

Mr. Ludlow. The troops were not on shore at the commencement of
the revolution; that is, something had been done in the way of the rev-
olution before the men got ashore.

The Chairman. You do not know that of your own knowledge!

Mr. Ludlow. No. The tenor of the Senator's question is what I
heard and what I learned and saw.

The Chairman. I do not understand that you are asked for all you
heard and learned ; but the question is based upon a hypothesis.

Senator Gray. There is no hypothesis about the fact that the rev-
olution, so-called, occurred on the 17th of January, and, when Capt.
Ludlow arrived there, it was still a matter of exceeding and absorbing
interest and a topic of conversation among those people. The captain
was ashore and met all classes of people. I now ask him whether he
formed any idea as to whether that revolution would have occurred as
it did but for the presence of those United States troops t

The Chairman. State whether you think it would have occurred or
not, and then you may give your sources of information.

Senator Gray. State categorically one way or the other.

The Chairman. It is a matter of opinion. You are asked to state
whether you formed an opinion. Did you form an opinion about itf

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

796 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS*

The Chairman. Very good. State what it was.

Mr. Ludlow. My opinion is that the revolution would not have
occurred in the way it did, and at the time it did, if the people who
w(Bre the revolutionary party, had not -been assured of the protection
and assistance of the United States forces there.

The Chairman. Is that opinion of yours based upon what you heafd
said in and about Honolulu after you arrived there, oris it an inde-
pendent opinion based upon what yon suppose to be the facts as you
derived them from the reports and publications and your own reflec-
tions T

Mr. Ludlow. It is an opinion that I formed after I had been there
perhaps a week or two, sufficiently long to get acquainted with the peo-
ple. I had never been there before. I could hear them talk, as they
were all talking x>olitics. I did not talk with them, but I heard what
they said.

The Chairman. Is your opinion based upon what you heard said
there?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; they were specially free in giving vent to it on
both sides. Afterwards very little was said about it by the Queen's
party, or Monarchists, as they are called.

Senator Gray. Did you meet Mr. Blount T

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you ever hear him express an opinion one way
or the other about the matter!

Mr. Ludlow. I never did. He was the most remarkably reticent
man in that way that I ever encountered.

Senator Gray. Did you meet Minister Stevens t

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Gray. Did you meet the members of the Provisions^ Gov-
ernment t

Mr. Ludlow. I met them all — all the principal people there; called
on them officially and socially.

Senator Gray. On both sides?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; I tried not to have any politics of my own.

Senator Gray. You tried not to talk politics?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

The Chairman. Who among the supporters of the Queen's cause in
Honolulu were you in the habit of associating with?

Mr. Ludlow. I can not say associations; simply calling officially and
socially.

The Chairman. Well, calling on them ?

Mr. Ludlow. I can look at a memorandum book and see the calls I
made there. I did not have any intimacy with them at all.

The Chairman. I understand that. I simply want to know the
names of the persons who were the supporters of the Queen's cause
with whom you had social relations.

Mr. Ludlow. Mr. Kobinson, the Queen's chamberlain, and wife, a
very charming lady, a daughter of Mr. Cleghorn, and Mr. Cleghom
himself. When I arrived he was the governor of Oahu; after wa^ his
title was abolished. But all these people made very little impression
on me. I met Mr. and Mrs. Bobinson: Mr. Neumah, who was the
lawyer to the Queen, and his family. Those I saw the most of; per-
haps called a half dozen times at Mr. Bobinson's house and Mr. 'Sen-
man's house. I would go down in the evening and sit on the piazza
with them. Mr. IS^euman was not there most of the time, however. But

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 797

I have a list of the people here, and mixed with them the monarchists,
and so on.

Tlie Ohaibman. Mr. Oleghorn married into the royal family, did he
not!

Mr. Ludlow. He married the Princess Likelike.

The Chairman. Mr. Bobinson was also connected by marriage with
the royal family?

Mr. Ludlow, l^o; not with the royal family.

^he Ch AIRMAN. With a Hawaiian family?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes. Mr. Cleghorn's first wife was a Hawaiian woman,
but not of the royal blood. After her death he married the Princess
Likelike, and it is her daughter who is now in England, this princess.

The Chairman. Kaiiilani?

Mr. Ludlow. Kaiulani, who comes after LUiuokalani.

Senator Gray. This is the book that you kept [referring to memo-
randum book produced by Mr. Ludlow] ?

Mr. Ludlow. That is the book 1 kept. It is my duty to keep a
memorandum of them.

Senator Gray. It is a pretty long list?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Gray. It embraces members of the Provisional Govern-
ment, I supj)ose?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; every one. Castle is here, and the Macfarlanes.
They, the Macfarlanes, are all monarchists. The fact is, the monarch-
ists showed more taste in their intercourse with me and the other
oificers than the annexationists did, because the annexationists would
insist on talking politics, especially the ladies. They, the monarchists,
considered us as foreigners, treated us as foreigners. The other side
did not treat us as foreigners, all the officials, judges — ^Mr. Jones and
Mr. Smith

Senator Gray. Did you visit Mr. Stevens's house regularly?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; called there at once on our arrival.

Senator Gray. When you arrived there on the 10th of February,
the flag had been raised on the Government building, had it not?

Mr. Ludlow. We found the flag flying when we came in.

Senator Gray. After you had been there some time, as an officer of
the Navy did you form any opinion as to the necessity or propriety of
that flag being there. I suppose as such officer you wei^e bound to
consider matters of international propriety?

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

Senator Gray, What opinion did you form?

Mr. Ludlow. That the flag should never have been hoisted there;
there was no authority for it.

Senator Gray. What did you think as to the propriety, if you formed
an opinion in respect to that, of Mr. Blount's requesting Admiral Sker-
rett to have the flag hauled down?

Mr. Ludlow. I think it was a perfectly proper course to take; in
fact, the only course to take.

The Chairman. Would you think that the hoisting of a flag on the
invitation of a government for the protection of the peace of the country
and its tranquility was an act not to be perforiQed by a naval officer in
a foreign port?

Mr. Ludlow. There is no authority for that. We are authorized to
defend American lives and property; we are intrenching on the pre-
rogatives of Congress when we do that.

The Chairman. You can go ashore with your troops?

798 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Mr. Ludlow. Yes^ when called npon.

The Ohaibman. v ery good. When, you go ashore do you take your

flag!

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

The Chairman. For what purpose!

Mr. Ludlow. As an insignia of who we are.

The Chairman. As an emblem of authority f

Mr. Ludlow. Yes.

The CHAiR:a^AN.' Is there any difference between holding it on a pole
in your hand, or hoisting it at a post!

Mr. Ludlow. Yes; there is a difference.

The Chairman. What is the difference t

Mr. Ludlow. The difference in this c^se is that there was no post
established where that flag was.

The Chairman. Where was itt

Mr. Ludlow. Over the Government building.

The Chairman. But the Hawaiian flag was with our flagf

Mr. Ludlow. No; the American flag was not hoisted until the
Hawaiian flag was hauled down.

The Chairman. In that particular your testimony is different from
that of other witnesses who have appeared here.

Mr. Ludlow. There was but one flag flying there. It was visible
from the harbor. It was flying from the cupola — the steeple.

The Chairman. Was there a Hawaiian flag displayed about the
Oovernment building at the time the United States flag was there!

Mr. Ludlow. 1 did not see any.

The Chairman. Are you certain it was not sot A number of wit-
nesses have testified it was so.

Mr. Ludlow. Then they had it hidden somewhere. It was not in a
prominent place — that is, a prominent place, similar to the flag that is
flying over the Senate wing of the Capitol.

The Chairman. Can you tell how many flags are flying on this
Capitol nowt

Mr. Ludlow. I suppose there are two.

The Chairman. Suppose you were told that there were four, would
you not be surprised!

Mr. Ludlow. Two are all that 1 have noticed.

The Chairman. There are four, and you have noticed only two.
When you were there in the Hawaiian Islands did you make the
acquaintance, socially, of Mr. Wilson, the commander in chief of the
police!

Mr. Ludlow. Mr. Wilson is out of office. I do not think lever saw
him.

The Chairman. You did not have any conversation with him about
the state of affairs in Hawaii!

Mr. Ludlow. No. That was all in the hands of the United States
diplomatic agents on shore. We had nothing whatever to do with
that; we had to mind our own business.

Senator Frye. I desire to call attention to a very important com-
munication from Mr. S. M. Castle, whom we all know as one of the
best men in the Hawaiian Islands. It gives a brief history of the
French and English attempts to take possession of those islands, and
of the English hoisting a Hag and its being lowered again. It is a very
interesting document, and I think it ought to be incorporated in our
record.

The Chairman. That order will be made.

HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 799

The document is as follows:

lCBMORfia)A AND BEMINISOENOES OF INOIB^NTS IN HAWAUAN

HISTORY, BY S. N. CASTLE.

As some of the incidents which I may mention are entirely personal,
and the inquiry will naturally arise as to their credibility, it will not be
thought egotistical or indeli6ate for me to speak first of myself, so that
any person reading these memoranda can judge of their credibility.
My circumstances have been favorable both for hearing and seeing and
for acquiring information generally upon matters spoken of. In July,
1836, 1 received the api>ointment of Secular or financial agent of the
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign MissicHis for these
islands. Sailing from Boston December, 1836, and arriving April 9,
1837, 1 was identified with the mission, whose temporal necessities I
came to provide for, of course, and the nature of my work also identi-
fied me at once with the business community.

For fourteen years I was devoted solely to the work of my agency.
At the end of this time, at the suggestion and by the wish of the Amer-
ican board, Mr. Cooke, my assistant in the agency, and myself estab-
lished the mercantile house of Castle & Cooke, which has now been in
operation for thirty-two years. I continued to act as agent for thirty-
two years from the date of my appointment. Thus I have been iden-
tified with this business community for forty-six years. I think there
are none remaining but myself of those who were prominent in busi-
ness. One house remains, but with no original partner. I have been
honored by my fellow-residents with various honorary positions, as
president of the Chamber of Commerce, etc., and also in other than
business relations in the political, religious, and other organizations.
The institutions of the country when I came here were in a formative
state, and as I came in a responsible and fiduciary character it was
natural that I should be sometimes consulted and my counsel sought
in matters in which 1 was supposed to be more fully informed than
those who, from their circumstances, had not had so good opportunities
of information as I have enjoyed.

I was invited to honorable positions in the Government service which
I declined, but did not hesitate to give my opinion when it was sought
upon political, religious, or civil topics, and thus I became acquainted
with many things of which I should have known nothing in other cir-
cumstances. My position as a privy counselor and noble has added
to my opportunities of learning the political status of the country.

In forming my opinion of the purposes of France and Great Britain
respecting these islands in tiie pastel have been infiuenced by the tend-
ency of events as well as utterances, either oral or written, of both
France and Great Britain for the last forty years. They have been
particularly active in extending their colonial system among the islands
of the Pacific, and their dealings with these islands as well as some
utterances, have looked to the same result; while the relations of the
United States have seemed to be more those of a guardian for its ward,
though not unmingled with interest, for the great body of its commerce
has always been American. But, aside from this, citizens of the United
States have spent milliana of money as well as years of weary labor in
Christianizing and civilizing the x>eople; in giving them a written lan-
guage, and l^oks, and schools, and churches, and laws, as well as a
civil poUty^ in making them what they are; and her military and naval

800 HAWAIIAN ISI^AKDS.

authorities and her statesmen declare the strategic position of the
island^ to be such that no other country should appropriate them, but
American influence must be maintained paramount or they must take
possession. Such remarks have been made to me personally by Gen.
Schofield and different admirals. Oen. Schofleld reiterates the sam^
with the reasons therefor, in a letter of December 30, 1875, addressed
to the Hon. J. EL LuttreU, M. C. Admiral Porter sustains these views
in a letter to the Hon. Mr. Wood. The London Times says : "The mar-
itime power that holds Pearl Biver Harbor and moors her fleet there
holds the key of the North Pacific." Sir George Simpson says that
"this archipelago is far more valuable on this account, that it neither is
nor ever can be shared by a rival." Alexander Simpson says: "From
the period of my first visit to the Sandwich Islands I became convinced
of their value and importance and therefore desirous that they should
form a British x>osseBslon." Mr. Simpson says later: "I can not but
regret now seeing the undecided action of the British Government that
some act on the part of Lord Geo. Paulet had not left any other con-
clusion open than that the dynasty of Kamehameha must cease to
reign."

I have deemed the aggressions made by both British and French in
former times to enforce demands having in my opinion but little found-
ation in justice, as pai*t of a system of encroachment, having for its
ultimate object the appropriation or possession of these islands.

Indeed it has been stated to me that the French consul said that
had they, the French, supposed that the Government could have raised
the $20,000 demanded, Oapt. Laplace would have placed the sum so
high that it could not have been raised, and he would have taken pos-
session as at Tahiti. Shortly before the B,vTiYB,l of the Ambuscade in
August, 1842, the French consul told a friend of mine that he had no
complaints to make; every thing was harmonious with the Government,
but shortly the Ambuscade arrived, and the captain presented such a
catalogue of inadmissible demands that it must have resulted in a
cession had not Mr. Bichards and Haalelio just sailed for the United
States, England, and France to try to secure the acknowledgment
of Hawaiian independence, and adjust any difficulties^ if any were
found to exist. Under these circumstances Gapt. Malet consented to
await the result of the mission.

Upon hearing of this, Admiral Bichard Thomas, in command of the
British Pacific squadron, lying at Valparaiso or Oallao, dispatched
Lord Geo. Paulet, with the frigate Carysfort, to Honolulu, to secure the
settlement of any difficulties between the island Government and the
British subjects. The Carysfort arrived on the 4th of February, 1843,
On the 14th Lord Paulet presented demands to which the King yielded
under protest. On the 20th the King visited the frigate and was
received with royal honors, but the next day new demands were pre-
sented, amounting to $117,330.89. To satisfy these was beyond the
King's power, and after some preliminary negotiations a temi>orary
cessation was made on the 25th, and the administration was committed
to two commissioners appointed by Lord Paulet and one by the King.

The French and English were no doubt determined to take and hold
possession. They were playing against each other, and the islands
were the stake.

Lieut. Frere, the head of the governing commission, told me that they
saw the French were determined to have the islands, as they had taken
possession of the Society and Marquesas, and they were determined to
be beforehand with them. Britons sympathized with the feeUngs of Mr.

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 801

Sympson, already quoted, and they expected the session would be per-
manent. This, I think, was the general expectation of others afi well,
and, as I .believe, it would have been so had not Lord Paulet sent his
dispatches directly to the home Government, instead of thiough the
admiral, as the proper channel. When the admiral heard of the ses-
sion he immediately sailed for Honolulu, where he arrived July 26, and,
after some preliminary negotiations, on the 31st a force of British
marines with 2 brass field pieces marched to the plain east of the
town, with the admiral and King present, when the British flag was
lowered and the Hawaiian hoisted and saluted by the marines. The
admiral was offended with Lord Paulet, as I plainly perceived by
remarks made to myself when spending an evening at my house; and
my belief that the flag would not have been restor^ but for this infor-
mality rests partly on the past practice of the British, and the state-
ment made to me by Mr. Bichards that the Earl of Aberdeen, the
foreign secretary, or Mr. Addington, the under-secretary, told him that
if Admiral Thomas had not restored the flag the British Government
would not have done so, and until they heard this Mr. Bichards could
not negotiate.

The London Times of August 20 of the same year, in a semi-official
article, says:

It obvionsly becomes the dnty of our Government to secure^ by the most positive
formal pledges, both from Ftance and America, that independence which we now
propose to restore to the native princes.

On the 28th of November, 1843, France and Great Britain jointly
engaged reciprocally to consider the Sandwich Islands as an independ*
ent State, and never to take possession, neithei* directly or under the
title of protectorate, nor under any other form, of any part of the terri^
tory of which they are composed.

In 1846 the French treaty was revised and the $25,000, taken away
in 1839, returned in 1849. The French consul, Dillon, with Admiral
Tromline, presented a new list of grievances and demands, which the
Government could not concede, in consequence of which the admiral
landed his force and took possession of the custom-house, treasury, and
fort, and held possession three days. After spiking the guns and com-
mitting some depredations the force was again embarked and sailed
away, taking with them the King's yacht and the consul and family. It
was said that they ordered the governor to pull down the Hawaiian
flag, which he refused to do, and that they did not do it themselves out
of respect to the treaty of November 28, 1843. In 1861 Mr. Perrin, a
new French commissioner, arrived, with similar complaints and making
similar demands. After long negotiations neither party would yield
enough to enable them to come to an understanding, and matters
assumed so serious and threatening an aspect that the consul sent to
the British commissioner to inquire if in case of necessity he would
hoist the British flag and protect the islands. He felt himself precluded
from doing so by the obligation of the joint treaty. The United States
commissioner was then applied to and consented to do sow I was
informed that the French commissioner learned thisthrough the Brit-
ish commissioner, and though the demands were not withdrawn he
ceased to press them. The United States were not a party to the treaty,
but were the flrst to recognize the independence of the islands in a
Presidential message to Congress December 31, 1842.

The demands ms^e were in the main untenable and the claims not
well founded, and even when well founded were untenable, because the
claimants had refused flrst to have the local authorities*^ %f^\iX\^\\.'Cc)dsss^.
S. Rep. 227 51

802 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

Bypersonal request of Admiral George Seymour and Gen. Miller, in com-
pany with Mr. Wylie and the Danish consul, I sat in arbitration and
settlement of a number of these British claims in 1845, and no doubt
satisfactory settlements would haye been made by the constituted
authorities had they been permitted to take their usual course. Of
one large claim, Maj. Low, of the British army, said that in traveling
through the islands he had not fouud one respectable man who
believed it to be valid. But I have said enough to show why I thought
that possession of the islands has entered into the wishes and plans
of both the British and French in the past. I have no comments to
make ui>on these plans. It is the practice of nations, and no doubt
will continue to be so until causes of war are removed. The plea of
necessity is used to justify it. The interests of the aggressing party
require it. But no injustice is intended to individuals, and the gen-
eral good is enhanced by it. So large numbers of good men felt when
Great Britain occupied the Fijis and many other places. It meant
safety to persons, stable government, civilization, Christianity, progress,
and toleration. So also when the French occupied Algiers and other
places, and so I think it will be better for the United States to extend
its laws over all Indians in its territory, making them citizens and
treating them as they do the white citizens. The case here is a little
different, for under the auspices of a highly civilized nation the Hawai-
ians were making rapid progress in civilization. Safety and justice
were as fully secured to all as they were anywhere else. If there were
any preempted rights to the islands under any circumstances, it would
seem to vest in those under whose auspices and at whose expense these
improvements have taken place. And this is what had been done by
the labors and at the expense of citizens of the United States. The
complaint had been made to the British authorities that Americans,
and particularly missionaries, were getting an undue influence and
playing into the hands of the IJnited States. Gen. William MiUer, the
British commissioner and consul-general with whom I had a very
firiendly acquaintance, invited me to listen to a letter from the Earl of
Aberdeen, then the British foreign minister.

He wrote that complaints had been made to him of the undue influ-
ence of the missionaries, and the reply said that upon inquiry he could
not find that they had acquired or used any influence which they were
not legitimately entitled to. These complaints, by whomsoever made,
were no doubt made to excite national jealousy and provoke national
interference. Mr. Wylie, himself, a British subject, but Hawaiian for-
eign minister at that time, told me that all the interests of the islands
by their local position would attach them to the United States if their
independence should lapse, and that upon these views being communi-
cated to Lord Clarendon, the then British foreign secretary, he wrote
to the consul that Mr. Wylie was right; that by their adjacent position
their interests called for their union to the States. The political ques-
tion for the States would be : '^ Does our interest call for any such union
or the maintenance of any such paramount influence as shaH serve our
purpose in case of war with any maritime powert" I have quoted both
British and American views from their different standpoints, and I
deduce French views from their course of action, and, in an aoooant
written by myself and published in the Hawaiian Spectator in October,
L839, giving an account of the French aggressions of July, 1839, 1 was
sustained in my views of its character by a written request that sixteen
of the commissioned ofiQcers of the United States East India squadron
liere in October, 1839, to reprint 1,000 copies of the account at their

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 803

expense for gratuitous distribution, which I did, and an indorsement
of my views by the Jlon. Bufus Ghoate in the North American Beview.
Mr. Jarves, the historian of Hawaii, says:

They hold the key of the Pacific Ocean, for no trade conid prosper or even exist
whilst a hostile power, possessing a poweifal and active marine, should send out its
cruisers to prey upon commerce; out once firmly established upon them it might put
to defiance any means of attack which could be brought to bear against them. Hence
the commercial countries have been jealous lest some ot them should have a superior
influence.

Mr. Seward, in a speech in the Senate on the subject of the com*
merce of the i^aciflc, says:

Who does not see that henceforth every year European commerce, European poli-
tics, European thought, European activities, although actually gaining greater
force, and European connections, although becoming more intimate, will neverthe-
less ultimately sink in importance while uie Pacific Ocean, its shores, its islands, and
the vast regions beyond, will become the chief theater of events in the world's
great hereafter f

President Lincoln said:

In every light in which the state of the Hawaiian Islands can be contemplated it
is an object of profound interest for the United States. Virtually it was once a
colony. It is now a near and immediate neighbor. It is a haven of shelter and
refreshment for our merchants, fishermen, seamen, and other citizens, when on their
lawful occasions they are navigatinp^ the Eastern seas and ocean. The people are
free and its laws, languages, and rehglon are largely the fruit of our own teaching
and example.

The minority report of the Committee on Ways and Means regarding
the treaty says:

Much stress is laid in the report of the majority upon the importance to the
United States of obtaining a foothold upon these islands in the interest of our «
Pacific commerce with the continent of Asia, and of our safety in case of future war
with any great naval power.

The undersigned are not insensible to these considerations. No European power
should be permitted to- claim sovereignty of these islands or to gain such influence
in them as to menace our security. To allow this would be contrary to the well-
established canons of American policy by nearly a century of traditions and the
conceded maxims of international law. No European power can deny to us the

Seculiar right to exclude them from possessing what would be a standing menace of
anger to us and the possession of which by us would be no menace of danger to
them.

War we hope never to see, and shall bless the time, if we are permitted to see it,
when the reign of peace and good will to men shall be universal everywhere. But
while the state of men continues to make it wise, '' In time of peace to prepare for

war."

I think I have shown, by the events related as occurring within the
last fifty years and quotations from competent naval, military, and civil
authorities, that it is both wise and proper for the United States to
seek and retain such paramount influence and control of the islands as
will prevent their being used as a menace to them in case of war. It
will be noted that the incidents narrated and the remarks quoted from
writers and speakers were nearly all of them many years antecedent to
the treaty, and could only have related to the intrinsic value of the
islands for their location and capability of production, and it is now
nearly seventy years, as I am informed, since President Monroe uttered
his views on this subject.

I may remark that Kamehameha lY said to me, while yet heir
apparent, that if the nation died out and its sovereignty passed away,
as it seemed by the course of events must inevitably be the case, they
should and would go to the States, and the question when was only a
question of time. If the authorities could enforce ueat^^^^^ ^%^d^!c^^
all belligerents their strategic positions wou\d notX^ %^ \TDc^QrK\a»X^>2r^

804 HAWAHAN ISLANDS.

•

they have not the power to do so. Hence their strategic value to the
United States, and they can in no way be so well utilized as by the
perpetuation of this treaty, which will increase and retain a command-
ing American influence, such as it needs, and which will be better for
all of its wants than annexation. Secretary J. O. Blaine makes the
Monroe doctrine to include the islands because of their location.
A San Francisco Bulletin leader of May 2 says:

There seems to be no ocoasion to distrust what is known as onr manifest destiny
on this hemisphere, bnt pradent statesmanship will see that no eerms are planted
that may he the cause of unnecessary trouble in the future, upon this subject
, of European interference in the affairs of this continent the people are as set and
determined in their opinions as they were in their maintenance of the Union of
these States.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S« K. Castle.
Hon. Elwood Thobne,

Washington^ J>. (7. .

If the United States looks to commercial supremacy or even a partic-
ipation upon equal terms in the great and growing commerce of the
Northern Pacific they need a paramount influence in the Hawaiian
Islands, and there is no method by which they can 80 obtain this object
as by making reciprocity treaty perpetual. By doing this the islands
become a commercial dependency of the United States, for the pros-
perity of the islands is made very dependent upon the commerce
which the treaty promotes and stimulates and the effect would be to
bind them closer and closer to the States, and their prpximity gives
them an advantage over any other maritime power in this respect.
* Mr. Lincoln truly says, " Virtually they were once a colony." They were
nurtured and civilized and Christianized by its citizens and they have
earned their right above any other nation. And as the London Times
says, ^< The maritime power that holds the key to the ISTorth Pacific,"
and Sir Geo. Simpson says, <' This archipelago is far more valuable
that it neither is nor can be shared by a rival.''

These are the recorded views of high British authorities, and I
repeat, if the United States wish in the future to participate upon
equal terms in the commerce of the North Pacific it seems wise to
possess themselves of this ''key" by making it a commercial depend-
ency, and there is no way in which it can be done so well as to per-
petuate this treaty. If the United States are content to control the
commerce in her borders only they have no need of the islands.
They have only to fortify impregnably their seaports and they will
be secure from molestation, but they must be content to resign all
commercial supremacy or even parity to others.

Since the incidents which I have narrated have transpired and the
quotations which I have made were recorded, all the reasons which
then existed to render the Hawaiian Islands valuable have been inten-
sified and have rendered them more important than they were then.
Both Great Britain and France have extended and strengthened their
colonial possessions in this ocean, and the United States have added
California and Alaska to its territory on the Pacific, and our Pacific
commerce with China and Japan has grown up from California and
Oregon, and since the reciprocity treaty went into effect imports firom
and exports to the Hawaiian Islands have been quadrupled.

Every political motive, as weU as commercial, calls upon the United
States to estabUsh the ^vantage which the treaty has already giveo

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. . 805

them by making it perpetual, and to do it without delay, before any
complications shall arise with any rival power and the control of the
islands shall slip out of their hands. Wisdom calls for this without
any loss of time.

The charge of fraud which has been brought by interested parties in
regard to the importation of sugars and rice from other countries under
its provisions is utterly baseless and has been so proved. Its origina-
tors are both base and criminal for taxing serious crimes without the
shadow of a reason, and if the United Stotes allows its present van-
tage to be lost by reason of these charges they will sustain a state
loss which others will not be slow to improve for their own benefit.

S. N. Castle.

June 13, 1893.

Deab Sm: In conformity with your request I herewith inclose to
you ^' Memoranda and Eeminiscences of Incidents in Hawaiian His-
tory " which bear chiefly upon the wisdom of the treaty as a state
political measure, and remain.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Samuel N. Castle.
Hon. E. E. Thobn^.

Senator Gray. Mr. Chairman, I desire that these communications
be made a part of this record.
The Chaibman. There is no objection to that.
The communications are as follows:

U. S. R. 8. Dale, 3ed Bate,
Navy- Yard, Washington, D. (7., Jantuiry 25, 1894,

Sib : I respe<)tfully request the necessary permission to forward the
inclosed communication to the Hon. George Gray, M. C.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

E. S. Houston,
Commander U, 8. Navy^ Commanding.

The Secbbtaby of the Navy,

Navy Department, Washington, D. 0.

[First indonement.]

Navy Depabtment,
Bureau of Navigation, January 27, 1894.

BespectfuUy returned to Commander E. S. Houston, IJ. S.Navy, who
is informed that he is authorized by the Department to forward the
inclosed communication to the Hon. George Gray, M. C.

F. M. Kamsay,

Chief of Bureau.

[Seeond indonement.]

Commandant's Office.
Navy 'Yard, Washington, D. C, January 29, 1894.

Forwarded, returned to Commander E. S. Houston, with reference
to the above.

J. A. Howell,
Captain, U. 8. Navy^ Commandants

806 , HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

XT. S. E. S. Dale, 3d Batb,
Navy-Yard^ Washington, D. 0., January 19 , 1894^

Sra: (1) In compliance with your request I submit^ with diffidence,,
my views on tbe Hawaiian Islands, more especially from a military
standpoint, and with reference to their value to the (Jnited States in
this respect.

Coiitrary to the views expressed by others, I have differed with
them in their conclusions thereon, as to their military value as a colo-
nial possession, holding that, in time of war and without a navy equal
or nearly equal to that of the greatest naval power, their possession
would be a source of weakness rather than strength.

(2) In coming to this conclusion I have accepted, as a strategic fa^tj
two conditions existing in our national life, and which will continue to
exist for many years to come, which are either ignored or not accepted
at their just value, by other writers, in dealing with such fact.

(3) The first condition is, as stated before, the nonpossession of a
naval force equal, or nearly so, to that of the greatest naval x>ower;
and the second is, the improbability of Congress or our people ever
permitting the creation and maintenance of such force. These two
conditions, therefore, are, in themselves, sufficient to establish, from a
military standpoint, the fact above referred to, as being of a strategic
nature, and which must be taken into consideration in dealing with
this problem. Being so, we need seek therefore no further for reasons
for not acquiring the islands, such as are now being discussed in the
public press.

(4) On the assumption that the wish is father to the thought, some
military writers are hoping that the islands once being acquired, the
United States would perforce be obliged to gradually create a large
naval force; to be led into it, as it were, and thus, on the jesuiti(^
plan that the end justifies the means, ultimately find ourselves in a
position to successfally defend what we acquired, from their point of
view, more for that purpose than anything else. A carefrd scrutiny of
this has convinced me of the fallacy of their reasoning, and, if followed
out, will only lead, in my opinion, to further mortification without
creating the force desired. Much as I wish, and think necessary, for
other just reasons, a larger Navy than that which we now possess, I
yet feel convinced that not until a distant future will we have one suf-
ficiently large to warrant our launching out on a policy of colonial
acquisition with any degree of military safety.

(6) Turning to the question (Hawaii being our colony) as to what we
would do with it in case of war with a great naval power, I could only
say that we would ultimately have to let it go after having wasted a
lot of money.

With Hawaii as our colony, national prudence would at least dictate
that we should at once have to set about putting it in a state of defensei
and that in no small way, either.

(6) We can not presume that no great naval war will occur, but we
can presume that when such does come, the side*which has the greater
force and is ready first, stands the better chance of winning. If, then,
our first duty is to be ready to defend our colony, and the more so that
it is an island, wisdom would dictate that it should be a defense not
against the weakest naval power, but against the strongest; and this,
as said before, requires such a force as the country is not willing to
create. Without, then, we immediately prepare, and on the required
scale, we would not be in that state of readiness demanded by the situ-
ation. The great time essential to the creation and mobilization of

HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 807

battle fltets with all their accessories is now too well known not to be
seriou sly taken into account.

(7) The last military consideration that I have to note relates to the
probable results of a war between ourselves andia greater naval power,
with respect to our Island colonies, coupled with our nonpreparation
and nonpossession of a nearly equal naval force. The breaking out of
hostilities would undoubtedly witness the attempt of a fleet of battle
ships to wrest the islands from us and hold them by keeping the sea.
This would ultimately be done by bringing a second or third fleet to
reenforce the first if necessary, nor is the point sustained, which is some-
times advanced, that a great naval i>ower would hesitate to. weaken
itself elsewhere in order to do this, especially when the result to be
attained absolutely requires such action.

(8) In these days of great speeds, large coal radii, with cables and
coaling stations, naval forces can quickly ,be massed, or moved from
place to place, while the balance of power among the great nations
nowadays in Europe is too precious and too carefully established to
risk its disturbance simply to take advantage of each other.

(9) The true American policy with respect to Hawaii, from a mili-
tary standpoint, would seem to be their neutralization by international
treaty, so that all could come to coal and reflt there ; in all other respects,
save perhaps the sentimental side, we have already all the advantages
that can ever accrue to us by actual possession.

I am, dear sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

E. S. Houston,
Commander U, 8. Navy^ Commanding.

Hon. George Gray, M. C,

Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs^ Washington^ D. 0.

Washington, D. C, Tuesdqy, February 13^ 1894.

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice.

Present, the chairman (iSenator Morgan) and Senators Sherman and
Frye.
Absent, Senators Butler and Gray.

SWOEir STATEMEITT OF Z. S. SPALDING— Continued.

The Chairman. You can make any statements in explanation of your
deposition, which you have just examined, with a view to it« correc-
tion, that you may think necessary to make more plain your meaning.

Mr. Spalding. I 'find upon examination of the stenographic report
of my former statement that I may be misunderstood regarding my esti-
mate of the capacity of the Hawaiian Islands for supporting a larger
population than is now to be found in the country.

I would explain that I mean to convey the idea or opinion that the
country is not and never can be a manufacturing or commercial country
based upon its own products. It lacks in mineral resources everything
required for manufacturing, and can hardly be said to have even agri-
cultural advantages necessary to compete with more favored countries
to the point of exporting enough to pay lor what necessary imports
would be required from abroad. Sugar, coffee, rice, and other staples

808 ^ HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.

may be produced in a limited way, but not in suMcient quantities or at
low enough cost to compete in the world's market and furnish a revenue
to be depended on.

As a part of the United States, and useful as the commanding point
in the North Paciiic Ocean, Hawaii would become a land of high drU-
ization and attract to its shores a large and intelligent population.
Left to itself, and without connection or encouragement from some
great nation, Hawaii might support even a million inhabitants, but they
would necessarily be restricted to the commonest modes of living and
be confined to the bare necessaries of life.

The Ohaibman. You have been to the island of Cuba since you gave
your former statement to the committee. Was your purpose in going
there connected with the production of sugar on that island t If so,
will you please give any data or facts that have come under your observa-
tion which tend to show the comparative value of Cuba and Hawaii
as sugar-producing countries, in those parts of Hawaii which were
adapted to the culture and production of sugar and also coffee. In
what does labor employed in Cuba differ from that in Hawaii, and what
differences are there, if any, in the methods of cultivation and produc-
tion of the sugar from the canet How does the general population of
Cuba, including the persons who are engaged in the raising of sugar,
compare with the population of Hawaii in respect of education, culti-
valtiou, civilizadon, and general improvement^ How does Cuba com-
pare with Hawaii, and any other facts that you might consider to be
instructive connected with these suggestions.

Mb. Spalding. My visit to the island of Gubai was made on account
of my interest in the sugar-producing industry, but not in a financial
or business way.

I found Cuba to be almost the opposite from Hawaii in every sense.
The island is some 750 miles long and an average of about 100 miles
width, covering over 25,000,000 acres of land of which probably
5,000,000 acres are arable, and most of it good sugar, tobacco, coffee,
cotton, corn, or pasture lands. Some of the finest timber trees in the
world are staudiug in its untouched forests, and its mineral wealth has
been demonstrated but not developed. I think the country has within
itself the natural resources and ability for supporting 10,000,000 of
people and give them every luxury of life in proportion to and in com-
pensation for their labor. Hawaii, on the other hand, has but about
100,000 acres of arable land, or such as will admit of profitable culti-
vation with the plow, even making no deduction for lack of rainfall,
and has no minerals whatever. The immense plains and plateaus of
Cuba, where hundreds of thousands of acres of rich sugar land may
be brought within economical reach of the factories by means of cheap
transportation, are entirely unknown in Hawaii, where the country is
almost wholly mountainous and the fertile valleys few and far between.

But while Hawaii has, under the fostering influence of the United
States, developed from a state of barbarism in the beginning of this
century to a condition of universal education unknown in any other
part of the world, Cuba has been four hundred years demonstrating
the problem of how not to advance. Within less than a hundred miles
of the United States, and receiving from this country nearly its entire
revenue, amounting to, say, $100,000,000 per annum, there is not the
first trace of "Americanism" to be found in the whole island. That
the natives of Hawaii would prove more apt in acquiring the manners
and customs of the United States and become better citizens than the
average Cuban I have no doubt.

HAWAIUN ISLANDS. 809

In regard to the particular business you inquire about, viz, the sugar
industry, I may say I found much to astonish me. The methods of
cultivation are such as would have ruined the country long a£:o had
there not been such an enormous amount of virgin soil to tall back
upon. The yield of sugar cane does not average more than 25 tons per
acre, and this cane (by their methods of treatment) does not average
more than 2 tons of sugar. By the introduction of proper methods and
more intelligent labor these averages might be nearly doubled.

I found no attempt at fertilizing the lands or improving the yield
and quality of the sugar cane. The system in vogue is that known as
the <' central factory," and the cane is all bought by weight (without
regard to quality) and paid for in proi>ortion to the price of sugar.
The labor used is a combination or result of the changes that have
been made in the country by the abolishing of slavery and the intro-
duction of Ohinese and others. The price for labor is very high dur-
ing the few months of the year the factories or mills are at work, and
during the <^dead season" (as it is called) there is little done, the
growth of the sugar cane being left pretty much to the genurous efforts
of nature. With a population of 1,500,000 people they are able to pro-
duce less than 1,000,000 tons of sugar per annum, although one man's
labor is generally considered quite sufficient to produce 10 tons.

With every natural advantage in its Davor Ouba stands to-day almost
on the brink of ruin. But few of its plantations are really remunera-
tive; its mining industries are practically stopped; maniiiiacturiDg is
at a standstill, and its towns and cities almost without business. The
administration of the Government is defective to extremes, and the
lack of intelligence, lack of comfort, and even lack of cleanliness
among the lower classes are all certainly in very great contrast to
Hawaii.

If you ask my opinion as to why this is so, I answer, because of the
^'Americanism" which has been instilled into Hawaii, even to its lowest
strata. And if this Americanism shall be allowed to grow and increase
under the fostering influence of a close commercial and political union
or relationship with the United States, Hawaii will make another star
in the galaxy, not less bright, and repay tenfold the favors that have
been lavished upon her.

That is why 1 am an ^^annexationist."

3876

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or THE DIRFCTOR H. S. GROl.OGfCAL HURVfY

MililMrylnftrtru,

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I hereby certify to tli
Honolulu, December 9,

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I hereby certify to tl
Honolulu, December 9,

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Full text of "United States congressional serial set"

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