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Sl»ntort Umwrtlty L^J«» 


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Volume 1.— No8. 73 to 830, inclusive, except No8. 93, 116, 200, 

201, 227, 235, 240, 259, and 293. 
Volume 2. — No. 227, Hawaiian Islands. 
Volume 3. — No. 235, Coinage Laws of the United States. 
Volume 4. — ^No. 259, Parts 1 and 2, Imports of Merchandise, eto. 
Volume 5.— Nos. 331 to 519, inclusive, except Noe. 334, 358, 368, 

370, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413, 415, 418, 419, 421-424, 426- 

430, 436-449, 451-457, 460-463, 465-469, 473-475, 477, 

485-487, 491-494, and 511-513. 
Volume 6. — ^No. 334, Tarl£F Comparisons. 
Volume 7.— Nos. 358, 368, 370, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413, and 415. 
Volume 8.— Nos. 418, 419, 421, 422, 423, 424, 426, 427, and 428. 
Volume 9.— Nos. 429, 430, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442, and 443. 
Volume 10.— > os. 436, 457, 477,485, 486, 487, 606, and 624. 
Volume 11.— Nos. 444, 445, 446, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 460, 

and 461. 
Volume 12.— Nos. 462, 463, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 473, 474, 475, 491, 

492, and 493. 
Volume 13.— Nos. 494, 511, 512, 513, and 559. 
Volume 14. — ^Nos. 520 to 700, inclusive, except Nos. 559, 603, 

606, 624, and 698. 
Volume 15.— Nos. 603, 698, 701, and 702. 
Volume 16.— Noe. 703, 704, 705, and 706. 
Volume 17.— Noe. 707, 708, 709, and 710. 

Note.— Nos. 93, 116, 200, 201, 240, 293, 447, 448, and 449 boond 
YoL 2, first session Fifty-third Congress. 














^ ^ , 


Abb«y, George C. On bill (S. 890) granting an increase of pension to. 
Abert, James William. On bill (H. R. 2582) to authorize the appoint- 
ment of, to the retired list of the Army 

Abert, James William. On bill (S. 2048) to authorize the appointment 

of, to the retired list of the Army 

AliAiuloned military reservations. On bill (H. B. 4667) to provide for 

the opening of certain, and for other purposes 

Afconnting in the Post-Offioe Department* On bill (H. R. 4610) to 
iiiipru ve the methods of & 

Accounting in the Treasury Department. On bill (S. 1831) to improve 
the m<*thods of 

Accounting in the Treasury Department. On bill (H. R. 6948) to im- 
prove the methods of 

Accounts of the Treasurv of the United States. On bills (H. R. 5529 
SD(l ^^. 1552) to repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the 
United States relating to 

Accounts of the Treasury of the United States. On bill (S. 1552) to 
repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the United States 
reiatiug to 

Acrnied pensions in certam cases. On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the 
inyiuent of 

Adanis,W.L. On bill (S. 117) for the relief of 

Ad valorem and specific rates of duty on imports. Opinions of col- 
lectori of customs concerning 

Airrienltnral Report, 1893, etc. On joint resolution (H. Res. 139) for 
the printing of 500,000 copies of the 

Agri< ultore, condition of. On Senate resolution to authorize Commit- 
tee on Agriculture and Forestry to have printed so much as necessary 
of the evidence and other information relating to 

A^etfltmal products and provisions. Replies to Tariff Inquiries.. ^ 










































' Bonnd with vol. 2, flnt seaslon. Fifty-third Congress. 





Alden, Warren Alonzo. On bill (H. R. 2108) for the relief of. 

Alford, Benjamin. On bill (H. R. 522) for the relief of 

Alley in square 185, in District of Columbia. On bill (S. 2217) to pro- 
vide for closing part of an 

Alleys in square 751 in the city of Washington. On bill (H. R. 3629) 
to close ^ 

American Transportation Company, etc. On bill (S. 1471) forrelief of the 

Amsterdam, etc. On bill ( S. 1645) for the relief of the dependent rela- 
tives of the seamen of the Netherlands steamer 

Anatomical science. On bill (S. 1280) for the promotion of, an4 to pre- 
vent the desecration of graves in the District of Columbia 

Annual, special, and veto messages, proclamations, and inaujg^ural ad- 
dresses of the PresidentH of the United States from 1789 to 1894, inclu- 
sive. On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth 
6,000 copies of the 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 4858) making appropriations for fortifi- 
cations and other works of defense, etc 

Appropriations. On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making appropri- 
ations to provide for the expenses of the government of the District 
of Columbia for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 5894) making appropriations for the 
Military Academy for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On amendment to bill (U. R. 7097) making appropri- 
ations for the legislative, executive, and Judicial expenses of the 
Government, etc 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6373) making appropriations for the 
support of the Army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6108) making; appropriations for the 
diplomatic and consular service of the United States for the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6016) making appropriations for the 
service of the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6937) making appropriations for the 
Department of Agriculture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895. .. 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6748) making a]>propriations for the 
naval service for the fiscal year ending J une 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 7097) making appropriations for the 
legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for 
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 6913) making appropriations for cur- 
rent and contingent expenses of the Indian Department, etc., for the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Appropriations. On bill (U. R. 6518) making appropriations for rivers 
and harbors, etc 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 5481) making appropriations to provide 
for expenses of the government of the District of Columbia, etc 

Appropriations. On bill (U. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry 
civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 

Appropriations. On bill (H. R. 7477) making appropriations to supply 
deficiencies in the appropriations for the nscal year ending June 30, 
1894, etc 

Aqueduct Bridge. On bill (S. 2210) to provide for the repair of the 
piers, and for its use by a street railway 

Arctic. On bill (S. 286) for the relief of owners and crew of Hawaiian 

Arizona. On bill (H. R. 4393) to provide for the admission of 

Arizona, certain couuticH in. On joint resolution (H. Res. 121) authoriz- 
ing proper officers of the Treasury Department to examine and certify 
claims in favor of 

Arkansas. On bill (H.R. 7334) to sell certain lands in Montgomery 
County, to M. E. Church South 

Arkansas, Texas and Mexican Central Railway Company. On bill 
(H. R. 7335) for the relief of 



















































Arlington Reservation for electric railway pnrposes. On bill (H. R. 7516) 
granting right' of way through the..... 

Anny at institntioDB of learning. On tKe bill (S. 1644) relating to the 
detail of retired officers of the 

Army of the United States. On bill (S.898) in relation to "reseryed 

Army of the United States. On bill (S. 1209) to regulate enlistments 
in the ^ 

Athon, LeTenia D. On bill (S. 1391) granting a pension to 

IfkM. On bill (S. 1706) to provide registers for the steamers Clarihel 

Atkins, William H. On bill (S.408) for the relief of 

Attorney for the District of Colnmbia'and bis assistants. On bill (S.i 

1267) authorizing tbem to administer oaths and affirmations 

Auditing the accounts of customs officers, etc. On bill (S. 1738) to 

iniproTe the methods for 

Auditor of the Treasury for the Post-Offic&Department. On bill (H. R. 

4340) to amend section 407 of the Revised Statutes so as to require 

original receipts for deposits of postmasters to be sent to the 

Augusta^ Mary O. On bill (H. R. 4013) for the relief of. 


Babcocic, Arerj D., and wife. On bill (S. 744) for the relief of 

Bscon, Ira. On bill (S. 747) granting him an additional bounty of $100. 

Badger, O.C. On bill (S.943) for the relief of 

Baldwin, Alexander W. On bill (S. 1365) for the relief of 

Baldwin, Frank D. On bill (S. 1578) authorizing Secretary of War to 
reeognize, as lieutenant-colonel of the Nineteenth Infantry Volunteers 
from 15th day of May, 1885 

Barnes, William B. On bill (S. 1857) granting an honorable discharge 

Barracks, Jefferson, Missouri. On bill (S: 190) for the benefit of sundry 
persons residing in the vicinity of 

Btfry, Maj. Robert P. On bill (S. 1770) to place on the retired list of 
the Army 

Bassett, Elisha B. On bill (S. 1483) to correct the military record of .. 

Btnnimffion, On bill (S.967) in relation to gunboat 

Betz,Rnfus. On bill (S. 2143) for the relief of 

Bews, Julia. On bill (H. R. 3992) granting a pension to 

Biehn, John P. On bill (S« 501) granting a pension to 

Bin H. R. 4864. On Senate resolution to print in pamphlet form for 
use of Senate 15,000 copies of the 

Block, S. J., and Baurman, A. P. On bill (S. 1141) for the relief of 

Bobinger, William H., and George. On bill (S. 2118) authorizing the 
sale of title of the United States to a tract of land in Montgomery 
County, Md., to 

Bouldin, Briscoe B. On bill (S. 1992) for the relief of 

Boyd, Johial W. On bill (S. 1064) for the relief of 

Boyd, Orsemus B. On bill (S. 2186) for the relief of the legal repre- 

Bradford, Ann. On bill (S. 237) granting a pension to 

Bribery, etc., attempts at 

Bribery, etc., attempts at (parts 1, 2, knd 3) 

Bribery, etc., attempts at. 

Bridge across the Niobrara River. On bill (S. 1403) for the repairing 
of a briige near the viUage of Niobrara, Nebr 

Bridge across the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River. On bill (S. 
1113) in reUition to. 

* Bound with toL 2, flist seanioxi. Fifty- third CongreM. 



































































Bridge. Bteel, over th« St. Louis River between the States of Wieoondn 
and Minnesota. On bill (H. R. 5978) in relation to 

Brldger, James. On bill (S. 217) for the relief of the heirs of 

Brooke, Brig. Oen. John R. On bill (B. 467) for the relief of 

Bronghton, Mary P. On bill (H. R. 968) to increase the pension of 

Brown, Jeremiah F. On bill (S. 1375) to remove the ohargif of desertion 

Brown, Lucy . On bill (H. R. 4720 ) granting a pension to 

Bryan & Co., C.B. On bill (S. 326) for the relief of 

Buckmaster, William P. On biU (S. 224) for the relief of 

BnUding and Loan Associations. On Senate concnrrent resolution to 
print 40,000 additional copies of the Ninth Annual Report of the 
CSommissioner of Labor relating to 

Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department, etc. On House con- 
current resolution for the printing of 11,000 copies of a special 
report of the 


California, Oregon, and Nevada. On bill (S. 1295) for the relief of the 
States of 

Canals, etc. On bill (S. 511) providing for the establishment and enforce- 
ment of rules and regulations for the use and navigation of United 

Cannon, condemned, and cannon balls. On bill (S. 168^3) loaning to 
the association having in charge the monument erected on Govem- 
land near Chicago, III., to the Confederate dead buried there 

Cannon for ornamental purposes. On bill (H. R. 3202) douatiug to the 
Saint Lawrence Stat*) Hospital at Ogdensborg, N. Y., condemned.. 

Cannon, Henrv M. On bill (S. 221) for the relief of 

Caracas awards. On bill (S. 756) for the application of the accretions 
of the Caracas awards of 1868, etc *. 

Caravels of Columbus to the Columbian Museum of Chicago. On bill 
(S. 1454) authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to transfer the repro- 
duction of the 

Carmack, Joseph W. On bill (S. 192) for the relief of 

Carpenter, Thomas H. On bill (8. 179) authorizing the restoration of 
the name of, to the rolls of the Army 

Cary, Augustus G. On bill (S. 1948) granting a pension to 

Castine, Me. On bill (H. R.4322) granting the use of certain land for 
public park to the town of 

Centennial celebration of the laying of the corner stone of the Capi- 
tol. On bill (S. 1137) to provide for the printing of the report of the 
Joint.committee of Congress, etc 

Certificates of titles to vessels. On bill (S. 507) providing for the col- 
lection of fees for furnishing 

Certificates of the District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1896) to provide 
for the payment of 8 per cent greenback 

Chamberlain, Charles 11. On bill (S. 1057) for the relief W. R. Wheaton 
and (part 1) 

Chambers, Thomas. On bill (S. 349) for relief of 

Chapman, William B., and others. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of . . 

Chapter of Calvary Cathedral, Sioux Falls, S. Dak. On bill (S. 934) for 
the relief of the 

Chemicals, oils, and paints. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Chemical Schedule. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 


















Chipman, Hon. J. Logan. On resolution authorizing the printin;; and 
binding of 8,000 copies of eulogies delivered in Conp:re8s upon 

Chippewa and White Earth Indian reservations, in Minnesota, to the 
Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Company. On bill (8. 1458) grant- 
ing a right of way through the 

Choctaw Coal and Railway Company. On bill (H. R. 299) to extend the 
time for the construction of the 





































CSril Swriee CommisBion, etc. Ou Hoose concurrent resolution to 

print 38,000 copies of the Tenth Annual Report of the 

Clsri^I Mid Athoi. On bill (6. 1706) to provide registers for the steam- 

Clerks, railway poetal. On bill (S. 544) to reclassify and ilz salarioi^ of . . 

Clift, WUUam. On bill (8. 68) for the relief of 

Cosst and Geodetic Survey. On resolution to print 1,600 copies of part 
1 and 2,S00 copies of part 2 of the report of the Superintendent of 

CMien, Jacob I., and Mordecai, J. Randolph. On bill (S.269) for the 
relief of, administrators of M. C. Mordecai 

Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, with an appendix, 
fourth editi on 

Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, etc. On Senate con- 
eurrent resolution to print 5,000 additional copies of the fourth edi- 
tion of the document entitled 

Collectors of customs, opinions of, concerning ad valorem and specltle 
rates of duty on imports 

CoUisiona at sea. On bill (S. 1965) for prevention of 

Collisions at sea. On bill (S. 1990) to amend an act approved August 

Colored people. On bill (H. R. 7095) to provide for a national home for 
aged and infirm 

Columbian Museum of Chicago. On bill (S. 1454) authorizing the Sec- 
retary of the Navy to transfer the reproduction of the caravels of 
Columbus to the 

CommiBsioner of Education. On House concurrent resolution to print 
35,000 copies of the report of the, for 1891 and 1892, etc 

Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries. On Senate concurrent resolution 
to print 1,000 extra copies of Mis. Doc. No. 200, being report on salmon 
fisheries of the Columbia River 

Commissioner *of Labor. On Senate concurrent resolution to print 
40,000 additional copies of the Ninth Annual Report of the, relating 
to building and loan associations 

Comparison of the Customs Law of 1894 and the Customs Law of 1890, 
with rates of the Wilson bill (H. R. 4864) as it first passed the House; 
and of the MilU bill of 1888 

Comparison of the Tarift* Laws of 1890 and 1894, ete. On Senate con- 
euirent resolution to print 60,000 copies of the 

C&mwrd, On bill (8. 967 ) in relation to gnnboats Bennington and .* 

Connell, Arthur. On bill (8. 2203) for the relief of 

Conway, Mrs. Susie. On bill (H. R. 6902) granting a pension to 

Conveyance, deeds of trust, and releases of land in the district of 
Columbia, and for other puri)oses. On bill (S. 832) in relation to 

Cook, William H. H. On bill (S. 142) to remove the charge of deser- 

Corbett, P. S. On bill (S. 103) for the relief of 

Coroner, deputy. On bill (S. 10C7) to authorize the Commissioners of 

the District of Columbia to appoint a 

Corporations by general law in the District of Columbia. On the bill 

(S. 1766) to provide for the creation of 

Corser. David 8. On bill (8. 1190) granting an increase of pension to.. 
Coughlin, James. On bill (8. 1601) granting an honorable cfiBcharge to. 
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 5860) to 

establish a 

Coorts, United States. On bill (S. 1252) to provide for the times and 

places to hold terms of, in the State of Washington 

Cotton manufactures. Replies to Tariff Inquiries. 

Cmndall, Mollie. On bill (S. 1490) to pension 

Cronk, Charles W. On bill (8. 1228) for the relief of , 

Calver, Catherine P. On bill (H. R. 684) for the relief of the hoirs of.. 
Camberland Female College of McMinnville, Tenn. On bill (8. 982) 

for the relief of the 

Conningliam, Calvin B. On bill (8.421) for the relief of. 
























































Cnnningliaxn, Sosan £. On bill (S. 1018) granting a pension to 

Cnrtis, Joseph H. On' bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of 

CuBtomB Law of 1884 and comparison of the text of the Tariff Laws 
of 1890 and 1894 rparts 1 and 2) 

CnstoniB officers. On bill (S. 1738) to improve the methods for audit- 
ing the accounts of 

Cntts, J. Madisoa. On bill (8.399) for the relief of 


Dakota, North. On bill (8. 686) to divide the judicial district of 

Daly, Jeremiah L. On bill (8. 473) to remove the charge of desertion 

Dana, Napuleon J. T. On bill (8. 104) for the relief of 

Davenport, Jesse. On bill (H. R. 898) granting a pension to 

DaviB, Enoch. On bill (S.16«8) for the relief of 

Davis, JohnM. On bill (8.189) for the relief of 

Davis, Mark. On bill (8. 599) for the relief of the residuary legatees 

No. Vol. 

Day, Nancy E. On bill (8. 1666) for the relief of 

Dent,' Helen L. On bill (8. 1508) granting an increase of pension to. . 

Desert land laws. On bill (8. 1&) to hx the price of lands entered 

under the 

Despatch, U. 8. 8. On bill (8. 1406) for the relief of the sufferers by the 
wreck of the 

Dette, John F. "On bill "(8. idsYfor thV 

Digest of laws and decisions relating to the appointment^ salary, and 
compensation of officers of United States courts. On joint resolu- 
tion (8. B. 91) for the printing of 2,000 copies of a 

Director of the Mint, etc. On House concurrent roBolution to print 
10,000 extra copies of the report of the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 752) to extend North Capitol street 
to the Soldiers' Home, in.. 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1005) to prevent the recording of 
subdivisions of land in the office of the recorder of deeds of the 

District of Columbia. On the bill (8. 872) to make service connections 
with water mains and sewers in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 4-^4) making the surveyor a salaried 
officer, etc 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. ^1) authorizing Commissioners to 
accept payment without interest of certain special assessments 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 3246) for the appointment of a 
sealer and assistant sealer of weights and measures in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 4013) to release and turn over to 
Mrs. Mary O. Augusta certain property in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 832) to simplify the forms of deeds of 
conveyance, trust, and releases of land, and for other purposes, in the. 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1267) authorizing the attorney and 
his assistants to administer oaths and affirmations in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 3629) to dose the alleys in square 
751 in the city of Washington in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R.4571) to make service connec- 
tions with water mains and sewers in'the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1305) relating to the incorporation of 
certain corporations within the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1280) for the promotion of anatomi- 
cal science and to prevent the desecration of graves in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 655) to extend the jurisdiction of 
iusticesof the peace in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1414) to define the jurisdiction of 
the police court in the 

District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1111) to authorize the Commis8ion- 
ers of the District of Columbia to grant a permit to build on lot 43, 

Bquax6 368, in the city of Washington 

* Bound with vol. 2, first Msaion, Fifty -third Congress. 


























5 « 




























Dirtriet of ColimibiA. On bill (S. 1587) for the support of the govem- 
iiient of the ..'. 

District of Colmnbia. On joint resolution (S. R, 63) to change th^ 
name of Sixteenth street to Executive avenue 

DiKtrict of Columbia. On bill (S. 1503) to establish harbor regulations 

No. Vol. 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1141) for the relief S. J. Block and • 

A. P. Banrman, of the 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1680) to suppress gambling in the .. 
District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1717) to authorize the appointment 

of women as school trtistees in the 

District of Columbia. On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making ap- 
propriations to provide for the expenses of the government of the 

District of Columbia, etc 

District of Columbia. On bi^l (S. 1112) to provide for a survey for a 

bridge aeroBS the Eastern Branch of the Potomac River 

District of Columbia. On House concurrent resolu tion to print annual 

report of the health officer of the 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 5860) to establish a court of 

appeals for the j 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1359) to amend an act approved 
July. 15, 1882, entitled "An act to increase the water supply of the 

city of Washington," etc 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1952) to amend an act entitled *'An 
act to incorporate the Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway". 
District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1841) to provide that all persons 
employing female help in stores, shops, or manufactories shall pro- 
ride seats for same when not actively employed 

District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 6171) authorizing the Metropoli- 
tan Railroad Company to change its motive power, etc 

District of Columbia. On bills (H. R. 6893 and S.970) regulating 

water-main assessments 

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S. 877) to incorporate the Washington 

Omtni Railway Company 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the Union Pas- 
senger Railway Company of the A 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1896) to provide for the payment of 

8 per cent greenback certificates of the 

District of Columbia. On bills (S. 1459 and H. R. 7071) to exempt from 

taxation the property of the Young Men's Christian Association 

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S. 2131) to secure uniformity in names 

of minor streets, etc 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. ^094) to amend charter of Eckington 

and Soldiers' Home Railway Company 

District of Columbia. On bill (S.2&10) to provide for the repairs of 

the piers of the Aqueduct Bridge, etc 

District of Colombia. On bill (S. 2118) authorizing the sale of the title 
of the United States to a tract of land in Maryland to Wm. H. and 

George Bobinger .'. 

Distriet of Columbia. On bill (S.2245) to prohibit the interment of 

bodies in Oraceland Cemetery in the 

District of Columbia. On bUl (S.329) for the relief of the estate of 

W. B. Todd, deceased 

District of Columbia. On bill (S.852) to incorporate the National 

Light and Fuel Company 

District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1148) to provide a building site for 

the National Conservatory of Music of America 

Dis^ct of Columbia. On bill (S. 2217) to provide for closing of a 

part of ao alley in square 185 

District of Columbia. On Senate resolution to print 500 copies of Ex. 
Doc. No« 445, first session of Fifty-first Congress, being report of a 

board of sanitary engineers upon the sewerage of the 

District of Columbia. On the bill (S. 2066) to provide for continuing 

the system of trunk sewers in the 

Disuict of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 7095) to provide for the erection 
of a national home for aged and inhrm colored persons, eto 















































District of Columbia. On bill (S. 1007) to authorize the appointzneiit 
of a deputy collector bv the CommiBsioneni of the 

District of Colnmbia. On Joint resolntion (S. R. 99) to compile and 
publish the laws relating to street-railway franchises in the 

Douoghue, Mary Ann. On bill (H. R. 5816) granting a pension to 

Doubleday, Mary. On bill (8. 1966) granting an increase of pension to. 

Douglass, E. . On bill (8. 1319) for the relief of 

Dull, John C. On bill (S. 1535) to correct the naval history of 

Duluth and Manitoba Railroad Com]>any. On bill (8. 176) granting a 
right of way across the Fort Pembina Reservation, in North Dakota, 
to the 


Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Company. On bill (8. 1458) granting 
a right of way through the Chippewa and White Earth Indian rea- 
ervations, in Minnesota, to the 

Earths, earthenware, and glassware. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

* • • « ^ 

Eastern Nebraska and Qulf Railway Company. On bill (8. 1995) 

granting right of way through the Omaha and Winnebago Indian 

reservations to the 

Eastman, Mary A. L. On bill (8. 1656) granting an increase of pension 


Eckington and Soldier's Home Railway Company. On bill (8. 2094) to 

amend the chai-ter of 

Eckland, John. On bill (8. 1584) granting a pension to 

Education, Commissioner of. On House concurrent resolution to print 

35,000 copies of the report of the, lor 1891 and 1892 

Eight-hour law. On bill (8. 346) relating to claims arising under 

JSl (Jallao, steamship. On bill (8.432) to provide an American register 

for, and change her name to Oneida 

Election cases. On resolution to print 4,000 copies of the new edition 

of the Senate 

Electrical experiment station. On bill (8. 1170) to establish an, for 

the purpose of investigating and determining whether electricity can 

be profitably applied as a motive power in the propulsion of farm 

machinery and implements 

Eller^, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 19.35) granting a pension to 

English, Margaret. On bill (H. R. 1686) granting a pension to 

Enochs, W. H. On House concurrent resolution to prli^t 8,000 copies 

of the eulogies delivered in Congress on the late 

Episcopal Church at St. Augustine, Fla. On bill (S. 1076) to release a 

certain limitation existing in an act of Congress touching the 

Ericsson, .John. On bill ;8. 1083) for the relief of the estate of 

Ethnology, Bureau of. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the 

thirteenth annual report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
Eyes, loss of sight of both. On bill (8. 304) to increase pension for . . . . 


Facilitate the entry of steamships. On bill (8. 1886) to 

Fairfax, Josephine Foote. On bill (8. 1539) granting a pension to .... . 

Farmers. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Female help in stores, shops, or manufactories. On bill (8. 1841) to 

provide seats for, when not actively employed, in the District of 


Field, Henry C. On bill ( H. R. 4490) panting a pension to 

Final proof and payment on lands claimed under the public land laws 

of the United States. On bill (H. R. 3458) extending the time for 

Finance, Report Committee on. Tariff Comparisons 

Finn, John. On bill (8. 1066) for relief of 

Finn, John. On bill (8. 1066) for the relief of 

Fish, Edward N. On bill (8. 1055) to carry into effect the findings of 

the Court of Claims in the cases of 























flab and Fisheries On resolution to print 8,000 extra copies of the 
report of the Cummissioner of, for fiscal year eoding June 90, 1893 

Fisher, Joseph W. On bill (S. 1957) to increase the pension of 

FishiDK ressels. On bill (H. R. 7383) regulating lights on 

Fiuhngb, Samuel. On bill (S. 1824) for the relief of, and to carry out 
the findings of the Court of Claims 

FiTe Cinlized Tribes of Indians. To inquire into the present condi- 
tion of the 

Flax, hemp, and Jute, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff In- i 
qoiriM I 

Fletcher, William. On bill (8.2255) for the relief of 

Florids. On bill (8. 1834) to require patents to be issued to lands act- 
Qslly settled under the act entitled "An act to provide for the nrmed 
occupation and settlement of the unsettled part of the peninsula of,'' 
approTed August 4, 1842 

Flonda. On bill (8. 1597) to open the naval reservation in Lafayette 

Florida, Stote o^ etc. On bill (8. 1286) to pay balance due to 

Ford's Theater dfisaster. On amendment to the bill (H. R. 5575) to com- 
pensate suiTerers in 

Foreign Relations, Committee on. On resolution to print copies 

of Report 227 from 

Fort Cnmmings Military Reservation. On bill (H. R. 356) to authorize 
the Secretary of the Interior to reserve from sale certain lands in the 

Fort D. A. Russell Military Reservation. On the bill (S. 168) granting 
to the State of Wyoming certain lands in the 

Fort Pembina Reservation, in North Dakota, to the Dulnth and Mani- 
toba Railroad Company. On bill (8. 176) granting a right uf way 
across the 

Franklin, Andrew. On bill ( H. R. 2627) granting a pension to 

Free List. Replies to Tariff Inquiries •. 

French, F. Halverson. On bill (8. 811) for the relief of 

Fmeh, Henry 8. On bill (8. 57) for the relief of the legal repreKeutar 
tire* of 

Friedlin, John. On bill (8.471) for the relief of 

Fryniire, George L. On bill (H. R.3076) granting? a pension to 

Fnlford,D. On bill (8. 143) for the relief of t lie heirs of 

Future Citff, h«r barges, cargoes, etc. On bill (S. 207) granting juris- 
diction and authority to the Court of Cluims in the ciu»e of the tow- 


Gambling in the District of Colnnibia. On bill (8. 1680) to suppress. . . 
Geological Survey. On Senate concurrent resolution to print 15,500 
copies of the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Director of the II. S.. 
Gibson, Hon. Randall Lee. On Senate concnrrent resolution to print 

8,000 copies of the eulogies delivered in Congress upon 

Giddings, Napoleon B. On biU (S. 194) for the relief of 

Giseburt, Ambrose. On bill (H. R. 3309) granting a pension to 

Gleason, Johanna. On bill ( H. R. 5703) for the relief of 

GoUUworikjif. On bill (S. 1426) to provide a register for the steamer . . . 
Gooch, C. P. On bill (H. R. 3334) authorizing and directing the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury to pay to heirs or legal representatives of, et-c. . . 
Government Printing Office. On bill (S. 1462) to provide additional 

accommodations for the 

Graoini, Frederick. On bill (8. 187) for relief of 

Graves, Clara A., Smith, Lewis Lee, Lee, Florence P., Sheldon, Mary S., 

and Smith, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 288) for the relief of 

Greenback certificates of the District of Columbia. On biU (8. 1896) 

to provide for the payment of 8 per cent 

Greene, B.iy. On bfil (H. R. 859) for the relief of 

Greene, Maj. Gen. George 8. On bill(S. 1513) for the relief of 

Gmgett, Andrew L. On bill ( H. K. 1461) to remove charge of desertion 
GnnjD, Calvin. Ou bill (8. Do2)for the relief of, 






























564 \ 
346 \ 



































Haake, Adolph von. On bill (S. 469) for the relief of 

Hagan, Peter. On joint resolution (H. Res. 79) for the relief of 

HaU, Dwight. On biU (S. 574) for the relief of 

Hall, Maria. On bill (S. 253) granting a pension to 

Halteman, Henry. On bill (S. 1526) for tne relief of 

Harbor regulations for the District of Columbia. On bul (S. 1503) to 

Hartley, Benjamin. On bill (S. 1294) to remove the charge of deser- 
tion from 

Hartt, Celestia P. On bill (H. R. 5351) granting a pension to 

Hastings, Minn. On bill (H. R. 5806) to construct and maintain a 
wagon bridge over the Mississippi River at 

Havens, Ezra S. On bill (S. 195) for the relief of 

Hawaiian Islands. On Senate resolution to print and bind for use of 
Senate 1, 200 copies of Senate Ex. Docs. Nos. 45, 57, 76, and 77 of 
second session of Fifty-second Congress, etc ^ 

Hawaiian afi'airs. On resolution to print for use of Senate copies 

of all papers and messages sent to Congress by the Prcident since 
January 1, 1893 

Hawaiian Islands. Report from Committee on Foreign Relations 

Health officer of the District of Columbia, etc. On House concurrent 
resolution to print and bind in cloth 1, 500 copies of the annual 
report of the 

Heiner, Mrs. Helen G. On bill (S. 1427) granting an increase of pen- 
sion to 

Henrich, Mrs. Nicholas. On bill (S. 1355) granting a pension to 

Hewitt, Henry^ J. On bill (S. 1274) for the relief of 

Hislop, Washington. On bill (H. R. 5020) granting a pension to 

Hobart, Harrison C. On bill (S. 1969) granting a pension to 

Hoes, JT)hn W. On bill (H. R. 4328> for the relief of 

Holbrook, John. On bill (S. 1482) to relieve from the charge of deser- 

Holmes, Eliza. On bill (H. R. 1717) granting a pension to 

Holmes &, Leathers. On bill (S. 1945) for the relief of 

Hoopa Valley Indian Reserv^ation. On bill (S. 1803) authorizing the 
construction of a wagon road through 

Hot Springs Water Company. On bill (S. 1433) granting asite for a res- 
ervoir for cold water upon the permanent reservation at Hot Springs. 

Howard, Hannaji. On bill ( S. 1833^ granting a pension to 

Howard University, books for law department of, etc. On amendment 
to bill (H. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses 
of the Government, etc 

Howe, John C. On bill (S. 1154) for the relief of 

Hugo, William H. On bill (S. 1549) for the relief of 

Hunt, .Jennie M. On bill (S. 817) for the relief of 

Hurt, William. On bill (8. 1623) for the relief of 


Hwaco Railway and Navigation Company. On bill (S. 634) granting a 
right of way across the Scarboro Hill Military Reservation to the 

Imported Merchandise Entered for Consniiiption in the United States 
during the years 1890 to 1893. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of 
the document entitled 

Imports and Exports. American Colonies to Great Britain from 1697 
to 1789, inclusive (parts land2) 

Imported merchandise for 1893 

Index to private claims. On letter of Anson G. McCook relating to.. . 

Indian hostilities. On bill (S. 100) to reimburse certain persons, etc ... . 

Indian hostilities, State of Nevada. On bill (S. 100) to reimburse cer- 
tain persons, etc 

Interior, Secretary of. On bill (H. R. 4242) directing him to make cer- 
tain investigations concerning tbe consolidation of land districts in 
California, etc 






















iBtoniational exhibition to be held in Melbonmey Angnst 1, 1888. On 
bill (S. 2024) making appropriations to pay such expenses as might 
be incnrred by the Government of the United States, etc 

Intenutiotial money orders. Report from experts of the Joint Com- 
ini«sion of Congress, etc., recommending the discontinuance of cer- 
tain statistics relatinis^ to 

Invalid pensions. On bill (H.R. 7294) empowering fourth -class post- 
masters to administer oaths to pensioners, etc 

Iowa Reservation, Oklahoma. On bill (H. R. 4859) for the relief of cer- 
tain settlers upon the , 

Irwin. Bernard J. D. On bill (S. 1273) for the relief of 

Isaacs & Co., William B. On bill (S. 1288) to execute the findings of 
the Court of Claims in the matter of the claim of 

Isenstein, George. On bill ( H. R. 3006) for the relief of 

Islands of New Hebrides. On Senate resolution in regard to the traf- 
fic in drearms and intoxicants with the natives of the 

Ives, Capt £. M. On bill (H. R. 2133) to correct the military record of 


Jarkson, Lennes A. On bill (S. 1215) for the relief of 

Jeffenou Barracks, Missouri. On bill (S. 190) for the benefit of sundry 

penoDS residing in the vicinity of 

Jewett, George H. On bill (S. 470) for the relief of 

Jicarilla Apache Indian Reservation, etc. On bill (S. 1585) authorizing 

the sale of timber on the 

Johnston, J. Floyd, administrator. On bill (S. 1420) for the relief of. . . 
Justices of tiie Peace. On bill (S. 655) to extend the Jurisdiction of, 

in tiie District of Columbia 

Kn^MariaT. On bill (S. 1230) for the relief of 

Keana^e, U. S. S. On bill (H. R. 5833) providing for the rescue of the 
annament and wreck of the , 

Kelleher, Patrick. Ou bill (H. R. 6405) to remove the charge of deser- 
tion from 

Kelton, Josephine F. On bill (S. 879) granting a pension to , 

Kineo and Chocura, U. S. gunboats. On bill (S. 1527) for relief of officers 
and crews of the * 

Kramer, Samuel. On bill (S.487) for the relief of the widow and 
heirs of ...••• • •• 


Labor Organizationa. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Laborers, workmen, and mechanics. On bill (S. 346) in relation to 

claims arising under eight-hoiir law concerni ng 

Lane, Amanda J. On bill (H. R. 3033) granting a pension to 

Lane, James. 0|i bill (H. R. 3065) granting a pension to 

Librarian of Congress for the year 1893. On Senate resolution to print 

500 extra copies of the annual report of the 

Liebschntz, Bvt. First Lieut. A. On bill (S. R. 45) granting a medal to. . 
Lilly, William. On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies 

of the eulogies delivered in Congress upon • 

Lime Point Military Reservation, in California. On bill (H. R. 4961) 

granting certain rights over • 

Little Rock, Ark. On bill (S. 2293) to provide for the improvement of 

the building and grounds of the United States court and post-office 















Locke, Albert, alias Shipley. On bill (S. 837) for the relief of 

Lock,Jalia£. On bill (S. 828) granting a pension T.'- 

Lots of the siffht of both eyes. On bill (S. 304) to increase pensions for 

Luke, MrB. JB. S. On bill (H.R. 2996) for the relief of 

Lyons, Haniuilu On bill (H.R.5258) granting a pension to 

•Boaad with vol 2, UntBetaUm, Fifty'tbird Congvsss. 




































McClermont, Capt. Robert. On bill (S. 873) for the relief of 

McConnelly James. On bill (8. 857) to correct the military record of. . . 

Me Cooky Anson G. On letter relating to index to private clai ma 

McCool, Wells C. On bill (8. 474) for the relief of 

McCormick, Paul. On bill (S. 1262) for the relief of 

McLean, Sarah K. On bill (8.575) for the relief of 

McLeod, Walter 8. On bill (H. R.6384) for therelief of 

Mack, W. D. On joint resolution (8. R. 68) for the relief of 

Magaan, Alexander P. On bill (H. R.4686) to correct the military 
record of..^ - 

Maholm, John. On bill (H. R. 2920) granting a pension to 

Marine Corps of the U. 8. Navy. On bill (8. 1464) for the relief of cer- 
tain enlisted men in the 

Marine Hospital Service. On bill (8. 2880) to amend Sec. 2 of the act 
approved Feb. 15, 1893, entitled "An act la^ranting additional quaran- 
luie powers and imposing additional diities npon the 

Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua.'' On bill ^8. 1481) to amend 
the act entitled "An act to incorpornte the 

Marston, 8. W. On bill (8. 198) to anthorize Secretary of Interior to 
settle the claims of the legal representatives of 

Martin, Ida C. On bill (8. 2032) granting a pension to 

Mates in the Navy. On bill (H. S. 38) relating to the pay and retire- 
ment of 

Medical Society of the District of Columbia on Typhoid and Malarial 
Fevers, etc. On House concurrent resolution to print 4,000 extra 
copies of the special report of the select committee of the 

Melbourne, Australia. On bill (8. 2024) anthorizing additional com- 

Eensation to the assistant commissioners to the industrial exhibition 
eld at 

Menefee, Mary A. On bill (H. R. 6103) granting a pension to 

Merchant marine. On bill (8.495) to establish marine be 3rd for the 

advancement of the interests of the 

Merchants. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Metals, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 


Methodist Episcopal Church South. On bill (H. R. 7334) to sell cer- 
tain lands m Montgomery Connty, Arkansas, to the 

Methods of accounting in the Post-Office Department. On bill (H. R. 
4610) to improve the 

Metropolitan Railroad Company. On bill (H. R.6171) to change its 
motive power, etc 

Michigan Infantry Volunteers. On bill (S. 2070) to provide for the 
restoration to the State of Michigan of two flags, etc 

Military post near the town of Reno, Nev. On bill (8. 98) to establish a. 

Military bounty land warrants and certificates. On bill (8. 679) for the 
location and satisfaction of outstanding, etc 

Military road. On bill (H.R.7419) to construct, from the city of £1 
Paso to Fort Bliss. Tex 


Miller, Sophia. On l>ill (8.1289) for therelief of 

Miller, William R. On biU (8.529) for the relief of 

Minneapolis Gaslight Company. On bill (H. R. 7449) to lay submerged 

gas pipes aoross the Mississippi River at Minneapolis 

Mint, Director of the. On House cononrrent resolution to print 10,000 

extra copies of the report of the 





















VisrellaDeoiu. Replies to Tariff InqairiM 

UofMj orders, old. Report of the experts of the Joint Commission of 
Coogreis, etc., concerning the disposition of 

Mooey orders, international. Report from experts of the Joint Com- 
mivioD of Congress, etc., recommending the discontinuance of cer- 
tain statistics relating to 

M ontgoner r, Pearson C. On bill (S. 61) for the rel ief of 

If oDtgomery, Wesley. On bill (S. 1583) for the relief of 

Uorriaon, Jesse S. On bill (H. R. 2710) for the relief of 

MorsvJerome £. On bill (8.997) for the relief of 

Moss, William. On bill (S. 526) making an appropriation for the benefit 
of the estate of 

Vorphy, Dennis. On bill ( 8. 1963) for the relief of the sureties of 

Murray, William J. On bill (S. 1692) granting a pension to 

MarreU,Edward H. On bill (S. 1881) for the relief of 

Mossdmao, Isaac L. On bill (S. 1866) for the relief of 

Matohler, Hon. William. On resolution to print and bind 8,000 copies 
of etdogies delivered in Congress upon 

Mjer^B.F. On bUl (S. 459) for relief of 


Katlonsl oemetery at Dover, Tenn. On bill (S. 527) to constrnct a road 
to the 

Kttionil cemetery near Pensacola, Fla. On bill (S. 407) making un 
appropriation for the improvement of the road to the 

Katiooai Conservatory of Music of America. On bill (S. 1148) to pro- 
vide a bnilding site for the 

National Home ior Disabled Volunteer Soldiers. On amendments to 
the sandry civil bill (H. R. 5575) affecting the appropriations for the 
maintenance of the 

National Light and Fuel Company. On bill (S. 852) to incorporate the. 

National park near Florence, S. C. On bill (S. 274) making an appro- 
priation for the establishment of a 

National Woolgrowers' Association. On Senate concurrent resolution 
to print 5,000 copies of Seuate Mis. Doc. No. 77, being memorial of the. 

National University. On bill (8. 1708) to establish a 

Naral militia. On bill (8. 1399) to promote the efficiency of the 

Naval Observatory. On bill (S. 17^) for the protection of the instru- 
ments, etc., of the 

Nartl reservation in Lafayette County, Fla. On bill (8. 1587) to open 


Nary. On bill (S. 1779) authorizing certain officers to administer oaths. 

Nary. On bill (H. R.6321) authorizing certain officers to administer 

Navy. On bill (H. R. 88) relating to the pay and retirement of mates 
in the 

Nrely, A. F. On bill (H. R. 6206) granting a pension to 

Neet, John S., jr. On bill (8. 193) for the relief of 

New Hebrides. On Senate resolution in regard to the traffic in fire- 
arms and intoxicants with the natives of the inlands of the 

New, Elizabeth. On bill (8. 2275) granting a pennion to 

New Mexico. On biU (H. R. 353) to provide for the adniiHHiou of 

Nicaragua Canal, etc. On Senate resolution to print 5,000 copies of 
Senate report No. 331, relative to the 

Niobrara River, etc. On bill (S. 1403) for the reconHtruction of a 
bridge acroes the 

Niver, Agnes A. On bill (S. 1254) for the relief of 

North Capitol street. On bill (8. 752) to extend to the Soldiers' Home 

North Dakota. On bill (8. 686) to divide the j ndicial district of 















































Obscene literature and articles designed for indecent and immoral use, 

«tc Oq bill (S.2065) to prevent the carrying of 

• Boand -with voL S, Ant aeB»ion, Fifty •third Congrssai 
















Oddy, Sarah. On bill (H. R. 5374) granting a i>en8ion to 

Officers of the Govemment. On bill (S. lS>3) to regulate the making 
of property returns by 

Officers of the Army at institutes of learning. On bill (S. 1644) relat- 
ing to the detail of retired 

O'Keane, John. On bill (S. 646) for the relief of 

Oklahoma City. On bill (H. R. 6080) to donate the military reHervation 
at Oklahoma City, in Oklahoma Territory, to said city for free public 
schools, etc 

Oklahoma settlers. On bill (S. 2038) for the relief of 

Oklahoma, Territory of. On bill (H. R. 288) to provide for two addi- 
tional associate justices of the supreme court of 

Oklahoma Territory. On bill (U. R. 5065) to ratify the reservation of 
certain lands ... ." 

Old papers^ etc., in Post-Office Department. On report of Postmaster- 
General m respect to accumulation of 

Omaha and Winnebago Indian reservations to the Eastern Nebraska 
and Gulf Railway Company. On bill (S. 1995) granting right of way 
through the 

Oregon, Nevada, and California. On bill (S. 1295) for relief of the 
States of 

Oregon, State of. On bill (S. 819) providing for the survey of the lands 
described in act of Congress approved July 5, 1866, etc 

Oregon^ Idaho, and Washington, etc. On bill (S. 743) for the relief of 
the citizens of 

Orr, George A. On bill (S.191) forthe relief of 

Oteri, S, On bill (S. 1852) to provide an American register for the 
steamer '.... 

Otis, George K. On bill (S. 1063) for the relief of the legal representa- 
tives of 

Otoe and Missouria Indians. On bill (S. 1467) to provide for the sale of 
the remainder of the reservation of the confederated 

Owen,Isham T. On bill (S.223) for the relief of 


Pacific railroads. On appropriation for the payment of the fees of 
counsel employed by the Attorney-General, etc 

Pan-American Congress, held in Washington, D.(.'., September, 1893. 
On Senate concurrent resolution to print and bind 10,000 copies of 
the proceedings of the 

Papers and messages sent to Confess by the President since January 
1, 1893, relating to Hawaiian affairs, etc. On resolution to print, for 
the use of the Senate, copies of all 

Parks, Marlin. On bill (H. R. 562) for the relief of 

Passengers by sea. On bill (S. 587) to regulate the carriage of 

Patton, Neil. On bill (S. 1298) to remove the charge of desertion from. 

Payne, Cyrus. On bill (S. 829) granting an honorable discharge to 

Peudergrass, Moses. On bill (S. 200) for the relief of 

Pensioners. On bill (H. R. 7294) empowering fourth-class postmasters 
to administer oaths to 

Pensions. On bill (S. 435) granting the right to personally inspect, 
etc., proceedings to obtain a pension 

Pensions. On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the payment, in certain cases, 
of accrued 

Pensions. On bill (S. 1480) to codify and arrange the laws relating to. 

Pension money to wives in cases where male pensioners desert or aban- 
don their families, etc. On bill (S. 1175) to require payment of 

Pensions. On bill (S. 473) to grant service 

Pension to soldiers and sailors who are incapacitated for performance 
of manual labor, etc. On bill ( H. R. 7574) granting 

PepperelL W. H. L. On bill (S. 1022) for the reUef of. 

Personnel of the Navy, etc. On Senate resolution to print the evidence 
taken in relation to the 

Phipps, Alfred T. On bill (H. R. 5459) to pension the minor children of. 

Pierce^ Eliza B. On bill (H. R. 3858) granting a pension to 





























Beree, William. On bill (S. 506) granting an honorable discharge t6 . . 

Plant, George H. On bill (S. 429) for the relief of 

Police conrt in the District of Colnmbia. On bill (S. 1414} to* define 
the jnrisdiction of the 

Portsmoath nayy-yard. On bill (S. 299) for the construction of a dry 
dock at the '.. 

Post- Office Department. On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods 
of acoonnting in the 

Post-Office Department. On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods 
of acconnting in the 1 * 

Post-Office Department. On report of Postmaster-General in respect 
to accomnlation of bid papers, etc., in 

Poteet, Benjamin F. On bill (H. R. 6969) for the relief of 

Potomac Steamboat Company. On bill (S. 425) for the relief of 

Potter, Alice K. On bill (S. 491) granting a pension to 

Presbyterian Board of Home Missions. On bill (S. 870) authorizing 
the issue of a patent for certain lands on the Omaha Indian reserva- 
tion, etc., to ^ 

Pnest, Mathew S. On bill (H. R. 1814) for the relief of 

Pries^ Titus. On bill (S. 15i^) to relieve firom the charge of desertion . . 

Proctor, Thomas R. On joint resolution (S. R. 74) for the proper enroll- 
ment of in U. 8. Navy * 

Property returns by officers of the .Government. On bills (H. R. 5530, 
same as S. 1553) to regulate the making of 

Property returns by officers of the Government. On bill (S. 1553) to 
regulate the making of *.. 

Props, Adaline J. On bill (H. R. 6228) granting a pension to. . « * 

Public lands." On bill (8. 67) to amend an act entitled *'An act for the 
relief of certain settlers on the public lands, and to provide for the 
repayment of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on 
void entries of 

Public printing and binding, etc. On bill (H. R. 2660) relating to 
eoUation and systematic reenactment of the numerous provisions of 
preexisting lawregulating the, ...^ ^.. ..w*.« 

Pnlhnan, Capt. John W. On biU (S. 1637) for the relief of 

Pulp, papers, and books. Replies to Tariff Inquiries » 

Pynmid LAke Reservation in Nevada. On bill (S.99) to secure the 
relinqnishment of the Indian title to a portion of 


Bsilway postal clerks. On bill (S. 544) to reclassify and iiz the sal- 
Mies of ^ 

Ransom, Dunbar R. On bill (8. 322) to place, on the retired list of the 
Army ; *.. 

Randolph, Fanny B. On bill (S. 694) for the relief of 

Rates of duty on imports into the United States from 1789 to 1890, 

inclusive, etc. On resolution to print 6,000 copies of Senate report 

So. 2130, Fifty-first Congress, second session, relating to 

Raymond, George S. On bill (S. 1858) to grant an nonorable dis- 

diarge to 

Record and Pension Office. On joint resolution (S. R. 43) for the relief 

of the employees of, who were injured in the Ford's Theater disaster. 
Recorder of deeds in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 1005) to 

prevent the recording of subdivision of land in the office of 

Red Cliff Indian Reservation in Wisconsin. On joint resolution (H. Res. 

140) to confirm the enlargement of the 

Redfem, Joseph and Eliza J. On bill (8. 807) for the relief of 

Redstone, Albert. On bill (8. 1105) for the relief of 

Red Wing, Minn. On bill (H. R. 6110) to authorize the construction of 

abridge acroes the Mississippi River at 

Reno, Nev. On bill (S. 98) to establish a military post near the town of 
Regulation of steam vessels. On bill (S. 497) to amend section 4400 

of title 52 of the Revised Statutes concerning the 

* BouDd vith Tol. 2, first soMioii, Fifty-tbird Congiess. 

S, Eepte— 5»— 2 n 














































Repayment of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on 
void entries of public lands.'' On bill (S. 67) to amend an act entitled 
"An act for the relief of certain settlers on the public lands, and to 
provide for the , 

Beport 227. On resolution to print copies of (Foreign Relations 

Committee) , 

Report 334, being a comparison of bill H. R. 4864 and existing law. 
On Senate order to bind 200 copies of 

Reservation, sale, and settlement of certain lands in several States and 
Territories. On bill (8. 1691)to provide for the .* 

" Reserved list " of the Army of the United States. On bill (S; 898) for 
the creation of a ' 

Revenue-Cutter Service. On bill (S. 1681) to promote the efficiency 
of the 

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 4340) to amend section 407 of the. ... 

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 5529) to repeal section 311 of the 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S.497) to amend section 4400 of title 52^ 
concerning the regulation of steam vessels 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S.509) to amend section 4178, in relation 
to the marking of vessels' names at bow and stem, etc 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 588) to repeal section 4145 and to amend 
sections 4146 and 4320, also section 1 of the act amending section 
4214 of the Revised Statutes, approved March 3, 1883, and for other 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1552) to repeal section 811 of the 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1784) to amend section 3719 of the 

Revised Statutes. On bill (S. 1542) to amend section 4746 of the 

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 7072) to amend section 3816 of the . . . 

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 236) to amend section 4837 of the. . . 

Revised Statutes. On bill (H. R. 4952) to amend section 2455 of the . . . 

Reynolds, Russell N. On bill (S. 1383) granting a pension to 

Richards, Joseph H. On bill (S. 1558) for the correction of the mili- 
tary record of 

Rice, John M. On bill(;H. R. 3978) for the relief of 

Rigg, Druzilla J. On bill (H. R. 4290) granting a pension to 

Ripley, Emma A. On bill (S. 447) to authorize Secretary of the Inte- 
rior to issue a duplicate of a certain land warrant to 

Rivers and harbors. On bill (H. R. 6518) making appropriations for 
the construction, repairs, and preservation of certain public works 

Robbins. Thankful. On bill (H. R. 4780) to pension 

Roberts, George F., etc. On bill (S. 557) for the relief of 

Robinson, M^- Oen, John C. On bill (S. 731) for the relief of 

Roby, Robert. On bill (S. 1793) to remove the charge of desertion from 

Rodman, Daniel C, etc. On bill (S. 814) for the relief of the represen- 
tatives of 

Russell, Charles T. On bill (8. 1999) for the relief of 

Russell, John H. On bill (S.348) for the relief of 

Russell, Rear- Admiral John H. On bill (S. 864) for the relief of 

Russell, John. On bill (S. 925) granting an honorable discharge to . .. 


St. Charles College. On bill (S. 211) for the relief of 

St. Lawrence State Hospital at Ogdensburg, N. Y. On bill (H. R. 3202) 
grantingcondemned cannon to the 

St. Louis Kiver Bridge Company and the Duluth Transfer Railway 
Company. On bill (H. R. 4765) to authorize construction of bridge 
over St. Louis River by the 

St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba Railway Company. On bill 
(8. 1694) panting the right of way through the White Earth, Leech 
Lake, Chippewa, and Fond du Lao Indian reservations to the 

Salmon fisheries of the Columbia River Basin. On Senate concurrent 
resolution to print 1,000 extra copies of Senate Mis. Doc. No. 200 re- 
lating to the 

* Bound with vol. 2, first seBsion, Flfty-tliird Congress. 





















Sah Lake City. On bill (H. R. 4449) fixing the limit of iDdebtedness 

* which may be incurred by 

SaJtwort, or RusBian thistle. On bill (S. 1287) for the extermination 
uid destruction of plant known as the 

Sartori, Commodore Louis C. On bill (S. 1713) to promote 

Srarboro Hill Military Reservation to the Ilwaco Railway and Navi- 
gation Company. On bill (8. 634) granting a right of way across 

Sehaambnrg, James W. On bill (S. 597) for the relief of 

Schmidt, Christopher. On bill (8. 573) for relief of 

School trustees. On bill (8. 1717) to authorize the appointment of 

women in the District of Columbia as 

Scott, John. On bill ( H. R. 1313) to increase the pension of 

Scott, W.T. On biU (8. 1615) for the reUef of 

Schwatics, Ada J. On bill (8. 2056) granting a pension to 

Scaler and assistant sealer of weights and measures in the District of 
Colombia, and for other purposes. On bill (H. R. 8246) for the 

appointment of a 4 

Seaman, Capt. Henry C. On bill (8. 1189) for the relief of 

Service pensions. On bill (8. 1173) to grant 

Sewerage of the District of Columbia. On Senate resolution to print 
500 copies of Ex. Doc. 445, first session of Fifty-first Congress, being 

report of a board of sanitary engineers upon the 

Sewers and water mains in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 872) 

to make service connections with 

Sewers and water mains in the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 

4571) to mi^e service connections with 

Seweis, trunk, in the District of Columbia. On bill (8. 2066) to pro- 
vide for continuing the system of 

Sexton, James A. (& bill (8. 2281) to authorize the Postmaster-Gen- 
eral to credit for amount of money stolen fh>m 

Shaffer, CM. On bill (8. 361) for the relief of 

3uiwnee tribe or nation of Indians. On bill (8. 661) for the relief of. . 
fiherman, John, Jr. On bill (8. 763) relieving the personal representa- 
tives of 

Sherwin, Thomas, deceased. On bill (8. 1069) for the relief of the 

estate of 

Shipley, H. W. On bill (8. 120) for the relief of 

Shipley, E.R. On bill (8. 199) for the relief of 

Sibley, Henry H. On bill (8. 914) for the relief of the legal personal 

representatives of 

Silk culture in the United States. On bill (8. 115) for the develop- 
ment and encouragement of 

Sioux Nation of Indians in Dakota, etc. On bill (8. 145) to authorize 
the Secretary of the Interior to divide a portion of the reservation 

of the 

Sixteenth street in District of Columbia to Executive avenue. On 

joint resolution (8. R. 63) to ofaange name of 

Smith, Charles B. On bill (8. 1312) for the relief of the heirs of 

Smith, Thomas Rhjrs. On bill (8. 499) for the relief of 

Smith, Otis. On bUl (8.1640) granting a pension to 

Smith, Henry. On bill (S. 1077) for the relief of 

Smith. Henry C. On bill (8. 1657) to remove the charge of desertion 



Smith, Pauline J. On bill (H. R. 6361) granting a pension to 

Smithsonian Institution and National Museum. On resolution to print 
10,000 additional copies of the reports of the Smithsonian Institution 
and the National Museum for the year ending June 30, 1893, etc 

Smithsonian Institution. On bill (8. 1460; to amend an act entitled 
"An act to establish the Smithsonian Institution for the increase and 
diffusion of knowledge among men'' 

Society of the Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volunteers. On bill 
(S. 1381) to provide for the restoration to the, of two flags now in the 
War Department.. •• < 









































Soldiers' additional homestead certificates, etc. On bill (S. 1590) to 
validate outstanding 

Soldiers' Home. On bill (S. 752) to extend North Capitol street to the 

Soldiers' Homes. On bill (H. R. 236) to amend section 4837 of the 
Revised Statutes relating to 

Solution of the Labor Problem. On Senate resolution to print 1,000 
copies of Senate Mis. Doc. No. 95, entitled a 

Somerville, Hiram. On bill (S. 1301) for the relief of the legal repre- 
sentatives of < 

Southern Railroad Association, lessees of the Mississippi Central Rail- 
road Company. On bill (S. 754) for the relief of the 

Southern Ute Indians in Colorado, etc. On bill (S. 1532) to ratify and 
confirm an agreement with the 

Special assessments. On bill (S. 891) authorizing the Commissioners 
of the District of Columbia to accept payment without interest of 

Spencer, William Loving. On bill (S. 1117) for the relief of 

Spirits, wines, and' other beverages. Replies to Tarifi^ Inquiries < 

Stanford, Hon. Leland. On resolution to print 8,000 copies of eulogies 

delivered in Congress upon 

Stark, Dora L. On bill (S.694) for the relief of 

Starkweather, William A. On bill (S. 121 ) for the relief of 

Starr, Eliza K. On bill (H. R. 3487) granting an increase of pension to. 

Statistics. Tariff J 

Statistical Abstract for the United States for 1893, etc. On House con- 
current resolution for the printing of 12,000 copies of the 

Statistical tables showing imports of merchandise, with duties col- 
lected under the tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under 
bill H. R. 4864 as passed by the House and Senate ; imports and 
exports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expenditures of the 
Government, etc. (part 2) 

Statistics, Bureau of. On House concurrent resolution to print 11,000 
copies of a special report of 

Statute of limitation and give the right of appeal in certain cases. On 
bill (S. 346) to remove the bar of the 

Steamships. On bill (S. 1886) to facilitate the entry of 

Steinmetz, William R. On bill (S. 812) for the relief of 

Stevenson, John H. On bill (S. 1211) for the relief of 

Stewart, A. P. H. On bill (S. 1325) for the relief of 

Stewart. Peter Grant. On bill (S. 118) for the relief of 

Stivers. Charles B. On bill (H. R. 868) for the relief of 

Stivers, Charles B. On bill (S. 2119) for the relief of. 

Stockwell, John. On bill (H. R. 856) granting a pension to ».. . 

Street, George W. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of 

Street-railway franchifles in the District of Columbia. On joint reso- 
lution (S. R. 99) to coinpile and publish the laws relating to 

Streets of the cities of Washington and Georgetown. On bill (S. 2131) 
to secure uniformitv in the names of minor 

Sugar. Replies to Tariff Inquiries < 

Sugar schedule in the tariff bill of 1894 

SuliivRn, George L. On bill (S. 1470) to remove the charge of desertion 


Sundries. Replies to Tariff Inquiries * 

Surgeons, assistant. On bill (S. 1594) to remove certain disabilities 
of the late acting 

Supervisors of elections and special deputy marshals. On bill (H. R. 
2331) to repeal the statutes relating to (part 1) 

Supervisors of elections and special deputy marshals. On bill (H. R. 
2331) to repeal all statutes relating to (part 2). Views of minority.. 

Surveyor of District of Columbia. On bill (S. 444) in relation to the .. 

Swift, J. M. On bill (S. 2088) granting a pension to 

Swilt, Mary A. On bill (S. 489) for the relief of 






















































Table of the ATerage ad yalorem rates nnder the tariff of 1883, Mills 
bill of 1888, tariff of 1890, House bill 4864 as it passed the House and 
ilso as amended by the Senate and passed July, 2 (calendar day 
Jnly 3); also statistical tables showing imports of merchandise, 
vith duties collected under the tariff of 1890 ; corresponding rates 
of duty under bill H. B. 4864 as passed by the House and Senate; 
imports and exports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expendi- 

tniea of the Goyemment. etc. (parts 1 and 2) 

TaUapoota. On bill (S. 1201) for the relief of the sufferers by the 
wreck of the U. S. S 

Tanner, George G. On bill (H. R. 2842) to reimburse him $200 for rent 
of rooms , 

Tariff comparisons. On order to bind 200 copies of Report 334, show- 
ing changes in text and rates of duty of the tariff act of 1890 and 
of the administrative act of June, 1890, made by the bill H. R. 4864 

Tariff comparisons. Report Committee on Finance 

Tariff comparisons, 1894, 1890, and 1888 

Tariff act of 1894 compared with tariff' act of 1890, with rates of the 
WilaoB bill of 1894 and the Mills bill Of 1888 

Tate, Harriet R. On bill (H. R. 6213) granting a pension to 

Ttylor, John W. On bill (S. 144) to correct tne military record of 

Tsylor, J. Seymour. On bill (S. 1012) to correct the muster roll of — 

Telegraph operators. On bill (S. 1009) for the relief of 

Tennessee. On joint resolution (S. R. 61) providing for the adjustment 
of certain claims of the State against the United States 

Tenney, Marilla. On bill (H. R. 1713) granting a pension to 

Thompson, Jane. On bill (H. R. 3218) granting an increase of pension 

Ttlton, Hemty B. On the bill (S. 901) for the relief of the owners of the 

Tobsoco, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Todd, W. B. On biU (S.329; for the reUef of 

Towusend, James L. On bill (S. 1468) for the relief of 

Travila, Robert. On bill (H.R.894) for the relief of 

Treasurer of the United States. To accompany letter of the Treasurer 
of the United States, transmitting accounts settled by his office with 

the First Comptroller for fiscal year ended June 30, 1893 

Treasury. Warrant for the payment of money out of the 

Tressury of the United States. On bills (H. R. 5529 and S. 1552) to 
repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the United States relat- 
ing to accounts of the 

TVessury Department. On bill (S. 1831) to improve the methods of 

accounting in the 

Treasury Department. On bill (H. R. 6948) to improve the methods of 

accounting in the 

Trimble, Mary. On bill (H. R. 4811) granting a pension to 

Tribunal of Arbitration at Paris. On joint resolutions (S. R. 76 and 

85) providing for the printinfc of the proceedings of the 

Trickey, Mar^' £. On bill ( H. R. 1196) granting a pension to 

Tripler, Eunice. On bill (S. 910) for the relief of 

Typhoid and malarial fevers, etc. On House concurrent resolution 

to print report of Medical Society of the District of Columbia 

Tyson, Bryan. On bill (S.460) for*the relief of 

Tnthill, Enmiet C. On bill (H. R. 4328) for the re lief of 


Uncompahgre and Uintah Indian reservations. On bill (S. 1887) pro- 
viding for opening the 

Union Passenger Railway Company of the District of Columbia. On 

bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the* 

*BonBd with vol. 2, UrstMssion, Flfty-thizd Congress. 











































































United States conrts. On bill (S. 1252) for the holding of, in the State 

of Washington 

University of the United States. On Senate resolation to print 2,000 

copies of Senate report No. 433 

University of Utah. On bill (Q. R. 3135) granting a site off the public 

domain to the 

Utah, Territory of. On bill (H. R. 352) to admit into the Union, etc . .. 
Utter, Joseph G. On bill (S. 1343) to remove charge of desertion from . . 
Utter, Joseph G. On bill (U. R. 4671) to remove the charge of desertion 



Vessels. On bill (S. 507) providing for the collection of fees for furnish- 
ing certificates of title to 

Vessels' names at bow and stern, and also to provide for marking the 
draft,'' approved February 21, 1891. On bill (S. 509) to amend an act 
entitled ** An act to amend section 4178, Revised Statutes, in relation 
to the marking of 

VesuviuB. On bill (S. 826) to remit the penalties on the dynamite-gun 

Virginius indemnity fund. On bill (S. 1703) to provide for the disposal 
of the interest on the 

Vosburgh, Harriet T. On bill (H. R. 4561 ) granting a pension to 

Voss, Eliitabeth. On bill (H. R. 855) granting a pension to 


Wacker, John W. On bill (S. 468) to remove charge of desertion from 
Walker, William T. On bill (S. 1970) granting an increase of pension to 
Wallawalla, State of Washington. On bill (S. 636) granting the use of 

certain lands to the city of , 

Walter, etc., Olivia and Ida. On bill (S.409) for the relief of 

Walters, Joel A. On bill (H. R. 3840) granting a pension to , 

War, Secretary of. On bill (S. 1683) to authorize Secretary of War to 

lend condemned cannon and cannon balls to association having in 

charge the monument erected on Government land near Chicago, 111. 

Ward, Mrs. Abby Jane. On bill (S. 1996) granting a pension to 

Warrant for the payment of money out of the Treasury 

Washington College (now known as Washington and Lee University). 

On bill (S. 454) for the relief of 

Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway. On bill (S. 1952) to 

incorporate the 

Washington Central Railway Company. On bill (S. 877) to incorpo- 
rate the 

Washington, State of. On bill (S. 1252) to provide for the times and 

places of holding terms of the United States courts in 

Water mains and sewers in the District of Columbia. On the bill (S. 

872) to make service connections with 

Water mains and sewers in the District of Columbia. On bill (H. R. 

4571) to make service connections with, in the District of Columbia. 
Water main assessments in the District of Columbia. On bills (S. 970 

and H.R. 6893) to regulate 

Water supply of the city of Washington. On bill (S. 1359) to increase 


Weather Bureau. On House concurrent resolution to print 5,500 copies 

of the annual report of the chief of the, for year ended June 30, 1893. 
Weisel, George. On bill (S. 1528) to remove the charge of desertion 


Welch, Hannah. On bill (H. R. 1214) granting a pension to 

Wells, Eugene. On bill (S. 33) to restore to the Army 

Wetmoreand Bro. On bill (S. 210) for the relief of 

Whcaton, William R. On bill (S. 1057) for the relief of (part 1) 

Wheaton, William R., and Charles H. Chamberlain. On bill (S. 1057) 

for the relief of (part 2) 

^Bound with vol. 2, first sesAion, Fifty-third ConsreM. 























































Wheeler, Capt. Edward. On joint resolution (S. R. 19) to correct the mil- 
itarr reeord of 

Wheeler. Mrs. Lacinda C. On bill (H. R. 1463) granting a pension to.. 

Whittaker, George. On bill (S. 1229) to correct the military record of 

Wightman, John. On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal represent- 
atiyee of 

Wightman, John. On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal represent- 
atiTee of 

Wncox, Mary R. On bill (S. 283) for the relief of 

Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road Company in 
Oregon. On bill (S. 1649) providing for the survey of the lapd 
described in the grant to the 

Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road Company. On 
bill (S. 819) providing for the surrey of the land described in an act 
of Congress approved July 5, 1866, granting the land therein men- 
tioned to aid in the construction of a military wagon road, which 
land was subsequently granted by said State to the 

Williams, Thomas. On bill (S. 1571) for the relief of 

Wills, A. W., administrator. On bill (S. 528) for the relief of 

Winnebago Indiana in Minnesota. On bill (S. 2153) for the relief of 

Woodsy and manafaotuxes of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries 

Woods, Margaret A* On bill (H. R. 6050) granting a pension to 

Woodworth, S. L. On bill (S. 1675) to remove the charge of dishonor- 
able dismissal from, etc 

Wool, and manufactures of. Replies to Tariff Inquiries. 


Tankton tribe of Sioux Indians in the State of South Dakota. On 

bill (S. 442) for the sale of their surplus lands , 

Yaqnina Bay. On bill (S. 112) to provide for the construction of a 
military and commercia] telegraph line along the coast between 

Yaqnina and 

YeUowstone National Park. On bill (S. 166) to provide for the punish- 
ment of offenses committed in the 

Yellowstone National Park. On bill (H. R. 5293) concerning leases in 


Yerger, Eliza H., and Mary Virginia Rawlins. On bill (S. 1406) for the 

relief of -- 

Yorke, Lonis A. On bill (S.1438) for the relief of 

Yorke^I^ais A. On bill (S.1438) for the relief of 

Young Men's Christian Association of the District of Columbia. On 

bill (H. JEL 7071) to exempt the property of, from taxation 

Young Men's Cbiistian Association of the District of Columbia. On 
bill (S. 1459) to exempt the property of, from taxation 






































































Od bill (S. 1237) for the extermination and destruction of the noxious 
plant or 'weed known as saltwort or Russian thistle or cactus 

On bill (S. 115) for the development and encouragement of silk culture 
in the United States under the supervision of the Secretary of Agri- 

On bill (S. 1170) to establish an electriciJ experiment station for the 
pnrpoae of investigating and determinii^g whether electricity can be 
profitably applied as a motive power in the propulsion of farm 
machinery «na implements 


Ob bill (H. B. 4858) making appropriations for fortifications and other 

works of defense, for the armament thereof, eto 

On bill (U. B. 5894) making appropriations for the Military Academy, 


On bill {H« B. 6373) making appropriations for the support of the Army, 


On bill (H. B. 6108) making appropriations for the diplomatic and con- 
sular service of the United States, etc j... 

On bill (H. R. 6016) making appropriations for the service of the Post- 

Offiee Department, etc 

On bill (H. B. 6937) making appropriations for the Department of Agri- 

ciiltare, etc. 

On bill (H. R. 6748) making appropriations for the naval service, etc.. 
On bill (H. R. 7007) making appropriations for the legislative, executive, 

and judicial expenses of the Government, etc 

On bill (H. R. 6913) making appropriations for current and continj^ent 
expenses of the Indian Department and fulfilling treaty stipulations 
with variouB Indian tribes for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895. .. 
On bill (H. R- 5481) making appropriations for the expenses of the gov- 
ernment of the District of Columbia 

Od bill CH- R- 5575) making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of 

the GoTemxnen t for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1895 

Ob bill (H. R« 7477) making appropriations to supply deficiencies in the 
KBpto^riAtioJis for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, etc 


On bill (Q 121} fo^ *^® relief of William A. Starkweather 

On bill (S' 901) fo^ *^® relief of the owners of schooner Henry R. Tiltonf 
etc " 




































COMMITTEE ON CLAIMS — coiitinned. 

On bill (8v223) for the relief of Isham T. Owen 

On bill (S. 326) for the relief of C. B. Bryan & Co., of Memphis, Tenn.. 

On bill (S. 58) for the relief of William Clift 

On bill (S.348) for the relief of John H. Rnssell 

On W11(S. 574) for the relief of Dwight Hall 

On bill (S. 425) for the relief of Potomac Steamboat Company 

On bill (S. 269) for the relief of Jacob I. Cohen and J. Randolph Mor- 
decai, administrators of M. C. Mordecai 

On bill (S. 694) for the relief of Fanny B. Randolph and Dora L. Stark. 

On bill (S. 914) for the relief of the legal personal representatives of 
Henry H. Sibley, deceased '. 

On bill (S. 754) for the relief of the Sonthem Railroad Association, etc. 

On bill (S.1215) for the relief of Lennes A. Jackson 

On bill (S.117) for the relief of W.L.Adams 

On bill (S. 1325) for the relief of A. P. H. Stewart 

On bill (S. 288) for the relief of Clara A. Graves, Lewis Smith Lee, 
Florence P. Lee, Mary S. Sheldon, and Elizabeth Smith, heirs of 
Lewis Smith, deceased 

On bill (S. 143) for the relief of the heirs of D. Fulford 

On bill (S. 409) for the relief of Olivia and Ida Walter, heirs and chil- 
dren of Thomas U. Walter, deceased, and also of the late Amanda O. 

On bill (S. 61) for the relief of Pearson C. Montgomery 

On bill (S. 807) for the relief of Joseph Redfem and Eliza J. Redfem.. 

On bill (S. 499) to provide for the adjustment and payment of the claim 
of Thomas Rhys Smith 

On bill (S. 1365) for the relief of Alexander W. Baldwin 

On bill (S. 100) to reimburse certain persons who expended moneys 
and fnmished services and supplies in repelliug invasions and sup- 
pressing Indian hostilities within the territorial limits of the pres- 
ent State of Nevada 

On bill (S. 57) for the relief of the legal representatives of Henry S. 

On bill (S.207) granting Jurisdiction and authority to the Court of 
Claims in the case of uie towboat Future Cityj her barges, cargoes, etc. 

On bill (S. 1420) for the relief of J. Floyd Johnston, administrator 

On bill (S. 1616) for the relief of W. T. Scott and others 

On bill (S. 103) for the relief of P. S. Corbett 

Onbill(S.120)fortherelief of H.W.Shipley 

On bill (S. 597) for the relief of the legal representatives and devisees 
of James W. Schaumburg 

On bill (S. 1666) for the reUef of Nancy £. Day, administratrix of the 
estate of James L. Day, deceased 

On bill (S. 1288) to execute the findings of the Court of Claims in the 
matter of the claim of William B. Isaacs & Co 

On bill (S. 1066) to authorize the Third Auditor of the Treasury to audit 
certain quartermaster's vouchers belonging to John Finn, of St. Louis. 

On bill (S. 744) for the relief of Avery D. Babcock and wife, of Oregon. 

On bill (S. 599) for the relief of the residuary legatees of Mark Davis, 

On bill (S. i^")7or the reii'eVoFsop^^^^^ 

On bill (S. 421) for the relief of the legal representatives of Calvin B. 

On bill (H. R. 684) for the relief of the heirs of the late Mrs. Catherine 
P. Culver 

On bill (S.203) for the relief of John F. W. Dette 

On bill (S. 210) for the relief of Wetmore & Bro., of St. Louis, Mo 

On bill (H. R.894) for the relief of Robert Tranla 

On bill (S. 1319) for the relief of E. Douglass, etc 

On bill (S. 459) for the relief of B. F.Myers 

On bill (S. 1286) to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to pay to 
the State of Florida the balance found to be due said State, etc 

On bill (S. 211) for the relief of St. Charles College 

On bill (S. 217) for the relief of the heirs of James Bridger, deceased . 



























COMMiTTEK ON CLAIMS — continued. 

On bill (S. 487) for the relief of the widow and heirs of Samnel Kramer 

On bill (S. 1S24) for the relief of Saranel Fitzhugh, administrator of 

Henry Fitzbngh, and to carry out the findings of the Court of Claims. 

On bill (S. 982) lor the relief of Cumberland Female College of 

McMinnville, Tenn 

On bill (S. 552) for the relief of Calvin Gunn 

On bill (8. 1301) for the relief of the legal representatives of Hiram 


On bill (8. 557) for the relief of George F. Roberts, administrator of 

the estate of William B. Thayer, etc 

On bill (S. 814) for the relief of the representatives of Daniel C. Rod- 
man, deceased, and others 

On bill (S. 1963) for the relief of the sureties of Dennis Murphv 

On bill (S. 763) fox the relief of personal representatives of John 

Sherman, jr 

On bill (S. 454) for relief of Washington College (now known as Wash- 
ington and Lee University), located at Lexington, Va 

On bill (S.1881) for the relief of Edward H.Murrell 

On bill (S. 1992) for the relief of Briscoe H. Bouldin 

On bill (8.1274) for the relief of Henry J. Hewitt 

On biU (S. 3978) for the relief of John M. Rice 

On bill (S. 526) making an appropriation for the benefit of the estate 

of William Moss 

On bill (S.221) for the relief of Henry M. Cannon 

On bill (S. 1262) for the relief of Paul McCormick 

On bill (8.1069) for the relief of the estate of Thomas Sherwin, 

On bill (S.2203) for'the'relie'f of Arth^^^ IIV. 

OnbUl (H.R.522)for the relief of Benjamin Alford 

On bill (8. 1471) to provide for the adjustment and payment of the 
claim of the American Transportation Company for dredging done 

at Fairport Harbor, State of Ohio 

On joint resolution (H. Res. 121) authorizing proper officers of the 
Treasury Department to examine and certi^ claims in faVor of cor- 

ta in eon n ties in Arizona ./ 

On biU (S. 224) for the relief of William P. Buckmaster 

On biU (S.817) for the relief of Jennie M. Hunt 

On bill (S. 1527) for the relief of the officers and crews of the United 

States ininboats Kineo and Chocura 

On bill (S.1571) for the relief of Thomas Williams 

On biU (H. R. 6384) for the relief of Walter S. McLeod 

(>n bill (S. 1945) for the relief of Holmes and Leathers 

On bill (S. 1406) for the relief of Eliza H. Yerger and Mary Virginia 

Rawlins... ' 

On bill (S.361)fortherelief of CM. Shaffer 

On bill (H. R. 3334) authorizing and directing the Secretary of the 
Treasury to pay to the heirs, or legal representatives of C. P. Gooch, 

certain money due him for carrying the mail 

On bill (H. R. 1314) for the relief of Mathew S. Priest 

On bill (H- R. 859) for the relief of B. D. Greene 

On bill (8- 118 ) for the relief of Peter Grant Stewart 

On bill (S. 1066) to authorize the Third Auditor of the Treasury to 
andit certain quartermaster's vouchers belonging to John FiDu, of 

St. lA>ni9, Mo 

On bill (H. R. 2842) to reimburse George C. Tanner, late consul, etc., 

the snm of ^200, paid by him for rent of rooms 

On joint resolution (H. Ees. 79) for the relief of Peter Hagan 


On bill ^S- 507) providing for the collection of fees for flemishing cer- 
tificates" of title to vessels 

On bill (S. 5S7) to regulate the carriage of passengers by sea 

























































On bill (S. 611) providing for the establishment and enforcement of 
rales and regulations for the use and navigation of United States 
canals and similar works of navigation, etc 

On bill (S. 496) to establish a marine board for the advancement of the 
interests of the merchant marine 

On bUl (S. 497) to amend section 4400 of Title LII of the Revised Statutes 
of the United States, concerning the regulation of steam vessels 

On bill (8. 609) to amend an act entitled "An act to amend section 4178, 
Revised Statutes, in relation to the marking of vessels' names at bow 
and stern," etc 

On bill (S.688) to repeal section 4145 of the Revised Statutes of the 
United States, and to amend sections 4146, 4320, etc 

On bill (S. 432) to provide an American register for the foreign-built 
steamship El Catlao and change her name to Oneida 

On bill (S. 1426) to provide a register for the steamer GoldBworihy 

On bill (S. 1645) for the relief of the dependent relatives of the seamen 
of the Netherlands steamer Amsterdam, etc 

On bill (H. R. 6110) to authorize the construction of a bridge aoro^the 
Mississippi River at Red Wing, Minn 

On bill (H. R. 6806) to authorize the city of Hastings, Minn., to con- 

• struct and maintain a wagon bridge over the Mississippi River 

On bill (S. 1886) to facilitate the entry of steamships 

On bill (H. R. 5978) to authorize the construction of a steel bridge over 
the St. Louis River between the States of Wisconsin and Minnesota. 

On bill (H. R. 4765) to authorize the St. Louis River Bridge Company 
and the Duluth Transfer Railway Company to construct, maintain, 
and operate a bridge over the St. Louis River, etc 

On bill (S. 1681) to promote the efficiency of the Revenue-Cutter Service. 

On bill (S. 1965) for the prevention of collisions at.8ea 

On bill (S. 1990) to adopt regulations for preventing collisions at sea.. 

On bill (S. 1852) to provide an American register for the steamer 8, 

On bill (H. R. 7449) authorizing the Minneapolis Gaslight Company 
of Minneapolis, Minn., to lay submerged gas pipes across the Missis- 
sippi River at Minneapolis 

On bill (H. R. 6518) making appropriations for rivers and harbors, etc. 

On bill (S. 1706) to provide registers for the steamers Claribel and Athoa . 

On bill (H. R. 7383) regulating lights on fishing vessels 


On bill (S. 752) to extend North Capitol street to the Soldiers' Home. .. 

On bill (S. 1005) to prevent the recording of subdivisions of land in 
the District of Columbia in the office of the recorder of deeds 

On bill (S. 872) to make service connections with water mains and 
sewers in the District of Columbia 

On bill (S. 444) making the surveyor of the District of Columbia a sal- 
aried officer, etc 

On bill (S. 891) authorizing the Commissioners of the District of Colum- 
bia to accept payment, without interest, of certain special assess- 
ments, etc .. 

On bill (H. R. 3246) for the appointment of a sealer and assistant sealer 
of weights and measures in the District of Columbia, etc 

On bill (H. R. 4013) to release and turn over to Mrs. Mary O. Augusta 
certain property in the District of Columbia 

On bill (S. 83^) to simplify the forms of deeds, of conveyance, trust, 
and releases of land in the District of Columbia, etc 

On bill (S. 1267) a bill to authorize the attorney for the District of 
Columbia and his assistants to administer oaths and affirmations 

On bill (H. R. 3629) to close alleys in square No. 751 in the city of Wash- 
ington, D. C ^ 

On bill (H. R. 4571) to make service connections with water mains and 
sewers in the District of Columbia 



















On bill (S. 1305) to amend ''An act relating to the incorporation of 
certain corporations within the District of Columbia/' approved 

October 1, li<90 

Od bill (8. 12S0) for the promotion of anatomical science and to prevent 

the desecration of graves in the District of Co^imbia 

On bill (S. lUl) to authorize the Commission'ers of the District of 
Colnmbia to grant a permit to build on lot 43, square 358| in the city 

of Waabinffton, D. C 

On bill (S. 1597) to amend an act entitled ''An act for the support of the 
/jfOTemment of the District of Columbia for the fiscal year ending 

June 30, 1878," etc 

On joint resolution (S. R. 63) to change the name of Sixteenth street in 

District of Columbia to Executive avenue 

On bill (S. 1503) to establish harbor regulations for the District of 

Colombta : 

On bill (S.1141) for the relief of S. J. Block and A. P. Baurmanof the 

District of Columbia 

On bill (8. 1680) to more effectually suppress gambling in the District 

of Colnmbia 

On bill (S. 970) regulating water-main assessments in the District of 


On bill (S. 1717) to authorize the appointment of women as school trus- 
tees in tbe District of Columbia 

On amendment to bill (H. R. 5481) making appropriations to provide 
for tbe expenses of the government of the District of Columbia for 

tbe fiscal year ending June 30, 1895, etc 

On bill(S. 1112) to provide for a survey for a bridge across the Eastern 

Branch of the Potomao River *.. 

On bill (g. 1359) to amend an act approved July 15, 1882, entitled " An 
act to increase the water supply of the city of Washington, and for 

other purposes 

On bill (8. 1952) to amend an act entitled ''An act to incorporate the 

Washington and Great Falls Electric Railway" 

On bill (8. 1841) to provide that all persons employing female help in 
stores^ shopSy offices, or manufactories shall provide seats for the 

same when not actively employed 

On bill (H. R. 6171) to authorize the Metropolitan Railroad Company 

to chanee its motive power, etc 

On bill (H. R.6893) regulating water-main assessments in the District 

of Colnmbia 

On bill (S. 877) to incorporate the Washington Central Railway Com- 


On bill (S. 1712) to incorporate the Union Passenger Railway Company 

of tbe District of Colnmbia ' 

On bill (8. 1896) to provide for the payment of the 8 per cent green- 
back certificates of the District of Columbia, etc 

On bill (H. R.7071) to exempt the property of the Young Men's Chris- 
tian AJseociation of the District of Columbia from taxation 

On bill (S. 2131) to secure uniformity in the names of minor streets of 

the cities of Washington and Georgetown 

On bill (S. 1459) to exempt the property of the Young Men's Christian 

Association of the District ot Columbia from taxation 

On bill (S. 2094) to amend the charter of the Eokington and Soldiers' 

Home Railway Company 

On bill (8. 2210) to provide for the repairs of the piers of the Aque- 
duct Bridge and for its use by a street railway 

On bill (8. 2118) authorizing the sale of title of the United States to a 
tract of land in Montgomery County, Maryland, to William II. and 

George Bobinger 

On bill (8. 2245) to prohibit the interment of bodies in Graceland Cem- 
etery in the District of Columbia 

On bill (S. 329) for the relief of the estate of W. B. Todd, deceased.. .. 
On bill (8. 852) to incorporate the National Light and Fuel Company.. 

J 251 

















On bill (S. 1148) to provide a building site for the National Conserva- 

torv of Music of America 

On bill (S. 2217) to provide for the closing of apart of an alley in square 

185 in the city of Washington, D. C 

On bill (S. 2066) to provide for continuing the system of trank sewers 

in the District of Columbia, etc 

On bill (H. H. 7095) to provide for a national home for aged and infirm 

colored people, etc 

On bill (S. 1007) to authorize the Commissioners of the District of 

Columbia to appoint a deputy coroner 


On bill (S. 346) to remove the bar of the statute of limitation and give 
the right of appeal in certain cases 

On amendment to bill (H. R. 5575) making appropriations for sundry 
civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
1895, etc 


On bill (S. 2280) to amend section 2 of an act approved February 15, 
1893, entitled ''An act granting additionid quarantine powers and 
imposing additional duties upon the Marine-Hospital Service '' 


Coinage Laws of the United States, 1792 to 1894, with an appendix. 

Fourth edition : 

Imports and exports. American Colonies to Great Britain from 1697 

to 1789, inclusive (parts 1 and 2) 

Tariff comparisons 

Collectors of customs, opinions of, concerning ad valoreo^ and specific 

rates of duty on imports , 

Chemicals, oils, and paints. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Chemical schedule. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Imported merchandise for 1893 

Earths, earthenware, and glassware. Replies to tariff iQ(][airie8 

Metals and manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Woods and manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries. 












COMMITTEE ON riKAXCE — conti lined. 

Sugar. Beplies to tariff inquiiies. 

Tobac«o and manoflEMstnres of. Replies to tariff inqairies. 

A^enltokl products and provisioiiB. Replies to tariff inquiries 

^irita^ winet, and other beverages. Replies to tariff inquires . 

CottoD maonfactnres. Replies to tariff inquiries. 

Flax, hemp, and Jute, «nd manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries . 

Wool an4 manufactures of. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Pulp, papers, and books. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Comparison of the customs law of 1894 and the customs law of 1890, 
▼ith rates of the Wilson bill (H. R. 4864) as it first passed the House 

and of the Mills bill of 1888 

Sugar Bchedule in the tariff bill of 1894 

Tariff comparisons 1894. 1890. and 1888 

SnndriM. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Freeliat. Replies to tariff inquiries , 

Merchants. Replies t9 tariff inquiries 

Farmers. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Labor organi zations. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Miflcellaseous. Replies to tariff inquiries 

Coftoms law of 18S4 and comparison of the text of the tariff laws of 

1890 and 1894 (parts 1 and 2) 

Table of the average ad valorem rates under the tariff of 1883, Mills 
bill of 1888, tariff of 1890 as it passed the House and also as amended 
hj the Senate and passed Julj 2 (calendar day July 3) ; also statistical 
tables showing imports of merchandise, with duties, under the 
tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under bill H. R. 4864, as 
passed by the House and Senate; imports and exports for the fiscal 
year 1894; receipts and expenditures of the Goveniment, etc. (parts 


Statiatical tables showing imports of oierchandise, with duties col- 
lected under the tariff of 1890; corresponding rates of duty under 
bill H. R. 4864, as passed by the House and Senate; imports and ex- 
ports for the fiscal year 1894 ; receipts and expenditures of the Gov- 
ernment, etc. (part 2) 

8utistics, tariff 


On Senate resolution that the Committee on Foreign Relations shall 
inquire and report whether any, and, if so,what irregularities have 
occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between the United 
States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in 
Hawaii, etc 

On bill (S. 286) for the relief of the owners and crew of the Hawaiian 

On bill (8. 4mI) forthereiief of Mary*A.*8^^^ 




J 709 
J 710 















On bill (S. 756) for the applications of the accretions of the Caracas 
awards of 1868 to the new awards made in 1889 and 1890 

On bill (S. 1481) to amend the act entitled ''An act to incorporate the 
Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua/' approved February 20, 

On bill (S. 1999) for the relief of Charles T. Russell 

On bill (8. 1703) to provide for the disposal of the interest on the Vir- 
ginius (indemnity fund 

On Senat-e resolution in regard to the traffic in firearms and intoxi- 
cants with the natives of the islands of New Hebrides by Europeans 
and Americans 

On bill (S. 2024) authorizing additional compensation to the assistant 
commissioners to the Industrial Exhibition held at Melbourne, 


On bill (S. 1055) to carry into effect the findings of the Court of Claims 
in the cases of Edward N. Fish and others, etc 

On bill (S. 870) authorizing the issue of a patent to the Presbyterian 
Board of Home Missions for certain lands on the Omaha Indian 
Reservation for school purposes 

On bill (H. R. 299) to extend the time for the construction of the 
Choctaw Coal and Railway Company 

On bill (8. 198) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to settle the 
claims of the legal representatives of S. W. Marston, late United 
States Indian agent at Union Agency, Indian Territory, etc 

On bill (8. 99) to secure the relinquishment of the Indian title to a 
portion of the Pyramid Lake Reservation in Nevada 

On bill (8. 1403) to authorize the reconstruction of a bridge across the 
Niobrara River, near the village of Niobrara, Nebr 

On biU (S. 1467) to amend an act entitled ''An act to provide for the 
sale of the remainder of the reservation of the Confederated Otoe 
and Missonria Indians in the States of Nebraska and Kansas, etc. ".. 

On bill (8. 442) to ratify the agreement made with the Yankton tribe 
of Sioux Indians in the State of South Dakota for the sale of their 
surplus lands 

On bill (S. 1458) granting to the Duluth and Winnipeg Railroad Com- 
pany a right of way through the Chippewa and White Earth Indian 
reservations in Minnesota 

On bill (S.661) for the relief of the Shawnee tribe or nation of Indians. 

On bill (S. 646) for the relief of John O'Keane 

On bill (S. 145) to authorize the Secretarv of the Interior to carry out 
in part the provisions of an act to divide a portion of the reserva- 
tion of the Sioux nation of Indians in Dakota into separate reserva- 
tions, etc * 

On bill (8. 1532) to ratify and confirm an agreement with the Southern 
Ute Indians in Colorado, and to make the necessary appropriations 
for carrying the same into effect 

On bill (8. 1694) granting to the St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba 
Railway Company the right of way through the White Earth, Leech 
Lake, Chippewa, and Fond du Lac Indian reservations in Minnesota. 

On bill (8. 1623) for the relief of William Hurt 

On bill (H. R. 2710) for the relief of Jesse 8. Morrison 

On bill (8. 1803) authorizing the construction of a wagon road on the 
Hoopa Valley Indian Reservation, in the State of California, and 
making appropriation therefor 

On bill (8.934) for the relief of the Chapter of Calvary Cathedral, 
Sioux Falls, 8. Dak 

On bill (8. 1995) granting to the Eastern Nebraska and Gulf Railway 
Company the right of way through the Omaha and Winnebago Indian 

On bill (8. 1887) providing for opening the Uncompahgre and Uintah 
Indian reservations 



















Ob Joint resolntion (H. Ree. 140) to confirm the enlargement of the Red 
Cliff Indian Reservation, in the State of Wisconsin, made in 1863. .. 
Ob bill (S. 2153) for the relief of certain Winnebago Indians in Min- 

Ob bill (H. R. 7335) to grant to the Arkansas, Texas and Mezicftn Cen- 
tral Railway Company a right of way through the Indian Territory . . 
• Od bill (S. 1585) authorizing the sale of timber on the Jicarilla Apache 
Indian Reaerration for the benefit of the Indians belonging thereto. . 


Qb bill (H. R. 288) to provide for two additional associate Justices of 
the suprrme court of vhe Territory of Oklahoma, etc 

On the bill (S. 655) to extend the jurisdiction of Justices of the peace 
in the District of Columbia, and to regulate the proceedings before 

On bill (8. 1414) to amend section 4 of an act entitled* " An act to define 
the juriadiction of the police court of the District of Columbia'' 

On bill (S. 686) to amend an act entitled *'An act to divide the Judicial 
district of North Dakota,'' etc 

On bill (S. 1460) to amend an act entitled "An act to establish the 
SnuUiaonian Institution for the increase and diffusion of knowledge 
among men " 

Ob bill (S. 1252) to amend an act entitled "An act to provide for the 
times and places to hold terms of the United States courts in the 
State of Washington"... 

Ob bill (H. R. 5860) to amend sections 4, 6, and 10 of the act of Feb- 
ruary 9y 1893, entitled "An act to establish a court of appeals for 
the District of Columbia," etc 


Qb bill (8. 112) to provide for the construction of a military and com- 
Biercial telegraphic line along the coast between Yaquina, on 
Taqnina Bay, and Port Orford, to connect with Newport on Yaqnina 
Bay, Alaea Bay, Florence on Siuslaw Bay, etc., in State of Oregon . . . . 

Ob biU (S. 98) to establish a military post near the town of Reno, in 
Washoe County, Nevada 

Ob bill (8.731) for the relief of M^J. Gen. John C. Robinson, United 
States Army, retired 

Ob bill (8. 527) to construct a road to the national cemetery at Dover, 

0&biU(S.192) for the relief of Joseph W. Carmack 

On bill ^8. 187) for the relief of Frederick Gramm 

On bill (8. 191) for the relief of George A. Orr 

0nbill(S.194)fortherelief of Napoleon B. Giddings 

Ob bill (8. 193) for the relief of John 8. Neet, jr 

Ob bill (8. 195) for the relief of Ezra 8. Havens 

On bill (8. 176) granting the right of way to the Duluth and Manitoba 
SailrcKad Company across the Fort Pembina Reservation in North 

Ob biU (8. 634) granting a right of way across the Scarboro Hill Mili- 
tary Reservation to the Uwaco Railway and Navigation Company. . . 

Ob bin (8. Ii89) for the relief of John M. Davis 

Ob bill (8. 408) for the relief of William H. Atkins 

Ob bill (8. 474) for the relief of Wells C.McCool 

On bill (8.506) granting an honorable discharge to William Pierce 

Od bill (8. 910) for the relief of Eunice Tripler, widow of Charles 8. 


Ob bill (S. 470) for the relief of George H. Jewett, of Arlington, Wash- 
ington Connty, Nebraska 

Ob bill (S. 467) for the relief of Brig. Gen. John R. Brooke, United 
States Army 

S. Bepte— 53— 2 ^m 





































On bill (S.469) for the relief of Adolph von Haake 

On bill (8.468) to remove the charge of desertion atanding against 
John W.Wacker 

On bill (S. 179) authorizing the restoration of the name of Thomas H. 
Carpenter, late captain Seventeenth Infantry, to the rolls of the 
Army, etc I 

On bill (S. 144) to correct the militiftry record of John W.Taylor 

On bill (S. 104) for the relief of Gen. Napoleon J. T. Dana 

On bill (S. 743) for the relief of the citizens of the States of Oregon, 
Idaho, and Washington, who served with the United States troops in 
the war against the Nez Forces and bannock and Shoshone Indians, 

On bill (S. 142) to remove the charge of desertion from William H. U. 

On bill (S. 190) for the benefit of sundry persons residing in the vicin- 
ity of JeflPerson Barracks, Mo 

On bill (S. 898) for the creation of a "reserved list" of the Army o# 
the United States 

On bill (S. 407) making an appropriation for the improvement of the 
road to the national cemetery near Pensacola, Fla 

On joint resolution (S. R. 43) relieving the employees of the Record and 
rension Office who were injured in the Ford's Theater disaster, etc. 

On bill (S. 575) for the relief of Sarah K. McLean, widow of the late 
Lieut. Col. Nathaniel H. McLean 

On bill (S. 283) for the relief of Mary R. WUcox 

On bill (S. 1209) to regulate enlistments in the Army of the United States . 

On bill (S. 1312) fortherelief of the heirs of Charles B.Smith, deceased. 

On bill (S. 812) for the relief of William R. Steinmetz 

On bill (S. 322) to place Dunbar R. Ransom on the retired list of the 

* Army 

On bi|l (S. 1343) to remove the charge of desertion standing against 
the name of Joseph G. Utter 

On joint resolution (S. R. 61) providing for the adjustment of certain 
claims of the United States against the State of Tennessee and cer- 
tain claims of Tennessee against the United States «. 

On bill (S. 573) for the relief Christopher Schmidt 

On bill (S.857) to correct the military record of James McConnell 

On bill (S. 1637) for the relief of Capt. John W. Pullman 

On bill (S. 1526) for the relief of Henry Halteman 

On bill (S. 33) to restore Eugene Wells to the Army 

On bill (S. 1683) to authorize the Secretary of War to lend condemned 
cannon and cannon balls to the association having in charge the 
monument erected on Government land near Chicago, 111., to the 
Confederate dead there buried 

On bill (S. 829) granting an honorable discharge to Cyrus Payne 

On bill (S. 11295) to reimburse the States of California, Oregon, and 
Nevada for moneys by them expended in the suppression of the 

On bill rS.471) to relieve John Fried^n from the charge of desertion .. 

On bill (S. 168) granting to the State of Wyoming certain lands in the 
Fort D. A. Russell Military Reservation for agricultural fair and indus- 
trial exposition grounds, etc 

On bill (S. 1482) to relieve John Holbrook from the charge of desertion. 

On bill (S. 1483) to correct the military record of Elisha B. Bassett 

On bill (H. R. 3135) granting to the University of Utah a site off the 
public domain 

On bill (S. 925) granting an honorable discharge to John Russell 

On bill (S. 1513) for the relief of Maj. Gen. George S. Greene 

On bill (S. 837) for the relief of Albert Locke, alias Shipley 

On bill (S. 1857) granting an honorable discharge to William B. Barnes. 

On bill (S. 1644) relating to the detail of retired officers of the Army 
at institutions of learning 1 

On bill (H. R. 4328) for the relief of William B. Chapman, George W. 
Street^ John W. HoeS| Emmet C. Tu thill, and Joseph H. Curtis 























coMMmsE OK MILITARY AFFAIB8 — continned. 

On UD (S. 747) granting to Ira Bacon, of Company A. Fifty-second 

Sediment Inoiana V olnnteers, an additional bounty of $100 

[ On biU (S. 274) makins an appropriation for the eetablishment of a 

sstioDilpark near Florence, 8. C 

i 0DbUl(8.629) for the reUef of William B. MUler 

On bill ^8. 473) to remove the charge of desertion from the military 

record of Jeremiah L. Daly 

On bill (8. 1594) to remove certain disabilities of the late acting assist- 
ant surgeons 

On bill (8. 1273) for the relief of Bernard J.D. Irwin 

On ioint resolution (S. R. 68) for the relief of W. D. Mack 

On bill (8. 1077) for the relief of Henry Smith from the charge of de- 

On bill (8. 1294) to remove the charge of desertion from the record of 

Benjamin Hartley 

On joint resolution (S. B. 45) granting a medal to Bvt. First Lieut. A. 


0nbiU(8. 1064) for the relief of Johial W. Bovd 

On bill (8. 1298) to remove from the rolls of the Army the charge of 

• desertion against Neil Fatten 

On bill (8. 811) for the relief of F. Halverson French 

On bill (8. 873) for the relief of Capt. Bobert McClermont 

On bill (8. 1381) to provide for the restoration to the Society of the 
Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volunteers two flags now in the 

Wit Department 

On bill (S. 1375) to remove the charge of desertion from the military 

record of Jeremiah F. Brown 

On amendments to bill (H. B. 5575) afl'ectin(|[ the appropriations for the 
maintenance of the National Home for Disablea Volunteer Soldiers.. 

On bill (8. 1468) for the relief of James L. Townsend 

On bill (H. B. 4961) panting certain rights over Lime Point Military 

fieeerration, in California 

On bill (8. 2070) to provide for the restoration to the State of Michigan 
two flags carried by the Twenty-second Michigan Infantry Volun- 
teers and now in the War Department 

On bill (H. B. 4671) to remove the charge of desertion standing against 

the name of Joseph G. Utter 

On bill (H.B.236) to amend section 4837 of the Bevised Statutes of 

the United States as to soldiers' homes 

On bill (S.1549) for the relief of William H. Hugo 

On bill (S. 1528) to remove the charge of desertion from the military 

record of George Weisel 

On bill (S. 399) fur the relief of Bvt. Lieut. Col. J. Madison Cutts 

On bill (H. B.4322) granting the use of certain land to the town of 

Castine, Me., for a public park 

On bill (S. 1688) for the relief of Enoch Davis 

On bill (8. 528) for the relief of A. W. Wills, administrator 

On bill (8. 636) granting the use of certain lands in Wallawalla County, 
State of Washington, to the city of Walla Walla for a public park. .. 
On bill {S. 1229) to correct the military record of George Whlttaker. .. 
On bill (H. B. 1461) to remove the charge of desertion n'om the record 

of Andrew L. Gmgett 

On bill (S. 1601) granting an honorable discharge to James Coughlin, 

of North Topeka, Eans ;. 

On bill (S. 1866) for the relief Isaac L*. Musselman, of Tennessee 

On bill (S. 1657) to remove the charge of desertion from the military 

record of Henry C. Smith 

On joint resolution (S B. 19) authorizing the Secretary of War to cor- 
rect the military record of Capt. Edward Wheeler, Fifty-sixth New 

York Tolnnteers 

On bill (8. 1189) for the relief of Capt. Henry C. Seaman 

On bill (S. 1675) to remove the charge of a dishonorable dismissal, after 
the battle of Stone Biver, standing against the name of S. L. Wood- 
wordi, to correct the record^ and iseae him an honorable dlBchaige.. 











































610 \ li 





On bill (S. 1009) for the relief of telegraph operators dnring the war 

of the rebellion 

On bill (H. R. 2108) to perfect the military record of Warren Alonzo 


On bill (H. R. 7419) for the constraction of a miKtary road from the 

city of £1 Paso to Fort Bliss, Tex 

On bill (U. R. 6405) to remove the charge of desertion standing against 

Patrick Kelleher 

On bill (U. R. 2582) to authorize the appointment of James William 

Abort to the retired list of the Army 

On bill (S. 2048) to authorize the appointment of James William Abort 

to the retired list of the Army 

On bill (H.R.868) for the relief of Charles B. Stivers 

On bill (8. 2119) for the relief of Charles B. Stivers : 

On bill (H. R. 2133) to correct the military record of Capt. E. M. Ives.. . 
On bill (S. 1470) to relieve George L. Sullivan from the charge of de- 

On bill (S. 1012) to correct the muster roll of J. Seymour Taylor 

On bill (S. 1578) authorizing the Secretary of War to recognize Frank 

D. Baldwin as lieutenant-colonel of the Nineteenth Michigan Infantry 

Volunteers from the 15th day of May, 1865 

On bill (S. 2255) for the relief of Capt. WilUam Fletcher, United States 


On bill (H. R. 3005) for the relief of George Isenstein 

On bill (8. 2143) for the relief of Rufus Betz 

On bill (H. R. 7515) granting the right of way through the Arlington 

Reservation for electric railway purposes 

On bill (S. 1558) for the correction of the military record of Capt. Joseph 

H. Richards , 

On bill (S. 1858) to grant an honorable discharge to George S. Raymond. 

On bill (H. R. 562) for the relief of Marlin Parks 

On bill (H. R. 4686) to correct the military record of Alexander P. 


On bill (S. 1770) to place Maj. Robert P. Barry on the retired list of 

the Anny - 

On bill (S. 2186) for the relief of the legal representatives of Orsemus 


On bill (8. 1556) to relieve Titus Priest from the charge of desertion. .. 
On bill (8. 1793) to remove the charge of desertion from the military 

record of Robert Roby 


On bill (S. 299) making an appropriation toward the construction of a 

dock at the Portsmouth Navy- Yard 

On bill (8. 1405) for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the 

U. S. S. Despatch on Assateague Shoals, Virginia 

On bill (S. 12:^8) for the relief of Charles W. Cronk 

On biU (8. 2809) to promote the efficiencv of the Naval Militia 

On bill (8. 943) for the relief of O. C. Badger 

On bill (H. R. 5833) providing for the rescue of the armament and 

wreck of the U. S. war ship Kearsarge 

On bill (8. 826) to remit the penalties on the dynamite-gun cruiser 

Veauviiis ^ 

On bill (H. R. 3202) donating condemned cannon to the St. Lawrence 

State Hospital at Ogdensburg, N. Y 

On bill (S. 864) to authorize the payment to Rear- Admiral John H. 

Russell of the highest pay of his grade 

On bill (8. 1438) for the relief of Louis A. Yorke 

On bill (S. 1254) to permit Agnes A. Niver to bring suit against the 

United States 

On bill (8. 1201) for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the 

U.S. 8. Tallapoosa 



























On 1>iB (S. 1587) to open the naval leservation in Lafayette Connty, 
Florida, to settlement and entry ....u.. 

On joint Teeolation.(S. R. 74) for the proper enrollment of Thomas R. 
Proctor in the Navy of the United States 

On biU (S. 1779) authorizing certain officers of the Navy to administer 

On bill (S. 17S4) to amend section 3719 of the Revised Statutes 

On bill (8. 967) to remit the penalties on gunboat No. 3, the Concord, and 
gunboat No. 4, the Bennington 

On bill (S. 1769) to establish an observatory circle as a provision for 
ffoardin^ the delicate astronomical instruments at tbe United States 
5aval Observatory against smoke or currents of heated air in iheir 
neighborhood and undue vibrations from traffic upon the extension 
of public thoroughfares in the vicinity, etc , 

On bill (H. R. 6321) authorizing certain officers of the Navy to admin- 
ister oatiiB 

On bill (8.1211) for the relief of Pay Inspector John H. Stevenson, 
United States Navy 

On bill (8. 1438) for the relief of Louis A. Yorke 

On bill (8. 1464) for the relief of certain enlisted men in the Marine 
Corps of the United States Navy 

On bill (8. 1535) to correct the naval history of John C. Dull 

On bill (8. 1063) for tbe relief of the estate of John Ericsson 

On bill (H. R. 38) relating to the pay and retirement of mates in the 

On bill (8. 1454) authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to transfer the 
reproduction of the caravels of Columbus to the Columbian Museum 
of Chicago 

On bill (8.397) for the relief of Jerome £. Morse 

On bill (8. 1713) to promote Commodore Louis C. Sartori, etc 

oomcriTES on organization, conduct, and expenditures of the 


On bOl (8. 1553) to regulate the making of property returns by officers 
of tbe Ck>vemment 

On bill (8. 1552) to repeal section 311 of the Revised Statutes of the 
United SUtes 

On bill (H. R. 6948) to improve the methods of accounting in the 
Department of the Treasury, and for other purposes 

On amendment to bill (H. R. 7097) making appropriations for the legis- 
lative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for fiscal 
year ending June 30, 16B5 


On the sabject of an appro]>riation for the payment of the fees of coun- 
sel employed by the Attorney-d'eneral to represent the interest of 
tbe United Static in matters affecting the Pacific railroads 


On bin (8. 1154) for the relief of the legal representatives of John C. 
Howe, deceased 


On bill CS. 1190) granting an increase of pension to David S. Corser. .. 

On bill (S.435) granting the right to personally inspect and liave 
attested copies of all evidence and reports filed or used in proceed- 
ings to obtain a pension, etc. .* 

On bill (S. 304) to increase pensions for loss of the sight of both eyes. 

On bill (8. 1427) granting an increase of pension to Mrs. Helen G. 
Hfliner... .••..-•• 






























zxxym INDEX to reports of senate committees. 


COMMiTTSB ON PEK8I0KS— continued. 

On bill (S.491) granting a pension to Alice K. Potter, widow of Gen. 

Joseph H. Potter, deceased r 

On bill (S. 1355) granting a pension to Mrs. Nicholas Henrich 

On bill (S. 828) granting a pension to Julia £. Lock 

On bill (H, R. 3218) granting an increase of pension to Jane Thompson. 

On bill (H. R. 865) granting a pension to Elizabeth Voss , 

On bill (S. ) granting a pension to Andrew Franklin, alias Andrew 


On bill (H. R. 5258) granting a pension to Hannah Lyons 

On bill (8.1230) for the relief of Maria T.Karge 

On bill (S. 1876) to provide for the payment of accrued pensions in cer- 
tain cases 

On bill (S. 1640) ^nting a pension to Otis Smith 

On bill (8. 1117 ) tor the relief of William Loring Spencer 

On bill (S. 1480) to codify and arrange the laws relating to pensions. .. 
On bill (S. 879) granting a pension to Josephine F. Keltnn, widow of 

Brig. Gen. J. C. Keltou, late Adjutant-General United States Army. 
On bill (S. 1542) to amend section 4746 Revised Statutes of the United 

States , 

On bill (S. 1490) granting a pension to Mollie Crandall ,. . , 

On bill (S. 1957) granting an increase of pension to Joseph W. Fisher 

On bill (S. 1833) granting a pension to Hannah Howard 

On bill (S. 237) granting a pension to Mrs. Ann Bradford, widow of 

Daniel R. Bradford and mother of William K. Bradford , 

On bill (S. 1391; granting a pension to Mrs. Levenia D. Alton 

On bill (S. 1508} granting an increase of pension to Helen L. Dent 

On bill (S. 1956) granting an increase of pension to Mary Doubleday, 

widow of Bvt. Maj. Gen. Abuer Doubleday 

On bill (S. 1539) granting a pension to Josephine Foote Fairfax 

On bill (H. R. 4720) granting a pension to Lucy Brown 

On bill (S. 2088) granting a pension to J. M. Swift 

On bill (H. R. 54^) to pension the minor children of Alfred T. Phipps.. 

On bill (H. R. 3076) granting a pension to George L. Frymire 

On bill (S. 1935) granting a pension to Elizabeth EUery 

On bill (S. 1584) granting a pension to John Eckland 

On bill (H. R. 1463) granting a pension to Mrs. Lucinda C. Wheeler, 

widow of John H. Wheeler : , 

On bill (H. R. 1196) granting a pension to Mary E. Trickey 

On bill (H. R. 3033) granting a pension to Amanda J.rLane 

On bill (H.R.3065) granting a pension to James Lane 

On bill (H. R. 5020) granting a pension to Washington Hislop 

On bill (H. R. 1313) granting an increase of pension to John Scott 

On bill (S. 1686) granting a pension to Margaret English 

On bill (H. R. 953) granting an increase of pension to Mary P. Brongh- 


On bill (H. R. 3309) granting a pension to Ambrose Giseburt 

On bill (H. R. 6206) granting a pension to A. F. Neely 

On bi]l(S. 1656) granting an increase of pension to Mary A. L. Eastman. 
On bill (H. R. 3487) granting an increase of pension to Eliza K. Starr. .. 

On bill (H. R. 1713) granting a pension to Marilla Tenney 

On bill (H. R. 3840) granting a pension to Joel A. Walters 

On bill (H. R. 5351) granting a pension to Celestia P. Hartt 

On bill (H. R.4561) granting a pension to Harriet T. Vosburgh 

On bill (8. 1948) granting a pension to Augustus G. Gary 

On bill (H. R. 5374) granting a pension to Sarah Oddy 

On bill (H. R. 6902) granting a pension to Mrs. Susie Conway 

On bill (H. R. 3992) granting a pension to Julia Bews 

On bill (H. R. 1717) granting a pension to Eliza Holmes 

On bill (H. R. 856) granting a pension to John Stockwell 

On bill (H. R. 3858) granting a pension to Mrs. Eliza B. Pierce 

On bill (H.R.6213) granting pension to Harriet R. Tate 

On bill (H. R.5816) granting a pension to Mary Ann Donoghue 

On bill (H. R. 2996) for the relief of Mrs. E. S. Luke, widow of John L. 








































' 5 

































































On b£D (8. 2066) mnting a pension to Ada J. Sehwatka, widow of the 
late Ldent. Frederick Schwatka 

On bill (S. 16d2) granting a pension to William J. Murray 

Ob bill (H. R. 4811) granting a pension to Mary Trimble 

On bill (8. 2275) granting a pension to Elizabeth New, widow of Jethruw 

On bill (8. 2032) granting a pension to Ida C. Martin 

On bill (H. R. 47tj0) grautiiig a pension to Thankful Bobbins 

On bill (H. R. 2920) granting a pension to John Maholm 

On bill (S. 1018) granting a xieusion to Susan E. Cunniuffham 

On bill ( H. R. 1214) granting a pension to 3annah Welch 

On bill (U. R.7294) empowering fourth-class postmasters to adminis- 
ter oaths zo pensioners 1 

On bill (S. 1175) to lequire payment of pension money to wives in cases 
where male pensioners desert or abandon their families, or are habit- 
nal dmnkards^ or for any reason fail and neglect to support their 

On bill (8.1173) to grant service pensions 

On the bill (S. 1969) granting a pension to Harrison C. Hobart 

On bill (S. 253) granting a pension to Maria HaU, widow of Joseph 
Doak, deceased 

On bill (H. R. 5703) for the relief of Johanna Gleason 

On bill (H. R. 4490) granting a pension to Henry C. Field 

On bill (H. R. 6050) granting a pension to Margaret A. Woods 

On bill (8. 501) granting apension to John P. Biehn 

On bill (S. 1996) granting a pension to Mrs. Abby Jane Ward 

On bill (S. 890) granting an increase of pension to George C. Abbey .. 

On bill (S. 1383) granting a i^ension to Russell N. Reynolds 

On bill (8. 1970) granting an increase of pension to William T. Walker. 

On bill (H. R. 6228) granting a pension to Adaline J. Props 

On bill (H. R. 6103) granting a pension, to Mary A. Menefee 

On bill (H. R. 6361) granting a pension to Pauline J. Smith 

On bill (H. R. 4290) granting a pension to Druzilla J. Rigg 

On bill (H. R.7574) to amend section 3 of an act entitled "An act 
granting a pension to soldiers and sailors who are incapacitated for 
the perfbrmance of manual labor, and providing for pensions to 
widows^ minor children, and dependent parents/' approved June 27, 

On the bill (H. R. 898) granting a pension to Jesse Davenport 


On bill (H. R. 4610) to improve the methods of accounting in the Post- 

Offioe Department, and for other puqioses 

On bill (S. 1063) for the relief of the legal representatives of George 

IC Otis doc^ased 
On bill (S. 1022) for the 'relief of wVH.LfPeppere^^^^^ 
On bill (S.544) to reclassify and fix the salaries of railway postal 

clerks « 

On bill (8. 349) for the relief of Thomas Chambers 

On bill (S. 200) for the relief of Moses Pendergrass, of Missouri 

On bill (S 199) for the relief of E.R.Shipley 

On bill (S. 886) for the relief of the legal representatives of John 

Wightman, deceased 

On biil(8. 460) for the relief of Bryan Tyson 

On bill (8. 2065) to prevent the carrying of obscene literature and 

articlea deaiKned for indecent and immoral use from one State or 

Territory into another State or Territory 

On bill (6. 386) for the relief of the legal representatives of John 

Wightman. deceased 

On bul (8. ^281) to authorize the Postmaster-General to credit the 

aseonnt of Jamea A. Sexton with amount of funds stolen 




















































On Senate resolation to print and bind for use of Senate, 1,200 copies 
of Senate Ex. Docs. Nos. 45, 57, 76, and 77 of second session of 
Fifty-second Congress, relating to the Hawaiian Islands , 

On resolution to print 4,000 copies of the new edition of the Senate 
election cases ., 

On resolution authorizing the printing and binding of 8,000 copies of 
eulogies delivered in Congress upon Hon. J. Logan Chipman 

On resolution authorizing the printing and binding of 8,000 copies of 
eulogies delivered in Congress upon Hon. William Mutchler 

To accompany letter of the Treasurer of the United States, transmit- 
ting accounts settled by his office with the First Comptroller for 
fiscal year ended June 30,1893 

On resolution to print 1,500 copies of part 1 and 2,800 copies of part 2 
of the report of the Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey. 

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the Thirteenth Annual Report of 
the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology 

On resolution to print 8,000 extra copies of the report of the Commis- 
sioner of Fish and Fisheries for fiscal year ended June 30, 1893 

On bill (S. 1137) to provide for the printing of the report of the Joint 
Committee of Congress on the centennial celebration of the laying 
of the comer stone of the Capitol, etc 

On resolution to print 10,000 additional copies of the reports of the 
Smithsonian Institution and the National Museum for the year end- 
ing June 30, 1893, etc 

On resolution to print for use of Senate copies of all papers and 

messages sent to Congress by the President since January 1, 1893, 
relating to Hawaiian affairs 

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of the document entitled Imported 
Merchandise Entered for Consumption in th^ United States during 
the years 1890 to 1893 

On resolution to print 8,000 copies of eulogies delivered in Congress 
upon Hon. Leland Stanford 

On resolution to print 6,000 copies of Senate Report No. 2130, Fifty- 
first Congress, second session, relating to rates of duty on imports 
into the United States from 1789 to 1890, inclusive, etc 

On resolution to print copies of Report 227 from Committee on 

Foreign Relations 

On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies 
delivered in Congress upon William Lilly 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 15.500 copies of the Four- 
teenth Annual Report of the Director of the United States Geological 
Survey, etc 

On House concurrent resolution for the printing of 12,000 copies of the 
Statistical Abstract for the United States for 1893, etc ' 

On joint resolution (H. Res. 139) for the printing of 500,000 copies of 
the Agricultural Report, 1893, etc 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 5,000 copies of Senate Mis. 
Doc. No. 77, being memorial of the National Woolgrowers' Associa- 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print and bind 10,000 copies of the 
proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, held in Washington, 
D. C, September, 1893 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 5,000 additional conies of the 
fourth edition of the document entitled Coinage Laws of tne United 
States, 1792 to 1894, etc 

On Senate resolution to print 1,000 copies of Senate Mis. Doo. No. 95, 
entitled a Solution of the Labor Problem 

On Senate order to bind 200 copies of Report 334, being a comparison 
of bill (H. R. 4864) and existing law 

On House concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies 
delivered in Congress on the late W. H. Enochs 

On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth 1,500 copies of 
the annual report of the Health Officer of the District of Columbia, etc . 


















On Senate resolntion to print 5,000 copies of Senate Beport No. 331 
reUtiTe to tbe Nicarauga Canal^eto 

On Senate resolution to authorize Committee on Agriculture and For- 
estry to haTe printed so mnch asnecesbary of the evidence and other 
information relating to condition of agriculture 

On House concurrent resolution to print 11,000 copies of a special 
report of Bureau of Statistics 

On senate concurrent resolution to print 8,000 copies of the eulogies 
deliTered in Congress upon Hon. Bandall Lee Gioson 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 40,000 additional copies of 
the Ninth Annual Beport of the Commissioner of Labor, relating to 
building and loan associations 

On Senate resolution to print the evidence taken in relation to the 
personnel of the Navy, etc 

On bill (H. B. 7072) to amend section 3816 of the Bevised Statutes 

On House concurrent resolution to print 5,500 copies of the annual 
leport of the Chief of the Weather Bureau, for year ended June 

Ob House eoneurrent resolution to print 10,000 extra copies of the 
report of ttie Director of the Mint, etc 

On House resolution to print 4,000 extra copies of the special report of 
the select committee of the Medical Society of the District of Colum- 
bia on typhoid and malarial fevers, etc 

On House concurrent resolution to print 35,000 copies of the report of 
the Commissioner of Education for 1891 and 1892 

On joint resolutions (S. B. 76 and 85) providing for the printing of the 
proceedings of Tribunal of Arbitration at Paris 

On Senate resolution to j^rint 2,000 copies of Senate Beport No. 133, 
rating to the University of the United States 

Oil bill (H. B. 2650) relating to collation and systematic reenactment 
of the numerous provisions of preexisting law regulating the public 
printin g and bindin g, etc • 

(!)n Senate concurrent resolution to print 1,000 extra copies of Senate 
Mis. Doe. No. 200, relating to the salmon fisheries of the Columbia 
Btver Basin 

On House concurrent resolution to print and bind in cloth 6,000 copies 
of the annual, special, and veto messages, proclaYiiations, and inau- 
gvral addresses of the Presidents of the United States from 1789 to 
18B4, inclusive 

On Senate resolution to print500 copies of £x. Doc. No. 445, first session 
of Fifty-first Congress, beinjs^ report of a board of sanitary engineers 
upon ^e sewerage of the District of Columbia 

On joint resolution (S. B. 91) for the printing of 2)000 copies of a digest 
of laws and decisions relating to the appointment, salary, and com- 
pensation of officers of UnitMl States courts 

On joint resolution (8. B. 99) to compile and publish the laws relating 
to street raUway mnchises in the District of Columbia 

On letter fit>m Anson Q. McCook relating to index to private claims. .. 

Od Senate resolution to print in pamphlet form for the use of Senate 
15,000 copies of the bill H. B. 4864 

On House concurrent resolution to print 23,000 copies of the Tenth 
Aminal Beport of the Civil Service Commission, etc 

On Senate resolution to print 500 extra copies of the Annual Beport of 
the Librarian of Congress for the year 1893 

On Senate concurrent resolution to print 60,000 copies of the Compari- 
son of the Tariff JLawB of 1890 and 1894, etc 


On bin (8. 1076} to release a certaiuvlimitation existing in an act of 
Coogress'tonchiD^ the episcopal Church at St. Augustine, Fla 

^ bin (S. 447) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to issue a 
ioplicsteof a certain land warrant to Emma A. Bipley 















































On bill (H. B. IXSSi) to repeal the statntes relating to supenrisors of 
elections and special deputy marshals, etc. (part 1) 

On bill (H. R. ^1) to repeal the statutes relating to saperrisors of 
elections and special depu ty marshals, etc. (part 2, views oi minority) . . 


On bill (S. 1462) to proTlde additional aooommodations for the Gov- 
ernment Printing Office 

On bill (S. 2293) to provide for the improvement of the building and 
grounds of the United States court and post-ofiice at Little Rock, 


On bill (H. E. 866) to authorize the Secretarv of the Interior to reserve 
from sale certain lands in the abandoned f\)rt Cummings Military 
Reservation, etc 

On bill (H. R. 4859) for the relief of certain Settlers upon the Iowa 
Reservation in Oklahoma 

On bill (S. 67) to amend an act entitled ''An act for the relief of cer- 
tain settlers on the public lands ; and to provide for the repayment 
of certain fees, purchase money, and commissions paid on void 
entries of public lands'' 

On bill (S. 160) to fix the price of lands entered under the desert-land 

On bill (S. ioSTrfOTthe riiiVf of" WUliam r! Wheaton an^^^ Charles H. 
Chamberlain, of California , 

On bill (S. 1057) for the relief of William R. Wheaton and Charles H. 
Chamberlain, etc. (part 2, views of minority) 

On bill (S. 1105) for the relief of Albert Redstone 

On bill (S. 1649) providing for the survey of the land described in 
the grant to Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Wagon Road 
Company, in the State of Oregon 

On bill (8. 1583) for the relief of Wesley Montgomery 

On bill (S. 679) for the location and satisfaction of outstanding mili- 
tary bounty land warrants and certificates of location under section 
3 of the act approved June 2, 1858 

On bill (S. 1834) to require patents to be issued to land actually settled 
under act entitled ''An act to provide for the armed occupation and 
settlement of the unsettled part of the peninsula of Florida," ap- 
proved August 4, 1842 

On bill (S. 819) providing for the survey of the lands described in act 
of Congress approved July 5, 1866, etc 

On bill (S. 1591) to provide for the reservation, sale, and settlement of 
certain lands in several of the States and Territories 

On bill (H. R. 5065) to ratify the reservation of certain lands made for 
the benefit of Oklahoma Territory, etc 

On bill (S. 1433) granting the Hot Springs Water Company a site for 
a reservoir for cold water upon the permanent reservation at Hot 

On bill (H. R. 3458) extending time for final proof and payment on lands 
claimed under the public land laws of the United States 

On bill (H. R. 6080) to donate the military reservation at Oklahoma 
City, in Oklahoma Territory, to said cit^ for free public schools, etc. 

On bill (H. R. 7334) to sell certain lands lu Montgomery County, Ar- 
kansas, to the Methodist Episcopal Church South 

On bill (H. R.6969) for the relief of Benjamin F. Poteet 

On bill (S. 1590) to validate outstanding soldiers' additional homestead 
certificates, etc 

On bill (H. R. 4952) to amend soctitm 2455 of the Revised Statutes of 
the United States 





















coMMirna on pubuo i.4ND0— oontinaed. 

Ob bill (H.K.4342) directing the Secretary of the Interior to make 
certain investigations eoBccming the consolidation of land districts 
in California, etc 

On bill (H.R.4667) to provide for the opening of certain abandoned 
military reaervations, etc 

On bill (8.2038) for the relief of Oklahoma settlers 


On bill (H. R. 4449) fixing the limit of indebtedness which may be 

incurred by Salt Lake Cit^ 

On bill (8. 1^) to provide for the punishment of offenses committed 

in the Yellowstone National Park 

On bill (H. R. 352) to enable the people of Utah to form a constitution 

and State government and be admitted into the Union on an equal 

footing with the original States 

On bill (H.R.5293) concerning leases in the Yellowstone National 


On bill (H. R. 363) to provide for the admission of the Territory of 

Kew Mexico into the Union , etc ^ 

On bill (H. R. 4393) to provide for the admission of the State of Ari- 

soaa into the Union, etc 


On Senate resolution directing the Committee on the Five Civilized 
Tribes of Indians to inquire into the present condition of the Five 
Civilized Tribes of Indians and of the white citizens dwelling among 
them, etc 



On bill (8. 1706) to establish a national university 


On the amendment to the bill (H. R. 5575) relating to the Ford Theater 


On bill (S. 1260, same as H. R. 4610) to improve the methods of ac- 
counting in the Post- Office Department, and for other purposes 

On bill (d. R. 4^10) to amend section 407 of the Revised Statutes so as 
nqnire original receipts for deposits of postmasters to be sent to the 
Auditor of the Treasury for the Post-Omce Department 

On bill (S. 1552. same as H. R. 5529) to repeal section 311 of the Revised 
Statutes of the United States 

On bill (S. 1553, same as H. R. 5530) to regulate the making of property 
returns by officers of the Government 

On bill (S. 1738) to improve the methods for auditing the accounts of 
eastoms officers, etc 

On bill (S. 1S31) to improve the methods of accounting in the Treasury 

For toe payment of money out of the Treasury, report of the experts 
of the eommiaaioii recommending a change in the form of the war- 

Old money orders, report of the experts of the commission concerning 
the disposi ti on of - - - •••;-' 

hitenistional money orders, reports from experts of the commission 

iMofflmendin^ di»oontinuance of certain statistics relating to 

* Bound with vbL 2, first aesaion. Fifty-third Congress. 




























\ ^ 





On Senate resolation to inrestigate attempts at bribery 

On Senate resolution to investigate attempts at bribery (parts 1, 2, 3). 

On Senate resolution to iurestigate attempts at bribery. 



On report of Postmaster-General in respect to accumulation of old 
papers, etc., in the Post-Office Department 



> 10 




BjMr.Peffer 267,271 

^Mr. Hansbrough 202 


BfMr.Cockrell : 606,510,589,597 

SjMr. CaU 278,501 

StMt. Gonnaii 503,524 

By Mr. Blackburn 470,471,481 

ByMr.Brice 399 


By Mr. Pasco 95, 96, 129, 190, 139, 178, 183, 221,224, 252, 292, 300, 826, S27, 346, 857, 


BjMr. Cafferv 163,478,632 

By Mr. McLaurin 497,633 

By Mr. Berry 176 

By Mr. Daniel 159,257,283,284,288,341,342,432,653 

^ Mr. Allen 848 

By Mr. Mitchell, of Oregon 73, 162, 163, 164, 187, 191, 241, 242, 275, 302, 303, 829, 


By Mr. Stewart 92,165,193,197,232,233,280,298,316 

ByMr. Peffer 91,128,161,338,432,514,549,599 

ByMr. Patton 600 

ByMr. DaTls 208,209 


ByMr. Ransom 519 

ByMr. White, of Lonisiana 204 

By Mr. White, of CaUforuia 364,417,616,617 

By Mr. Frye 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 212,326, 382,459 

ByMr. Washbom : 322,323,335,336,496 


By Mr. Fanlkner 97,122,123 

^Mr. Gibson 250,652 

^Mr. Hunton 538,565 

ByMr. Martin 124,125,136,281,286,568,569,570 

^Mr. McMillan 87,88,120,247,248,402,479,536,537,560,561,580 

By Mr. GalliD^er 156,249,251,313,472,566,669 

^Mr. Proctor 90,94,131,174,234,264,396,488,645,646,547,623 


ByMr. Kyle 304 

ByMr. Lodge 228 


ByMr.Gallinger 634 






By Mr. Yoorheea 235, 259, 834, 858, 368, 870, 401, 406, 407, 412, 413, 

415, 418, 419, 421, 422, 423, 424, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 437, 438, 439, 440, 
441, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 460, 461, 462, 463, 
465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 473, 474, 475, 491, 4£^, 493, 494, 511, ^12, 513, 559 

By Mr. Harris 603,698,701,702,703,704,705,706,707,708,709,710 


By Mr. Morgan 227,331 1 

ByMr. Turpie 330,408,410 1 

By Mr. Daniel 319 ^ 

ByMr. Frye 400 : 

ByMr. Dolph 458 

ByMr. Davis 231 


By Mr. Jones, of Arkansas 169 

ByMr. Roach 279 

ByMr. Blanchard 416,420,529 

ByMr. Allen 182,434,562 

ByMr. Stewart 177,361 * 

ByMr. Piatt 134,142 

ByMr. Manjlerson 135,184,206 \ 

ByMr. Pettigrew 225,226,328 

ByMr. Shoup 196,214,367,450,527,696 


ByMr. Vilas 118 

Bv Mr. Wilson 353 

By Mr. Piatt 216 

By Mr. MitcheU, of Oregon 158,173,186,381 


ByMr. Walthall 74,75,76,114,115,117,151 

By Mr. Bate 77, 311, 314, 324, 359, 397, 483, 556, 557, 583, 584, 614, 615, 630, 

654, 687, 688, 689 

By Mr. Cookrell 78,79,80,81,82,83,84,85,86,112,245,285,308,390,391 

ByMr. Palmer 533,608,609,610,656,662 

By Mr. Mitchell, of Wisconsin 127,260,360,480 

By Mi. Pasco 345, 363, 376, 386, 531, 563, 591, 637, 651, 663, 664, 667, 695, 697 

ByMr. Hawley 180,312,482,490,555,558,613 

By Mr. Manderson . 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 152, 246, 262, 

. 263, 272, 289, 305, 340, 369, 385, 435, 525, 526, 564, 618, 619, 620, 621, 622, 658 
By Mr. Davis 126, 168, 199, 261, 287, 306, 307, 373, 392, 393, 894, 395,520, 655 


By Mr. McPherson 349,350,371 (for Mr. Gibson), 884 

By Mr. Butler 190 (for Mr. McPherson), 265, 266, 809 

By Mr. Blackburn , 254,356 

By Mr. Gibson 220,243,683 

By Mr. Camden 484 

By Mr. Hale 138,181,297,489,618 

By Mr. Perkins 198,255,256,521 

By Mr. McMillan 515,516,517,598 

By Mr. Proctor 339 



ByMr. Proctor 229,280,887 

By Mr. Lodge 425 


ByMr. Faulkner 217 



9y Mr. Dixon 602 


Bj Mr. Palmer 166, 207, 218, 219, 239, 837, 351, 352, 37S, 382, 398, 409, 501, 541, 542 

543, 5U, 577, 578, 579, 593, 594, 595, 596, 611, 612, 661, 675, 676, 677, 678, 679 

BjMr. Brice 561,670,671,672,673,674 

ByMr. Yilaa 590,649 

ByMr. Peffer 316,495,572,573,592,640,646,647 

ByMr. Shonp 355,378,403,685 

By Mr. GaUinger 89, 172, 189, 205, 244, 318, 321, 464, 534, 535, 540, 567, 582, 607, 625, 

626, 627, 635, 636, 641, 642, 643, 644 (645 for Mr. Paluier), 653, 660, 668 

ByMr. Hawley .* 404,405,554 

^Mr. Quay 185,253,575,576 


By Mr. Vilas 157,476,648 

ByMr. Mills 268,269 

ByMr. Hunton 270,552 

^ Mr. Mitchell, of Oregon 176 

By Mr. McMillan 213,215,277 

ByMr. Wolcott 188 


By Mr. Gorman ... 96, 119, 132, 133, 140, 141, 154, 155, 160, 167, 222, 223, 236, 237, 238, 273, 
274, 276, 290, 294, 310, 317, 320, 343, 347, 365, 3 6, 372, 379, 380, 383, 388, 
498, 499, 600, 506, 571, 574, 581, 587, 604, 605, 680, 682, 691, 692, 699, 700 

By Mr. Manderson 411,431 


ByMr. Hale 211 

ByMr. Pasco 195 


By Mr. Vance (parti) 113 

ByMr. Chandler (part 2, views of minority) 113 


By Mr. Vest : 170 

ByMr.Brice 659 


ByMr. Berry 137,344,638 

ByMr. Pasco 203 (part 2), 299, 507. 509, 532, 650 

ByMr. Vilaa 681 

ByMr. Martin 282,301,333,508,539,639 

By Mr. Allen 291 

ByMr.DoIph 171,203 

By Mr. Pettigrew 258 

By Mr. Carey 121,192,296,332 


By Mr. Fanlkner 194,414,548,629 

By Mr. Blackburn 628 

By Mr. Carey 296 


Bylfr.TeUer 377 


Bylfr.Hnnton 433 



By Mr.Manderson ..^ 628 



ByMr.Cockrell 93, 116, 200, 201, 240, 293, 447, 448, 449* 


By Mr. Gray 436,457,477,487,606,824 

By Mr. Davis 485,486 



ByMr.VUas 179 

*AJ1 boiud with ToL 8, tnt MMion Fifty-ihird CongroM. 


53d Cokgkess, ) SENATE. ( Bepobt 

2dSeuum. ] \ Ko.227. 


Febbuabt 26, 1894.— Ordered to be printed* 

Mr. Morgan submitted the following rex)ort irom the Oommittee on 

Foreign Relations: 

The following resolution of the Senate defines the limits of the 
antbority of the committee in the investigation and report it is required 
to make: 

^^Re^olvedj That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire and 
report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred in the 
diplomatic or other intercourse between the United States and Hawaii 
in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to this end 
said committee is authorized to send lor persons and papers and to 
administer oaUis to witnesses." 

The witnesses were examined under oath when it was possible to 
secnre their appearance before the committee, though in some instances 
affidavits were taken in Hawaii and other places, and papers of a scien- 
tific and historic character will be appended to this report and pre- 
sented to the Senate for its consideration. 

The committee did not call the Secretary of State, or any person con- 
nected with the Hawaiian Legation, to give testimony. It was not 
thought to be proper to question the diplomatic authorities of either 
government on matters that are, or have been, the subject of negotia- 
tion between them, and no power exists to authorize the examination 
of the minister of a foreign government in any proceeding without his 

The resolutions include an inquiry only into the intercourse between 
the two governments, and regard the conduct of the officers of the 
United States as a matter for domestic consideration in which Hawaii 
is not concerned, unless it be that their conduct had some unjust and 
improper infiuence upon the action of the people or Government of that 
country in' relation to the revolution. 

The future x>olicy of the two gove^rnments as to annexation, or in 
respect of any other matter, is excluded by the resolutions from the 
consideration of the committee, and such matters are alluded to only as 
being incidental to the investigation which was ordered by the Senate. 

The inquiry as to irregularities tliat may have occurred in our diplo- 
matic or other intercourse with Hawaii must relate, first, to the con- 
duct of the Government as shown in its official acts and correspondence; 
and, second, the conduct of its civil and military officers while they 
were engaged in the discharge of ^ their public duties and functions. 

As a Government dealing with Hawaii and with any form of govern- 
ment in that country, whether de fa4:io or de jurcy the United States 
can have no separation or break in its line of policy corresponding to 




any change iu the incumbency of the office of President. It is in 
all respects as much the same Oovernment in every right and resx)on- 
sibility as if it had been under the same President during the entire 
period covered by the recent revolution in Hawaii and the succeeding 

This view of the situation will enable us to examine more dispas- 
sionately the conduct of our Government, and to ascertain whether it 
has been such that it can be safely drawn into precedent in any future 
questions that may arise in our intercourse with this or other Ameri- 
can governments. 

The right of the President of the United States to change his opin- 
ions and conduct respecting a course of diplomatic correspondence 
with a foreign government is no more to be questioned than his right 
to institute such correspondence i^and it can not be assumed that the 
opinions of one President, difiering from those of his predecessor, has 
any other eftect upon the attitude of the Government than would fol- 
low a change of opinion in the mind of the same person if there had 
been no change in the incumbency of the office. This is a view of 
the situation in which all foreign nations may have an interest, under 
the usages of independent powers and the international laws. But 
the question now under consideration is regarded as being peculiar to 
what we may term the American system. It may be true that Hawaii 
can not be considered as a separate and independent power in respect 
of all its relations with the United States, yet the acts of successive 
Presidents of the United States which affect it must be regarded as the 
acts of one Resident. But there are many good reasons and a long 
and consistA) course of dealing between the United States and Hawaii 
that materiaUy affect, if they do not entirely change, the actual rela- 
tions between Hawaii and the United States and make them excep- 
tional. "When we claim the right to interfere in the domestic affairs of 
(Hawaii, as we would not interfere with those of a European nation, we 
must also admit her right to whatever advantages there may be in the 
closeness and interdependence of our relations, and her right to ques- 
tion us as to any conflicts of policy between Mr. Harrison and Mr. 
Gleveland that may be justly said to work a disadvantage to the inter- 
ests of Hawaii, if there are any. 

And another principle which does not apply in our dealings with 
European powers comes into application in this case to influence the 
rights of Hawaii in her intercourse with the United States. 

Hjaw^ is an American state, and is embraced in the American com- 
mercial and military system. This fact has been frequently and firmly 
stated by our Government, and is the ground on which is rested that 
peculiar and fjEU*-reaching declaration so often and so earnestly made, 
that the United States wiU not admit the right of any foreign govern- 
ment to acquire any interest or control in the Hawaiian Islands that is 
in any way prejudicial or even threatening toward the interests of the 
United States or her people. This is at least a moral suzerainty over 
Hawaii In this attitude of the two Governments, Hawaii must be 
entitled to demand of the United States an indulgent consideration, 
if not an active sympathy, when she is endeavoring to accomplish what 
every other American state has achieved — ^the release of her people 
from the odious antirepublican r^gim^ which denies to the people the 
right to govern themselves, and subordinates them to the supposed 
divine right of a monarch, whose titie to such divinity originated in 
th«» most slavish conditions of pagan barbarity. 

The paint at whicb. it is alleged that there was a questionable inter- 



ference by onr minister aud onr INavy with the affairs of Hawaii was 
the landing of troops from the ship Boston in Honolulu on the 16th 
day of January, 1893, at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. That ship, on 
which the minister was a passenger, had been oif on a practice cruise 
at Hilo, a distance of nearly 100 miles, since the 4th day of January. 
On her retarn to the harbor a condition of affairs existed in Honolulu 
which led naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil com- 
motion would ensue, in which the x>^ace and security of American 
citizens residing in that city would be put in peril, as had been done 
on three or more separate occasions previously when changes occurred 
or were- about to occur in the government of Hawaii. Whatever we 
may conclude were the real causes of the situation then present in 
Honolulu, the fact is that there was a complete paralysis of executive 
government in Hawaii. The action of the Queen in an effort to over- 
turn the constitution of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience and 
support, had been accepted and treated by a large and powerful body 
of the people as a violation of her constitutional obligations, revolu- 
tionary in its character and purposes and that it amounted to an act 
of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and the rights of the 
people under the constitution of 1887 were concerned. This state of 
opinion and this condition of the executive head of the Hawaiian 
Government neutralized its power to protect American citizens and 
other foreigners' 'in their treaty rights, and also their rights under the 
law^ of Hawaii. There was not in Honolulu at that time any efficient 
executive iK>wer through which the rights of American citizens 
residing there could be protected in accordance with the local laws. 
It is evident that the Queen's Government at that time had no power 
to prevent the landing of troops from any quarter, no power to protect 
itself against invasion, no power to conduct civil government, so far 
as the executive was concerned, if the effort to exert such power was 
antagonized by any opposing body of people in considerable numbers. 
Indeed, no effort seems to have been made to exert the civil authority 
except through the presence of a small and inefficient body of police- 
men. The authority of the Queen was not respected by the people; it 
was opi)osed, and no force appeared to be used for the purpose of 
overcoming the opposition. It yielded to a silent but ominous opposi- 
tion. Without reference to the question whether, in strict law, the 
action of the Queen in her effort to overturn the constitution of 1887, 
and to substitute one by a proclamation which she had prepared, was a 
revolution in government, or an effort at revolution, or amounted to 
an actual abdication, the result was that an interregnum existed. 

If we give full effect to the contention that this interregnum occurred 
because of the apprehensions of the Queen that force would be used by 
the United States to compel her abdication, those apprehensions could 
not have occurred before the landing of the troops from the Boston, or, 
if they existed, they were idle, unfounded, and unjust toward the 
United States. It was her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large 
portion of them, that paralyzed the executive authority and left the 
citizens of the United States in Honolulu without the protection of any 
law, unless it was such as should be extended to them by the American 
minister, in eoiyunction with the arms of the United States then on 
board the Boston. 

It will appear hereafter in this report that there is well-settled author- 
ity for the position that at the moment when the Queen made public 
her decision to absolve herself from her oath to support the constitution 
of 1887 her abdication was complete, if the people chose so to regard 
ii That constitation and the Queen's oatb to support it was the OBiy 


foundation for her regal authority and, when she announced that her 
oath was annulled in its effect upon her own conscience, she could no 
longer rightfully hold office under that constitution. In such matters 
the word of the Queen, once sedately uttered, fixes a ^condition that is 
irrevocable, unless by the consent of those whose condition or rights 
would be injuriously affected by its subsequent withdrawal ; as in the 
case of a voluntary abdication in favor of a named successor; or of a 
pardon granted to a person accused or convicted of crime; or the sig- 
nature to a legislative act, or declaration of war. The official act of 
the chief executive of a nation is uniformly regarded as creating a con- 
dition or status which can not be altered or revoked at pleasure. In- 
deed, in every case, the word of the king that works a change in exist- 
ing conditions is the final act of the king. In the crime of treason and 
the misprision of treason, the word that is spoken by the culprit, though 
quickly repented of or recalled, has completed the crime and placed 
the offender beyond the reach of all mercy except that of the sovereign 
power. In this instance the sovereign power to pardon or condone the 
Queen's offense resided in the people, and they have so far decided and 
have adhered to the decision that her abdication was complete. The 
recantation was two days later than the completed crime and was tem- 
porary and conditional, and, in the meantime, popular sovereignty had 
risen to the assertion of its rights, an indignant resentment had aroused 
the people, and a large body of citizens claiming to represent them had 
inaugurated a government of the people and for the people. Whether 
the people opposing the Queen were strengthened in their purpose to 
accept and act ux)on this abandonment by the Queen of her obligations 
to keep her oath to support and obey the constitution by the presence 
of the troops of the United States, or whether the Queen was dismayed 
by their presence and was deterred from supporting her criminal act 
by the employment of her household soldiery, did not alter the fact that 
she had openly renounced the constitution of 1887 before the troops 
were landed or any preparation was made or any order was issued to 
land them, and the people were preparing to substitute the monarchy, 
which was still existing in the constitution, by a ruler of their own 
choice before any troops leift the Boston, 

Whether the people would permit the restoration of the Queen, or 
whether they would constitute a new executive head of the Government 
of Hawaii, was a matter then undetermined, and as to that the Govern- 
ment of the United States had but one concern, and that was that the 
interregnum should be ended, the executive head of the Government 
should be supplied, and the laws of Hawaii and the treaty rights of 
American citizens should have full effect, peacefully, in the protection 
of their rights and interests. When the Queen found that her Govern- 
ment was opposed by a strong body of the people she did not attempt 
to reassemble the Legislature, but left the public safety in charge of a 
committee of thirteen men, organized by those who were endeavoring 
to preserve the peace and to restore the Government to its ftill con- 
stitutional powers by choosing an executive head. This condition of 
things continued from Saturday until the succeeding Tuesday, during 
all of which time the citizens of the United States residing in Honolulu 
had no protection of law, except such as was guarantied to them by the 
presence of the Boston in the bay of Honolulu, or the moral influence 
of the American legation and consulate. 

When the Kamehameha dynasty ended, the monarchy in Hawaii was 
doomed to a necessary dissolution. The five kings of that family, 
assisted by their premiers, who were Kanaka women, and by such mis- 
sionaries as Judd, Bingham^ Ghamberlaini Goan, Goodrich, and Damon 


maintained the progress ot civilization and prosperity, bnt when Kala- 
kaoa was elected king, the most surprising and disgraceful corruptions 
infected the Government. Without detailing in this report the C/on- 
stant decline from bad to worse, which the evidence discloses, without 
contradiction or explanation, when Liiiuokalani was enthroned the 
monarchy was a mere shell and was in condition to crumble on the 
»Hghtest touch of firm opposition. Under her brief rule, it was kept 
^live by the care and forbearing tolerance of the conservative white 
people, who owned $50,000,000 of the property in Hawaii, until they 
saw that the Queen and her party had determined to grasp absolute 
power and destroy the constitution and the rights of the white people; 
When they were compelled to act in self-defense the monarchy disap- 
peared. It required nothing but the determined action of what was 
called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy, and that action 
had lieen taken before the troops from the Boston landed. 

There was then no executive head of the Government of Hawaii; it 
had perished. 

In landing the troops from the Boston there was no demonstration ol 
actual hostilities, and their conduct was as quiet and as respectful as 
it had been on many previous occasions when they were landed for the 
purpose of drill ai^d practice. In passing the palace on their way to the 
point at which they were halted, the Queen appeared upon the balcony 
and the troops respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and dipping 
the fiag, and made no demonstration of any hostile intent. Her atti- 
tude at that time was that of helplessness, because she found no active 
or courageous support in her isolated position, which was self-imposed 
and was regretted by few of her former subjects. In this condition of 
Hawaii the laws for the protection of life and property were, in fact, 
suspended so far as the executive power was concerned, and the citi- 
zens of the United States in Honolulu and all the islands, and their 
property rights, were virtually outlawed. The citizens of Honolulu 
were not held amenable to the civil authorities, but were treated by 
the Queen, as well as by the people, as if the country was in a state of 
war. A policeman was shot down on the streets by a person who was 
conducting a wagon loaded with arms to the place of rendezvous where 
the people had assembled, and no action was taken for the purpose of 
arresting or putting on trial the man who did the shooting. 

In a country where there is no power of the law to protect the 
citizens of the United States there can be no law of nations nor any 
rule of comity that can rightfully prevent our flag from giving shelter 
to them under the protection of our arms, and this without reference 
to any distress it may give to the Queen who generated the confusion, 
or any advantage it might give to the people who are disputing her 
right to resume or to hold her regal powers. In every country where 
there is no eftective chi*f executive authority, whether it is a newly- 
discovered island Hnere only savage government prevails, or one 
where the government is paralyzed by internal feuds, it is the right, 
claimed and exercised by all civilized nations, to enter such a country 
with sovereign authority to assert and protect the rights of its citizens 
and their property, and to remain there without the invitation of any- 
body until civil government shall have been established that is adequate, 
in a satisfactory sense, for their protection. 

The committee agree that such was the condition of the Hawaiian 
Government at the time that the troops were landed in Honolulu from 
the steam warship Boston; that there was then an interregnum in 
Hawaii as respects the executive oflBce; that there was no executive 
power to enforce the laws of Hawaii; and that it was the right ot t\iQ 


United States to land troops upon those islands at any place where it 
was necessary in the opinion of our minister to protect our citizens. 

In what occurred in lauding the troops at Honolulu there may have 
been an invasion, but it was not an act of war, nor did it create that 
condition of the public law in Hawaii. 

In the period of reconstruction, as it is called, which followed the civil 
war of 1861-'65 in the United States, a very similar condition existed, 
or was assumed to exist, which caused Congress to provide for vacat- 
ing the gubernatorial offices in several of the Southern States and 
filling them by appointments of the President. 

In these States strong military bodies were stationed and general 
officers of the Army took command and enforced the laws found on their 
statute books and also the laws of the United States. All the civil 
officers in those sovereign States were required to obey the commands 
of those Army officers, and they did so, often under protest, but with 
entire submission to the military power and authority of the President, 
exerted through the instrumentality of the Army. That was not war. 
Yet it was the presence of military force, employed actively in the 
enforcement of the civil laws, and in full supremacy over the civil 

The only reason that could justify this invasion of sovereign states 
by the armies of the United States was the declaration by Congress 
that the executive governments in those states were not in the lawful 
possession of the incumbents; that there was an interregnum in those 
states as to the office of governor. 

If the Queen, or the people, or both acting in conjunction, had opposed 
the lauding of the troops from the Boston with armed resistance, their 
invasion would have been an act of war. But when their landing was 
not opposed by any objection, protest, or resistance the state of war 
did not supervene, and there was no irregularity or want of authority 
to place the troops on shore. 

In this view of the facts there is no necessity for inquiring whether 
Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, in arranging for the landing of the 
troops, had any purpose either to aid the popular movement against 
the Queen that was then taking a definite and decisive shape, or to 
promote the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 
But justice to these gentlemen requires that we should say that the 
troops from the Boston were not sent into Honolulu for any other pur- 
pose than that set forth fully and fairly in the following order from 
Capt. Wiltse to the officer in command of the detachment: 

U. S. S. Boston (Second Rate), 
Honolulu^ Hawaiian Islands^ January 16j 1893. 

Lieut. Commander W. T. Swinburne, U. S. INTavy, 

Executive Officer ^ U, 8, 8. Boston: 

Sir : You will take command of the battalion and land in Honolulu 
for tlie purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, and the lives and 
property of American citizens, and to assist in preserving public order. 
Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, aod no 
action taken that is not fully warranted by the condition of affairs and 
by the conduct of those who may be inimical to the treaty rights of 
American citizens. 

You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of any change 
in the situation. 

Very respectfully, 

G. C. Wiltse, 
Captain^ U. 8. Navy^ Commanding U* 8. & Boston. 


As between the XTnited States and Hawaii, aa separate and inde- 
pendent governments, that order defines the fall liability of the Oov* 
erniDent of the United States in respect of landing the troops at 
HodoIqIq. As between the Government of the IJnit^ States and it^i 
officers^ the question may arise whether that order was issued in good 
fikith and for the purposes declared upon its face, or whether it was a 
pretext used for the purpose of assisting in the overthrow of the 
Qaeen's Grovemment and the ultimate annexation of Hawaii to the 
United States. 

In reference to this last suggestion, the committee, upon the evidence 
as it appears in their report (which they believe is a full, fair, and 
impartial statement of the facts attending and precedent to the landing 
of the troops), agree that the purposes of Capt. Wiltse and of Minister 
Stevens were only those which were legitimate, viz, the preservation 
of law and order to the extent of preventing a disturb«ice of the 
pnblic iieace which might, in the absence of the troops, iiyuriously 
affect the rights of the American citizens resident in Honolulu. 

The troops from the Boston having rightfully and lawfully entered 
HoDolnla, and having carried with them the protection of the laws of the 
United States for their citizens who otherwise were left without the pro- 
tection of law, it was the right of the United States that they should 
remain there until a competent chief executive of Hawaii should have 
been installed in authority to take upon himself the civil power and to 
execute the necessary authority to provide for the protection of all the 
rights of citizens of the XJnitedStates then in Honolulu, whether such 
rights were secured by treaty or were due to them under the laws of 
Hawaii. It was the fdrther right of the officers representing the United 
States in Hawaii to remain there with the troops until all the conditions 
were present to give full assurance of security to the rights of all the 
citizens of the United States then in Honolulu. 

Before the landing of the troops a committee of safety had been 
organized that sent a request to the commander of the Boston that 
troops should be landed for the purpose of preserving the public peace. 
To this request no response was made, and later in the day the com- 
mander of the Boston was informed that the committee of safety had 
withdrawn its request and then desired that no troops should belauded. 
But, disregarding all the action of the committee of safety and acting 
only upon his sense of duty to the people of the United States who were 
in Honolulu, Gapt. Wiltse came to che conclusion that the troops should 
be landed, and he put them in a state of preparation for that purpose 
by lowering the boats, filling the cartridge belts of the men, and sup- 
plying them with proper accouterments for a stay on shore. After these 
preparations had been completed Minister Stevens went on board the 
ship (on Monday), and had an interview with Gapt. Wiltse. The evi- 
dence shows that this interview related alone to the question of the pre- 
servation of law and order in Hawaii and the protection of Americans 
in their treaty rights. It seems that neither Minister Stevens nor Gapt. 
Wiltse then ftilly comprehended the fact that the United States had 
the right, of its own authority, to send the troops on shore for the pur- 
pose of supplying to American citizens resident there the protection of 
law, which had been withdrawn or annulled, be-cause of the fact that 
there was then an interregnum in the executive department of the Gov- 
enitnent of Hawaii. The rights of the United States at that moment 
were greater than they were supposed to be by Minister Stevens or 
Cj^)t. Wiltse, and they were not the result of treaty rights or obliga- 
tions, bat of that unfailing right to give protection to citizens of the 


United States in any country where they may be fonnd when the 
local authorities have, through their own mismanagement or conmv- 
ance, rendered nugatory the power of the government to perform its 
proper duties in the protection of their lives, property, and peace. 

A further statement of ascertained facts may be necessary in order 
to bring out more clearly the situation in Hawaii on Saturday, the 
14th day of January, and to render more conspicuous the justification 
of the United States in entering with its troops upon the soil of Hawaii 
for the protection of all the rights of its citizens. 

On Saturday afternoon and Sunday earnest and decisive steps were 
being taken by the people of Honolulu who were most prominent in 
Boci^ influence and in commerce and the professions to arm the people 
who resented the disloyalty of the Queen to the constitution and to 
install a new executive head of the Government. This movement had 
resulted in the organization of a committee of safety that proposed a 
programme lor the purpose of inaugurating a provisional government. 
This was an open, public movement, which the Queen took no steps to 
suppress. No arrests were made, and even the apprehension of arrests 
seems to have been almost entirely absent from the minds of the people 
engaged in this movement. An effort was made to divert those people 
firom their purpose, on Monday morning, by the Queen and her minis- 
ters, who caused the following notice to be posted on the streets of Hon- 




"Her Maiesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the 
quiet and order which have prevailed in this community since the 
events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken 
by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution 
was under the stress of her native subjects. 

"Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in 
the fundamental law of the land will be sought only by the methods 
provided in the constitution itself. 

"Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance 
of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is given. " 

This paper purported to be signed by the Queen and her ministers, 
Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs; W. H. Corn well, minister 
of finance; John F. Colbum, minster of the interior; and A. P. Peter- 
son, attorney-general. 

The Queen did not sign it in her official character by affixing the 
letter B to her name, and the tenor of the paper indicates that it was, 
in fact, the act of her ministers, to which she had not given her royal 
assent and pledge. This paper in itself contains undeniable evidence 
that the Queen had instituted a coup WHat on Saturday by the pro- 
mulgation of '^a new constitution,'' as far, at least, as she could bind 
herself by such an act, and that she offered the excuse for this revolt 
against the existing constitution which she had sworn to support, that 
she acted "under stress of her native subjects." 

Passing by the fact that the existence of this "stress" is not estab- 
lished by any satisfactory evidence, the reference to it in this procla- 
mation discloses her willing connection with the purpose to disfranchise 
her foreign-born subjects, that being the effect of the provisions of the 
"new constitation" that she in fact promulgated, so far as she could, 
but hesitated to swear to for the want of sufficient support from " her 
native subjects." The assurance given that future efforts "to change" 


Die eon^titation of 1887 should be conducted only in the method therein 
pr&M!ribed, was no assurance that her foreign-bom subjects should be 
protected in their vital liberties. To the reverse, it was a continuing 
threat that they should be disfranchised and placed at the mercy of 
racial aggression, backed by the power of the crown. The declarations 
of the Queen made in person to Minister Willis, on three occasions, 
and at long intervals of time after the lapse of nine months of sedate 
reflection, show that this assurance, given in fact by her ministers, was 
oaly a thin disguise of her real purpose to drive out the white popula- 
tion and confiscate their property, and, if need be, to destroy their 
liTes. The people made no mistake as to her animosity toward them, 
ftiid proceeded iti the same orderly manner, for which the ministers 
gave them thanks in this proclamation, to designate an executive 
head of the Government in place of the abdicated Queen, the abdica- 
tion being completed and confinned by the only authentic expression 
of the popular will, and by the recognition of the supreme court of 

Another fiEM^t of importance connected with the situation at that time 
is that a committee of law and order, consisting of supporters of the 
Queen, bad on Monday morning posted in public places in Honolulu 
the following call for a public meeting and explanation of the purposes 
of the Queen in abrogating the constitution of 1887 and in substituting 
one which she desired and attempted to promulgate by their authority 
as the organic law of the land. This proclamation was printed in the 
Hawaiian language, and a translation of it is appended to this report. 
It was printed in an extra edition of a newspaper called the Ka Leo O 
Ka Lahui, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language. ^'The 
stress of her native subjects," which is mentioned by the Que.en in the 
proclamation which was posted in English on the morning of Januarv 
16, is evidently expressed in the terms of this announcement and call, 
ui<l it shows tiiat it was based upon racial distinction and prejudice 
entirely, and indicates the feeling of resentment and controversy which, 
if carried into effect as the Queen proposed to carry it into effect under 
the constitution which she intended to proclaim, would have resulted 
in the destruction of the rights of property and lives of those persons 
who were styled "missionaries" and their iwsterity, from whom Hawaii 
had derived her enlightened civilization, Christianity, constitution, 
laws, progress, wealth and position amongst the nations of the earth. 
This was a threat of dangerous significance, and it shows the spirit 
of the controversy that was then pervading the minds of the people of 
Honolulu, and illustrates how easy it was to foment strife that would 
result in the worst of evils, in a community thus divided and thus 
exdted. The abuse of the missionaries and missionary party in this 
call shows that the Queen and her immediate followers had concentrated 
their efforts upon the disfranchisement of all white people in Hawaii, 
and the return of the Government to that condition of debasement from 
vhich these very people and their fathers had relieved it* 

The second paragraph in this call is as follows: 


"On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the Sacred Chief of 
Hawaii, Lilinokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows: 

"*0, ye 2>eoi>le who love the Chief, I hereby say to you, I am now 
1^7 to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that 
itvoold be snccessfol, but behold obstacles have arisen! Therefore 


I say nnto yon, loving people, go with good hope and do not be dis- 
torbed or troubled in your minds. Because, within the next few days 
now coming, I will proclaim the new constitution. 

'''The execative officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in 
this new constitution, bat they, said nothing. 

" 'Therefore, 1 hope that the thing which you, my people, so much 
want wiU be accomplished ; it also is my strong desire.' " 

Here is a direct accusation by the Queen against her cabinet, all of 
whom^ with one exception, were white men, that they had misled her 
as to the effect of the constitution, and had failed to point out errors in 
it which, as a pretext, led to its rejection by them, causing them to 
refuse at the last moment to join with her in its promulgation. This 
call was, in fact, a new promise which was made by the Queen, with the 
evident consent of her immediate native followers, that within the 
next few days now coming she would proclaim the new constitution^ 
notwithstanding her failure to give it a successful promulgation on the 
preceding Saturday. The intensity of the Queen's opposition to the 
missionaries and the white people was caused by her intention that the 
Kingdom should return to its former absolute character, and that the 
best results of civilization in Hawaii should be obliterated. 

Civilization and constitutional government in Hawaii are the foster 
children of the American Christian missionaries. It can not be justly 
charged to the men and women who inaugurated this era of humanity, 
light, and justice in those islands that either they or their posterity 
or their followers, whether native or foreign, have faltered in their 
devotion to their exalted purposes. They have not pursued any devious 
course in their conduct, nor have they done any wrong or harm to the 
Hawaiian people or their native rulers. They have not betrayed any 
trust confided to them, nor have they encouraged any vice or pandered 
to any degradin g sentiment or practice among those people. Among the 
native Hawaiians, where they found paganism in the most abhorrent 
forms of idolatry, debauchery, disease, ignorance and cruelty 75 years 
ago, they planted and established, with the free consent and eae:er 
encouragement of those natives and without the shedding of blood,'the 
Christian ordinance of marriage, supplanting polygamy; a reverence 
for the character of women and a respect for their rights; the Christian 
Sabbath and freedom of religious faith and worship, as foundations of 
society and of the state; universal education, including the kings and 
the peasantry; temperance in place of the orgies of drunkenness that 
were all-pervading; and the separate holdings of lands upon which the 
I>eople built their homes. In doing these benevolent works the Amer- 
ican missionary did not attempt to assume the powers and functions of 
political government.' As education, enlightenment, and the evident 
benefits of civilization revealed to those in authority the necessity of 
wise and faithful counsels in building up and regulating the govern- 
ment to meet those new conditions, the kings invited some of the best 
qualified and most trusted of these worthy men to aid them in devel- 
oping and conducting the civil government As a predicate for this 
work they freely consented to and even suggested the giving up of 
some of their absolute powers and to place others under the constraint . 
of constitutional limitations. They created an advisory council and a 
legislature and converted Hawaii from an absolute despotism into a 
land of law. The cabinet ministers thus chosen from the missionary 
element were retained in office during very long periods, thus estab- 
lidiing the cond&dence of the kings and the people in their integrity^ 

BAWAnAN ISLA]n>& 11 

wjadoin, snd loyalty to the Government. No charge of defection or dis* 
bonesty was ever made against any of these public servants during the 
reign of the Kamehamehas, nor indeed at any time. They acquired 
property in moderate values by honest means, and labored to exhibit 
to the people the advantages of industry, frugality, economy, and 

The progressive elevation of the country and of the people from the 
▼uy depravity of paganism into an enlightened and educated oommon- 
vealth and the growth of their industries and wealth will be seen at a 
fiance in the statements of the most important events and in the tables 
showing the most imxK)rtant results of their work and influence, which 
He set forth in the evidence accompanjdng this report. This array of 
undisputed facts shows that, with Christianity and education as the 
basis, t^ere has come over Hawaii the most rapid and successful improve* 
Dent in x>olitical, industrial, and commercial conditions that has marked 
the course of any x>eople in Christendom. 

In the message of President Tyler to Congress he says: 

<'The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest, 
vhieh is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are 
making progress in civilization and becoming more and more competent 
to maintain regular and orderly government. They lie in the Pacific 
Ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become 
m important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and 
Soropean vessels. 

"'Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which pre- 
mi in this quarter of the world the Sandwich Islands are the stopping 
place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across 
the Pacific Ocean. They are esx>ecially resorted to by the great numbers 
of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale fishery 
m those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of 
property owned by citizens of the United States which are found in those 
itiusdsin the course of a year are stated probably with sufficient 
accuracy in the letter, of the agents. 

" 'Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the Oovemment of the 
i^nds is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and 
pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people by 
the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions^ 
means of education, and the arts of civilked life.' " 

la the House of Bepresentatives this subject was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Hon. John Q. Adams, in conclud- 
ing his report upon the subject, says: 

"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human 
improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle influence of 
Qiristian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, 
unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century the 
people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest 
debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel ; united 
under one balanced government; ralfied to the fold of civilization by a 
written langna^r^ and constitution, providing security for the rights of 
persons^ property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of right 
nd power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their brethren 
of the human race as a separate and independent community. To 
tte ooDsamiDatiaa of their acknowledgment the people of the North 


Ameiioan Union are urged by an interest of thetr own deeper than 
that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — ^by a viitual 
right of conquest, not over the ireedom of tlieir brother man jy the 
brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the 
celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." 

It can not be other than a proud reflection of the American people 
that the free institutions of the United States gave origin and impulsive 
zeal, as well as guidance, to the good men who laid these foundations 
of civil government in Hawaii upon written ccmstitutions supported 
by the oaths of those in authority and loyally sustained by those of 
the people who are virtuous and intelligent. Nor can the American 
people condemn the firm adhesion of those whose rights are guaranteed 
by constitutional law in Hawaii to the demand that is now made for 
the maintenance of its permanent integrity. If nothing but a decent 
respect for our national example was in question, if there was no 
question in Hawaii that concerned the people of the United States 
except that of a relapse of that Government into absolute monarchy, if 
there was no degradation of society involved in this falling away, no 
destruction of property and liberty in contemplation, there would 
still be enough in the conditions now presented there to excite the 
most anxious interest of our people. Citizens of the United States with 
wisdom, charity. Christian faith, and a love of constitutional govern- 
ment, have patiently, laboriously, and honestly built up Hawaii into a 
civilized power under a written constitution, and they can justly 
claim the sympathy and assistance of all civilized people in resisting 
its destruction, either to gratify a wanton lust of absolute power on 
the part of the Queen, or the abuse of its authority in fostering vice 
and rewarding crime. The facts of recent history present broadly and 
distinctly the question between an absolute and corrupt monarchy in 
Hawaii, and a government in which the rights and liberties guaranteed 
by a written constitution shall be respected and preserved. The facts 
do not show that the people who built up this constitutional system 
and have based upon it wholesome laws and a w^ll balanced and well 
guarded plan of administration have had any desire to abrogate the 
organic laws, corrupt the statute laws, or to dethrone the Queen. In 
every phase of their dealings with these questions their course has 
been conservative, and the defense of their lives, liberty, and property, 
and the honest administration of the government has been the real 
motive of their actions. They are not, therefore, to be justly classed 
as conspirators again st the Government. That they turn their thoughts 
toward the United States and desire annexation to this country could 
not be denied without imputing to them the loss of the sentiment of 
love and reverence for this Republic that is utterly unknown to our 

On Monday, the 16th of January, 1893, Hawaii was passing through 
the severe ordeal of a trial which was conducted by the people who 
arrayed themselves on the side of the Queen and those who were organ- 
ized in opposition to her revolutionary purposes. The Queen seems to 
have abandoned the controversy into the hands of the people, and made 
no effort to suppress the meeting of the citizens opposed to her revolu- 
tionary proceedings by calling out her troops to disperse the meeting 
or to arrest its leaders. Both the meetings were quiet and orderly, but 
the meeting at the arsenal was intensely earnest, and men were heard to 
express their opinions freely and without interruption at both meet* 
ingSy and they came to their resolutions without disturbance. When 


these meetings dispersed, the Queen's effort to reject the constitution 
of 1887 had been approved by the one meeting held on the palace 
grounds and composed almost entirely of native Kanakas; the ocher 
meeting bad resolved to establish a provisional government, and formed 
a committee to proceed with its organization. The Queen, though thus 
strongly indorsed by her native-born subjects, as she calls them, did 
not venture any arrests of the alleged revolutionists, but, evidently 
cous<*ious that the revolution which she had endeavored to set on foot 
had failed of efficient support, she did not use her troops or the police 
or any other x>ower in the direytion of asserting her royal authority. 
The meeting of the people at the arsenal was followed by organization, 
the arming of.the citizens, the strong array of forces, and a determined 
spirit of success which has materialized into an established government 
that has continued to exist for more than a year, practically without 
my opposition in Hawaii, and with the recognition of many great 
powei-8, including the United States. These events show, beyond rea- 
sonable dispute, the acceptance by the people of Hawaii of the judg- 
ment and determination of the meeting at the arsenal that the Queen 
had abdicated, that her authority had departed, that she and her 
mimsters had submitted to the inevitable, and that they retained no 
longer any substantial ground of hope or expectation that the Queen 
vould be restored to her former office. 

The question whether such a state of affairs as is shown by the 
imdisx>uted facts in this case constitute an abdication and created an 
interregnum was passed upon in England with more care, because of 
the serious results that followed the decision, than seems to have been 
hestowed upon a like controversy in any other country. 

The people of Great Britain have many liberties that are firmly 
established in the traditions of that country, and on many occasions 
they have asserted their rights, as the basis of governmental power, with 
gr^t determination and success. In 1688, when James II was on the 
throne, his severe conduct, exercised through the judiciary of the King- 
dom and in other ways, and a strong adhesion to the Catholic religion, 
caus^ the people of Great Britain to accuse him of an intention to vio- 
late their unwritten ccmstitution. He was a great and powerful king, 
wd had accomplished very much for the glory and honor of England. 
But the i>eople of England held him to an observance of the spirit o£ 
his oath of loyalty to the constitution of that country, and, when they 
became satisfied that he had made an efibrt to subvert it, they in their 
Parliament passed upon the question of his abdication and held that 
his intention and efl'ort to violate the constitution robbed him of his 
title to the crown and opened the door to the establishment of a new 
dynasty. Blackstone, in speaking of these events, says: 

^Eing James II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, and 
might have enjoyed it during the remainder of his life but for his own 
infatuated conduct which, with other concurring circumstances, brought 
on the revolution in 1688. 

"The true ground and principle upon which that memorable event 
proceeded was an entirely new case in politics, which had never 
before happened in our history — the abdication of the reigning mon- 
wch and the vacancy of the throne thereupon. It was not a defeas- 
ance of the rig'ht of succession and a new limitation of the crown by 
the King and both Houses of Parliament; it was the act of the nation 
»k)De upon the conviction that there was no king in being. For, in a 
liiU assembly of the lords and commons, met in a convention upon the 


Bnpposition of this vacancy, both houses came to this resolution: 'That 
King James II, having endeavored to subvert the constitution of the 
Kingdom by breaking the original contract between King and people; 
and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked x>ersons, having violated 
the fundamental law and having withdrawn himself out of this King- 
dom has abdicated the Government, and that the throne is hereby 
vacanf ' 

Proceeding further, this eminent jurist says: 

''For whenever a question arises between the society at large and 
any magistrate vested with powers originally delegate^ by that soci- 
ety it must be decided by the voice of the society itself; there is not 
upon earth any other tribunal to resort to. And that these conse* 
quences were fairly deduced from these facts our ancestors have sol- 
emnly determined in a full parliamentary convention representing the 
whole society." 

Further quoting from Blackstone, he says: 

^'They held that this misconduct of King James amounted to an 
endeavor to subvert the constitution and not to an actual subversion 
or total dissolution of the Government, according to the principles of 
Mr. Locke, which would have reduced the society almost to a state of 
nature; would have leveled all distinctions of honor, rank, offices, and 
property; would have annihilated the sovereign power, and in conse- 
quence have repealed all positive laws, and would have left the people 
at liberty to have erected a new system of State upon a new foundation 
of polity. They therefore very prudently voted it to amount to no 
more than an abdication of the Government and a consequent vacancy 
of the throne, whereby the Government was allowed to subsist though 
the executive magistrate was gone, and the kingly office to remain 
though King James was no longer King. And thus the constitution 
was kept entire, which upon every sound principle of government must 
otherwise have fallen to pieces had so principal and constituent a part 
as the royal authority been abolished or even suspended. 

"This single postulatum, the vacancy of the throne, being once estab- 
lished the rest that was then done followed almost of course. For, if 
the throne be at any time vacant (which may happen by other means 
besides that of abdication, as if all the blood-royal should fail, with- 
out any successor appointed by Parliament) — if, I say, a vacancy, by 
any means whatsoever, should happen, the right of disposing of this 
vacancy seems naturally to result to the Lords and Commons, the trus- 
tees and representatives of the nation. For there are no other hands 
in which it can so properly be intrusted; and there is a necessity of its 
being intrusted somewhere, else the whole frame of government must 
be dissolved and perish." 

The principle on which this decision in regard to the abdication of 
King James II rests is still stronger when it is applied to persons who 
are citizens of the United States but who reside in Hawaii, and by 
the constitution and laws of Hawaii are admitted into an active par- 
ticipation in the conduct of government, both as officeholders and as 
qualified electors. If they, in connection with the native or natural- 
ized subjects of the Kingdom of Hawaii, unite in demanding the pres- 
ervation of their constitutional rights, there should be no captious or 


technical objections taken to the assertion of that right, or to the man* 

oer of its exercise. 

In reference to all citizens of the United States residing in Hawaii 
and not actual members, or officers of that Government, the spirit of 
our laws, in accordance with the principles of the Constitution and the 
taditions of the people, should be applied to their protection, when it 
is the duty of the United States to protect them, and especially are 
thej entitled to the full advantage of the protection that is aiforded 
nnder that doctrine of personal Jiberty and security which upholds the 
aathority of governments de facto. When such a government arises 
oat of alleged abases and grievances and is set up in good faith by the 
intelligent classes to succeed a monarchy in a state that is the only 
monarchy in a sisterhood of many republics, the rules governing its 
reoogttitioii are not those that seem to control in cases where the state 
is a sole republic surrounded by an environment of monarchies. 

In Europe, where governmental successions have no relation to the 
will of the people, every presumption that can be made to support the 
regal system is adopted and enforced with rigid care. The old condi- 
tions are presumed to exist in a regal government until the new gov- 
ernment has accomplished a complete revolution and until nothing 
remains to be done to secure an uninterrupted and unembarrassed 
installation of its authority. Those presumptions are all in £a.vor of 
the crown and are easily applied in practical use, as the crown is a 
pditical unit and acts with certainty in the assertion of its claims. 
When the rights asserted against the crown are set up by the people, 
or for the people, the act is necessarily a representative act, and the 
Mithority of the alleged representative is severely questioned. Indeed, 
it is not considered as existing in European countries until, through 
bloodshed or an overwhelming exhibition of forces, its acknowledgment 
is literally compelled. The reverse of this rule should obtain in that 
part of the world where it is held, universally, that the right to govern 
depends ux>on the consent of the governed and not upon a divine inher- 
itance of iK>wer. In a controversy like that in Hawaii the presumption 
is in favor of those who unite to assert the constitutional rights of the 
people, that they are acting in good faith, and that they are not seek- 
ing personal aggrandizement, but the good of the people. When such 
% popular movement engages the evident support of those whom the 
people have trusted for their integrity to an extent that inspires a just 
eonfidence of success a sufficient foundation exists, at least, for a gov- 
emmeut de faeto; and it is no more necessary to its validity that every 
possible obstacle to its final success has been removed than it would be 
necessary, on the other hand, to the permanency of the crown that 
evay rebellious subject of the Queen had been slain or banished and 
their estates had been confiscated. 

The supporters of Liliuokalani seem to be forced into the attitude of 
daiming that it is of no consequence that she may have forfeited her 
right to the crown and had placed it in the power of the people law- 
lolly to claim that this was an abdication, unless the people had over- 
come and removed every vestige of her power before they proclaimed 
the Provisional Government. Her known purpose to press the abso- 
lute powers claimed by her in the new constitution to the extent of 
tike banishment or death of the white population seems not to be per- 
nutted to excuse the action of the people in displacing her, if they had 
not captured her small force of policemen and soldiers before the 
iUierican minister had recognized the Provisional Qovernmenti 


Liliuokalani did not seem to take this narrow view of the revolution 
she had inaugurated. 

The banishment or death of the white people and the confiscation 
of their estates was the final decree recorded in the Queen's heart and 
mind, as she freely stated to Minister Willis, and until this cruel work 
had been accomplished she held that her policy of revolution would 
be a failure. There is some ground for hope that these were not her 
sincere purposes or wishes but that in giving expression to them she 
was ^^ playing a part.'' As opposed to such purposes, or to a Queen 
who could imagine them in the presence of the constitutional protec- 
tion given to the rights and liberties of the people throughout this 
hemisphere, Americans should not hesitate in the support of a govern- 
ment de facto j set up to opx)ose her, because she had not made a formal 
surrender of a place where a few soldiers and policemen had been 
stationed, who were powerless to hold it against the people then under 
arms. It was an act of mercy to her and her retainers that they were 
not forced into the commission of acts of violen(;e. An interregnum 
existed in the executive Grovernment of Hawaii, which was caused by 
the effort of the Queen to destroy the constitution of 1887, and by the 
act of the people in accepting her will for the completed coup Witat^ 
and, in making that the occasion for supplying the executive depart- 
ment of the Government with a chief. 

A carefdl Investigation has failed to show that any conspiracy now 
exists that is directed to the virtual displacement of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. The personal efforts of the Queen seem to have been directed 
toward a provision for a safe and comfortable life, free from the anxie- 
ties of office and **the stress of her native subjects." Her power of 
attorney to Paul IS'ewman and his mission to the United States indicate 
a reliance on the ^^arts of peace" rather than of war for indemnity for 
the past and security for the future. The opinions, or sentiments, 
expressed by her in the three interviews she had with Mr. Willis, in 
which she uttered the severest denunciations against the white race in 
Hawaii, and declared her willingness, if not her purpose, to confiscate 
their estates and to banish or to destroy them, while they are a seeming 
expression of the lofby indignation of an offended ruler, are so unsuited 
to the character of a queen crowned by a Ghristian and civilized people, 
and so out of keeping with her character as a woman who had received 
kindly recognition and personal regard from other good and refined 
ladies, that they shock all right-minded people in Christendom. The 
Government of the United States should willingly forbear to regard 
these utterances as her official expression of such designs upon the 
hves and liberties of those whom she would find in her power, upon her 
restoration to the throne, and accept them as a means adopted by her 
to convince Mr. Willis that her restoration to the throne was imposi^i- 
ble, and was not in accordance with her wishes. 

The President, on the first intimation of these harsh declarations of 
the Queen, at once laid them before Congress, and abandoned the 
further exercise of his good offices to bring about a reconciliation between 
her and those who were conducting and supporting the Provisional 

Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as continuing to 
require his intercession beyond the point where the President consid- 
ered that it should cease, held a second and third interview with Lili- 
uokalani. After these interviews had closed, the Queen being still 
firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a trusted friend, obtained her signa- 
ture to a pledge of amnesty,, ^q4 fflf^^l^ ^^^^ ^^^ basis of his proposition 


to Mr. Dole for the abandonment of the Provisional Government, which 
vas sommarily refused. This closed that incident. Mr. Willis, in 
irhat he did, obeyed what he conceived to be his instructions, and being 
so distant from Washington, it is a matter of regret, but not of surprise, 
that there was an apparent want of harmony between his action in con- 
tioning his interviews with Liliuokalani after the President had deter- 
mined that the full duty of the Government had been performed. 

The attitude of Liliuokalani at the conclusion of this proceeding is 
tJiat of waiting for a pleasant retirement £rom the cares of public life, 
rather than of waiting for an opportunity to bring about a hostile col- 
lision with the people who support the new order of government in 

In dealing with a grave subject, now for the first time presented in 
America, we must consider the conditions of public sentiment as to 
monarchic government, and we ^hall derive also material help from the 
light of English history. In the Western Hemisphere, except as to 
tJie colonial relation, which has become one of mere political alliance 
chiefiy for commercial reasons, and does not imply in any notable 
ease absolute subjection to imperial or royal authority, royalty no 
longer exists. When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western 
Hemisphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter departs, it departs 
lorever; and American opinion can not sustain any American ruler in 
the attempt to restore them, no matter how virtuous and sincere the 
reasons may be that seem to justify him. There have been heathen 
temples in the older States in this hemisphere where the bloody orgies 
of pagan worship and sacrifice have crimsoned history with shame; and 
?ery recently such temples have been erected in the United States to 
abuse Christianity by the use of its sacred name and ritual. When 
the arms of invaders, or mobs of the people, have destroyed these 
temples, no just indignation at the cruelties that may have been perpe- 
trated in their destruction could possibly justify their restoration. 

It is a great blessing to this Western World thatthenations are to be 
spared the calamities which Blackstone describes as ^^ imbruing the 
tingdom of England in blood and confusion," growing out of claims ot 
saccession to the crown. In almost every reign prior to that of the 
present house of Hanover, the lives and property of the people of 
England, amid the greatest cruelties, have been sacrificed in settling 
pretensions to the crown. It was these conflicts and this distress of 
innocent sufiferers that caused the people to claim through the judges 
tlie protection of the doctrine, that service rendered to the king who 
beld the scepter was lawful, although he was not rightfully in possession 
of the crown. No greater liberty of the people was ever devised or 
granted than the right of protection under a king dfe/acto against a king 
ie jure, 

be facto governments, when they seek to supply the gap created* by 
in interregnum, are favored in the international law, and when they 
aie also based on the right of popular government in conflict with regal 
government, or to prevent its reestablishment, once it has disappeared 
in a State of the Western Hemisphere, it is so rooted and established in 
the foundations of the rightful authority to rule that it is justly to be 
ranked among the cardinal liberties of the people. 

This doctrine is not new, and yet it is modern in England, where the 
right to the crown and its prerogatives have bled the people for fifteen 
centuries. The stringent doctrine that a d^ facto government must be 
established firnoily and in all respects before it is entitled to recognition 

S. Bep. 227 i 


by another sovereign and independent power had no application to 
the facts and circumstances that attended the recent revolution in 
Hawaii; moreover, if the revolution there had been directed against 
the entire government and for the overthrow of the constitution of 1887, 
and all monarchic rule, if it was a sincere, strong, earnest and success- 
ful movement of the people for the recovery of their natural right to 
rule themselves, they should not be narrowly questioned and held to 
rigid account for a proper and discre6t4)erformance of every act neces- 
sary to their resumption of their natural rights, but all America must 
unite in the declaration that, under such circumstances, the presump- 
tions of law should be favorable to such movements, rather than 
unfriendly to the establishment by the people of the foundations of their 
liberties, based upon their right to govern themselves. 

The parliament of Hawaii had been prorogued by the Queen on the 
14th day of January, and could not be again assembled under the con- 
stitution, except by the chief executive authority. Until that author- 
ity was supplied in some way, therefore, the Legislature could not be 
reconvened. It was the establishment of that authority, the chief 
executive head of the nation, which was the question at issue, and 
when that was decided, an appeal to the Legislature of Hawaii for its 
confirmation or ratification was not only unnecessary, but might have 
resulted in a counter revolution. It was, therefore, in the interest of 
peace, good order, and right government, that the people of Hawaii, 
who were unopposed in their process of organizing an executive head 
for the Government, should proceed to do so as they did, regularly and 
in an orderly, firm, and successful manner. Thus the abdication of Lil- 
iuo^alani was confirmed and has so continued from that day to this. 
The Government of the United States has on various occasions recog- 
nized the succession to the exeeutive authority as residing in the Pro- 
visional Government initiated at that public meeting at the arsenal and 
consummated on the 17th day of January by public proclamation. 
Then, on the 17th day of January, according to the recognition of the 
United States, from which there has been no dissent or departure, the 
interregnum ceased, and the executive head of the Government of 
Hawaii was established. Until this was completed, on the 17th day of 
January, • by the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the 
United States was still charged, under every principle of law and jus- 
tice and under the highest obligation of duty, to keep her forces in 
Honolulu, and to enforce, in virtue of her sovereign authority, the 
rights of her citizens under the treaty obligations and also under the 
laws of Hawaii, relating to the safety of person and property and the 
rights of industry, commerce, and hospitality in their free pursuit and 
enjoyment. And when the Provisional Government was thus estab- 
lished, it rested with the United States to determine whether the Gov- 
ernment of Hawaii was so far rehabilitated and so safely established 
that these rights of her citizens could be intrusted to its keeping. The 
recognition of such a state of affairs, within a country whose executive 
department has been made vacant in consequence of domestic strife, is 
quite a separate and different proceeding, both in form and effect, from 
the recognition of the political independence of a government that is 
complete in its organization. In the latter case, the recognition excludes 
all right of interference in its domestic affairs, while in the former it is 
the right and duty of supplying the protection of law to the citizen 
that makes interference necessary as well as lawful. 

The independence of Hawaii as a sovereign State had been long 
teaognized by the United States, and this unhappy occasicoi did not 


ro^gest the need of renewing that declaration. The qaestion presented 
in Uonolttlu on and after the 12th of January, 1893, was whether the 
Qneen continued to be the executive head of the Government of 
Hawaii. That was a question of fact which her conduct and that of 
her people placed iii perilous doubt until it was decided by the proc- 
lamation of a new executive. Pending that question there was no 
responsible executive government in Hawaii. On the 17th of January 
that doubt was resolv^ to the satisfaction of the American minister, 
and of all other representatives of foreign governments in Hawaii, in 
fiivor of the Proviaional Government. This recognition did not give 
to the Croverument of Hawaii the legal or moral right to expel the 
troops of any government, stationed in Honolulu in the period of inter- 
regnum, until it had so firmly established its authority as to give to 
foreigners tbe security to provide for which these troops had been 
landed. Good faith and an honest respect for the rights of friendly 
nations would certainly require the withdrawal of all further interfer- 
ence with tbe domestic affairs of Hawaii as soon as that government 
had provided security that was reasonably sufficient lor the protection 
of the citizens of the United States. But the Government of the. 
United States had the right to keep its troops in Honolulu until these 
eonditionB were performed, and the Government of Hawaii could cer- 
tainly acquiesce in such a x>olicy without endangering its independence 
or detracting from its dignity. This was done, and the troops from 
the Boston cami)ed on shore for several months. The precise hour 
▼ben or tbe precise conditions under which the American minister 
recognized the Provisional Government is not a matter of material 
importance. It was his duty, at the earliest safe period, to assist by 
his recogfnition in the termination of the interregnum, so that citizens 
of the United States might be safely remitted to the care of that Gov- 
ernment for the security of their rights. As soon as he was convinced 
that the Provisional Gk>vemm6nt was secure against overthrow it was 
his duty to recognize the rehabilitated State. Whether this was done 
an hour or two sooner or later could make no substantial difference 
as to his rights or duties, if he was satisfied that the movement was 
safe against reversal. If no question of the annexation of Hawaii to 
the United States had existed, the conduct of the American minister 
in giving official recognition to the Provisional Government would not 
have been the subject of adverse criticism. But the presence of that 
qaestion and his anxious advocacy of annexation did not relieve him 
from tbe duty or abridge his right to call for the troops on the Baton 
to protect the citizens of the United States daring an interregnum in 
the office of chief executive of Hawaii. They were not to be put into 
a state of outlawry and peril if the minister had been opposed to 
annexation, nor could his desire on that subject in anjrway afi'ect their 
rights or lus duty. He gave to them the protection they had the 
right to demand, and, in respect of his action up to this point, so far 
as it related to Hawaii, his opinions as to annexation have not affected 
the attitude of the U. S. Government, and the committee find no cause 
of censure either against Minister Stevens or Oapt. Wiltse, of the 

Afterward; on the 1st day of February, 1893, the American minister 
caused the flag of the United States to be raised on the Government 
bnilding in Honolulu, and assumed and declared a protectorate over 
that nation in the name of the United States. This act on the part of 
our minister was without authority, and was void for want of power. 
It irw disavowed by Secretary Fqstw ftft4 rebuk^ by Secretary 



Gresbara, and the order to abandon tbe protectorate and hanl down 
the flag was in accordance with the duty and honor of the United 
States. To haul down the flag of the United States was only an order 
to preserve its honor. 

The diplomatic ofiicers of the United States in Hawaii have the right 
to much larger liberty of action in respect to the internal affairs of that 
country than would be the case with any other country with which 
we have no peculiar or special relations. In our diplomatic corre- 
spondence with Hawaii and in the various treaties, some of them trea- 
ties of annexation, which have been signed and discussed, though not 
ratified, from time to time, there has been manifested a very near rela- 
tionship between the two governments. The history of Hawaii in itsj 
progress, education, development, and government, and in OhristianityJ 
has been closely identified with that of the United States — so closelyj 
indeed, that the United States has not at any time hesitated to declarer 
that it would permit no intervention in the affairs of Hawaii by any 
foreign government which might tend to disturb the relations with the 
United States, or to gain any advantages there over the Americans 
who may have settled in that country. The United States has assumed \ 
and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a relation which is entirely \ 
exceptional, and has no parallel in our dealings with any other people. ^ 

The justification for this attitude is not a matter with which the pres- 
ent inquiry is necessarily connected, but its existence furnishes a good 
excuse, if excuse is needed, for a very lively concern on the part of our 
diplomatic representatives in everything that relates to the progress of 
that people. 

The causes that have led to this peculiar situation are altogether 
apparent. They are in every sense honorable, just, and benevolent. 
One nation can not assume such an attitude toward another, especially 
if the latter is, by contrast, small, weak, and dependent upon the good 
will or forbearance of the world for its existence, without giving to it 
a guaranty of external and internal security. 

The attitude of the United States toward Hawaii, thus voluntarily 
assumed, gives to Hawaii the right to regard it as such a guaranty. 

In the abs^ace of a x>olicy to estabhsh a colonial system and of any 
disposition for territorial aggrandizement, the Government of the United 
States looked with approbation and gave encouragement to the labors 
and influence of their citizens in Hawaii, in laying the groundwork of 
a free and independent government there which, in its principles and 
in the distribution of x>owers, should be like our own, and ultimately 
become republican in form. This has been the unconcealed wish of the 
people of the United States, in which many of the native Hawaiians 
have participated. 

Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the United States, in the 
beginning of our relations with Hawaii, made a firm and distiDct decla- 
ration of the purpose to prevent the absorption of Hawaii or the political 
control of that country by any foreign power. Without stating the 
reasons tor this policy, which included very important commercial and 
military considerations, the attitude of the United States toward Hawaii 
was in moral effect that of a friendly protectorate. It has been a settled 
policy of the United States that if it should turn out that Hawaii, for 
any cause, should not be able to maintain an independent government, 
that country would be encouraged in its tendency to gravitate toward 
X>olitical union with this country. 

The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United States, as fixed 
by several conventions that have been ratified| and by other negotia* 


tfons, have been characterized by a sentiment of close reciprocity. In 
addition to trade relations of the highest advantage to Hawaii, the 
United States has so far interfered with the internal policy of Hawaii 
as tosecure an agreement from that Government restricting the disx)08al 
of hays and harbors and the crown lands to other countries, and has 
secured exdosive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great importance to 
tiiis Govenunent. 

This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar friendship of 
the two peoples, together with the advantages given to Hawaii in com- 
merce, induced a large and very enterprising class of people from the 
Cnited States to migrate to those islands and to invest large sums of 
money in the cultivation of sugar and rice, and in other trade and 
industry. The introduction of laborers from Japan and China in great 
nambers gave te the governing power in Hawaii a new and very sig- 
nificant importance, and made it necessary, for the protection of the 
interests of the white or European people and of the natives, that the 
safi^raards of the organic law of the Kingdom should be carefully 
preserved. In the efforts to secure these guarantees of safe govern- 
ment, no distinction of race was made as to the native or Kanaka x>op- 
nlation, but Chinese and Japanese were excluded from participation in 
tiie government as votern, or as officeholders. 

Apprehensionsof civil disturbance in Hawaii caused the United States 
to keep ships of war at Honolulu for many years past, almost without 
intermission, and the instructions that were given to our diplomatic 
and consnlar officers and to the naval commanders on that station went 
beyond the customary instructions applicable to other countries. In 
most instances, the instructions so given included the preservation of 
order and of the peace of the country, as well as the protection and 
preservation of the property and of the lives and treaty rights of Amer- 
ie&n citizens. 

The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence shows to 
have existed, create a new light under which we must examine into the 
eonduct of our diplomatic and naval officers in respect of the revolution 
that occurred in Hawaii in January, 1893. In no sense, and at no time, 
has the Oovemment of the United States observed toward the domes- 
tie affairs of Hawaii the strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined 
by the general law of noninterference, in the absence of exceptional 
conditions. We have always exerted the privilege of interference in 
the domestic policy of Hawaii to a degree that would not be justified, 
under our view of the international law, in reference to the affairs of 
Canada^ Cuba, or Mexico. 

The cause of this departure from our general course of diplomatic 
conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii has been all the time under 
a virtual suzerainty of the United States, which is, by an apt and 
^miliar definition, a paramount authority, not in any actual sense an 
aetual sovereignty, but a de facto supremacy over the country. This 
sense of paramount authority, of supremacy, with the right to inter- 
Tene in the affairs of Hawaii, has never been lost sight of by the United 
States to this day, and it is conspicously manifest in the correspondence 
of Mr. Willis with Mr. Dole, which is set forth in the evidence which 
loeompanies this report. 

Another fact of importance in considering the conduct of our diplo- 
matic and naval officers during the revolution of January, 1893, is that 
the annexation of Hawaii to the United States has been the subject of 
etrefnl study and almost constant contemplation among Hawaiians and 
their kings since tiie beginning of the reign of Kamehameha L This 


has always been regarded by the ruling power in Hawaii as a coveted 
and secure retreat — a sort of house of refuge — whenever the exigencies 
of fate might compel Hawaii to make her choice between home rule and 
foreign domination, either in the form of a protectorate, or of submis- 
sion to some foreign sovereign. 

Hawaii has always desired an escape to a freer government, when 
she has to be forced to the point where the surrender of racial pride 
and her standing as a nation would be the severe penalty of her 
weakness. Hawaiians prefer citizenship in a great republic to the 
slavery of subjection to any foreign monarchy. Annexation to the 
' United States has never been regarded witli aversion, or with a sense 
of national degradation, by the Hawaiian people. On the contrary, it 
has been adopted as a feature of political action by those who have 
attempted to recommend themselves to the support of the people in 
times of danger. 

In the revolution of January, 1893, those who assumed the sovereign 
power, declaring that there was an interregnum, made it a conspicuous 
part of their avowed purpose to remain in authority until Hawaii 
should be annexed to the United States. This was stated as an argu- 
ment for the creation of a provisional government, without which there 
would be less advantage in the change of the situation. Annexation 
was an avowed purpose of the Provisional Government, because it 
would popularize the movement, Ko one could project a revolution 
in Hawaii for the overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise 
the question among the people of annexation to the United States. 

In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States with our min- 
isters to Hawaii, frequent and favorable allusion is made to this sub- 
ject as a matter of friendly consideration for the advantage of that 
country and people, and not as a result that would enhance the wealth 
or power of the United States. This treatment of the subject began 
very early in the history of Hawaiian civilization, and it was taken up 
and discussed by the people of the islands as a topic of patriotic inspi- 
ration. It was their habit to celebrate the anniversary of the independ- 
ence of the United States as a national fete day. So that, there was 
no thought of conspiracy against the monarchy in openly favoring the 
, project of annexation. Whether annexation is wise and beneficial to 
both countries is a question that must receive the consideration of both 
governments before it can be safely settled. 

The testimony taken by the committee discloses the well-considered 
opinion of several of our most eminent naval and military officers, that 
the annexation of Hawaii is a tact indispensable to the proper detense 
and i)rotection of our Western coast and cities. But this is a matter 
with which the committee is not especially charged, and reference is 
made to these opinions as supporting the statement that all intelligent 
men in Hawaii and in the United States, who have taken pains to con- 
sider the subject, are convinced that the question is one deserving of 
thorough investigation and a correct and friendly decision. The ques- 
tion of annexation, however, is distinctly presented in the proclama- 
tion of the Provisional Government as one to be settled by the action 
of the Government of the Unit-ed States. 

Commissioners to treat with the United States for the annexation of 
Hawaii were sent to Washington immediately upon the adoption and 
promulgation of the Provisional Government, and they negotiated and 
signed a treaty in (conjunction with Mr. Secretary Foster, which was 
submitted to the Senate of the United States and was subsequently 
withdrawn by the present administration. Accompanying tlmt treaty 


▼M a paper signed by Liliaokalani, in which she stated no objection 
to the project of annexation to the United Statcjs, but in which she pro- 
tested earnestly against her dethronement, and alleged that the United 
States, through the abuse by its diplomatic and naval officers of the 
powers entrusted to them, had virtually compelled her abdication. 
The President of the United States, after a further examination of the 
subject, concluded that it was his duty to withdraw this annexation 
treaty ^m the Senate for further consideration, and so notified the 
Provisional Government through Mr. Wilhs, our present minister. 

The recognition of the Provisional Government was lawful and 
authoritative, and has continued without interruption or modification 
up to the present time. It may be justly claimed for this act of recog- 
nition that it has contributed greatly to the maintenance of peace and 
(nrderin Hawaii and to the promotion of the establishment of free, per- 
manent, constitutional government in Hawaii, based upon the consent 
of the people. 

The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she sent to the 
President of the United States and dated the 18th day of January, is 
not, in the opinion of the committee, well founded in fact or in justice. 
It appears fix>m the evidence submitted with this report that she was in 
&ct the author and promoter of a revolution in Hawaii which involved 
the destrnction of the entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn 
oath to observe and support it, and it was only after she had ascertained 
that she had made a demand upon her native subjects for support in 
this movement which they would not give to her, that she, for the time, 
postponed her determination to carry this revolution into eQect, and 
made known her determination to do so as soon as she could feel that 
she had the x>ower to sustain the movement. 

But the President of the United States, giving attention to Liliuoka- 
laDfs claim that this Government had alarmed her by the presence of 
its troops into the abdication of her crown, believed that it was proper 
and necessary in vindication of the honor of the United States to 
appoint a commissioner to Hawaii who would make a careful investiga- 
tion into the facts and send the facts and his conclusions to the Presi- 
dent, for his information. The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to 
Hawaii under circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed 
Mb instructions with impartial care to arrive at the truth, and he pre- 
sented a sincere and instructive report to the President of the United 
States, touching the facts, the knowledge of which he thus acquired. 
In the agitated state of opinion and feeling in Hawaii at that time, it 
was next to imx>08sible to obtain a full, fair, and free declaration in 
respect of the facts which attended this revolution, and particularly 
was this difficult to obtain from the persons who actively participated 
in that movement. 

The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition to that which 
was presented by Mr. Blount, having been taken under circumstances 
more favorable to the development of the whole truth with regard to 
the situation, has, in the opinion of the committee, established the fact 
that the revolutionary movement in Hawaii originated with Liliuoka- 
lani, and was promoted, provided for, and, as she believed, secured by 
the passage of the opium bill and the lottery bill through the Legisla- 
ture, from whicli she expected to derive a revenue sufl3.cient to secure 
the ultimate success of her purpose, which was distinctly and maturely 
devised to abolish the constitution of 1887, and to assume to herself abso- 
tate power, £ree from constitutional restraint of any serious character. 


The fact cannot be ignored that this revolutionary movement of 
Liliuokalani, which had its development in the selection of a new 
cabinet to supplant one which had the support of all the conservative 
elements in the islands, was set on toot and accomplished during the 
absence of the American minister on board the ship Boston during 
the ten days which preceded the prorogation of the Legislature. The 
astonishment with which this movement was received by the American 
emigrants and other white people residing in Hawaii, and its inaugura- 
tion in the absence of the Boston and of the American minister, show 
that those people, with great anxiety, recognized the fact that it was 
directed against them and their interests and welfare and that when 
it was completed they would become its victims. These convictions 
excited the serious apprehensions of all the white people in those 
islands that a crisis was brought about in which not only their rights 
in Hawaii, and under the constitution, were to be injuriously affected, 
but that the ultimate result would be that they would be driven from 
the islands or, remaining there, would be put at the mercy of those 
who chose to prey upon their property. This class of people, who 
were intended to be ostracised, supply nine-tenths of the entire tax 
receipts of the Kingdom; and they were c'bnscious that the purpose 
was to inflict taxation upon them without representation, or else to 
confiscate their estates and drive them out of the country. This pro- 
duced alarm and agitation, which resulted in the counter movement 
set on foot by the people to meet and overcome the revolution which 
Lilioukalani had projected and had endeavored to accomplish. Her min- 
isters were conscious of the fact that any serious resistance to her revo- 
lutionary movement (of which they had full knowledge before they 
were inducted into office) would disappoint the expectations of the 
Queen and would result in the overthrow of the executive government: 
and, while they had evidently promised the Queen that they would 
sui>port here in her effort to abolish the constitution of 1887 and sub- 
stitute one which they had secretly assisted in preparing, when the 
moment of the trial came they abandoned her — they broke faith with 
her. The Queen's ministers took fright and gave information to the 
people of the existence of the movements and concealed purposes ot 
the Queen and of her demands upon them to join her in the promulga- 
tion of the constitution, and they appealed to the committee of safety 
for protection, and continued in that attitude until they saw that the 
kindled wrath of the people would not take the direction of violence 
and bloodshed without the provocation of a serious necessity. Being 
satisfied that they could trust to the forbearance of the people, who 
were looking to the protection of their interests and had no desire for 
strife and bloodshed, they began to finesse in a i)olitical way to effect 
a compromise between the people and the Queen, and they induced 
her to make the proclamation of her intentions to postpone the com- 
,pletion of her revolutionary purposes, which was circulated in Honolulu 
on Monday morning. These men, whose conduct can not be character- 
ized as anything less than perfidious, hastened to give to the President 
of the United Stotes false and misleading statements of the facts lead- 
ing up to, attending, and succeeding this revolution. To do this they 
made deceptive and misleading statements to Mr. Blount. Upon them 
must rest the odium of having encouraged the Queen in her revolu- 
tionary intentions; of having then abandoned her in amoment of appar- 
ent danger : of having thrown themselves upon the mercy of the people, 
and then oi making an attem])t, through falsehood and misrepreaenta- 


tioD, to regain x>oweT in the Government of Hawaii, which the i)eople 
would, naturally, forever deny to them. 

A question has been made as to the right of the President of the 
United States to dispatch Mr. Blount to Hawaii as his personal repre- 
sentative for the purpose of seeking the farther information which the 
President believed was necessary in order to arrive at a just conclusion 
regarding the state of affairs in Hawaii. Many precedents could be 
quoted to show that such power has been exercised by the President 
on various occasions without dissent on the part of Congress or the 
people of the United States. The employment of such agencies is a 
necessary part of the proper exercise of the diplomatic power which is 
intrusted by the Constitution with the President. Without such 
authority our foreign relations would be so embarrassed with difficulties 
that it would be impossible to conduct them with safety or success. 
These precedents also show that the Senate of the United States, though 
in session, need not be consulted as to the appointment of such agents^ 
or as to the instructions which the President may give them. 

An authority was intrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the American 
flag from the Government building in Hawaii, and to disclaim openly 
and practically the protectorate which had been announced in that 
comitry by Minister Stevens, and also to remove the troops from Hono- 
lolu to the steamer Boston. This particular delegation of authority 
to Mr. Blount was paramount over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who 
was continued as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu, 
and it raised the question whether the Government of the United 
States can have at the same foreign capital two ministers, each of 
whom shall exercise separate and special powers. 

There seems to be no reason why the Government of the United 
States can not, in conducting its diplomatic intercourse with other 
countries, exercise jx^wers as broad and general, or as limited and 
peculiar, or special, as any other government. Other governments 
have been for many years, and even centuries, in the habit of intrust- 
ing special and particular missions to one man representing them at a 
foreign court, and to several men in combination when that was tound 
to be desirable. In fact, there has been no limit placed upon the use 
of a power of this kind, except the discretion of the sovereign or ruler 
of the country. The committee fail to see that there is any irregularity 
in such a course as that, or that the power given to Mr. Blount to with- 
draw the troops from Honolulu or to lower the flag of the United States 
was to any extent either dangerous or interrupting to any other lawftd 
authority existing there in any diplomatic or naval officer. There may 
be a question as to the particular wording of the order which Mr. Blount 
gave to Admiral Skerrett for the lowering of the flag and the with- 
drawid of the troops, but that is a hypercriticism, because the substan- 
tial fact was that Mr. Blount executed the command of the President 
in communicating to Admiral Skerrett such order, as the order of the 
President of the United States. Mr. Blount's authority had been made 
known to Admiral Skerrett; his instructions had been exhibited to 
Admjral Skerrett; and they both understood that what Mr. Blount 
▼as then doing had received the sanction of the President of the United 
States before Mr. Blount had entered upon the discharge of his minis- 
terial functions, and that his act would receive the unqualified approval 
of the President of the United States. That being so, the mere form 
in which the order was addressed to Admiral Skerrett seems to be a 
natter of no flerious consequence. 


The control given to Mr. Trist over the military operations in Mexico, 
when war was flagrant, was far greater than that which was contided 
to Mr. Blount. The secret orders given to the commanders of the 
Army and of the Navy on that occasion are set out in the appendix to 
this report. 

When Mr. Willis arrived in Honolulu he was received by the Pro- 
visional Government, to which he was accredited, and an interchange 
of the usual courtesies was had betweeu them. He carried instructions, 
as minister of the United States, which did not concern the Govern- 
ment of Hawaii until they had been attended with a certain result 
which he endeavored to bring about. That result was that Liliuokalani 
should agree that, in the event of her restoration to the throne, not by 
the action of the President of the United States, but in any other event, 
or by any agreement, she would bind herself to grant full and free 
amnesty to all persons who had been engaged in opposition to her 
alleged authority. When that agreement had been obtained Mr. Willis 
was instructed to submit it to the Provisional Government and ascer- 
tain whether they would agree to restore the Queen to the throne under 
those circumstances and upon those conditions. If this was inter- 
vention, it was in the interest of Americans in Hawaii. It was an 
exaction upon Liliuokalani which would forbid, under the penalty of war^ 
that should she acquire the throne by whatever means, that she should 
openly disavow any purpose to inflict any pains and penalties upon 
those who had supported the Provisional Government. Liliuokalani, 
after several efforts on the part of Mr. Willis to obtain her consent 
to this proposition, finally signed it without the assent of her min- 
isters, and it was attested by Mr. Carter, who was a personal and 
political friend. Her declaration or agreement thus signed and deliv- 
ered to Mr. Willis was by him presented to the President of the Pro- 
visional Government (who was also minister of foreign affairs), and 
the question whether or not it would be accepted by the Government 
of Hawaii was submitted to him. Whereupon the President of the 
Provisional Government declined to accept the proposition; declined 
to yield the power which had been vested in him as the chief execu- 
tive of Hawaii; and nothing more was done either to induce him^ or to 
compel him, to consent to, or to assist in, the restoration of Libuoka- 
lani to the throne or the restoration of the Monarchy. 

If, in this course of proceeding, the President of the United States 
had intended to compel obedience to what is termed his "decision'' in 
the matter by using the force of the United States to assist the Queen 
in being enthroned, that would have been an act of war, entirely beyond 
his power, and would not have received the sanction of any consider- 
able part of the American people, and would have no warrant in inter- 
national law. But such was not the intention of the President, as is 
shown by contemporaneous acts, by his declarations, and by his subse- 
quent treatment of the stibject. Therefore, the question between the 
United States and Hawaii touching the propriety of an intervention in 
the domestic affairs of Hawaii* to the extent of gaining the final deci- 
sion and agreement of both parties upon these propositions is one that 
is strictly within the accepted right or authority of a sovereign to ten- 
der his good offices to reconcile the conflicts of two or more factions, 
or parties, that may be opposed to each other within any country. The 
tender of good offices has often been voluntarily made in the interest 
of humanity, of peace, of law, and of order, or at the suggestion of one 
of two belligerent powers actually engaged in war, Sometimea it haft 


been made at the suggestion of that party in a govemment, engaged 
Id actual hostilities, which had the evident power to crash its opponent 
by prosecutiug the war to extremities. In such cases the intervention 
has often been accepted as a merciful interposition^ and it has been con- 
sidered an honor by other governments that they should be requested, 
under such circumstances, to exercise their good oflBces in favor of pro- 
eoiing pea.ce through a submission to inevitable results. When the 
tender of good offices is made at the request of both of the contending 
parties it is difficult to conceive how any sovereign of a foreign country 
eoold refuse to act in such matter. 

In the public act by which the Provisional Government of Hawaii was 
established there was a distinct declaration that that Govemment was 
to continue until Hawaii was annexed to the United States. That 
declaration, apart from every other consideration, would have justified 
the United States in an interference for the protection of the Provi- 
sional Government which would not have been tolerated under other 
drcomstances. That declaration created an intimacy of relationship 
between the United States and the recognized Government of Hawaii 
which is entirely exceptional, and which placed within the reach and 
control of the United States very largely, if not entirely, the disposal 
of those questions collateral to that of annexation which might have 
interfered with the peaceful and appropriate solution of any difficulty 
which might arise in its execution. So that the Provisional Govem- 
ment of Hawaii, having thus thrown itself into the arms of the United 
States in the first declaration of its existence, can not justly complain 
tiiat the Hnited States should scrutinize, under the authority thus 
g^iven, all its pretensions of right thus to dispose of an entire country 
and people. And Liliuokalani, having reference to the same project of 
annexation, of which she was fhlly cognizant, made complaint that the 
United States had assisted in driving her from her throne by bringing 
its troops on shore in military array at a time when there was no neces- 
sity for it, distinctly announced at the moment of her final and avowed 
abdication that she would abdicate provisionally and would await the 
decision of the United States as to whether that abdication and the 
destruction of the Kingdom and the annexation of Hawaii to the United 
States should become completed facts. Under such circumstances the 
President of the United States, believing that the information then in 
possession of the Government was not sufficient to justify summary 
annexation, could not have done justice to himself, to his country, to 
the people of Hawaii, to the Provisional Government, or to Liliuokalani, 
without having made an effi)rt to use his good offices for the purpose 
(tf ascertaining whether it was practicable that the Queen should be 
restored to her authority, leaving the question to be determined by the 
people interested in Hawaii whether such restoration would be accept- 
able to them or not. If Liliuokalani had been restored to her throne 
by the consent of the membership of the Provisional Govemment, upon 
the terms and conditions of the proposition which she signed and 
delivered to Mr. Willis, the President of the United States would not 
have been in any sense responsible for her restoration, would not have 
espoused the monarchy, nor would he have done anything that was 
contradictory of American sentiment, opinion, or policy. He would 
only have been the mutual friend, accepted, really, by both parties, 
whose intervention would have secured, with their consent, the final 
solution of tbMt question. In the absence of such committal on his 
part to the claims of Liliuokalani or resistance on his part to the 


recognized rights of the Provisional Gk)vemmeiity there is no reason for 
withholding approval of the conduct of the President of the United 
States in thus accepting and executing a function which he was entitled 
to perfoi m, in submitting the question, in due and final form, to the 
contending parties or factions in Hawaii, whether they preferred to 
maintain the authority of the Provisional Government, with whatever 
results may follow from that, or a return to the monarchy under Liliuo- 

Therefore your committee conclude to report that the President of 
the United States has not, in this particular, in any wise been a party 
to any irregularity or any impropriety of conduct in his high office. 

The committee find nothing wortliy of criticism in the negotiation 
of the treaty of annexation with the Provisional Government of 

The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing one chief of 
the executive department and substituting another. Except the 
Queen and her cabinet, no officer of the Government was removed. 
The legislative body, including the house of nobles and house of 
representatives and their presiding officers, remained in commission. 
The supreme court and all other judicial magistiacies and the officers 
of the courts were left undisturbed, and, when the inten*egnum ended, 
they pursued their duties without change or interruption 5 commerce 
with foreign countries and between the islands was not in any way 
prevented, and the commercial and banking houses were open for busi- 
ness, which resumed activity when the executive head of the Gx)vern- 
ment was again in the exercise of lawful authority. 

The Government had not been displaced and another substituted, but 
only a department which was left vacant had been rehabilitated. 

When this was done and the fact was recognized, the Government of 
Hawaii was as competent to treat of annexation to the United States 
as it had ever been, or as it ever will be, until the United States shall 
decide that it will annex no more territory unless with the consent of 
the people to be annexed, to be ascertained by a plebiscite. 

Complaint is made also that this project of annexation was attempted 
to be consummated in too great haste. 

That raises a question of due consideration ; for, if the people of both 
countries desired it, or if, according to every precedent to be found in 
the various annexations of countries and States to the United States, 
the respective governments desired it, speedy action in completing the 
cession was desirable for many obvious reasons, among which the inju- 
rious disturbance of commerce and danger to the public peace grow- 
ing out of a protracted agitation of so grave a matter, are conspicuous. 

But this is a question of long standing, which has ueen under favor- 
able consideration by the kings and people of Hawaii and the Govern- 
ment and people of the United States for more than fifty years. 

It is weU understood, and its importance increases with every new 
event of any consequence in Hawaii, and with the falling-in of every 
island in the Pacific Ocean that is captured by the great maritime 
I)Owers of Europe. The committee have copied, in the Appendix to 
this report, portions of the remarks of Hon. William. F. Draper in the 
House of Eepresentatives on the 4th of February, 1894, which refer in 
a very clear and concise way to the progress of foreign intervention in 
the Pacific Ocean 'by European powers. The committee also present 
the following message of President Grant to the Senate, with the 
accompanying letter of Hon. Henry A. Peirce, then our minister to 


Hawaii^ which shows that the snbject of cession and annexation have 
beeo on several occasions carefully considered by the governments of 
Hawaii and the United States. 

[Comflde&tlal.~!BxecatiYe B.— Forty-aoooBd Congress, first session.] 

Message of the President of the ITmted States^ transmitting a copy of a 
dispatch relative to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands^ addressed 
to the Department of State by Henry A, Pierce^ minister resident of 
ike United States at Honolulu. 

Apbil 1, 1S71. — Bead and, with the dispatch referred to the Committee on Foreign 
Relations, ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. 

To the Senate of the United States: 

I transmit confidentially, for the information and consideration of 
the Senate, a copy of a dispatch of the 25th of February last, relative 
to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, addressed to the Depart* 
mcDt of State by Henry A. Pierce, minister resident of the dnited 
States at Honolnln. Althoagh I do not deem it advisable to express 
any opinion or to make any recommendation in regard to the subject 
al this juncture, the views of the Senate, if it should be deemed proper 
to express them, would be very acceptable with reference to any future 
course which there might be a disposition to adopt. 

U. S. Gbant. 

Washington, April 5, 1871. 

Mr. Pierce to Mr. Fish. 

No.I01«] Lboation of thb Uniteb States of Amebioa, 

Honolulu^ February 25^ 1871. 

Sis: Impressed with the importance of the subject now presented 
tor consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period 
has not arrived making it proper, wise, and sagacious for the TJ. S. 
Government to again consider the project of annexing the Hawaiian 
Islands to the territory of the Bepublic. That such is to be the 
pohtical destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion in 
the opinion of aU who have given attention to the subject in this 
eountry, the United States, England, France, and Germany. 

A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of 
this coantry , as I am credibly informed, are favorable, even anxious for 
the consummation of the measure named. 

The event of the decease of the present sovereign of Hawaii, leaving 
no heirs or successor to the throne, and the consequent election to be 
made by the legislative assembly of a king, and new stirps for a royal 
&iDily, will produce a crisis in x>olitical affairs which, it is thought, will 
be availed of as a propitious occasion to inaugurate measures for 
umexation of the islands to the United States, the same to be effected 
as the manifest will and choice of the ms^ority of the Hawaiian 
people, and through means proper, peaceful, and honorable. . 

It is evident, however, no steps will be taken to accomplish the 
object named without the proper sanction or approbation of the U. B. 
Government in approval thereof. 

The Hawaiian people for fifty years have been under educational 
iiiAiinictioii of .American missionaries^ and the civilizing inflaences of 


New Eng^laDd people, commercial and maritime. Hence they are puri* 
tan and democratic in their ideas and tendencies, modified by a trop- 
ical climate. Their favorite songs and airs are American. Sherman's 
"Marching Through Georgia'' and "John Brown's Soul is Marching 
On" are daily heard in the streets and in their schoolrooms. The 
fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States has 
made the project of annexation to our Union more popular than ever 
both here and in the United States. 

The native population is fast disappearing; the number existing is 
now estimated at 45,000, having decreased about 15,000 since the 
census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between 
5.000 and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are firom the United States, and 
tney own more than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented 
in the agriculture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the 

This country and sovereignty will soon be left to the possession ot 
foreigners, " to unlineal hands, no sons of theirs succeeding." To 
what foreign nation shall these islands belong if not to the great Repub- 
lic f At the present those of foreign nativities hold all the important 
offices of government and control legislation, the judiciary, etc. Well 
disposed as the Government now is towards the United States and its 
resident citizens here, in course of time it may be otherwise, as was the 
case during our civil war. 

I now proceed to state some points of a more general character, 
which should influence the U. S. Gi)vemment in their decision of 
the policy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geo- 
graphical position occupying, as it does, an important central, 
strategical point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps neces- 
sary, to the United States for a naval depot and coaling station, and 
to shelter and protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hem- 
isphere is destined to increase enormously from our intercourse with 
the 500,000,000 population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humbolt 
predicted that the commerce on the Pacific would, in time, rival that 
on the Atlantic. A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy 

The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce 
by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possessions of 
Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that suffered by the 
English from French privateers from the Isle of France during the 
wars between those nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of 
anticipating and preventing, when we can, similar evils that may issue 
from these islands if held by other powers. Their proximity to the 
Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and soil, and tropical produc- 
tions of sugar, coffee, rice, fruits, hides, goatskins, salt, cotton, fine 
wool, etc., required by the West, in exchange for flour, grain, lumber, 
shocks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and other articles are 
evidence of the commercial value of one to the other region. 

Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be at 
war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this 
weak kingdom, in view of the great injury that could be done to our 
commerce through their acquisition of them? 

It is said that at a proper time the United States may have the 
sovereignty of these islands without money and without price, except, 
perhaps, for purchase of the Grown and public lands, and moderate 
annnities to be given to the five or six high chiefs now living witii 
uncertain olsvinrs as successors tp the Grown. 


His Hawaiian Majesty, althoagh only in his forty-first year, is liab)% 
to a sudden decease, owing to frequent attacks of difficulty in breath- 
ing and danger of suffocation from congestion caused by obesity. His 
weight is 300 pounds. He is sole survivor of the royal race of Kame- 
buneha; unmarried, no heir, natural or adopted; possesses the consti- 
tutional prerogative of naming his successor, but it is believed he will 
not exercise it, from a superstitions belief his own death would follow 
immediately the act. 

Prince Alexander and Lott Kamehameha (the former subsequently 
became the fourth Hawaiian King and the latter the fifth) and Dr. G. 
P. Judd, my informant^ visited England in 1850 as Hawaiian commis- 

Lord Palmerston, at their interview with him, said, in substance, 
«that the British (Tovemment desired the Hawaiian people to maintain 
proper government and preserve national independence. If they were 
nnable to do so he recommended receiving a protectorate government 
nnder the United States or by becoming an integral part of that nation. 
Such," he thought, '^was the destiny of the Hawaiian Islands arising 
from their proximity to the States of Galifwnia and Oregon and 
natural dependence on those markets for exxK>rts and imports, together 
with probable extinction of the Hawaiian aboriginal population and its 
subetitation by inmiigration from the United States." That advice 
seems sound and prophetic. 

The following historical events in relation to these islands are thought 
worthy of revival in recollection: 

February 25 j 1843,— Lord George Paulet, of Her Britannic Majesty's 
ship Carys/ori^ obtained, by forceful measures, cession of the Hawaiian 
Islands to the Government of Great Britain, July 31, 1843. They were 
restored to their original sovereignty by the British Admiral Thomas. 

Kavember 28y 1843, — Joint convention of the English and French 
Governments, which acknowledged the independence of this archi- 
pelago and reciprocally promised never to take possession of any part 
of same. The United States Government was invited to be a party to 
the above but declined. 

August', 1849. — ^Admiral Tromelin, with a French naval force, after 
making demands on the Hawaiian Government impossible to be com- 
l^ed witii, took unresisted possession of the fort and Government 
buildings in Honolula, and blockaded the harbor. After a few weeks' 
occupation of the place the French departed, leaving political affairs 
as tiliey were previous to their arrival. 

January J 1851, — ^A French naval force again appeared at Honolula, 
aod threatened bombardment and destruction of the town. 

The King, Kamehameha HI, with the Government, fearing it would 
be carried into effect, and in mortal dread of being brought under 
French rule similar to that placed by the latter over Tahiti, of the 
Society Islands, executed a deed of cession of all the Hawaiian Islands 
and their sovereignty forever in favor of the United States of America. 

The document in a sealed envelope was placed in charge of Mr. Sev- 
erance, United States commissioner here, with instructions to take 
formal official possession of the soil of these islands on occasion of the 
first hostile shot fired by the French. On learning the facts the latter 
desisted further aggressive acts and departed from the country. 

Since that period the French authorities have pursued a conciliatory 
eoDTse in their relations with the Hawaiian Government, and fully of 
opinion, it is said, that a secret treaty exists between the United States 
Goyemment and that of Hawaii, by which tbese islands pass into th^ 


possession of the former in case of aggressions made ux>on them ther» 
after by any hostile powers. 

In 1854 the administration of President Pierce authorized the 
United States commissioner, Mr. Gregg, to negotiate a treaty with the 
Hawaiian authorities for the cession of the sovereignty of these islands 
to the United States; bat Mr. Gregg succeeded only in obtaining a 
protocol for a treaty, by which the United States were to extend a 
protectorate government over them. The matter in that form did not 
meet with the approval of Mr. Secretary Marcy, and farther negotia- 
tions ceased. 

I omitted to state in proper sequence that the deed of cession of 1851 
was, by order of the Secretary of State, Mr. Webster, returned to the 
Hawaiian Government. 

In conclusion, I herewith inclose Annual Review of the Agriculture 
and Commerce of the Hawaiian Islands for the year 1870, published by 
the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, February 25, 1871. Additional 
copies will accompany my dispatch No. 102. Permit me to refer you to 
a lithographic ma]), published in 1867 by U. S. Bureau of Statistics, as 
showing in convenient form the relative position of these islands to the 
continents of America, Asia, etc.; also, steamship lines radiating there- 

With great resx>ect, your obedient, humble servant, 

Hensy a. Piebos. 

Hon. Hamilton Fish, 

Secretary of State^ Washington^ D. 0. 

A President informed as to the history of his country could find no 
difficulty in dealing with the question of the annexation of Hawaii to the 
United States on the ground that it is new; and a minister to Hawaii 
who should fail to inform his Goverumeut of the political changes in 
Hawaii that would affect that question would neglect his duty. 

It is not a just criticism upon the correspondence of Minister Stevens 
witti his Government that he earnestly advocated annexation. In this 
he was in line with Mr. Marcy and nearly every one of his successors 
as Secretary of State, and with many of Mr. Stevens's predecessors as 
minister to Hawaii. His letters to his Government were written under 
the diplomatic confidence that is requisite to secure freedom in such 
communications, and were not expected to come under the scrutiny of 
all mankind. They show no improper spirit and are not impeachable as 
coloring or perverting the tr^th, although some matters stated by him 
may be classed as severe reflections. Whatever motives may have 
actuated or controlled any representative of the Government of the 
United States in his conduct of our affairs in Hawaii, if he acted within 
the limits of his powers, with honest intentions, and has not placed the 
Government of the United States upon false and untenable grounds, 
his conduct is not irregular. 

But, in his dealings with the Hawaiian Government, his conduct was 
characterized by becoming dignity and reserve, and was not in any 
way harsh or offensive. In the opinion of the committee, based upon 
the evidence which accompanies this report, the only substantial irregu- 
larity that existed in the conduct of any officer of the United States, 
or agent of the President, during or since the time of the revolution of 
1893, was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a protectorate of the 
United States over Hawaii, and in placing the flag of our country 
upon the Government building in Honolulu. Ko actual harm resulted 


from this nnantborized act, bat as a precedent it is not to be con- 
sidered as being justified. The committee hare not considered it 
necessary to present any resolutions stating the conclusions that are 
indicated in this report/and ask that they be discharged from the further 
consideration of the resolutions under which this report is made. 


We are in entire accord with the essential findings in the exceed- 
ingly able report submitted by the chairman of the Committee on For> 
eign Belations. But it is our opinion — 

First That the appointment on the 11th day of March, 1893, with- 
out the advice and consent of the Senate, of Hon. James H. Blount as 
^* special commissioner" to the Hawaiian Government under letters 
of credence and those of instruction, which declared that ^* in all mat- 
ters affecting relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands 
his authority is paramount" was an unconstitutional act, in that suc^ 
appointee, Mr. Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was 
apx>ointed without its advice and consent, although that body was in 
session when such appointn^ent was made and continued to be in ses- 
sion for a long time immediately thereafter. 

Second. The orders of the Executive Department by which the luwal 
force of the United States in the harbor of Honolulu was in effect 
placed under the command of Mr. Blount or of Mr. Willis were with- 
out authority or warrant of law. 

Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral Skerrett to lower 
the United States ensign from the Government building in Honolulu 
and to embark the troops on the ships to which they belonged, was an 
order which Mr. Blount had no lawful authority to give. Its object 
was not to terminate a protectorate. That relation had been disa- 
vowed by the administration of President Harrison immediately upon 
receiving information of its establishment. The flag and troops, when 
such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the positions from which 
he ordered them to be removed for the purpose of maintaining order 
and protecting American life and property. Their presence h^ been 
effectual to those ends, and their removal tended to create, and did 
create, public excitement and, to a degree, distrust of the power of the 
Provisional Government to preserve order or to maintain itself. That 
order of Mr. Blount was susceptible of being construed as indicating 
an unfriendly disx>osition on the part of the United States toward the 
Provisional Government, and it was so construed, particularly by the 
people of Hawaii. 

In the light of subsequent relations between Mr. Bloumt and hie suc- 
cessor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen, whose office had become vacant by 
her deposition and abdication under the attack of a successful revolu- 
tion, this order and its execution were most unfortunate and untoward 
in their effect. Such relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and 
Willis with the head and with the executive offices of an overthrown 
government, conducted for t^ purpose of restoring that gervernment 
by displacing its successor, were in violation of the ooBStitution and of 
the principles of international law and were not warranted by the cir- 
cumstances of the case. 

Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the revolutiom^ of the 
lawfulness of the means by which ^e deposition and abdicati«n of the 
Queen were effected, and the right of the ProvisieDal Gkovemment to 

& Aep. 227 3 


exist and to continue to exist was conclusively settled, as the Tei)ort 
so forcibly states, against the Queen and in favor of the Provisional 
Government, by the act of the administration of President Harrison 
recognizing such Provisional Government, by the negotiation by that 
administration with such Provisiona^l Government of a treaty of annex- 
ation to the United States; by accrediting diplomatic representation 
by such administration and by the present administration to such Pro- 
visional Government; therefore, it incontrovertibly follows that the 
President of the United States had no authority to attempt to reopen 
such determined questions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to 
overthrow the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy 
which it had displaced. 

While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender its good 
offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that under present con- 
sideration, it is also true that the performance of such offices of media- 
tion or advice ought not to be entered upon without the consent previ- 
ously given by both the parties whom the action or decision of the 
friendly power may affect. Such consent was not given in the present 
instance. The Provisional Government never so consented ; it was never 
requested to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present admin- 
istration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings by the 
President, which had for their result his request and monition to the 
Provisional Government to surrender its powers, to give up its exist- 
ence and to submit to be displaced by the monarchy which it had over- 
thrown, had no warrant in law^ nor in any consent of one of the parties 
to be affected by such proceedings. 

Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United States, 
In substance, that it is the duty of this Government to make repara- 
tion to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her upon her throne by 
all constitutional methods, is a clear definition of the x>olicy of the 
present administration to that end. The instructions to Messrs. Blount 
and Willis must be construed to be other and more ample forms of ex- 
pression of that policy. No other presumption is permissible than that 
their actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed 
policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, in this 
connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection, or good taith of 
these gentlemen in the performance of the task to which they had been 
plainly conuuauded by the piesent administration. 

John Sherman. 
Wm. p. Fbye. 


OusHMAN K. Davis. 



The undersigned, members of the Committee on Foreign Bela- 
tionSy snbmit herewith the following views adverse to the report of the 
committee, ax>on the subject of the recent political revolution in Hawaii. 

Agreeing as we do with the conclusions submitted by the chairman 
of the committee that no irregularities were committed either in the 
appointment of Special Commissioner Blount or iu the instructions 
given him by the President, and without deuyiug or conceding in any 
manner the correctness of the facts as claimed, or of the statements as 
made, in said report concerning other matters therein mentioned, we 
especially dissent from that portion thereof which declares that the 
oidy substantial irregularity in the conduct of Mr. Stevens, the late 
mini^r, was his declaration of a protectorate by the United States 
o?er Hawaii. We are of the opinion also that there are no valid rea- 
sons and no course of dealing iu our past relations with those islands 
which justifies interference by the United States with the political 
internal affairs of Hawaii any more than with those of any other inde- 
pendent state or nation in this hemisphere. We can not concur, there- 
fore, in so much of the foregoing report as exonerates the minister of 
the United States, Mr. Stevens, from active officious and unbecoming 
participation in the^events which led to the revolution in the Sandwich 
Ulands on the 14th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893. His own admis- 
mons in his official correspondence with this Government, his conduct 
for months preceding the revolution, as well as the facts established 
bjthe evidence before, the committee, clearly justify such a conclusion. 

On the other hand, we are not inclined to censure Gapt. Wiltse, 
eommandiug the United States war-ship Boston^ or the officers of that 
vessel. Their position was one of extreme delicacy and difficulty, and 
we appreciate their anxiety to afford protection to the lives and prop- 
erty of American citizens. The force of United States marines of the 
Btium with their ordinary arms stationed at the American legation, 
and at the consulate in HonolukL would have effectually represented 
the aathority and power of the United States Government, and would 
have afforded whatever protection American interests might have 
required; and at the same time would have avoided the appearance 
of coercion or duress, either upon the people of Honolulu or the Queen 
in the controversy between them. This is our opinion, after a careful 
examination of all the facts and circumstances disclosed in the evi- 
dence. But, as we have observed, the position was a delicate and 
difficult one. Perhaps if we had been on the gronnd in the presence 
of the minister, under the influence of his advice and counsel, and 
(tf the environments and conditions surrounding Gapt. Wiltse, his 
officers and men, we might have landed the forces as he did; but a less 
formidable arraj would have removed from the Queen the excuse for 
snerting that she and her government were overawed by the United 
States forces, to which she claims under protest to have surrendered, 



and at the same time have afforded all necessary protection to the 
lives and property of onr citizens at that port, if they were in any 

The moral support and good offices of this Government, or of any 
government, is always permissible in promoting the moral tone and polit- 
ical improvement of the government of foreign countries on terms of « 
amity with their own; l^ut there is nothing in international law, in 
sound public policy, or in our past history and traditions which justifies 
a representative of this Government in interfering ofi^ciously or improp- 
erly in the domestic or political affairs of a foreign country, whatever 
may be the character of its rulers, its form of government, or its politi- 
cal condition. We have enough to do to attend to our own business. 

We can not, therefore, avoid the conviction that the inopportune zeal 
of Minister Stevens in the project of annexation of the Sandwich 
Islands to the United States caused him to exceed the proper limits of 
his official duty and of his diplomatic relations to the government and 
people of those islands. His conduct as the public representative of 
this Government was directly conducive to bringing about the condition 
of affairs which resulted in the overthrow of the Queen, the organiza- 
tion of the Provisional Government, the landing of the United States 
troops, and the attempted scheme of annexation; and upon this con- 
clusion his conduct is seriously reprehensible and deserving of public 

M. 0. BUTLEB, 

David Turpib, 
John W. Daniel, 
Geobgb Gray, 

Memberi of Minority. 
Febbuaby 22, 1894. 

The question of annexation is not submitted for the consideration of 
the committee, except as it incidentally affects the main question dis- 
cussed; but it may not be improper for me to say, in this connection, 
that I am heartily in favor of the acquisition of those islands by the 
Government of the United States; and in a proper case and on an appro- 

Eriate occasion I should earnestly advocate the same. But I am unwil- 
ng to take advantage of internal dissentions in those islands, for 
which I believe we are in some measure responsible, to consummate at 
this time so desirable an object. 


I concur in the above. 

David Ttjbpebl 


L Thb following is the translation op the obioinal posteb 




1. A maas meeting will be held in front of the opera honse, outside 
of the Palace yard, at 2 o'clock this afternoon^ Monday, January 16, to 
consider the condition of the country. 

By order 

Committee of Law and Obdeb. 

the voice of the chief. 

2. On the affcemoon of Saturday last the voice of the sacred chief 
of Hawaii, Liliuokalaui, the tabued one, speaking as follows: 

" Oh, ye people who love the chief, I hereby say to you, I am now 
ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, thinking that 
it would be successful; but behold obstacles have arisen. Therefore I 
sajr unto you, loving people, go with good hope, and do not be dis- 
torbed or troubled in your minds, because within the next few days 
now coming I will proclaim the new constitution. 

^<The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the errors in 
this new constitution, but they said nothing. 

"Therefore, I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much 
want will be accomplished; it also is my strong desire." 

And her last order was that we should pray to Gk)d to bless this 
Kingdom and the throne of Hawaii. 


3. From the day of the passage of the lottery bill until the proroga- 
tion of the Legislature the members of the Eeform party in the House 
have been refractory. It is seen that this is the Missionary party. This 
is a childish act, showing the lack of principle of the Eeform party and 
the nnexampled pride of the missionaries. The missionaries are the 
parents of these actions, and their reason for so doing is because of 
their regret and vexation by reason of the failure of their schemes in 
the Legislature. The National party is not this way. If the Eeform 
part J is saccessfal the Hawaiian party does not show its disappoint- 
fl»ent, bat, witli its customary patience, continues on working for the 
good of all without feelings of strife. 

The foreig'n members of this session have shown their wicked 
ifiteotions tlieir causeless jealousy, when the majority of the people, 
' 37 


the Hawaiian party, voted as tbey wished. Daring all the bribery there 
has grown np a united determination on the part of the National party 
to hold their prerogatives and carry out the desires of their constitu- 
ents who elected them. Great is our contempt for this causeless 
opposition of the missionaries and their friends, and for the first time 
we are able to congratulate the Hawaiian members on account of their 
unanimity during these few days. 


4. We hear that the representatives of the foreign countries have 
met and decided to help the Queen's cabinet and support her, except 
the American minister. The Annexationists are seeking some pretext 
to injure the Queen, and, order the American naval forces on shore to 
protect their property without knowing what they are afraid of^ for 
the ghosts which they are conjuring up will act as they acted in 1887. 


5. To-day a public meeting has been called by the missionaries of 
the Beform party and those who are deceived by them at Manamana, 
with the intention of injuring the Queen because of her love for the 
I>eople in consenting to promulgate a new constitution, to depose her 
from being Queen, and to turn the monarchy into a republic. There- 
fore, those who love the country, those who are bom in the country, 
stand fast in support of the monarchy and do not let one true Hawaiian 
go to this meeting to which you are invited. Oh, all ye true Hawaiians, 
let us support our Queen, and consecrate our lives for the benefit of 
our Queen and the peace of the land. All of the people who love the 
chief are invited to go straight to the meeting in front of the oi>era 
house at 2 o'clock this afternoon. One loving heart in our breai^ts 
throughout the land, oh, descendants of Kamehameha. - 


6. The banks of Bishop and Spreckels are ready to help the Oovem- 
ment with money. Certain merchants are also ready to support the 
Government. It is apparent that it is only certain missionaries who are 
secretly meeting and seeking a riot as a reason for landing the men of 
war when there is no reason. 


7. To give their thanks today at the meeting to be held at 2 this 
afternoon in front of the Opera House, to their Queen, who wanted to 
execute the desires of her people, but by reason of obstacles she could 
not lawfully do so. On account of this love of our Queen, and what 
she tried to do under her spirit of love, but she could not accomplish 
it, and when she saw that it could not be done she expressed her regret 
with sorrow, and instructed the committee of the people to go and wait, 
and their desires would be carried out in accordance with the right, 
and for them to keep the peace. 

MASS meeting! 

8. The meeting which is to be held in front of the opera hous^ is to 
bo held by the party which supports the Government, and the subjects 
of the Queen are invited to attend and listen to the voices of the 


leaders of the people* We are being plotted against without reason. 
The index^endence of Hawaii is being assaolt^ by the wicked and 
refractory ones because the Queen listened to the pleadings of her own 
people to give a new constitution. She has left this thought to her 
cabinet, and thanks are due for this loving thought of the chief in 
leaving to them this desire of the people of the land, and they have 
restrained the love of the chief until such time as it may seem good. 
Because it can not be helped, we had better be patient and listen to her 
words: "I regret that your desires are not complied with, but you must 
go and keep the peace, and the time will come when your desires will 
be satisfied." 

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a correct translation of the 
accompanying extra issued by tbe Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, a Honolulu 
newspaper, published in Honolulu in the Hawaiian language^ on Jan- 
uary 16, 1893. 

LoBBm A. Thubstqn. 



Navy Department, 

WashinffUm^ April 15j 1847, 

Commodore M. 0. Perry, 

Commanding the Home Squadron: 

Sib: The successes which have recently crowned our arms would 
seem to justify the expectation that the Government of Mexico would 
feel disxM>8ed to submit proposals for peace. That there ma^* be no 
umecessary delay in acting on such proposals, if they shall be made, 
the President has directed Nicholas P. Trist, esq., of the State Depart- 
ment, to proceed to the headquarters of the Army or to the squadron, 
as he shall deem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any 
proposition for a settlement of the questions at issue. Mr. Trist i6 
dothed with such diplomatic power as to authorize him to enter into 
arrangements with the Mexican Government for the mutual suspen- 
sion of hostilities. If he shall communicate to you in writing that the 
contingency has occurred, you will act in accordance with his directions 
and suspend actual hostilities until further orders from the Department, 
unless the enemy shall continue or recommence them. In doing so 
you will not relinquish any x)osition which you may occupy, or abstain 
firom any change of position which, in your judgment, may be neces- 
Koj for the security or health of your command.. 

You will afford to Mr. Trist every facility and accommodation in your 
power and a speedy passage to New Orleans when he may desire to 
return. You will not relax the vigor of your operations while he may 
remain in Mexico, unless he directs you to suspend them, but during 
thtit time it is desirable, if it does not conflict with your arrangements, 
that yon shall be in the harbor of Vera Cruz, or as accessible as may be. 

You will be pleased to make your communications to .the Depart* 
BMDt as fireqaent as you may find opportunity. 

I aoou very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

John T. Mason.. 


XJ. S. Flagship Mississippi, 

Ant^m lAzardOy May 5, 1847. 

SiB: I have received by Mr. Trist your confidential communication 
of the 15th instant, and in a personal interview with that gentleman 
have made the requisite arrangements for carrying out the wishes and 
intentions of the Department. 

It is highly necessary that I should no longer delay a visit to the 
eastern coast as far as Laguna and Campeche. This I can do before any 
communication of interest can be received from Mr. Trist, and we both 
agree that it \& better for me to make the visit now, that I may be at 
Vera Cruz about the time he shall have been informed of the result of 
his mission; but to prevent any inconvenience I shall leave a. steamer 
at Vera Cniz to bring me any communication that Mr. Trist might 
transmit during my absence. 
The Potomdc will also be left at Vera Cruz. 

With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 

M. C. Peeby, 
Commanding Home Squadron, 
Hon. John Y. Mason, 

Secretary of the Navy, Washington^ D. 0. 

m. Also the following treaty of annexation made in the 
time op kamehameha in, which failed of the king's sig- 
nature BY reason of his DEATH, THE ORIGINAL BEING ON 


Treaty of annexation concluded bettceen His Majesty the King of the 
Hawaiian Islands and the United States of America. 

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, being convinced 
that plans have been and still are on foot hostile to his sovereignty 
and to the peace of his Kingdom, which His Majesty is without power 
to resist and against which it is his imperative duty to provide in 
order to prevent the evils of anarchy and to secure the rights and 
prosperity of his subjects, and having, in conscientious regard thereto 
as well as to the general interests of his Kingdom, present and future, 
sought to incorporate his Kingdom into the Union of the United States 
as the means best calculated to attain these ends and perpetuate the 
blessings of freedom and equal rights to himself, his chiefs, and his 
people, and the Government of the United States, being actuated solely 
by the desire to add to their security and prosperity and to meet the 
wishes of His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of his 
Government, have determined to accomplish, by treaty, objects so 
important to their mutual and permanent welfare. 

For that purpose His Majesty, Kamehameha III, King of the 
Hawaiian Islands, has gvanted full powers and inetructions to Robert 
Chrichton Wyllie, esq., his minister of foreign relations, his secre- 
tary at war and of the navy, member of his privy council of state, 
member of the house of nobles, and chairman of the commissioners of 
his privy purse, and the President of the United States has invested 
with like powers David Lawrence Gregg, esq., commissioner ot 
said States to the said Kingdom; and the said plenipotentiaries, after 
exchanging their full powers, have agreed to and concluded the fol- 
lowing articles: 


Abticlb L 

ffis Majesty, the King of jfche Hawaiian Islands, acting In conformity 
vith the power vested in him by the constitution of his Kingdom, and 
vith the wishes of his chiefs and people and of the heads of every 
department of his Government, cedes to the United States his King- 
dom, with all its territories, to be held by them in fall sovereignty, 
subject only to the saine constitational provisions as the other States 
of the American Union. This cession includes all public lots and 
squares, Government lands, mines and minerals, salt lakes and springs, 
fish xK>nd8, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, forts, ports, and 
harbors, reefs, docks, and magazines, arms, armaments, and accouter- 
ments, public archives, and funds, claims, debts,^ taxes, and dues exist- 
ing, available, and unpaid at the date of the exchange of the ratifica- 
tions of this treaty. 

A11TIOI.E n. 

The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into 
the American Union as a State en joyins: the same degree of sover- 
dgoty as other States, and admitted as such, as soon as it can be done 
in consistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal 
CoDstitntion, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a State as 
iforesaid, on a perfect equality with the other States of the Unioii. 

Article III. 

His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and sub- 
jects of every class, shall continue in the enjoyment of all their 
existing personal and private rights, civil, political, and religious, to 
the utmost extent that is i)ossible under the Federal Constitution, and 
shall possess and forever enjoy all the rights and privileges of citizens 
of the United States on terms of perfect equality^ in all respects^ with 
other American citizens. 


The decisions of the Board of Land Commissioners, made and not 
appealed from at the date of the final ratification of this treaty, shall be 
aod remain forever valid and undisturbed, and all titles to real estate, 
which are now or shall have then been declared valid under the laws of 
the Hawaiian Kingdom, shall be held to be equally valid by the United 
States, and measures shall be adopted by the United States for the 
speedy and final adjudication of all unsettled claims to land in con- 
&nnity with the laws and usages under which they may have originated* 

Article V. 

An engagements of whatsoever kind, affecting the rights of corpora- 
tions or individuals, validly construed and lawfully incumbent upon 
the King's (Jovernment or the Hawaiian nation to pay and discharge, 
ihall be respected and fulfilled in as prompt, full, and complete a man- 
ner as they would have been respected and fulfilled had no change of 
BOTereignty taken place. 

Aetiolk VI. 

ThepnWfc lands hereby ceded, shall be subject to the laws regulat- 
ing the public Jands in other parts of the United Statea, liable, \iow- 


eyer, to such alterations and changes as Congress may from time to 
time enact. The grants of land for the promotion of edaeatiou here« 
tofore made by the Grovernment of the 'Kmg of the Hawaiian Islands, 
shall be confirmed by the United States, which, in addition thereto, 
shall grant and set apart, for the purposes of common schools, semi- 
naries of learning, and nniversities, so much of the public lands and of 
the proceeds thereof, as may be eqaal, proportionally, to the grants for 
such purposes in any of the States of the Union. 

Abtiole VIL 

The laws of the Hawaiian Kingdom, so far as they are compatible 
with republican institutions, and conformable to the Constitution of the 
United States, shaU be and remain in ftdl force and effect until modi- 
fied, changed, or repealed by the legislative authority of the State con* 
templated by this treaty. 

ABTicnLiE vm. 

in consideration of the cession made by this treaty, and in compen- 
sation to all who may suffer or incur loss consequent thereon, the 
United States shall pay the aggregate sum of $300,000 as annuities, 
to the King, the Queen, the Crown Prince, those standing next in suc- 
cession to the throne, the chiefs, and all other persons whom the King 
may wish to comx)ensate or reward, to be apportioned as may be deter- 
mined by His Msyesty, the King, and his Privy Council of State, which 
amounts, to be apportioned as aforesaid, shall be paid ratably, without 
deduction or offset on any ground or in any shape whatever, to the 
parties severally named in such apportionment, at Honolulu on the 
1st day of July of each successive year so long as they may live. It 
is, however, expressly agreed ui)on, that on the demise of his present 
majesty, the annuity of the immediate heir to the throne shall then be 
increased to the same amount before allowed and paid to the King 

As a further consideration for the cession herein made and in order 
to place within the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the 
means of education, present and future, so as to enable them the more 
perfectly to eiyoy and discharge the rights and duties consequent upon 
a change from monarchical to republican institutions, the United 
States agrees to set apart and pay over for the term of ten years the 
sum of $75,000 per annum, one-third of which shall be applied to con- 
stitute the principal of a tiind for the benefit of a college or university, 
or colleges or universities, as the case may be, and the balance for the 
support of common schools, to be invested, secured, or applied as may 
be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands 
when admitted as a state into the Union as aforesaid* 

Abticlb IX. 

Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty the 
President of the United States shall appoint a commissioner who shall 
receive in due form, in the name of the United States, the transfer of 
the sovereignty and territories of the Hawaiian Islands, also all public 
property, archives, and other things hereinbefore stipulated to be con- 
veyed, and who snail exercise all executive authority in said islands 
necessary to the preservation of peace and order and to the proper 


execQtioii of the laws nntil the state contemplated ia this treaty can be 
duly organized and admitted as such state; and until the arrival of 
sach commissioner all departments of His M^esty's Government shall 
eondniie as now constituted. 

Abtiolb X. 

This treaty shall be ratified by the respective high contracting par- 
ties sod the ratifications exchanged at the city of Honolulu within 
dght months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible ; but it is agreed 
tlukt this period may be extended by mutual consent of the two par- 

In witness whereof we. the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of His 
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands and of the United States 
of America, have signed three originals of this treaty of annexation in 
Hawaiian and three in English, and have thereunto affixed our respeo- 
tiye official seals. 

Done at Honolulu, this day of , in the year of our Lord one 

Hiousand eight hundred and fifty-four^ 


Whereas it is desirable to guard against the exigencies declared in 
the preamble to the foregoing treaty, and to secure the King of the 
Hawaiian Islands, his chiefs and all who reside under his jurisdiction, 
from the dangers therein referred to an|i expressed, it is hereby pro- 
Tided and expressly agreed that at any time before the final exchange 
of the ratifications of said treaty, if the same shall be duly ratified on 
the part of His Majesty the King, and satisfactory notice thereof given 
to tiie commissioner of the United States, it shall be competent for 
His Majesty, by proclamation, to declare his islands annexed to the 
AiDerican Union, subject to the provisions of such treaty as negotiated, 
and the conmiissiouers of the United States for the time being shall 
receive and accept the transfer of the jurisdiction of the said islands, 
in the name of the United States, and protect and defend them by the 
anned forces of the United States as a part of the American Union, 
holding the same for and in behalf of his Government, and exercising 
the jurisdiction provided for in said treaty, with the understanding, 
however, that in case the said treaty is not finally ratified, or other 
arrangement made, by the free consent and to the mutual satisfaction 
of the contracting parties, the sovereignty of the islands shall imme- 
diately revert, without prejudice, to His Majesty, or his hnmediate 
heirs in the same condition as before the transfer thereof; and it is 
farther understood and agreed that this ai'ticle shall be as binding for 
aQ the ends and purposes herein expressed as if it formed a pa^ of 
the foregoing treaty. 


Wab Depabtment, 
Washington^ B. 0., January 18, 1894, 

81B: As requested in your letter of the 13th instant, I have the 
honor to transmit herewith a copy of a confidential letter, dated April 
14, 1847 addressed by the Secretary of War to Mfo. Gen, Wiufteld 


Scott, commanding IT. 8. Army in Mexico, and advising him that 
Nicholas P. Trist, esq., has been commissioned by the President cf the 
United States to proceed to the headquarters of the Army in Mexico, 
or to the naval squadron, for the purpose of receiving any proposal 
which the enemy may make for peace with the United States, and 
informing Maj. Qen. Scott as to the diplomatic powers with which Mr. 
Trist is clothed under his instructions. 

Attention is invited to House Ex. Doc. ISo. 56, Thirtieth Congress, 
first session, "Correspondence between the Secretary of War and Gen- 
erals Scott and Tajdor, and between Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist,'' which 
contains all the information in possession of this Department on the 

Very respectfully, 

Daniel S. Lamont, 

Secretary of War. 
Hon. John T. Mobg^an, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs^ U. S. Senate. 


War Department, 

Washington^ April 14j 1847. 
Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott, 

Commanding the Army j^f the United States y Mexico: ^ 

Sib: The signal successes which have attended our military opera- 
tions since the commencement of the present war would seem to justify 
the expectation that Mexico will be disposed to offer fair terms ot 
accommodation. With a view to a result so desirable, the President 
has commissioned Nicholas P. Trist, esquire, of the State Department, 
to proceed to your headquarters, or to the squadron, as to him may 
seem most convenient, and be in readiness to receive any proposal 
which the enemy may see fit to make for the restftration of peace. 

Mr. Trist is clothed with such diplomatic powers as will authorize 
him to enter into arrangements with the Government of Mexico for the 
suspension of hostilities. Should he make known to you, in writing, 
that the contingency has occurred in consequence of which the Presi-' 
dent is willing that farther active military operations should cease, 
you will regard such notice as a direction from the President to suspend 
them until further orders from this Department, unless continued or 
recommenced by the enemy; but, in so doing, you will not retire from 
any place you may occupy, or abstain from any change of position 
which you may deem necessary to the health or safety of the troops 
under your command, unless, on consultation with Mr. Trist, a change 
in the position of your forces should be deemed necessary to the suc- 
cess of the negotiation for peace. Until hostilities, as herein proposed, 
shall be interuiitted, you will continue to carry on your operations with 
energy, and push your advantages as far as your means will enable 
you to do. 

Mr. Trist is also the bearer of a dispatch to the Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs of the Government of Mexico, in reply to one addressed to the 
Secretary of State here. You will transmit that dispateh to the com- 
mander of the Mexican forces, with a request that it may be laid before 
his Government, at the same time giving information that Mr. Trist, 
an officer from our Department for Foreign Affairs, next in rank to its 


chief; is at your headquarters, or on board the squadron, as the case 
may be. 

You will afford Mr. Trist all the accommodation and facilities in your 
power to enable him to accomplish the objects of his mission. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. L. Maboy, 
Secretary of War. 

P. S. — ^Should a suspension of hostilities take place, you will lose no 
time in communicating the fact to M%j. Gen. Taylor. 

V. Also the following treaty op beciprocit^y between the 


[Confldential. Exeoutiye, No. 7. Special session.] 



March 9, 1857, on motion by Mr. Mason, referred to the Committee on Foreign 
Belations, and ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. 

The United States of America and His Majesty the King of the 
Hawaiian Islands, equally animated by the desire to strengthen and 
perpetuate the friendly relations which have heretofore uniformly existed 
between them, and to consolidate their commercial intercourse, have 
resolved to enter into a convention for commercial reciprocity. For this 
purpose the President of the United States of America has conferred 
fall powers on William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, and His Majesty 
the King of the Hawaiian Islands has conferred like powers on the hon- 
orable William-Little Lee, chancellor and chief justice of the supreme 
court of those islands, a member of his Hawaiian Majesty's privy council 
of state and cabinet, president of the board of land commissioners, and 
His Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the 
United States of America. 

And the said plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their full 
powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed to the foUow- 
ing articles: 

Abticle I. 

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges granted by His 
Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in the next succeeding article 
of this convention, and as an equivalent therefor, the United States of 
America hereby agree to admit all the articles named in the following 
schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the Hawaiian Islands, 
into all the ports of the United States of America free of duty: 


Muscovado, brown, clayed, and all other u£ refined svgars* 

Sirups of sugar; molasses; 

Coffee; arrowroot. 

Live stock and animals of aU kinds. 

Cotton^ unmanufactured. 

B^s, and vegetables not preserved 

Undried fiuits not preserved. 


Poultry; eggs. 

Plants, shrubs, and trees. 

Pelts; wool, unmanufacturedt 


Hides, fiirs, s^ns, undressed. 

Butter; tallow. 

Abticle IL 

For and in consideration of the rights and privileges grtnted by the 
CJnited States of America in the preceding article of this convention, 
and as an equivalent therefor. His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian 
Islands hereby agrees to admit all the articles named in the following 
schedule, the same being the growth or produce of the United States 
of America, into all the ports of the Hawaiian Islands free of duty: 


Flour of wheat. 
Fish of all kinds. 

Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed, and sawed, unmanu- 
factured, in whole or in part. 
Staves and heading. 
Ootton, unmanufactured. 
Seeds, and vegetables not preserved* 
XJndried fruits, not preserved. 
Poultry; eggs. 
Plants, shrubs, and trees. 
Pelts; wool, unmanufactured. 

Hides, furs, skins, undressed. 
Butter; tallow. 

Abticle in. 

The evidence that articles proposed to be admitted into the ports ot 
the United States of America or the ports of the Hawaiian Islands 
free of duty, under the first and second articles of this convention, are 
the growth or the produce of the United States of America or of the 
Hawaiian Islands shall be a certificate to that effect from the Ameri- 
can or Hawaiian consul or consular agent of the port from which such 
articles are exported, or, in case there shall be no such consul or con- 
sular agent resident in such port, a certificate to that effect from the 
collector of the port. 


The present convention shall take effect as soon as the law required 
to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Congress of 
the United States of America and the convention shall have been 
approved by His Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands in council. 
The convention shall remain in force for seven years from the date at 
which it may go into operation, and further, until the expiration of 
twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give 
notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same, each of the high 
contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at 
the end of the said term of seven years, or at any time %fterwards. 


Article V. 

The present convention shall be duly ratified, and the ratifications 
shall be exchanged at Honolcda within eighteen months from the date 
hereof, or earlier if possible. 

In ikith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed this 
eoDTfflition, and have hereunto affixed their seals. 

Done, in triplicate, in the English language, in the city of Wash- 
ington, this twentieth day of Ji^y^ anno Domini one thousand eight 
hundred and fifty-five. 

W. L, Marcy. 

W. L. Lbb. [seal.] 


[Oonfitlential. Exeoatiye, No.?. Thirty-fonrtli Congress, first session.] 

JfitMfe of ikt F/endtnt of the United Statee, communicating a treaty between the United 

States and the King of the Hawaiian Islands, 

Juiaaiy 3, 1S56, read first time, and, on motio^i by Mr. Mason, referred to the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations. 
January 10, 1856, ordered to be printed in confidence for the nae of the Senate. 

To ike Senate of the United States: 

I transmit to the Senate for consideration, with a view to ratification, 
a treaty between the United States and His Majesty the King of the 
Hawaiian Islands, signed in Washington, the twentieth day of July, 
A. D. 1855. 


Washington, December ^, 1855. 

VT. Also the following report on the physical features, 


Biport an the physical features^ ports of landing^ supplieSj olimatej 

diseasesj etc, 

[Oompllad from the beet avaiUble soaroeB for the informatioii of the Anny.] 



Loeatioii, distances flrom the Pacific coast 12 

Conunanications with the United States... 12 

Hamea, areas 13 

Gcoeral physical characteristics 13 

8oils 14 

CUmates 14 

Earthquakes 16 

Population, characteristics, religions, education 15-17 

Laws, military forces, police 17 

LsDi^nage, Government 17,18 

Business, currency, finance, commerce 18, 19 

Products, iMonrces, yegetation 19 

Ifldustrias ^- 19 

Diiesses (other than leprosy) 20 

HiDBir of lifflb clothing « 20 


iDdividnal characteristics of islands: 

Oahu 1 21 

Coast 21 

Interior 21 

Cities, towns, and ports, Honolaln 22 

Other than Honolula 25 

Hawaii ..; 26 

Coast 26 

Interior 26 

Cities, towns, and ports 28 

Maui 30 

Coast 30 

Interior 31 

Cities, towns, and ports 31 

Kanai , 33 

Coast 33 

Interior 33 

Cities, towns, and ports 34 

Molokai 35 

Coast 35 

Interior 35 

Cities, towns, and ports » 36 

Lanai 36 

Niihau 36 

Cities, towns, and ports. .^ 36 

Kahiilaui.-l '. 37 

Kaiila 37 

Lenua : 37 

Molokini 38 

Communications 38 

Railroads 38 

Roads 39 

Telegraphs, telephones 39 

Inter-island steamers and vessels 39 

Leprosy 39 

Report on the Hawaiian Islands. 

The Hawaiian Islands lie between parallels 18° 50' and 23° 6' north 
latitude, and between meridians 154^ 40' and 161^ 50' west from Green- 
wich. A line drawn through the axis of the group would approximate 
roughly the segment of a circle convex towards the northeast; the 
chord connecting the most widely separated points would have a length 
of about 400 statute miles. 

Honolulu, the capital and chief city, lies 2,080 miles from San Fran* 
cisco; approximately 3,800 miles from Auckland; 4,500 miles from Syd- 
ney; and 4,800 miles from Hongkong. 

Mean time Honolulu noon is equivalent to lOh. 31m. 26s. Greenwich 
mean time. 


8an Francisco to Honolulu. — The Australia of the Oceanic Steamship 
Company and the Zealandia (W. J. Irwin) leave San Francisco and 
return every other Tuesday. 

The Oceanic Steamship Company's steamers Alameda^ Mariposa; 
and the Union Steamship Company's steamer Monowaij leave San Fran- 
cisco for New Zealand via Honolcdu once a month. 

Time, — San Francisco to Honolulu, seven days' 

Sailing vessels, with good passenger accommodations, ran regularly 
from Sau Francisco to Honolulu. 



&ii% time. — San Francisco to Honolula, ten to eighteen days. 

Pacific mail steamers, San Francisco to China and Japan, stop at 
Honolula every otlier trip. 

t<A Dew company sends it« first steamer this month (Febrnary, 1893), 
from Tacoma and. Seattle to Honolula. steamers of the Occideutai 
ttd Oriental line to Cliina and Japan [N. Y. Tribune, February 16^1 arc 
dnetostop at Honolulu." 

Steamers of tlie Oceanic and Pacific Mail companies are under the 
United States fla^. 


The strategic value of the islands and their geographical position 
m indicated on tlie accompanying chart (A). In general the islands 
are mountainous, covered with verdure, and in parts, especially of 
Hawaii, possessing very considerable areas of forest, whose vegetation 
is that of the tropics. 

The Hawaiian group is composed of eight inhabited, and of four 
ininhabited islands. [Chart B.] The names and dimensions of the 
inhabited islands are : 





M»ll|., „..,.. 












Square mUM, 






Ktsai .- 








ikiknlui , 


The first five of these islands contain the bulk of the population as 
Tell as the chief industries. 

Three of the four uninhabited islands of the group are Kaula, Lenna, 
and Molokini. 

The total area of the inhabited islands is about 6,040 square miles. 

^' All of these islands are volcanic. !N^o other rocks than volcanic are 
foand upon any of them, excepting a few remnants of raised sea beaches 
composed of consolidated coral sands. All the larger ones are very 

'*The colminating points of the island Hawaii are Manna Eea^ 13,900 
ftet, and Mauna Loa, 13,700 feet," the highest points of the group. 

^In general the island group consists of the summits of a gigantic 
submarine mountain chain, projecting its loftier x>eaks and domes above 
the water.'' • 

On the island of Hawaii the volcanic forces are still in operation; on 
the other islands they are extinct. 

Xooe of the inoautains are of sufficient height to reach the line of 
eternal snow. 

*86e Hawaiian volcanoeB, Capt. C. E. Dutton, XJ. S. A. Capt. (now Mi^or) Datton 
iddi: '^Manxia Loa and Mauna Kea, referred to their true bases at the bottom of the 
^ific, are therefore moantains not far from 30,000 feet in height.^' Maj. Button is 
f^nentlj quoted, in the foUowing paragraphs relating to the physical charticter- 
Kipi 0/ ^« ifliaiuU. 

3.Bep-227 ft 



^'Oiily a small proportion of the area of the islands is capable of sus- 
taining a dense population. The most habitable tracts are near the 
seacoast, and only a part or even a small part of these are really fertile. 

'^The interior portions are mountainous aud cj^aggyy with a thin'soil, 
admirable in a few localities for pasturage, but unit for agriculture. 

''Many parts of the shore belt are arid and almost barren. Others 
are covered with lavas too recent to have permitted the formation of 
soil, and still others are trenched with ravines so deep and abrupt that 
access is difficult. 

'' Deep rich soils at altitudes adapted to the growth of the sugar cane 
probably form less than the fortieth part of the entire area. 

''Shallower soils, however, are a little more extensive and yield other 
crops of tropical staples in abundance." 


The climate of the Hawaiian Islands is warm but salubrious, the tem- 
perature e<)uable, and the sky usually clear. In the shade it is never 
hot and seldom chilly, and there is so little humidity in the air that it 
is rarely sweltering, though during the months of January, February, 
and March the wind blows strongly from the southwest, and the atmos- 
phere is damp and unpleasant. After such seasons the arid westerly 
slopes are clothed with verdure and the capacity of the pastures vastly 

"Upon the islands themselves it may be said that there are almost as 
many climates as there are square leagues, and the differences of cli- 
matic conditions exhibited by localities separated only half a dozen 
miles are extreme. 

"As a general rule the windward sides are excessively rainy, the pre- 
cipitation frequently exceeding 200 inches in a year. The leeward sides 
are generally arid, but to this there are some striking exceptions ; when- 
ever the land barrier is low enough to permit the trade winds to blow 
over it the lee of the barrier is invariably dry and sometimes is as parched 
and barren as the sage plains of the Eocky Mountains ; the winds throw 
down their moisture copiously as they rise to the dividing crest and 
descend hot and dry : but when the barrier is lofty enough to effectually 
oppose the drift of the air, the lee becomes subject to the simple alter- 
nation of daily land and sea breeze. As the sea breeze comes in and 
ascends the slope it sends down rain ; as the land breeze floats down 
ward and outward it is dry and clear. 

"The sea breeze sets in a little before noon and the land breeze goes 
out a little before midnight. * 

"Eelatively to human comfort, the climate is perfection. It is never 
hot, and at moderate altitudes it is never cold. The heat of summer 
is never sufficient to bring lassitude, and labor out of doors is far more 
tolerable than in the summer of Kew England or Minnesota." 

When the mountains are low, as in Oahu, the rains extend over them 
and maintain copious streams for irrigation of the leeward lands where 
little rain falls. Very much more rain falls on the windward north- 
east sides of the large islands. At Ililo in Hawaii as much as 20 feci 
has been measured in one year. At Honolulu the mean annual rain- 
fall foi* five years ending 1877 varied from 3230 to 46*40 iucUes, giying 
an average of 38 inches. 



Hnrricanes and typhoons are said to be inftequent. There is, how- 
ever, at Kawaihae, in the island of Hawaii, a wind ciJled the mumuJca 
which mshes violently down between the mountains, and is dangerous 
to shipping. When hurricanes occur on the island of Maui, great 
damage to the sugar crop ensues. 

The temperature varies from 55^ in winter to 70^ in summer for the 
early mornings, and attains an average maximum of 75^ in the winter 
and 85^ in the sommer for afternoon heats. 

There is no rapid, sudden change; cold or hot waves are unknown. 

Daring the heat of the day the sun-heated lava and rocks create a 
Ktrong draft, loaded with vapor from the ocean ; this vapor, at 2,000 
feet elevation, forms a continuous cloud bank, covering the mountains. 

Hail sometimes falls in the vicinity of Hawaii. 

TahUfrom Pacific Coast Commeroial Seccrd skotoing temperatures in Honolulu: 

Ifazimani temperature for 1891 in Honolnln 89^ 

Mininmm temperature for 1S91 in Honolaln 54^ 

llaximiim daily range of the year 22^ 

Arenge weekly maximum from July 1, to Odtober 1 86^ 


Tabic from " Vistas of Hawaii" showing temperature for 1890: 


Febrosrr 4.. 






lainist 5. . . 



Sfvcaber 4 

6 a. m. 

1 p.m. 








































Op. m. 

From the above it is evident that the climate of the Hawaiian 
Islands is in general that of a mild summer. The hottest months are 
July and Angnst, when the thermometer sometimes rises to 90^, bat 
this is considered nnusnal. Frost is unknown; rains are warm; and 
the days and nights are of so nearly the same temperature that little 
diily change of clothing is necessary. 


Earthquakes are of common occurrence in the islands, but they 
Qsoally have their center of disturbance in Hawaii. In the islands to 
the northwestward the shocks are infrequent and feeble. The shocks 
are seldom of a very alarming or destructive character, but small or 
moderate tremors are frequent. 


rhe total population of the Hawaiian 
ich d8y714 are males, 31,276 females. 



Islands in 1890 • was 89,990, of 

'" 1 1. ■' J ' 

* Stftteeman's Year 3ooki 1893. 




Latest official census of the Hawaiian lAande, 

[Taken December 28, 1890.] 


LaDai •,..• 174 


Hilo 9,935 

Pima 834 

Kau 2,577 

North Koua 1,753 

Sontli Kona 1,812 

North Kohala 4,303 

South Kohala 538 

Hamakna 5,002 


Lahaina 2,113 

Wailukii 6,708 

Hana 3,270 

Makawoo 5,266 

17, 357 
Molokai 2,632 


Honolnla 22,907 

Ewa 2, Ion 

Waianae 903 

Waialna 1,286 

Koolauloa 1,444 

Koolaupoko 2,499 

Kanai : 

Waimea 2,523 

Niihau 216 

Koloa 1,755 

Kawaihau 2,101 

Hanalei 2,472 

Lihue 2,792 



Native* , 



A meri cans 

Hawaiian-bom, foreign par- 





15, 301 





l^orwegfan ...... 





Other foreigners 

















Total population 1800 89.990 

Total population 1884 ,. 80.578 

Populaiion by nationality and sex of the Hawaiian Islands, and also of the principal toten^ 

ship districts, 

[Compiled from the latest census, 1890.] 


Natives, males 


Half-castea, moles 


Chinese, males 


Ha\raiian-bom, foreign parents, males. . 


Americans, males 


Britisb, males 


Grermans, males 

females .-. 

French, malcM 

females ^ 

Portuguese, males 

feni ales 

Japanese, males 


Norwegians, males 


Polynesians, males 


All others, males 








tion whole 



































14, 552 







































































3. 8V2 













































9 085 





The natives are a good-tempered, light-hearted, pleasare-loving peo- 
ple. It is probable that little difficulty is found in governing them as, 
of themselves, they are not inclined to turbulence nor disposed to 
revolt against any form of government. Like children, they are easily 
led and controlled. Even when the Hawaiian Islands were discovered, 
tiie people were by no means savages, but had an organized state of 
society. After discovery, civUization made progress as rapidly, it is 
fisid, with these people as with the Japanese; and in twenty-five years 
ifter the landing of the missionaries (1820), the whole people had, in a * 
great measure become Americanized. But today, except politically as 
\he one- time owners of the islands, the natives are but an unimportant 
element of the i>eople and their consent or opposition could have but 
little influence ai>on the course of events. They are a peace-loving 
noe, and, in a military sense, are not worth consideration, but they are 
brave individually and make, it is said, excellent seamen. Little resist- 
anee could be anticipated from them even in defense of their country. 


An forms of religion are tolerated. According to the latest statis- 
tics there are: 

Pratostenla 29,685 

idoian Catholics 20,072 

MoimoiiB 3,576 

HfltoewByless than... 100 


Education is general. 

There are 178 schools, with 10,000 pupils, of whom 5,559 are natives 
iod 1,573 balf-castes. In 1890-'92 $326,922 was allotted for public 
instruction. (Sum allotted for public instruction^ 1892-'94, $210,600. 
Statesman's Year Book, 1893.) 


The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a 
mpreme court of justice, and, in addition, circuit judges and justices 
of Uie i»eaoe. 


The military forces authorized by law consist of the household 
piards, fixed at 65 men. It is reported that all but 16 of these men 
lave been discharged, that number being retained as a guard for the 
deposed qneen (February, 1893). Volunteer military organizations 
are prohibit^ by law. 

There is also an organized police force. 


The langna^re is very largely made up of vowels, giving to the spoken 
toBgiie a pleasant liquid sound somewhat difficult to acquire. The 
consoDants all have the English sound, the vowels that of the Grerman 



vowels, except t, wbich is the same as the German ie. ^i?here are no 
silent letters in the written Hawaiian language. 
English is very generally spoken throughout the group. 


Under the great chief Kamehameha the islands of the Hawaiian 
group became consolidated into a kingdom about the beginning of the 
present century, and continued, with occasional interference from 
European i)owers, as an independent nation under the rule of the 
desccDdents of the first great chief. 

At the beginning of the present year the Government was a consti- 
tutional monarchy, ruled by a queen aided by a cabinet consisting pf 
4 ministers, and by a legislature composed of 24 members of the house 
of nobles and 24 representatives. These, with the ministers, made a 
total of 52. Members of both houses were elected by a popular vote. 
An educational qualification was necessary for all voters, and a prop- 
erty qualification for electors for nobles. In January of this year the 
revolution occurred which resulted in the present Provisional Gtovem- 


Business is almost entirely carried on by foreigners, principally 
Americans, British, Germans, and Chinamen. Many of the principal 
offices are filled by foreigners or by native-bom whites. 




Gold and silver coins of all nations are current as legal tender at 
real or nominal value. From 1884 only United States gold coins have 
been legal tender for more than $10; no paper money exists excepting 
in form of treasury certificates lor coin deposited. 


The budget is (was) voted for a biennial period. The following table 
shows the revenue and expenditures in dollars for the last five financial 






RfivennA ....................... 

$3, 092, 085 





¥<xDAnditiu*oA .................. 


The revenue is largely derived from customs ($1,204,305, 1890-^92) 
and internal taxes ($963,495, 1890-'92), while the largest item ol 
expenditure was for the interior ($1,641,848, 1890-'92). The debt, 
March, 1892, was : 

Bonded debt $2,314,000 

Dae depositors' postal-savings bank 90^162 

Interest varies from 5 to 12 per cent. 

• Btateaman's Year Book, 1893. 




Sogar and rice are the staple industries, while coffee, hides, bananas, 
and wool are also exported. 
The following table shows the commerce and shipping for five years: 



Natire ex- 


Ships en- 



4, 541. 000 
6. 062, 000 
7, 439, 000 

10, 25a 000 




210, 703 


221, 148 


2*23, 567 


230. 120 



The chief exi)orts in 1891 were: 

SagiT pounds.. 274,983,580 

Biee do 4,900,450 

BuiaDM.... bunches.. 116,660 

Wool pounds.. 97,119 

The imports are mainly groceries, provisions, clothing, grain, timber, 
machinery, hardware, and cotton goods. 
Ninety -one per cent of the trade is with the United States.* 


Besides sugar and rice, the staple products, coffee, bananas, oranges, 
and other fruits are largely grown. Food products are abundant, 
especially of the kind suitable to a hot climate. 

Tlie native food consists largely of the tare plant, of which the best 
Tarieties are grown in shallow ponds of fresh water. It is stated that 
about 40 square feet of taro will yield enough to supply one man for 
a year, this being his principal food. From this plant is made the j>ot, 
which is the ordinary food of the Kanaka. 

The sweet potato grows even amongst the rocks and flourishes 
abundantly in good soil, while the common iK)tato sometimes grows 
weU, though is often injured by worms. 

Wheat and corn are grown; the former was once cultivated for 
export. Flour is made, but it is said that the islands now receive all 
tbeir cereal products from California. 

The quality of the coffee raised is said to be equal to the choicest. 

The climate is also very favorable to the growth of the long. staple 
lea-iftland cotton; but as this variety must be picked by hand the high 
[dee of labor in the islands renders its culture unprofitable. 

Tropical fruits of nearly all kinds grow in the greatest abundance, 
the orange, lemon, time, mango, pineapple, chirimoya or custard apple, 
the alligator x^ear, pomegranate, and guava, all of which are exotic. 

The banana is indigenous, and is the most abundant of all fruits; 
besides it there are the ohia apple — a fruit peculiar to the Pacific 
idands, soft, juicy, and mildy acid — many varieties of palms, the 
choicest trees of India, the caoutchouc, the papaya, the traveler's tree 
of Madagascar, and other foreign plants. 


"The chief industry of the islands is the cultivation of sugar cane. 
For this the soil (although the area is limited) seems better adapted 

^statesman's Tear Book, 1893. 


than any other in the world. The yield will average about 5,000 
pounds of sugar to the aore, and choice fields sometimes 3deld twice 
that amount. Large amounts of American capitaUhave heen invested 
in the plantations and in the accessory commerce.'' 

Large flocks of sheep and herds of cattle are found. These animals 
are raised chiefly for their wool and hides. On the island of Lanai 
great flocks of sheep pasture, while in Hawaii considerable numbers of 
wild cattiie are still found in the mountains;* wild goats and wild hogs 
also exist in great numbers^ and it is said that wild horses and asses 
are also found. 


It is asserted that diseases, other than leprosy, are not as trouble- 
some as in most places considered healthful. Malarial fevers are 
thought to be infrequent, nevertheless in the monthly table (March, 
1891) the greatest number of deaths for the year, 89, is recorded as due 
to "fever." 

Consumption (probably imported cases) comes next with 74; "old 
age'' next with 59. Amongst the other more important causes of death 
are diarrhea, 29; dysentery, 15. From diseases of the liver but 2 died, 
while 25 died of disease of the heart. 

From this it would seem that the diseases common to the tropics — 
fever and stomach troubles — are to be guarded against. Eheumatism 
is prevalent in many of the damper localities; smallpox occasionally 
appears; and measels has on one or two occasions carried off many of 
the natives, owing to their manner of life, but this disease is now easily 
controlled when it makes its appearance. Lung and chest troubles are 
aJmost unknown to natives of the islands. In fact, the Hawaiian Islands 
are regions of unusual healthfulness. 

The general health of the natives is steadily improving; leprosy, 
now largely under medical control, is gradually being stampeid out. 
( Sue Leprosy.) 


The whites live, of course, nluch as they live at home, and usually in 
well-constructed houses of European style. The natives live as a rule 
in grass huts, upon native food, largely taro and fruit, and wear clothing 
of light cotton stuff, a straw hat, but shoes rarely. 

Woolens are not in general use, but very light flannels are recom- 
mended for strangers at all seasons. 

At night blankets are rarely needed, but a light blanket is often com- 
fortable. Houses have no fireplaces. 

For troops clothing for all seasons should be light flannel drawers 
and shirts, wide straw hats or helmets, and the light quality of outer 
garments issued to troops on the southern stations. 

Ample tentage should be provided for use in localities where heavy 
and sudden rainfalls are frequent, and light blankets should be carried. 

The ration shonld be suit.ed to the requirements of a warm cUmat^e. 

'Descended from the aiiimaltf introduced by Vaaoonyer in 1792. 




Island of Oahu (Map 0). 

This island lias the form of an irregular quadrangle; it lies 23 miles 
northwest of the nearest island of the group, Molokai. Length about 
^ breadth about 25 miles. 

Oahu, though not the largest, is the most important of the Hawaiian 
group, as it contains Honolulu, the capital, chief seaport, and principal 

GtHuf. — The greater part of the island is surrounded by a coral reef 
often half a mile wide. 

The windward side of the island presents a gigantic cliff hardier acces- 
sil)Ie, except at one point reached by a road cut with great labor from 
the mountain side; but the leeward side descends from the mountain 
to the sea in very moderate slopes deeply cut by ravines. 

The northeastern coast of the island is generally a rugged plateau 
descending by gentle slopes to the water. When viewed from the 
,ooean, this coast appears to be formed of detached hills rising steeply 
ud covered with woods. The intervening valleys are fertile and well 
eoltivated. From the southeast extremity of the island, called Makapuu 
Point, to the Mokapu Peninsula, the coast is often marked by scattered 
L«iet8 and rocks; and beyond, the peninsula is indented by a con- 
siderable bay extending to Kaoio Point, thence to Kahuku, the northern 
point of Oahu. Along this part of the coast is a narrow strip of land, 
varying from a half to 2 miles in breadth, only a few feet above the 
level of the sea. It is very fertile, and has a gradual ascent to the foot 
of the mountains. 

From Kahuku to the vUlage of Waimea lies a level plain from 2 to 6 
miles wide, and but slightly above the level of the sea. It is a good 
pasture, and at many of its frequent holes and crevices may be secu 
stieams of clear and cool fresh water making their subterranean waj** 
from the mountains to the outlets in the sea below low-water mark. 

The southwest side of the island is composed chiefly of craggy moun- 
tains, some descending abruptly to the sea, others terminating a small 
distance from it; thence a low border of land extends to a shore formed 
by sandy beaches, bounded by rocks on which the surf beats heavily. 

The southwest extremity is Laeloa, or Barber Point; thence the shore 
eontinaes low, flat, and covered with bushes to the entrance of Pearl 
Siver, about 12 miles from Honolulu. 

Some of the land in this vicinity is of extreme fertility. 

Interior. — ^Two parallel ranges of hills traverse Oahu from southeast 
to northwest, separated by a low plain. The highest point is Kauia, 
4,0GO feet, in the west range. The east range is much longer than the 
<^er, and its ridge is very broken; lateral spurs extend from many 
mines on the land side, but for 30 miles on the other side the range 
presents to the sea a nearly vertical wall without a break. There are 
few craters in the loftier heights; volcanic activity seems to have ceased ; 
Uit several groups of small cones with craters, some of lava, some of 
tofii, exist. Valleys.are numerous, with lateral ravines, in which water 
eoarses and cascades are found. 

A chain of mountains rises near the center of the east part of the 
island to 3,175 feet, and descends near the middle into the Bwa Plain, 
which divides this range from the distant and elevated mountains that 


rise in a line parallel with the southwest shore. The E wa Divide lies 5 
miles west of Honolulu. This Ewa Plain is nearly 20 miles in len^h 
from Pearl River to Waialua, and in some parts is 9 or 10 miles across; 
its soil is fertile, and watered by a number of rivulets running , along 
deep water courses emptying into the sea. 

Plain of Honolulu. — ^This plain is some 10 miles in length, and in 
some parts 2 miles in width from the sea to the foot of the mountains. 

The whole plain is covered with rich, alluvial soils, in places 2 or 3 
feet deep. Under this lie volcanic ashes and cinders 14 to 16 feet deep, 
resting on a stratum of solid nonvolcanic rock, a kind of sediment 
deposited by the sea, iii which branches of white coral, bones of fish 
and animals, and several varieties of marine shells have been found. 
A number of wells have been dug to a depth of 12 to 13 feet in the 
substratum of rock, always reaching good clear water, which, though 
free from salt or brackish taste, rises and falls with the tide. 

Inland from Waikiki, near Honolulu, and reached by the Punahou 
road, lies the Manoa Valley, whose upper portion divides into numerous 

There is a broad valley called Nuuanu^ bounded by a mountain wall 
20 miles in length, which rises from the green, rolling plain below. 

Less than 5 miles from Honolulu, in a westerly direction, lies the 
valley of Moanalua. Here are fine rice fields, coeoanut groves, and 
fish ponds. 

In the district of Waianae the bases of the mountain lie farther from 
the sea and a narrow valley, presenting a fertile and cultivated aspect, 
seems to wind for some distance through hills. 

In the Waialua bay district the soil is sandy and poor, but a short 
distance inshore an agreeable change takes place. 



Honolulu is the capital and principal port of the Hawaiian Islands, 
and is situated on the south side of Oahu, on a narrow plain at the 
foot of the eastern range of mountains. 

The aspect of the country around Honolulu, as seen from the roads, 
is baiTcn; and the plain on which the town stands is destitute of ver- 
dure. This plain extends east and west from the town, while behind it 
the land rises gradually towards the Nuuanu Valley. Several crater- 
shaped hills are in sight, one of which, named Punch Bowl Hill, 498 
feet high, lies close to the northeast side of the town. 

The central part of Honolulu consists of regularly laid out streets, 
on either side of which stand houses and warehouses of European style, 
frequently placed within spacious, inclosed gardens. The outer por- 
tions of the town are chiefly composed of grass huts inhabited by 
natives. Honolulu would, probably, burn easily to the ground. 

Amongst the ijrincipal buildings are the spacious Government houses, 
in which all the public offices are inclosed, the Bang's palace, a fort, 
two hospitals, several churches and chapels belonging to the different 
religious denominations, custom house, sailors' home, and several 

Hospitals. — There is a quarantine hospital on the west side of the 
harbor, and a good general hospital to which sailors and others are 
admitted at $1.25 per diem. 

Shops. — There are foundries, workshops, and shipyards, where con- 
fdderable repairs can be efi'ected. 



Patent slip. — A. patent slip has been constmcted by the Government 
on the east side: of the harbor opposite the outer light- hoasc. This slip 
can take a vessel of 1,700 tons. 

The harbor is formed by an opening in the coral reef, about 150 yards 
wide at the entrance and 300 yards wide off the town, and rather more 
thao a mile in length. Though small it is capable of accommodating 
i|;ood namber of vessels. Depth on bar is 30 feet. 

Wharves. — The railway crosses the flats on the north side of the har- 
bor »id terminates at two wharves, with 19 feet of water alongside 
each of them. The west wharf is used by ships. 

There is in the harbor altogether 1,900 feet of wharf frontage, with a 
depth of 21i feet, and 700 feet with depths of from 17 to 19 feet, and 
abont 1,200 feet with less depth. 

Tides, — ^Tbe tidal streams are regular, running six hours each way. 
The flood is to the westward. Springs rise from 2^ to 3 feet. 

Supplies. — Supplies of all kinds are plentiful. Beef, mutton, fowls, 
efgs, vegetables, and fruit can be obtained at moderate prices. 

Water can be procured from the shore in a tank. It is good, but very 
expensive, even in the inner anchorage being $2.50 a ton. This for 

Implements and building materials (with the exception of timber, 
thich is good and moderate in price) are excessively costly in Hono- 
hla. The demand for and sale of articles required for the equipment 
of ships have ^eatly diminished. 

Probably material for repair of arms, equipments, and munitions of 
Iroops coidd be obtained with difftculty, or not at all. 

Watet and lighting. — Honolulu has an abundant supply of excellent 
water — ^pnre, free from limestone or alkali, soft, and adapted to all the 
mes of the city. It is brought from reservoirs at the upper end of the 
lovely Nnnana Valley, and conveyed by pipes through the business 
and principal residence districts. The city is lighted by electricity, 
Ihe power for the generation of which is derived from the reservoirs 
referred to. Both the water and lighting systems are controlled by the 

Coal. — ^^Telsh or Austi-alian coal of good quality can be obtained from 
Knt)pean firms. About 15,000 tons is the quantity generally kept in 

Climate. — ^The climate of Honolulu is generally very pleasant and 
kealthfol, especially when the northeast trade wind prevails. The 
switherly and southwesterly winds are called by the natives the " sick 
winds," because they are followed by small ailments, gastric maladies, 
and intermittent fevers, as is the case with, the sirocco in Europe. 

The following table* gives meteorological observations taken at 
Himohda, 1876: 


Mean thermometer. 































ProTailiiig winds. 

NE., force 8, maximum. 

NE., ftirce 3, areragp. 

S.. foi-re 3, calm at night. 

XE., force 4, light at night. 

XE., force 4. 

NE., force 3. 

NE., calm at nigbi. 


NK., 21 days ; SB., 9 days. 

• PiM^ific talondB. Sailing directions. Admiralty. 


The barometer generally falls below 30 during southerly winds. 

Population. — Honolulu has a population of 23,000 or 24,000, of various 
nationalities, consisting principally of whites, natives, Chinese, and 
Portuguese. Of these the whites are the controlling element in com- 
mercial, manufacturing, and general affairs, though there are several 
business houses in the hands of the Chinese. The Portuguese are 
chiefly engaged in manual labor. 

The most intelligent class of Hawaiians are employed in government 
or commercial positions; of the lower classes of the natives some are 
laborers; others exist by fisiiing, farming, and various occupations. 

Of the whites, Americans or those of American descent largely pre- 
dominate in ntimbers and influence, though those of German and 
British extraction are very prominent. 

HorseSj carriages, etc. — Hacks are very common in Honolulu. They 
are stationed at the corners of all the main thoroughfares, and the fare 
to any part of the city is 25 cents. The horses in use are said to be 
superior to those of many large cities. There are four livery stables, 
well equipped with saddle and carriage animals. 

Hotels. — The Royal Hawaiian has accommodations for 150 guests, 
electric lights, electric bells, water from artesian wells; Eagle hotel: 
Arlington; Waikiki Villa, at Waikiki, 3 miles from Honolulu, connected 
by tram cars from Honolulu. 

Tram cars. — About 12 or 14 miles of tram-car lines exist. These cars 
are drawn by mules or horses. The cars are of American make. 

Tel^hones. — ^There is said to be an excellent system of telephonic 
communication; two companies; rates low; 1,300 telephones in use. 

Public buildings, — lolani Palace, in King street, said to have cost 

Aliiolani hall, the main Government building, in which the Legisla- 
ture meets. 

The Queen's hospital, intended for the relief of afflicted Hawaiians 
of both sexes, gratis. 

The opera house, seating capacity 1,000. 

The Lunalilo home, a home for aged Hawaiians. 

The insane asylum, from 50 to 75 inmates. 

The Oahu jail. Prisoners are required to do road work and other 
labor in and around Honolulu. 

The flsh market. 

The Boyal Mausoleum. 

Honolulu Free Library^ contains 10,000 volumes, on general subjects. 

Young Men's Christian Association building. 

Post ofi&ce building. 

Police station house for the reception of petty offenders. 

Current publications. — Pacific Commercial Advertiser, frequency^of 
publication unknown. 

The Hawaiian Gazette, a weekly publication. 

The Kuokoa, a weekly publication. 

The BuUelin, an evening daily. 

Ka Leo, native, daily and weekly. 

Holomua, native, weekly. 

Elele, native, weekly. 

Monthly publications. — ^The Friend, The Anglican Ghnrclimany The 
Planter's Monthly, The Paradise of the Pacific. 

A Tourist's Guide is issued annually. 

The Hawaiian AnnuaL 


The Hawaiian Gazette Publishing Company possesses a very com- 
plete prlntiiig establislunent. * 

MoMufaciuring. — ^Honolulu Iron Works, incorporated 1877. Knmbor 
of hands employed, usually about 200. This institution is said to be 
equipped with excellent appliances in all its departments. 

Honolulu Stearin Bice Mills — ^Large quantities of rice milled for home 
a&d foreign use. 

Hawaiian Carriage Manufacturing Oompa/ny. — ^Manufacture to order 
tod attend to all kinds of repairing: deal in and keep on hand wagon 
makers' supplies. 

Hopper's Planing Mill and Iron WorJca. — ^Extensive plant, said to 
eieente all kinds of work in wood and iron. 

Enterprise Planing Milt. — Sash, doors, etc 

Imcos Bros. — Sash, doors, etc. 

Howaiian Gazette. — Bookbinding, etc. 

Tress Publishing Company. — WeU equipped printing house. 

TshM Lemonade Works. — ^For manutacture of all kinds of aerated 

Another establishment of the same kind. 

The usual number of blacksmith and wagon shops, cooi>erages, etc. 

Banking houses. — ^Bishop & Go.^ Glaus Spreckles & Go., whose Cali- 
farnia correspondent is the Anglo-Galifornia bank. 

The mercantile houses are numerous. 


KanehoCj in the Kulau district, the principal place on its side of the 
klaod, situated near Waialai harbor, just beneath the Pali, back of 
Honolulu. No detaOs of settlement. The climate here is cooler by a 
fev degrees than on the leeward side, and frequent showers keep up 
the verdure. 

Waialua^ a large village, lies at the northern end of the plain which 
leparates tibe two ranges of mountains. No details. 

Waianacj nearly in the middle of the southwest coast of the island, 
a Tillage lymg at the base of the mountains in a narrow valley, fertile 
and cultivated. The shore here forms a small sandy bay, and on the 
MatJiem side, between two high rocky precipices, in a grove of cocoa- 
last trees, stands the village. 

Pearl Cityj situated on the south side of the island, is a large, irregu- 
lady-shaped lagoon or inlet, greatly cut up by projecting points and 
islands. This is Puuloa Eiver and Pearl Lochs, where the United 
States Crovemment has acquired certain rights.* On the west side of 
tbe channel lies Puuloa village, in the neighborhood of which are large 
salt works. Along the inshore side of the Pearl Lochs is a strip of 
Tery fertile land of variable breadth, part of which is under cultivation ; 
belund the land rises gradually to the Ewa plain. 

Pearl City is said to be one of the pleasantest spots on the island, 
Bade accessible by the building of the Oahu liailroad. It is situated 

'In 18S7 » treaty between Hawaii and the United States was made which agreed 
that, on condition of the remission of duties on certain articles of Hawaiian produce, 
t^ IJnited States was ceded the exclusive right to establish and fortify a iiaval sta- 
tion in the Hawaiian Islands. Pearl Harbor was designated as the station. 

In 1S89 *D enlargement of the treaty provisions, so as to confer special advantages 
>poo both parties, was proposed by the United States. It was suggested that the 
cntion of a naval station be perpetual as well as exclusive. Another provision was 
proposed, riz, to aUow the United States to land troops in Hawaii whenever neces- 
my to preserve order. These provisions have not bo far been taken advantai^e of by 
tbe Doited Stotee. 


in the midst of a highly productive and fertile district, 12 miles distant 
from Honolulu, and is now a beautiful town, with an abundant supply 
of pure artesian water, with wide streets, a substantial station, and 
several modem residences already built, aud with improvements going 
on as rapidly as a large force of workmen can push them to completion. 

The Oahu Land and Bailroad Company founded the town. 

Water supply. — Pearl City is said to have &cilities for supplying 
10,000 inhabitants. There lis now an artesian well which flows to a 
height of 28 feet, and has a capacity, when pumped, of 2,000,000 gallons 
per day. The water from this well will be pumped into a reservoir 100 
feet high, and be used to supply the peninsula. 

There is another reservoir on the more elevated ground, 200 feet 
above sea level, with a capacity of 1,500,000 gallons, which can be 
increased to 16,000,000 as soon as necessary. This is supplied from 
mountain streams. 

Pearl City consists of 2,200 acres of land, which was owned in fee 
simple by the Oahu Baih'oad and Land Company, 18,000 acres adjoin- 
ing which is held by the same company under a iifty-year lease, and is 
being sublet for fruit-growing purposes. Three companies have recently 
been incorporated, two of them with a capital of $30,000 each, and have 
rented a choice portion of this land, which will be planted principally 
in bananas and pineapples. 

The 2,200 acres which the town proper comprises, includes the whole 
of the ]>eninsula extending into the harbor, and the lots on the main- 
land, the latter of which are on a gradual slope of land inclining toward 
the mountains. 

The site of Pearl City has long been a favorite spot where boating, 
bathing, and fishing can be enjoyed under the most favorable circum- 
stances. A good breeze is always blowing from the ocean. The tem- 
perature of the water is perfect for bathing all the year round.* 

Diamond HiU. — ^About 3^ miles southeast of Honolulu; a signal 
station for incoming vessels. 

Waikiki, — ^A village lying about 1 mile northwest of Diamond TTIII, 
There is no anchorage in front of it. 

ISLAio) OF Haw An. (Map D.) 

In shape the island of Hawaii is a wide triangle, sides 85, 75, and 65 
geographical miles. Almost the whole surface is a gentle slope from 
one of the four volcanic mountains : Mauna Kea, on north, 13,805 feet, 
the highest peak in the Pacific Ocean; Mauna Loa, on south, 13,600 
feet; Mauna Hualalai, on west, 8,275 feet; and Mauna Kohala, on north- 
west, 5,505 feet. The slopes on the west are so gentle that the base of 
terminal cones may be reached on horseback. In the Mahtikona dis- 
trict the face of the country is regular, ascending gradually from coast 
to summit of highland. 

The plain lying between the mountains of Hawaii is many square 
miles in extent. 

Coast. — The south point of the island of Hawaii, called Ka Lae, is 
very low, rising with a gentle slope to the hills behind. The southern 
side of the island is much drier and the country more open and free 
from forest than on the north, where, indeed, the forests are very dense. 

From the south to Kumukahi, the east point of Hawaii, there are no 
bays or good anchovages.t The coast is exposed to wind and swelL 

* Pftoiflo CoMt Commeroial Record. t £:i >ept the ■mall bay at Kaaloalii, 


Fn»m the east point almost to Hilo Bay the coast is precipitous, and 
against it the seA continually beats with violence; thence for thirty 
lules the shore is remarkable for the number of streams (85), running 
at the bottom of ravines, 1,800 to 2,000 feet deep, which furrow the side 
of Matma Kea and. render travel along its coast very laborious. Eidges 
between the ravines, terminating at the sea in precipices from 100 to 
500 feet high, obligee the road to run inland. The northeastern coast is 
Toy generally steep and rocky, though here and there are small bays or 
breaks in the clifis ^w^Iiere the natives are able to land their canoes. 

Upolu Paint is tlie northern extremity of the island. Behind it lies 
an extensive plain in good state of cultivation, rising gradually to the 
fcofof the mountains. 

From the nortli x>oint of the island the west coast is at first barren, 
owing to want of rain ; the face of the country is regular, ascending 
gradually from tlie coast to the summit of highland in the interior. 
From Eawaihe Hay to the village of Kailua there is no anchorage or 

Kmldeehua Say, T^bere stands the monument to Gapt. Cook, B. K, is 
the best ancliorag^e of the south coast; but south of it lies a rugged 
iava^vered sbore, where large masses of rock, miles in extent, often 
form perpendicular cliffs against which the sea beats with fury. 

This formation extends half a mile into the interior, and as the dis- 
tiacefirom the sea increases the soil becomes richer and more productive. 
The face of the country within this rocky barrier is rough and covered 
fith blocks of lava more or less decomposed, but at a distance of 2 
miles from the coast begins to be well covered with woods of various 
Ma, which are rendered almost impassable by an undergrowth of 
Tines and ferns. 

The interior of tbe island of Hawaii is a strange blending of fertility 
ttd desolation. In the valleys are often found regions of extraordinary 
riehness, that are reached only by crossing arid districts strewn with 
neks and bowlders, or overlaid by recent streams of lava still uncovered 

Barren wastes are succeeded by vegetation so dense as to be almost 
impenetrable, or by pleasant grass lands lying near forests of the pecu- 
liar koa tree, w^bicb is characteristic of this island. The trees in the 
koa forests frequently grow close together from a soil carpeted with 
long rich grass; tliey are large in size, of hard, dark wood, and were 
fonnerly greatly u&;ed to make the canoes of the islanders. 

The density of tbe forests is proportional to the amount of rainfall, 
which, upon the windward side of Hawaii, is phenomenally great.* 

On Hawaii is found a peculiar grass, said to have been brought to 
tbe island by accident. In its green state it is hardly fit for pasture. 
Ca^le and borses eat it, but it apparently affords very little nourish- 
ment, though more when cured. So dense and high is this grass that 
it is difficult to ride through it. Another, and perhaps the best variety 
of grass, comes from Mexico; it is called, locally, maniania grass, and 
wherever it grows forms the richest and most velvety sward imagin- 
Ale, It is highly nutritious and animals are very fond of it. 

Such being: tbe character of the interior of the island, roads are in 
peneral bad, and communication difficult. 

*Haj. Dntton says that this may attain to more than 300 inches aiuiually in the 
itoitfftf ff^iy|tii| ^iO WCli^9 Ii»v9 h^en pi^a&uxed ftt Bilo. 



Hilo, — Hilo, or Bjrron Bay, on the northeast side of Hawaii, is the 
only anchorage on the northeast coast; the bay is about 7 J miles wide 
and 3 miles deep. It is fully exposed to the northeast trade wind. 

The scene which the island presents, as viewed from the anchorage 
in Hilo Bay, is novel and beautiful; the shores are shielded with exten- 
sive groves of cocoanut and bread fruit trees, interspersed with plan- 
tations of sugar cane, through which numerous streams are seen hur- 
rying to the ocean. To this belt succeeds a region some miles in width, 
tree from woods, but clothed in verdure, while beyond is a wider belt of 
forest, whose trees, as they rise higher and higher from the sea, change 
their character from the vegetation of the tropics to that of the polar 
regions. Above all tower the snow-capped summits of the mountains.* 

On the coast of the bay near Cocoanut Island lie the creek and vil- 
lage of Whyeatea, where landing may be effect.ed in all weathers. 
There are two piers to the northward of the entrance of the creek, 
alongside the northernmost of which ships drawing 15 feet of water can 
lie. The shore then turns westward along a sandy beach for nearly 1 
mile to the bottom of the bay, where the town of Hilo is situated. 

Hilo is the principal town in Hawaii, and ranks next to Honolulu in 
importance and population. The town may be easily recognized from 
the seaward by the tall white square towers of the Eoman Catholic 
church and the xwinted white spire of the Protestant church. There are 
also several other large buildings, both public and private, such as a 
court-house, schools, governor's house, stores, etc. 

There are several sugar plantations in the vicinity of Hilo on which 
the town is mainly dependent for prosperity. 

Besides sugar and molasses, Hilo exports hides, tallow, goatskins, 
arrowroot, rice, and a small amount of coffee. 

As before stated, the rainfall here is very great, and accounts for 
the luxuriant verdure of the district. 

The Hawaiian Government steam vessels communicate with Hilo from 
Honolulu once a week, and schooners ply constantly between the two 
porta. (See Communications and Appendix i.) 

Supplies. — Supplies of nearly all descriptions can be obtained: Beef, 
10 cents per pound; bread, about 9 cents, and vegetables at 6 cents. 

A smaU pier has been built in front of the town, but in 1888 the sand 
had washed up and closed it as a landing place. The only landing 
place is at Whyeatea. 

Close to the west of the town is Waterfall Creek, the mouth of 
Wailuku Eiver, and about 2 miles from the entrance is Coco&nut Point. 
There is a good watering place up this creek which is generally easy of 
access, except when the wind is blowing hard from seaward; on such 
occasions the surf is high, and the rocky bar at the entrance becomes 
dangerous for boats to pass. The water is excellent and abundant. 

Hilo Bay is a safe anchorage, and next to Honolulu may be con- 
sidered the best in the Hawaiian Islands. With a strong trade wind 
there is a slight sea, unpleasant enough for boats but not sufficient to 
endanger the safety of a ship. The westerly wind, which is felt most, 
seldom blows strongly. 

A well-sheltered anchorage can be picked up anywhere under the 
lee of Blonde Eeef in from 5 to 7 fathoms. A vessel drawing 15 feet or 

* Pftcifio Islanday Vol. u, Hydrographio Office. Admiraltj. 


less BMiy anchor so as to bo quite under the lee of Cocoannt Isl imd and 
KJeo Kea Point. 

Makukana. — ^A small village with anchorage off it about 6 miles south 
of Upolu Point. The place is becoming important, through the energy 
ol a Mr. Wilder, who has made a most convenient landing place, nnd 
eonstnicted a railway 15 miles long to bring sugar from the Kohala 
district round the north end of the island. 

The cargo boats lay along the side of the pier and are laden and 
cleared very quickly by means of a steam ''crab "^ which works a truck 
op and down tlie incline. 

lliere is no water in the place. All the fresh water has to be brought 
fnm Kohala by train. An attempt to obtain artesian water failed. 

The anchorage is indifferent, and with winds to the westward of 
Borth or soutli would be untenable. Freight is disembarked, and ship- 
ped at ni^ht, during the greater part of the year* 

The soil along the shore is barren for 3 or 4 miles inland owing to 
^ want of rain. The face of the country is regular^ ascending grad- 
ilty from the coast to the summit of the high land. 

Kawaihae village is situated in a grove of cocoauut trees, just behind 
a aandy point near the center of the bay of the same name. The vil- 
hge consists (1801) of a general store, 2 or 3 houses, and several 
hate along the shore. In front of the village is a pier for boats. 

So much of the soil of this district as lies along th^e coast, though 
rich, is badly watered; 7 or 8 miles inland from Eawaihae Bay it 
beeomes exceedingly rocky and barren. 

The climate is upon the whole unpleasant, especially at Waimea, 
about 9 miles eastward of Kawaihae, in consequence of the exceed- 
in^y strong trade wind, which brings with it a mist toward sunset. 
I^ wind rushes fru*iously down between the mountains which bound 
the valley of Waimea and becomes very dangerous to the shipping in 
fee bay. It is called by the natives mumuku, and is foretold by an 
flliiminated streak seen far inland, believed to be caused by the reflec- 
ts of the twilight on the mist that always accompanies the mumuku. 

The principal exports of the district are hides, tallow, and beef. 

On approaching the anchorage a good landmark is a conspicuous 
Bound situated a short distance south of the village. Another con- 
ipkoons landmark is a white tomb in the form of a pyramid. 

There is a coral reef in front of the village, but a boat passage exists 
mmnd the north end and close to the shore, where landing is easy. 

With strong westerly winds the anchorage would be very exposed 
and unsafe. The sea breeze from the westward lasts all day, and the 
northeast trade or land breeze sometimes blows strong all night. 

SmppUes. — Beef may be obtained here at 6 cents a pound; potatoes are 
iboncLuit, and plenty of flsh may be caught with the seine. 

The watering place, which is in a small sandy bay, is only a pool of 
nio water collected in a hole, and would require 500 feet of hose to 
puDp into a boat. In the summer the water becomes somewhat stag- 
nant and unfit for drinking; in winter more rain falls, and it then 
beeomea a stream. 

Battlement — Kailua Bay. — ^The bay affords a good anchori^^e at most 
iewDDS of the year. (In 1841 the residence of the governor of Hawaii 
hLmd was established here, and great advances were being made in the 
cirilized arts and industries.) Tliere i s a most convenieut landing place 
«& a saudy beach on the west side of the bay, formed by the jutting out 

<tf two points, between which is a small cove protected from the surf by 


B. Bep. 227- 


Bain seldom fitlls here except in showers, and a rainy day »nce in tlie 
year is looked upon as remarkable. This, together with the absence of 
all dew, prevents the existence of much cultivation. There grows, 
nevertheless, a coarse vegetation sufficient to pasture a few hundred 
goats, and a mile back from the shore the surfiEtce is covered with herb- 
age which maintains cattle, etc.; 2 miles in the interior there is suffi- 
cient moisture to keep up a constant verdure. 

The temperature is mild and equable. During the winter the ther- 
mometer ranges from 64P to 85<^; summer, 68^ to 86^. 

The prevailiug winds are the land and sea breezes, which are very 
regular; the most severe gales are those from the southwest, which last 
from a few hours to two or three days,* and render anchorage unsafe. 

On approaching Eailua Bay, the town may be recognized by the 2 
churches and the cocoanut groves on the shore to the westward. 

There is a most convenient landing place, as noted above. 

Kana. — Settlement near Kealakekua Bay, situated west side Hawaii; 
best anchorage on that coast. Climate nuld, 62^ to 76^ in winter, 7(K> 
to 86^ in summer. Strong winds are seldom felt. During day, cool 
sea breeze; during night, land breeze. It was at Kealakekua Bay that 
Capt. Cook was killed (1779). On west of E^anwalda Cove is a village 
of same name, where the monument to Cook now stands. The shore 
all around the bay is i:ocky, making landing dangerous when there is 
a swell setting in, except at Kealakekua village. Here there is a fine 
sandy beach, with burying place at one extremity and a small weU of 
fresh water at the other. The bay is easy of access; but anchorage is 
not good, owing to the great depth of water and foul bottom. Kan- 
walda Cove, though exposed to winds south and southwest, may be con- 
sidered safe anchorage, except in winter. 

Kona is a village a few miles inland, and is considered one of the 
most healthy spots in the whole group, and esx>ecially beneficial to peo- 
ple suffering from weakness or disease of lungs or ches£. It is said 
that many visitors come here from California to pass the winter, and 
there are one or two commodious boarding houses for their accommo- 

From the landing place, about half a cable southwest of Cook's mon- 
ument, there is a good road leading to Kona. 

Supplies. — ^Beef, fowls, sweet potatoes, and plantains can be obtained 
in Kealakekua; also water at Napnpu, a village south of Kealakekua; 
but the tank is falling to decay, and the water is brackish in all wells 
in the vicinity of Kanwalda Cove. 

Island of Math. (Map E.) 

The island of Maui lies northwest of Hawaii. The channel which 
separates them has a width of 28 miles. 

The island is 48 miles long in a west-by-north and east-by-south direc- 
tion; it is divided into two oval-shaped peninsulas, connected by a low 
isthmus 6 miles across, and only a few feet higher than the beach. 

The whole island, which is volcanic, was probably produced by the 
action of the two adjacent volcanoes. 

Coast — ^The southwest point of Maui, Cape Hanamanioa, is formed 
by rugged, craggy rocks. From here along the coast 25 miles to 
Alau islet the wbole shore is rugged and offers no anchorage or 
shelter. From seaward the land appears to ascend abruptly; it is 
densely covered with trees and vegetation, while here and tiiiere a few 


habitatioiiB appear. Alan islet, lying off the east coast of Mani, is very 
smalL Kaniki head, the eastern point of Maui, is an old crater which 
is connected by a low spit to the mainland, and at a distance appears 
like an island. 

Near this x>eiiin8ula lies Hana harbor, from which a coast that affords 
no shelter extends for 31 miles. 

The north coast of East Maui is a succession of deep ravines, which 
gradnally diminish in breadth as they ascend, and are finally lost in 
the flanks of the mountains; traveling along the coast, in consequence, 
becomes almost impossible. Cascades several hundred feet in height^ 
but having little volume of water, are seen falling into these ravines. 

The east coast o/ West Maui is an abrupt precipice several hundred 
feet in height, terminating at Kahaknloa Point, the northern extremity 
of the island. The southern side of West Maui has a forbidding appear- 
ance. The shores, however, are not so steep and rocky as elsewhere, 
and have generally a sandy beach. 

Off Makena, near the southwest extremity of the island, lies a small 
barren islet called Molokini, only visited by fishermen who dry their 
nets on its barren surface. 

Interior. — ^The eastern peninsula of Maui, the larger of the two, is 
lofty; but though the mountains are often seen above the clouds, they 
are never covered with snow. 

Eiut Maui rises in an unbroken mountain. 

East Maui, although mountainous, has much cultivated land; and 
the rich volcanic soil of the Kula district, on the southwest side of the 
island, raises abundant crops of x>otatoes. Wheat and other grains 
are also cultivated. 

We$t Maui has many sharp peaks and ridges, which are divided by 
deep valleys, descending towards the sea, and opening out into sloping 
plains of considerable extent in the north and south sides. 

The highest peak of West Maui is Mauna Ika, 6,130 feet. 

The connecting isthmus consists of sand, which is constantly shift- 
ing and m thrown up in'dunes; this region is naturally dry, but dur- 
ing nine months of the year affords fine grazing, feeding large herds 
of cattle that are mostly owned by foreigners. 

The productions of Maui are those of the other islands, with the 
iddition of a few fruits, such as grapes, etc. 

The highest point of Maui, named Kolakole, is 10,030 feet above the 
sea. It is destitute of trees to the height of about 2,000 feet; then 
Nicceeds a belt of forest to the height of about 6,500 feet, and again 
the summit is bare. 

The crater of Haleakala is a deep gorge, open at the north and east, 
forming a kind of elbow. The inside is entirely bare of vegetation. 
The natives have no tradition of an eruption. 

Though arid and sandy in appearance, the soil of the isthmus con- 
necting the two parts of the island is good, deep, and exceedingly fertile 
▼here irrigation has been introduced. At Spreckelsville, in the north- 
em part of the peninsula, lie the largest sugar estates of the island. 


Sana Harbor. — ^The anchorage is well protected from the wind and 
sea, and is very convenient. There is a town here. Details unknown. 

Kakului Harbor. — Situated between the coral reefs on the northern 
side of the low isthmus joining the two peninsulas. Channels about 
H c^les wide, 4 cables deep, fully exposed to the northward* 


Kdhului. — An important place for exporting the produce of the north- 
em part of Mani; there are railways connecting it withrWailaku to 
the westward, and Spreckelsville and Haika on the east. {See Com- 

There was being built in 1881, oat from the shore near the custom- 
house, a jetty which it was proposed to extend as far as the edge of 
the reef. 

Anchorage may be obtained in from 2^ to 7 fathoms. 

Wailuku, — A flourishing village about 2 miles northwest of Kahu- 
lui. Here there is a' female seminary occupying an extensive ran^re 
of coral buildings, beautifully situated on an inclined plane, with high 
precipices behind. It is considered one of the best organized establish- 
ments in the Hawaiian Islands. 

Lahaina. — A town situated on the west side of West Maui, and at 
one time a flourishing place much frequented by whaling vessels for 
refitting and for obtaining supplies, but now only visited by vessels 
loading with sugar, which is grown on the estates in the vicinity. 

The town is built along the beach for a distance of three-fourths of 
a mile. It is principally composed of grass houses situated as near 
tlie beach as possible. It has one principal street, with a few others 
at right angles to it. From seaward the town may be recognized by 
some conspicuous buildings, especially Government House, which is 
near the beach and has a tall flagstaff before it. The seminary of 
Lahainaluna is situated on the side of the mountain above the town. 

Oft' the town there is an open roadstead which is completely shel- 
tered from the trade wind by the high land of Maui, but the holding 
ground is reported indifferent. 

Supplies. — Supplies of all sorts can be obtained here — beef, vegeta- 
bles, fruit, and water in abundance. 

Landing. — The landing place is at a small pier, extending from the 
light-house, and protected by a breakwater. 

The tide is irregular, generally running northwest sixteen hours out 
of the twenty-four. 

Patoa, — A roadstead (so called by Vancouver) situated on the south- 
ern side of West Maui. ^< The anchorage at Patoa is abreast of the 
easternmost of these valleys, which appeared fruitftd and well culti- 

Kamalalaea Bay settlements, — ^The bay is on the west side of Maui, 
lying between two peninsulas, the western side formed by rocky cliffs 
and precipices. Nearly in the middle of this side is a village called 
Mackerrey, off which is an anchorage in 7 fathoms* No details known. 

Maalaea, — Near the head of Kamalalaea Bay, in the northeast cor- 
ner, is the small village of Maalaea. Here there are some houses for 
storing sugar. Besides sugar there is a great quantity of wheat, 
maize, and potatoes grown in this district, and supplies of fresh pro- 
visions are obtained in plenty from Wailuku, which is about 6 nules 

The anchorage off this place is not good, as the trade wind blows 
across the low isthmus in heavy gusts, and communication with the 
shore by boats is sometimes interrupted. 

There is a small pier here for loading schooners and boats can 
always go alongside, the channel leading to the landing place being 
about 20 yards wide, between two coral reefs. 

MaJcena^ or Makees Landing. — A small indentation in the west coast 
of East Maui| near the southwestern extremity of the island. It 


deriveB fhe latter name from a planter whose estate is sitnated on the 
nde of Manila Haleakala,on a platean 2,000 feet above the sea an^ 
aboat 5 miles east of the landing place. Near the landing are a stone 
church and several J^^onses. The anchorage is exposed to the heavy 
squalls which occasionally blow over the low isthmns in the center of 
Maai, and landing is at times impracticable for ships' boats owing to 
the heavy surf. The holding ground is cot good. 

Island of Kauai. (Map P:; 

Kauai lies 64 miles west by north of Oahn, and is separated from it 
by the Kaieie l^aho channel. This island is of volcanic formation, 
somewhat circular in shape, 25 miles long and 22 miles wide, and rises 
iu the center to a peak 5,000 feet in height. 

CoasL — ^From the seaward the northeast and northwest sides appear 
broken and m|^ged, but to the south the land is mope even; the hills 
rise with a gentle slope from the shore, and at some distance back are 
oo?ered with woods. 

The sonthem point of the island is a bold, barren, rocky headland, 
£d)iiig perpendicularly into the sea. 

NUini Paintj north point of Nawiliwili Harbor, is low, level, grassy 
land, sprinkled with volcanic bowlders extending from a range of low 
lulls that stretch along the coast at a short distance from the beach, 
vhich eiAends northward to Wailna. 

Along the coast from Wailua sugar cane appears to be cultivated in 
large qnantitie-s, especially in the vicinity of Wailua and Kanala Point, 
vhere there are several factories. 

From this point to Hanalei Bay are several small villages scattered 
ikmg the coast near the mouths of mountain streams which are closed 
bv sand bars. The land near the sea is flat and very fertile, but soon 
rises to the mountains behind. The rivers as weU as the sea abound 

The northwest coast of Kauai, forming the district Na Pali, has a 
Tery ragged appearance, rising to lofty abrupt cliffs that jut out into 
STarie^ of steep rocky points destitute of both soil and verdure, but 
terminating nearly in uniform even summits, on Which, in the valleys 
or chasms between them, are several patches of green. Here and 
there a stream running from the lofty mountains behind finds its way 
to the ocean. 

Mama Pointy the western extremity of Kauai, is along, low sand spit, 
eommenciug at the foot of a high range of mountains, and from it a 
andy plain extends to the town of Waimea. This plain is from «* 
quarter to a mile wide and 150 feet above the sea, whence it rises grad- 
odly to the mountains. 

It has a sunbornt appearanc6 and is destitute of trees, except on the 
bv gronnds where the cocoanut thriven. The sea here abounds in fish. 
Between Waimea and Kaloa Bay, the south point of Kauai, extends a 
leries of snnbamt hills and barren plains, sloping gradually to the 
dnnre from the moantains, and here and there intersected by ravines. 
There is no cultivation, and the soil only produces a kind of coarse 
Smss quite an fit for pasture. 

Interior. — ^The island of Kauai is considered one of the most pleasant 
^f the group. Portions of it appear better adapted to agriculture than 
tba other islands, and the coffee and sugar plantations on the weather 


side, which is well watered with streams and by frequent rains, are 
yery prodactive; bnt the lee side is dry and adapted to cultivation 
only in valleys. 


Kawiliwili Bay village. — The harbor of Nawlliwili is a small cove on 
the southeast side of the island, at the head of a bay of this name. 
The greater part of the harbor is blocked by shoals and reefs. 

At Nawiliwili Bay is a large village; the soil in the vicinity is rich, 
producing sugar cane, taro, beans, sweet potatoes, etc. 

There is a small pier in the northwest corner of the harbor, where 
landing may be easily effected; but the pier should be approached with 
caution, as a reef extends from the shore to the southward of it for 
two cables in an easterly direction. 

The local mall steamer runs to this point. (See Communications.) 

Wailua. — Formerly a place of some importance, 5^ miles from Ninini 
Point, situated on a small river of the same name, in a barren sandy 
spot, surrounded by an extremely fertile district. The river, in common 
with the others along this coast, is closed at the mouth with sand bars, 
but inside is deep and navigable by canoes for several fiiiles. 

Coast villages, — From Kanala Point, north and west, 14 miles to 
Hanalei Bay, there are several small villages scattered along the coast, 
near the mouth of mountain streams closed by sand bars. 

Hanalei. — Situated near the bottom of a bay of this name. 

Anchorage ground in the bay is spacious in fine weather, but there is 
only room for about three vessels in bad "weather under the lee of the 
reef near the eastern point of the bay. 

A landing is generally effected inside the mouth of the river. 

Supplies. — Supplies are plentiful — ^beef, vegetables, and fruits may be 
obtained in abundance. Water may be procured by sending boats into 
the river, which is easy of access in fine weather, and a short distance 
from the mouth the water is perfectly fresh. The town is very pictur- 
esquely placed; the mountains rise to a height of from 3,000 to 4,000 
feet, and are clothed with verdure from base to summit, with numerous 
rills running down their precipitous sides. 

In front of the town is a good beach where great quantities of fish 
may be caught with a seine. 

The district derives its name from the numerous rainbows formed by 
passing showers. The rains are so frequent as to clothe the country in 
perpetusd green. 

On the eastern side of the entrance is a conspicuous dark bluff- head, 
with two sandy beaches a short distance to the eastward. 

A little way to the southward of this bluff' is the mouth of a small 
river, in front of which is a bar that may be crossed by boats at hali 
flood; inside, the bar carries a depth of from one to three quarters 
of a fathom and is navigable for several miles for boats drawing 3 
feet. About 4 cables from the mouth of the river, on the northern 
bank, is a large farm, called ^< Charlton farm,'' owned by the English 
consul, who keeps a large number of cattle of good breed. 

Waimea village. — Situated on Waimea Bay, southwest coast, placed 
at the mouth of river of the same name, which runs about 15 miles 
inland. At one time a popuious native town, but now (1891) only a 
small village of little importance. It contains a church. 

Boats may ascend the river for about three-quarters of a mile; this 
is the only water here that is not brackish* A little to the eastward 


of tin village a shoal projects. The trade winds, deflected by the 
moiantims, often raise a surf which renders landing at times very 
anpleasant, sometimes impracticable. 

Waimea Bay sboald be approached with caation^ as reefs extend to 
the southward. There is a railroad from Waimea to Kekaha. No 
detMls known. 

Kdlaa Bay village, — ^About 1 mile west of the south point of Kauai 
ift a slight indentation of the coast, where there is a considerable vil- 
lage called Kaloa, off which anchorage may be obtained but in a very 
exposed position. 

The conn try around the village of Kaloa is much broken by hills 
and inactive craters; but the soil is good, though dry and very stony, 
and is capable of cultivation in many places. There is a sugar plauta- 
tbn here, and there are several large cattle ranches in the vicinity. 

Hie village may be recognized by many high buildings and two 
duuehes; it extends from th^ beach to a distance of 2 miles up the 
slope of a hill. Between the village and Makanucna, the southern 
extnmity of the island, there is a low point running out into a rocky 
ledge that somewhat protects the anchorage. 

There is a gooil landing place at Kaloa, in a small cove protected by 
aieef extending about 1 cable from shore; an artificial creek has been 
Bide at the head of this cove, with sufficient space for one boat to enter. 

Supplies, — Supplies of beef, vegetables, and fruit may be obtained in 

Island of Molokai. (Chart B.) 

Molokal is situated north of Lanai, from which it is separated by 
Plailolo Channel, 6^ miles wide. 

It is apparently formed by a chain of volcanic mountains about 40 
ndles long and 7 miles broad. The mountains are higli and broken by 
deep ravines and water courses; the sides are clothed with verdure and 
onamented with shrubs and trees. 

CoatL — ^Lae o Ka Laau, the southwest extremity of Molokai, is a 
hw black jwint^ On the south side of the island are several small 
htfborSy the best of which is Kaunakakai, midway between the two 

' From this point to the southeast extremity of the island the distance 
}tj the coast is about 21 miles, thence northward to Kalaua, the north- 
cist point, about 2 miles. 

Some 16 miles from Kalaua, and on a peninsula projecting about 2 
Kites into the sea, is placed the leper settlement of the Hawaiian 

Interior. — One-third of the island of Molokai, towards the west end, 
is a barren waste not susceptible of cultivation, except in the rainy sea- 
BOD. It has in consequence but few inhabitants, who are engaged 
BKKtly in fishing. 

The eastern two-thirds is almost one entire mountain, rising gradu- 
afly from the sonth nntil it attains an elevation of 2,500 feet, while on 
tte north it is almost i)erpendicular. On the south side there is a 
oarrow strip of land not exceeding a quarter of a mile in width, where 
dwdl the greater part of the population. The soil is very rich, but 
otini^ to the want of moisture few plants will thrive even here, liesort 
isdierefore had to the uplands, which are found to be susceptible of 
tte higheat decree of coltivatiou* 



Kaundkdkai. — ^A town oi* village situated on the south side of Molokai, 
midway between the extremes. There are outer and inner anchorages: 
former not good, latter limited. 

No supplies are to be obtained at Kaunakakai. No details of town 

Kalanao. — Situated near the center of the north coast of Molokai, at 
the base of very precipitous mountains. The leper establishment was 
erected here about 1865. The anchorage is to tlie southward of a low 
point, extending from the foot of two remarkable, steep mbuntains. 
It can not be considered safe, being exposed to a heavy swell; landing 
at Kalanao, always difficult, is at times dangerous. 

Supplies. — ^No supplies can be obtained. 

Island of Lanai, ob Banai. (OhartB.) 

Lies 16 miles northwest of Kahulaui, and is separated from West 
Maui by Auau Channel, 7^ miles wide. Lanai is a dome-shaped island, 
about 17 miles long and 9 miles broad. Large fissures are visible on its 

The center of this island is much more elevated than Kahulaui, but 
is neither so high nor so broken as any of the other islands. 

Great part of it is barren, and the island in general suffers much 
firom the long droughts which prevail. The ravines and glens, not- 
withstanding, are filled with thickets of small trees. 

The island is volcanic : the soil shallow and by no means fertile. The 
shores abound with shellfish. 

Sheep in large numbers, it is said, are pastured here. 


No towns noted; probably none exist. 

Island op Niihau. (Chart B.) 

The island lies 17 miles west-southwest of Kauai, firom which it is 
separated "by Kumukahi Channel. It is about 20 miles long by 7 miles 

This island is mostly lowland, except on the eastern side, where it 
rises directly from the sea to a height of 1,500 feet, and is rocky and 
unfit for cultivation. On the western side is a level plain from 2 to 4 
miles wide, where the natives cultivate yams, fruits, sweet potatoes, etc. 
The soil being dry, the yams grow to great size. The natives are few 
in number and very poor^ they live almost entirely on the western side 
of the island. 

Of late years Niihau has been used as a sheep run, and in 1875 there 
were said to be about 70,000 sheep on the island. 

The eastern shore of Niihau is rocky and wholly destitute of shelter, 
but on the western shore there are several open roadsteads. 


Tarn Bay. — An open roadstead about a mile and a half south of Kona 
Point, where, in fine weather, anchorage may be obtained. There is 


only one place in the bay where boats can effect a landing in safety 
when the sea sets in, a common occurrence; this is on the ^Vesteru side 
behind a small reef of rocks that lies a little way oH' tlie beach ; even 
here it is necessary to guard against sunken rocks. No inhabitants 

Cook anchorage. — On the southwest of Niihau, about 4 miles south of 
Kona Point; is exi>osed to the heavy northwesterly swell; the bottom 
is composed of large rocks, with patches of sand. 

Near the beach are a few huts, a ch arch, and a derrick for loading 
and unloading boats. 

Landing. — ^The landing place is protected by some rocks forming a 
breakwater in the northeast part of the bay, and is situated just inside 
u lava patch which fronl seaward appears like a point. Landing can 
be effected easily in moderate weather, but with a heavy swell it is 

Supplies. — ^Whalers call here occasionally for fresh meat, but the' 
Aeep being bred for wool only, very little meat can be procured ; and 
only a limited quantity of vegetables and fruit. 

Fresh water can only be procured during the rainy season, when the 
water courses are full; at other times of the year there is no water but 
That the natives have collected in wells in the rock for their own nm} 
these wells are chiefly near the south end of the island. 

Caution. — As the rollers set in with but little warning at Oook anchor- 
age, sailing vessels should proceed to sea on first indications of them. 
These rollers generally last from three to four days. 

Island of Kahulaui. (Chart B.) 

Called also Tahurowa, separated from East Maui by Alalakeiki Chan- 
nd, 6 miles wide, is about 11 miles in length and 8 miles wide. 

It is low and almost destitute of every kind of shrub or verdure, 
excepting a species of coarse grass. The rocks of which it is formed 
are volcanic, but nothing is known of any active or extinct craters on 
the island. 

At one time this island was used as a x>enal settlement; but it is 
now chiefly used as a sheep run, the soil of decomposed lava being of 
too poor a qoality for cultivation. 


ITo towns noted; probably none exist. 

Island* OF Kaula. (Chart B.) 

This island, called also Tahura, lies 17 miles southwest one-half west 
from Niihan. It is a small, elevated, barren rock, destitute of vegeta- 
tion, and uninhabited. It is visited to collect the eggs of sea birds, 
vhich aboond« 

Island of Lenua. (Chart B.) 

Lenua, or Egg Tsland, lies oflf the north point of Fiihau. It is a 
«aall, rugged, barren rock, apparently destitute of soil and without 



A small islet of the idaod of Maai, which see. 

CoMMinacATioifs of the Hawahah Islahinl 


There are^ according to the StAtesman's Tear Book for 1893, 56 mOes 
of railway iu the islands of Hawaii, Maai, and Oahiu These roads 
were bailt prindpaliy for the transportation of products from the interior 
to the seaports. 


Oahu Bailroad. -^This line extends from Honolnln, 19 miles, to Ewa 
plantation; passing aronnd Pearl Lochs, with a branch along the pen- 
insula to Pearl City, and a spar extending into a qaarry at Palama. 
Boadbed good. It is proposed to ran the railroad completely arojind 
the island. 

Depots, — ^There is an excellent dex>ot at Honolulu; also turntable. 
Stations, with suitable houses, at intervals along the line. A fine depot, 
also turntable, exists at Pearl City. 

Wharfage, — ^The company's wharf at Honolulu is 60 feet wide and 
200 feet long and is ample for present needs. Products can be unloaded 
directly from cars to vessels and vice versa. 

Rolling stocky etc, — ^The rolling stock and equipments are of the most 
approved and modem style. 

At the iKirt of Waiauae, in northwest portion of Oahu, there are sev- 
eral small railroads, in all about 4 or 5 miles, branching to plantations 
in the interior and along the coast. About these there are, however, 
no obtainable data. 


In Hawaii, from Mahukona to the Kohola district, some 16 miles of 
railroad exist. . 


In the island Maui a little railway of venr narrow gauge now con- 
nects Wailuku and Kaluilni. The railway also extends 3 miles further 
eastward to the sugar mills of the great plantation of Sprecklesville, in 
all 13 miles. 

(The distances between these places are given firom the overland dis- 
tance tables in the Hawaiian Annual for 1893.) 

Data concerning gauge, quantity of roUing stocky etc., as well as reli- 
able maps, are at present unobtainable. 


On the island of Kaui there is (according to the Hydrographic OflBoe 
chart of Waimea Bay) a railroad from W'aimea village to Kekaha. No 
details known. 



There are a few well-constructed roads on the Island of Oaliu,leadin|2: 
bom Honolulu to places of interest to tourists; but in general the roads 
on the island are not good, being frequently heavy with sand and 
muddy in wet districts. "So i)ositive information obtajnable, 


There are telegraphs round the island of Oahu as well as in Hawaii 
iDd Maoi. Oahu and Hawaii are connected by telegraphic cable. 
Total l^igtli of telegraphs, 250 mQes. 


Telephones are in general use in Honolulu and probably elsewhere 
on tlie islands. 


For Hawaiian Islands XK>s.tal service and post-offices. 


There are 22 coasting steamers plying between the ports of the island, 
of which 9 belong the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company, 7 to 
the Wilder Steamship Company^ and the remainder to various private 
There are also 25 sailing vessels belonging to various firms and owners, v 
There are, besides, 2 steam and 6 sailing merchantmen and traders 
of Hawaiian register plying between the islands and foreign ports. 


In his rei>ort to the Hawaiian legislative assembly of 1884, the presi- 
dent of the board of health makes the assertion that '^ Hawaii has to 
Ewet a calamity of widespread disease. * * At least 2 per cent 
of her entire native population is attacked by a fearfnl and supposed 
incurable malady [leprosy], of an exceptional character, that demands 
Kftaration and isolation." In the same report it is shown that the 
a^Topriation of $90,000, for the segregation and care of lepers, voted 
is 1882, for the biennial period closing March 31, 1884, had fallen short 
of ^e demands apon the health authorities. The Hawaiian law has 
provided for the strict segregation of lepers since 1865, and the district 
tf Ksilawao on Molokai, a territory of about 5,000 acres, was selected 
at that time for the leper settlement. 

It is asserted that up to 1882 at least, the law requiring segregation 
^^ not carried out with vigor, but it is shown that under the partial 
enforcement of the law during sixteen years prior to June 1, 1882, 
2}n2 casesy an average of 162*62 cases per year, had been sent to the 


leper settlement. The biennial report of the president of the board of 
health for 1890 states that ^< the work of collecting and segregating 
lepers had been carried on with firmness and impartiality, and that the 
number of lepers collected and sent to Molokai for the biennial period 
closing March 31, 1890, was 798. Of these 2 were of British and 2 
were of AmericaH birth." The report shows that $331,057.80 was 
expended by the board of health during the biennial period, and it is 
asserted '^ that the maintenance of the leper establishment is the almost 
bottomless pit into which more than three-fourths of the money appro- 
priated is casf 

It is hopefully claimed, however, "that its requirements are on the 
wane, and judging from the most reliable information obtainable there 
are but very few undoubted cases of leprosy now at large in the country, 
and they will come under the care of the board as rapidly as it is pos- 
sible to get control of them." In proof of this it is stated that on the 
31st of March, 1888, it was estimated that there were then at large 
throughout the Kingdom 644 lepers, while at the date of the report 
under consideration, March 31, 1890, "according to the best informa- 
tion obtainable, there are ♦ ♦ ♦ about 100 persons supposed to be 
affected by the disease still at large who have not been before the 
examining board." The reasons why these suspected lepers have not 
been examined are stated to be that some very bad and unmistakable 
cases are hiding in fastnesses of the mountains, while some mild cases 
change their residence so often as to baffle the efforts of the officers of 
the law for their arrest. 

In regatd to the contagious character of the disease and the precau- 
tions necessary to be taken it is claimed by Surg. Tyron, U. 8. 
Navy,* that the spread of the disease in the Hawaiian Islands is due, 
or was due at that time, 1883, to the general belief that "the disea^ 
is only slightly contngious, and its treatment as such from the begin- 
*ning, allowing free individual intercourse, with weak enforcement of 
the laws for its suppression." 

That leprosy has not always been regarded by the authorities of the 
Hawaiian Islands as eminently contagious is shown by the following 
extracts firom the report of the president of the board of health to the 
legislative assembly of 1884. He says: "Such a characterization is 
entirely uncalled for, is not warranted by experienced medical opinion, 
and the violent and hasty segregation which it would inspire is a wrong 
to a suffering community." "The confirmed leper should be separated 
from the community, but there should be no alarm in consequence of 
the temporary presence in the street of a leper, or on account of any 
ordinary intercourse with a sufferer from the disea^se." 

On the other hand the report of the board of health for 1890 declares 
in the most emphatic manner that " complete, thorough, and absolute 
segregation offers the only safeguard" against the ravages of leprosy. 
The same re))ort asserts that if, from the time when leprosy was first 
recognized as an established fact in the islands, the policy of absolute 
segregation had been firmly decided upon and unflinchingly pursued, 
* * ♦ Hawaii would be as free from leprosy to-day as any civilized 
nation." The report concludes with the liopeful words: "It is safe to 
say that if we do not relax our efforts we have seen the worst of lep- 
rosy in this country." The average leper population of the lex)er set- 
tlements in Molokai for the two years ending March 31, 1890, was 

* American Journal Medical Science, April, 1883. 


A. Latz, M. D., a spccinlist employed by the Hawaiian Government 
as •^'government physician for the study and treatment of leprosy," 
reports, ander date of April 1, 1890, as follows: ''The infection from one 
person to the other furnishes probably the largest number of patients; 
heredity, if it really exists at all, is quite secondary, being perhaps only 
simulated by family infection. The intiuence of vaccination appears 
most doubtful." 

From the Sanitary Instructions for Hawaiians, by the chairman of 
the sanitary committee of the Hawaiian legislature, the following state- 
ment of predisposing causes of leprosy and rules to be observed is 
made up : 

"Be careful that where the operation of vaccination is performed 
pure vaccine is used." 

"Avoid a leprous bedfellow as you would a pit of fire,'* 

" Eat regularly and of the best obtainable food." 

"Avoid dark, damp, badly* ventilated rooms." 

"Never lie down to repose in damp or dirty clothing, and keep the 
body clean." 

"Nearly all the lepers come from among the poor, who have fared 
badly and have lodged in damp and ill ventilated huts." 

"Take care of the first symptoms of leprosy. The moment numb- 
ness of feeling, or any marks or swellings that indicate leprosy are 
observed, a physician should be consulted." 

Venereal diseases favor the attack of leprosy. "If two men, one 
perfectly well and clean in body and the other diseased with venereal 
virus, were each brought into intimate contact with a leprous individ- 
ual, the diseased man would be affected and become a leper far sooner 
than the sound man." 

Dr. Lutz, Hawaiian Government physician for the treatment and 
study of leprosy, was encouraged to declare, under date of April, 1890, 
that he believes "we shall • ♦ ♦ see cures, which may be attrib- 
uted, not to extraordinary chance, but to our methods of treatment." It 
appears, however, from later reports, that the study of leprosy by spe- 
cialists employed by the Government was soon abandoned. Dr. Lutz 
resigned September, 1890, without having effected a permanent 

The president of the board of health reports to the legislative assem- 
bly, session of 1892, on ^ihe subject of the study of leprosy by Govern- 
ment specialists, as follows: "In deference to the oft- repeated requests, 
• • • the board of health opened correspondence with the leprosy 
commission of England and with Dr. E. Arning, of Hamburg, Ger- 
many, with a view of ♦ * • continuing the study and treatment 
of leprosy." The substance of Dr. Arning's reply is: "That the scien- 
tific work connected with the etiology and pathology of leprosy can, 
with surer prospects of success, be carried on here in its European 
centers, and this is actually being done; there are a number of bac- 
teriologists • • ♦ at work on this intricate question and slowly 
unraveling knot on knot towards its solution." 

The report of the board of health for 1892 states that on "December 
31, 1890, there were 1,213 lepers in the custody of the board, that being 
the highest number ever reached, and on March 31, 1892, there were 
only 1,115, a decrease of 98 during the period." In regard to the segre- 
iration of lepers the report afl^rms that at this date, March 31, 1892, 
''there are very few known lepers at large, with the exception of per- 
bap« 17 at Kalalau, Kau'i, but there are about GO suspects at liberty in 


Honolnla, and some in the onter districts, and more or less of them 
will, iu time, become confirmed cases." 

The same report shows that the cost of the << se^egation, support, 
and treatment of lepers " for the biennial x>eriod closing March 31, 1892, 
was 9224,331.88. 

In regard to venereal diseases, so well known as prevalent in the 
Hawaiian Islands, the statement is made in the Medical Record for 
April, 1889, that the " effects of hereditary inmiunity • ♦ • has the production of a much milder form of the disease in the 
course of three or four generations. At the present day syphilis in the 
Sandwich Islands is comparatively a benign disease, and furnishes but 
a small contingent to the sum of mortality." The writer, Dr. P. A. 
Morrow, states that ^' not only has the disease moderated in severity, 
but, according to the testimony of numerous physicians, * * * it 
has materially decreased in frequency." The writer also asserts the 
^^comparative rarity of hereditary transmission" of syphilis iu the 
islands, and explains it by the fact that the native Hawaiians of to-day 
are a sterile race. ^^ In some of the districts the percentage of births 
does not exceed 2 per 1 ,000 instead of 28 per 1,000, as it should be, to bal- 
ance the mortality rate." 

NoTB. — ^The maps and charts mentioned in this paper omitted. 



[Ordiuuioe notea— No. 843, Washington, April 23, 1884.] 


Ieetwre9 delivered at the U. 8. National Museum February 9 and March 
i5, 1684, under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution and of the 
Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington. 


(By C»pt. C. E. Bntton, Ordnance Btjpartaient, U. S. A., on U. 8. Geological duty.] 

Ladies and Oentleii an: The Hawaiian Islands are tbe summits of 
a gigantic submarine mountain range. If the waters of the Pacific were 
removed from their vicinity we might behold a range of mountains as 
loDg as our Appalachian system, from Lake Champlain to Chattanooga, 
uid quite as wide, with summits live times as high as Mount Washing- 
ton. Tbe summits of Mauua Loa and Mauna Kea are nearly 14,000 feet 
above tbe ocean, and their bases are from 15,000 to 18,000 feet beneath 
it Referred to the bottom of the ocean these mountains are higher 
than the Himalayas. Standing ui)on the northeastern coast of Hawaii 
the crest of Mauna Kea is less than 20 miles away, and is nearly 3 miles 
above us. At a distance of 30 miles at sea the ocean floor is about 3^ 
nileB below us. I am not aware of any other place in the world where, 
along a line less than 50 miles in length, may be found a difference in 
altatade of more than 6 miles. 

The Hawaiian group consists of four larger and four smaller islands. 
The largest island is named Hawaii. It has a length of about 90 and a 
width of 70 miles. Its area is nearly 4,000 square miles, being a little 
leas than two-thirds of the area of the entire group. * It is not, however, 
die most i>opulou8, for that distinction belongs to the islands of Oahu, 
on which is situated the principal town and capital, Honolulu, which is 
the center of trade and the seat of the Government. 

Only a small portion of each island is capable of sustaining a dense 
popolation. The interiors are mountainous and generally rough, craggy, 
and cut with profound gorges of J;he wildest description. The habit- 
able portions are, near the seacoast, forming a ring around each island; 
bat only a part of each ring is habitable or cultivable. Some portions 
are arid and barren; others are covered with recent floods of lava, and 
81^ others are bounded by lofty rocky coasts, and trenched with ravines 
to deep and abrupt that access is difficult. Generally speaking, the 
[proportion of habitable area is singularly small. But those portions 
▼hieh are well favored are probably capable of sustaining as dense a 
population as any tracts in the world. 

The climate of these islands is the climate of Paradise. It is never 
kot, and, except at considerable altitudes, it is never cold. Barely has 
the thermoiheter been known to reach 90^ on the seacoast, or to faU 
bdow 65^. The temperature in most localities may be averaged the 
year round as varying between 75^ and 85^. But while the tempera- 
ture of any given locality is uniform, there is wonderful variety in the 
dimate as we pass from one place to another. Indeed, there are almost 
» many climates as there are square leagues. As a rule the windward 
or eastern sides are rainy and the leeward sides dry. On the eastern 
coast of Hawaii the annual rainfall varies from 150 to 250 incbes. On 
the oorthwesc coast of the same island it is probably less than the 


twentieth part of those amounts. The islands being situated within 
the trade- wind belt, the wind blows constantly from the east and north- 
east during the greater part of the year, and is only subject to brief 
interruptions during midwinter. Violent storms occur only in the 
winter time, and these, coining once or twice a year from the southwest, 
are known as konas, which means in the native language the south- 
west. During a stay of six months on the islands I oiHy heard a single 
peal of thunder. 

These islands are all of volcanic origin. They are composed of 
basaltic lavas, and no other rocks are found there excepting a few con- 
solidated coral sands, which are remnants of old sea-beaches, upheaved 
from 50 to 200 feet. In the two westerly islands the volcanic activity 
has long been extinct. Most of the ancient craters have been obliter- 
ated, and the volcanic piles built up during the periods of activity have 
been greatly ravaged and wasted by subsequent erosion. Next to the 
plateaus and canyon country of the Eocky Mountain region, it would be 
difficult to find anywhere more impressive and suggestive examples of 
the wasting and slow destruction of the land than those presented by 
these islands. We find there grand illustrations of the two methods 
by which the general process of erosion accomplishes its work. First, 
is the action of the rains, followed by the decomposition of the massive 
rocks and their conversion into soil, and also the action of running 
water and decay of the rock masses, resulting in the formation of 
ravines and mountain gorges of imposing grandeur; secondly, we find 
the slow but incessant inroads made by the waves of the ocean upon a 
seacoast, gradually wearing back the cliffs and slowly paring away the 
rocky shore, until, after the lapse of thousands of years, the sea has 
eaten its way several miles into the land. Thus we have on the one 
hand striking examples of one way in which mountains are built, and 
we have on the other hand equally striking examples of the ways in 
which those mountains are destroyed. 

Travelers in the lofty volcanic islands of the Pacific have frequently 
noted with some surprise the singularly sharp, angular, abrupt features 
of their mountain scenery. It is very impressive in the Fyis and 
Samoa, in the Ladrone, Garoline, and Society groups. But none of 
them rival in wildness and grandeur the still loftier islands of Hawaii. 
Gorges little inferior to Yosemite in* magnitude are rather numerous. 
But in a certain sharpness of detail and animation in the sculpture they 
are unique. The island of Kauai and the western portion of the island 
of Maui consist of old volcanic piles as high as Mount Washington, and 
much broader and longer. They are literally sawed to pieces by many 
immense canyon-like gorges, which cut them to their foundations. Over 
all is spread a mantle of tropical vegetation in comparison with which 
the richest verdure of our temperate zone is but the garb of poverty. 
Whoever reads Shakspeare's Tempest and visits the Bermudas will 
be disenchanted from some of the most pleasing illusions of the play. 
But, if Shakspeare could have known the eastern shores of Maai or 
Hawaii and made them the scenes of his play, it would have had, if 
possible, another claim to immortality. 

This wealth of verdure and splendor of scenery usually occur upon 
the windward sides of the islands, for upon those sides is found the 
cause which produces them. This cause is the copious rainfall brought 
by the perpetual trade winds. Nothing can be more pleasing to the 
lover of beautiful scenery than a ride along the windward coasts of 
Maui and Hawaii. The land terminates in cliffs, varying from i^O to 
600 feet in height, plunging down almost vertically into the Pacifia 


fheloBg heavy swell, driven for thousands of miles before the trade 
wind, breaks with great force against these iron walls. The surface 
above slopes upward toTvards the mountainous interior, at first with a 
frentle acclivity, which Ijecomes steeper inland, and at length precipi- 
tous. This plat formis gashed at short intervals by true canyons, which 
head far np tbe mountain slopes, and open seaward in the great ter- 
minal wall. A mile or two inland from the brink of the cliif-bound 
shore is a forest so dense that it can be penetrated only by hewing a 
way through it or following a path already hewn. To describe the 
glories of this tropical vegetation is impossible. Only those who have 
beheld it can conceive of its splendor and Insurance. Yet there is one 
oDhvaled feature of the island vegetation which has no parallel else- 
where than in the Pacific and Austral islands, and which may be men- 
tioDed. This is the ferns. There are more than 300 species of them in 
the Hawaiian Islands, and the most conspicuous are tree ferns which 
^w in amazing abundance and sumptuousness. They often cover 
the sides of the ravines, foiming a thipket which is quite impenetrable, 
and become a mantle of green velvet so deep, rich, and exquisitely 
patterned that it makes an imperial robe seem ridiculous. 

But there are contrasts. There are portions of the islands where 
Uie features have at first sight no more in common with those just 
^ken of than if they belonged to another planet. The beautiful or 
grand scenery is found in those parts where the volcanic activity has 
long been dormant. The contrasted portions are those where the 
Tolcanoes are still in action, or have recently put out their fires. 

The southern half of the great island of Hawaii is covered with the 
two grandest volcanoes in the world — Mauna Loa and Kilauea. The 
great central pile is Mauna Loa, which is certainly the monarch of 
modem volcanoes. Its name signifies the Great Mountain. No other 
in the world approaches it in the vastness of its mass or in the magni- 
tude of its eruptive activity. There are many volcanic peaks higher in 
air, but these are planted upon elevated platforms of stratified rock, 
where they appear as mere cones, of greater or less size. Regarding 
the platforms on which they stand as their true bases, the cones them- 
lelves and the lavas which have emanated from them never approach 
the magnitude of Mauna Loa. ^tna and all its adjuncts are immeas- 
orably inferior; while Shasta, Hood, and Banier, if melted down and 
nm together into one pile, would still fall much below the volume of 
the island volcano. In the greatness of its eruptions, Mauna Loa is 
also without a rival. Some of the volcanoes of Iceland have been 
known to disgorge at a single outbreak volumes of lava quite equal to 
th^D. But in that island such extravasations are infrequent, and a 
c6itnry has now elapsed since any such have been emitted. The 
eruptions of Mauna Loa are all of great volume and occur irregularly, 
with an average interval of about eight years. Any one of its moderate 
eruptions represents more lava than Vesuvius has outpoured since the 
last days of Pompeii. The great flow of 1855 would nearly have built 
Vesuvius, and those of 1859 and 1881 were not gi'eatly inferior. 

The Hawaiian volcanoes are in some respects abnormal. The most 
distinctive of their characteristics is the quiet and undemonstrative 
nethod of their eruptions. Karely are these portentous events attended 
by any of that explosive action which is manifested by all other vol- 
eaDoes. In only one or two instances within the historic period have 
ckey been accomx>anied by earthquakes and subterraneous rumblings. 
The vast jets of steam blown miles high, hurling cinders and lapillifar 
and wide and filling the heavens with vapor, dust, and ashes, have never 

8, Eep. 227 — -6 



been observed here. Some action of the sort is iodeed represented 
sometimes, but only in a feeble way. OrdiDarily the lava spouts forth 
in stupendous quantities, but as quietly as water from a fountain. So 
mild are the eruptive forces that the observer may stand to the wind- 
ward of one of these fouutaius and so near it that the heat wiU make 
the face tingle, yet without danger. Usually the outbreak takes place 
without waruing, and even witbout the knowledge of people in the 
vicinity, who first become aware of it at nightfall, when the heavens 
are aglow with the reflected light and the fiery fountains are seen 
playing. As the news spreads hundreds of people flock to witness the 
sublime spectacle, and display as much eagerness to approach the 
scene of an eruption as the people of other countries show to get away 
from one. 

All this is in contrast with the ordinary volcano. At the other 
extreme is such an eruption as that which happened last August, at 
Krakatoa, in the Straits of Suuda. With the published details of this 
catastrophe .you are all familiar. Appalling as it was, the eruption ot 
Sumbawa in 1815 must have bedu, if can rely upon the accounts of 
it, even more energetic and destructive. The eruption of Coseguina, 
in ^Nicaragua, in 1835, appears to have been of the same character, or 
upon a scale quite equal; while once or twice in a century Cotapaxi 
shakes the chain of the Andes through half its length, fills the sky 
with dust, and converts noonday into midnight for a hundred miles 
around. The eruptions of ^tna have all been on a smaller scale, but 
still sufficient to fill all Sicily with terror. Vesuvius is usually regarded 
as an obstreperous vent, but its performances are mere Fourth of July 
fireworks in comparison with these Day-of- Judgment proceedings at 
Sumbawa, Krakatoa, and Cotapaxi. 

The explosive agent in these terrible convulsions is steam. In their 
original seat, miles deep in the earth, the lavas contain considerable 
quantities of water; but the condition of this water is such as we have, 
at the surface of the earth, no experience with, except as we observe it 
in volcanoes. It is water red hot, or even yellow hot, and under a 
pressure hundreds of times greater than that of the steam in a loco- 
motive boiler — a pressure probably comparable to that exerted by 
gunpowder in a powerful cannon. Under the enormous pressure, 
occurring at a depth of several miles within the earth, water is absorbed 
by the lavas in much the same way as water itself absorbs ammonia 
gas, or as wine absorbs carbonic acid. When the lavas rise to the 
surface where the pressure is removed their explosive energy becomes 
terrible. The steam is given off as the uncorked bottle of wine gives 
off its gas, only a thousand times more violently and energetically. So 
densely charged with vapor of water are some lavas that when, as in 
the case of I^akatoa, a vent is found, the explosive energy becomes so 
great that the lava is blown into fine dust and dissipated in the sur- 
rounding atmosphere. Although this extreme of explosive activity is 
far too common for the comfort and safety of the human race it is by 
no means the most frequent. The more ordinary type of volcano is 
one in which the explosiveness is not so intense as to blow the whole 
of the ejected matter into impalpable dust, but blows it into pellet« 
termed lapilli. These grains of lapilli are of all sizes, from that of a 
kernel of wheat up to those of cannon balls, and sometimes weigh a 
hundred tons or more. With a majority of volcanoes, whether active 
or extinct, the greater part of the material ejected is cast ihto the air 
in this fragmeutal form. Falling back around the orifice it builds up a 
fairly regular cone, with a cup o^ the summit. This is termed a cinder 


cone. Most ot the volcanic piles of the world are crowned with cinder 
cones, the principal bulk of which consists of lapiHi and scoriaceous 
lomx^s, with some massive portions of flowing lava streams mixed in. 
It is probable that quite half of the volcanic material now visible npon 
tiie globe consists of accumulations of such fragmental matter. 

To this general method of extravasation Mauna Loa and KDaueaare 
remarkable exceptions. They ccmsist almost wholly of massive sheets 
and floods of lava. On Mauna Loa there are but the most insigniflcant 
traces of fragmental products, and on Kilauea there are only a dozen 
or two of small cinder cones. The lavas of these great volcanoes flowed 
quietly out in enormous deluges, running sometimes for months, or even 
a whole year, with little or no explosive action throughout the entire 
duration of the flows. 

One consequence of this quiet method of eruption has been to give to 
these colossal piles a wholly exceptional form among volcanoes. Instead 
of a huge cone crowning the apex of Mauna Loa, its summit is nearly 
a flat plain, 5^ miles long and ne^^rly 4 miles wide. Within this plain is 
sunken a pit 3 miles long, 2 miles wide, and 1,000 feet in depth. In 
the floor of this pit at certain times may be seen a lake of red-hot liquid 
lava, varying in size from time to time, but occasionally as large as 30 
or 40 acres. At intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes a column of 
liquid lava of great brilliancy, as large and as high as the Washington 
monument will be when it is completed, is shot upward and falls back 
into the lava pool in a flery spray. This grand display is sometimes 
kept up for months, and is generally terminated by an eruption. 
When an outbreak occurs it does not take place usually at the summit, 
hot a fissure suddenly ox>ens in the side of the mountain, out of 
▼hich a sheet of lava spouts hundreds of feet into the air, and. 
£dling, collects into a river of fire half a mile in width, and rushes 
at firet with great velocity down the slope. After running some 
miles it reaches more level ground, where it spreads out in great lakes 
or fields. It also cools on the surface, which gradually freezes over. 
Bat it is still hot withip, and beneath its hardened covering the liquid 
rivers are still running, and at the edges and along the front of the 
great sheet the limpid lava constantly breaks forth, pushing out fiery 
rivulets in advance and laterally. 

These rivulets are shot out in quick succession here, there, and every- 
where, gradually covering the ground by repeated oft'shoots. They 
soon blacken and harden, but only to be covered by another and another 
belch. The later progress of the stream is slow. When the lava first 
leaves the vent it may run 10 or 15 miles an hour. But later on the 
stream may advance less than 100 yards in a day. In November, 1^580, 
a great eruption broke forth near the summitof Mauna Loa, and the 
ara poured out in heavy streams unceasingly for eleven months. There 
were three great streams flowing in as many directions, and the largest 
one extended from the vent a distance of nearly 50 miles. It reached 
the outskirts of the beautiful little town of Hilo, whose inhabitants had 
abandoned all hope that their village would escape, and had removed 
their portable property. But the flow stopped just at the edge of the 

The massive and highly liquid character of the flows from Mauna 
Loa is the cause which has given this mountain its peculiar form. It 
» in contrast with all other volcanoes by virtue of its flat and gently 
iloped profiles. It ia a gently rising dome whose steeper slopes are 
only about 7 degrees, while its longer ones are only 4 degrees. Most 
Toleanoes have slopes ranging all the way from 15 to 30 and even 40 


degrees. The liquid lavas run off from the summit and upper dome and 
distribute themselves at immense distances. But if fragmental prod- 
ucts were ejected in any quantity they would pile up around the orifices 
from which they were ejected and thus form steep conical hills. 

The ascent of Mauna Loa is a feat wholly unworthy of the name of 
mountaineering. It is necessary, however, to procure a guide who 
knows the way, otherwise the journey is pretty sure to prove more 
interesting than was expected. Many of the lava streams are masses 
of clinkers of the most angular and cruel aspect imaginable; indeed, 
the hummocks of an arctic ice field are good traveling in comparison, 
and only a guide familiar with the mountain knows how to avoid them. 

Just east of Mauna Loa, about 20 or 25 miles, is the far-famed vol- 
cano Eilauea. This has been visited and described so often that little 
needs to be said here. It contains a great pit similar to that on Mauna 
Loa, and somewhat larger, though not so deep. 

Within it are the great lakes of fire always burning. The lake at 
the summit of Mauna Loa is frozen over and silent, without a trace of 
volcanic activity, for several years at a time, and is open only for sev- 
eral months or sometimes a year or so before a great eruption. But at 
Kilauea the lava lakes are always aflame, and have been so ever since 
the earliest traditions of the natives. Forty years ago there was a pit 
within a pit, and in the lowest deep wa^ a lava pool half a mile or more 
in diameter, always boiling, spouting, and flaming. At the present 
time the inner pit is quite filled up with solid lava, and a large conical 
pile of rocks is built up over the site of this former lake. Within this 
pile of rocks, however, is the remnant of this lake, now about 10 acres 
in area. Half a mile distant is a second lake which is easily visited, 
and it is an exhilarating sight to stand at night upon the brink of it 
and watch the boiling, surging, and swirling of 6 acres of melted lava. 
At brief intervals the surface darkens over by the formation of a black 
solid crust with streaks of fire around the edges. Suddenly a network 
of cracks shoots through the entire crust, and the fragments turn down 
edgewise and sink, leaving the pool one glowing-expanse of exactly the 
appearance of so much melted cast iron. The heat of fusion in this lake 
is maintained, in spite of the enormous loss of heat by radiation, by the 
constant ascent of large quantities of intensely hot vapors from the 
depths of the earth. 

An hour's lecture, ladies and gentlemen, leaves no time for rhetoric 
and graceful transitions from one theme to another. Having shoveled 
out to you, so to speak, some incoherent remarks concerning points of 
special interest in the islands, I proceed at once to a subject which 
will, I hope, prove more interesting, and that is the people who inhabit 

When we were boys and girls our general idea of the inhabitants of 
the Pacific islands was that they were typical savages. What savages 
were we knew pretty well, or thought we knew, for had we not all read 
Eobinson Crusoe t We thought of them as naked, black creatures, 
whose principal occupation was blowing conch-shells, brandishing 
thigh bones, and dancing a horrible cancan around a fire where a human 
carcass was roasting. But we were mistaken. The Polynesians, as 
a rule, were not savages, though many of the white people who first 
visited them were so. 

In the Pacific islands two very distinct races are found. Of one race 
the Hawaiians or Tahitians may be regarded as the type. This race 
peoples also the Society, Samoan, Navigators, and Friendly groups, 
and includes the Maoris of New Zealand. All these islanders have th» 


same physical features; similar social cults, and speak dialects of the 
same language. The difference between the language ot a Hawaiian and 
of a Society islander is not greater than that between the German and 
the Dutch. The difference between the language of a Hawaiian and a 
Maori is less than between the Dutch and the English. This and the 
community of physical type establish the identity of race sufficiently. 
The western islands of the Pacific are occupied by a race which has 
such apparent affinity with the inhabitants of Papua or New Guinea 
as to raise a very strong presumption of their community, and the sup- 
position is corroborated by many other circumstances. Of the two 
races, the first mentioned is much superior physically, mentally, and 
morally, and of all branches of that race the noblest is the Hawaiian. 

Physically they are rather large, and have a light-brown color, straight 
hair, and are handsomely formed, of good bearing, and well featured. 
The women also are pleasing and comely. There is nothing about them 
savoring of the squaw, hag, or wench, which is almost universal among 
so many of the primitive dark-skinned races, and they are not without 
beauty, even according to the taste of the white man, if he is willing to 
admire a robust type of feminine grace as easily as he does the ^'pale, 
pious, pulmonary" persuasion. Among the Hawaiians the old kings 
and chiefs seemed to form a distinct caste and a breed greatly superior 
to the common herd. They were very large, sometimes almost gigantic 
in size, and of very impressive form and bearing. Their color was 
lighter, and they were d more massive frames. 

At the time of the discovery of these islands by Capt. Cook, in 1776, 
these people were by no means savages. Their social system was as 
much above savagery on the one hand as it was below civilization on 
the other. A carelul study of their habits and customs discloses the 
interesting fact that their social organization bore a striking similitude 
to that of Europe in the tenth and eleventh centuries. It was a feudal 
system almost exactly. They had kings who were in all strictness heredi- 
tary suzerains. Under them were chiefs who owed them fealty, and 
who held lands and titles by a tenure which can hardly be distinguished 
from eni'eoffinent, and which, at all events, was a truly feudal tenure; 
for it carried with it the recognition of the principle that the allodium 
was vested in the king alone, and the tenure was granted to the chief 
as a vassal in consideration of military service. The common people 
were mere villains, bound to the soil, though in some sort as tenants at 
will. The islands were divided up into several kingdoms, over each of 
which a king reigned, whose power was very absolute; in all things he 
was lord paramount. The kingdom was subdivided into tracts, for 
which the term now used in the islands is simply the word '^ lands." 
These lands were lorded over by chiefs, of whom there were several 
grades. They were subdivided again and again down to the smallest 
holdings, of a fraction of an acre, tenanted by the lower classes, and 
all were marked off by metes and bounds. 

The power of the King was absolute, and limited only by the endur- 
ance of his subjects. Life and death, as well as property, were subject 
to his will; and yet there was a division of power. To make the pai- 
allel with mediaeval Europe more complete, the power of the King was 
rivaled, and in some cases even overborne, by the power of a priest- 
hood; and the priests enforced their sway with a spiritual weapon of 
resistless potency. The weapons of Rome were many, chief among 
which were excommunication, the inquisition, and the interdict. The 
Hawaiian priest had a weapon more powerful than them all. It wa^ 
the tabu. This word has been adopted, metaphorically^ into the Eu(^- 


lish and many other languages, but few people comprehend its signifi- 
cance in the places where it originated. The word means prohibited 
or forbidden, and a great deal more besides. Almost anything might 
be tabu. The penalty of violating a tabu was always death. The insti- 
tution derived its i)ower from the fact that there was not a native in all 
Polynesia who did not devoutly believe that even if the King or priests 
did not cause him to be killed for violating a tabu the gods certainly 

In respect to the arts possessed by these people they were few and 
simple. The islands contained no metals and very few substitutes for 
then^ except stone, and not the best kinds of stone for implements at 
that. Considering the want of materials, however, their arts were 
hardly to be despised. They made many articles of wood with sur- 
prising neatness. Their only substitutes for cloth were a fabric made 
of a peculiar bark, macerated in water and pounded out as thin as 
paper, and mats woven from the fibers of the pandanus with no little 
skill. Their houses were large, commodious structures made of grass, 
often neatly woven, and attached to a framework of poles. They were 
•scrupulously neat within, and matting of pleasing aspect was used 
abundantly. They were wonderfully expert fishermen, and had devices 
suited for capturing each kind of fish. More than that, they had fish 
ponds and preserves for rearing select varieties. 

Agriculture was practiced systematically. They constructed canals 
for irrigating, the remains of which are still vieible in numerous places. 
Their chief vegetable was the root of the taro plant, a species of arum 
to which the calla lilies belong. .It may not be generally known that 
this is probably the most prolific food ])lant in the world. Humboldt 
gives that distinction to the banana, but the banana is nowhere in the 
comparison; for a square yard and a half planted with taro will yield 
food enough to support a man for a year. This plant is poisonous when 
raw, but cooking completely destroys the poisonous quality and renders 
it very wholesome. The Hawaiians first bake it and then pound it, 
gradually adding water, which is kneaded in like oil in a mayonnaise, 
and when frilly prepared it is of a consistency very much like mayonnaise. 
In that state it is termed poi; and to this day the natives regard it as 
we do bread, and it serves still as their favorite food. Many of the 
white residents also have become exceedingly fond of it. 

The primitive Hawaiians were very bold and skillful navigators. 
There can be no question that they frequently visited in their little 
canoes the Society Islands and Tahiti, south of the equator and 2,400 
miles distant from Hawaii. How they could cross such vast wastes of 
ocean seems at first mysterious ; but they had a knowledge of astronomy 
8iK5h as we sometimes marvel at in the old Egyptians and Chaldeans. 
They knew the planets, and had names for the brighter stars. They 
also had a good calendar. Their year was three hundred and sixty- 
five days long, and began when the Pleiades rose at sunset. They had 
twelve months, of which eleven had thirty days each, and the twelfth 
thirty-five days. They had also a primitive arithmetic and a system of 
numerals in which they could number up into the hundreds of thou- 
sands. It was partly decimal and partly tesseral. 

The religion of this people \^as in some respects analogous to that of 
the Greeks. Their gods were hero gods and of many grades. Indeed, 
it is quite literal to say that the woods were full of them. Every 
locality, every conspicuous rock or tree, had its tutelar, corresponding 
perhaps to the Grecian fauns and dryads. They also had animal gods, 
most notably the shark god^ and the divinity of the volcano of Kilauea 


was a female named Pele. The amount of myth and legendary lore in 
which these divinities figured was something amazing. We have for 
some years been finding out that our own Indians were rich in myths, 
if nothing else. But the extent of such lore among the Hawaiians 
quite snrpasses anything known of other primitive peoples. Many of 
them are highly poetical and ingenious. 

The origin of the Polynesian rai^^e has always been a mystery. There 
is very little light thrown upon it as yet by ethnologic research. The 
view most favored is that they came from the East Indies at a remote 
period. That the larger islands of the Pacific have been inhabited for 
many centuries is an inference which finds considerable support. 
Attempts have been made to ascertain whether the language has any 
affinity to known languages of southeastern Asia, but the results are 
little better than negative. Some coincidences have been found, or 
supposed to have been found, but it does not seem that they are any 
better or more significant than such as may be frequently discovered 
between two languages which are surely known to have absolutely 
Dothing in common. Coincidences between legends and customs have 
also been discovered. But ethnologists of the present day have come 
to attach less importance to them, if possible, than to languages.' 
Thus the manners and customs, and also the legends, of the Maoris of 
New Zealand have very little in common with those of the Hawaiians. 
Yet the absolute identity of physical type and the virtual identity of 
tbeir lang^aages are tantamount to proof of a common race. And primi- 
tive i)eople8, world over, are constantly surprising us by furnishing 
correspondences in legends and peculiar customs, when it is absolutely 
certain that they are widely distinct. On the other hand, there is good 
ground for believing that if the Polynesians did not come from some 
known Asiatic or East Indian stock, they may at least have communi- 
cated with them in one way or another. 

When the islands were discovered by Capt. Cook pigs were very 
abundant there, and the animal was an East Indian variety. The 
peculiar tusks, the portentiously long snout like an icthyosaurus, and 
ears set in the middle of its body, give us pretty reliable testimony as 
to its origin. They also had dogs, and certainly no dog could have 
eome either from America or Australia. Finally, and even more con- 
clusively, they had common hens and chickens, which are certainly of 
Asiatic origin. What people brought these animals to the islands is a 
question. 1 have already mentioned to you that the Hawaiians often 
made voyages to Tahiti in their little canoes, a distance of 2,400 miles; 
and their ancient poems and legends are full of vague accounts of voy- 
ag:es to even greater distances. They knew of the Saraoan and Tonga 
islands, which are more than 3,000 miles away and farther westward. 
Possibly also they knew of New Zealand, but the evidence of that is 
not so clear. But I have never learned that anything in their poetry 
or traditions indicated a knowledge of either America or Asia. While, 
therefore, it is not impossible that they may have had communication 
with Asia, there is no other evidence of it than the fact that domestic 
animals of Asiatic origin were found among them. 

The transition of this people from barbarism to civilization has been 
wonderfully rapid and complete. It is a very remarkable fact, too, 
that it is the only dark-skinned race that has ever been brought into 
fall contact and relation with civilization without war and generations 
of bloodshed, ending in subjugation. The reasons are many. Promi- 
nent among them are the following: In the first place, there can be 
little question that it is the finest and most intelligent race of dark- 


Qkinnod people in the world. In the second place, it i& dae in a great 
measure to the wisdom, tact, and good sense of the missionaries through 
whom this civilization was imparted. But it seems to me the third 
reason is still more potent, and this was the great ability, wisdom, and 
good sense of the kings of the line of the Kamehamehas and the abso- 
lute power they originally held over their people. 

Fortunately, also, at the time of the advent of the white men the con- 
trol of the islands had already been consolidated into the hands of one 
man, who was fully capable of wielding it. If the lot of the first 
Kamehameha had been cast in Europe instead of the remotest islands 
of the sea he would have been one of the most conspicuous figures of 
history. Originally a little kinglet of a district at the north end of 
Hawaii, he gradually conquered the whole of that island and finally 
the whole group. No King in history ever knew better how to rule his 
people. Brought into contact with civilization, he grasped its meaumg 
with a breadth of comprehension which is perhaps without example 
among barbarians. He knew instinctively how resistless was its power 
and how inexorably it crowds the weaker races to the wall. But he 
had the wisdom not only to avert the destruction of his own power and 
the obliteration of the nationality of his people, but actually to draw 
strength from it and make it his servant instead of his master. The 
greatest achievement of his life was the work of his declining years, and 
it was an achievement of surpassing skill. He broke completely the 
secular power of the priesthood. He had the sagacity to discover alone 
and unaided the grandest truth in political science, and one which white 
men never discovered until three or four centuries ago. That great 
truth was that church and state had better let each other alone. We 
need not wonder, however, that he discovered it, for the Kings of 
Europe understood it well enough; indeed they were about the only 
ones who did. The marvel was that this barbarian should have had 
the courage and address to make the truth a practical reality and put 
it into execution. It is one thing to perceive the foolishness of super- 
stition and quite another to break down a whole religion, ^hen Kame- 
hameha began his career the priesthood was far more powerful than he. 
When he died they were as powerless in secular matters as the Pope 
now is in Italy. The finishing stroke was given when his dead body, 
as yet unburied, was awaiting the obsequies. His widow and son 
deliberately broke many of the most sacred tabus, and enjoined the 
same sacrilegious acts upon their households and followers. They were 
promptly obeyed, and the example was followed by the whole nation. 
Next the temples were despoiled, the images of the gods broken and 
burned, and the priests themselves driven into the forests and jungles. 

An act so sweeping and revolutionary as the trampling under foot of 
the most binding superstition or religious conviction that ever held 
sway over the human race would never have been ventured if the peo- 
ple had not been gradually wrought up to it. In truth, Kamehameha 
had first revolutionized the whole social and political condition of the 
people, and had elevated them immensely against the influences of a 
priestcraft which, was all the time striving to hold them down. When 
the issue came the King triumphed and the priest was overthrown. It 
was probably this change which prepared the Hawaiian people for 
what followed. It established the kingly power independently of a 
priesthood and left the people without a religion. 

The year following this important event the missionaries landed 
there for the first time. They soon secured the good will of the second 
Kamehameha and found their work a comparatively easy one. To the 


mlBsioDari 38 is due the credit of having been the agents tlii'o.igli whom 
dyilization -wbs imparted to he islands. Those who are specially 
devoted to the interests of foreign missions have been in the habit of 
regarding the Hawaiian Islands as a signal instance of the triumph of 
Protestant propagandism. On the whole, there is a large measure of 
justice in this claim. But, on the other hand, a closer view will prob- 
My disclose to the impartial mind the fact that, while the amount of 
Christian proselytism has been very considerable, the outside view of it 
is somewhat overdrawn. 

There are certainly many devout Christians among the Hawaiians, 
bat there are also many who cherish their old religion, and the greater 
port of them are more or less tinctured with the ancient superstitions. 
Bat whatever doubts may arise as to the complete success of the prop- 
aganda, there can be none as to the success in imparting civilization. 
Fortunately, they had to deal with and through a succession of kings 
who were men of preeminent sense and of practical wisdom, and who 
knew how to manage their subjects. They were kings in the best pos- 
sible signification. Eoyalty was inborn in them, and the loyalty of 
their subjects was such that the loyalty of an Englishman is a feeble 
sentiment in comparison. The Kamehamehas, from the II to the Y, 
inclusive, were quick to recognize the advantages of civilization, and 
had wonderful tact in discriminating between good and bad advice. 
The missionaries proved to be discreet and judicious advisers, and the 
transition from barbarism to civilization was effected safely, step by 
step; the Government was transformed into a constitutional monarchy, 
the feudal tenure of lands was changed to fee simple. Statute laws 
vere enacted and codified, and suffi-age was made as broad and liberal 
as in America. Perhaps the most important step was compulsory 
edacation, which is provided for by the State, and today it is hard to 
find a native who can not read, write, and cipher. 

The economic condition of the Hawaiian is probably superior at the 
INresent time to that of any other tropical people in the world; and, on 
the whole, I think it quite safe to say that it is but very little sur- 
passed, if at all, by that of the working classes of America. He has 
e?en more to eat and better food, plenty of beef, pork, and fish, and 
eonld have an abundance of flour if he desired it, but he prefers his 
tare. He owns his property in fee; he makes laws and executes them; 
he reads and writes; he has but one wife; he tills the soil and tends 
flocks; sometimes he accumulates wealth and sometimes he does not; 
he makes his will in due form, dies, and receives a Christian burial; 
in no land in the world is property more secure. Indeed, I have yet to 
learn of any where it is equally secure fi:*om burglary, rapine, and thiev- 
ery or those subtler devices by which the cunning get possession of the 
property of the less astute without giving an equivalent for it. The 
few relief of barbarism remaining are of the most harmless description, 
ud probably quite as good for him as anything he might adopt in 
plar^ of them. 

Unfortunately, the population is rapidly decreasing. A century ago 
i Ikir estimate would probable have been over 150,000. Today the 
native population is 45,000 to 5b,000. The causes of this decrease are 
many. It has usually been attributed to diseases brought by contact 
^th the whites. While it is indisputable that such diseases have in a 
ineasure contributed to the result, I believe there is still another cause 
U work tending to the same result, which is as follows: The Hawaiian 
is the most amiable and social creature in the world. Life without 
(lenty of society is intolerable to him. He is also fond of display — of 


giving feasts^ of treating, and extravagantly fond of dress, borses, and 
sport. His instinct is to leave the country and crowd into the towns. 
This is as common among the women as among the men. But to live in 
town, or to indulge in dissii)ation, requires money, and therefore a fam- 
ily is a burden, especially to women, who are so fond of gaiety. There 
is, therefore, a deliberate and willful curtailment of the birth rate, and, 
in my judgment, this has been not much less potent in reducing the 
]>opnlation than the abnormal increase in the death rate. 

The Government of the islands is now a constitutional monarchy. The 
King is the chief executive oflScer, and his powers, though in theory no 
greater than those of the English sovereign, are in reaUty much more 
extensive and effectual. The legislative branch consists of a repre- 
sentative assembly, ele<;ted biennially by the people, and a house of 
nobles limited by the constitution to 20 members. The nobles are 
appointed for life by the King, but their titles are not hereditary. The 
judiciary is organized upon a plan somewhat similar to that of New 
York State, though considerably simpler. At the head of the judicial 
branch is the chief justice or chancellor and two vice-chancellors, who 
perform the functions of a supreme court and final court of appeals. 
They have also original jurisdiction in a wide range of subjects, and 
indeed in almost all important cases of whatsoever nature. Each of 
these justices holds circuit courts in various parts of the Kingdom, at 
which eases are tried both originally and on appeal. There are also 
Ibwer courts in which petty cases are tried, and in which more impor- 
tant ones may originate. The higher judges are white men truly learned 
in the law, and they have reflected honor upon their profession and 
upon their adopted country. All of them are Americans, who received 
their education and training in law in the United States. The primary 
judges are in-some cases whites, in others natives. The native judges 
were formerly appointed by the chancellor, but are now appointed by 
the Crown. There is generally much difliculty in finding men of native 
birth who i)0sse88 the requisite legal knowledge and experience. Their 
intentions are always of the best, but their tendency is to construe law 
in accordance with their own notions of abstract justice rather than 
upon legal principles, and few of them are capable as yet of under- 
standing the value and significance of precedents. But the higher 
courts are always open to appeal. The administration of law is excel- 
lent and will, on the whole, compare favorably with any country in the 
world. The respect of the native tor statute law is very great, and the 
sheriff, policeman, or taxgatherer has no more difficulty in executing 
his process than in England or Massachusetts; indeed, he has, if any- 
thing, less difficulty. 

The statutory code is in general modeled after that of New York, 
though it is apparent that in matters of detail many minor differences 
were at the first and still are necessary. But the underlyiyg princi- 
ples were identical. The tenure of real estate, the laws relating to 
Hens and mortgages, to wills and inheritance of property, to bank- 
ruptcy and debt, to marriage and divorce, to partnership and corpora- 
tions, are founded upon those of New York State. The system of 
jurisprudence is also fundamentally the same. There are many differ- 
ences of detail and these are sometimes wide, but never so wide as to 
constitute differences of principle. The processes of the courts are 
more frequently summary, and their action is much more speedy and 
direct. Devices for protracting and comi)licating litigation have not 
as yet been developed to any great extent. 


An laws are enacted by the Le^slature, which regulates taxation 
and cnstoms and appropriates specifically for all public expenditures. 
In tiieory the powers of this body are very nearly the same in their 
broader features as those of one of our State legislatures. The mem 
bersof the lower house are elected biennially and are mostly natives. 
In practice, however, there is a wide diflPerence. In England and 
America the representative body dominates everything and every- 
body, especially the chief magistrate. In Hawaii the King dominates 
tiie representative body. This arises from the fact that this people 
has always been intensely loyal te the King for scores of generations, 
and the habit of unquestioning submission to the royal will is far too 
strongly settled and ingrained to be readily shaken off. The want of 
experience in self-government on the part of the people, and the habit 
of absolute comniand on the part of the kings, will suggest the expla- 
nation of the greatinfluence which the King holds over the Legislature. 

At the present time the condition of the people of the islands is one 
of great prosperity, and they are rapidly advancing in wealth and gen- 
oal improvement. The reciprocity treaty now existing between the 
isIaDds and the United States has been mutually beneficial. Large 
amoonts of American capital have been invested there in sugar planta- 
tions and in the commerce with the little Kingdom. The result has 
been to give abundant employment te tlie entire population. Wages 
are high, and all the produce of the islands brings good prices. Thus 
the condition of the natives has been greatly improved. They are no 
longer idlers, but the recipients of well-earned wages and incomes. 
They are rapidly replacing their primitive grass houses with neat 
frame buildings, built in the regular California cottage style. They 
have adopted civilized clothing, hats, boots, and shoes, and the women 
cultivate the fashions as eagerly as our own farmers' wives and daugh- 
ters, and it is by no means uncommon te see them clothed in silks or 
delicate woolen fabrics, or white lawns made in scrupulous regard to 
the latest numbers of Harper's Bazaar. They wear them as easily and 
lotarally as the mulattoes or quadroons in our own country. The 
vomen of rank are ladies who are competent te sustain with grace and 
di^ty all the appearances of cultivated society, though it would be 
expecting too much te look for any high degrees of mental culture 
aeeording to the rigorous standard of the great white nations. Both 
men and women, however, are quick to catch the externals of social 
cnstoms and refinement. The better culture, however, will come in 
tbne as wealth and the comforts and luxuries of civilized life increase 
among them. 

One of the most important agencies, and perhaps the most impor- 
tant^ has been the enforcement of education. Common schools are 
sustained at public expense, and a college tor the higher education has 
been established. Unfortunately the natives have never been taught 
to speak the English language, and this has been a serious obstacle in 
Uie way of their intellectual advancement. It is far easier for a white 
sao to acquire the Hawaiian language than for the Hawaiian to 
acquire English, and as a consequence few of the natives are able to 
eo&verse or read except in their own tongue. On the other hanil, the 
vbite residents can converse easily with the natives, and some of them 
bare obtained an excellent knowledge of the Hawaiian language, 
Tfaile almost all the whites can at least use an intelligible jargon. The 
defect is in some measure ofiset by the extensive use of books and 
newspapers printed in the Hawaiian language, and by a postal system 
whieh^ under the circumstances, is a highly creditable one to th^ 



nation. By means of the newspapers the natives are kept fully 
informed about their own affairs, and receive considerable knowledge 
of the great far-off world beyond the sea. That the papers and postal 
system have been of great potency and utility to them is sufficiently 

Whoever wishes for a delightful and instructive journey will do well 
to visit these islands. They are only seven days' sail from San Fran- 
cisco in a first-class steamer, and across an ocean which is rarely 
troubled with storms. He will find scenery as beautiful as any in the 
world and as novel as 4t is beautiful. He will find charming society 
among his own people residing there, and unbounded hospitality. If 
he is philosophically disposed he wUl find many instructive subjects 
for his contemplation. If, without forgetting for a moment the splendor 
of the civilization in which he has been reared, he can rise above its 
prejudices, and if he is able to study men and human society from a 
relative rather than an arbitrary standpoint, and judge them according 
to the fundamental principles of human nature, he will find his own 
humanities greatly enlarged and he will be much instructed and bene- 

Vin. Also the FOLLOwiNa paper prepared by hon. sanpord b. 

DECEMBER 5^ 1892. 

[Papers of the H«waiian Hiatorioal Society No. 8.] 

Evolution op Hawaiian Land Tenures. 

[Bead before the flawaiian Historical Society, December 5, 1892, by the Hon. Sanford B. Dole.] 

When the Hawaiian pilgrim fathers first landed on the lonely coast 
of Hawaii from their long and exhausting ocean voyage in their canoes 
decked with mats and rigged with mat sails, it was for them a new 
departure in government and social and indas trial economy. Their past, 
with its myths of origin, its legends of struggling and wandering, its 
faiths and customs, and rites and ceremonies, its lessons of victory and 
defeat, its successes over nature, was still their present authority and 
paramount influence, as they feebly began a new S03ial enterprise upon 
the desolate yet grand and beautiM shores of their new inheritance. 

Their past still held them through its venerable sanctions, and yet 
they were free in the freedom of a new and unoccupied land to add to 
its accumulations and to improve on its lessons. 

We may imagine that the remnant of the freight of their storm-worn 
canoes included a few household idols, a live pig or two, some emaciated 
chickens, a surviving bread-fruit plant, kouy and other seeds. 

There were women as well as men in the company; the little children 
had succumbed to the hardships of the voyage which was undertaken 
to escape the indignities and confiscations incident to the status of a 
defeated party in tribal warfare. 

These people, lean and half-famished, gladly and with fresh courage 
took possession of their new world. As soon as they recovered their 
strength they built a heiau* and sacrificed to their gods. 

After a little exploration they settled in a deep valley sheltered by 
steep cliffs and watered by an abundant stream of clear water, abound- 
ing in fish and shrimps. At the mouth of the gorge was the sea, where 



there were shellflsh, crabs, and a variety of fish. Fruits of ia.riou8 
kinds nourished on the hillsides, some of which they were acquainted 
withy while others were new to them. They found varieties of the 
kapa* plant, and understanding the process of making its bark into 
cloth, they restored their wardrobes which had for the most part dis- 
appeared in the vicissitudes of the voyage. They also discovered the 
iaroi growing wild in mountain streams, which they hailed as an old 
firiend, feeling that now their satisfaction with their new home was 
complete. The cultivation of this was begun at once as a field or dry-* 
land crop, as had been the practice in the home land, but as time went 
on and some crops failed for want of rain, irrigation was used, until 
at length, it may have been generations after, the present method of 
cultivating the crop in permanent patches of standing water became 
established. This result was greatly favored by the abundance of 
running water, which was a feature of the country. 

Children were born and grew up and intermarried, and the colony 
grew and prospered. Exploring parties went out from time to tin)e, and 
other watered valleys were found, and bays and reefs rich in fishing 
resources. As the community began to crowd the limited area of the 
valley which was their first resting place, one and another of these newly 
discovered and favored localities was settled, generally by a family con- 
sisting of the parents and grownup boys and girls. And now and then 
new companies of exiles from the southern islands found their weary 
way over the ocean, bringing, perhaps, later customs and adding new 
gods to the Hawaiian pantheon. 

So Hawaii was gradually populated, and when its best localities were 
occupied, Maui began to be colonized, and then its adjacent islands, 
until the whole group was stocked with people. 

There may have been a few chiefs in the pioneer company who largely 
directed the affairs of the colony, and whose descendants furnished 
chiefs for the growing demands of the branch colonies. Among the new 
arrivals also &om the outside world were occasional chiefs, who tv^ere 
hospitably welcomed and accredited as such, and accorded correspond- 
ing position and influence. 

It is also probable that in the very early period when chiefs were 
scarce the head men of some of the settlements which had branched 
off from the parent colony acquired the rank of chiefs, from the impor- 
tance of their x>o8itions and the influence which their authority over 
the lands of their respective settlements naturally gave them. Such 
acquired rank descended to their children, in some cases doubtless 
with an increase of dignity due to marriages with women of chief rank ^ 
and 8o some new families of chiefs, originating from the common peo- 
ple or moJcaainanaSyt were established. 

This early period of Hawaiian history for a number of generations 
▼as a time of industrial enterprise and peaceful and prosperous growth. 
There was no occasion for fighting, for there was land and water enough 
for all and every one was busily employed. It was the golden age of 
Hawaii. There were taboos^ indeed, but only religious ones, l^o chief 
was x)owerful enough yet to proclaim taboos for political purposes, nor 
had the necessities for political taboos yet arisen. The arts prospered : 
the Hawaiian canoe developed; the manufacture of kapa flourishea 
and made progress iii the direction of variety of fabric and its esthetic 
finish and decoration ; royal garments of birds' feathers were manu&c- 

*Kapa — natiye cloth. t Makaainanas — common .people. 

t Taro— ftmm eAcnlentum. t Taboo — represaive enactment. 


tared; implements of stone and of wood for mechanical and industrial 
work were invented and improved upon; and great engineering enter- 
prises were taken, such as the irrigating systems of Wahiawa, Kapaa^ 
and Kilauea on the island of Kauai, and great seawalls inclosing b)ys 
and reefs for fish-ponds, such as the one at Huleia, on Kauai, «,nd at 
many other places all over the islands. The antiquity of some of these 
is so great that even tradition fails to account for theif origin, as in the 
case of the parallel irrigating ditches at Kilauea, on Kauai, the dig- 
^ug of which is attributed by the Hawaiians to the fabled moo, or 
dragon, and the deep water fish-pond wall at the Huleia Kiver, on 
Kauai, which is supposed to have been built by the Menehunes — the 
fabled race of dwarfs, distinguished for canning industry and mechanical 
and engineering skill and intelligence. In reality they were the pio- 
neers of the Hawaiian race, who took complete industrial and peaceful 
possession of the country, and this early period is distinctly the age of 
the Menehunes, or skillful workers. 

Principles of land tenure developed slowly through this period, proba- 
bly from some form of the patriarchal system into a system of tribal 
or communal ownership. There was land enough for everyone, and 
holdings at first were based upon possession and use. 

As in the irrigating customs of the Hawaiians, where there was an 
abundance of water, every taro grower used it freely and at all times 
according to his own convenience, and there were no regulations, but 
in those localities where the water supply was limited strict rules for 
its distribution grew up; so that when the land was not all occupied 
there was freedom in ite use, it being easier to locate new holdings than 
to quarrel about old ones. 

But as land irrigation developed, requiring permanent and costly 
improvements in the way of irrigating ditches and the building of ter- 
races on the valley slopes for the foundation of taro patches, such 
improved localities acquired a special value, and the more real sense of 
ownership in land, which is based upon an investment of labor in the 
soil beyond the amount required for the cultivation of a crop, began. 
A quality of this ownership was necessarily permanence, because of 
the permanence of the improvements which created it. 

Another element of tenure arose as the population increased, and the 
best lands became occupied; the increasing demand gave them a mar- 
ket value, so to speak, which gave rise to disputes over boundaries. 
Although such feuds, sometimes attended with personal violence, 
favored the development of the later feudalism of tbe Hawaiians, yet 
the early period, containing many of the features of tribal government 
and land tenure common to the Samoans, Fijians, and Maories of New 
Zealand, probably lasted for a long time, with a gradual development of 
the principle of ownership in land and descent firom parent to child, 
subject to tribal control, until it was perhaps radically and violently 
interrupted by the turbulent times beginning in the thirteenth century, 
and lasting until the conquest of the group by Kamehameha I. This was 
a period of internecine warfare, promoted by the ambition of chiefs for 
political power and personal aggrandizement, and was most favorable 
to the growth of feudalism, which rapidly took the place of the previous 
political status. As was inevitable under the new conditions, the 
importance and influence of the chiefs was greatly increased, to the 
immediate prejudice of the rights and privileges of the people, who 
were oppressively taxed in support of the wars brought on by the whim 
of their respective rulers, or to defend them from the attacks of ambi- 


tfams riyala. The growing necessity for protection of life and property 
eaased eTeryone to attach himself closely to some chief, who afforded 
saeh protection in consideration of service and a portion of the pro- 
duce of the soil. Then the chiefs, as their power increased, began to 
leyy contributions of supplies arbitrarily, until it came to pass that the 
chief was the owner of the whole of the products of the soil and of the 
fSBtke services of the people, and so it was a natural consequence that, 
he became finally the owner also of the soil itself. These results, which' 
were hastened by the constant wars of this period, were yet of slow 
frowth. The small valley and district sovereignties one by one disap- 
peared in the clutch of rising warrior chiefs, who thus added to their 
dominions and i>ower. As such principalities became formidable, it 
became necessary for the remaining smaller chiefdoms to ally them- 
selves to some one of them. And so this process went on until each 
IsIaDd was at length under the control of its high chief, and then 
finally the whole group passed under the sovereignty of Kamehameha 
L, uid the feudal programme was complete. 

During this x>eriod the controlof land became very firmly established 
in the ruling chiefs, who reserved what portions they pleased for their 
own nse and divided the rest among the leading chiefs subject to 
them. The position of the latter was analogous to that of the barons 
of European feudalism; they furnished supplies to their sovereign, and 
in case of war were expected to take the field with what fighting men 
thdr estates could furnish. These barons held almost despotic sway 
oTtf their special domains, apportioning the land among their followers 
according to the whim of the moment or the demands of policy, or 
tanning it oat under their special agents, the konohikis^* whose opptess- 
ife severity in dealing with the actual cultivators of the soil was 
notorious. Thus the occupancy of land had now become entirely sub- 
ject to the will of the ruling chief, who not only had the power to give 
bat also to take away at his royal pleasure. This despotic control 
over land developed in the direction of greater severity rather than 
toward any recognition of the subjects' rights, and it finally became an 
established custom for a chief who succeeded to the sovereign power, 
eTcai peacefully by inheritance, to redistribute the lands of the realm. 

It is evident that this status was, for the time being, disastrous and 
destnictive to all popular rights in land that may have previously 
existed* If there was formerly anything like succession in tenure from 
fiitber to son and tribal 6wnership, such holdings were now utterly 
destoyed, and the cultivators of the soil were without rights of culti- 
vation or even of habitation. " The count, was full of people who 
wGie kemo^ i. e. dispossessed of their lands at the caprice of a chief. 
Tkree words firom a new to a former konohiki* — < Ua hemo oe^ t — would 
diqxissess a thousand unoffending people and send them houseless and 
homeless to find their makamaJuisX in other valleys." (Alexander's 
reply to Bishop Staley.) 

The redistribution of lands upon the accession of a ruling chief was 
naturally carried out with great severity when his accession was the 
result of civil war between rival factions or the triumph of an invading 
amy. In the case of a peaceful accession of a young chief to sover- 
eign power, the redistribution was mainly to his personal friends and 
companions, and was less complete than in the case of a revolution of 
force. Yery influential men of the previous reign would not be dis- 

^Komohiki — ^]aixd agent of chief. t Ua hemooe — you are removed. 

t Makamaka — ^friend. 


tnrbedy both tecanse it wonld be daogeroas and impolitic to do so, 
and because their asffistance was desired. A corions survival of this 
feudal custom of redistribution of power and land ux)on the accession 
of a new ruler is recognizable in the equally reprehensible sentiment 
of modem politics expressed in the well-known words^ ^^ to the victors 
belong the spoils." 

When Kawehameha I conquered the group, excepting the island of 
Kauai, which was accomplished only after the most desperate fighting; 
his success earned with it the fullest and severest application of this 
custom, and it meant to his defeated enemies loss of all political power 
and of the lands which were the basis of such power. The island of 
Kauai, through the treaty of annexation between the King of that 
island, Kaumualii, and Kamehameha, might have escaped such mis- 
fortunes but for the rebellion of Humehume, the son of Kaumualii, 
some years later, which, being suppressed, subjected the insurgent 
chiefs to the rigorous rule of confiscation of their lands and the annihi- 
lation of their political influence. 

Thus Kamehameha became at last, through these feudal customs and 
by virtue of his conquest, the fountain head of land tenures for the 
whole grotlp. The principles adopted by the land commission in 1847 
opens with the following statement: 

"When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I he followed 
the example of his predecessors and divided the lands among his prin- 
cipal warrior chiefs, retaining, however, a portion in his hands to be cul- 
tivated or managed by his own immediate servants or attendants. 
Each principal chief divided his lands anew, and gave them out to an 
inferior order of chiefs or persons of rank, by. whom they were subdi- 
vided again and again, passing through the hands of four, five, or six 
persons, from the King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these 
X>ersons were considered to have rights in the lands or the productions 
of them. The proportions of these rights were not very clearly defined, 
but were, nevertheless, universally acknowledged.'' 

During Kamehamena's long and vigorous reign affairs became set- 
tled to an extent to which the country had been unaccustomed. Long 
and undisturbed possession of their lands by chiefs was a preparation 
for the development of a sentiment favorable to permanent individual 
rights in land. Such a sentiment had become well defined in the mind 
of Kamehameha before his death, and may •be regarded as the seed 
germ of the systom of land tenures which afterwards developed. 

Many of those who have been interested in this subject have been 
accustomed to regard the idea of private rights in land in these islands 
as one of foreign introduction during the reign of Kamehameha III, at 
which time the remarkable change from feudal to private real estate 
control took place. But the landed reforms of that reign were the 
results of causes which had been long and powerfully at work. The 
century plant had slowly grown, but w^hen ite full time came it swiftly 
and abundantly blossomed. 

At the meeting of chiefs at Honolulu, upon the arrival of the frigate 
BlondCy in 1825, with the remains of Kamehameha II and his wile, to 
consider the question of the succession to the throne and other mat- 
ters, as reported in the Voyage of the Blonde, page 152 and following, 
Kalaimoku, the regent, in his address to the council, referred to the 
inconveniences arising from the reversion of lauds to the King on the 
death of their occupants — a custom partially revived under Kame- 
hameha II, but which it had been the object of Kamehameha I to 


exchange for that of hereditary succession. This project of their great 
King he proposed to adopt as the law, excepting in such cases as when 
a chief or landholder should infringe the laws, then his lands should 
be forfeited and himself tabooed. Several chiefs at once exclaimed : 
^'All the laws of the great Kamehameha were good; let us have the 

Lord Byron, captain of the Blonde^ presented the council some writ- 
ten suggestions in regard to the administration of afifairs which are 
contained the following article: <^That the lands which are now held 
by the chiefs shall not be taken from them, but shall descend to their 
legitimate children, except in cases of rebellion, and then all their prop- 
erty shall be forfeited to the King.'' The account proceeds as follows 
(page 167): "These hints, it will be at once perceived, are little more 
than a recommendation quietly to pursue the old habits and regulations 
of the islands. Kamehameha. I had begun to establish the hereditary 
transmission of estates, and Lord Byron's notice only adds the sanction 
of the British name to it." ' 

This principle, adopted previous to the reign of Kamehameha III, 
greatly influenced the progress of events. 

When, after the death of Kamehameha I, hi{) son, Liholiho, came to 
the throne as Kamehameha II, the administration of the Government 
was shared with him by Kaahumanu, the Kuhina Nui^'^ one of Kameha- 
meha's widows, and a woman of great force of character. It was the 
desire of Kamehameha II to make a redistribution of the lands of the 
realm according to custom, but Kaahumanu was opposed to it, and her 
influence, together with the united strength of the landed interests 
which had become firmly established in the chiefs during the long reign 
of Kamehamel}a I, was too strong for him, and beyond a few assign- 
ments among his intimate friends, he relinquished his purpose. The 
distribution of lands therefore by Kamehameha I remained for the most 
part as a permanent settlement of the landed interests of the Kingdom, 
to be afterwards modified in favor of the common people and the Gov- 
ernment, but never ignored. 

During the period from the distribution of lands by Kamehameha I, 
about 1795, till the year 1839, the sovereign held a feudal authority 
over the whole landed estate of the Kingdom, which included the right, 
as above set forth, summarily to cancel the rights in land of any chief 
or commoner. There was a growing tendency, however, during this 
period toward the provision in favor of the descent of lands from 
parent to child adopted by the chiefs upon the return of the Blonde^ 
and the feudal right of the sovereign over the laud of the subject was 
more rarely exercised as time went on. Increasing security in tenure 
led to increasing activity in land transactions. Chiefs transferred lands 
to others, and they became a marketable commodity. There was buying 
and gelling — some speculating. The sovereign gave away and sold 
lands here and there. Foreigners became landholders. Still there 
was no x>ermanence in the tenure, the enactment by the chiefs at the 
time of the Blonde being in the nature rather of an expression of an 
opinion than a binding law. The Kingdom then was under the regency 
of Kaahumanu and Kalanimoku, and Kamehameha III, being still a 
minor, was not a party to this provision and it was not regarded as 
binding upon him. 

The status of land matters at this time was similar to that which 
existed in England after the Norman conquest, but here the progress 
of events, owing undoubtedly to the influence of a foreign civilization, 

* Kukina Nui—% premier or mlDister haTlng a veto on the King' a acta. 

8. Eep. 227 7 



was far more rapid than there. The possessaon of land by forei^ers 
with strong governments back of them, represented here by men of 
war ^ud zealous consuls, had a stimulating effect upon this movement. 
It was a transition period; the strength of the feudal despotism was 
fast waning and there was as yet nothing of a positive nature to take its 
place. This uncertainty in regard to land tenure was a serious obstacle to 
material progress. The large landholders — the chiefs and some to whom 
they had given or sold lands — felt a degree of security in their holdings 
through the growing sentiment toward permanent occupation and 
hereditary succession; but this was insufficient to place land matters 
upon a satisfactory footing and to justify extensive outlays in perma- 
nent improvements. But that class of occupiers of land known as ten- 
ants, which class included a large proportion of the common people, 
was still in a condition which had scarcely felt the favorable influences 
which had begun to improve the status of the chiefs. They were hardly 
recognized has having civil rights, although they enjoyed freedom of 
movement and were not attached to any particular lands as belongings 
of the soil. If a man wanted a piece of land to live on and to cultivate 
he had to pay for it by a heavy rent in the shape of regular weekly 
labor for his landlord, with the additional liability of being called upon 
to assist in work of a public character, such as building a heiau or 
making a road or fish-pond sea wall. With all this the tenant was liable 
to be ejected from his holding without notice or chance of redress. 
That this defenseless condition of the common people was rigoroudy 
taken advantage of by the landholding chiefs and their konohikiSj we 
have the evidence of those living in this period, including some of the 
early missionaries, that it was a feature of the times that large num- 
bers of homeless natives were wandering about the country! This 
want of security in the profits of land cultivation led niany to attach 
themselves to the persons of the chiefs as hangers-on, whereby they 
might be at least fed in return for the desultory services which they 
were called upon to perform in that capacity. This practice of hang- 
ingon or of following a chief for the sake of food was a feature of the 
perfected feudalism, when insecurity of land tenure was at its height, 
and the word defining it — hoopilimeaai* — ^probably originated at that 

In 1833, Kamehameha III, then 20 years old, assumed the throne, 
and soon became deeply interested in public affairs. In many ways 
the unsatisfactory status of land matters was pressed upon his atten- 
tion. The growing sentiment toward permanence in tenure powerfully 
influenced the situation. The defenseless and wretched condition of 
the common people in regard to their holdings appealed to his human- 
ity and to his sense of responsibility as their ruler. The inconsistency 
of his sovereign control of all the lands of the Kingdom with any prog- 
ress based upon the incoming tide of civilization became more and 
more evident every day. The increasing demand among foreigners 
for the right to buy and hold land was an element of importance at 
this national crisis and doubtless had much to do in hastening the 
course of events. The King not only consulted the great chiefs of the 
realm, who certainly were in favor of permanence in tenure for them- 
selves, but he also conferred with foreigners on the subject. In 1836 
Commodore Kennedy and Gapt. HoUins visited Honolulu in the 
U. S. ships Peacock and Enterprise^ and during their stay held 
e-onferences with the chiefs, in which the question of land tenure 
was discussed. In 1837, Capt. Bruce of the British frigate hvhogent 

^ Soopilimeaai — adhering for food. 


had several meetiiigs with the chiefs in regard to matter^j of govern- 
ment^ whea, in all probability, land matters were considered. The 
inflaence of Mr. Bichards, for a long time the confidential adviser of 
the chiefs was undoubtedly very gre^st with the King in leading his 
mind to the definite conclusion which he reached in 1839, in which 
year, on the 7th day of June, he proclaimed a bill of rights which 
has made his name illustrious, and the day on which it was 
aunoonced worthy of being forever commemorated by the Hawaiian 
people. This document, though showing in its phrases the influ- 
ence of Anglo-Saxon principles of liberty, of Robert Burns and the 
American Declaration of Independence, is especially interesting and 
impressive as the Hawaiian Magna Gharta, not wrung from an unwil- 
liDg sovereign by force of arms, but the free surrender of despotic 
power by a wise and generous ruler, impressed and influenced by the 
logic of events, by the needs of his people, and by the principles of the 
new civilization that was dawning on his land. 

The following is the translation of this enlightened and munificent 
royal grant: 

''God bath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the 
earth in unity and blessedness. God hath also bestowed certain 
rights alike on all men and all chiefs and all people of all lands. 

*^ These are some of the rights which He has given alike to every man 
and every chief of correct deportment; life, limb, liberty, freedom from 
oppression, the earnings of his haifds and the productions of his mind — 
not, however, to those who act in violation of the laws. 

"God has also established government and rule for the purpose of 
peace; but in making laws for the nation it is by no means proper to 
enact laws for the protection of the rulers only, without also providing 
protection for their subjects; neither is it proper to enact laws to enrich 
the chiefs only, without regard to enriching their subjects also, and 
bereakfter there shall b^ no means be any laws enacted which are at 
Tariance with what is aboveexpressed, neither shall any tax be assessed, 
nor any service or labor required of any man in a manner which is at 
variance with the above sentiments. 

"The above sentiments are hereby proclaimed for the purpose of pro- 
tecting alike both the people and the chiefs of all these islands while 
they maintain a correct deportment; that no chief may be able to 
c^j^oress any subject, but that chiefs and people may enjoy thje same 
protection under one and the same law. 

"Protection is hereby secured to the persons of all the people, together 
with their lands, their building lots, and all their property, while 
they conform to the laws of the kingdom, and nothing whatever shall 
be taken from any individual except by express provision of the laws. 
Whatever chief shall act perseveringly in violation of this declaration 
shall no longer remain a chief of the B[awaiian Islands, and the same 
shall be true of the governors, officers, and all laud agents. But if 
aoTone who is dex>08ed should change his course and regulate his con- 
duct by law. it shall then be in the power of the chiefs to reinstate him 
in the place he occupied previous to his being deposed.'' 

It will be seen that this bill of rights left much to be done in defin- 
ing the rights in land granted by it. It appears by the constitution 
oiacted by the King, the kuhina nui, or x)remier, and the chiefs, the fol- 
lowing year, that the feudal right of controlling transfers of land was 
still retained in the Sovereign, in the following words: "Kamehameha 
L was the founder of the kingdom, and to him belonged all the laud 
from one end of the islands to the other, though it was not his own 
private property. It belonged tx) the chiefs and people iu couxmoii) 


of whom Eameliameha I. was the head and had the management of the 
landed property. Wherefore there was not formerly and is not now, 
any jterson who could or can convey away the smallest portion of land 
without the consent of the one who had or has the direction of the 

The bill of rights promoted activity in land matters, and for the next 
few years difficulties arising from land disputes pressed upon the King, 
producing great confusion and even endangering the autonomy of the 
kingdom. In 1841, Ladd & Co., the pioneers in sugar cultivation in 
this country, obtained from the King a franchise which gave them the 
privilege of leasing any unoccupied lands for one hundred years at a 
low rental. This franchise was afterwards transferred to a Belgian col- 
onization company of which Ladd & Co. were partners, under circum- 
stances that made a good deal of trouble for the Hawaiian Government 
before the m atter fin ally disappeared from Hawaiian politics. The intim- 
idation of the King by Lord Paulet, captain of the British frigate 
Carysfortj under which the provisional cession of the Country to Eng- 
land was made in 1843, was based largely upon a land claim of Mr. 
Charlton, an Englishman, which was regarded by the King as illegal, 
but which he finally indorsed under Paulet's threat of bombarding Hon- 
olulu. These troubles naturally developed among the Hawaiians an 
opposition against the policy of allowing foreigners to acquire land 
which, in 18^, reached the definite stage of political agitation and peti- 
tions to the Government. 

During these years of undefined rights, the common people were pro- 
tected in their holdings by law to a certain extent, but their tenure 
was based mainly upon their industrious cultivation of their lands, 
except as to house lots and the payment of rent in labor. 

The question of the proportionate interests of the King, the. chiefs, 
and the common people in the lands of the king/'ora was one of great 
difficulty. As we have seen, the constitution o*' «^40 distinctly recog- 
nized such a community of interest, but Hawaiian precedents threw no 
light upon the problem of division. It had been a new departure to 
admit that the people had any inherent right in the soil, and now to 
carry out that principle required the adoption of methods entirely for- 
eign to the traditions of Hawaiian feudalism. 

In this transition time the necessity of an organized government sep- 
arate from the person of the King, became apparent even to the chiefs, 
and this was carried out by three comprehensive acts in 1845, 1846, and 
1847. The first, "to organize the executive ministry of the Hawaiian 
Islands;'' the second, "to organize the executive departments of the 
Hawaiian Islands;" and the third, "to organize the judiciary depart- 
ment of the Hawaiian Islands." 

As soon as the existence of a responsible government, detached from 
the person of the King, became an accepted feature of the political sys- 
tem, it was felt that in some way or other the Government ought to hJEive 
public lands and become the source of land titles. At its inception the 
Government, as a distinct organization, was possessed of no landed 
property ; it may be said to have had a right to that portion of the King's 
interest in the landed property of the Kingdom which he held in his 
official capacity, in distinction from that which belonged to him in his 
private capacity; but this was a mere theoretic right, ^dimly recognized 
at first, and only after innumerable difficulties and fruitless expedients 
was it finally developed and carried out in the great mahele or division 
of lands between King, chiefs, and people in 1848. Elaborate laws were 
made for the purchase of land by the Government from private land- 


hoMen which do not appear to have added materially to the public 

The act to organize the executive department contained a statute 
establishing a board of royal commissioners to quiet land titles. This 
statute was passed December 10, 1845. It was a tentative scheme to 
solve the land problem, and though not in itself sufficiently comprehen- 
sive for the situation, it was in the right direction, and led, through the 
announcement of principles of land tenure by the commission, which 
were adopted by the Legislature, to a better understanding of the sub- 
jeetv, and finally, in the latter part of 1847, to the enactment by the King 
and privy council of rules for the division of the lands of the King- 
dom, which, with the statute creating the land commission and the 
principles adopted by them, formed a complete and adequate provision 
for the adjustment of aJl recognized interests in land on the basis of the 
new departure in the principles of tenure. 

At the time of the creation of the board of commissioners to quiet 
land titles and up to the enactment of rules by the privy council for 
land division, the nation was still feeling its way through the maze of 
the difficult questions which were pressing upon it in this great reform 
in laud matters. Bach step which it made threw light upon the path 
for the next one. The rapidity with which this reform was accom- 
plished must be attributed not only to the wisdom and fidelity of the 
advisers of the nation, but largely to the earnestness and patriotism of 
the King and chiefs, who cheerfully made great sacrifices of authority 
and interest for the sake of a satisfactory solution of these questions. 

The commissioners to quiet land titles were authorized to consider 
chums to land from private individuals, acquired previous to the pas- 
sage of the act creating the commission. This included natives who 
were in the occupancy of holdings under the conditions of use or pay- 
ment of rent in labor, and also both natives and foreigners who had 
received lands from the King or chiefs in the way of grants. The 
awards of the board were binding upon the Government if not appealed 
from, and entitled the claimant to a lease or a royal patent, according 
to the terms of the award, the royal patent being based upon the pay- 
ment of a commutation of one-fourth or one-third of the unimproved 
value of the land, which commutation was understood to purchase the 
interest of the Government in the soil. 

The principles adopted by the land commission use the words King 
asd Government interchangeably, and failed to reach any adjudication 
of the separate rights of the King in distinction from those of the Gov- 
emment in the public domain, or, in other words, they failed to define 
the King's public or official interests in distinction from his private rights, 
ahhough they fully recognized the distinction. There was, however, an 
implied apportionment of these two interests through the proceedings 
hj which an occupying claimant obtained an allodial title. The com- 
mission decided that their authority coming from the King to award lands 
lepresented only his private interests in the lands claimed. Therefore, 
as the farther payment of the claimant as a condition of his receiving 
a title in fee simple from the Government was one-third of the originai 
Talneof the land, it follows that the King's private interest was an undi- 
vided two-thirds, leaving an undivided one-third belonging to the Gov- 
cnunent as snch. 

The commission also decided that there were but three classes of 
vested or original rights in land, which were in the King or Govern- 
>Mt, the chiefs, and the people, and these three classes of interests 
vere about equal in extent. 

The land conamission began to work February 11, 1846, and madft 



great progress in adjudicating the claims of the common people, but 
its powers were not adequate to dispose of the still unsettled questions 
between the King, the chiefs, and the Government, though it must be 
admitted that it made progress in that direction, Neither was the 
chiefs ready to submit their claims to its decision. 

After earnest efforts between the King and chiefs to reach a settle- 
ment of these questions, the rules already referred to were unanimously 
adopted by the King and chiefs in privy council December 18, 1847. 
These rules, which were drawn up by Judge Lee, embodied the follow- 
ing points: The King should retain his private lands as his individual 
property, to descend to his heirs and successors; the remainder of the 
landed property to be divided equally between the Government, the 
chiefs, and the common people. 

As the land was all held at this time by the King, the chiefs, and 
their tenants, this division involved the surrender by the chiefs of a 
third of their lands to the Government, or a payment in lieu thereof in 
money, as had already been required of the tenant landholders. A 
committee, of which Dr. Judd was chairman, was appointed to carry out 
the division authorized by the privy council, and the work was com- 
pleted in forty days. The division between the King and the chiefs 
was effected through partition deeds signed by both parties. The chiefs 
then went before the land commission and received awards for the 
lands thus partitioned off to them, and afterwards many of them com- 
muted for the remaining one-third interest of the Government by a 
surrender of a portion. 

After the division between the King and the chiefs was finished he 
again divided the lands which had been surrendered to him between 
himself and the Government, the former being known thereafter as 
Crown lands and the latter as Government lands. 

This division, with the remaining work of the land commission, 
completed the great land reform, the first signal of which was 
announced by Kamehameha III, in his declaration of rights, June 7, 
1839. A brief ten years had been sufficient for the Hawaiian nation 
to break down the hoary traditions and venerable customs of the past, 
and to climb the difficult path from a selfish feudalism to equal rights, 
from royal control of all the public domain to peasant proprietorship 
and fee-simple titles for poor and for rich. It came quickly and without 
bloodshed because the nation was ready for it. Foreign intercourse, 
hostile and friendly, and the spirit of a Christian civilization had an 
educating influence upon the eager nation, united by the genius of 
Kamehameha I, with its brave and intelligent warrior chiefs resting 
from the conquest of arms, their exuberant energies free for the con- 
quest of new ideas; with rare wisdom, judgment, and patriotism they 
proved equal to the demands of the time upon them. ' 

IX. Also the FOLLOwiNa extract from i'HE report of hon. 


"It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of human 
improvement and virtue, that by the mild and gentle influence of 
Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, 
unarmed with secular power, within the last quarter of a century, the 
people of this group of islands have been converted from the lowest 
debasement of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel ; united 
under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civilization by 
a written language and constitution, providing security for the rights 
of persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements of 



right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged by their 
brethren of the human race as a separate and independent community. 
To^econsumination of their acknowledgment the people of the North 
American Union are urged by an interest of their own, deeper than 
that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the earth — by a virtual 
right of conqaest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the 
bnital arm of physical x>ower, but over the mind and heart by the celes- 
M panoply of the gospel of peace and love." 

L Also the following haw ah an treaty and be view of its 

oommeboial besults. 

The Hawahan Tbeatt. 
a review of its commercial besults. 

The Hawaiian treaty was negotiated for the purpose of securing 
political control of those islands, making them industrially and com- 
mercially a part of the United States and preventing any other great 
power from acquiring a foothold there, which might be adverse to the 
welfiire and safety of our Paci^ coast in time of war. They are situated 
nidway on the direct way from Panama to Hongkong and directly on 
^e shortest line from the Columbia Biver or Puget Sound to Australia. 
Here the two great lines of future commerce of the Pacific Ocean Inter- 
ieet, and vessels must stop there for refreshment and refuge. 

The islands prior to the treaty were declining in popidation, and 
oving to the decay of the whale fishery, were declining in wealth. 
Their soil is, perhaps, the most productive for sugar raising of any 
known in the world. But the high tariff on sugar and the exceedingly 
lov wages which must be paid in tropical countries for raising sugar to 
sopply the United States rendered the industry difficult. In 1875 a 
ikOTement arose in the islands for the importation of Hindoo coolies to 
supply the requisite cheap labor, and the consent of England was 
promised. The growth of the Australian colonies had gradually devel- 
oped an improving market for Hawaiian sugar, and, after a trial of it 
by some of the Hawaiian planters, it was found that better prices 
oould be obtained in the free-trade port of Sydney than in San Fran- 
coco, and return cargoes could be bought there much more cheaply. 
Preparations were making for sending there the entire crops of 1876- 
T7. These matters came to the knowledge of the State Department. ; 
The Hawaiians had been pressing for many years for a commercial 
treaty with the United States, but without success. It was now felt in 
the State Department that the question was assuming graver impor- 
taDce, and, as political supremacy in the islands must inevitably follow 
tiie eommerce, it was recognized that this country must make favorable 
eoDoessions to them, or else let them follow the inevitable tendency 
and drift slowly into the status of an English colony. The result was 
the negotiation of the existing treaty and its ratification by the con- 
sent of the Senate. The efi'ect of the treaty was as follows ; 

It was anticipated that the remission of duties would make the profits 
of gugar culture very great. But a sugar plantation requires for the 
most economical work a large amount of capital, $500,000 being very 
moderate for a single plantation, and $250,000 being about as small as 
is prudent. The islanders had no capital of any consequence and were 
obhged to borrow it from the United States (i. e., from or through the 
mercantile houses of San Francisco who import their sugar and act aiS 
agents to the planters for selling it to the refineries). The opening ot 
pbntatioDS proceeded rapidly until the outpu t of sugar has now neaxi^ 


reached the fiiU capacity of the soil, and is seven or ei^ht times greater 
than in 1874-'75. Our exports to the islands have increased in very 
nearly the same ratio, being five or six time<s greater than in 1874-'75, 
or, if measured in qqantity rather than by price, are about seven times 
as great. A new merchant marine has been created, consisting of 
vessels built expressly for the service, costing over $3,5Ck),000. Of this 
total tonnage over 90 per cent is American built, and the rest was 
bought. These mercantile houses, with their shipping, transact the 
entire commerce both ways, and transport annually about $12,000,000 
worth of merchandise at very high rates of freight, commission, and 

In general, the effect of the treaty has been to make the islands a 
field for very profitable investment of American capital. It has created 
a demand which would not have existed otherwise for American prod- 
uce to an amount which may seem small ($23,000,000 in nine years) 
when viewed in comparison with our total export, but which, when 
viewed in connection with the fact that the population which has 
made th^^t demand is less than 80,000, is remarkably large. During 
the last four years it has averaged about $40 per capita per annum, 
and, if the transportation charges be added as they properly should 
be, it will amount to over $50 per capita per annum. This is four or 
five times as much per capita as England or Canada buys of us. The 
general results of the trade may be seen in the following tables : 

Value* delivered by the United States to the Hateaiian Islande for nine yeare — 1S76 

' to 1885. 

Invoice value of United States exports to Hawaii $23,686,328 

Bills of exchange to pay for all Hawaiian imports from third coutilries. 9, 868, 674 

Difference between coin eiroorted to and received from Hawaii 2, 222, 181 

Ontstanding liabilities of United States to Hawaii not known 

Total values paid by United States 35,777,183 

To balance the account: 

Profits already realized on merchandise account $18^ 414, 766 

Cash debts payable to United States at maturity out of future shipments . 6, 500, 000 
Increased values of productive properties in the islands owned by Amer- 
icans 11,680,164 

72, 372, 113 

Valuee received and receivable by the United States from the Hawaiian Islands for nine 

years— 1867 to 1885, 

Invoice value of Hawaiian exports to the United States. . . $51, 294, 764 
Add freight and insurance to obtain value in United States 
ports •. 2,897,185 

Value of merchandise received $54, 191, 949 

Liabilities of the islands to the United States for advances on 

crops 3,000,000 

Bonded debts payable in United States and secured on 

island property 2, 500, 000 

Hawaiian Government bonds paid for in silver, coined on 

Hawaiian Government account 1,000,000 

TotAl liabilities to United States 5,600,000 

Increased value of plantation properties owned by United 

States citizens, as assessed in 1883 10,180,164 

Value of other productive properties 1,500,000 


Total values received and receivable 72^872,113 


Oeneral distribuiion of projit$. 

To American 8liippiu£: : 

Freif hto and insurance on imports from tbe iBlands $2, 897, 185 

Freights and insurance on exports 5, 127, 964 

Fasaenger receipts 1, 325, 000 


Commiasion on purchases for export to the islands 592, 158 

Commission on sales of islands' produce 2, 209, 463 

2, 801, 621 

Premium on exchange 812,839 

interest on loans and advances 2, 160, 000 

Dividends and miscellaneous profits 1 3, 290, 157 

Total profits already realized 18,414,766 

Debts receivable held chiefly by the Sau Francisco banks 6, 500, 000 

IscTeased, values of productive properties owned b^' Americans 11, 735,464 

Total gross profits 36,650,230 

L In the foregoing table, beginning with values delivered, the first 
item is the invoice value of our exports tO'the islands, as shown in the 
Treasury statistics for the uine years. It is the home value, and, since 
ve are comparing San Francisco values with San Francisco values, 
freights are not added. 

2. The second item represents what we have paid in the form of bills 
of exchange to settle the balance of trade against us. Since the 
Hawaiians export almost nothing to third countries, but do import con* 
^d«able from them, it follows that they must draw upon shipments to 
the United States to pay for all they imi)ort from third countries. 
They have no other source of credit to draw upon. Hence turning to 
Hawaiian official statistics we find their total imports in nine years to 
have been $9,181,522. The freight and insurance must be added, and, 
as these are known to be about 10 per cent of the value, we get 
110,099,674. Deducting $231,000, which is their total export to tbird 
eoantries in nine years, and which liquidated just so much of their 
iodebtedness to third countries, we have $9,868,674 on merchandise 
accounts, which we must pay in bills of exchange drawn in San Fran- 
cisco against Haw^aiian account and in favor of third countries. 

3. In further settlement of the balance of trade are coin remittances. 
In nine years the excess of coin shipped to Hawaii over coin received 
iiom Hawaii amounts to $2,222,181. Of this $1,000,000 was a silver 
eoiDage for the Hawaiian Government struck at tbe San Francisco mint, 
for which that Government gave its bonds for $1,000,000, which are now 
held in this country. 

If we have given Hawaii any other co'hsideration it must be in the 
form of obligations of some sort which do not appear in statistics. None 
SQch are known, and in a small community like the islands, where 
ever} body's business is known to everybody else, it is hardly possible 
that if any appreciable amount of them existed it wouM not be known. 
Aa the Hawaiians are deeply in debt to the United States it is not 
likely that any such obligations of importance exist. This side of the 
exhibit is therefore as complete as present knowledge can make it. 
On tbe other side of the account we have: 

(1) Value of Hawaiian exports to the United States, $51,294,764. 
This is the invoice value at Honolulu. As we are comparing San Fran- 
cisco values with San Francisco values it is nt^cessary to ^d freights 
»nd insurance. ( The American consul at Honolulu requires invoices to 
state the values delivered, less cost of transportation.) This require- 
B^t^ being* a matter of indifference to shippers, is complied with. If 


tlie merchandise had to pay an ad valorem dnty they ironld put the 
invoice value as low as x)ossible in accordance with the actual export 

(2) Liabilities of the islands to the United States. — The sugar crop 
is an enormously expensive one to raise. It requires fifteen to sixteen 
months to mature, and employs hundreds of laborers to each planta- 
tion and sugar mill. The planter must, therefore, borrow large amounts 
of money to mature it, giving a lien upon the crop as a security to his 
factor. The factor in turn borrows the necessary amounts from the 
San Francisco banks. On an average this lien amounts to nearly or 
quite half the market value of the crop. I have estimated it for safety 
at about one-third that value, or $3,000,000. 

(3) Many plantations have also mortgaged debts held in San Fran- 
cisco. The amount of these is not fully known; but I am sure of at 
least t2,500,000, and believe the real amount to be much more than 

(4) The value of the plantation properties held by Americans was 
assessed by the Hawaiian Government in 1883 at $10,180,164. This 
was assumed to be about two-thirds the real value. This value has 
been created almost wholly since 1876 out of the ground, buildings, and 

(5) Other productive properties held by Americans are the inter- 
island mercantile marine, two railroads and equipment, a marine rail- 
way, warehouses, etc., all of them the creation of the treaty. The esti- 
mate of $1,500,000 is a very low one. The value of these properties far 
exceeds the sum of their mortgages and capital stock indebtedness. 
No man is rated in this argument as an American citizen unless he has 
the right to vote in the United States without naturalization and has the 
right to the protection of our Government under public law. 

The most striking feature of this exhibit is the very large profit to 
the United States — so large that it seems at first unaccountable; but 
the great discrepancy between the exports and imports will vanish 
when we take full account of the fact that the whole carrying trade and 
mercantile business is ours in both directions. All economists regard 
transportation and mercantile iunctions in the passage of commodities 
from the purchaser to the consumer as si^part of the production. To 
the value of our produce at San Francisco nlust be added all further 
accessions of value until it finally leaves our hands and passes into 
those of the Hawaiian. Add, then, to the invoice value of our exports 
the cost of transportation, commission, and insurance until we have put 
the produce into the Hawaiian's hands, and the $36,000,000 becomes 
not far from $44,000,000. It costs the Hawaiian not far from one-sixth 
of the value of his crop to get it to San Francisco. Deduct that from 
$54,000,000 and we have $45,000,000. Thus if we reckon Hawaiian 
values against Hawaiian values the exchange becomes less unequal, as 
it should, for the real exchange takes place in Hawaii. It is there that 

* This is reckoned as profit for the foUowing reasons: Among the commodities 
which we send to- the islands, and also among those which we buy in Europe and 
send there on Hawaiian account, are machinery, building materials, etc. These are 
used in construction. The labor which is employed, the improvements which come 
from cultivation, and the natural appreciation of laud make up together the final 
value of the property. The cash outlay directly applied to the creation of this value 
is, of course, small in' comparison with that value. Whatever cash value has been so 
applied is already accounted for and included in the table showing values delivered 
to Hawaii. The value of the properties thereby acquired should of course appear 
on the other side of the account, and also in the list of profits, for such it clearly is. 
It pertains, however, to the capital -stock account and not to simple mercajitil« profit. 
The figures here given largely understate the value of these properties. 


our owl products finally leave our hands, and it is there that Hawaiian 
values first come into our hands. 

The Committee on Ways and Means, seeing that our exports in nine 
years have shown on invoice value of $23,000,000, while our imports 
show $54,000,000, have hastily concluded that the apparent balance of 
trade against us of $31,000,000 had to be liquidated in coin and exchange. 
In fact, only about $13,000,000 is liquidated in that way, and the 
$18,000,000 remaining is paid over to our own people and may be reck- 
oned as a gross profit already realized. Over $9,000,000 has gone to 
American shipping, nearly $3,000,000 to San Francisco commission 
houses, nearly a million to the banks, over $2,000,000 for interest on 
loans and advances, and over $3,000,000 as dividends and miscellane- 
ous profits. 

In a'ddition to this we hold $6,500,000 of Hawaiian debts which . 
they must liquidate out of . future shipments, and have created 
$15,000,000 worth of magnificent productive properties in the islands 
out of the soil by the combined action of capital and labor. It would 
be difficult to find in all the annals of trade and production a result 
more gratifying. 

The Committee on "Ways and Means have taken it for granted that 
the loss of revenue to the Treasury is equal to the computed remission 
of duty. This is a grave error. 

First. The tariff on sugar for more than twenty years has been so 
graduated as to become more and more forbidding, and, finally, pro- 
hibitory as the grade and quality of raw sugar increases. This excludes 
all eatable raw sugar from the grocery trade and makes it more profit- 
able to the refiner to buy the lowest grades he can get. But if raw 
sugar is duty free, it is the interest of the refiner to buy the highest 
grades and the interest of the planter to make them. Accordingly the 
Hawaiian planter makes the highest grades, not exceeding No. 20, 
above which grade he must pay duty. 

But without the treaty he would do as the Cuban does, i. e., make 
them of as low grade as possible, so as to pay the minimum duty. The 
Committee on Ways and Means has computed the remitted duties on 
Hawaiian sugar as actually imported in the highest grades at $3.18 
l>er cwt. prior to June 30, 1883, and $2.40 per cwt. subsequently; but 
Hawaiian sugars, which would have been imported had the treaty never 
existed, would have been in lower grades and paying presumably the 
same average duty as all imported sugars. This was, prior to 1883, 
about $3.41 -per cwt. and about $1.96 subsequently. Of course we can 
not reckon a duty we never could have collected as a loss of revenue. 

Instead, therefore, of losing on sugar $23,000,000 in nine years the 
loss has not been over $18,000,000. 

Second. But this loss nuist have had very large compensations to the 
Treasury. Fully five sixths of the Hawaiian crop has been bought and 
paid for by exports, transportation services, and otherwise, for which 
the treaty has created a demand, and for which no demand would have 
existed elsewhere without the treaty. Our exports to third countries 
could not possibly have been diminished by it. Kow, the free entry of 
Hawaiian sugar has no doubt caused us to purchase from third coun- 
tries less dutiable sugar. Obviously the exported values withheld from 
the purchase of dutiable sugar remain available for other purchases. 
The fuU value of our exports must come back to us somehow, and if we 
get less dutiable sugar we must get just so much more of something 
else. The only question is whether this " more of something else" pays 
as much duty as the sugar ^Tould have paid. Probably it does not; 
and so far there is a loss^ because some of these residual valuer oom^ 



back in the Rhape of duty-free articles and because the duty on sugar 
is higher (computed ad valorem) than the average of our total imports. 
A part of the Oalifornia bullion and wheat and wine sent to England 
pays for Hawaiian sugar, which is duty free. About one sixth of the 
Hawaiian crop is thus paid for, and to that proportion there is a total 
loss of revenue. While it is impossible to compute what the real loss 
is, I think it safe to say that it probably does not exceed one-third, and 
certainly does not amount to one-half of the tlS,000,000 computed as 
lost on sugar. In any event the duty never leaves the country. It is 
paid over by the refinery to the consignee of the Hawaiian, and is paid 
out again, with much more besides, to American shipping, banks, mer- 
chants, and stockholders. The gross profit of $36,000,000 throws into 
insignificance the possible loss of $6,000,000 or $8,000,000 of revenue. 

It has been said repeatedly that all the profits of this magnificent 
trade and industry go to the benefit of Glaus Spreckels and a small 
^y clique of speculators. What nonsensel If it did, he would richly 
deserve it, and a vote of thanks by Congress besides. 

It will be going to the root of the matter at once to say that the 
opposition to the treaty has arisen from the systematic and in some 
measure successful attempts to saturate the public press and Congress 
with utterly false ideas about Clans Spreckels and his relation to the 
islands, to create a bitter personal prejudice against him, and by imph- 
cation to illogically and unjustly extend that prejudice to the commerce 
and industries of the Hawaiian Islands. Clans Spreckels certainly has 
for many years monopolized the manufacture and sale of i^fined sugars 
on the Pacific coast, and ruled that market to the extent of his powers 
with a rod of iron. But the first grand mistake consists in, supposing 
that the Hawaiian treaty has or could have given any assistance to 
the establishment of his monopoly or to its maintonance or confer upon 
it any benefit whatever. The second mistake consists in wholly false 
impressions about the wholly distinct personal relations of Mr. Spreckels 
. , to the industry and commerce of raw sugar. In these he is only one 
*^ of many men, and though individually his relations are large, yet rel- 
atively to the whole they are small, and he can no more control the 
whole than the Cunard Company can control our commerce with 
England. As a monopolist of refined sugar he can notescape the odium 
which always attaches to a monopoly. As a planter and stockholder, as 
a director of an American steamship company, and a banker, his whole 
career and course of conduct will compare favorably with that of any 
great and successful merchant in America. 

The monopoly of refined sugar in San Francisco is, like all other 
monopolies, a perfectly legitimate object of attack; and if it can be 
u broken up in any way such an end is devoutly to be wished. 

But Clans Spreckels's relations to the island trade and industry are 
a totally different matter, and when rightly understood will present 
themselves to the unprejudiced mind in a totally different aspect. In 
this field his operations are perfex^tly legitimate. It is my purpose to 
point out that any attempt to terminate the treaty is simply an attempt 
to strengthen and fortify his monopoly and to break down commenda- 
ble enterprises which should be built up and sustained, and in which 
Clans Spreckels is merely one of many participants. Whatever dam- 
age might be inflicted upon him in respect to his island interest would 
be more than compensated to him out of enlarged profits of his monop- 
oly as a refiner, while the blow would fall with full and disastrous 
effect upon thousands of innocent third parties, both in Hawaii and 
California, whose intctrests should be dear to Congress and to the Ameri- 
can people. 


The Hawaiian treaty has become an object of attack by the sngar- 
refining interest of the Eastern States and of the sugar- planting inter- 
ests of Louisiana. The motives which have led to this attack are as 

Daring the last few years the sales of sugar importea from Hawaii, 
Manila, and Central America, and refined in San Francisco, have 
been extending gradually into the markets of the Mississippi Valley, 
advancing further eastward every year, thereby displacing the sales of 
eastern sugars in the States and Territories west of the Mississippi 
River. The Eastern refiners and the Louisiana planters believe that 
the possibility of this arises from the free entry of Hawaiian sugars, 
thus enabling (as they suppose) the San Francisco refiners to purchase 
raw sugar much more cheaply than they otherwise could. Thus they 
believe that the treaty discriminates severely against their interests, 
and is unjust to them. 

This position is den|ed by the San Francisco refiners and importers 
of sugar and by the owners of Hawaiian sugar properties in California. 
They contend that the San Francisco refineries get their raw sugar no 
cheaper by reason of the treaty, but are obliged to pay the same price 
for it as for equivalent dutiable sugar from Asia; that the ability of 
the Pacific refiners to compete successfully with the Atlantic refiners 
is founded ux>on conditions wholly independent of the treaty, viz : First, 
because unlimited amounts of Asiatic sugar can be laid down in San 
Francisco cheaper than raw sugars can be laid down in New York; 
second, because through eastward freights over the Pacific railways 
are scantier than westward through freights, and the railroads natur- 
aUy prefer to carry sugar at low rates to hauling empty cars. They 
contend that this competition is a natural one; that it is not helped 
by the treaty and will not be hindered by its abrogation; that it is des- 
tined to grow, and would grow if the Hawaiian Islands did not exist. 

Since it is also claimed by the opponents of the treaty that it fosters 
and sustains a monopoly of refined sugars, and that the benefits of the 
treaty accrue only to that monopoly, and since the whole complaint is 
founded in* a gross misunderstanding of the nature and conditions of 
the sugar business on the Pa^cifie ooa^t, it seems proper to discuss the 
facts at some length. From these it will appear that these charges, as 
well as others, are utterly without foundation. 

It is a self-evident proposition that a cargo of Manila sugar delivered 
in New York must sell at a price just equal to that of so much Cuban 
sugar of equal grade. It is evident, also, that the price of that cargo at 
Manila ''free on board^ must be less than the New York price by an 
amount equal to the cost of transportation. It is further evident that 
the price of a similar cargo of Manila sugar delivered in San Francisco 
must exceed the Manila price by ah amount equal to the total cost of 
transportation. It is, therefore, an easy matter to compute whether 
Manila sugar in San Francisco ought to be cheaper than Cuban or 
Manila sugar in New York. 

The rate of freight from Manila or Hongkong to San Francisco on 
sugar is very low. A vessel can be chartered to go from San Francisco 
to Manila in ballast and bring back sugar at $5 or $6 per ton, but dur- 
ing the last eight years Asiatic sugar has largely come as mere balUisL 
Fi eights from Manila to New York range from $9 to $12 per ton. 
Interest, insurance, and shrinkage being proportional to the time of 
the voyage are evidently in favor of San Francisco as compared with 
New York. In brief, the San Francisco price of raw sugar is lower 
than the New York price by three-eighths to five-eighths of a cent pep 


Hawaiian sugars are shipped by the agents or factors of the planters 
in Houolalu to commission merchants and importers in San Fiancisco, 
and sold by the latter to the refinery. The terms of purchase after the 
treaty took effect were known as the "Manila basis." The refinery 
agreed in substance to take the whole of each planter's crop at a price 
which should be equal to that of an equivalent quantity and grade of 
Manila sugar delivered, duty paid, in San Francisco. The price of a 
certain grade of sugar at Manila known as "extra superior," polarizing 
91, and in color No. 10 Dutch standard, was telegraphed daily to San 
Francisco. To this price was added $6 per ton for freight, 2 per cent 
insurance, the cost of sixty days' exchange, and a specific allowance 
for the remitted duty. This constituted the Manila basis for the day 
of quotation. 

Just here is one point of dispute between the sugar men of New York 
and those of San Francisco and Honolulu. The New Yorkers refuse 
to believe that Spreckels pays the full normal price and the entire duty 
to the Hawaiians. If anybody is particularly interested in knowing 
^ whether he does not it must be the Hawaiian planter and his Honolulu 
factor, for an eighth of a cent per pound means to them a profit or loss 
of hundreds of thousands of dollars. Time and again they have exam- 
ined this question and put it to the most crucial tests, and the verdict 
is universal that Spreckels has dealt with them fairly and squarely, and 
this is the testimony alike of friends and enemies whose bread and 
butter depends on knowing the truth and abiding by it. Who ought 
to know best about it, they or people who live 3,500 miles awayf 

A little over a year ago Spreckels withdrew the tender of the Manila 
basis and would only offer the Cuban, The result was, a new refinery 
competing with him. Spreckels has always contended that the Manila 
basis was higher than it ought to be; that be was overpaying the 

Elanters and giving them more than Manila and China sugar would 
ave cost him. A second refinery, C. Adolf Low & Co., which was 
pooled with Spreckels up to 1885, also seemed to think so, for, while 
having the option of taking as much Hawaiian sugar as they wanted, 
they declined taking any on the ground that Manila and Central Amer- 
ican sugars were cheaper. My opinion is that Spreckels was in a great 
measure right* To show this would require a detailed examination, 

* For the following reasons : Spreckels allows i cent per pound for the value of 
every degree of polariscope. The Manila ' standard polarizes 91°. The average 
polarization of the whole Hawaiian crop is about 94°, and the allowance, therefore, 
iSy on the average, f cent above the Manila basis. Suppose, now, the price of 
Hawaiian sugar delivered is 5 cents per pound for 91° ; for 94° it is 5| cents. But a 
94° sugar contains /f more of pure sugar than a 91° sugar, which at 5 cents is ^ 
cent, or about i cent. In other words, Spreckels pays f cent for what is worth to 
him only ^ cent. The lower cost of refining a 94° sugar than a 91° is fully covered 
by the V(r cent allowance for every color above No. 10, Dutch standard. This differ- 
ence, computed on the last Hawaiian crop, amounts to over $350,000. If it be asked 
how Spreckels came to concede too much for quality the answer is that when it was 
first agreed upon, in 1876, the price of raw sugar was very high, and at that time the 
aUowanoe was not very excessive. The New lork allowance was -^ cent per degree 
of polarization. Moreover, it was at that time anticipated that the run of the 
Hawaiian crop would not be above 91'^ or 92°. Once fixed, the allowance became a 
custom, and custom is a powerful conservative force sometimes in matters of price. 

Again, the great bulk of the Hawaiian crop comes to San Francisco in December 
to March, inclusive, and Spreckels must pay for it on delivery. Hence be must carry 
an enormous surplus stock, worth $3,000,000 to $4,000,000, during a great part of the 
year, and the interest on that is no trifle. If he could buy Asiatic sugars asne wanted 
them, or take advantage of the favorable stages of the market, he would have an 
.advantage he does iK>t now possess. All things considered I have no doubt that the 
practical working of the Manila basis was to make Spreckels paymorefor Hawftiiaii 
0ugar than Manila sugar would have cost him. 


which no one but a sugar expert would easily understand. At the 
same time it seems to me that the true price, while lower thau the 
Manila basis, ought, during the extremely low prices of sugar last year, 
to have been a little better than the Cuban basis. Be this as it may, 
the vital fact remains in any event that the price on either basis would 
be considerably low^r in San Francisco than in New York. It also re- 
maiDS true tbat the attempt of Spreckels to better himself in respect to 
the terms on which he purchases Hawaiian sugar has cost him very 
dear in the org^anization of an opposition refinery, and the end is not 
?et. And this brings to us the next link in the chain. 
' Mr. Spreckels was obliged to buy the whole Hawaiian crop and pay 
the full market price for it, including the entire duty, or else subject 
himself to competition. To understand this it is necessary to look at 
the nature of this monopoly. A monopoly means the want of effective 
ud full eouix>etition. What are the possible sources of competition in 
the sale of refined sugars in California f There can be none from 
foreign refined, sugars, because the duty upon them is prohibitory. 
There can be no effective competition from Eastern refined sugars, 
heeaose their price is established on the Atlantic seaboard, where \^ 
SQiar is dearer and the railway transportation is prohibitory. Why is 
there no local competition f Because there is not work enough for two 
refineries. A single refinery half as large as Havemeyer & Elder's can 
atarate with sugar the whole country west of Denver. If, then, there 
are two refineries, as has actually been the case, they must either pool 
ttd divide the market, which they did, or else begin a war of extermi- 
Batien, which they are now doing. The causes which have rendered a 
moQopoly easily possible ' are, therefore, a prohibitory tariff on refined 
logar, the isolation of California from other States where sugar is \y 
refined, its comparatively small population, and the fact that one ordi- 
nary refinery is ample for all needs. Under such circumstances a monop- 
ofy, or else a i)obl, which amounts to the same thing, is inevitable. 
]^othing on earth- can stop it but time and the changes of conditions, 
which time will ultimately bring. 

The Hawaiian treaty has had nothing to do with the establishment 
^this monopoly; the monopoly was fixed before the treaty, and so far ^ 
from being helped by it, has been embarrassed and weakened by it, and 
nay be yet more seriously embarrassed by its continuance, for the 
treaty rendered possible two new sources of competition. The nature 
of this oomjietition is very instructive and will repay careful examina- 

The duty upon raw sugars not only increases with their purity and 
li^tness of color, but increases in a faster ratio than the value of the 
agar itself. The result in New York is that it is cheaper and more 
profitable for the refineries to purchase the impurest sugars they can 
get, and that raw sugars of fine high quality are, in consequence of 
this disportionate duty, dearer than refined sugars. In short, the 
daty on raw sugars which are fit to eat is, to all intents and purposes, 
prohibitory. This is the reason why raw sugar has entirely disap- 
peared firom onr grocery stores. In England, the greatest sugar-eat- 
iag oouDtiy in the world, where sugar is duty free, a large proportion 
of the sugar consumed does not go through the refinery at all, but is 
sold to customers just as it comes from the plantations. If the tariff 
on sagar were exactly proportional to its purity vast quantities of raw 
ngar would be sold in the stores in the place of just so much refined 
sugar. So it would be in the Eastern States if raw sugars up to 20 
Dutch standard were duty free. It is easy to see that in California 


the free entry of Hawaiian sugar up to No. 20 put the refinery into fche 
following difficulty: It must not pennit the sugars to go upon the open 
market. How was it to prevent itf By making it more profitable to 
the planter to sqII to the refinery than the grocery store. How was it 
to do thatf First, by paying a maximum price for the raws, and, 
second, by keeping down the price of refined sugar to points which 
should not exceed the price of raws by more than a certain small 
percentage. The maximum price of the raws was the Manila basis, 
and if the price of the refined exceeded the Manila ba-sis by more than 
a certain small percentage the Hawaiian sugar would be tempted 
into the grocery trade direct. 

Congress has been saturated with the idea that Spreckels has bought 
Hawaiian sugar at his own price, appropriating the remitted duty to 
himself and at the same time increasing the price of refined sugar. 
The idea is absurd and impossible. The truth is just the reverse. The 
command of prices for raw sugar up to the Manila basis rests with the 
planter, and Spreckels must yield or provoke a competition in which 
the planter is sure to win. Above the Manila basis the planter can not 
go without loss to himself. Spreckels, moreover, has been obliged to 
sell refined sugar at lower prices than he could command if the Hawaiian 
crop were out of the way. To restore the duty would crush the 
planter, leaving him to Spreckels' dictation and give him (Spreckels) 
the power of exacting a larger price for his output without fear of 
any competition from the planter. The effect of the treaty upon the 
monopoly has been to hold up the price of raw sugar to the full normal 
price and to bring the price of refined nearer to that of raws than it 
would otherwise have been. 

(2) The second source of competition is a new refinery. Mr. 
Spreckels himself controls, as a majority stockholder, only one planta- 
tion on the islands. He has a minority interest in each of four others 
(/ (unless he has acquired more since 1884). He and his friends together 
lean not control more than a fourth part of the Hawaiian crop except by 
buying it on terms satisfactory to the planters. Suppose the other 
' planters to become dissatisfied with the terms of purchase he may 
offer, what is to prevent them from joining hands and starting a new 
refinery in San Francisco to work.their own sugars? Nothing, except 
the want of an inducement. The question of capital offers no difficulty 
if there is anything to be gained. What would constitute an induce- 
ment f Not the prospect of profit on this sale of refined sugars unless 
they are prepared to crush Spreckels out completely and set up a new 
monopoly in place of his. But a genuine inducement would be estab- 
lished at once if Spreckels were to insist upon paying too low a price 
for their raw sugar. Suppose the cost of Asiatic sugar, duty paid, in 
San Francisco is 5 cents and Spreckels will only pay the Hawaiians 4^ 
cepts. Suppose two-thirds of the planters refuse and start a new 
refinery. A war of rates instantly follows. How low can Spreckles 
afford to sell refined sugar? As low as the price of Asiatic sugar plus 
the cost of refining. How low could the planters afford to sell sugart 
As low as the cost of raising raw sugar, shipping it to San Francisco, 
and refining it. When Spreckels has touched the bottom price the 
planter is still making the full profit on his raw sugar, but nothing on 
his refined, and Spreckels is making no profit out of his refinery. 

This is precisely what has happened. When Spreckels dropped from 
the Manila to the Cuban basis some of the California stockholders and 
some of the keen Yankees in the island thought he was going too low. 
They clubbed together, and, with the aid of San Francisco capitalists 
who hold Hawaiian plantation stocks, they started a new refinery. They 


daes not stand by itself, but involves, not only in principle but in fact, 
reeofiion along the whole line. In our natund, necessary, irrepressible 
expansioii, we are here come into contact with the progress of another 
gieat people, t^e law of whose being has impressed upon it a principle 
of growth whicli has wrought mightily in the past and in the present 
is Tisible by recurring manifestations. Of this working, Gibraltar, 
Malta, Gypras, Bgypt, Aden, India, in geographical succession though 
lot in strict order of time, show a completed chain; forged link by 
ink, by open force or politic bargain, but always resulting fix>m the 
itodj pressure of a national instinct, so powerful and so accurate that 
itatesmen of every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves 
evried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly 
■odify. Unisubstatitial rumor and incautious personal utterance have 
flich suggested an impatient desire in Mr. Gladstone to be rid of the 
fompation of !Egypt; but scarcely has his long exclusion ftom office 
ended than the irony of events signalizes his return thereto by an 
JMease in tbe force of occupation. It may further be profitably 
tetod, of the chain just cited« that the two extremities were first pos- 
leeed^first India, then Gibraltar, far later Malta, Aden, Cyprus, 
E^t— and that, with scarce an exoeption, each step has been taken, 
fapite the jealoas vexation of a rival. Spain has never ceased angrily 
totevul Gibraltar. *'I had rather," said the first Napoleon, ^< see the 
Enfdish on the heights of Montmartre than in Malta.'' The feelings 
of Franoe about Egypt are matter of common knowledge, not even 
ftambled; and. for our warning be it added, her annoyance is 
inoeued by the bitter sense of opportunity rejected. 

It is needless to do more than refer to that other chain of mari- 

tiae possessions, Halifax, Bermuda, Santa Lucia, Jamaica, which 

itaigthen the British hold upon the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the 

Mimils of Panama. In the Pacific the position is for them much less 

atisfactory, nowhere, perhaps, is it less so, and from obvious natural 

cnaea. The commercial development of the eastern Pacific has been 

t» later and is still less complete than that of its western shores. The 

htter when first opened to European adventure were already the seat 

of ftudent civilizations, in China and Japan, furnishing abundance of 

cuioiis and luxurious products to tempt the trader by good hopes of 

pvoAt The western coast of America, for the most part peopled by 

imges, offered little save the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and 

|tte^ were jealouBly menopolized by the Spaniards, not a commercial 

* * utioD, during their long ascendency. Being so very far from Eng- 

Ittd and affording so little material for trade. Pacific America did not 

dnw the enterprise of a country the chief and honorable inducement 

of whose seamen was the hope of gain, in pursuit of which they settled 

ad umexed point after x>oint in the regions where they penetrated 

aid apon the routes leading thither. The western coasts of North 

Asierica, being reached only by the long and perilous voyage around 

Cape Horn, or by a more toilsome and dangerous passage across the 

omtuieDt, remained among the last of the temx>erate productive sea- 

botrds of the earth to be possessed by white men. The United States 

vm already a nation, in fact, as well as in form, when Vancouver was 

exploring Puget Sound and passed first through the channel separating 

te mainland of British America from the island that now bears his 

Bane. Thus it has happened that, from the late development of British 

OdoBibia in the northeastern Pacific and of Australia and New Zea- 

M in the southwestern. Great Britain is again found holding the two 

'■^nBiite of A line between which she must inevitably desire th^ 



intermediate links; nor is there any good reason why she shonld not 
have them, except the superior, more urgent, more vital necessities of 
another people — our own. Of these links the Hawaiian group i)08- 
sesses unique importance, not from its iutrinsic commercial value, but 
from its favorable position for maratime and military control. 

The military or strategic value of a naval position depends ux)on 
its situation, upon its strength, and upon its resources. Of the three, 
the first is of most consequence, because it results from the nature of 
thiugsj whereas the two latter, when deficient, can be artificially sup- 
plied, in whole or in part. Fortifications remedy the weakness of a 
position, foresight accumulates beforehand the resources which nature 
does not yield on the spot; but it is not within the power of man to 
change the geographical situation of a point which lies outside the 
limit of strategic effect. It is instructive, and yet apparent to the 
most superficial reading, to notice how the first Napoleon, in comment- 
ing upon a region likely to be the scene of war, begins by considering 
the most conspicuous natural features, and then enumerates the com- 
manding positions, their distances from each other, the relative direc- 
tions, or, as the sea phrase is, their ^< bearings," and the particular 
facilities each offers for operations of war. This frirnishes the ground 
plan, the skeleton, detached from confrising secondary considerations, 
and from which a clear estimate of the decisive points can be made. 
The number of such points varies greatly, according to the character 
of the region. In a mountainous, broken country they may be very 
many; whereas in a plain devoid of natural obstacles there may be 
few or more save those created by man. If few, the value of each is 
necessarily greater than if many, and if there be out one its importance 
is not only unique, but extreme, measured only by the size of the field 
over which its unshared infiuence extends. 

The sea, until it approaches the land, realizes the ideal of a vast 
plain, unbroken by obstacles. On the sea, says an eminent I^ench 
tactician, there is no field of battle; meaning that there is none of the 
natural conditions which determine, and o^n* fetter, the movements 
of the general. But upon a plain, however fiat and monotonous, 
causes, possibly slight, determine the concentration of population into 
town and villages, and the necessary communications between the 
centers create roads. Where the latter converge, or cross, tenure 
confers command, depending for importance upon the number of 
routes thus meeting and upon their individual ^alue. It is just so at 
sea. While in itself the ocean opposes no obstacle to a vessel taking 
any one of the numerous routes that can be traced upon the surface of 
the globe between two points, conditions of distance or convenience, 
of traffic or of wind, do prescribe certain usual courses. Where these 
pass near an ocean position, still more where they use it, it has an 
infiuence over them, and where several routes cross near by that 
influence becomes very great — is commanding. 

Let us now apply these considerations to the Hawaiian group. To 
anyone viewing a map that shows the frdl extent of the Pacific Ocean, 
with its shores on either side, two circumstances will be strikingly and 
immediately apparent. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich 
Islands stand by themselves, in a state of comparative isolation, amid 
a vast expanse of sea; and, again, that they form the center of a large 
circle whose radius is approximately, and very closely, the distance 
ft'om Honolulu to San Francisco. The circumference of this circle, if 
the trouble is taken to describe it with compass upon the map, will be 
seen, on the weat ajid soutbi to pasa through the outer fringe of tb» 


system of archipelagoes which, from Australia and New Zealand, extend 
to the northeast toward the American continent. Within the circle a 
few scattered islets, bare and unimportant, seem only to emphasize the 
More of nature to bridge the interval separating Hawaii from her 
peers of the Southern Pacific. Of these, however, it may be noted that 
lome, like Fanning and Christmas islands, have within a few years 
been taken into British x>o8session. The distance from San Francisco 
to Honololu, 2,100 miles, easy steaming distance, is substantially the 
nme as that from Honolulu to the Gilbert, Marshall, Samoan, Society, 
ttd MarquesdiS groux>8, all under European control, except Samoa, in 
Thich we have a part influence. 

To have a central i)08ition such as this, and to be alone, having no 
ml and admitting no alternative throughout an extensive tract, are 
eoDditions that at once fix the attention of the strategist — ^it may be 
iddedf of the statesmen of commerce likewise. But to this striking 
eombinatiou is to be added the remarkable relations borne by these 
angnlarly placed islands to the greater commercial routes traversing 
1^8 vast expanse known to us as the Pacific, not only, however, to 
tiiose now actnaliy in use, important as they are, but also to those that 
iDQst necessarily be called into being by that fnture to which the 
Hawaiistfi incident compels our too unwilling attention. Gircum 
lattices, as was before tritely remarked, create centers, between which 
eoDUDunication necessarily follows, and in the vista of the future all, 
however dimly, discern a new and great center that must greatly 
modify existing sea routes, as well as bring new ones into existence. 
Whether the canal of the Central American isthmus be eventually at 
Panama or at Nicaragua matters little to the question now in hand, 
aiyHmgh, in common with most Americans who have thought upon 
tkesnbject, I believe it will surely be at the latter point. Whichever 
it be, the convergence there of so many ships from the Atlantic and 
the Pacific will constitute a center of commerce, interoceanic and 
iaffnor to few, if to any, in the world; one whose approaches will be 
jeiloasly watched and whose relations to the other centers of the 
Pacific by the lines joining it to them must be carefully examined. 
Sneh study of the commercial routes and their relations to the Hawaiian 
bbods, taken together with the other strategic considerations pre- 
nooftly set forth, completes the synopsis of facts which determine the 
nine of the ^oup for conferring either commercial or naval control. 

Bef^ring again to the map, it will be seen that while the shortest 
nates from the isthmus to Australia and New Zealand, as well as 
ftose to South America, go well clear of any probable connection with 
«r interference from Hawaii, those directed toward China and Japan 
ptflg either through the group or in close proximity to it. Vessels 
from Central America bound to the i>orte of Northern America come, 
€f eoQPse, within the influence of our own coast. These circumstances 
tad the existing recognized distribution 't)f political power in the 
Pacific point naturally to an international acquiescence in certain 
defined spheres of influence for our own country and for others, such 
w hjtt already been reached between Great Britain, Germany, and 
Hdland in the Southwestern Pacific, to avoid conflict there between 
tiMir respective claims. Though artificial in form, such a recognition 
^'oold, in the case here suggested, depend upon perfectly natural as 
nD as indisputable conditions. The United States is by far the 
pieatest m numbers, interests, and power of the communities border- 
SBgnpon the Iforth Pacific; and the relations of the Hawaiian Islands 
te her natmaUy would be, and actually are, more numerous and more 


importaDt than tbey cm be to any other state. This is true, although 
unfortunately for the equally natural wishes of Great Britain and her 
colonies, the direct routes from British Cohimbia to Eastern Aastraiia 
and New Zealand, which depend upon no building of a foture canal, 
pass as near the islands as those already mentioned. Sueh a fact, that 
this additional great highway i^uns dose to the group, both augments 
and emphasizes their strategic importance; but it does not a£feet the 
statement just made that the interest of the United States in them is 
greater than that of Great Britain, and dependent upon a natural 
cause, nearness, which has always been admitted as a reasonable 
ground for national self-assertion. It is unfortunate, doubtless, for the 
wishes of British Columbia and for the communications, commercial 
and military, depending upon the Canadian Pacific Bailway, that the 
United States lies between them and the South Pacific and is the state 
nearest to dawaii ; but, the fact being so, the interests of our 65,000,000 
people, in a xK>sition so vital to our iSle in the Pacific, must be allowed 
to outweigh those of the 6,000,000 of Canada. 

From the foregoing considerations may be inferred the importance 
of the HawaUan Islands as a position powerfully influencing the com* 
mercial and mUitary control of the Pacific, and especially of the north- 
em Pacific, in which the United States, geographically, has the 
strongest right to assert herself. These are the main advantagea, 
which can be termed x>ositiye; those, namely, which directly advance 
commercial security and naval control. To the negative advantages 
of possession, by removing conditions which, if the islands were in the 
hands of any other power, would constitute to us disadvantages and 
threats, allusion only will be made. The serious menace to bur Pacific 
coast and our Pacific trade, if so important a position were held by a 
possible enemy, has been frequently mentioned in the press and dwelt 
upon in the diplomatic papers which are from time to time given to 
the public. It may be assumed that it is generally acknowledged. 
Upon <me particular, however, too much stress can not be laid, one to 
which naval officers can not but be more sensitive than the general 
public, and that is the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime 
enemy having a coaling station well within 2,500 miles, as this is, of 
every point of our coast line from Puget Sound to Mexico. Were there 
many others available we might find it difficult to exclude firom alL 
There is, however, but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich Islands 
as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to dis- 
tances of 3,500 or 4,000 miles-^r between 7,000 and 8,000, going and 
coming — an impediment to sustained maritime operations well nigh 
prohibitive. The coal mines of British Columbia constitute, of course, 
a qualification to this statement; but upon th^n, if need arose, we 
might at least hope to impose some trammels by action from the land 
side. It is rarely that so important a fiEMstor in the attack or defense of 
a coast line— of a sea frontier — is concentrated in a single position, 
and the circumstance renders doubly imperative upon us to secure it, 
if we righteously can. 

It is to be hoped, also, that the opportunity thus thrust upon us may 
not be narrowly viewed, as though it concerned but one section of oar 
country or one portion of its external trade or influence. This is no 
mere question of a particular act, for which, possibly, just occasion 
may not yet have ofi'ered; but of a principle, a policy, fruitful of many 
friture acts, to enter upon which, in the fullness of our national pn^- 
ress, the time has now arrived. The principle accepted, to be con* 
ditioned only by a just and candid regard for the rights ana reasonabk 



SBseeptibilitieB of ether nations — ^none of whi6h is contravened by the 
step here immediately under discnssion-^the annexation, even, of 
Hawftii woald be no mere sporadic effort, irrational because discon- 
nected from an adequate motive, but a first fruit and a token that the 
nation in its evolution has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying 
its life— that has been the happiness of those under its influence — ' 
beyond the borders that have heretofore sufficed for its activities. 
Thiit the vaunted blessings of our economy are not to be forced upon 
te unwilling may be conceded; but the concession. does not deny the 
nght nor the wisdom of gathering in those who wish to come. Gom- 
pirative reli^on teaches that creeds which reject missionary enter- 
phae are foredoomed to decay. May it not be so with nations? Oer- 
tiinly the glorious record of England is consequent mainly upon the 
spirit and traceable to the time when she launched out into the deep — 
fitiiont formolated policy, it is true, or foreseeing the fiiture to wMch 
ler 8lsr was leading, but objuring the instinct which in the infancy of 
ntioDS anticipates the more reasoned impulses of exx)erience. Let us, 
too, learn £rom her experience. Not all at once did England become 
tke great sea x>ower which she is, but step by step, as opportunity 
olfiered, she has moved on to the world wide preeminence now held by 
En^h speech and by institutions sprung from English germs. How 
nek i>oorer would the world have been had Englishmen heeded the 
entioiis hesitancy that now bids us reject every advance beyond our 
ibore lines. And can any one doubt that a cordial, if unformulated, 
ndeistaiiding between the two chief states of English tradition, to 
ipoMl freely, without mutual jealously and in mutual support, would 
greatly increase the world's sum of happiness f 
Bat if a plea of the world's welfare seem suspiciously like a cloak fbr 
tttional self-interest, let the latter be frankly accepted as the adequate 
votive which it assuredly is. Let us not sink from pitting a broad self- 
Btecest against the narrow self-interest to which some would restrict 
«. The demands of our three great seaboards, the Atlantic, the Gulf, 
ad the Pacitle — each for itself, and all for the strength that comes from 
drawing cl€>ser the ties between them — are calling for the extension, 
tkiuugh the Isthmian Canal, of that broad sea >common along which, 
and along which alone, in all ages prosperity has moved. Land carriage, 
ihrays restricted and therefore always slow, toils enviously but hope- 
kttly behind, vainly seeking to replace and supplant the royal high- 
way of nature's own making. Corporate interests, vigorous in that 
power of concentration which is the strength of armies and of minori- 
te, may here for a while withstand the ill-organized strivings of the 
■oltitude, only dimly conscious of its wants; yet the latter, however 
temporarily opx)08ed and baffled, is sure at last, like the blind forces of 
natare, to overwhelm all that stand in the way of its necessary prog* 
ma* So the Isthmian Canal is an inevitable part in the future of the 
Vnited States; yet scarcely an integral part, for it can not be separated 
from other necessary incidents of a policy dependant upon it, whose 
details can not be exactly foreseen. But because the precise steps that 
iBsy hereafter be opportune or necessary can not yet be certainly fore- 
Md, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a 
pnBciide of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let 
u start from tiie fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the 
Mtrol of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by 
itttMial interest or national commerce, is the chief among the merely 
iBatenal elements in the power and prosperity of nations. It is so 


because the sea is the woFld'9 great medium of circulation. From tbis 
necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiaiy to such control, it 
is imperative to take x>ossession, when it can righteously be done, 
of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command. If 
this principle be adopted there will be no hesitation about 
taking the positions — and they are many— upon the approaches 
to the Isthmus, whose interests incline them to seek us. It has its 
application also to the present case of HawaiL 

There is, however, one caution to be given from that military ])oint of 
view beyond the need of which the world has not yet passed. Military 
positions, fortified posts, by land or by sea, however strong or admirably 
situated, dp not by themselves confer control. People often say that 
such an island or harbor will give control of such a body of water. It 
is an utter, deplorable, ruinous mistake. The phrase may indeed by 
some be used only loosly, without forgetting other implied conditions 
of adequate protection and adequate navi^; but the confidence of our 
nation in its native strength, and its indifference to the defense of its 
ports and the sufficiency of its fleet, give reason to fear that the ftdl 
consequence43 of a forward step may not be soberly weighed. Napoleon, 
who knew better, once talked this way. ''The islands of San Pietro, 
Gorfa, and Malta,'' he wrote, ''will make us masters of the whole Medi- 
terranean." Vain boast ! Within one year CorAi, in two years Malta, 
were rent away from the state that could not support them by its ships. 
Nay. more; had Bonaparte not taken the latter stronghold out of the 
hands of its degenerate but innocuous government, that citadsd of the 
Mediterranean would perhaps — would probably — ^never have passed 
into those of his chief enemy. There is here also a lesson for us. 

It is by np means logical to leap, from this recognition of the neces- 
sity of adequate naval force to secure outlying dependencies, to the con- 
clusion that the United ^States would for that object need a navy equal 
to the largest now existing. A nation as far removed as is our own 
from the bases of foreign naval strength may reasonably reckon upon 
the qualification that distance — ^not to speak of the complex European 
interests close at hand — impresses upon the exertion of naval strength. 
The mistake is when our remoteness, unsupported by carefully calcu- 
lated force, is regarded as an armor of proof, under cover of which any 
amount of swagger may be safely indulged. Any estimate of what is 
an adequate naval force for our country may properly take large account 
of the happy interval that separates both our present territory and our 
future aspirations from the centers of interest really vital to European 
states. If to these safeguards be added, on our part, a sober recogni- 
tion of what our reasonable sphere of influence is and a candid justice 
in dealing with foreign interests within that sphere, there will be Uttie 
disposition to question our preponderance therein. 

Among all foreign states it is especially to be hoped that each pass- 
ing year may render more cordial the relations between ourselves and 
the great nation from whose loins we sprang. The radical identity of 
spirit which underlies our superficial differences of polity will surely 
so draw us closer together, if we do not wUlfully set our faces against 
a tendency which would give our race the predominance over the seas of 
the world. To force such a consummation is impossible, and, if possible, 
wouldnot be wise; but surely it would be a lofty aim, fraught with 
immeasurable benefits, to desire it, and to raise no needless impedi- 
ments by advocating perfectly proper acts, demanded by our evident 
interests in offensive or arrogant terms. — (A. T. Mahan.) 



xn. Also the FOLLowiNa extract, from the report op hon. 


"It is a sabject of cheering contemplation to the friends of hnman 
ifflprovement and virtue tha^ by the mild and gentle influence of 
Christian charity, dispensed by humble missionaries of the gospel, 
unarmed with secular x)ower, within the last quarter of a century, the 
pcN^ie of this ^roup of islands have been converted from the lowest 
debas^nent of idolatry to the blessings of the Christian gospel; 
uiited under one balanced government; rallied to the fold of civiUza- 
taon by a written language and constitution, providing security for the 
ligbtB of -perBonBj property and mind, and invested with all the ele- 
meEts of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged 
by their brethren of the human race as a separate and independent 
eommunity. To the consummation of their acknowledgment the 
people of the North American Union are urged by an interest of their 
ovn, deeper than that of any other portion of the inhabitants of the 
eirth — ^by a virtual right of conquest, not over the freedom of their 
brother man by the brutal arm of physical power, but over the mind 
ind heart by the celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." 

XHL Also the following, a translation of the constitution 


"In the Hawaiian bill of rights, the chiefs endeavored to incorporate 
iA few words the general basis of personal rights, both of the chiefs and 
common i>eople, and to guard against perversion; and this they have 
accomplished with, perhaps, as much precision and consistency as the 
Americans, who affirm ^that all men are born free and equal, possessing 
eertain inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' 

'^With distinguished and 'commendable care do the Hawaiians of 
1S40 acknowledge the paramount authority of God, in which Kaahu- 
vuDu had set them a noble example, and the importance of an unwav- 
ering purpose in legislation not to controvene his word," 

The following translation I have made with care from the original, ' 
published at the islands as the constitution of 1840 : 

^Godhas made of one blood all the nations of men, that they might 
ilike dwell upon the earth in peace and prosperity. And he has given 
certain equal rights to all people and chiefs of all countries. These are 
the rights or gifts which he has granted to every man and chief of cor- 
wet deportment, life, the members of the body, freedom in dwelling 
ad acting, and the rightful products of his hands and mind; but not 
those things which are inhibited by the laws. 

**From God also are the office of rulers and the reign of chief magis- 
tntes for protection; but in enacting the laws of the land it is not 
right to make a law protecting the magistrate only and not subjects; 
wither is it proper to establish laws for enriching chiefs only without 
henefiting the people, and hereafter no law shall be established in 
opposition to the above declarations; neither shall taxes, servitude, 
nor labor be exacted without law of any man in a manner at variance 
vith those principles. 


** Therefore let this declaration be published in order to the ecmaV 
pnteclion of all the people and all the cbiefa of these islands wml^ 


maintaining a <x)rrect deportnieiit, that no chief may oppress any snb- 
ject, and that chiefs and people may enjoy equal security under the 
same system of law; the persons, the lands, the dwelling enclosures, 
and all the property of all the people are protected while they confonn 
to th'e laws of the Kingdom, neither shall any of these be taken except 
by the provisions of law. Any chief who shall pei:iseveringly act in 
opposition to this constitution shall cease to hold his office as a chief 
of these Hawaiian Islands; and the same shall apply to governors, offi- 
cers of (government, and land agents. But if one condemned should 
turn again and conform himself to the laws it shall be in the x>ower ol 
the chiefs to reinstate him in the standing he occupied before his tres- 


"According to the principles above declared, we purpose to regulate 
this Kingdom, and to seek the good of all the chiefs and all the people 
of these Hawaiian Islands, we are aware that we can not succeed by 
ourselves alone, but through God we can; for He is King over all king- 
doms; by whom protection and prosperity may be secured; therefore 
do we first beseech him to point out to us the right course, and aid our 

" Wherefore^ resolvedy 

"I. No law shall be enacted at variance with the word of the Lord 
Jehovah, or opposed to the grand design of that word. All the laws 
of this country shall accord with the general design of God's law. 

"II. All men of every form of worship shall be protected in their 
worshipping Jehovah, and in their serving Him; nor shall any one be 
punished for merely neglecting to serve God, provided he injures no 
man and brings no evil on the Kingdom. 

"III. The law shall support every unblamable man who is injured by 
another all shall be protected in every good work, and every man shall 
be punishable who brings evil on the Kingdom or individuals. Nor shall 
any unequal law be established to give favor to one through evil to 

"IV. Noman shall bepunished unless hiscrimebe first made to apx>ear, 
nor shall he be punished without being examined in the presence of his 
accuser. When the accused and the accuser have met face to face, and 
Idle trial proceeds according to law, and guilt is established before them 
both, then punishment shall follow. 

" V. It shall not be proper for any man or chief to sit as judge or 
juror to try his own benefactor, or one directly connected with him. 
Therefore, if one is condemned or acquitted, and it shall soon be known 
that some of the triers acted with partiality to favor whom he loved, or 
perhaps to enrich himself, then there may be a new trial before the 


" The nature of the position of the chief magistrates and of the i)olicy 
of the country is this : Kamehameha I was the head of this Kingdom or 
dynasty. To him pertained all the lands from Hawaii to Niihan, but 
they were not his own personal property; they belonged to the people 
and the chiefs, and Kamehameha was their head and the dictator of 
the country. Therefore no one had before, and no one has now, the 
right to convey ftway the smallest portipn of these islands without the 
consent of the dictator of the Kingdom. 


These are the dictators or the persons who have had the direction of 
it from that time down^ Kamehameha II and Kaahumanu I, and at the 
present time Ej^mehameha III. To these persons only has belongecl 
the directaon or dictatorship of the realm down to the present time, 
ind the documents written by them only are the documents of the 

^Tbe Kingdom is to be perpetnated to Kamehameha HE and to his 
beirSy and his heir shall be one whom he and the chiefs shall apx>oint 
dnring his lifetime; but if he shall not nominate, then the appointment 
ikall devolve solely on the nobles and represeutatiyes. 



'^This la the King's position : He is the sovereign of all the people 
ud all the chiefs. At his direction are the soldiers, the guns, the 
forts, and all the implements of war of the Kingdom. At his direction 
» the public property, the revenne from the poll tax, the land tax, and 
the three days monthly labor tax, to accord, however, with the pro- 
TvaanB of law. He shall possess his own private lauds, and such as 
»haU be forfeited for the annual tax. 

"He is tJie ehief judge of the supreme court, and to him belongs the 
execution of the laws of the land, the decrees, and the treaties with 
other oomitries, in accordance with the provisions of the laws of this 

^It is for him to make treaties with the rulers of all other kingdoms, 
ttd to hold intercourse with ministers sent hither from other coun- 
tries, and to consummate agreements. 

"It is for him to declare war should a period of distress arrive, and 
thechie& could not well be assembled; and he shall be commander 
in chief of the army. All important business of the Kingdom not com- 
nitted bj law to others, belongs to him to transact. 


'^It shaU be the duty of the King to appoint a chief of ability and 
lugh rank to be his prime minister, who shall be entitled premier of the 
Kmgdom, whose office and business shall be like that of Kaahumanu I 
and Kaahamana II. For in the life time of Kamehameha, the ques* 
tioDs of life and death, right and wrong, were for Kaahumanu to 
decide, and at the time of his death he gave charge, ^ Let the Kingdom 
be lahol^o's, and Kaahumanu the prime minister.' That policy of 
Kamehameha, wherein he sought to secure a premier, is to be per- 
petuated in this Hawaaiian country, but in accordance with the pro- 
Ti&ons of law. 

^This is the business of the premier: Whatever appropriate business 
of te Kingdom the King intends to do the premier may do in the name 
of the King. The words and acts of the Ejngdom by the premier are 
tbe words and acts of the King. The premier shall receive and 
ttteowledge the revenue of the Kingdom and deliver it to the King. 
The premier shall be the King's special counsellor in all the important 
business of the Kingdom. The Eang shall not transact public business 
without the concurrence of the premier; nor shall the premier transact 
pttUie business without the concurrence of the King. If the King shall 
veto what the premier counsels or attempts that is a negative. What- 
cirer important public business the King chooses to transact in person 
bsaiay do, but only with the approbation or consent of the premiec. 



"There shall be four governors in this Hawaiian country; one of 
Hawaii, one of Maui and the adjacent isles, one of Oahu, and one of 
Kauai and the acUacent isles. All the governors from Hawaii to Kauai 
shall hold their o£&ce under the King. 

^^This is the character and duty of the office of governor: He is the 
director of all the tax officers in his island, and shall sustain their orders 
which he shall deem right, confirming according to the provisions of 
law, and not his own arbitrary wiU. He shall preside over all the 
judges of his island and execute their decisions as above stated. He 
shaU choose the judges of his district and give them their commissions. 

"The governor is tliie high chief (viceroy) over his island or islands, 
and shall have the direction of the forts, the soldiers, guns, and all the 
implements of war. Under the King and premier shall be all the 
governors from Hawaii to Kauai. Each shall have charge of the reve- 
nue of his island, and shall deliver it to the premier. 

,"In case of distress he may act as dictator, if neither King nor pre- 
mier can be consulted. He shall have charge of all the King's business 
on the island, the taxation, improvements, and means of increasing 
wealth, and all officers there shall be under him. To him belong all 
questions and business pertaining to the government of the island, not 
assigned by law to others. • 

"On the decease of a governor, the chiefs shall assemble at such a 
place as the King shall appoint, and together seek out a successor of 
the departed governor, and the person whom they shall choose and 
the King approve by writing shall be the new governor. 



"In the public councils of the chiefs these are the counsellors for 
the current period: Kamehameha III, Kekauluohi, Hoapiliwahine, 
Kaukini, Kekauonohi, Kahekili, Paki, Konia, Keohokalole, Leleiohoko, 
Kehuanaoa, Keliiahonui, Kanaina, Li Keoniana, a me Haalilio, and if 
a new member is to enter the law shall specify it. These persons shall 
take part in the couBcils of the Kingdom. But if the council choose to 
admit others merely for consultation it shall be allowable, the specified 
counsellors only being allowed to vote. No law shall be enacted for 
the country without their consent. 

"In this manner shall they proceed: They shall meet annually to 
devise means for benefiting the country and enact laws for the King- 
dom. In the month of April shall they assemble at such time and 
place as the King shall appoint. It shall be proper for the King to take 
counsel with them on all the important concerns of the Kingdom in 
order to secure harmony and prosperity, or the general good, and they 
shall attend to all the business which the King shall commit to them. 
They shall retain their own personal estates, larger or smaller divisions 
of the country, and may conduct their afi:airs on their own lands accord- 
ing to their pleasure, but not in opposition to the laws of the Kingdom. 


" Several men shall be annually chosen to act in council with the 
King and chiefs, and to devise with them laws for the country. Some 
from Hawaii, some from IM aui, some from Oahu, and some from Kauai, 
shall the plebeians choose according to their own pleasure. The law 


win determine the method of choosing and the number to be chosen. 
These chosen representatives shall have a voice in the Government, 
and no law can be established without the consent of the minority of 


'^There shall be an annual meeting as aforesaid, but if the chiefe 
choose another meeting at another time they may meet at their dis- 

^In the assembling of Parliament, let the hereditary nobles meet by 
themselves and the elected rulers meet by themselves. But if they 
dioose to take counsel together occasionally at their discretion, so be it. 

^'In this manner shall they proceed: The hereditary chiefs shall 
choose a secretary for their body, and on the day of their assembling 
he shall record all their transactions; and that book shall be preserved 
that what they devise for the Kingdom may not be lost. 

^^Tn the same manner shall the elected representatives proceed; they 
shall choose a secretary for themselves, and on the day they assemble, 
to seek the good of the Kingdom and agree on any measure, he shall 
reeoid it in a book, which shall be carefully preserved, in order that 
the good desired for the country may not be lost. And no new law 
shall be established without the consent of a majority of the nobles 
and of the elected representatives. 

^ When any act or measure shall have been agreed on by them it shall 
be carried on paper to the King, and if he approves and signs his name, 
and also the premier, then it shall become a law of the Kingdom^ and 
it shall not be repealed except by the body which enacted it. 


^The^ King and premier shall choose tax officers and give them a com- 
mission in writing. They shall be distinct for the separate islands. 
There shall be three, or more or less, for each island, at the discretion 
of the King and premier. 

'^A tax officer, having received a commission, shall not be removed 
without a trial. If convicted of crime he may be removed ; but the 
nnmber of years the office shall continue may be previously limited by 

^This is clearly the business of the tax officers : They shall apprise the 
people of the amount of assessment, that they may hear beforehand at 
the prox>er time; they shall proceed according to the orders of the 
governors and the provisions of law; and when the time for paying 
taxes shall arrive, they shall collect the amount and deliver it to the 
governor, and the governor to the premier, and the premier to the King. 
Hie tax officers shall also direct the public labor for the King, but may 
oommit its details to the land agents, presiding themselves over them 
in this work. They shall also have charge of any new business which 
the King may design to extend through the Kingdom, but in their 
doings they shall be subordinate to the governors. They shall be 
arbiters of the tax laws, and in all cases where land agents or landlords 
oppress the peasantry, and in every difficulty between land agents and 
tenants, and everything specified in the tax law established June 7th, 

^In ti^iti manner shall they proceed: Each shall exercise his office 


in liis own district. If a difficalty arise between fi land agent and a 
tenant the tax officer shall investigate it, and if th« tenant is in fault 
the tax officer and land agent shall execute the law upon him; but if 
the land agent is in fault in the judgment of the tax officer the latter 
shall call the other tax officers of the island, and, if they agree witli 
him, judgment against the land agent is confirmed, and the governor 
shall execute the law on him; but if any believe the tax officer to 
have erred the governor may be apprised and try the case over again, 
and if he is believed to have erred the case may be made known to 
the supreme judges, and they shall try the case anew. 



^^The governor of each island shall choose judges for the island 
according to his own mind, two or more, at his own discretion, and 
give them a written commission. When they receive this they shall 
not be removed without trial, but the law may limit their term of office. 

^^ In this manner shall they proceed : The court days shall be declared 
beforehand, and when the appointed day arrives they shall proceed 
with trials according to law. To them shall be given jurisdicti^m in 
respect to all the laws except those connected with taxation, and to 
the difficulties between land agents, landlords, and tenants. The 
governor shall sustain them and execute their judgment. But if their 
judgment is thought to be unjust he who thinks so may complain or 
appeal to the supreme judges. 


*<The elected representatives shall choose four judges to assist the 
Ejng and premier, and these six shall be the supreme judges of the 
Kingdom. This shall be their business: Gases of difficulty not well 
adjusted by the tax officers or island judges they shall try again 
according to law; the court days shall be declared beforehand, that 
those who are in difficulty may apply, and the decision of this court 
shall stand. There is thereafter no appeal. Life and death, to bind 
and release, to fine and not to fine, are at their disposal, and with them 
the end of controversy. 


"This constitution shall not be considered as fhlly established until 
the people-generally shall have heard it, and certain persons as herein 
mentioned shall be chosen and shall assent to it, then firmly estab- 
lished is this constitution. 

"And thereafter, if it be designed to alter it, the people shall be first 
apprised of the nature of the amendment intended to be introduced, 
and the next year, at the meeting of the nobles and representatives, 
if they agree to insert a passage or to annul a passage, they may do it 

" This constitution, above stated, has been agreed to by the nobles, 
and our names are set to it this eighth day of October, in the year of 
our Lord 1840, at Honolulu, Oahu* 

" Kamehameha m, 
*< Kekauluohl'' 


"!ae house of nobles, or hereditary lords and ladiey, consisted of 
the King himself; a female premier, four governors of islands, four 
women of rank, and five chiefs of the third rank. The people were 
allowed to choose by districts annually seven men to be members of 
the national Legislature for a year: two from Hawaii, two from Maui 
uid adjacent islands, two from Oahu, and one from Kauai, the Govern- 
ne&t bearing their expenses. The proposition was also distinctly made 
to increase the number after a time. The right of suffrage, so far as 
to vote for ooe or two men to act in making laws and apjwiuting 
snpreme assistant judges, was extended to all, but guarded with pecu- 
liar ' — " 

XIV. Also the following from the remarks of mr. draper, 


I believe that the true policy of this Oovernment is to negotiate a 
suitable treaty with the de facto Oovernment in Hawaii, and annex the 

After this (or before if necessary), if Liliuokalani is supposed to have 
ay rights, purchase them (since she is willing to sell), but on no 
ttooant ought we to neglect this opportunity of securing this naval and 
coaling station, so important to us, both from the point of view of com- 
fierce and of coast defense. 

1 will first point out briefly its advantages to us from a commercial 
point of view. * 

Situated at the intersection of the trade route between North Amer- 
kaand Australasia, with the rich commercial stream which will flow 
between the China oeas and the Atlantic as soon as the Isthmus canal 
(whether it be through Nicaragua or Panama) is oi)ened, the position 
(^Hawaii is ideal for controlling both lines of conimerce; and, for a 
nation which expects to maintain trade routes in the Paciflc, its pos- 
Hsaion is a necessity. 

All the great commercial powers recognize the fact that our trade 
iimstbe guarded; that convenient stations, as near as possible to the 
vell^eftned trade routes, must be established; and that supplies and 
fiicilities for refitting may be available at distances not too widely 

Until 1886 Hawaii was nearer to the territory of the United States 
than to that of any other power, the distance to San Francisco being 
but 2,100 nules, while the British fortified port of Victoria, with its 
iMghboriDg dockyard of Esquimault, and coal mines of Kanaimo, was 
&M> miles distant. The next nearest British port was- Leonka, in the 
Fyi group, 2,700 miles distant in an opposite direction. 

French territory was 2,380 miles distant at Tahiti ; Germany held the 
Admiralty Islands, distant 3,400 miles; and Spain the Caroline Islands, 
^00 mUea distant, and the Ladrones, about 2,900 miles distant. 

Since that time Germany has moved up to a distance of 2,098 miles, 
b^ annexing the Marshall Islands and plaeing herself in a flanking 
position on both the South Pacific and transpacific trade routes. 
Fnnee, by the acquisition of the Low Archipelago and the Marquesas 
Uands, ia 2,050 miles distant from Hawaii, on the South Pacific route. 
6ieat BritaiiK has advanced from Fiji toward the intersecting point on 
clearly defined lines, annexing group after group and detached islands 
when they were on the line of approach, even though uninhabited or 
^thoat harbors and of no commercial valuC; until in 1891 her ftag^aA 


planted on Johnston Island, 600 miles from Hawaii, and the nearest 
point she can approach to her American territory, unless the next move 
be the occapation of Hawaii itself. 

In one year, 1888, British cruisers took possession of the Savage, 
Suwarrow, and Phoenix groups and Christmas and Fanning islands, 
and in 1892 the occupation of the Gilbert and EUice groups and Gard- 
ner and Danger islands completed the covering of the South Pacific 
trade from Johnston Island to Australia. The only unannexed group 
on that line remaining is the Samoan Islands, and they are closely sur- 
rounded by British and French possessions. 

It has not been a blind grab for territory which h^^s been going on 
in the South Pacific for six years past, but a working out of strategical 
schemes with definite ends in view : and the United States is the only 
great power interested in the Pacinc trade which has not had the wis- 
dom to acquire territory in localities where the great trade of the future 
will need guarding and supplying. 

Samoa and Hawaii have been ripe to our hands for years. They are 
most advantageously situated for our needs, as bases from which our 
cruisers could work in time of war to protect our own trade and break 
up that of an enemy. The moral force of the United States is all that 
has kept European hands off these two groups to the present time, but 
should a strategic necessity for their occupation by either of those 
powers arise moral force would lose its power and we would have to be 
prepared to then fight for them or to retire at once from the absurd 
dog-in-the-manger position we have so long occupied. 

To appreciate fully the question of ocean trade it is well to observe 
the policy which Great Britain has consistently and successfrilly fol- 
lowed for generations in developing and supporting her commerce. 
Trade with India was established, then the route was guarded. When 
the Suez Canal was cut a different disposition was needed; and they 
now have the complete chain of guard stations formed by Gibraltar, 
Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, and Aden, the chain «being continued to China 
by Ceylon, Penang, Singapore, and Hongkong. The route around the 
Cape of Good Hope and to Australia is covered by Sierra Leone, 
Ascension, St. Helena, Cape Town, Natal, Zanzibar, and Mauritius. To 
America the route is guarded by St. Johns, Halifax, Bermuda, Jamaica, 
St. Lucia, Barbados, Nassau, Balize, and Demerara. 

The Falkland Islands at the southern extremity of America form a 
guard station for the trade passing around Cape Horn, and up to this 
point it is well to note that no station is farther than 3,000 mUes from 
the next on the trade route it is designed to protect; and cruisers 
patrolling the routes, as well as merchant vessels traversing them, need 
never be farther removed than 1,500 miles from a base where supplies 
of coal and facilities for refitting are available. 

The foresighted statesmen of Great Britain have had a frill under- 
standing of the fact that the preservation intact of the circulation of 
British ships in the great arteries of trade is an absolute requisite to 
the well-being and even life of the British Empire, and this it is which 
has guided them in the establishing around the world a complete chain 
of guarded stations, from which her commerce can be supplied and 
succored, whether peace or war prevail. 

Until very recent times British trade in the Pacific has not been 
essential so far as the welfare of the Empire was concerned, and the 
guarding stations at the Falkland Islands, Fiji, and Victoria, British 
Columbia, may have been supposed to be sufficient for all needs; but 
it is worthy of note that as long ago as 1877 an essayist of acknowl- 
edged ability (Vice- Admiral Colombi of tlie British navy) asserted, ^^ I 



hold it futile to attempt the defense of the Pacific trade route by any 
sort of vessels which must rest on the bases of Yancouver, Fyi, and 
Uie Falkland Islands.'' It is also worthy of note that contempora- 
DeoQsly with the completion of the Canadian Pacific Eailroad, and the 
establishment from its Pacific terminus of re^ilar steamer lines to 
China and to Australasia, the British bases began to be moved closer 
together; and when the probability of the building of the Nicaragua 
Canal was established, the movement toward the trade center at Hawaii 
became a very rapid one. 

At present, instead of the wide gaps in the British system of 3,000- 
inile stations, which existed when the Falkland Island station was 
I^ miles from that at Vancouver and 6,700 miles from that at Fiji, 
which in turn was 4,800 miles from Vancouver, they have established 
tbe flag of the Bmpire at Easter Island, 2,400 miles from the Falkland 
^up, which is in turn 600 miles from newly acquired Ducie Island, 
from where Pitcaim Island is 300, and the Cook group still farther, 
1,800 miles, on a line toward Fiji. On the line from Fiji to Vancouver 
tbe gap has been shortened to :!,900 miles from Johnston Island to Van- 
eoaver, and all the intermediate territory from Johnston Island to Fiji 
isander the British flag. 

Other stations are still needed, and British strategists make no secret 
of ^e assertion that on the outbreak of war with a maritime power, a 
Decessary fii*st move, unless the Pacific trade were to be abandoned, 
Toold be the occupation and retention of Hawaii, Guadalupe Island, 
«ff the coast of Lower California, and one of the islands in the Bay of 
Panama, with a reliance on the frienclship or fears of the South Ameri- 
can States for depots at Callao and Valparaiso. As a matter of fact, 
they have sach a depot at present in the harbor of Callao. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, sentiment has not hoisted the British flag over 
tiiese isolated pH)rts, which, to maintain in a state of efliciency, are a 
ionrce of ^eat expense without any apparent return. Their coal 
depots, storehouses, repainng facilities, and at salient x>oints batteries 
and garrisons, are provided by a business instinct purely, which recog- 
nizes that the trade which is the lifeblood of the. empire must be 
efficiently guarded; and centuries of experience have taught them the 
proper means to employ. 

If there is a gap in the guard stations of the Pacific trade at present, 
or a salient point which should be possessed, and Hawaii is such a 
potot, sentiment, which does not trouble our British friends, will not pre- 
vent their cruisers, under tbe direction of far-seeing statesmen, whose 
aim is to secure any and every advantage for British trade, from seizing 
and holding, when the time to them seems propitious, just what is 
thoaght necessary to strengthen the weak places in their trade-route 

War ships to patrol a trade route efficiently, to guard their own com- 
fierce and damage that of an enemy, require bases from wliich to operate 
with the certainty of tindingtheir necessities supplied at any oueof them. 
Merchant vessels in time of war require them as points of rendezvous 
and refuge, and, as we have seen, Great Britain has foreseen the 
aeoessities and provided such bases at convenient points. No other 
oation has this immense advantage, although France and Germany 
an making great efforts, the former in Africa, Asia, and Australasia, 
and tbe latter, so far, in Africa and Australasia only, where coal depots 
and bases for naval operations have been established. 

The United States has the right to establish coal depots in Samoa 
todHairaiiy and at present small supplies exist at both places; but 


unprotected they are of no value, and Germany has equal rights in the 

-The concession in 1887 of Pearl Eiver, in Hawaii, to the United States 
for use as naval station, with exclusive privilege ot establishing a dry 
dock, storehouses, and repair shops, is a valuable one, but has never 
> been utilized. The situation is admirable, and the estimated cost of 
necessary fortifications and harbor works is moderate in view of the 
great advantage to our nation. 

Our position with regard to dry docks in the Pacific is x)eculiarly 
weak. Modem war vessels require docking at intervals, and a fleet to 
maintain command of the sea must have dry docks in which to make 
repairs and maintain the ship in a state of full efficiency as to speed. 
We have not one dock outside the mainland of our country which 
would be available for our ships in time of war; and on the entire 
Pacific coast have at present but one large and one small dock, at the 
Mare Island navy-yard, and one building in Puget Sound, and our 
vessels in the Pacific would have to return to them whenever docking 
was requisite. 

Great Britain, on the contrary, has made ample provisions in this 
respect. Bordering on the Pacific she has Government dry docks at 
Esquimault, Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne, and Hongkong, while many 
private docks are available in the ports of Australia, iNew Zealand, 
Hongkong, Singapore, Penang, and India. 

France has Government dry docks in Kew Caledonia and Saigon, 
Cochin China. Holland has governmental dry docks, which would 
probably be available for Germany, in Sourabaya and Batavia; and 
Bussia has two large ones in the southeast comer of Siberia, at Yladi- 
vostock. We must have additional docking facilities if we are to 
maintain either naval power or trade in the Pacific waters it time of 

Coming now to the strategic advantages from coast defense point of 

No naval force can operate on a hostile coast without a Mendly base 
within easy distance. Our Atlantic coast is faced by a line of foreign 
bases. England has strongly fortified Halifax on our Northeast border, 
and built Government dry docks both there and at St. Johns. Six 
hundred and ninety miles from New York, and less than 600 from the 
Carolina coast, she has at great expense fortified Bermuda, furnished 
it with the largest floating dry dock in the world, and supplied it with 
great stores of coal and shops for repair work, and all for the sole pur- 
pose of maintaining a base from which British naval forces could oper- 
ate against the Atlantic coast of the United States in time of war. 
Jamaica and St. Lucia perform the same duty with regard to our Gulf 
coasts and the isthmus transit; and it is a notable fact that the 
defenses of all these places have been extensively augmented since an 
isthmus canal became a i)ossibility of the near future. 

France has St. Pierre and Miquelon on our Northeast borders, with 
Guadeloupe, Martinique, and Cayenne on the South coast. Spain has 
her bases in Cuba and Porto Bico; the Duteh in Curacoa, and the 
Danes in St. Thomas; and it is not improbable that either of the two 
latter may be available for a German base should occasion arise. 

Any power which has not such a naval base off our coast can not 
make successful war upon the United States, a fact which was quickly 
appreciated by Italy during a late diplomatic incident; and an early 
move of the United States in a war with either of the European powers 
possessing these bases would have to be their capture and retention, if 


possible. If the United States held all the bases named it would be 
pnetacally free from attack on its Atlantic coast. 

In the Pacific we now have the opportunity to secure our Western 
eoast by accepting x>o8Bession of Hawaii as our most rational form of 
coast defense. With adequate fortifications on these islands, and a 
suitable naval force in the Pacific, our coast would be far more secure 
in time of war than it could be made by any expenditure for harbor 
d^enses on the mainland alone. 

Further, if our commercial interests are to predominate in the future 
in those waters our fleet must predominate there also, and a properly 
proportionate fleet would be a sufiScient guaranty that serious attack 
would not be made on this most important naval base. 

The same is equally true of our entire Pacific coast, as with such a 
fieet^ with bases at San Francisco, Hawaii, and the entrance to the 
Skaragaa Ganal^ not only would our Pacific trade be secure and that 
ai any other power untenable, but our coast line would be equally secure, 
and Americcm control of the canal, so far as the Pacific end of it is 
oonoemed, would be assured. 

Excepting Hawaii the only base for i>os8ible extensive naval opera- 
tions against the Pacific States is the British station at Esquimault, 
which is sasceptible of capture by a land expedition. 

It must be distinctly understood that Hawaii can not remain indei>en- 
dfiftt supported only by moral force. It is of too great strategic value 
uid will assuredly meet the fate of all islands and isolated points of 
like viJue at the hands of either Great Britain, France, or Germany, 
each of the two former having already once seized them (once in 1843 
and once in 1849). Even if the United States were by moral force to pre- 
fierve Hawaiian independence during time of peace the islands would 
QDdoubtedly be seized by the first naval power with whom we wont to 
tir, and held by all the force it could muster, as a base from which to 
attack our Western coast and gain control of the prospective canal. 

For the United States to exi)end great sums on the local defense 
of Sjui Francisco in the shape of forts and harbor defenses, and leave 
Hawaii to become a base for operations against them, is a short-sighted 
and extravagant x>olicy. 

As Bermuda is a standing menace in front of our Atlantic coast, so 
fill Hawaii become a similar one to our Pacific coast, if we do not hold 
it as an essentiai part of our coast defense. 


To make the advantage of Hawaii to this country from a naval stand- 
point clearer I will devote a little time to some details of the question 
of coal and coaling stations. 

The possession of unlimited coal is a great advantage to a nation, but 
in order to convert it into naval advantage it must be placed on board 
of a ship of war. This is a simple thing with us so long as our naval 
msds are in home x>orts, or so long as we are at peace, wherever the 
ibips may be. It is in time of war that the dif&cuities of making our 
mfad strength felt away from our own coasts will become apparent, 
^eatral ports will then be closed to our cruisers so far as supplying their 
coal necessities is concerned, for coal will be contraband of war as much 
M is other anounnnition. Coaling in the open sea from supply ships is, 
q>to the present time, an unsolved problem, and even if satisfactory 
Bedhanical arrangements be devised the supply vessels must run the 
(Mudet of hostile cmiBars for great distances. A certainty of ftu(\\\^g 


the collier in specified localities on definite dates, which is almost impos- 
Bible without naval stations, must also be established, as a failure to 
meet would result in leaving the cruiser helpless. 

Wind is no longer a motive power for ships of war, and the days 
when a cruiser could keep the sea and do the work she was designed 
for, so long as her provisions and water held out, are gone. Coal is 
now the prime nexsessity, and unless our cruisers have points provided 
for them to which they can go with a certainty of finding a supply, 
they will on the outbreak of war have to be brought home to operate 
off our own coasts from the home bases of supply, or else be left pow- 
erless in neutral harbors until the close of the war. 

The only otber solution is to build cruisers of such size that they 
can carry their own coal and remain at sea for long periods independent 
of coal dei)ots or supply vessels. 

According to the published performances of our cruisers the very best 
that has yet been done by one of them is the late voyage of the Philor 
delphia^ steaming from Callao to Honolulu, a distance of 5,200 miles, 
burning 703 tons of coal in eighteen days, at the rate of 12 knots an 
hour, and 39 tons of coal a day, which gives a distance of 7*3 knots 
per ton of coal burned. 

As this ship and all the others of her class (and we have a number 
of them) can carry only about 1,000 tons of coal, in some cases less, 
she would have been powerless to reach any other port from Honolulu 
had sbe not been able t-o replenish her supply upon arrival. 

It is not known that the cruisers of any forpign po^er have done so 
well ; and it is a fact that, class for class, our cruisers carry more coal 
and steam better than do those of other nations; but it is also a fact that 
we need much greater coal-carrying capacity than we have at present, 
or else we must follow foreign example and establish coal depots. 

It is published that we have two commerce destroyers, with light 
batteries, substantially completed, each to carry 2,200 tons of coal, 
which at the Philadelphia's rat-e of 7*3 knots per ton of coal, would 
enable them to cover at slow speed about 16,000 miles; but if they are 
to destroy commerce they will have to occasionally steam at much 
greater speed than 10 to 12 knots, and it is safe to say that in time of 
war they could not cover a greater distance than 12,000 miles without 
replenishing their supply. This would mean an immediate return after 
a cruise of 6,000 miles, as we have now no place to which they could go 
away from our mainland, with a cei-tainty of getting the coal that is 
absolutely necessary to their usefulness. 

England does not need a coal capacity in any of her vessels greater 
than will enable them to traverse 4,000 or 5,000 miles, as we have 
seen that her coal depots are planted along the trade routes at dis- 
tances of about 3,000 miles. 

France, where she has important commercial interests, has similar 
depots; so have Germany, Holland, and Spain. 

Eussia is nearly as badly off as is the United States, but she has the 
fortified depot of Vladivostock in Asiatic waters and has lately acquired 
the use of French ports wherever she may need them. Even with these 
advantitges she is furnishing herself with crusiers of great size, carry- 
ing over 3,000 tons of coal. 

We have neither the depots nor the cruisers of great coal endurance; 
and the most rational mode of strengthening this very apparent weakness 
would seem to be t'^ obtain coal depots, as the English do, and to begin 
by accex)ting the most v^uable one of Hawaii* 


As an example on this point, no foreign armored ships have a greater 
ml endurance than those of Italy, yet not one of these immense ships 
can steam over 7,000 miles without replenishing its supply, and some 
of them can not do so well. 

As the distance from Italy to the coast of the United States is prac- 
tically abont 5,000 miles, they would have a very brief period of use- 
Mness after arrival on our coasts, in the absence of the bases possessed 
byotiier Earox>ean powers, and would have to rely on supply cruisers 
oTer a long line of communication, which could be cut off by cruisers, 
io the absence of the most efficient patrol. 

The same is qnitetrueof the United States or any other power which 
mdertakes a naval expedition without a base, as no number of batteries 
or battalions stationed on the mainland can secure the safety of the 
seeded supplies while in transit, or the uselulness of a naval force at 
tnj distance from a home port. 

The development of foreign commerce is one, perhaps the principal, 
irgoment advanced for the free-trade policy of the Democratic party, 
^^e not agreeing with this policy, 1 am willing to agree that ocean 
trade is an important source of prosperity to any nation. That of the 
Paeific is jnst ox)ening on an era of activity which will be vastly aug- 
B»ited»on the completion of an isthmus canal, and this trade belongs 
to the United States, if we are wise enough to secure it. 

Bat trfMle, to establish itself on a sound basis, must feel assured of 
protection at all times, and know that it will not have to be abandoned 
on the outbreak of every little war which may turn loose upon it a pack 
of destroyers of insignificant strength, compelling it to lie idle with all 
tbe capital involved until peace prevails again. 

If the United States aim at commercial supremacy in the Pacific, its 
trade must have such assurances, and a first necessity is the acquisi- 
tjon of bases for the protectors. Not only Hawaii is needed, but Somoa 
(distant 2«260 miles) ; a station atr the mouth of the canal (say, 4,200 
ailes from Honolulu and 3,000 from San Francisco) ; and another at 
the Straits of Magellan (distant 4,000 miles from the isthmus and 5,000 
from Somoa). With these bases, a properly organized fleet of suffi- 
cient size to keep the communications open between them, will hold 
the Pacific as an American ocean, dominated by American commercial 
enterprise for all time. 

Now, the value of these islands to the United States for the reasons 
I have stated has long been appreciated by American statesmen. 

Minister Stevens, whatever attacks may be made upon him, is cer- 
tainly an able, farsighted, and loyal American, and his letter of 
KoTember 20, 1892, to Secretary Foster, on this subject, is well worthy 
of perusal. 

Minister McCook wrote in 1866 to Secretary Seward in regard to the 
Sandwich Islands, in part, as follows: 

"They are the resting place, supply depot, and reshipping point of 
ill our American whaling fleet. The greater part of the agricultural, 
(onmercia], and moneyed interests of the islands are in the hands of 
American citizens. All vessels from our Paciflc coast to China pass 
eio6e to these shores. 

"Geographically these islands occupy the same important relative 
position toward the Pacific that the Bermudas do toward the Atlantic 
mstof the ITnited States, a position which makes them important to 
te English, convenient to the French, and, in the event of war with 
ci^ of those powers^ absolutely necessary to the United States.'' 


Minister Pierce, in 1871, wrote the following to Secretary Fish: 

^< Impressed with the importance of the sabject now presented for 
consideration, I beg leave to suggest the inquiry whether the period 
has Dot arrived makiug it proper, wise, aud sagacious for the United 
States Government to again consider the project of annexing the 
Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the Bepublic. That such is to be 
the political destiny of this archipelago seems a foregone conclusion 
in the opinion of all who have given attention to the subject in this 
country, the United States, England, France, and Glermany. 

^<A majority of the aborigines, Creoles, and naturalized foreigners of 
this country, as I am credibly informed, are fokvorable, even anxious for 
the consummation of the measure named. 

^^The native population is fast disappearing. The number existing 
is now estimated at 45,000, having decreased 'about 15,000 since the 
census of 1866. The number of foreigners in addition is between 5,000 
and 6,000, two-thirds of whom are from the United States, and they own 
more, than that proportion of foreign capital, as represented in the agri- 
culture, commerce, navigation, and whale fisheries of the Kingdom. 

*<I now proceed to state some points of a more general character 
which should influence the United States Government in their decision 
of the i)olicy of acquiring possession of this archipelago, their geograph- 
ical position, occupying, as it does, an important central strategical 
point in the North Pacific Ocean, valuable, perhaps necessary, to tiie 
United States for a naval dex>ot and coaling station, and to shelter and 
protect our commerce and navigation, which in this hemisphere is des- 
tined to increase enormously from our intercourse with the 500,000,000 
population of China, Japan, and Australia. Humboldt predicted that 
the commerce on the Pacific would in time rival that of the Atlantic. 
A future generation, no doubt, will see the prophecy fulfilled. 

^^The immense injury inflicted on American navigation and commerce 
by Great Britain in the war of 1812-1814 through her possession ot 
Bermuda and other West India Islands, as also that sufiered by the 
English from French privateers from the Isle of France during tlie wars 
between those two nations, are instances in proof of the necessity of 
anticipating and preventing', if we can, similar evils that may issue from 
these islands if held by other powers. 

^^ Their proximity to the Pacific States of the Union, fine climate and 
soil, and tropical productions of sugar, cofi'ee, rice, fruits, hides, goat- 
skins, salt, cotton, fine wool, etc., required in the West, in exchange for 
flour, grain, lumber, shooks, and manufactures of cotton, wool, iron, and 
other articles, are evidence of the commercial value of one to the other 
region. Is it probable that any European power who may hereafter be 
at war with the United States will refrain from taking possession of this 
weak Kingdom in view of the great injury that could be done to our 
commerce through their acquisition to themf 

Secretary Fish, in a letter of instruction of March, 1873, used the fol- 
lowing language : 

^<The position of the Sandwich Islands as an outpost, fronting and 
commanding the whole of our possessions on the Pacific Ocean, gives to 
the future of those islands a peculiar interest to the Government and 
people of the United States. It is very clear that this Government can 
not be expected to assent to their transfer fr^m their present control to 
that of any powerftd maritime or commercial nation. Such transfer to 
a maritime power would threaten a military surveillance in the Pacific 
similar to that wiiich Bermuda has afforded in the Atlantic The latter 


has been submitted to from necessity, inasmncli as it was congenital 
with out' Government, bat we desire no additional similar outposts in 
the hands of those who may at some future time use them to our dis- 

Gen. ^hofield, in May, 1873, under confidential instructions from the 
Secretary of War, made a full rei)ort upon the value of Pearl Harbor 
as a coaling and repair station, recommending its acquisition, and later 
he appeared before a committee of the House of Bepresentatives to urge 
the importance of some measure looking to the control of the Sandwich 
Islands hy the United States. 

Now, the desired and desirable opiK>rtunity has arrived. The Pro- 
visional Goverment proposes a treaty of annexation, and the so-called 
Qaeen i» ready to part with such rights as she has for a comparatively 
small sum. 

The whites of the island desire earnestly to join us, and the natives 
certainly are not violently opposed. 

This is shown by the fact that when the American fla^ was lowered 
in Hawaii, by order of Commissioner Blount, although it created some 
excitement in this country, it caused no rejoicing there, according to 
Mr. Blount's report. 
He says: 

^'Inspired with such feelings, and confident no disorder would ^sue, 
1 directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the Gov- 
ernment building, and the return of the American troops to their ves- 
sels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or 
grief on the part of the populace." 
Gapt'. Hooper says: 

^^ There were no demonstrations of any kind as the American flag 
came down, and not a single €heer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was 
raised aloft. The native men stood around iu groups, or singly, smok- 
mg and chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning 
idly against the trees and fences, while the women and children, which 
formed a large proi)ortion of the assemblage, were talking and laugh- 
ing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag 
approached, many people, men, women, and children could be seen 
approaching the G<)vernment square in a most leisurely manner, and 
showing more interest in the gala-day appearance of the crowd than 
in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured indif- 
ference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the pro- 
ceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white or 
bright-colored dresses was more suggestive of a country "fair" or 
horse race than the sequel of a ^revolution.'" 

Even the presence of the "armed forces" of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, numbering, perhaps, 200, parading the corridors of the Govem- 
Dent house, failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment. 
Mr. John F. Colburn, one of the Queen's cabinet, in describing the 
tevolution, says: 

'*The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentle- 
men was printed and posted and distribated all over town. Later on 
in the day two mass meetings were held, one by the native element 
and the other by the foreign element. At the former the natives 
accepted the proclamation, though it was directly contrary to what 
they wanted (a new constitutioii), and the latter denounced the Queen 
and left ey^'jrytliins in the hands of the committee of safety spoken 


Golburn's remark that the natives accepted the proclamation, althot gh 
it was directly contrary to what they wanted, is delicious. 

There is no reason against annexation in the dissimilarity of laws, 
as an official document issued by our War Department in February of 
this year contains the following statement: 

"The laws are modeled on those of the United States. There is a 
supreme court of justice, ia^nd, in addition, circuit judges and justices 
of the i>eace.'' 

On the authority of this book I also state that 91 per cent of the 
trade of these islands is with the United States. 

The former policy of our Government toward Hawaii and the antici- 
pation of their eventual annexation is detailed in the report of Secre- 
tary Foster, of February 15, 1893, from which I will read briefly. 


[Senate Ex. Doc. No. 77, Fiftj-Mcond Congress, second seesioii.] 

"The policy of the United States has been consistently and con- 
stantly declared against any foreign aggression in the Kingdom of 
Hawaii inimical t<o the necessarily paramount rights and interests of the 
American people there and the uniform contemplation of their annex- 
ation as a contingent necessity. But beyond that it is shown that 
annexation has been on more than one occasion avowed as a policy and 
attempted as a fact. Such a solution was admitted as early a« 1850 
by so farsighted a statesman as Lord Palmerston when he recom- 
mended to a visiting Hawaii<an commission the contingency of a pro- 
tectorate under tbe United States, or of becoming an integral part of 
this nation in fulfillment of a destiny due to close neighborhood and 
commercial dependence upon the Pacific States. 

'^ Early in 1851 a contingent deed of cession of the Kingdom was 
drawn and signed ,by the King and placed sealed in the hands of the 
commissioner of the United States, who was to open it and act upon 
its provisions at the first hostile shot fired by France in subversion ot 
Hawaiian independence. 

"In 1854 Mr. Marcy aadvocated annexation, and a draft of a treaty 
was actually agreed upon with the Hawaiian ministry, but its com- 
pletion was delayed by the successful exercise of foreign influence 
upon the heir to the throne, and finally defeated by the death of the King, 
Kamehameha III. 

"In 1867 Mr. Seward, having become advised of a strong annexa- 
tion sentiment in the islands, instructed our minister at Honolulu 
favorably to receive any native overtures for annexation. And on the 
12th of September, 18G7, lie wrote to Mr. McOook that *if the policy 
of annexation should conflict with the policy of reciprocity, annexa- 
tion is in every case to be preferred.' 

"President Johnson in his annual message of December 9, 1868, 
regarded reciprocity with Hawaii as desirable 'until the people of the 
island shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for 
admission into the Union.' 

"In 1871, on the 5th of April, President Grant, in a special message, 
significantly solicited some expression of the views of the Senate 
respecting the advisability of annexation. 

"In an instruction of March 25, 1873, Mr. Fish considered the neces- 
sity of annexing the islands in accordance with the wise foresight of 
thoae who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction and the lim- 
its of this nation, and that will require a resting spot in midocean 


betv^n the Pacific coast and the vast domains of Asia, which are now 
opeuiug to commerce and Christian civilization.' And he directed oar 
minister not to discoarage the feeling which may exist in favor of 
anDexation to the United States, but to s^ek and even invite infoima- 
tioD teaching the terms and conditions npon which that object might 
be effected. 

'* Since the conclnsion of the reciprocity treaty of 1875 it has been 
the obvious i)olicy of the succeeding administrations to assert and 
defend against other jwwers the exclusive commercial rights of 
the United States and to fortify the maintenance of the existing 
Hawaiian Government through the direct support of the United States 
ST) long as that Government shall prove able to protect our paramount^ 
lights and interests. 

'*Ob December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine, in an instruction to the American 
minister at Honolulu, wrote: 

^•It (this Government) firmly believes that the position of the 
Hawaiian Islands, as the key to the dominion of the American Pacific, 
demands their benevolent neutrality, to which end it will earnestly 
eooperate with the native Government. And if through any cause the 
maintenance of such a position of benevolent neutrality should be 
foand by Hawaii to be impracticable, this Government would then 
unhesitatingly meet the altered situation by seeking an avowedly 
American solution of the grave issues presented."' 

Now, a word as to the objections to annexation and I will close. I 
know that a new line of thought has been developed among us, which 
lean not better characterize than by calling it a system of national 

If any i)olicy can be shown to be for the special advantage of the 
United States gentlemen holding these views oppose it. 

If Hawaii is valuable to us there will be so much the more generosity 
in presenting it to England. 

If our business has been more prosperous, and our labor better paid 
than eLsewhere, they think this is not fair to the rest of the world, and 
advocate a reduction of the tarifi' to equalize conditions. 

I do not address myself to gentlemen holding such views, as I can 
not understand their position nor they mine. 

From my own standpoint I have heard only one objection to the 
pdicy of annexation that seemed to me to have substantial weight. It 
is that the population of the Sandwich Islands are in gi^eat part unfit 
tor American citizenship. This may be true, but in that case we can 
a&nex it as a part of one of our present States, or maintain a territo- 
rial government until they are fitted, as we are doing in the case of 
Alaska, and as we have done heretofore with other annexations. 

The fear of annexing these small islands, which we so much need, 
<» grounds ofopx)ositionto territorial expansion, seems peculiar, almost 
ateurd, in a country more than three-quarters of whose territory comes 
from annexations by purchase or otherwise. 

Square miles. 

la 1783 our territory amounted to 827,844 

IVs Ixiaisiana parcha«e added 1, 179, 931 

Flsfida aiided 59,268 

Tosi added 376,133 

IWHezittan cessioD, California, etc 545,783 

5* Gadsden purchase 45, 535 

TW Alaska purchase 577,390 

Vakiag % total of 3,e03,S8i 


After assimilating all this territory wc ought not tc be afraid of 
6,000 square miles more. 

To summarize: These islands will not only be valuable to as, but 
their possession is a commercial and naval necessity. They are offered 
to us by both of the parties who claim to be entitled to their controL 
If we do not accept, their incorporation by one of the European powers 
is likely, and they will be a menace to our Pacific coast from that time 

As Americans, actuated by the desire to advance our country's inter- 
ests, we shall never have a greater opportunity than the present one, 
and I sincerely hope we shaU take advantage of it. 

XV. Also the FOLLowTNa bxtbact prom an abtiole, pub- 



« From 1838 till 1843 the Hawaiian Islands were a bone of conten- 
tion. Intrigues were constantly set on foot by agents and subjects of 
France and England, having for their object the subversion of the 
native Government and the seizure of the islands. In 1839 the French 
compelled the King, Kamehameha III, to comply with certain unwar- 
rantable demands, and as a security for future good behavior to deposit 
920,000. It was thought that the demand was made in expectation 
that the King would be unable to comply, and that thus the French 
would have an excuse to seize the groux)s. The American merchants 
came forward and raised the sum, and the peril was for a time averted. 

^^But the plots continued, and in 1842 the British consul, Bichard 
Gharleton, a coarse and illiterate man, incited by an ambitious adven- 
turer, one Alexander Simpson, endeavored to involve the native Gov- 
ernment in difficulties that would result in hoisting the British flag over 
the group. In the same year Sir George Simpson, governor of the 
Hudson Bay Company's territories, visited the islands. An English 
gentleman of liberal views, he would not lend himself to the intrigues 
of his countrymen, albeit one of them was his nephew, and by his advice 
the King, harassed on all sides, decided to send commissioners to the 
United States, Fnglaud. and France to try to obtain, if possible, a defi- 
nite acknowledgment of his Kingdom and sovereignty. 

"To this important embassy were appointed Eev. William Eichards, 
formerly one of the American missionaries, but who had been for some 
time acting as adviser to the King, and Haalileo, a native chief. They 
quietly embarked in a small schooner for Mazatlan, and crossed Mex- 
ico to Vera Cruz. As soon as it was known that they had left the 
islands on this mission the British consul, Gharleton, also secretly 
embarked for London, via Mexico, to lay his complaints before the 
British Government, leaving Simpson as deputy to carry out their joint 
designs, whom, however, the Hawaiian Government declined to 

"On the Mexican coast Gharleton fell in with Lord George Paulet, 
commanding Her British Majesty's frigate, the Carysforty and made his 
lordship, as his course afterward showed, a convert to his schemes, 
and, by his formal and plausable complaints against the King, induced 


Retf- Admiral Thomas, commaDding the British sqiladron on that sta- 
tioii, to order the Carysfort to Honolulu lor the purpose of invebtigating 
thiB alleged grievances. 

''On his arrivsJ Lord Paulet, a hot-headed young nobleman, readily 
lent himself to the designs of Simpson, without inquiring into the 
merits of the ease, dazzled by the idea of so early in his career making 
a brilliant stroke for his country, and extending her drumbeat round 
the world by one more station. Making outrageous demands upon the 
King, at the cannon's mouth, compliance with which he knew would be 
impossible, be required, as an alternative, the immediate cession of the 
CDgdom to England, or he would ox>en nre upon the city and declare 
Tar in the name of Great Britain. 

''In this terrible crisis the proclamation issued by this native King 
to his people is so touching and so king- like that I will quote it here: 

^ 'Where are yon, chiefs, people, and commons from my ancestors, 
and people from foreign lands t 

^ ' Hear ye ! I make known to you that I am in perplexity by reason 
of difficulties into which I have been brought without cause, therefore 
lliave given away the life of our land. Hear ye! but my rule over 
joa. my ]>eople, and your privileges will continue, for I have hox>e 
^tUie life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified. 

"<' Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843. 

^^ < Kamehameha IIL 
" * Kbkauluohi.' 

^Lord Panlet took formal possession of the islands, installing himself 
as governor of Her Msyesty's new dominion, destroyed every Hawaiian 
flag he conld get hold of, and placed an embargo on every native vessel, 
10 that no one could go out and carry the news. 

"An American man-of-war, the Boston^ Gapt. Long, had come in a 
ftir days before the cession. Gapt. Quackenbush, late of Norfolk, Ya., 
vas then a midshipman on board of her. The Americans were very 
indignant. They had their guns double-shotted in hopes of an oppor- 
tonity to interfere, but, being on a cruise, could not go out of their way 
to carry the news, and could only remain neutral. 

''Lord Paulet would thus have cruelly prevented the King from 
eomrannicating with his ambassadors, who were abroad successfully 
working for the acknowledgment of his independence, hoping to com- 
■it the home Government to an acceptance of this ' voluntary ' cession 
at the cannon's mouth before the other side of the story could be pre- 
amted to it. His young lordship and Simpson chuckled over the suc- 
cess of tJie stroke by which they had, as they supposed, closed every 
sftraae of egress for Hawaiian vessels, and secured the arrival of their 
own dispatches in England in advance of every other version of the 
Btoy. Vaoikee shrewdness was, however, too much for his lordship's 

*^It happened that the King had chartered his own yacht, HoiJcaiJca 
(Swift Banner), previously to the cession, to an American house for a 
voyage to Mazatland and back. Lord Paulet, anxious to get posses- 
ion of the only creditable crafb at the islands, in order to send Simp- 
aoD as his bearer of dispatches to England by the speediest way, and 
beinf prevented, by its charter, from seizing the vessel without the con- 
Mat of the American house, offered, in case they would relinquish 
tibeir charter^ to allow them to send an agent on the ship to attend to 
tto bnsisess on the coast, and to bring down any freight on the 
ntnn trip tfaar^by saying them the whole expense of the (^larter. 


"It mast be remwribered that in those days communication between 
the islands of the Pacific and the coast Tvas very infrequent, depending 
on merchant ships that came from Boston twice a year, except for 
occasional chance vessels. 

"Lord Paulet rightly conjectured that the Yankee merchants would 
jump at the offer to have all their business transacted at his expense^ 
but he little dreamed of all the use that might be made of the oppor- 
tunity he was giving them. 

"The officers of the Boston, who would have been glad of an excuse 
for a forcible interference with his lordship's plans, not being allowed 
that pleasure, consoled themselves by giving a ball on board, to which 
the officers of the Carysfort were not invited. 

"I was then a young merchant in Honolulu, and attended the ball 
with many other of the American residents. At its height I was 
quietly invited Into the cabin of the J5o«^on, where I found Capt. Long, 
Dr. Judd, previously a prominent American missionary, then acting as 
the King's minister, and other influential citizens and warm friends of 
the King. Here I was told of the King's desire to send an envoy to 
England to present his protest against Lord Paulet's act of violence, 
and his answer to the charges against him, and to demand the restitu- 
tion of his sovereignty. I was informed also of the opportunity offered 
to the Arm of Ladd & Go. of sending a messenger to the coast in the 

" Ladd & Co., who were warm friends of the island Government, had 
proposed that the King should send a secret ambassador, in the 
character of their commercial agent, thus turning Lord Poulet's master- 
stroke against himself in the neatest possible way. 

" I was asked if I would go in this double capacity of ostensible super- 
cargo and actual minister plenipotentiary. 

"Mr. Charles Brewer, who was one of the council, a noble-hearted 
man, with whom I was about associating myself in business — now 
enjoying a green old age in Boston — not only gave consent to my 
going, but agreed to advance for the King the necessary funds, and 
take his pay in fire-wood, all of the King's other revenues having been 
cut off. 

" I readily accepted the commission. No time was to be lost. Lord 
Poulet had rechristened the Haikaika as *Her Majesty's tender Albert,^ 
and was fitting her out with all possible dispatch. 

" The King and his premier, a princess almost equal in rank, without 
whose signature none of his acts was valid, had left the island of Oahu 
immediately upon the cession, and in sullen dignity of despair buried 
themselves among the mountains of the adjacent island of Maui, leaving 
Dr. Judd, his minister, to represent and protect his interests — a man 
of indomitable courage, unusual ability, and unflinching devotion to 
his sovereign. 

" Those happy isles in that day did not boast a lawyer. My creden- 
tials were copied verbatim, except necessary variations, from the old 
Blue Book containing the credentials of John Adams as the first Amer- 
ican minister to England. Mine were a commission as envoy extraor- 
dinary and minister plentipotentiary to the court of St. James from the 
native King of the Hawaiian Islands," the title Kamehameha was 
allowed by Lord Paulet to retain, with some half dozen other blank 
commissions signed by the King and premier, to be filled out by myself 
for other countries as occasion might require. These were rendered 
necessary by the unc^tainty of my finding the King's other ambaasa* 


docs, Haalileo and Bichards, with whom, in case I did find them, I 
vas to associate myself. * 

'^The pax>er8 were drawn np by Br. Jndd and a confidential clerk at 
midnight, in the royal tomb in Honolulu, with a king's coffin for a table. 
So secret was it necessary to keep the transaction that even this clerk 
was not trusted with the name of the ambassador, which was left to be 
inserted by myself after I had sailed. The papers prepared, a canoe 
vith picked crew of Kanakas was dispatched from a distant point of 
the island to summon His Majesty and his suite to a midnight council. 
Crossing the boisterous channel in this frail conveyance, they landed at 
midnight on the shores of Waikiki, a suburb of Honolulu, and in its 
coeoanut grove my credentials received the signature and seal of the 
king and his Kuhinanui — ^' great minister " — Kekauluohi, the " Bi^- 
monthed Queen." Then the King and his attendants returned to their 
mountains without Lord Paulet having a suspicion that they had ever 
kit them. 

'^The American consul at Honolulu took advantage of the oppor- 
tunity also to make me the bearer of his dispatches to Washington, 
vith details of the cession, which would, of course, have momentous 
interest to the American Government, and the protest of the Ameri- 
can residents against the act of Lord Paulet." 

m. Also tub following bxteacts from the history of the 


"The chdefs, fully sensible of their political wants, sent, by Mr. Eich- 
ards, in 1836, to the United States to procure a suitable person to fill 
^e situation of legal adviser and teacher in the new policy circum- 
stances were forcing upon them. In this way they were backed by 
ihe opinion of the mission^ who, desirous of preserving themselves 
from the responsibility, would gladly have seen it in able and disinter- 
ested hands. The wants of the chiefs were fully appreciated by the 
American board, but nothing was effected. Individuals of talent, by 
the time they have acquired the experience suitable for such a post, 
which in its real eifect would have been equivalent to the supreme 
direction of public affairs, generally have fixed themselves in perhianent 
relations at home. 

" With all the modern favor in the cause of missions, and the very 
nany excellent discourses yearly uttered from pulpits, we rarely see 
e&tire disinterestedness manifested in the middle-aged — those who have 
known the world and tasted its goods, however prepared they may be 
by those very qualifications for the posts they so industriously urge 
upon others. The path of novelty, enterprise, and benevolence is rarely 
ifled by any except the young and enthusiastic. That the chiefs, rely- 
ing on the philanthropy of any experienced public man to have com- 
plied with their request, should have failed is what might reasonably 
luve been anticipated. A young man, ambitious of the influence if 
not of the actual power of a Peter the Great or an Alfred, on a petty 
scale, might readily have been found, but the chiefs were suspicious of 
yofith. Desiring age and experience, they should have offered a salary 
equivalent to some of the highest posts in the United States. On such 
a eoDtiDgency few objections would have been found unanswerable. 
The path of duty would have been opened to many blind to all other 
considerations. This is human nature, as we see it in the pulpit and 
on the bench. In every position it requires its motive power. 

"It is said that the honorable Theo. L. Frelingshuysen was invited 


to become the adviser of the chiefs, bnt declined. At all events, Mr. 
Bichards was wholly ansaccessful. On his return, the position of the 
chiefs being none the less embarrassing, compelled them to apply to the 
mission for aid. Without any definite action of their body, they com* 
menced that system which by the natural course of events has led to 
the direct employment of several of their number — ^having first been 
disconnected irom their ranks — ^in the service of the Government. For- 
eigners were required in public afiiairs. The chiefs chose those on whom 
they could most rely, and whatever may have been their errors of judg- 
ment, the result has shown that they were not mistaken in relying upon 
their zeal and fidelity: and it may be w^ll be doubted whether, at that 
time, the Kingdom furnished men more suitable, from knowledge and 
experience with the people and foreigners to administer to its wants. 
The history of the policy they adopt^ will be traced to the period of 
its present development. 

^* The mission and their seceders were united in their views to build 
up a nation of Hawaiians distinct from all foreign influence. The fol- 
lowing resolutions, taken from the missionary minutes for 1838, show 
the just views entertained at this date: 

<< ^l8t Resolved, That though the system of government in the Sand- 
wich Islands has, since the commencement of the reign of liholiho, 
been greatly improved through the influence of Christianity, and the 
introduction of written and printed laws and the salutary agency of 
Christian chiefs has proved a great blessing to the people; still, the 
system is so very imperfect for t'^e management of the affairs of a civil- 
ized and virtuous nation as to render it of great importance that cor- 
rect views of the rights and duties of rulers and subjects, and of the 
principles of jurisprudence and political economy, should be held up 
before the King and the members of the national counciL 

<^ < M Resolved J That it is the duty of the missionaries to teach the 
doctrine that rulers should be just, ruling in the fear of Ood, seeking 
the best good of their nation, demanding no more of subjects, as such, 
than the various ends of the Government may justly require; and if 
church members among them violate the commands of God they 
should be admonished with the same faithfulness and tenderness in 
their dependents. 

" ^3rd Resolved, That rulers in jwwer are so by the province of God, 
and in an imx>ortent sense by the will or consent of the people, and 
ought not to resign or shrink from the cares and responsibilities of 
their offices; therefore, teachers of religion ought carefully to guard 
the subjects against contempt for the authority of their rulers, or any 
evasion or resistance of government orders, unless they plainly set at 
defiance the commands of God. 

<^ ^4th Resolved, That the resources of the nation are at is own di8x>osal 
for its defense, improvement, and perfection, and subjects ought to be 
taught to feel that a portion of their time and services, their property 
or earnings, may rightfrdly be required by the sovereign or nationsJ 
council for the support of government in all its branches and depart- 
ments, and that it is a Christian duty to render honor, obedience, fear, 
custom, and tribute to whom they are due, as taught in the 13th of 
Bomans, and that the sin of disloyalty, which tends to confhsion, anar- 
chy, and ruin, deserves reproof as really and as promptly as that of 
injustice on the part of rulers or any other violation of the commands 
of God.' 

" ^5th Resolved, That rulers should be allowed to do what they will 
with their own, or with what they have a right to demand; we ought 


to eaooniage the secarity of the right of snbjects also to do what they 
will with their own, provided they render to Gsesar his due.' 

^^ 6th Resolved J That rulers ought to be prompted to direct their 
effortB to the xx'omotion of general intelligence and virtue as a grand 
seuis of removing the existing evils of the system, gradually defining 
ind limiting by equitable laws the rights and duties of all classes, 
tikat thus by improving rather than revolutionizing the Oovemment, 
ite administration may become abundantly salutary, and the heredi- 
tiffy rulers receive no detriment but corresponding advantage.' 

"'•Tth Beaolvedj Thatto remove the improvidence and imbecility of the 
people, and promote the industry, wealth, and happiness of the nation, 
it is the duty of the mission to urge mainly the motives of loyalty, 
patriotism, social kindness, and general benevolence; but, while on 
the one hand he should not condemn their artificial wants, ancient or 
modern, because they depend on fancy, or a taste not refined, he 
i^odd, on the other, endeavor to encourage and multiply such as 
win enlist their energies, call forth ingenuity, enterprise, and patient 
industry, and give scoi>e for enlarged plans of profitable exertion, 
¥kich, if well directed, would clothe the population in beautiful cot- 
toDB, fine linen, and silk, and their arable fields with rich and various 
poduetions soited to the climate; would adorn the land with numer- 
ous comfortable, substantial habitations, made pleasant by elegant 
faniitore, c^sibinets, and libraries; with permanent and well endowed 
school houses and seminaries, large, commodious, and durable churches, 
and their seas and harbors with ships owned by natives sufficient to 
export to other countries annually the surplus products of their soil, 
which may, at no very distant period, amount to millions. 

^^8th Besolvedy That we deem it proper for members of this mission 
to devote a portion of their time to instructing the natives into the 
bi^ method of cultivating their lands, and of raising flocks and herds, 
aad of taming the various products of the country to the best advan- 
tage for tiie maintenance of their families, the support of government 
a^ of schools, and the institutions of the gospel and its ministers, 
« borne and abroad.'" 

^Mr. Richards entered upon his official duties by delivering to the 
da^ a coarse of lectures on political economy and the general science 
ef government. From the ideas thus derived, based ux)on their old 
ferms, a constitution was drawn up. Although greatly limiting their 
power, the chiefs passed it unanimously. 

^The laws of the Elingdom were carefully revised and published. In 
eofliparison with the past the progress of the nation was now rapid. 
The hberal policy of other nations, and whatever of their forms could 
with propriety be here transplanted, were embodied in the new 
statutes, bat on a scale commensurate with the feebleness of youth of 
. the people. The penal code was greatly improved: primary and courts 
of app^ established; the Jury system adopted. Provision was made 
for & more regular enforcement of debt — ^transmission of property, 
property in trust, interest in accounts, in short sufficient was done 
greatly to benefit the position of natives and foreigners. Taxation was 
nedered more equal and lighter. Encouragement was profiered to 
tndnstry and to the increase of x>opulation. An enlightened public- 
fn^oA system was organized. Their laws, imperfect as they may seem 
to the critical eyes of a superior civilization, were yet in advance of the 
peoi^ But wherever they were allowed to operate fairly and system- 
itically aach ^ood was effected, and they served to prepare the way 
lor more important changes. 


" The people were thoroughly convinced that the immunity once claimed 
by chiefs for crimes of their own was at an end by an impartial trial by 
jury of one of that class in 1840 for the murder of his wife. He, with 
an accomplice, were both brought in guilty, and suffered the full 
penalty of the law, death by hanging. The foreigners also began to 
see that there was some virtue in the courts by a fine imposed upon 
the English consul for riotous conduct" 

"On his way to England Mr. Charlton had fallen in with Lord George 
Faulet, commanding H. B. M. frigate Carysfort^ and by his represent 
tions interested his lordship in his views. Simpson had also sent 
dispatches to the coast of Mexico, which induced Eear- Admiral Thomas 
to order the Carysfort to Honolulu for the purpose of inquiring into 
the matter. She arrived on the 10th of February, 1843, before the sale of 
Charlton's property had taken place. Simpson immediately went on 
board to concert measures with Lord George, who, from his entire acqui- 
escence in his plans, appears to have been wholly won over at this inter- 
view to sustain them. The authorities on shore suspected there was 
no Mendly feeling from the withholding the usual salutes. Mr. Judd, 
on behalf of the Government, made an official call on board', but was 
informed he could not be received. Visits from the French and United 
States consuls were similarly declined. Capt. Paulet addressed the 
governor, informing him that he wished to confer with the King, who 
was then absent. 

^^ The King arrived from Maui on the 16th, and on the next day 
received the following letter and demands from Lord George Paulet: 

"<H. B. M.'s Ship Carysfoet, 

" ' OaJiu, inn February^ 1843. 

"*SlB: In answer to your letter of this day's date, which I have too 
good an opinion of Your Majesty to allow me to believe ever emanated 
from yourself, but from your ill-advisers, I have to state that I shall 
hold no communication whatever with Dr. G. P. Judd, who, it has 
been satisfactorily proved to me, has been the Punic mover in the 
unlawful proceedings of your Government against British subjects. 

"*As you have refused me a personal interview I inclose you the 
demands which I consider it my duty to make upon your Government, 
with which I demand a compliance at or before 4 o'clock p. m. to-mor- 
row, Saturday; otherwise I shall be obliged to take immediate coercive 
steps to obtain these measures for my countrymen. 

" ' I have the honor to be, your Majesty's most obedient, humble serv- 

"< George Paulet, 

"*His Majesty Kamehameha III. 

" ^Demands made by the Bight Honorable Lord Oeorge PauUtj captain^ 
royal navy^ commanding jff. B. M^s, ship Garysfortj upon the King oj 
the Sandwich Islands, 

" * First. The immediate removal, by public advertisement, written in 
the native and English languages, and signed by the governor of this 
island and F. W. Thompson, of the attachment placed ui)on Mr. Charl- 
ton's property; the restoration of the land taken by Government for 
its own use, and really appertaining to Mr. Charlton; and reparation 
or the hea^ loss to which Mr. Charlton's representatives have been 


exposed by the oppressive and unjust proceedings of the Sandwich 
Islands Government. 

*'* Second. The immediate acknowledgment of the right of Mr. Simp- 
fion to perform the functions delegated to him by Mr. Charlton, namely, 
those of Her Britannic Majesty^s acting consul, until Her Majesty's 
pleasure be known upon the reasonableness of your objections to him. 
The acknowledgment of that right and the reparation tor the insult 
offoed to Her Majesty, through her acting representative, to be made 
hy a public reception of his commission and the saluting the British 
Hg with twenty-one guns, which number will be returned by Her 
Britannic Majesty's ship under my command. 

^^ Third. A guaranty that no British subject shall in future be sub- 
jeeted to imprisonment in fetters, unless he is accused of a crime which, 
by the laws of England, would be considered felony. 

"* Fourth. The compliance with a written promise given by King 
Kamebameha to Gapt. Jones, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship Curocoa^ 
ftat anew and fair trial would be granted in a case brought by Henry 
Skinner, which promise has been evaded. 

^ ' Fifth. The immediate adoption of firm steps to arrange the matters 
in i»pate between British subjects and natives of the country, or 
odiers residing here, by referring these cases to juries, one-half of whom 
shall be British subjects, approved by the consul, and all of whom 
shall declare on oath their freedom from prejudgment upon or interest 
in the cases brought before them. 

^^ Sixth. A direct communication between His Majesty, Kamehameha, 
»d Her Britannic Majesty's acting consul for the immediate settlement 
of all cases of grievances and complaint on the part of British subjects 
against the Sandwich Island Oovemment. 

"*Dated on board Her Britannic Majesty's ship Carysforty at Oahu, 
this 17th day of February, 1843. 

' "«Geoegb Paulet, 

" ' Captain.^ 

"Capt. Long, of the U. S. S. Boston^ then in port, was informed, by 
letter, at midnight, of the anticipated attack of the British commander. 
In tiie morning the Carysfort was cleared for action, springs put on her 
eables, and her battery brought to bear upon the town. The English 
Cunihes embarked for security on board a brig in the outer roads. 
The Americans and other foreigners, having but short notice, placed 
thdr funds and pax)ers on board the Boston and other vessels, intending 
to retreat to them with their families in case of actual hostilities. The 
town was in a state of great excitement. The dispositions of the chiefs 
were uncertain, and it was feared that the rabble, taking advantage of 
tJie confdsion, might pillage the place. Excited by the gross injustice 
of the demands, the first impulse of the King and his council, in which 
they were sustained by the indignant feeling of the entire foreign popu- 
lation excepting the few who sided with Simpson, were tor energetic 
measures. Arms were procured and bodies of men began to assemble. 

^The common natives, unconscious of the fatal effects of disciplined 
fi^mmeryy ardently desired to fight the ship. Some supposed they 
might overpower her crew by numbers in boarding. But peaceful coun- 
cils at last prevailed. It is m such emergencies that the real influence 
of the missionaries becomes apparent. The natural desire of chiefs 
uid foreigners was to resist at all hazards; but the entire indoctrina- 
tion of tl^ mission, animated by the peaceful principles of the gospel, 
bad bec«i of that nature that depends more upon the sword o{ tk^ 

a Bvp. 227 10 


spirit than the arm of flesh. Desirous of avoiding the nnhappy 
consequences of strife and bloodshed, and relying, through providence, 
on the justice of the nation's cause, and the magnanimity of the Queen 
of Great Britain, they counseled peace. Shortly before the hour of 
commencing hostilities had arrived, the King dispatched a letter to 
the Carysportj informing Lord George Paalet that he yielded to his 
demands, under protest, and had appointed Sir George Simpson and 
William Kichards as his commissioners to the court of Great Britain 
to settle the pending difficulties. 

"His Majesty appointed February 20 at 11 o'clock a. m., to receive 
Lord George and the vice-consul. On the same day that the King 
notified Lord of his acquiescence to his demands, in conjunction with 
the premier he protested against his acts in these words: 

"^We, Kamehameha 111, King of all the Sandwich Islands, and 
Kekauluohi, premier thereof, in accordance with the laws of nations 
and the rights of all aggrieved sovereigns and individuals, do hereby 
enter our solemn act of protest before God, the world, and before the 
Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty Victoria, Queen of the 
United Blingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland : 

" 'Against the Eight Hon. Lord George Paulet, captain of Her British 
Majesty's ship Caryafort^ now lying in the harbor of Honolulu, for all 
losses and damages which may accrue to us and to the citizens of other 
countries residing under our dominion and sovereignty, in consequence 
of the unjust demands made upon us this day by the said Eight Hon. 
Lord George Paulet, enforced by a threat of coercive measures and an 
attack upon our town of Honolulu in case of noncompliance with the 
same within a period of nineteen hours, thereby interfering with our 
laws, endangering the good order of society, and requiring of us what 
no power has a right to exact of another with whom they are on terms 
of peace and amity. 

***And we do solemnly protest and declare that we, the sovereign 
authority of these islands, are injured, grieved, abused, and damaged 
by this act of the said Right Hon. Lord George Paulet, and we hereby 
enter our solemn appeal unto the Government of Her Most Gracious 
Majesty, represented by him, for redress, for justification, and for repay- 
ment of all said losses, damages, and payments which may in conse- 
quence accrue unto us, or unto the citizens of other countries living 
under our jurisdiction.' 

" 'On the 20th the King and premier visited the Carysfoot and were 
received with royal honors. This courtesy, however, was but a prelude 
to a further series of demands rendered necessary to accomplish Simp- 
son's aim, by the unexpected compliance of the King with the first. 
These were brought forward at an interview on the following day. The 
total amount demanded in money was $117,330.89. The character of 
these claims, and the object of the parties, may be gathered from a 
brief notice of the first brought forward. This was in favor of a Mr. 
Skinner, a connection of Mr. Charlton's. Indemnification to the 
amount of $3,000 was demanded for him on the alleged ground of hav- 
ing lost the interest and profits on $10,000 unemployed for four months, 
which he had reserved to purchase the property of Mr. Charlton, if 
sold on execution. The arrival of the Carysfoot had stopped the sale, 
and he had lost the opportunity of thus employing his funds.' (pp. 
161, 162, and 163.) 

"^24th. — A meeting having been arranged for 10 o'clock a. m., the 
King requested me to visit Lord George and say to him that he could 
bear this course no longer; he would give up and let them do as they 


pkMed, etc I accordingly met Lord George and Simpson in the 
street, coming to the meeting; said I had a message from the King, 
that he was sick. I went with them to the consular office, where I was 
left alone with Simpson. I said, the King feels himself oppressed, 
broken down, ruined, and, to ase his own expression, a dead man; that 
he had been np all night and was sick; that he had determined to give 
ap; that if he, Simpson, persisted in his present course ruin would 
follow; that the King could not undo by his own act the action of the 
eoorts and enforce these claims without time to modify the laws. I 
begged him to desist and give time to modify the laws and act with 
oonsistency. He would allow juries to be composed of half English in 
case their interests were concerned. 

" ' The Dominis case had been disposed of according to the Bang's' 
written promise to Oapt. Jones. Moreover, since that time, the 
parties had settled by amicable arbitration. That to require all the 
late decisions of the legally organized courts to be set aside by the act 
of the King would be illegal and oppressive on the part of Mr. Simp- 
80D, and decidedly oppressive on the part of the King, and would 
justly involve him both with Americans and French, etc. Simp- 
son replied that the English had been treated harshly, and conse- 
quently the Government must suffer. His course could not be altered. 
"^Went with Lord George and Simpson to the council; acted as 
spokesman. Eeiterated the above, and added the King was determined 
to hold out no longer; do what you like, take the islands, but do not 
force him to acts of injustice; it would be cruel in the extreme, better 
take all. Lord George replied that his demands were not unjust; he 
acted on the best information and testimony. I said, I know that you 
think so but I assure you that such is not the opinion of the Govern- 
ment The King remarked that he did not think that his Government 
had done wrong. I said, we must be heard; your information is incor- 
rect; we appeal to Great Britain; take the islands, we will yet have 
justice. Lord George replied that he did not come to take the islands. 
I said, you had better do it than pursue these subjects further in this 
manner. He or Simpson said that they could only act on a request of 
the King, and it must be in writing. Said I, let all proceedings be 
stopped; let the Government have time to reflect, and I think they will 
come to the conclusion that it is better for you to take the Government 
of the islands than to go any further. But we must have time; you 
dme the King to distraction, and I fear that he will cede the islands 
to France, as he has been invited to do. Simpson said he would not 
allow much delay. Lord George said, two or three days and no more, 
Simpson said, to-morrow noon, and if it was not done, he should expect 
the Dominis case to be tried on Saturday. I observed that the time 
was too short; Monday then at the furthest. We went into certain 
explanations as to manner of doing the thing, and I wrote down in 
poidl the following: 

^^'In consequence of the difi&culties in which the Sandwich Islands 
are involved, and the impossibility of complying with the demands made 
by Her Britannic Majesty's representative in the form in which they 
ue presented, we cede [the Government of] our islands to Lord George 
Paolet, etc., for the time being, subject to any arrangements that 
iDay have beeii entered into with the Government of Great Britain, and 
QntQ inteihgence shall have been received, and in case no arrangement 
shall have been made previous to date, subject to the decision of Her 
^esty's Government on conference with the ministers of the Sand- 
^ Xslaods Government, after a full report of our affairs shal\\ia\^ 


been represented to Oreat Britain; and in case the ministers are 
rejected by Her Britannic M%>e8tyy then subject to au^ arrangements 
which may be entered into. 

^< ^ Simpson took the paper and walked in the veranda with Lord 
George,.and, retaming, said that would do; he would make a copy with 
very few verbal alterations. 

^^ < It was arranged that the chiefs should have an opportunity to 
consider these things, and an answer to be given to-morrow noon. Lord 
G^rge and Simpson left. King and Auhea sat with astonishment and 
misery. Discussed awhile in council, when I left them in order to cake 
some refreshment. When I returned I found them anxious to gain 
further information. The subject of ceding to France and the United 
States was a ray of hope which seemed to gleam across their dark i>ath, 
but Uiey foresaw that under such circumstances they would still have 
this 'fury — Simpson — to deal with until the French took possession, 
and he would doubtless involve them in more trouble, and their cause 
become too bad to admit of justification. France is still acting a hos- 
tile part towards them. Charlton and Simpson are their enemies, but 
England is their friend. 

<^<To England they look up with the most filial affections. France 
is picking a quarrel with them now^ and complaints are now in existence 
which wUl make more trouble. If the claims of Simpson are allowed 
the laws will suffer and the nation be^weakened so much that France 
wiU leave them nothing. England can defend them from France, and 
to cede to France would be to say England had no right here, which is 
to the Government more than doubtful, reckoning right as the nations 
do. This might be considered an act of treachery. 

*< <May be that their independence is secured already. If so, a forcible 
possession on the part of either would annul it. A cession would not 
if made with provisos. 

^< In the evening I went for Lord George, who, together with Simpson 
and Dr. Booke, came. Begulated a few points respecting the course he 
should pursue in case he took possession. Informed them that we should 
take every possible step to justify the Government and get back the 
islands, and he demanded a pledge that such exertions be not considered 
an act of hostility to them. 

^^<It was agreed that a decision should be made by 12 o'clock on the 
25th.. Lord George went away. Every possible view of the case was 
taken up by the council, and the result seemed to be to give up the islands 
on the terms proposed. 

^'^25th. The King sent for me before breakfast Wished to know 
what I thought of the old proposition of ceding to France and the 
United States. I said I feared it would involve the Government in 
great trouble. The French admiral would soon be here and take pos- 
session, which would excite hostility between Catholics and Protes- 
tants; meanwhile Simpson would continue his course of conduct, and 
the difficulties would become Inextricable. Give yourself into the arms 
of Great Britain, trust to the generosity of that great and good nation, 
you may have the benefit of the intervention of France, for the adjust- 
ment of difficulties and the security of your independence. Let them 
take possession, and then you can represent your case in full. Lord 
George called. I informed him that the matter was nearly decided. 
One of the propositions that came from me was waived, viz, that a 
commission be appointed to adjust the claims of Biitish subjects. 

^^ 'Dudoit called and many others. Every argument used to induce 
the £ing to cede ta Fxanoe itnd the United States, But down to put 


{he docaments into form. The Eang proposed to make a speech. I 
wd thejr" could make that out among themselves, which they did. 
Deed of cession being ready, the chiefs came in and it was read. Sorrow 
and distress marked every coantenance. I was asked to pray. Daring 
prayer sighs suppressed were often heard. I committed the case to 
God, imploring His blessing on the step aboat to be taken as the only 
peaceftil alternative for the nation, etc. When I rose not an individual 
1^ his knees tor a full minute, and then 1 saw that tears had come to their 
relief. They sat in silence for a moment when the King arose, and with 
a firm step seized a pen and subscribed his name. ^^ Let it go," said he, 
" if I get help I get it, if not, let it go ; I can do no more." The premier 
then fuided her signatore.' (Extract from a jouraal kept by Mr. Judd, 
who was minister of the King to conduct negotiations with Lord Oeorge 
Paalet, pp. 164, 165, and 166.) 

^'Having decided upon a provisional cession of his dominions to Oreat 
Britain, the King announced the event to his snbjects in a touching 
proclamation : 

<< < Where are you, chiefs, people, and conunons from my ancestors, and 
people from foreign lands f 

^^* Hear ye ! I make known to yon that I am in perplexity by reason 
of difficulties into which I have been broaght without cause; there- 
fore, I have given away the life of our land, hear ye!. But my rnle 
over you, my people, and your privileges, will continue, for I have hope 
that the life of the land will be restored when my conduct is justified. 

^<Done at Honolulu, Oahu, this 25th day of February, 1843. 



^ On the 28th of November, the Hawaiian commissioners obtained 
liom the governments of France and England a joint declaration to 
the effect that — 

<^ ^ Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French, taking into con- 
sideration the existence in the Sandwich Islands of a government capa- 
ble of providing for the regularity of its relations with foreign nations, 
have thought it right to engage reciprocally to consider the Sandwich 
Idands as an independent state, and never to take possession, lueither 
directly nor under the title of protectorate, nor under any other form, 
of any part of the territory of which they are composed. 

^< The undersigned, Her Majesty's principal secretary of state forforr 
og;n affairs, and the ambassador extraordinary of His Majesty the 
Emg of the French at the court of Loudon, being fhmished with the 
necessary powers, hereby declare in consequence that their said majes- 
ties take reciprocally that engagement. 

^^'In witness whereof the undersigned have signed the present decla- 
ration, and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms. 

^^Done in duplicate, at London, the 28th day of November, in the 
year of our Lord 1843. 

" ^Abebdeen. [li. s. 
"^St. Aulaibb. [l. s. 


'' This solemn engagement on the partof these two powers was the final 
act by which the Kingdom of Hawaii was admitted within the pale of 
civilized nations." 

^'So measore tends more to consolidate and render a nation pro&^ec* 



ous and respectable than a sound and judicious code of laws. The 
chiefs were early aware of their deficiency, and as soon as their new 
legislative forms came into operation proposed to execute the task; 
under any circumstances a difficult one; but in those of their Kingdom 
doubly so from the mixed population, foreign and native, that they 
were called to govern^ The first volume of statute laws was issued in 

^'The departments are subdivided into numerous bureaus, compris- 
ing the duties enumerated under their several heads. By this system 
the business of government and its machinery have become methodized 
on a simple and not expensive scale, for although the subdivisions are 
numerous, yet one clerk suffices for many. The judiciary act and the 
criminal code, on the new basis, are not yet completed. As in every 
other step forward which the Hawaiian nation has taken, unwar- 
rantable abuse and unreasonable cavil have been showered upon it for 
this, chiefly upon the specious pretense that the system was too cum- 
bersome and altogether beyond its growth. An impartial examination 
will doubtless detect points which can be amended with benefit; this 
is to be expected, and the intention of the Legislature is rather experi- 
mentative than final, to feel their way as it were to a code simple and 
effective. But to do this experience must be acquired in legislation 
and the practical operation of laws. In the transition of the nation, 
with its rapid growth from foreign sources, it has been found that there 
has been felt a want rather than an overplus of system. The machinery 
of government, being of a liberal and constitutional character, provides 
in itself for checks on excess and remedies for evils. If Uet alone' by 
foreign powers, there is ground for the belief that Hawaiian legislation 
will in no whit in character be behind that of numerous new countries, 
offshoots of the old, now budding into existence on the shores of the 

"The executive government was constructed as follows: 

"'His Majesty King Kamehameha III. 

"*(7aMnet council created October 29^ 1845. — His highness, Keoni 
Ana,^ premier and minister of the interior; B. C. Wyllie, minister for- 
eign affairs; O. F. Judd, minister of finance; William Eichards, min- 
ister of instruction; John Bicord, attorney-general. 

" ^Nobles. — ^M. Kehauonohi; A.Keliiahonui, chamberlain; Keoni Ana, 
premier; Alapai; A. Paki, judge of supreme court; Konia; I. Kaeo, 
judge of supreme court; lona, judge of supreme court; Paulo Kanoa; 
Kamauu; M. Kekuanaoa, governor of Oaliu; W. P. Leleiohoku, gov- 
ernor of Hawaii; Buta; Keohokalole; 0. Kanaina, judge of supreme 
court; loane li, guardian of young chiefs; lona Piikoi; Beniki Nama- 
keha; K. Kapaakea; James Young Kanehoa, t governor of Maui.' 

"The governers are honorary members of the privy council. 

"Besides the 4 cabinet officers of foreign birth, there are 6 Americans 
and 4 Englishmen, naturalized subjects, commissioned as judges in 
foreign cases, collectors, director of Government press, heads of bureaus, 
etc. In addition to these are a number of clerks transiently eniployed, 
and officers connected with the several depai'tments, who depend ui>on 
fees for their recompense. 

"In no one respect have the Government shown more laudable zeal 
than in educating the young chiefs, who, by birth, are destined to fill 
important posts. For the purpose of bestowing upon them a solid and 

• Son of Mr. Younnf , Kamehameha's favorite. 

t Son of Kamebameha's fayorite, Mr. Voung, of the Elenora, wh« landed in 1790 
and died in 1S35 at the advanced age of 93 years, highly respected by aU claMes. 


practical edncation in the English language, embracing not only the 
usual studies pursued in the better class of seminaries in the United 
States, but to engraft in their minds the habits, thoughts, moral and 
domestic education which children of their age and circumstances 
receive in civilized countries, in 1839 they were taken from their native 
parents and out of the sphere of mere Hawaiian influences and incor- 
porated into a boarding school, under the charge of Mr. and Mrs. 
Cooke, teachers of the American mission. During the seven years the 
school has been established their progress has been rapid, and they 
are now versed in the common branches of an English education, l^esides 
being practically acquainted with the tastes, household economy, and 
habits of refined domestic life. The annual expense of the school is 
DOW about $5,000. The number of scholars 15. 

^<^ Moses Kaikioewa, son of Kekuanaoa and Kinau, born July 20, 
1829, expectant governor of Kauai. 

^^^Lota Kamehameha, son of Kekuanaoa and Eonau, born December 
11, 1830; expectant governor of Maui. 

"'Alexander LihoUho, son of Kehuanaoa>and Kinau, bom February 
9, 1834, beir apparant, by adoption, of the King. 

"^Victoria Kamamalu, daughter of Kehuanaoa and Kinau, born 
November 1, 1838, premier by birth. 

'^^ William G. Lunalilo, son of Kauaina and Kehauluohi, born Janu- 
ary 1, 1835. 

'• ' Bemice Pauahi, daughter of Paki and Konia, born December 19, 
"*Jane Loeau, daughter of Kalaniulumokee andLiliha, born 1828. 
"'Elizabeth Kekaniau, daughter of Laanui, born September 11, 1834. 
"'Emma Rooke, daughter of Fanny Young,* born January 2, 1836. 
"'Peter Young Kaeo, son of Kaeo and Lahilahi,* born March 4, 1836. 
"'James Kaliokalani, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, born May 29, 

"'David Kalakaua, son of Paakea and Keohokalole, bom iN^ovember 
16, 1836. 

"'Lydia Makaeha, daughter of Paakea and Keohokalole, born Sep- 
tember 2, 1838. 
" ' Mary Paaaina. 

"'Kinau Pitt, son of W. Pitt Kalaimokee.' 

" The rapid progress of the Hawaiian group in commercial impor- 
tance is best illustrated by their commercial statistics both before the 
organization of their present Government and since, when under 
improved auspices their value has more rapidly developed. The 
facilities which they afforded the American vessels engaged in the 
lucrative Northwest fur trade, to which was soon added the equally 
profitable one of sandal wood, gave them such good repute that pre- 
vious to 1820 the hardy whale tishers resoited to them for recruits and 
men. As early as 1823, from 40 to 60 whale ships, mostly American, 
were to be seen in the harbor of Honolulu at one time. 

"From January, 1836, to December 31, 1841, 358 vessels belonging 
to the United States, of which four-fifths were whalers, touched at 
Honolulu; an average of 71f annually, besides 17 men-of-war. Of 
Engh'sh vessels during the same period there were 82 and 9 men-of- 
war. Those of France and other nations numbered not over 20. The 
average annual imports for those years were to the value of $365,854, 
one-h^f of which were American goods, one-quarter Chinese and Gali- 

* Danghten of John Young. 


forniaii, and the remainder from England, Mexico, Chile, and other 
sources. i 

^^Four newspapers in the Hawaiian tongue have been sustained by 
the missionaries. The first, Lama Hawaii, was commenced in 1833. 
The present Ka Elele, besides much religions matter, gives a summary 
of general news, publishes Government hotices, and affords scope for 
the literary eftor^ of the natives themselves, some of whom manifest 
respectable powers of thought and composition. 

"It is computed that 70,000 of the population have learned to read' 
and 65,444,000 printed pages have been issued from the mission press, 
embracing, among other works, two coniplete editions, of 10,000 each, 
of the Holy Scriptures, three of the New Testament, amounting to 
30,000 copies, Worcesters Sacred Geography, Universal Geography, 
Geographical Questions, Scripture* Chronology and History, Animals 
of the Earth, with a chart. History of Beasts, Hawaiian History, 
Church History, Mathematics, embracing Geometry, Trigonometry, 
Mensuration, Surveying and Navigation, Golburn's Algebra, Anatomy, 
Wayland's Moral Philosophy, Colburn's Intellectual Arithmetic, Tract 
on Astronomy, Maps of tlniversal Geography, and Bunyan's Pilgrim's 

*'The works published have been altogether of a devotional or edu- 
cational class. More interest would have been awakened could some 
others of a less grave and more historic character have been included.'' 

"A moral sentiment, founded more upon a classification of certain 
actions, either as evil or as good, and their attendant punishments or 
rewards than upon any definite ideas of sin and virtue considered in 
their relations to moral purity and the love of the Father, pervades the 
nation. With the more enlightened something superior to this pre- 
vails. Consequently, as in older Christianized communities, a man 
enjoys respect in proportion to his moral qualifications. Vice is con- 
demned and virtue applauded. Many, of course, are to be found more 
fond of a good name than of the means necessary for its attainment. 
Publicly they are one being, privately another. 

" The very fact of the necessity of the deception shows a great advance- 
ment in moral sentiment since the days of Liholiho, and instead of being 
considered a reproach to the missionaries should be hailed as a favorable 
symptom of their labors, the dawn of further improvement. In human- 
ity, care for the sick and aged, their domestic relations, honesty, tem- 
perance, and systematic industry there has been great advancement. 
From a warlike, treacherous, and cruel people they have become mild, 
tractable, and desirous of knowledge. The intelligent observer will 
find much in their present character to gratify him and more to sur- 
prise when he contrasts them with what they were but a score of years 
since. But he who goes among them, his imagination picturing a 
nation changed from brutal savages, by the spirit of God, to guileless 
Christians, worshiping Jehovah in all the innocence and strength of a 
first loye, their family altars emblems of purity and happiness, their 
congregations simple and sincere, and their dispositions and deport- 
ment refined to the high standard of Christian excellence in his own 
country, will be sadly disappointed. 

<^It is still difficult to make the natives understand the nature of 
truth. They have been so accustomed, from their earliest years, to 
habits of deception, that with very many, perhaps the majority, it may 
be doubted whether any other sensation arises from the detection of a 
falsehood than mortification at being discovered* In no other point 


an th^ more obtnse, but this moral bluntness is gradually wearing 
away. LiceTitionsiiess is a chief vice of the nation ; not that they are 
modb worse in this respect than nations generally residiug within the 
tropicS) but it continues to be their most prominent trait. A few years 
ago, in its protean forms, it was common to all, and as undisguised as 
the light of day. Now it hides its head, and seeks a new garment to 
coDe^ its foul markings. The following table of crime for Oahu will 
serve to show the proportion of other offenses to those of sensuality. 
It is taJ^en from the Kuma Hawaii, of January 16, 1839, a native paper, 
but the period embraced in the report is not given. And it should be 
recollected that but a small proportion of the latter offenses are ever 
detected or exposed. A number of foreigners are embraced in the list, 
chiefly for riot, mutiny, and desertion. 


Xaoskagbter 4 

Tl«a 48 

Ibot 82 

Fa)w witaesa i6 

D«Krtioii 30 

Motiny 15 

Mnction ^ 18 

LewdiMM 8i 

iidttltery 246 

Total 522 

"Another table of purely native cases for Honolulu, taken from the 
records of the Muferior court' from January 1, 1846, to December 4, 
of the same year, gives the following striking result: 


IdolteiT, fornication 



DeKcnition of Sabblith. 

Berilinj^ langnajce 

Heatbeuish practices . . . 

iiMnlt and battery 


Forioaa riding 


ABtarferenee with police 

Street walking 


Pkain^ false coin 

I>etirtioD of husband... 



































''The above table shows a conviction of 427 eases out of a population 
^ ahottt 9,000. To these should be added 121 others, tried before the 
police ooort, making in all rather more than 600 cases for 1846. Of the 
121, 38 were for licentiousness and 43 for stealing. But few occur for 
fighting, the Hawaiians being a very peaceable people. A great deal 
of petty thieving exists, particularly towards foreigners to steal from 
whom is not viewed so disreputable as from themselves. The standard 
of morality^ it will be seen, is low, particularly among the men; but 


crimes are rare. There have been but five executions for three murders 
for ten years. 

" It is incontrovertible that there yet exists in the nation a large 
body of people who are equally disposed to religious rites, or to acts of 
a different character, as may be most accordant to the taste of those 
whom they wish to gratify. Another generation must arise, with bet- 
ter homes and more civil and religious advantages, before the habits 
of the old sufficiently eradicated. While evidence for the more 
favorable view of missionary labor, to a partial investigator, appears 
conclusive, ample grounds for the opposite opinion exists. The truth 
lies in neither extreme. The friends of humanity have just cause to 
be grateful that so much has been accomplished, and should labor 
earnestly that the remaining dark spots may be wholly effaced." 

" The government of the Kingdom is essentially Christian. Founded 
upon missionary teaching, it derives its principles and objects from 
gospel ethics. Under its influence, the despotism <5f the chiefs over 
life and property has been abolished and the nation invited to lay 
hold of its rights in both. Laws favorable to virtue, industry, and 
increase of population have been enacted. Fanulies having 3 children 
of their own are freed from taxation; those having more are rewarded 
by gifts of lands. The natives are encouraged to secure allodial titles 
by a remission of all taxes on such for twenty years. Taxation i^light- 
ened and made stimulative to honest industry.- The present laws are 
equitable and protective. Justice is fairly administered and the sound- 
est principles of classical and modern law have become the professed 
guides of the courts. 

"Commerce has brought among the nation many foreigners, in every 
way an advantage to the morals aid enterprise of the natives. Scat- 
tered throughout the group they provide them, almost at the very doors 
of their huts, with ample supplies of foreign goods of all descriptions 
at fair prices, receiving in return the avails of native labor. They have 
ftimished them with cattle and the vegetable products of other coun- 
tries, and introduced the arts, trades, and professions of civilized life. 
The examples and encouragements of civUized hguseholds are thus 
brought to their very thresholds. They have given a value to the time 
of the native by creating a demand for his labor, and have equally 
bestowed a value to his hitherto unproductive lands by practically 
developing the hidden wealth of the soil. 

"The most indifferent industry is sure of ample reward. Vice, as in 
other lands, has no apology for an existence here on the plea of a super- 
abundance of labor in the honest branchesof livelihood. Not a man need 
be a thief from necessity, nor a woman unchaste from want. Lands 
everywhere lie groaning in wild luxuriance, crying out for hands to till 
them. The handicraft of women, and even the services of children are 
In constant demand. Commerce has raised the remuneration of the 
former and the wages of the laborers to the highest rate of stimulative 

"The policy of the Government is essentially protective to the 
Hawaiian race, to the intent to fully solve the question of their 
capability of civilization. The white advisers of the King, having 
this end practically in view, fail to meet the more enlarged views and 
desires of white residents, who look upon the final extermination 
or loss of the native race and dynasty as their destiny, and conse- 
quently desire to see the fullest encouragement offered for the ingress 
and permanent settlement of a foreign population and capital. While 


Hiesewoald urge the Government on with a rapidity coinaenRurate 
with Anglo-'Saxon spiiit and intelligence, the native race by their 
dowDe88 of apprehension and fears for :heir security in case the full 
torrent of civilized emigration and enterprise is let in unrestrained 
upon them, hold them back. On the one hand the Government is as 
unable folly to satisfy the cravings of the whites to advance, as it 
is to bring the native mind to a clear appreciation and faithful cariy- 
is^oat of the measures best adapted to benefit It and render it more 
capable of assimilating with the superior intelligence of Anglo-Saxon 
intellect. They steadily endeavor to preserve the Hawaiian race; to 
(bristianize and civilize them; and to this end they invite a limited 
cooperation of foreign aid, enough to innoculate the nation with 
eoarage and enterprise, without deluging it in a torrent which in their 
present condition they would inevitably fail to bear up against. In 
tiu5 way a jnst middle course is adopted, which it would seem from 
past experience tends to build up a mixed Hawaiian and foreign race, 
dTilized, moral, and industrious^ and capable of taking an elevated 
podtion in the ranks of minor nations." 

XVIL Also the followino bxtbacts prom the honolxtx.u 


^1736. Kamebameha I bom at Kokoiki, Kobala. 

"1740. The King of Oabn, on the passage to Molokai, sees a ship. 

^VieS. Kaahamann born. 

^1775. Kaabumana becomes tbe wife of Kamebameha I. 

^1779. January 17 Capt. Cook anchored in the bay of Kealakekna, 

^Febmary 14 Capt. Cook was slain at Kaawaloa, Hawaii. 

**1782. April, Kalaniopuu died, leaving his Kingdom (western 
Havaii), to filiwalao, who was his own son. 

"^ July, tbe battle named Mokuahae, i. e., the fight of Kamebameha 
with Eawalaoand his party at Keomo, Hawaii, Kamebameha triumphed, 
Eiwaiao was slain, and Keoua became King of Kan and. Puna. 

^Keawemaubili reigns as King at Hilo, Hawaii. 

^Keanlnmoku composed the mele Hani Ka Lani, or a prophecy of 
theov^tbrow of Hawaii by Kamebameha. 

" 179D first American ship (Eleanor , Capt. Metcalf), visited the islands. 

^Eeona was taken prisoner by Kamebameha at Koapapaa, Hama- 
bia, Hawaii, and Kamebameha thus became sole King of the whole 

*^ John. Young and Isaac Davis became attached to Kamebameha. 

"1791.* In tMs year the battle of Nuuanu was fought, in which 
Salaoikupnle, son of Kahekili, King of Maui and Oahu, was slain^ 
and thus Maui, Molokai, Lanai, and Oahu fell into the hands of Kame- 

"17^. March 3, Capt. Vancouver first visited the islands, and left 
cattle, sheep, etc. 

^The Dcsdalug. store ship, visited Waimea, Oahu; a massacre. 

"1793. March 12, Vancouver anchored at Lahaina. 

"1794. December, first discovery of Honolulu Harbor. Entered by 
Jadbo/ and Prince LeboOj American. 

"Eekuanaoa bom. «. 

"1795. Janoary 12, last visit of Vancouver. 

^DoMus visits Kiibau; massacre. January 1, murder of captaina, 

^1797. Liholibo (Kamebameha II) was born. 


^^1801. The fleet of canoes called Pelelen arrived at Kawaihaid. 

^^1802. The Pelelen arrived at Lahaina. 

" 1803. The Pelelen arrived at Oahu. 

<^ 1804. The great pestilence called a ahulau okuu. 

"1812. The stone wall of Kiholo was built. 

"1814. March, Elanikeaonli (Kamehameha III) was bom. 

" 1817. The fort at Honolnln finished. 

" 1819. May 8, Kamehameha I died. 

"October, Liholiho breaks kapn on the night of kukahi. 

"1820. Jannary, a battle on account of breaking kapu, at Knamoo 
on Hawaii. 

"March 30, first missionaries arrived at Kailna. 

"April 18, missionaries first arrived at Honolulu. 

"July, Messrs. Whitney and Buggies sailed for Kanai,'^ 

"First whaler {Maf:^, Oapt. Allen) enters Honolulu Harbor. 

"1821. First house of Christian worship built in Honolulu. 

"1822. January 7, printing first commenced at the islands. It is said 
that King Liholiho was allowed to pull the first sheet. 

"1823. April 27, the second company of missionaries arrived. 

"November 27, Liholiho, his Queen, and attendants sailed for Eng- 
land, leaving the Kingdom in the care of Kaahumanu. 

"1824, July 8, Kamamalu, wife of Libolibo, died in London. 

"July 13, Libolibo died in London. 

"August, Kapiolani descended into the volcano of Kilauea. 

"1825, May 4, Boki and his companions return from Eo gland with 
the remains of the King and Queen in the English frigate Blonde. 

"1827, October, Kinau and Kekuanaoa were married. 

"1828, March 30, the third company of missionaries arrived. 

"July 3, first meetinghouse at Honolulu dedicated. 

"December 2, Boki and his company sailed away from the islands 
and were lost. 

" 1830, December 11, His Mt^esty Kamehameha Y was bom. 

"1831, June 7, the fourth company of missionaries arrived. "^ 

"September, the high school at Lahaina was commenced. 

"1832, May 17, the fifth company of missionaries arrived. 

"June 5, Kaahumanu died. 

"June. Kinau was appointed premier (kuhina nui). 

"The Oahu Charity School was commenced. 

"1833, March, Kamehameha III assumes the reins of government, 
and Kinau becomes his minister (Kuhina Nui). 

"May 1, the sixth company of missionaries arrived. 

"The Bethel Church built at Honolulu. 

"1$34, February 9, Kamehameha IV (Alexander Liholiha) was bom. 

"February 14, first newspaper printed at the Hawaiian Islands, 
called the Lama Hawaii, at Lahaiualuua. 

"The newspaper Kumu Hawaii commenced at Honolulu. 

"1835, June 6^ the seventh company of missionaries arrived. 

"First Hawaiian Almanac printed. 

"1836, January 2, the queen dowager, Emma, was born, 

"The female seminary at Wailuku, Maui, commenced. 

"The first weekly newspaper in English commenced. 

"The high school of Mr. Lyman commenced at Hilo. 

"December, ^N'ahienaena died. 

"1837, February 4, Kamehameha III and Kalama were married* 

<< April 9, the eighth company of missionaries arrived. 


'^Tbe basiDess of laying oat pablic streets in Honolnla was com- 

•"^^oveiDber 7, remarkable rise and overflow of tide tbroaghoat the 

"^1838, Angnst, the chiefs commence the study of political economy 
with Mr. Bichards. 

^Norember 1, Victoria Kamamalu was bom. 
^April 4, Kinan died. 

"1^. April 5, Kekaaluohi became premier (Knhina Nui.) 
^Maj 10, the planting of the first edition of the Hawaiian bible 
'*jQ]y 9, the French man-of war VArtemise (Gapt. Laplace) arrived. 
"Kaikioewa died. 

^1810. The school for the young chiefs commenced at Honolulu- 
Mr. Mid Mrs. Cook teachers. 
^Jaonary, Hoapili, governor of Naui, died. 
^Tlie ston^ meeting-house at Kawaiahao, Honolulu, commenced. 
^August 3, Mr. Bingham and family returned to the United States. 
*^October 8, Kamehameha III gives the first written constitution to 
' the people of the Hawaiian Islands. 

"^October 20, Kamanawa and his servant were publicly executed for 
"September. The United States exploring expedition arrived. 
**1841, May. Kapiolani died. 

"May 21. The ninth company of missionaries arrived. 
\ ^13ie school for missionaries' children at Punahou (now Oahu Ool- 
[ kge) oommeneed. 

^1^. January, Hoapili Wahine (Kalakaua) died. 
^ July 8, HaalUio sailed as commissioner to the courts of France, 
Ea^Dd, and the United States. 
^ July 21, the meetinghouse at Kawaihal finished. 
"^September 21, the tenth company of missionaries arrived, 
^isis. The United States consent to the independence of the 
HawiiiaD Islands. 

^February 25, Lord George Paulet seized the Hawaiian Islands and 
nised the English flag. 

^ July 31, the sovereignty of the islands was restored by Admiral 
Aonas, of the English navy. 

'^September, Bartimeus Puaaiki died. 

^lUL The Government of Belgium consents to the independence of 
the Hawaiian Islands. 

.^November 28, the governments of England and France recognize 
tte independence of the Hawaiian Islands. 

^ July 15, the eleventh company of missionaries arrived. 

*^Silk exported from the islands — 197 pounds. 

^Hai^fllo died on his return voyage to the islands. 

^S15. April 2, representatives first chosen from the common people 
Oder the constitution of October, 1840. 

"Mr. Bichards, the interpreter of Haalilio, returned with his remains. 

''Eekanluohi died. 

**Fir8t export of coffee — ^248 pounds. 

^John Young (Keoni Ana) is appointed premier (kuhina nui). 

^1S16. February 11, commissioners appointed to settle land clatma, 

March 20, Mr. Whitney died at Lahainalunat 

1M7, Mr, Bichards died« 


"Governor Kaakiiii died. 

"First appearance of Mormons at Honololn, en route for California, 

"1848. Leleiohoku (WiUiam Pitt) died. 

" Moses Kaikoewa died. 

" Kaiminaauao died. 

"The twelfth company of missionaries arrived. 

"The measles (mai puupuu ula) prevailed, and was very fataL 

"1849. The fort seized at Honolulu by Admiral Tromelin, of the 
French navy. 

"Beef first exported from the islands — 158 barrels. 

" Keliiahonui died. 

"1850. James Young Kanehoa died. Kaoanaeha died. 

"1851. The Hawaiian Missionary Society was formed* 

" Kekauonohi died. 

"June, the court-house at Honolulu built. 

"First whale oil and bone transshipped. 

"1852. April 2, Kaliokalani died. • • 

"First export of fungus. 

"1853. The smallpox (mai puupuu liilii) swept over the islands. 

"1854. The fort at Lahaina demolished by* order of the Government. 

"December 15, Kamehameha III (Kauikeaouli) died, and Kameha- 
meha IV became King. 

"1855. Paki died. 

"Mr. Hitchcock, of Molokai, died. 

"Flour exported — 463 barrels. 

"'1856. June 2, Kamehameha TV was united in marriage with Emma 

"Isaac Davis was married to Buta Keelikolani. 

"1857, the fort at Honolulu was demolished by order of the Govern- 

" Konia (widow of Paki) died. 

"J ohn Young (Keoni Ana), the premier, died. 

"Victoria Kamamalu appointed KuhinaNui. 

"May 28, William L. Lee, chief justice of the supreme court, died, 
aj^ed, 36. 

"David Malo, native Hawaiian historian, died. 

"Honeybees first introduced, by the E. H. Agricultural Society. 

"Oahu prison built. ' 

"1858, May 20, birth of the Prince of Hawaii. 

" Eice first systematically cultivated near Honolulo. 

" Sailors' Home established. 

" 1859, July, Eev. L. Smith's premises burnt. 

" April 20, Jona Piikoi died, aged 50. 

" April 26, laying of corner stone. Odd Fellows' Hall. 

" January 7, dedication of Odd Fellows' Hall. 

" February, eruption of volcano on Mauna Loa, running down to Wai- 

" The civil code published. 

" Gaslight first introduced into Honolulu. 

" September 9, William Pitt Kinan, son of Leleiohoku and E. Keeli- 
kolani, died at Kohala, Hawaii, aged 17. 

" 18G0, May 5, arrival of Japanese embassy en route to the United 

"New custom-house built, Honolultu 

"Queen's hospital built. 

" Honolulu flour mill and foundry burned. 


^St^uner Kilauea arrived. 

^Prince L. Kamehameha (Kamebameba Y) sailed for Oalifornia. 

"September 23, Rev. Dr. R. Armstrong, minister of public instrao- 
tioD, died. 

"Passage of tbe 'law to mitigate,' etc. 

"1862. April, Palmyra Island, in latitude 5© 50' F., longitude 161o 53' 
W., taken pos»es^on of by Gapt. Z. Bent, for Kamebameba IV and bis 
iqiceessors, and subsequently declared by royal proclamation to be a 
part of tbe Hawaiian domain. 

^August 27, deatb of tbe Prince of Hawaii, aged 4 years, 3 montbs 
ftDd 7 days. 

^The funeral took place September 7. 

^Lahainaluua Seminary burned and was rebuilt tbe same year. 

^October 11, Reformed Catbolic Cburcb mission arrived. 

••1863. November 30, His Majesty Kamebameba IV died, aged 29 
Tears, 9 months, and 21 days, and Prince Kamebameba ascended tbe 
tfaroDe as Kamebameba V. 

"ISOl. May 5, convention of delegates to amend tbe constitution 
eailed by the King. 

*'Jnly 7, convention opened. 

^August 13, convention dissolved and constitution abrogated. 

'^August 20, new constitution granted by tbe King. 

'*L Haalelea died. 

"1865. October 19, R. C. Wyllie, minister of foreign relations, died, 

'*Qaeen Emma visited tbe United States and Europe. 

^January 27, arrival of tbe steamer Ajax from California. 

"1865. May 29, H. R. H. Princess V. Kamamalu died, aged 27 years 
(months and 29 days. 

"July 20, J. Dudoit, formerly French consul, murdered. 

"October 22, return of Queen Emma. 

"1867. March 12, G. M. Robertson, first associate justice of tbe 
^preme court, died, aged 47. 

-1868. November 4, His Highness Mataio Kekuanaoa, father of the 
late King and his present Majesty, died, aged 75 years. 

"1869. July 21, arrival of H. R. H. Alfred Ernest, Duke of Edinburg, 
in (H)nunand of H. B. M.'s ship Galatea, 

"August 2, light-house at the entrance of Honolulu Harbor perma- 
Bently lighted. 

XVIH. Deed of cession. 

''The deed of cession reads as follows: 

"•In consequence of the difBculties of complying with the demands 
in the manner in which they are made by Her Britannic Majesty's rep- 
fc^eotative upon us, in reference to the claims of British subjects, we 
do hereby cetle the group of islands known as the Hawaiian (or Sand- 
indi) Islands unto the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet, captain 
oif Her Britannic Majesty's ship of war Carys/ortj representing Her 
Majesty Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, from this date 
^ the time being; the said cession being made with the reservation 
tbt it is subject to any arrangement that may have been entered into 
by the representiitives appointed by us to treat with the Government 
^ Her BritaQniQ Majesty; and in tbe event that no agreement has b^u 


executed previous to the date hereof, subject to the decision of He? 
Britannic Majesty's Gove];nmeut;On conference with the said representa^ 
tives appointed by us; or, in the event of our representatives not being 
accessible or not having been acknowledged, subject to the decision 
which Her Britannic Majesty may pronounce on the receipt of full 
information from us and from the Right Honorable Lord George Paulet 

1^^ In confirmation of the abov* we hereby affix our names and seals 
this twenty -fifth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and forty-three, at Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich Islands. 

*^* Signed in the presence of G. P. Judd, recorder and translator for 
the Government. 




^^ * Every male subject of His Mi^esty, whether native or natural- 
ized, and every denizen of the Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes, 
who shall have attained the age of 20 years, and who shall have resided 
in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the time of election, 
shall be entitled to one vote for the representative or representatives of 
the district in which he may have resided three months next preceding 
the day of election ; provided, that no insane person, nor any person who 
shall at any time have been convicted of any infamous crime within this 
Kingdom, unless he sbaJl have been pardoned by the King, and by the 
terms of such pardon been restored to all the rights of a subject| shall 
be allowed to vote.' 


^^^ Constitution granted by His Majesty Kamekameha F, by the grace of 

Ood^ king of the Hawaiian Islands^ on the twentieth day of August^ 

A. D. 1864. 


^<< Article 1. G^d hath endowed all men with certain inalienable 
rights; among which are life, liberty, and right of acquiring, x>os8ess- 
ing, and prot^ting property, and of* pursuing and obtaining safety and 

'* 'Article 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dic- 
tates of their own conscience; but this sacred privilege hereby secured 
shall not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness or practices 
inconsistent with the peace or safety of the Kingdom. 

" 'Article 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their 
sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that 
right, and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech, or of 
the press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of 
His Majesty the King and the royal family. 

'' 'Article 4. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peace- 
able manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common 
good and to petition the King or Legislative Assembly for redress of 

" 'Article 6. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to 
all men, and shall not be suspended, unless by the King, when in cases 
of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require its suspension. 

«< ' Abtxci^SJ $» ^0 person shall be subject to punishment for any 


offense, except on due and legal conviction thereof in a conrt having 
jarisdiction of the case. 

<^<ASTICL£ 7. "So person shall be held to answer for any crime or 
offence (except in cases of impeachment, or for offences within the 
joiudiction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings 
liNr ooDtempt) unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing 
laeh crime or offence, and he shall have the right to meet the witnesses 
fbo are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and 
proo& in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election, 
to examine tbe witnesses produced by himself, and cross-examine those 
imdnced agrainst him, and to be fiilly heard in his defence. In all 
cases in which tbe right of trial by jury has been heretofore used it 
ifaidl be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsit 
ia which the amount claimed is less than fifty dollars. 

^' Abtiglb 8. Fo person shall be required to answer again for an 
olfiBnoe of which he has been duly convicted or of w^hich Y\fi has been 
4iily acquitted upon a good and sufficient indictment. 

^* ABTicrL£ 9. No person shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to 
be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or prop- 
erty without due process of law. 

^^Abtiols 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case 
ii which his relative is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in 
tiie iMne of which the said judge or juror may have, either directly or 
tiuoagh a relative, any pecuniary interest. 

^^Abtiglb 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever 
prohibited in this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian 
tCRilory he shall be free. 

^^Abtigl.£ 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all 
mreaBonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers, 
and effects; and no warrants shall issue, but on probable cause sup- 
ported by oath or affirmation and describing the place to be searched 
and tiie persons or things to be seized. 

'*'Abticlb 13. The King conducts his Government for the common 
^ood, and not for tbe profit, honor, or private interest of any one man, 
Cunily, or class of men among his subjects. 

^^AxTiCLJ& 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected 
hf it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to 
bw; and, therefore, he shall be obliged tx) contribute his proportional 
ibsre to the expense of this prot^tion, and to give his personal 
Nrviees or an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property 
of any individual shall be taken from him, or applied to public uses, 
without his own consent or the enactment of the Legislative Assembly, 
aeept the same shall be necessary for the military operation of the 
KiDgdom in time of war or insurrection: and whenever the public 
ezifencies may require that the property of any individual should be 
appropriated to public use he shall receive a reasonable compensation 

^^Artiglb 15. No stibsidy, duty, or tax of any description shall be 
tttablished or levied without the consent of the legislative assembly; 
wt ghall any money be drawn from the public treasury without such 
oMueot, except when between the sessions of the legislative assem- 
Uy the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other pub- 
lic disaster shall arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the 
cabuetand a m^ority of tbe whole privy council; and the minister 
of finance shall render a detailed account of such expenditure to the 
ive sissembly 

8. Bep. 227 11 


"^Article 16. No retrospective laws shall ever be enacted. 

*^ 'Article 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the 
landc and no soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house 
without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war but in a man- 
ner to be prescribed by the Legislature. 

"'Article 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on elec- 
tion days, during his attendance at election, and in going to and 
returning therefrom, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of 
the peace. 

'''Article 19. !No elector shall be obliged to perform military duty 
on the day of election as to prevent his voting, except in time of war 
or public danger. 

" 'Article 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom in its exercise 
is divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial; these shall 
always be preserved distinct, and no judge of a court of record shall 
ever be a member of the legislative assembly. 

"'ARTttJLE 21. The Government of this Kingdom is that of a con- 
stitutional monarchy, under His Majesty Kamehameha Y, his heirs 
and successors. 

" 'Article 22, The crown is hereby permanently confirmed to His 
Majesty Kamehameha V, and to the heirs of his body lawfull j^ begotten, 
and to their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the 
crown shall descend to Her Eoyal Highness the Princess Victoria 
Kamamalu Kaahumanu. and the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, 
and their lawful descendants in a direct line. The succession shall be 
to the senior male child, and to the heirs of his body; failing a male 
child, the succession shall be to the senior female child and to the heirs 
of her body. In case there is no heir as above provided, then the 
successor shall be the person whom the sovereign shall appoint, with 
the consent of the nobles, and publicly proclaim as such during the 
King's life; but should there be no such appointment and proclama- 
tion and the throne should become vacant, then the cabinet council, 
immediately after the occurring of such vacancy, shall cause a meeting 
of the legislative assembly, who shall elect by ballot some native Alii of 
the Kingdom as successor to the throne; and the successor so elected 
shall become a new Stirps for a royal family, and the succession from 
the sovereign thus elected shall be regulated by the same law as the 
present royal family of Hawaii. 

'"Article 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal 
family of Hawaii, who may by law succeed to the throne, to contract 
marriage without the consent of the reigning sovereign. Every mar- 
riage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a mar- 
riage may, by the proclamation of the reigning sovereign, be declared 
to have forfeited his or her right to the throne, and, after such procla- 
mation, the right of succession shall vest in the next heir, as though 
such oifender were dead, 

" 'Article 24. His Majesty Kamehameha V will, and his succes- 
sors upon coming to the throne shall, take the following oath: I sol- 
emnly swear in the presence of Almighty God to maintain the consti- 
tution of the Kingdom whole and in violate,^and to govern in conformity 

" -Article 25. No person shall ever sit upon the throne who has been 
convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane, or an idiot. 

"'Article 26. The King is the commander-in-chief of the army and 
navy, and of all other military forces of the Kingdom, by sea and land; 
and has full power by himself, or by any officer or oificers he may 



appoint^ to train and govern such forces as he may judge best for the 
defense and safety of the Kingdom. But he shall never proclaim 
Tithoat the consent of the legislative assembly. 

** •Article 27. The King, by and with the advice of his privy coun- 
cil, has the power to grant reprieves and. pardon, after conviction, for 
ill offenses, except in casefs of impeachment. 

"'Article 28. The King, by and with the advice of his privy coun- 
cil, convenes the legislative assembly at the seat of Government, or 
at a different place if that should become dangerous from an enemy, 
or any dangerous disorder; and in case of disagreement between His 
Majesty and the legislative assembly he adjourns, prorogues, or dis- 
solves it, bat not beyond the next ordinary session under any great 
emergency be may convene the legislative assembly to extraordinary 

"^Article 29. The King has the power to make trefities. Treaties 
involving changes in the tarifl" or in any law of the Kingdom shall be 
referred for approval to the legislative assembly. The King appoints 
public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed 
agreeably to the usuage and law of nations. 

••'Article 30. It is the King's prerogative to receive and acknowl- 
edge public ministers, to inform the legislative assembly by royal mes- 
sage, from time to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and to recommend 
to its consideration such measiu-es as he shall judge necessary and 

"^Article 31. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred. 
His ministers are responsible. To the King belongs the executive 
power. All laws that have passed the legislative assembly shall 
require His Majesty's signature in order to their validity. 

'**Abticle 32. Whenever, upon the decease of the reigning sover- 
eign, the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age, the royal power 
^ be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter pro- 

••'Article 33. It shall lawful for the King at a/uy time when he may 
be about to absent himself from the Kingdom to appoint a regent, or 
council of regency, who shall administer the Government in his name; 
ud likewise the King may, by his last will and testament, appoint a 
Kgeiit,or council of regency, to administer the Government during the 
minority of any heir to 'the throne, and should a sovereign decease, 
leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testament, the 
cabinet council, at the time of such decease, shall be a council of 
re^ncy until the legislative assembly, which shall be called immedi- 
ately, may be assembled, and the legislative assembly immediately 
tkat it is assembled shall proceed to choose, by ballot, a regent, or 
woncil of regency, who shall administer the Government in the name 
of the King, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally 
Tested in the King until he shall have attained the age of eighteen years, 
^liich age is declared to be the legal majority of such sovereigns. 

'•^Article 34. The King is sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the 
le; the Kingdom is his. 

Aeticle 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions 
^natefrom the King. 

•*'Abticle 36. The King coins money and regulates the currency 
by lav. 

"Abticle 37. The King, in case of invasion or rebelUon, ean place 
^ whole King^dom^ or any part of it, under martial law. 



^^^ Article 38. The national ensign sbaU not be changed except by 
act of the Legislature. 

*< * Article 39. The King's private lands and other property are 

'^^ Article 40. The King can not be sued or held to account in any 
court or tribunal of the realm. 

*'* Article 41. There shall continue to be a council of state for 
advising the King in all matters for the good of the State wherein he 
may require its advice, and for assisting him in administering the 
executive affairs of the Government in such manner as he may direct; 
which council shall be called the King's private council of state, and 
the members thereof shall be appointed by the King, to hold office 
during His Majesty's pleasure. 

^^ 'Article 42. The lying's cabinet shall consist of a minister of for- 
eign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance, and the 
attorney-general of the Kingdom, and these shall be His Majesty's spe- 
cial advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall 
be ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They 
shall be appointed and commissioned by the £jng, and hold office dur- 
ing His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment. No act of the King 
shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by 
that signature, makes himself responsible. 

'< 'Article 43. Each member of the King's cabinet shall !keep an 
office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the con- 
duct of his deputies or clerks. The ministry holds seats ex offi^Ho as 
nobles in the legislative assembly. 

'' 'Article 44. The minister of finance shall present to the legisla- 
tive assembly, in the name of the Govermnent, on the tirst day of the 
meeting of the Legislature, the financial budget in the Hawaiian and 
English languages. 

" 'Article 46. The Legislative jwwer of the three estates of this 
kingdom is vested in the King and the legislative assembly; which 
assembly shall consist of the nobles, appointed by the King, and of 
the representatives of the people, sitting together. 

" 'Article 46. The legislative body shall assemble biennially in the 
month of April, and at such other time as the King may judge nece-s- 
sary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of. the nation. This body 
shall be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom. 

" 'Article 47. Every member of the legislative assembly shall take 
the following oath : I most solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty 
God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom and conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as 
a member of this assembly. 

"'Article 48. The Legislature has full i)ower and authority to 
amend the constitution as hereinafter provided, and from time to time 
to make all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the provisions 
of the constitution. 

'"Article 49. The King shall signify his approval of any bill or 
resolution which shall have passed the legislative assembly by sign- 
ing the same previous to the final rising of the Legislature. But if he 
shall object to the passing of such bill or resolution he will return to 
the legislative assembly, who shall enter the fact of such return on its 
journal, and such bill or resolution shall not be brought forward there- 
after during the same session. 

" 'Article 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the 
quali^cations of its own members, and a majority shidl constitute a 


qnorom to do bosiuess; but a smaller nnmber may adjourn from day 
today, and compel the attendance of absent members in such manner 
and oiider sach penalties as the assembly may provide. 

<^^Abticlb 51. The legislative assembly shall choose its own officers 
and determine the rules of its own proceedings. 

'^<A£TiGL.£ 52. The legislative assembly shall have authority to pun- 
ish by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person not a 
member who shall be guilty of disrespect to the assembly by any dis- 
orderly or contemptuous behavior in, its presence, or who, during the 
time of it« sitting, shall make any false report of its proceedings or 
insulting comments ux>on the same, or who shall threaten harm to the 
body or estate of any of its members for anything said or done in the 
usembly, or wbo shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall assault 
or arrest any witness or other person ordered to attend the assembly 
in his way going or returning or" who shall rescue any person arrested 
l^ order of the assembly. 

^^AsTiGiJS 53. The legislative assembly may punish its own mem- 
bers for disorderly behavior. 

'^^Articlje 54. The legislative assembly shall keep a journal of its 
proceedings^ and the yeas and nays of its members, or any questiou, 
fibJL, at the desire of one-fifbh of those present, be entered on the 

"'Abtioub 55. The members of the legislative assembly shall, in 
an eases except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be privileged 
from arrest during their attendance at the sessions of tiie Legislature 
md in going to and returning Irom the same; and they shall not be held 
to answer for any speech or debate held in the assembly in any other 
eoort or place whatsoever. 

^*Akticlb 56. The representatives shall receive for their services 
aeompensation to be ascertained bylaw and paid out of the public 
treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the 
jear in which it shall have been made; and no law shall be passed 
increasing tlie compensation of said representatives beyond the sum of 
two hundred and fifty dollars for each session. 

^' AsTicus 57. The King appoints the nobles, who shall hold their 
appointments during life, subject to the provisions of article 53, but 
^eir nnmber shall not exceed twenty. 

*** Abticlb 58. No person shall be appointed a noble who shall not 
Iiave attained the age of twenty-one years and resided in the Kingdom 
ire years. 

^^ AsTiCLB 59. The nobles shall be a court, with full and sole authority 
to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives, 
as the grand inquest of the Kingdom, against any officers of the King- 
dooi for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but, previous 
to ibe trial of every impeachment, the nobles shall respectively be sworn 
tnly and impartially to determine the charge in question, according to 
evidence and the law. Their judgment, however, shall not extend 
tetiier than to removal from office and disqualification to hold or enjoy 
aqr place of honor, trust, or profit under this Government; but the 
party so convicted shall be, nevertheless, liable to indictment, trial, 
jsdpieDt, and punishment according to the laws of the land. No min- 
^iter shall sit as a noble, on the trial of any impeachment. 

***ABriciJS 60. The representation of the people shall be based 
spoBth'^ principle of equality, and shall be regulated and apportioned 
I^the Legislature according to the population, to be ascertained, from 
^totime^ by the official census. The representatives shall not b^ 


lees in number than twenty-four nor more than forty, whii shall be 
electa biennually. 

" * Article 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the 
people who is insane or an idiot; nor unless he be a male subject of 
the Kingdom; who shall have arrived at a fall age of twenty -one years, 
who shall know how to read and write, who shall understand accounts, 
and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least three years, 
the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding his election, 
and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom of a clear value over 
and above all incumbrances of at least five hundred dollars, or who 
shall have an annual income of at least two hundred and fifty dollars 
derived from any property or some lawful employment. 

«< ^Abtigle 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom who shall have 
paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and 
shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately pre- 
ceding the election, and shall be possessed of real property in this 
Kingdom to the value ever and above all incumbrances of one hundred 
and fifty dollars, or of a leasehold property on which the rent is twenty- 
five dollars per year, or of an income of not less than seventy-five dol- 
lars per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment, 
and shall know how to read and write, if bom since the year 1840, 
and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters of 
his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for 
the representative or representatives of that district: Providedj how- 
every That no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have 
beeu convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he 
shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such par- 
don have been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed 
to vote. 

"^Aetiolb 63. The property qualifications of the representatives of 
the people and of the electors may be increased by law. 

"'Article 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested 
in one supreme court, and in such inferior courte as the Legislature 
may, from time to time, establish. 

"*Abtiole 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and 
not less than two associate justices, any of who may hold the court 
The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices during good 
behavior, subject to remoual upon impeachment, and shall, at suited 
times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be dimin- 
ished during their continuance in office: Providedj however^ That any 
judge of the supreme court or any other court of record may be removed 
from office, on a resolution passed by two-thirds of the legislative assem- 
bly, for good cause shown to the satisfaction of the King. The judge 
against whom the legislative assembly may be about to proceed shall 
receive notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of the causes alleged for 
his removal, at least ten days before the day on which the legislative 
assembly shall act thereon. He shall be heard before the legislative 

"'Abticle 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the su- 
preme court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such 
manner as the Legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the 
tenure of office in the inferior courts of the Kingdom shall be such as 
may be defined by the law creating them. 

"'Aeticle 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law 
and equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom, 
and tieaties made, or which shall be made under their authority, to all 


affecting public ministers and councils and to aU esses of admir- 
alty and maritime jurisdiction. 

^AsTiGLE 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the 
ehancelior of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the nobles 
in aU cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself, and exer- 
dae sach jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law may confer 
opoB him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision of the 
6ii]ffieDMi cQurt <Mi appeal. Should the chief justice ever be impeached 
fiome person speciaUy commissioned by the King shall be president of 
the ooort of impeachment during snch trial. 

"^'Articlb 69. The decisions of the supreme court, when made by 
a majority of the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon all 

^<Abticls 70. The King, his cabinet, and the legislative assembly 
fikall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the 
sapreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn 

"'Abtici-b. 71. The King appoints the justices of the supreme court 
i&d all other judges of courts of record ; their salaries are fixed by law. 

^ ^Abtigls 72. Ko judge or magistrate can sit alone on an appeal or 
Dew trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judgment. 

"*Aktici-e 73. No person shall ever hold any office of honor, trust, 
or profit under the Government of the Hawaiian Islands who shall, in 
due course of law, have been convicted of theft, bribery, perjury, 
for^ry, embezzlement, or other high crime or misdemeanor, unless he 
shall have been pardoned by the King and restored to his civil rights, 
and by the express terms of his pardon declared to be appointable to 
offices of trust, honor, and profit. 

^*Artiglb 74. No officer of this Government shall hold any office 
orreedve any salary from any other Government or power whatever. 

^-Abticlb 75. The Legislature votes the appropriations biennially, 
after due consideration of the revenue and expenditures for the two 
preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditures of 
the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the 
Binister of finance. 

^^^ Article 76. The enacting style in making and passing all acts 
sod laws shall be, '' Be it enacted by the King and the legislative 
Msembly of the Hawauan Islands in the Legislature of the Kingdom 

**' Article 77. To avoid improper influences which may result from 
intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper 
relation to each other every law shall embrace but one object, and 
fiat shall be expressed in its title. 

"^Article 78. All laws in force in this Kingdom shall continue and 
Kmain in full effect until altered or repealed by the Legislature, such 
partB only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All laws 
Wetofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are con- 
trary to this constitution shall be null and void. 

"*ARTictJE 79. This constitution shall be in force from the twentieth 
day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, 
but that there may be no failure of justice or inconvenience to the 
Kingdom from any change, all officers of this Kingdom, at the time this 
constitntion shall take effect, shall have, hold, and exercise all the 
pov«r to them granted until other persons shall be appointed in their 

^^ABTidiS 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution 


may be proposed in the legislative assembly, atfd if tbe ssime shaU be 
agreed to by a majority of the members thereof, such proposed amend- 
ment or amendments shall be entered on its journal, witb the yeas and 
nays taken thereon, and referred to the next Legislature; which pro- 
posed amendment or amendments shall be published for three moQtha 
previous to the next election of representatives; and if in the next 
Legislature such prox)osed amendment or amendments shall be agoeed 
to by two-thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and 
be approved by the King, such amendment or amendments shall 
become part of the constitution of this country. 

" i Ejlhehambha B,^ » 
(Pp. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, and 33.) 

Joint resolution of the Hatcaiian Legislature of 1856. 

^^^Resolvedy That whereas it is desirable to codify our existing laws, 
His Eoyal Highness Prince Kameiiameha, the honorable W. L. Lee, 
chief justice, and the honorable George M. Robertson, associate 
judge of the supreme court, are appointed a committee to prepare a 
complete civil code, adding notes with reference to important decisions 
of court under the laws, wherever they may think necessary, and to 
report the same for the sanction of the Legislature of 1858, with an 
appropriate index for facility of reference'" (p, 39). 

Comment on legislative provision for publication ofRaioaiian law reports. 

<<<It may not be inappropriate in this connection to state that so 
highly esteemed are some of the dicta of our Hawaiian courts abroad 
that their decisions have in more than one instance been quoted in 
some of the higher courts of the United States. This is no small honor 
to be attained by a nation which, one generation only ago, had no law 
but the "word of the chief'-' (p. 40). 

XX. List sHowiNa that a vbey small propobtion op thb 


" Tlie courty Oovernment officers^ etc. 

" TJie court. — ^His Majesty Kamehameha V, bom December 11, 
1830. Ascended the throne November 30, 18G3. Son of Kinau and 
grandson of Kamehameha I. 

<' Her Majesty Queen Dowager Ealama, relict of His M^je^ty Kaui* 
keaouli, Kamehameha IIL 

<' Her Majesty Queen Dowager Emma, relict of His Majesty Alex- 
ander Liholiho, Kamehameha lY. 

" Privy council of state. — His Majesty the King. Their excellencies 
the ministers; the governors of Oahu, K^auai, and Maui. Her excel- 
lency the governess of Hawaii. His honor the chancellor of the 

<< H. A. Kahanu, S. N. Castle, E. 6. Davis, A. Fomander, C. Kanaina, 
C. R. Bishop, P. Y. Kaeo, P. S. Kalama, W. Hillebrand, W. C. Luna- 
lilo,T. S. Staley, J. W. Makalena^ W. P. Kamakau, G.Ehodes, J. Mott 
Smith, T. C. Heuck; secretary, D. Kalakaua. 

^^The cabinet — His Mtgesty the King; minister of foreign relations, 
his excellency G. de Variguy; minister of the interior, ink exc^ency 


F. W. HatcbiaoQ: minister of ^nanoe, his exeellency O. 0. Hams; 
tttorney-general, Hon. S. H« Phillips. 

''^iirMti of imfrfto ifMAruc^Um. — President, Hon. W. P. Kamakau; 
members, G. O. Harris, 0. de Yarigny, F. W. Hutchison, aod Bishop 
i^ey; inqiector-general of schools, A. Fornander; secretary, W. J. 

^Aireav tnsm^o^ion. — ^President, minister of the interior^ members, 
0. B. Bishom G. O. Harris, D. Ealakaaa, W. Hillebrand. 

^AfH^eme cauart. — Chief justice, E. H. Allen; first associate justice, 
Hod. A.S. Hartwell; second associate justice, Hon. H. A. Widemann; 
derk, L. McOnUy, esq.; assistant clerk, W. Humphreys, esq. 

^ Oireuit judges. — First circuit, Oahu, Hon« W. P. Kamakau ; second 
diaiit, Miuii, Hon. A. J. Lawrence; third circuit, Hawaii, Hods. D. 
E. Kaii^iaakai, O. F. Hart, and B. A. Lyman; fourth circuit, Kauai, 
Hon. D. McBryde. 

^Board of health. — President, minister of the interior; members, W. 
HilM>rand, M. D.; Godfrey Rhodes, W. P. Kamakau, T. 0. He^ick; 
port physiciaD, A. O. Buffum. 

^Oavemmeni officers. — Jailer, Oahu prison, Oapt. J. H. Brown; col- 
leetor-gen^ral of customs, W. F.Allen, esq.; postmaster-general, A. 
P. Brickwood, esq.; registrar of conveyances, Thomas Brown, esq.; 
npsrintendent waterworks, Capt Thomas Long; superintendent pub- 
He works, Bobert Sterliug, esq.; harbor master of Honolulu, Oapt. 
Milt Meek ; pilots in Honolulu, Oapts. A. Mclntyre and 0. S. Ohad- 
lidt" (p. 75). 


To ike Editor of the Herald : 

The revolution in the Hawaiian Islands, resulting in the deposition 
of the QoeeQ and the establishment of a provisional government, is an 
eient not anexx)ected to diplomatic, naval, and considar officers who 
kave had any acquaintance or fomiliarily with the course of affoirs in 
that island Kingdom for the past twenty years. 

To the people of the United States the present situation is of momen- 
toQs interest and qf vital importance. Indeed, it would seem that nature 
iod established that group to be tdtimately occupied as an outpost, as 
it were, of the great Republic on its western border, and that the time 
hi BOW come for the fulfillment of such design. 

A leasee at a chart of the Pacific will indicate to the most casual 
observe the great imiK)rtance and inestimable value of those islands 
u a strateiric point and commercial center. Situated in mid-north 
Pidiie, the group looks out on every hand toward grand opportunities 
of trade, inditical aggrandizement, and polyglot intercourse. 

To the north and northwest it beckons to the teeming populations of 
(Xsukf Japan, Korea, and Busaian coast of Asia; to the north and 
nflitheasti it calls to Alaska and British Columbia; to the east it bows 
ta the imperial domain of the western United States, holding out its 
eonfiding bands for closer clasp and more biuding tie; to the southeast 
it Bods to Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Chile; 
to Oie south and southwest it salutes the growing influence and tropic 
^Vpartnnities of Australia, New Zealand, and the numerous island 
gnnps omstitoting Polynesia. 

In chief oomraercial point, Honolulu, is already a port of call for our 
liM of steaioaiiips to Japan and Polynesia, and for the Brituk UnM 


to "Sew Zealand and Australia from Vancoaverr Tbat port also standa 
directly in the track of the commerce that will flow through the Kicara- 
goa Canal when that great commercial need is completed. Indeed, in 
that coming day the enchanting coral, reef-locked harbor of Honolulu 
will hardly suffice to take in the ships that will put in there. 

The interests in the group are mainly American, or substantially 
connected commercially with the United States. In the palmy days of 
the whale fishery the ports of Honolulu and Lahaina used tor be packed * 
at certain seasons of the year with the ships of that great and adven- . 
turous industry. 

The advent of our missionaries at the islands'in 1820, and the excel- 
lent work they did there, won the hearts of the natives and increased 
American influence. The treaty of reciprocity made with King Kala- 
kaua in 1875 welded in closest bonds the ties of friendship and trade, 
and gave to the group its present wealth and prosperity. 

The group now seeks annexation to the United States; the consum- 
mation of such wish would inure to the benefit of both peoples, com- 
mercially and politically. Annex the islands, constitute them a terri- 
tory, and reciprocal trade will double within ten years. Let the island- 
ers feel that they are once and forever under the folds of the 
American flag, as part and parcel of the great Bepublic, and a develop- 
ment will take place in the group that will at once surprise its people 
and the world. 

Kot to take the fruit within our grasp and annex the group now beg- 
ging us to take it in would be folly indeed — a mistake of the gravest 
character, both for the statesmen of the day and for the men among us 
of high commercial aims and great enterprises. 

Our statesmen should act in this matter in the spirit and resolve 
that secured to us the vast Louisiana purchase, the annexation of 
Texas, and the acquisition of California. The administration that 
secures to the United States the *< coign of vantage" in the possession 
of those beautiful islands will score a great measure of beneficent 
achievement to the credit side of its account,. 

But in the path of annexation England will throw down the gauntlet 
of protest and obstruction. To that end she will bend all the powers 
of her diplomacy; all the cunning of her foreign-office procedures; all 
the energy, unwearied efibrt, and unvarying constancy that has ever 
made her secretly hostile in her diplomatic methods and commercial 
policies to the welfare, growth, and advancement of the United States. 

She wants to gather the group under her own control; she would 
like to Egyptianize that vital point in the Pacific; she burns to estab- 
lish a Pacific Bermuda off our Western coast, to hold the same relation 
toward the ports of Esquimalt and Victoria on Vancouver Island that 
Bermuda bears toward Halifax, all^ strongly fortified, connected by 
cable with Downing street, and stored with munitions of war. 

Let the British lion once get its paw upon the group and Honolulu 
would soon become one of the most important strongholds of Great 
Britain's power. With her fortified port of Esquimalt dominating the 
entrance to Puget Sound, constituting an ever-standing menace to our 
domain in that region, she wants to supplement such commanding 
advantage by another stronghold at Hawaii, where, within six days' 
easy steaming from San Francisco, she could immediately threaten that 
port with one of her fleets in the event of the sudden outbreak of war. 

Great Britain will undoubtedly propose a joint arrangement for the 
government of the islands, but we want none of that — no entangling 
alliances. We have had enough of such business at Samoa. 


Jo; we want no joint protectorate, no occupation there by any Euro- 
pean power, no Pacific Egypt. We need tlie group as part and parcel 
of the United States, and should take what is offered us, even at the 
bazArd of war. 

Westward the star of empire takes its way. Let the Monroe doc- 
toe stay not its hand until it holds Hawaii securely within its grasp. 

Id this matter the undersigned speaks from personal knowledge, 
gained throng*!! official visits to the islands in 1874 and 1882, and could 
readily porsne the subject further and more into detail, but for the 
present forbears. 

George E. Belknap. 

ttooKLiNM, January 30, 1893* 





OF DECEMBER 20, 1893 : 

"KesoZrerf, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall inquire 
and report whether any, and, if so, what irregularities have occurred 
in the rliploinatic or other intercourse between the United States and 
Hawaii in relation to the recent political revolution in Hawaii, and to 
this end said committee is authorized to send for persons and pax>er8 
tad to administer oaths to witnesses." 



Washington, D. 0., December J37y 1893. 

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice. 

Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray, Sher- 
man and Frye. 
Absent: Senator Butler. 


The Chairman. Mr. Emerson, state your agef 

>lr. Emerson. I am 48. Bom in 1845. 

The Chairman. Wbere were you bornf 

Mr. Emrrson. I was born on the island of Maui, one of the Sand- 
wich islands. 

Senator Sherman, You are of American descent? 

Mr. Emerson. My father and mother were New Hampshire people. 

The Chairman. How long had your father and mother resided in 
Bawaii before your birth f 

ilr. Emerson. From 1832 to 1846. 

The Chairman. What was your father's vocation! 

Mr. Emerson. My father was a missionary. When I was bom he 
wag a missionary. He was a teacher then at the Government school 
-wa^ it was not a Government school; it was a missionary school. I 
am not sure about that. It was the only college where the natives 
went It was at Subiualuero, Maui. My father was stationed at Wa- 
ialoa, Oahn. It is thirty miles from the city. 

Senator Gray. Is that the principal island f 

Mr. Emerson. It is the island on which Honolulu is situated; it is 
the best port and the seat of the Government. 

Senator Gray. What is your vocation! 

Mr. Emerson. I am the Secretary of the Hawaiian Board of Missioi a. 

The Chairman. Are you a minister of the gospel, alsof 



Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was ordained in 1871 I was settled in the 
ministry first here, and was called in Jannary. 1889, to take this posi- 

The Chairman. Do you speak the Hawaiian tongue f 

Mr. Emerson. I do. I preach in it and think in it as well as in 
English, so far as the limitations of the language are not concerned. 

The Chairman. Is your father living! 

Mr. Emerson. No; he died in 1867. 

The Chairman. Have you relatives living in Hawaii! 

Mr. Emerson. I have three brothers living in the city of Honolulu. 

The Chairman. Was your father ever connected with the Govern- 
ment of Hawaii! 

Mr. Emerson. Ko. He was for a while road supervisor of the dis- 
tiict, because there was no one else to take the position, and also acted 
as surveyor of the district, which he surveyed, plotted, and divided to 
give the natives land to plant. He was several years doing that. 

The Chairman. Have you ever had any connection with the Hawaiian 

Mr. Emerson. I have not. 

The Chairman. Has either of your brothers been connected with the 
Hawaiian Government! 

Mr. Emerson. My brother, Dr. Emerson, was connected with the 
board of health ; Joseph Emerson with the survey. He was a civil engi- 
neer. My brother, Samuel Emerson, was one of the postmasters of the 
district where his home was. 

The Chairman. You have spoken of having been in the missionary 
school. Where did you complete your education! 

Mr. Em:er60N. I entered the sophomore class of Williams College, 
and took my three years' course in the theological seminary of Andover. 

The Chairman. Were your brothers educated in Hawaii! 

Mr. Emerson." We were educated in the preliminary Oahu College, 
at Punahou, and then my brothers came on to this country to be edu- 

The Chairman. Were you in Hawaii during the month of January. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; I was in Honolulu. 

The Chairman. Weie you residing in Honolulu at that time! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes, my home was in the city. 

The Chairman. How long had you resided there! 

Mr. Emerson. Since January 23, 1889 — since my connection with 
the secretaryship of the Hawaiian Board of Missions. 

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the existence 
of revolutionary purposes amongst the people of any of the cities of 
Hawaii or of Honolulu! By Hawaii I mean the entire group of islands, 
the whole country. 

Mr. Emerson. I think the whole thing culminated the last week of 
the Legislature. The first significant utterance I know of was a remark 
made by a gentleman after the passage of the lottery bill. He said : 
*< Kather than have that lottery bill pass and become a law of the land 
I would be willing to take up my musket and fight." 

The Chairman. That was the last week of what! 

Mr. Emerson. That was the last week of the Hawaiian Legislature. 

The Chairman. When was that! 

Mr. Emerson. Saturday, the 11th of January, was the last day of 
the session. 

The GHiiRMAN. Was the Legislature prorogued! 


Mt. Emsbson. It was prorogued at noon. 

T]}6 Chaibman. That was the first intimation yon had that there was 
a revolntionary intent existing in the minds of any persons there! 

Mr. £m£BSOn. I should say that was the first clear intimation; but 
fh«« was a constant feeling in the air — talk during those days when 
the Queen and Lef^rislature were coming out more and more in support 
of the opium, the distillery and the lottery bills. 

The Chaxbman. How many days was this before the 14th of January 
that you heard this remark made! 

Mr. Embbson. I think it was two or three days. I can not recall 
exactly; but it wa« during that week. It was while the lottery bill 
nis being cpnsidered — I think it was either Thursday or Friday that 
that bill was signed by the Queen. 

The Chairman. Did you hear any other persons make use of ex- 
pressions of a similar character before the time that the outbreak 
occurred f 

Mr. £m£BSON. A great many times I talked the matter over with 
ny brother, the surveyor. I heard him speak with a good deal of 
Tehemenee against the Queen, feeling that the time might come, 
before long, when there ought to be a change. And in fact this talk 
had been the talk since 1887 — not a very common talk. 

Senator Gbay. Not a very common talkf 

Mr. Embbson. Not a very common talk, although among some per- 
htps it was more common than among others. I had not made up my 
mind that there should be a change, so long as the Queen lived, until 

Senator Fbye. The 14th of January! 

Mr. Embbson. The 14th of January. 

The Ghaibman. Did you contemplate, aud^did you know that others 
(ODtemplated, that at the death of the Queen there would be an efibrt 
Bade to establish a new form of government in Hawaii? 

Mr. Embbson. Nothing that had crystallized into shape, nothing 
tiiat I knew of that had crystallized iuto a plan. 

Senator Fbye. I would like to know, if the committee have no objec- 
tion, what determined Mr. Emerson to change his mind and conclude 
tiiat the Queen ought to be deposed, he having been a royalist up to 
Uie 14th of January. 

The Ghaibman. Let tne ask fir^t whether Mr. Emerson was in senti- 
ment a royalist up to the 14th of January. 

Mr. Embbson. I will say that, from the beginning of the reign of the 
Qoeen until the very last — I would not say the last week, but toward 
those last days — until the Queen's Legislature and the powers of the 
wort seemed to go the wrong way, I was a supporter of the Queen, 
kooestly so, and spoke in favor of her, not believing that she was a 
noral woman, but, perhaps, as a ruler not so bad as some might think. 
But during tho^ last days I saw more and more clearly, until Satur- 
day, when it was plain to me that the change must come. 

The Ghaibman. During that period of which you speak, were you 
in tavor of a monarchy in Hawaii, or were you desirous of having a 
republic established? 

Mr. Emebson. I think I felt a good deal as Judge Judd said, so long 
as oor Hawaiian chiefs lived, that is, those who were really of the line, 
Muithey continued to reign — so long as they behaved themselves, I 
i<4tthat I was a royalist, a loyal man to the Government; yes, sir. 

Senator Gbay. Because you thought it best for all interests! 

Mr. EuEBS07H» We did not see how we could 


The Ohaibhan. Improve the matter f 

Mr. Embbson. Improve the sitaation. The matter of annexation to 
this country waa not plain; the matter of establishing a republic 
seemed to be a questionable thing. 

Senator Gray. If you were a sincere royalist, as you say, it was 
because you believed the best interests of the islands would be sub- 
served by that form of government f 

Mr. Emebson. Yes, I did so believe to the last. 

Senator Fbte. On or about January 14 you changed your opinion 
as to the ][^ropriety of continuing the Queen in power t 

Mr. Emebson. I think it was associated first with the action of the 
House of Representatives, when there was a departure of some of the 
gentlemen, some of the white men who were members of the Legis- 
lature, to their homes — when there was a minority of those who were 
for reform measures, for good government, and there was a majority- 
claimed to be a majority— of those who were for spoils — for lottery, 
opium, and so on. 

Senator Gbay. If those who favored reform measures had remained 
would there have been a majority that wayf 

Mr. Emebson. Yes; there would have been a majority. I do not 
think the lottery biU could have been carried through. I saw how 
things were working. This Legislature was bribed, evidently it was 
bribed. It was the common talk of the natives that it was being 
bribed, and the Queen began to disclose her thorough sympathy with 
that party. The passage of the distillery bill and the opium bill, which 
are destructive biUs, would have killed off the natives. Then there 
was the passage of the lottery bill, and afterwards the discharge of the 
good cabinet, the Wilcox- Jones cabinet, and the putting in a most irre- 
sponsible cabinet. Then there was the proclamation, or an attempt to 
put into execution a new constitution. 

Senator Shebman. State what was the nature of that proposed 

Mr. Emebson. You mean of the constitution f 

Senator Shebman. Yes. 

Mr. Emebson. The constitution, it is said, was destroyed by the 
Queen, and some have said that the constitution was one that would 
disfranchise the white men. Those who were not married to native 
women would have had the vote taken from them. It was a constitu- 
tion that would have taken away the ballot from me. It would have 
taken from the people the power to elect the nobles and put it into the 
hands of the Queen. By the restricted ballot we were enabled, so far 
at least as the Legislature is concerned, to elect men of character who 
stood out against these measures of corruption. 

Senator Gbay. By a restricted ballot f 

Mr. Emebson. Yes; by a restricted ballot. 

The Ohaibman. You spoke of the Wilcox- Jones cabinet. What was 
the successor cabinet called f 

Mr. Emebson. The Parker-Oomwell cabinet — Oolbum and Peterson. 
I believe it was Peterson — GornweU or Peterson — ^who made the cabinet. 
They were the ones who made the cabinet. 

The Ghaibman. Who was premier in the last cabinet t 

Mr. Emebson. Wilcox was the one previously to that — ^I do not 
know — I think it was GornweU. I am not sure whether it was Oom- 
well or Peterson. 

Senator Pbye. What was the distillery bill of which you spoke f 

Mr. Emebson. As I understood it the idea was that tiiere would be 


great opportunity for makiug rum, making alcoholic drinks there from 
sagar-cane juice and other products, that it might be a means of rev- 
enue or wealth to the islands — enlarge the business. 

Senator Fbye. Encourage the opening of saloons! 

Mr. Embrson. It would have probably supplied cheaper drinks to 
the saloons. 

Senator Fbye. What was the opium bill? 

Mr. Emerson. It was a bill that legalized the sale of opium. I do 
Dot know just the nature of the bill, but it was one that made it legal 
to sell opium. 

Senator Prye. Have you been troubled there from the use of opium t 

Mr. Emerson. We have had a good deal of trouble. It has been 
smaggled into the country. There have been opium rings, and some 
of the men connected with the Government were connected with the 
rings, no doubt. There is no doubt that the chief marshal of the King- 
dom was. 

Senator Fryb. Whom do you mean; Wilson! 

Mr. Emerson. Wilson. There is no doubt about that. It is com- 
son talk — was common. You can hear it out on the street from every 
Qtber person almost. 

Senator Gray. Hearwhatf 

Mr. Emerson. That Wilson was connected with the opium ring, and 
tbait he was hand and glove in with Capt. Whalen, who was captain of 
I jieht 

sieDator Frye. A yacht used for smuggling f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And there were also men who had come there 
as smagglers and whom Mr. Wilson had handled gently. He had 
poonced upon Chinamen to keep up a show of maintaining the law — 
ioffle little Chinamen; but the great sinners were let go. 

S^ator Frye. Did those bills all pass that Legislature! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Senator Frye. By what majority? 

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure of the majority. 

Senator Frye. But they did pass, and the Queen approved them. 

Mr. Emerson. The Queen signed them. 

Senator Sherman. In that weekf 

Mr. Emerson. That week, as I remember. 

Senator Frye. And they were approved? 

Mr. Emerson. And they were approved. Protests were sent in by 
lading ladies of the city who had tried to stand between the Queen 
Hid temptation. We recognized her as our Queen , and we tried to stand 
between her and temptation. And I would like to say here that a good 
deal of what has been said of how the Queen was received is true. She 
vas received in our houses. She was on the throne, and we thought 
we must do so, to try to keep her from evil. I went with native paS' 
tore to tell her we would support her, remember her in our prayers, 
«id try to help her. Again and again that was done, not as a proof 
of ber eh'vracter, but to get as good a -Queen as we could in the coun- 

Senator Gray, flow did the Queen receive youf 

Mr. Emerson. As she is very capable of receiving — ^in the most 
«wffteou8 and kindly way. And she also reciprocated our sentiments 
JB i spirit not only enlightened but in seeming sympathy with us, as 
^ did the ladies who waited upon hept And the very next move she 
Blade vas to sign the lottery bill, 

ft Jtep. 227 13 


The GHAifiMAN. Was the Queen a commanicaiit in any of the 
churches f 

Mr. Emebson. I think she was not a communicant in any church; 
she went around to different churches. 

Senator Geay. Was she an avowed Christian t 

Mr. Emerson. I think not an avowed Christian. 

The Chairman. Do you mean that she adhered to the pagan ideas f 

Mr. Emerson. She received Kahunas, sorcerers, in the palace. 

Senator Gray. Do you know that of your own knowledge f 

Mr. Emerson. I know it as well as I do my own existence. 

Senator Gray. Do you know it of your own knowledge? 

Mr. Emerson. I never saw the Kahunas there; I know the man who 
was at her right hand sent out a proclamation for the restoration of 
the Kahunas. I know that man, for I have talked with him, and 
charged him with his wickedness. 

The Chairman. Now, I want to get at this cabinet business; I speak 
of the Comwell-Peterson cabinet, the last one. How long was that in 
existence before the revolution occurred f 

Mr. Emerson. I cannot be perfectly sure. I think the old cabinet 
was voted out Friday, and that cabinet was appointed Dhe same day. 

Senator Frye. The Friday before the revolution! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Didany of the minist-ers of the Wilcox- Jones cabinet 
join the Queen in signing any of these bills — the opium biU, the distillery 
bill, or the lottery bill f 

Mr. Emerson. I cannot say yes or no; but my opinion is that they 
stood out against it. 

The Chairman. You do not know whether the later cabinet, the 
Corn well-Peterson cabinet, signed those measures with the Queen! 

Mr. Emerson. The later cabinet, as I understood, did support her. 

Senator Gray. The cabinet that was appointed on Friday! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes, sir; I think it was Fnday. 

Senator Sherman. The cabinet that was appointed on the 13th f 

The Chairman. [ understand we have a constitution of Hawaii, and 
I understand it is required by the constitution of Hawaii that in order 
that a bill may become a law after it has passed the Legislature, it is 
necessary that it be signed by one member of the cabinet along with 
the Queen! Is that the &«t! 

Mr. Emerson. I can not say as to that. 

The Chairman. You do not know. 

Mr. Emerson. No. 

The Chairman. Before going to more particular inquiries as to your 
knowledge of the incidents of the revolution, I would like to ask you 
something about the state of the education amongst the native popu- 
lation in Hawaii — ^I mean now all the islands. 

Senator Frye. Do you mean the Kanakas! 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Emerson. We have a very good system of public schools. They 
are taught most of them by white men or women, some coming from 
California and some farther east. All these teachers are not t^u^hers 
such as would be classed as supporting the highest moral and religions 
principles, but a good many of them are fine men and women. 

Senator Gray. Do you mean that they are ail white men and 

Mr. Emerson. Most of them. 


Senator Gray. What do yon mean by " supporting ^he highest moral 

Mr. Emebson. I mean in certain cases charges have been brought 
against some. I know charges to have been brought against a teacher, 
and so soon as he was found guilty of immorality he was removed. 

Senator Gray. White men ! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. I know of schools that are taught by a grad- 
uate of our female seminaries. 

The Chairman. I have seen it stated that every person in Hawaii 
and all these islands, who is above eight years of age, can read and 
write. Are you prepared to sustain that statement from your own 
observation f 

Mr. Emerson. I believe I would have to look a long while to find a 
single person who is over twelve years of age .who can not read or 
write — among the natives; not the Portugese. 

Senator Gray. Ajnong the natives of the Sandwich Islands. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. As a rule, in your pastoral intercourse among them, 
have you found the native Hawaiians to be an intelligent, thoughtful 
people f I am asking now with regard to the native population, the 

Mr. Emerson. I have been greatly grieved to find — speaking of my 
relations to them religiously — a growing increase, it seems to me, of a 
superstitious sentiment, and that sentiment would argue a rather low 
state of religious life in the churches, which 1 am sorry to acknowledge 
is the case. * 

The Chairman. Now, asking more particularly of practical affairs, 
everyday life, do you find the native Hawaiians intelligent people, 
susceptible to instruction; are they thoughtful or are they otherwise t 

Mr. Emerson. Well, sir, they are Polynesians, and as Polynesians, 
bright and intelligent as they may be, they have certain marked defects 
in their character. 

Senator Sherman. How as to honesty and integrity in their deal- 

Mr. Emerson. There are some pretty bad characters among them. 

The Chairman. As a genaral rule, taking the native classes as a 

Mr. Emerson. If I could institute a comparison, it seems to me that 
they stand a good deal on a par with the negro, although my sympa- 
thies are with them, perhaps, and my kindness is with them more than 
with the negro. I feel that they are very loveable, happy, and in many 
ways bright, interesting people. 

Mr. Chairman. Kind-hearted and benevolent f 

Mr. Emerson. Kind-hearted and benevolent to a fault. But they 
are improvident ; they are averse to labor; and if I were going to 
mention one thing which those Hawaiians need taken away from them, 
I would say that they need less government affairs and more interest 
in business attairs, in industry. If the brighter young men instead of 
itching to get into the legislature, to pose as statesmen or as speech- 
makers, would be more interested in getting to work and getting homes, 
building up homes, it would be vastly better for that people. That 
seems to me one of the great faults with them. 

Senator Sherman. They are fond of office! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes, they Jire fond of office. They get two dollars 
and fifty cents a day as legislators; they think that a good deai. 


Senator Geat. But you think they need to be led by a superior 
class f 

Mr. Embbson. I think they need to be led by a superior class, and 
inevitably they will be. 

The Chairman. Are they a people who are easy to be controlled, 
easy to be led, or are they rebeUiousf 

Mr. Emebson. No; they are easily led, and, being easily led, they 
are easily made suspicious; that is, there has been an attempt during 
the Kalakaua reign, after he went to the throne, to create race preju- 
dice, and he did it after he got on the throne, although the white man 
was his best friend. It was so during the late revolution, since the de- 
thronement of the Queen and before that, during the meeting of the late 
Legislature. There has been a constant attempt on the part of such men 
as Bush and Wilcox and others to stir up race feeling, and the natives 
in the city of Honolulu have been influenced in that way. They go with 
a rush, as it were, with this current, led by this bad literature, and the 
churches and Christian life have suffered from it. 

The Chairman. You are speaking of the city of Honolulu. Does 
that occur throughout the islands? 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; wherever the henchmen of the Queen are, 
wherever there are persons subservient to her ideas, to ideas which 
have been inculcated into them by the city of Honolulu. Those men by 
their speeches have been enabled to lead the people. One of the 
strongest elements working against them are the Kahunas. 

Senator Gray. What are theyf 

Mr. Emerson. The sorcerers. 

Senator Sherman. The heathen f 

Mr. Emerson. They are the people who practice fetichism upon the 
superstitions of the people. 

The Chairman. Native Hawaiiansf 

Mr. Emerson. Native Hawaiian s. In 1868 Kamehameha V granted 
licenses to these medicine men to practice according as they knew the 
art, according as they professed to know the art. 

The Chairman. What is the art! 

Mr. Emerson. The natives are adepts in mctssagey with fetichism 
in the background. 

Senator Gray. Kamehameha Y granted licenses according to their 
proficiency in the art of medicine, not the art of sorcery! 

Mr. Emerson. No; he granted licenses to them as professed sor- 
cerers; he granted licenses to the Kahunas. 

Senator Gray. Did he grant licenses except when the applicant ex- 
hibited some proficiency in the art of medicine! 

Mr. Emerson. He granted a license to any man — I do not say to 
any man; but licenses were given to those who claimed to be proficient, 
medicine men who were called Kahunas. There is a minimum use of 
drugs that these men associate with their practice, and a large — a mini- 
mum of knowledge I should say; I do not know much about their use 
of medicine — and a large appeal to superstition. For instance, I know 
of one man who had 

Senator Gray. What I want to know is, whether Kamehameha 
granted licenses to those men on account of their knowledge of sor- 
cery alone or on account of some professed knowledge of medicine! 

Mr. Emerson. He granted licenses to them as men professing to 
have knowledge of the art of healing. 

The Chairman. Are the Hawaiiaus — I speak generally of the native 
populatioa-^located in their separate homes ! 


Mr. Embrson. Tbey are more in the countr/ than in the city. In 
tiie city there is more mixing up of home life. In the city of Honolulu 
it is yery unfortunate; there is a good deal of that. 
Senator Grat. Of what! . 
Mr. Emrbson. Mixing up of home life. 

The Chaisman. Speaking of the country. Have the Hawaiian 
£iiDilies habitations in which they reside as families f 
Senator Shbbman. That is, separate homes. 
The CHAiRMAJi. Yes, separate homes. 
Mr. £m£BSON. Yes. 

The Chairman. Are those homes as a rule comfortable! 
Mr. Emerson. Kot according to Anglo-Saxon ideas. Some of them 
ue. For instance, in my tours through the islands I have stopped 
sometimes at the native man's house, the judge's house. That man gets 
a larger salary, and, of course, he can keep a better house, and he has 
some knowledge of cookery. But the vast majority of the natives' 
homes I would not like to state them to be comfortable. 
The Chairman. Are they constructed of wood! 
Mr. Emrrson. Mostly frame houses. 

The Chairman. As a rule, do the natives build them themselves! 
Mr. Emerson. I think as a rule they do, perhaps those who are able 
to put up simple buildings such as they use. 

The Chairman. Do they have fields, gardens, and orchards about 

Mr. Emerson. Very rarely. Kow and then you will find a native 
nan who has a garden near his house. But I will say this, that gen- 
erally the native has to have afield where he can raise his rice, his taro, 
bis potatoes; his home may be on a hill or down by the seashore. If 
the seashore, he is a fisherman, and his yard is a barren place. 

The Chairman. The habitations are arranged to suit the particular 
ealling in which the family is engaged? 
Mr. Emerson. Some of them have thatched houses. 
The Chairman. In their domestic relations have you found them 
to be affectionate toward each other — peaceful f 

Mr. Emerson. I think it may be stated that they are affectionate 
and generally peaceful. 

The Chairman. What is the tone of morality that prevails in the 
kouseholds, the family establishments throughout these islands? 

Mr. Emerson. Altogether there is too much of immorality — ^lack of 
ehagtity among the females. 

The Chairman. Would you say that this is the general rule, or only 
tiie exception f 
Mr. Emerson. I fear that I have to say it is the general rule. 
The Chairman. That the women are unchaste! 
Mr. Emerson. Yes. 
Senator Gray. Are they monogamists? 

Mr. Emerson. That is the law. But women will have two husbands 
Kmetimes, and a man sometimes two wives. But I will say this, that 
thae is an element 

Chairman. You do not say that those polygamous relatioi a are 
toiented by law f 
Mr. Emerson. No; we have a Christian law. 
Tbe CuAiRMAif. And these are transgressions of itf 
Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Seoafor Gray. Monogamists are tolerated by law. 
lie Chairman. Yes. 


Mr. Emebson. I would like to say there is in the inlands, I believe, 
an element which we are striving to raise up, a goodly remnant of the 
men and women who are mostly chaste. They are the girls in our 
seminaries and the young men in our boarding schools. 

The Ohaibman. You spoke, a moment ago, of some difference be- 
tween the missionary schools and the Government schools. Has the 
Government over there taken charge of the secular education? 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Tlie Chairman. Complete charge! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Have the missionary schools ceased to be held! 

Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; we have three girls' schools and two boys' 
schools besides the Kamehameha School. 

Senator Sherman. Are they sustained by public or private contri- 

Mr. Emerson. Private contributions. 

The Chairman. Those you have just spoken off 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you have a public school system beside t 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Is that sustained by taxation of the people at largef 

Mr. PiMERSON. Yes. 

The Chairman. What sort of system is it; a good one! 

Mr. Emerson. I think there was an attempt to model it on our 
American system. 

The Chairman. What was the result of the attempt? 

Mr. Emerson. I think it has been a great success in that country. 

Senator Gray. How long has the system been in existence there! 

Mr. Emerson. The missionaries started to teach so soon as they 
went there. But I understand that Bichard Armstrong was the first 
president of the board of education. I am not sure when he became 
president of the board of education. 

Senator Gray. How long ago, about! 

Mr. Emerson. I should say in the neighborhood of forty years or 

Senator Gray. That is in addition to the general school system t 

Mr. Emerson. That was the public-school system. 

Senator Sherman. I would like to have you tell where you were on 
the 14th day of January. 

Mr. Emerson. That was Saturday! 

Senator Sherman. Yes. 

Mr. Emerson. I went to the prorogation of the legislature. 

Senator Sherman. The legislature was dissolved that day! 

Mr. Emerson. Dissolved that day. 

Senator Sherman. When was the first meeting of those who 
threatened to overthrow the Queen; when did that occur! 

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, that occurred on that Saturday 

Senator Sherman. Were you present! 

Mr. Emerson. I was not. 

Senator Sherman. Did you take any part in that! 

Mr. Emerson. I did not. 

Senator Sherman. Of whom was that composed — what class of 

Mr. Emerson. I think of those who were the merchants and the 


pUmters of the town. It was composed of the men who were, perhaps. 
most largely interested in good government. 

Senator Shsbman. To what extent did the native population par- 
ticipate in that meeting f 

Mr. Em£BSON. To no extent whatever, as I understood it. 

Senator Skebman. Was that meeting held in the eveniugt 

Mr. ExERSON. In the afternoon. 

Senator Sherman. Was any resolution passed at that meeting t 

Mr. Emerson. Beally, I know very little of what was done, except as 
I have read the newspaper accounts. As I understand it^ they ap- 
pointed a committee of safety. 

The Chairman. That is hearsay. Of course, we can get nearer to it 
than that. 

Senator Sherman. Have we the proceedings of that«neeting^ have 
they been published f 

Senator Gray. Yes. 

Senator Sherman. The proceedings of that first meeting! 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Senator Gray. When the resolutions were passed. 

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Sunday in connection with 
tiis movement, do you remember, the day following the 16th f 

Mr. Emerson. All I know is this: My brothers were interviewed. 
They are laymen, and they were asked to state what arms they had. 
My brother had two rifles, and he offered to loan one to another gentle- 
man. And they had plenty of ammunition. This was my brother 
Joseph, who was with me in the house. My other brother, Dr. Emer- 
son, mentioned that he had arms, too. And it was understood that a 
gentleman, a friend of ours, was making out a list of those who could 
nlly at any time. It would seem in that city we got rather used to 
this sort of thing. It was worked before, in 1887 ; it was worked in 
1S89, and it was by the rallying of citizens in 1889 that the rebellion 
was pat down. It was by the rallying of the citizens in 1887 that 
Kalakana was made to accept the constitution, and it could be done 


Senator Sherman. What was done that Sunday f 

Mr. Emsrson. A list was gotten. 

Senator Sherman. What occurred on Monday, the 16th f 

Kr. Emrrson. I will say that during all this time there was intense 
feehng. We felt it in the church and felt it on the street, although the 
natives were quiet. You could always tell there was a good deal of 
iS^eling among white men, too. Monday morning I went down to my 
office. I remember being so excited. Perhaps this fact may bear a 
httie on the situation. We have a room there where we sell Bibles and 
other books. My clerk was sitting there, and two other native men, 
tod Mr. Hall came in. 

Senator Gray. Do you mean missionary menf 

Mr. Emerson. Kot missionary men^ they were native Hawaiian s. 

S^ator Gray. Aborigines Y 

Mr. Emerson. Aborigiues. I think there were two, my clerk, and 
the aborigines. I think I remember the name of oue, and the other — 
I koow his face perfectly. I do not know what his alliances were, 
vbether he.was a Queen man or not. But I will say this — the word 
vas called oat — "We are entirely through with this Queen; we will 
bte nothing' more to do with thi» Queen." I made the remark in the 
<Aee ID the presence of these nativesy and I was sustained by the 


white men and the natives and Mr. Hall. Such was my feeling at that 
time that I had no more allegiance for this Qaeen. 

Senator Sherman. That was the 16th f 

Mr. EiffEESON. Yes, sir. 

Senator Sherman. What day were the troops ordered there! Give 
the history of the event. 

Mr. Emerson. Then I went home to dinner, and in the afternoon I 
attended the mass meeting. Things culminated at the mass meeting. 

Senator Sherman. That was on the IGthf 

Mr. Emerson. The 16th, 

The Chairman. Where was that meeting heldf 

Mr. Emerson. In the skating rink. 

The Chairman. How many persons were present! 

Mr. Emers(J!n. From a thousand to fifteen hundred. Fifteen hundred, 
maybe. I sat fi*ont and could not say exactly. There were consider- 
ably over a thousand. 

The Chairman. Any Kanakas there f 

Mr. Emerson. My clerk came and sat with me. 

The Chairman. Any others! 

Mr. Emerson. I did hear of others being there. I believe there were 
some half- whites there. But it was a meeting mostly of white men, 
white citizens. There was most intense feeling. 

The Chairman. Who presided! 

Mr. Emerson. Mr. William Wilder. There was most intense feel- 
ing. Mr. Wilder opened the meeting and made a statement of why 
they were there. In brief, he introduced the speakers. I know Mr. 
Thurston was a speaker, and also a German who spoke, and there was 
an Englishman who spoke. There were a great many Portuguese 
there. I am not sure that there was a speech made in Portuguese. 

The Chairman. Do you recollect what Mr. Wilder said in opening 
that meeting! Do you think you can recall it so that you can state it 
to the committee! 

Mr. Emerson. !No, I can not. 

Senator Sherman. And how soon after that were the troops landed 
from the Boston? 

Mr.' Emerson. While this meeting was being held in the skating 
rink there was also a rally of the people who were the supporters of 
the palace, the Queen, in the palace square. I do not know how^ many 
were there. 

The Chairman. You were not present there! 

Mr. Emerson. I was not present, although my friend, Mr. Hooes, 
was with me. He was a chaplain in the United States Favy. And 
my brother was with me. They left me to go down the street to the 
Palace Square, to see what was going on. I think they said some five 
hundred or more were there, and that there was a good deal of feeling. 
And so strong was the feeling that the speakers did not dare excite 
the populace, but felt that the time had come for them to restrain their 
utterances, and their utterances were quite mild afterwards — ^they were 

Senator Sherman. They were for the Queen! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. And the feeling during all those days was that 
the Queen and the Queen's government had lost its grip on the situa- 
tion. During the meeting held in that skating rink I did not see any 
man with any arms whatever. I saw no sidearms, and they were 
within a block and a half of the barracks. But they did not dare 

Senator Gray. What did that meeting do other than declare against 


certain acts of the Governmeiitf Did it declare openly in opposition 
to the Queen Y 

Mr. Emsrson. So openly that when Mr. Baldwin said, " Let us goby the 
o>nstitational methods," they cried out, "No, no." And as I remember 
it the statement was made, " We have no more use for the Queen," or 
words to that effect. 
Senator Ghat. Who made that statement f 
Mr. Emksson. I could not tell you. 

Senator Gbat. Were resolutions passed other than those denounc- 
io^ certain acts of the Government which the meeting disapproved T 

Mr. EiCBRsoN. As I understand it the committee was empowered to 
go forward and act. 

Senator Sblebman. Follow that. B ow soon after that meeting closed 
iras it that the troops were landed from the Boston? 

Mr. EiCBBSON. My first knowledge of the landing of the troops from 
tbe Boston was when I went dowii the street. 
Senator Sherman. The same dayT 

Mr. Emerson. The same day; oh, yes, sir. It was after that meet- 
ing. I went to my home, and my brother and I went to Rev. Mr. 
Bishop's home. We knew there must be a good deal of feeling around. 
I said, "How about tonight; are they not going to patrolT" Mr. 
Bishop said, "The United States marines have been landed, so that 
there will be quiet observed." 

Senator Sherman. Were the marines landed before the close of the 
meeting f 
Mr. Emerson. Ko. 
Senator Sherman. They were notT 
Mr. Emerson. Oh, no; an hour or two afterwards. 
Senator Gray. Did you see any of the marines there f 
Mr. Emerson. I did not. 

Senator Gray. Then how did you know they were landed. 
Mr. Emerson. I was told by Mr. Bishop. 
Senator Sherman. At what hour was the meeting heldT 
Mr. Emerson. I think it was after 2 o'clock that we met. 
Senator Sherman. Were there, so far as you know, any organized 
anned forces on either side at the time, during the holding of this 
Mr. Emerson. I know of none. I know of no armed forces that were 
ifi ^ght. 

Senator Sherman. Did you know or hear of any that were in exist- 
ence ready to fight during the time the meeting was going onT You 
ay there was a meeting of both sides. 

Mr. Emerson. I had no knowledge of any forces that were at that 
time anywhere in sight, although that night — I will not say that night 
-I had the feeling that there were men in the city not only by the 
8cwe, but certainly over a hundred. 

Senator Sherman. You say that the day before they made a list of 
their stren^h. 

Mr. Emerson. Hundreds who would have risen had there been an 
Senator Sherman. But you saw no armed troops in the streets T 
Mr. Emerson. !No; my brother was ready at any time to take his 
fon and go, 

Tbe Chairman. At the time of the holding of the meeting of these 
^tizens, both at the skating rink and at the palace grounds, the Queen 
^ ber army f 


Mr. Emebson. Yes. The barracks were a block and a half Away. 

The Chairman. How many were in that arinyt 

Mr. Emebson. She was granted payment for only 60 or 70. 

The Ohaibman. In addition to that was there a police force T 

Mr. Emebson. There was a police force. I do not know how large, 
but I have heard say there were 80 in the station house. 

The Chairman. Were both of these forces, the civil and military 
forces, under the command of the same person T 

Mr. Emerson. No. 

The Chairman. Under the command of dififerent persons f 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Chaibman. Who commanded the military forceT 

Mr. Emebson. Capt. Nowlein. I am not sure about that. 

The Chaibman. Who commanded the civil force, the police forcet 

Mr. Emebson. As I understand, Mr. Wilson, the marshal, was at 
the head of the police. 

The Chaibman. Did they occupy the same quarters or differentf 

Mr. Emebson. They were nearly a mile apart. 

The Chaibman. You saw nothing of the police force as a body or 
the military force as a body at either of these meetings? 

Mr. Emebson. No. 

The Chaibman. Did you see them on the street that evening in mil- 
itary array? 

Mr. Emebson. No. There was a remarkable 

The Chaibman. There was then no exhibition of military force, nor 
exhibition of police forceT 

iSenator Gbay. Let Mr. Emerson finish his sentence. 

Mr. Emebson. There was a great hush about the streets. 

Senator Gbay. You were going to say remarkable. 

Mr. Emebson. There was an unusual aspect in the condition of 

Senator Gbay. You were going to say remarkably quiett 

Mr. Emebson. There was a particularly pex^uliar hush; yes. 

The Chaibman. During that afternoon or evening you saw no mili- 
tary or police force in bodies under their appropriate officer T 
• Mr. Emebson. No. 

The Chaibman. No display of that kind! 

Mr. Emebson. No. 

The Chairman. After the troops came in from the ship — ^the marines 
came in from the Boston^ where did they go? 

Mr. Emebson. This, of course, I got from reports. 

The Chaibman. You need not speak of anything but what you your- 
self know. 

Mr. Emebson. I know, this ^uuch — ^that company went up to Mr. 
Atherton's house. One went to the consuFs; I saw them there. One 
went to the minister's residence. 

Senator Gbay. Did they stay there T 

Mr. Emebson. Some twenty-five or so stayed with the consul. 

Senator Gbay. All night! 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. And another company, as I understand it, 
stayed at the minister's residence. I saw tents pitched there for them. 

Senator Gbay. Did you see men in themT 

Mr. Embbson. Yes. And at Mr. Atherton's there was no place fat 
them to stay; there being no place, they were removed. 

Senator Gbay. That evening? 

Mr. Emebson. That evening; yes. 


Senator SH£ir.kiAN. Who is Mr. Atlierton. 

Mr. Emerson. He is one of our leadiDg iinanciers, a wealthy man. 

Senator Sherman. He is not an oMcer of the Government T 

Mr. Emerson. No. 

The Chairman. A gentleman from Hawaii, Mr. Garter, sent me a 
blue print of the city of Honohihi, at least parts of it. I want you to 
look oyer that and see if the locations of the different houses corre- 
spond with your knowledge of the facts (exhibiting diagram). 

Mr Embrson ^examining). This is about the same as the diagram 
tJiat I made out tor myself; a smaller one. 

The Chairman. Are you prepared to say whether that is a correct 
drawing of the place f 

Mr. Emrrson [indicating on the diagram]. There is Mr. Atherton's 
lioujse. There IS the skating rink. Thatis the place where the maso meet- 
ing was held. There are the barracks around the corner. This was all open 
tbere^the Queen's military barracks. This is the palace, where the Queen 
was, the Government building, and that is the opera house, and this 
Arion Hall. 

Senator Gray. In this Government house beside are the chambers 
of the Government officers T 

Mr. Emerson. In fact, the treasury. All the archives are there. 

Senator Sherman. Where did our soldiers stand — ^there [indicating] 
or here [indicating]. 

Mr. Emerson. No; here [indicating]. The United States marines — 
I did not see them stand in arms, as stated. I remember going there. 
1 saw no marines, no guns trained on the palace. 

Senator Sherman. Behind that building T [Indicating.] 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; here [indicating] is the yard where they had the 

Senator Sherman. That is the opera house t [Indicating.] 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Where did those marines land! 

Mr. Emerson. As I understand, they landed down on the wharf, 

dNmt tliere [indicating]. 

Senator Gray. Not by the custom house T 

Mr. Emerson. No; they landed down here [indicating]. 

Senator Sherman. King street seems to be the leading street! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Merchant street — I think' they usually landed 

about there; it may be they landed there [indicating]. 
Senator Sherman. On what street did they go toward the palace t 

Mr. Emerson. I did not see them go up. But here [indicating] is the 

eonsnlate. Probably they would go right up this street here [in(ficating] 

ad up there [indicating] : or a squad might go up Nuuanu street to the 

icfation; another squad to the consulate; another squad up Merchant 

teet to Mr. Atherton's, and then back again to Arion Hall. There 

[iodicating] is the police station, within a block, just across the street, 

vhere Mr. Smith's committee of safety met — ^right under the nose of the 

plaice station. 
The Chairman. Show me the building on which the flag of the 

United States was raised. 
Mr. Emerson. lolani Palace. 
The Chairman. When was it first raised! 
Mr. Emerson. I think it was about two weeks after the landing of 

tk marines that I saw it. 
The Chairman. Two weefcs after the landing of the marines? 
Mr. Emerson. Yew. 
The Ghairhan. isetore tbe nag was raisea at all T 



Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Where were the troops at the time that flag waa 
raised T 

Mr. Emerson. They were quartered right here at Camp Boston. 

The Chairman. W here was the minister of the United States re- 
siding at the time that flag was raised over the Aliolani Hall T 

Mr. Emerson. Bight there [indicating]. 

The Chairman. Is that the palace usually occupied by the Queen T 

Mr. Emerson. The court has been at lolani Palace. 

Senator Sherman. Is the Queen's home within the bounds of the city 1 

Mr. Emerson.- Yes; the home is right there [indicating]. 

Senator Gray. Not the palace, but the Queen's home. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Senator Sherman. I 8upi>osed it was out some distance. 

Mr. Emerson. No. 

The Chairman. Mark where the Queen's home is. 

Mr. Emerson, llight there [marking]. 

The Chairman. You say you did not see the United States flag until 
two weeks after the landing of the marines T 

Mr. Emerson. That or ten days. I can not say how long; but it was 
considerably later. 

The Chairman. Were these troops that you saw quartered in this 
open park accompanied with a flag? 

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag of the United States was with each 
squad. Camp Boston was there [indicating]. 

Senator Gray. Was that where they were Friday night f 

Mr. Emerson. Not Friday night. 

Senator Gray. Monday night T 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Was this flag raised over Aliolani Hallf 

Mr. Emerson. Not until two weeks after. 

The Chairman. And they made their camp there f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And in the meantime the Queen had retired to her 
priyate homeT 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. She retired Wednesday. The home has 
always been kept open. 

The Chairman. Were you present when the flag was raised there T 

Mr. Emerson, No. 

The Chairman. Of course you know nothing about the orders on 
which it was donet 

Mr. Emerson. No. 

The Chairman. Are you pretty certain it was as much as two weeks 
after the landing of the marines before that flag was raised on Alio- 
lani Hall. 

Senator Sherman. He said seven or ten days. 

Mr. Emerson. I said in the neighborhood of ten days. 

The Chairman. If there had been a flag raised on these buildings 
prior to that time, would you have seen it! 

Mr. Emerson. I certainly would have seen it. There was a flag on 
the consulate and a great many flags in the street; on private houses 
they had American flags flying; but over the Government buildings I 
did not see it until some time afterwards. 

The Chairman. Was any Hawaiian flag flying at any timeT 

Mr. Emerson. I think the flag on the Government building was 
raised and kept up, the two together. 


The Chairman. You think the two together! 

Mr. EiEEBSON. Yea. 

The Chairman. Are yon certain of that T 

Mr. £m£RSOn. I am sure of that — so sure that it was a matter of 

Senator Sherman. That Hawaii and the United States were in 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Do you mean the flags were on the same staff! 

Mr. Emerson. I think not on the same staff. I am not sure about 
that. I think on different staffs. 

The Chairman. You spoke of the Government building. That is 
different from lolani Palace! 

Mr. Emerson. I do not know whether they had two staffs there or 
act But on the Government building I saw the two flags waving to- 

The Chairman. What time was the flag raised on the Government 

Mr. Emerson. I think' the same time it was raised on lolani Palace. 

The Chairman. You do not remember to have seen the flag of the 
United States on the Government building until you saw it on lolani 

Mr. Emerson. No. I am not sure of two flags on lolani Palace. 

The Chairman. You saw on the Government building two, on lolani 
Palace only one! 

Mr. Emerson. I am not sure about that. 

Senator Gray. What was the opium bill of which you spoke awhile 
ago, the one which was passed by the Legislature, and which was so 
objectionable to some of the good people of Honolulu. 

Mr. Emerson. I can speak only in general terms of it ; it was a bill 
legnlating^ the sale of opium. 

Senator Gray. Did you ever read it ! 

Mr. Emerson. I think I have read it : I am not sure ; I have seen 
it in the papers, the bills as they are published from time to time. 

Senator Gray. Can you recollect what the provisions of it were! 

Mr. Emerson. Ko. 

Senator Gray. You say that prior to the passage of that bill there 
lad been a bitter complaint about what was called the existence of an 
opimn ring, that smuggled opium into the islands! 

Mr. Emehson. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Was the importation absolutely prohibited — ^I mean 
prior to the passage of the bill! 

Mr. Emerson. I can not say just what the law was in regard to that; 
bat as I understand it there was — my impression is it was to be used 
in certain ways as a drug. 

Senator Gray. I want t6 know if you know. 

Mr. Emerson. I would rather say I do not know. 

Senator Gray. You say you do not know whether you read that bill 
« not I>o you know whether the bill that passed provided for the 
lioeDsing of the sale of opium under Government regalation! 

Mr. Emerson. According to my recollection that was the nature of 
tke bill — Government regulation of the sale. 

Sttiator Gray. What was the lottery bill! 

Mr. Ehersok. 1 was in the Legislature when that bill was p^ssodt 

The CHAiBMAif. Were you a member of the Legislature! 

Kfr Sxsssojf' ^0} I beg po-rdon, X w^s »>tteR(Ung, 


Senator Gbay. In the chamber T 

Mr. Emerson. I was in the chamber and saw the vote taken And 
heard the bill read. I can not state just the nature of tbe bill; bat it 
was a bill that granted a franchise to a certain number of persons to 
establish a lottery in that country. 

Senator Gray. For what purpose; did it state T 

Mr. £merson. As I understood it it was for their own 

Senator Gray. To raise revenue? 

Mr. Emerson. Five hundred thousand dollars was offered the Gov- 
ernment and an annuity. Then there was a rider put on by Mr. 
Thurston and Mr. Smith, the last thing before it passed, to the eflect 
that $125,000 — that there must be a certain putting down of that 
money, a d(*posit made to the extent of $125,000, before this body could 
operate. The idea was to stave off any attempt to do the thing unless 
the Louisiana lottery would take hold. They did not want the 
Louisiana lottery, and it would not be there unless the Louisiana 
lottery would take hold, and the question was whether the Louisiana 
lottery would take hold. 

Senator Gray. And they wanted a deposit of actual money f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. The feeling was to hamper the bill as much as 

Senator Gray. That rider was put on by the enemies of the billT 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 
. Senator Sherman. Does gambling prevail among the natives of 

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that it does to a large extent. The 
natives are led into it by Chinamen and by — I will say chiefly by 

Senator Gray. Participated in by whites at allT 

Mr. Emerson. I think the whites have their own way of gambling. 
I do not think they go to these little stalls and buy checks and 
gamble. It is the Chinese chefa game. 

Senator Gray. The Chinese have a distinct system of gambling of 
of their own! 

Mr. Emerson. That is the system that appeals to the natives. 

Senator Gray. Is there any gambling among the whitest 

Mr. Emerson. I suppose there is considerable. There is a certain 
class of whites which was associated with the Kalakauan throne. 

Senator Gray. I have been very much interested in the account 
you gave of the native population, of their disposition and habits and 
education. You say it would be very difficult, as I understood you, to 
find a person over 12 years of age who could not read and write! 

Mr. Emerson. I think it would be very difficult among the natives. 

Senator Gray. Do you think those people capable of self-govern- 
ment as we understand it heref 

Mr. Emerson. lean not answer that categorically; I must qualify 
it by saying this: The Hawaiian s are in the hands of two parties; one 
X)arty makes for righteousness and the other for spoils. 

Senator Gray. Do you think they are themselves capable of originat- 
ing or maintaining popular self-government ? 

Mr. Emerson. I think with their environment they can not do it 

Senator Sherman. I believe we have statistics here among the 
papers showing the increase among the Portuguese and the decline oi 
the Hawaiians. 

Senator Fryk, Yes. 

Tbe Chairman. The Portuguese go there by importatioQ. 


Mr. £m£rson. I think the a^ent went to the Azores and negotiated 
for certain laborers. They come from the islands. 

Senator Shsrilan. Are they not a good deal mixed; is there not a 
nixUire of Portugese and other Indian blood! 

Mr. Emerson. In some there is a mixture. I do not jnst know the 
fitoatiou in the Madeira or the group of the Azores Islands. 

Senator 6b ay. Are they not classed as suchT 

Mr. Emerson. We class them as European. 

The Chairman. In coming to Hawaii, do they bring their families f 

Mr. Emsrson. Many of them do. 

The Chairman. And establish homes? 

Mr. Emerson. Some of them are most indnstrious and thrifty. 

The Chairman. In establishing homes? 

Mr. Emerson. Tes. 

The Chairman. They represent a good industrious element? 

Mr. Emerson. We think it is a great gain. 

The Chairman. Are they difficult to control ? 

Mr. Emerson. We do not think so. 

The Chairman. I mean in their general demeanor in the comma- 

Mr. Emerson. I do not think so. They are a peaceful people. 

Senator Gray. Do they maintain their language or speak the Ha- 

Mr. Emerson. They speak Portuguese. 

The Chairman. Are they members of any church? 

Mr. Emerson. They are mostly Eoman Catholics; but most of them 
are prejudiced against the Jesuits. And my experience has been in 
the mission work that they are not very bigoted or under the control 
of the priests. They have no priests of their nationality there. There 
WIS no preaching in Portuguese until we introduced a preacher, and 
then they introduced one. 

The Chairman. Do the Portuguese build Catholic churches? 

Mr. Embrson. Ko. I do not think they have separate churches. 
We have two among the Portuguese. 

Soiator Gray. Missions among the Portuguese? 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

Saiator Gray. To convert them from Eomauism? 

Mr. Emerson. No. There was the nucleus of a protestant element. 
We have a school in our mission in Honolulu. We have a gentleman 
aad three ladies who have worked with him, and they have a day and 
night school, a kindergarten, and a good many children of Boman 
Catholic Portuguese go there to attend our schools. Our intention is 
to give them a biblical Christianity; it is not proselyting. One family 
alt^ another has come over to express their adherence. 

Senator Gray. Does the Catholic mission have churches? 

Mr. Emerson. It has its cathedral and out stations and its priests. 

The Chairman. When these Portuguese arrive do they go on the 
agar plantations in the country or stop in the town? 

Mr. Emerson. Those who come as contract laborers have to go on 
the sugar plantation. I do not think many are brought now as contract 

The Chairman. So that you regard them as a peaceM element of 

Mr. Emerson. I will answer in this way: My two brothers are con- 

^B^iiig a Sabbath school in connection with this mission, and they 

We more interest in the Portuguese work than in the Hawaiian work 


because they seem to think they have something to bnild up. And 
what they say has much truth in it. One of the elements of the islands 
is the element represented by the Portuguese people. 

The Chaikman. Are the Portuguese entitled to vote under the con- 
stitution T 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Being Europeans! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. They are entitled to that privilegeJn Hawaii with- 
out changing their nationality, without renouncing their allegiance to 
the foreign government T 

Mr. Emerson. I think all Europeans, Germans and all, who are 
domiciled in the land under certain conditions. I can not tell you the 
conditions that permit them to vote. While considering themselves 
American citizens, some of the white men have voted. They vote and 
act as citizens of that land. 

The Chairman. Eetaining their citizenship in their native land, they 
are permitted to vote in Hawaii under the constitution of 1887! 

Mr. Emerson. As I understand it. I do not know just what rela- 
tions the Portuguese Government permits. 

The Chairman. When the Japanese come to Hawaii do they bring 
their families! 

Mr. Emerson. I am sorry to say that the Japanese come there 
rather too promiscuously. Some of them are married men; but they 
tire of one wife and take another. 

The Chairman. The Japanese, if 1 understand you correctly, are 
introduced into Hawaii by an agreement between the two govern- 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do the overseers, controllers of these Japanese, 
come along from Japan! 

Mr. Emerson. There is an agent, a Mr. Irwin, who ships them from 
Japan. Of course, there are interpreters, men who go there to bring 
them over; just how, I could not say. 

The Chairman. Mr. Irwin is the agent of the Hawaiian Govern- 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And he resides in Japan! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And he sends out these Japanese to Hawaii! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. They come under a contract between the two gov- 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do they establish homes when they get there! 

Mr. Emerson. The Japanese are rather apt to be migratory. Now 
and then a bright, intelligent Japanese man will get a store. There 
are certain young men in Honolulu who are establishing stores in the 
city, and also the members of the legation. Barely you will find one 
who is married; they are young men. Their prospects in the island 
are good, but most of the laborers return. 

The Chairman. They come under a contract to return, do they not! 

Mr. Emerson. I believe they do. I suppose there is a contract to 

XU$ Qhaibjia?^? The t^Wii^se who come to Hei.wfw, are they brought 


under an arraDgement with the Govomment of China or do they come 
of their owu accord t 

Mr. Emsbson. In regard to these Government contracts, my knowl- 
edge is that as to the immigration of the Chinese they are limited, as 
in the case of the Japanese. As I understand it, there is a limitation 
upon their coining. 

The Chairman. Do you mean that a certain number may come 
within a year t 

Mr. £m£RSON. I can not say just what it is. 

The Chairman. When the Chinese arrive there, do they bring their 
bmilies with themf 

Mr. Em£HSON. I know this, the Chinamen are sending to China 
oft^ for wives. My cook said, ^^Mr. Emerson, if you will lend me 
t200 I can get a wife." 

The Chairman. In what kind of service are the Chinese employed 
m Hawaii T 

Mr. Emerson. The chief service is to their own people, rice planters. 

Soiator Sherman. And sugar planters T 

Mr. Emerson. There are not so many working the sugar plantations* 
Thai there are cooks in the cities. 

Senator Gray. Domestic servants f 

Mr. Ebeerson. Domestic servants. 

The Chairman. Have the Chinamen ownership over the lands 
where they raise ricet 

Mr. Emerson. I think it is mostly rented land. 

The Chairman. But they have farming establishments f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And they are engaged mainly in the raising of ricef 

Mr. Emjbrson. The Chinaman, I think, is quite an item in Hawaii, 
so to as his labors are concerned. There are quite a number of chil- 
dren (descendants of Chinamen are numerous); they are given to 
ttnying native wives, native women. 

The Chairman. How is the native population, the Kanakas, related 
to these different people— the Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese! 
Are they friendly t 

Mr. Emrrson. Friendly with anybody. A Chinaman can ingratiate 
hiB^f into the native's house. He will say, ^^ You put up a building, 
asd I will give you a certain rent." The Chinaman will run a store and 
psj the rent, and the native will live off it. The Chinaman will go into 
theeotmtry and say, ^^I will take your patch off your hand and plant 
tlie patch;" and the Hawaiian rents to the Chinaman, and he makes 
■oBey off it. It is a very great misfortune that the Hawaiian is being 
worked oat of his independence by this race. He needs protection. 

The Chairman. Do the native Kanaka women intermarry with the 
Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese T 

Mr. Emerson. I do not think the Japanese and Portuguese do. I 
tUnk there are quite a number of Portuguese women there; there are 
cntainly more Portuguese women than Chinese women. The Chinese 
are most apt to marry the natives. 

The Chairman. The native woman has no fastidiousness with 
Jtgud to marriage — she will marry a Japanese, a Chinese, or a Portu- 

Mr. Embrson. I think not^ if she get a chance to marry a Chinese 
or Portuguese. 

Senator Gray. Does she ever marry a white man? 

Mr. Emerson. When they can not get white husbands. 

a Bep. 227 13 


Senator Gray. Is there the same antipathy between the white race 
and the Hawaiian in Hawaii as between the white and the negro in 
this country? 

Mr. Emerson. I think not. The Hawaiian is to be amalgamated and 
a new race is to be formed there. 

Senator Sherman. Some of the royal family married Englishmen — 
some of the highest families of Hawaii. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Queen Emma's /ather was an Englishman, 
married to a native princess. Bernice Pauahi married Mr. Bishop, a 
banker. Idkelike, who is dead, married Mr. Gleghorn. Mr. Dominis 
married the present Queen. 

Senator Sherman. He was an Englishmanf 

Mr. Emerson. I do not know. 

Senator Sherman. He was not an Hawaiian T 

Mr. Emerson. Ko; he was a foreigner. There is a little too mucu 
mingling between the natives and the foreigners. 

Senator Frye. Did not our secretary of legation marry a native! 

Mr. Emerson. You mean the secretary of legation, Hastings? ISo} 
he married a pure white. 

The Chairman. Then, I understand you, it is the belief or expecta- 
tion that the population in Hawaii will change, so that the Kanaka will 
disappear ultimately and there will be an intermingling of the native 
element there of the various nationalities that come from other countries. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; he will disappear, and will take on a little dif- 
ferent personality. 

The Chairman. Disappear from the pure native f 

Mr. Emerson. I think it will ultimately work that way. Of course, 
for many years to come there will be pure-blooded natives. 

The Chairman. 1 will ask if it is your opinion that the native pop- 
ulation of Hawaii, the Kanakas, in view of the iiactd you have stated, 
are liable to become so powerful in government a« to be able to con- 
trol the other nationalities that have come into those islands, or have 
they lost the power to rule them? 

Mr. Emerson. I consider that they have lost that control already, 
and in my opinion they can never regain it. 

The Chairjian. From your acquaintance with the white element 
there, European or American, is there a disposition on the part of the 
white man to sustain whatever is good and virtuous in the native char- 
acter, or is there a disposition to trample it under foot — crush it outT 

Mr. Emerson. There are two classes out there quite distinctly 
marked. My plea is for the native Hawaiian ; we must see to it that 
he get out of the hands of the man who would make gain of himr 
and use him as his cat's-paw, and let him be governe I by those who 
will work for his best interests, and help him to be all the man he can 

The Chairman. Suppose such a thing as a Kanakan government, 
beginning with the Queen and going through all the different offices 
of the monarchy, where the right of voting would be coniined to the 
natives, and where the right to make laws and execute them would be 
with them, do you believe that that native population has a political 
strength and power sufficient to enable it to control those islands under 
those conditions f 

Mr. Emerson. N^o. There are certainly 36,000 Asiatics that they 
could not control — 36,000 adult male Ast'atics. Ten thousand Hawaii- 
ans could not control them. 


The Chaikman. Would they be received kindly by the white popu- 
lation in the islands T 

Mr. Embrson. No, because of the fact that the natives themselves 
are in two camps, so to speak. There is an element there, making for 
rigbteoasneas and an element making for heathenism. 

The Chaikman. Is the latter spreading T 

Mr. EM£RSOif. Spreading? It is like an ulcer eating right into the 
Titals. And the court was the center of that influence. 

The Chairman. The influence that tends to depravity f 

Mr. Em£RSON. That tends to depravity. Not only Kalakaua with 
luaopiam franchises, but the Queen herself with her opium bill. And 
the best natives in the Legislature felt that she was willing to sell the 
KVes of her people. 

Senator Gray. Do you think there are two elements among the 
white people t 

Mr. EirERSON. Yes. 

Senator Gbat. One bends toward gain and the other is for virtue f 

Mr. EacERSON. Yes. 

The Chairman. Which is the better clement T 

Mr. Emrrson. I believe the element that makes for righteousness is 
represented by the Provisional Government; although I will say that 
every government gathers around it people who are worthy and some 
who are not worthy. But I believe the most worthy elements are there. 
I will say this: I can take up my annual report and read names, and 
ytm will hardly find a name on that list that has contributed to the 
missionary work 

The Chairman. You are speaking of the religious part of the sub- 

Mr. Emrrson. That indirectly shows the character of the man. 

The Chairman. I am not speaking of that; I am speaking more 
pwtienlarly of the political aspect of the question. My questions are 
directed to that proposition. I understand that much the larger por- 
tion of the wealth of Hawaii is owned by white men, Europeans^ Amer- 
icans, and natives who are white, and that that class of people, if I 
mderstand you correctly, is in favor of making the Kanakas, the native 
population, all that can be made of them by moral, religious, and edu- 
citioual training? 

Mr. Emerson. I think I can give you an instance. W. O. Smith is 
the attorney-general, one of the leading men in the Government. His 
brother has given 1^12,000 to establish a girl's school — impoverished 
MiDi^elf— and his only sister is chief of that school. They had to dis- 
Bu» the principal. They are giving their lives to the Hawaiians. 

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas, representing in suc- 
eession the political government of Hawaii. 

Mr. Emerson. There was one, Lunalilo, who was connected with the 
Kamehamelia dynasty. He makes the sixth. 

The Chairman. There were five Kamehamehas and Lunalilo, who 
TU of the royal descent T 

Mr. £m£RSON. Not direct royal descent, but collateral. 

The Chairman. From another family, and they constitute the six 
SBcteeding nionarchs in Hawaii? 

Mr. £m£RSON. Yes. And Kalakaua was the last. 

The Chairmajv. And with Lunalilo expired the royal blood T 

Mt. Emerson. Yes. And one remains, who is a drunkard, Kumer- 
ttkea. He can never come to the throne. 

13be Chairman. During the reign of the Kamehamehas, commencmg 


with the second or third, according to my recollection of the chronology , 
the King began introducing the missionaries into his cabinet, his 
council f 

Mr. Emebson. Kamehameha III. 

The Chairman. Yes, one of them remained there a long while as 
chief of a department of the Government. 

Mr. Emebson. Yes, they resigned their missionary relations. 

The Chaibman. They gave u]> their missionary relations and became 
chiefs of the Government T 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. During all the time of the existence of these mon- 
archa, these Kings, was there any want of confidence between the 
monarch and the white element? When I speak of the white element, 
I mean those who are in favor of good government and religion. Was 
there any conflict between these Kamehamehas, or Lunalilo, and the 
white missionaries^ and those persons who where associated with themT 

Mr. Emerson. I think there was no conflict except on moral points. 
The missionaries were their most stanch supporters — ^loyal subjects. 

The Chairman. I want to know whether there was harmony of 
action between the Hawaiians and Kamehamehas and Lunalilo during 
their respective reigns. 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then it was later that the controversy arose be- 
tween the Crown and the missionary or white elementf 

Mr, Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. It arose then, as I understand it, during the reign 
of Kalakaua? 

Mr. Emerson. Kamehameha Y proclaimed a more autocratic con- 
stitution. He was criticised. We felt that he was somewhat of a 
heathen. In 1868 he granted these licenses to the native sorcerers. 
We felt that he was a man of great force of will. We felt that he was 
rather introducing heathen elemenfts. Although he was not squarely, 
flatly against the missionaries, yet they were not so much in sympathy 
wtih him as they were with Kamehameha III and Kamehameha lY. 

The Chairman. Kamehameha Y gave the new constitution f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chaibman. When Kalakana was put on the throne, was there 
any change T 

Mr. Emebson. No. 

The Chaibman. It was when Kalakaua was chosen king that the 
constitution of 1864 was changed? 

Mr. Emebson. The coup Wetat of Kamehameha Y was in 1864, and 
that constitution continued until 1887. 

The Chaibman. The point I was trying to get at is this, whether the 
first political disturbance between the white element and the monarchy 
was during the reign of Kalakaua. 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Chaibman. And from that time to this it has 'been more or less 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Chaibman. And this present revolution is the fruit or result of 
political movements that took place in the beginning of the reign of 

Mr. Embbson. Yes. 

The Chaibman. And not before! 

Mr. Emebson. I think not before. In 1854 I believe there was talk 


of acbange of government. That was because of certain difficulties that 
the King had with foreign relations, not internal relations, as I under- 
stand it. 

The Chairman. During all this period of time has there been, with- 
in your knowledge or belief, according to your understanding, a party 
of white people existing in Hawaii for the purpose of annexing Hawaii 
to the United States T 

Mr. Ehsrson. I think there has been, during the latter part of the 
reign of Kalakaua. I think there were people who looked to ultimate 

The Chairman. Was that because of designs on their part to over- 
throw the Government and force annexation, or because they were 
despairing of the power of the native element to rulet 

Mr. Emerson. I think the feeling was this : " Just so long as the pres- 
ent Government continuas, let us be loyal to that." I think that was 
the feeling of these men who finally achieved the revolution. 

The Chairman, They had been anticipating the fall of the dynasty f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. Some felt that Kalakaua ought to be the last. 
That was the feeling of a great many. 

The Chairman. Anticipating the fall of the Hawaiian dynasty — the 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And that led to the expectation — an earnest one — 
Mid hofie that the result would be that the Hawaiian Islands would be 
annexed to the United States T 

Mr. Emerson. Coupled with that anticipation of the downfall of the 
dynasty, was the wasting away of the Hawaiian people, ceasing to be 
the dominant people. 

The Chairman. That is what you have been looking to all the timeT 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

S^iator Gray. You think there was a distinct party there called the 
annexation party, or that the policy of annexation was approved by 
some people Y 

Mr. Emerson. I do not know of a distinct party that was crystaJized, 
hot there was that talk. 

The Chairman. What was the sentiment that you gathered from 
your association with the people over there, in the event that the 
Hawaiian monarchy is to perish; whether those people would prefer to 
pla^ themselves within the protection of the United States or Great 
Britain, or Grermany, or France, or Japan, or any other placet 

Mr. Emerson. So far as I have talked with my friends (and they put 
a f^ood many questions to me in regard to this matter), I feel that they 
prize above aU other things annexation to this country, that is, under 
the situation, seeing that they can not carry things themselves. The 
Hawaiian woald prefer to have the prominenciB which he has lost. But 
tbat he can never regain, and my sentiment is, and so far as I have 
talked with tfaem I have so expressed it, that they should get as near 
to the United States as they can, saying, '< You will then have as fully 
» yon can your rights of suffrage." 

Senator GRAY. Prior to that emeute of Saturday, when trouble 
»BWDenced was a majority of the people of Hawaii opposingthe Queen 
*wi in favor of annexing Hawaii to the United States? 

Ifr. EmersoK- Oil, no. 

TheCHAiRatAi^. You mean all the people! 


Senator Gray. All the people. Was a majority of the people oppos- 
ing the Queen, and in favor of annexation to the United States? Yon 
say, "(3h, no." 

Mr. Kmchson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Suppose it had been left to the vote of the Ka- 

Mr. Emkrson. If it had been left to the vote of those thirteen thou- 
sand, 1 think tlio natives, seeing their Queen there, would have felt 
like supportiuft' her. 

Senator (rUAY. What would the majority of those voters have done 
at the time! 

Mr. Emeuson. I think the majority would have voted in favor of a 
continuance of the Queen's Government. 

Tlie Chaieman. Do you include the Portuguese in thatt 

Mr. Emerson. Ko; they are opposed to the Queen and in favor of 
the Provisional Government. 

The Chairman. That is one element. And the Germans? 

Mr. Emerson. The Germans, one portion, the intelligent portion — 
I should say that the vast majority of the Europeans were in favor of 
a change of the government and annexation to the United States Gov- 
ernment, leaving out a few English. A few English prefer English 
institutions. Leaving out that party — the English minister, Minister 
Woodhouse, has marriage relations with the late court. 

Senator Gray. If the power in that country resided in those who 
had the right to vote, and that I take for granted — you understand 
what I mean 

Mr. Emerson. I can say that here were 8,000 native votes- 

Senator Gray. I am willing to hear you when you shall have an- 
swered my question. Understand me first. The political power there 
under the existing state of things was vested with those 13,000 people 
who voted T 

Mr. Emerson. Under the law. 

Senator Gray. Was not that necessarily sot 

Mr. Emerson. Yes, just so far as the vote would go. 

Senator Gray. Those who were elected to the Legislature were 
elected by the voting population T 

Mr. Emerson. I grant that, so far as the vote would go. 

Senator Gray. I ask you whether or not a majority of those 13,000 
legal voters was for or against this revolution T 

Mr. Emerson. A majority was against the revolution, I have no 

The Chairman. That majjority would comprise how many Hawaiian 
voters, how many native Kanakas? 

Mr. Emerson. I think there are about 8,000 native voters. 

The Chairman. Would you count them solidly against annexation? 

Mr. Emerson. No. Let me make this statement, which I think a 
fair statement to make riglit here. The people there are instruments 
in the hands of these two parties. In the island of Kauai, for example, 
the native mind is influenced by the stronger mind, and the Queen 
does not have so much power. 

The Chairman. The native is influenced by his employer! 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. They do not care so much; they do not feel 
the interest. 

The Chairman. You think there would be a decided majority of 
wliat we call the Kanaka element against annexatiout 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 


The CHArRMAN. And be in favor of retaining their Qneenf 

Mr. £m£Rson. I will not say that now. 

The Chaiuman. Aud would have voted in favor of retaining tlio 
royal poveriiineytf 

Mr. E3iEi:soN. Yes. 

The Chairman. Now that the royal government has disappeared, 
how do you think the native voters would cast their votes ou tlic 
sobjeet of annexatiouT 

yir. £h£Bson. I believe they would vote for it, in favor of it. 

The Chairman. The Queen having disappeared T 

Mr. Emerson. Yes. 

The Chairman. Now we come to the Portuguese. They comprise 
ibont how many voters? 

Mr. Emerson. I can not give you figures. There are some i 1,000 
Portuguese in all, and there were some 1,500 or 2,000 Portuguese voters. 

The Chairman. What would be the prevailing sentiment among the 
Portii^ue«e as to a maintenance of the monarchy or the establishment 
of a republican form of govemmentt 

^Ir. Emerson. It would be very hard to find a single Portuguese 
who would vote for monarchy. 

Tlie Chairman. You think it would be solidly against monarchy! 

Mr. Emrrson. Yes. 

The Chairman. And then, monarchy having disappeared, how about 
SDiiexation f 

Mr. Emerson. In favor of annexation to this country. 

The Chairman. vThen, of the German, the French, and the English 
who are there: What would be the sentiment among the Europeans 
OR tl'.e subject of maintaining the monarchy or some other form of gov- 
ernment f 

Mr. Emerson. A vast majority of the Americans, a vast majority of 
the Germans, and a goodly portion of the English and Scotch 

The Chairman. Would be in favor of having some other form of 
govern uient than monarchy? 

Mr. £m£RSON. Yes. 

The Chairman. And do you include in your opinion annexation f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; closer relations to this country. 

The Chairman. Then it would be that the opponents of a change in 
gDveniment would consist of a majority of the Kanakas and a minor- 
ity of tliese other nationalities f 

Mr. Emerson. Yes; that is, those who support the monarchy. 

The Chairman. But the Queen out of the way, monarchy destroyed, 
and it being impossible to restore it, your opinion would be, if I under- 
stand it correctly, that a majority of all together, the Kanakas, the 
Eoropeaii white people, the Americans, and the Portuguese, would be 
in favor of aixnexation to the United States rather than to any other 
country f 

Mr. Emerson. I believe the vast majority would be. But let me say 
tbis — ^the adventurers out there would be m favor of the establishment 
of a republic. 

Tho Chairman. An independent republic. 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. Mr. Wilcox, who is an adventurer out th^e, 
wonld operate in that direction. 

Tlie ChaxbmAlN. You mean in the direction of an independent re- 

Ur. Emebson. Yes; where they would have a chance to get office, 


a chance they would not have if Hawaii were annexed to the United 

The Chatbman. You think a republic is quite possible. 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. We want to eliminate politics out of that coun- 
try, with such a polyglot people as we have. 

Senator Geay. You do not have a republic there now? 

Mr. Emebson. I presume we shall have a republic if you do not 
admit us. 

The Ohaibman. You have been over the islands a good deal f 

Mr. Emebson. I have been from end to end over the islands three 

The Ohaibman. You know the face of the country f 

Mr. EmeAson. Yes. 

The Ohaibman. What do you say as to the capacity of the Hawaiian 
Islands to maintain a population as great as they have now, upon their 
native productions f 

Mr. Emebson. Do you mean white population! 

The Ohaibman. The whole population. Will the islands sustain the 
population that you have there now on native productions! 

Mr. Emebson. Certainly, five times as much. 

The Ohaibman. It is a fertile country where it is arable! 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. I believe it would sustain ten times as much. 

Senator Gbat. What is the population! 

Mr. Emebson. It varies; Ohinese and Japanese coming and going. 

Senator Gbay. I mean, about. 

Mr. Emebson. Ninety tj^ousand. 

The Ohaibman. So that you think the islands could sustain a million 
of population! 

Mr. Emebson. It would be better for that country if they cultivated 
coffee and the fruit industries, orange industries, instead of giving all 
up to sugar. We all feel that we want to have a variety of industries. 

The Ohaibman. The cultivation that is going on in Hawaii is for 

Mr. Emebson. Yes. 

The Ohaibman. What you want is for domestic use! 

Mr. Emebson. Yes, and for export. We want to have a larger 
variety of products for export. 

Subscribed and sworn to. 

O. P. Emebson. 

The subcommittee adjourned to meet on Tuesday, January 2, 1894, 
at 10 o'cloci: a. m. 



Washington, D. C, Tuesday, January 2, 1804. 

The committee met pursuant to adjoarumcnt. 

Present, the chairman (Senator Mbrg^n) and Senators Gray and 
Absent, Senators Butler and Sherman. 


Senator Fbts. Mr. Jones made a deposition in Honolulu, which 
deposition was sent to me. My idea is to read it to Mr. Jones and the 
eommittee, and if Mr. Jones make it a part of his testimony here it 
would save to the committee one or two hours of time. 

The Chairman. There being no objection, that course can be taken. 

Senator Gray. Is that deposition published in any of the documents 
that we have. 

Senator Fryb. ^o. It is a deposition that was given by Mr. Jones 
in Honolalu before he left there. It was given to be used in this 
iiiTestigation. It is as follows: 

BiwAiiAN Islands, 

Honolulu, Oahu^ 88.: 

P. C. Jones, being duly sworn, deposes and says that he was bom 
ia Boston, Mass., United States of America; t)iat he came to Hon- 
oIqIu in the year 1857, and has resided here since that time; that 
k has large business interests here, and is at present engaged with 
bis son in the business known as ^<The Hawaiian Safe Deposit and 
InTestmeat Company;'' that on .the 8th day of ^ovember, A. D. 1892, 
he was commissioned by the then Queen Liliuokalani minister of 
finance^ and retained that office until the 12th day of January, A. D. 
1893, the cabinet to which he belonged being generally known as the 
Wikox-Jones cabinet; that he is acquainted with James H. Blount 
and knows the time when that gentleman came to Honolulu as special 
c^naiissioner; that soon after his arrival he called upon him and said 
in effect as follows: ^^ As I was intimately acquainted with the Govern- 
ment duiiog the last two months of the monarchy I may be able to 
pre some information in regard to our affairs, and I shall be pleased 
to give my statement if you desire it"; that Mr. Blount thanked him, 
said be would be pleased to have it, and would let him know when he 
voald be ready to grant him an interview ; that a careful statement 
Taft prepared by this affiant on the 25th day of May, A. D. 18^3, from 
vUeh this affidavit is taken, reciting all the important events con- 
fiected with the Government from the 8th day of l^ovember, A. D. 
lSd2, np to the 16th day of March, A. D. 1893, that period including 
^ events of January 17, of which this affiant was fully cognizant; 
tbt the said James H. Blount never asked for this interview and this 
affiant never had any opportunity of presenting the statement, 
aMioogh he is informed and believes that other persons suggested to 
Mr. Blount that he secure the statement. 

Affiant further says that his knowledge of the revolution and the 
^enta immediately leading up thereto is as follows: When it was 
kaoim about town that the Queen was to proclaim a constitution great 


excitement was created about the whole city, and all were ready to 
take measures to prevent it. This seemed to be the public feeling 
with men as they met and discussed the matter on the street corners. 
About 3 o'clock on Saturday afternoon, January 14, an informal meet- 
ing was held at the office of W. O. Smith, on Fort street, to consider the 
situation, and a committee of safety, consisting of thirteen men repre- 
senting different trades and professions, was appointed. On Monday, 
January 16, the mass meeting was held at the armory at 2 o'clock. 
Mr. £. G. Macfarlaue and others arranged for a similar meeting at the 
same hour at Palace Square, hoping to draw away the crowd from the 
other. J attended the meeting at the armory but took no active part 
I observed the men present, and as I was chairman of the mass meet- 
ing held in 1887 I can say that not only was the audience larger at the 
January 16 meeting but seemed to be more determined and resolved. 
I was at home on Monday afternoon at 5 o'clock, when one of our 
residents rode into my yard and said that the troops from the U. S. S. 
Boston had just landed to protect life and property, and though there 
had been no outbreak yet there was great excitement in the city, and 
it was a great relief to me and my family to know that we had the pro- 
tection of the only warship in i)ort, as I ^anticipated trouble, and I 
believe the presence of sailors and marines on shore was all that pre- 
vented riot and possibly bloodshed. 

On Tuesday morning, January 17, Mr. C. L. Carter called at my 
house before breakfast and informed me that aRer breakfast he would 
call upon me with Mr. Bolte, they having been appointed for that pur- 
pose, and invite me to take a place in the executive council of the Pro- 
visional Government which was to be formed that day. I was surprised 
to know that my name had been mentioned. I told Mr. Carter that I 
was not fitted for such a position, and that my experience for the last 
two months had made me heartily sick of politics; that it might look 
as if I was going in for revenge for having been put out of the last 
cabinet, and I could not see any reason why I should accept the posi- 
tion. 1 told him, however, that I would carefully consider the matter 
and give him an answer when he called later with Mr. Bolte. I placed 
the matter before my wife to get her opinion, and presented all the ar- 
guments I could think of against taking the position. Among other 
things, I said, " It is more than probable that the Queen's party will 
not submit without fighting, and the chances are that I will get shot." 
She said in reply, **If you do get shot I can give you up, for I feel it to 
be your duty to take part in this move. The comitry needs you at this 
time, and if you lose your life it will be in the discharge of your duty." 

After breakfast Messrs. Carter and Bolte called and I agreed to 
accept the position of minister of finance provided Mr. S. B. Dole 
would consent to take the position of President. It was arranged that 
I should remain at my house and when needed would receive a tele- 
phone message and was to meet the others at the office of W. O. Smith. 
During .the time between breakfast and noon I remained at home, 
feeling all the time that there was great danger to my life, and this 
feeling seemed to grow upon me during the day. On the way from W. 
O. Smith's office to the Government building I thought surely we would 
be shot down, for when the shot was fired just as we left Smith's office 
for the building it looked to us as if the shooting would be general. I 
had fears there also of an attack while the proclamation was being 
read, for it was reported that there was a force in the building under 
command of C. J. McCarthy, and I was not rid of these fears until I 
saw a sufficient number of our men in the building to afford as pro- 


tection. I was wondering how others were, but my own thought was 
that we could not come out of it without loss of life, and my chances 
for getting shot were above the average on account of my relations 
▼ith the Government only a few days before. I had no arms of any 
kind with ine. , 

During the month I thought over the situation careAilly and I was 
folly convinced that if ever it was necessary to take a decided stand 
{a representative and responsible government it was at this time. 
While the Queen had professed to take back all she had said and done 
aboat a new constitution I felt it was only to gain time to make better 
preparations to carry out her designs, and while I fully realized the 
step we were taking was revolutionary I felt it was my duty as a man 
to do what I could to assist in putting down a form of government 
that was oppressive and corrupt, and I was conscious that I was doing 
my duty in accepting office under the Provisional Government. The 
telephone message came to me about 1 o'clock, and I went immediately 
to the appointed place. The proclamation was read and after we had 
all signed it we started for the Government building at 2:35 p. m. all 
m a body. Just as we came out of Smith's office a shot was fired up 
^rcet near B. O. Hall & Sons' store and thus diverted the crowd, so 
when we arrived at the Government building there were only a few 
persons present. After the surrender of the building and the reading 
of the proclamation I at once took possession of the finance office 
vhidi contained many of the Government records and the treasury 
Tanlts. It was a surprise to us to find that there was no force at the 
GoTemment building to protect it when we arrived there. 

As soon as we could, after getting possession of the building, the 
coDudls assembled and appointed Col. Soper the commander of the 
Provisional Government forces and attended to other matters that re- 
qaiml prompt action. About 6 o'clock Gapt. Wiltse, of the BostoUj 
ealled upon us and said that we could not be recognized as a de facto 
Government until we had possession of the station house and barracks. 
We exi)ected that resistance would be made at the station house, but 
8081) after Wiltse's visit the deputy marshal called ux>on us wfth a re- 
qoest that we go to the station house and confer with the late cabinet. 
Thin we refused to do, but sent word back that if the old cabinet desired 
to meet us they could come to the building and would be guaranteed 
safe entrance and exit. Soon after two members came and had a con- 
ference, and later all four came and agreed to turn over the station 
Wse and barracks to the Provisional Government, which was done 
about 7 o'clock. It was a surprise to us to see how quickly and quietly 
thtv yielded, and it is an evidence of the rottenness of the monarchy 
vbK^h fell as soon as any resistance was made. And during the even- 
in^ many of our best citizen^ who had taken no active part in this move 
eaikd and gave their congratulations, assuring us of their support. 
Martial law was proclaimed and the city guarded by volunteers during 
&e night. Many threats were made, and many rumors were in circu- 
htbn every day that caused much anxiety and constant watching. 

The strain was very great all these days, and so many threats were 
Bade we consulted with the advisory council and decided that to 
bring about a st^te of quiet we would ask the protection of the American 
Buoister, and suggested that the American flag be hoisted on the Gov- 
ernment bailding, which he consented to do, and the flag was raised 
n the morning of February 1. The strain was at once removed, not 
only from the members of the council but of all good citizens of Hono- 
hhif and in feyot all over the islands. Daring my term of office theite 


is oue thing that impressed me very deeply and that was the unanlm 
ity of feeling among the members of both the executive and advisory 
councils. I remained in office untill March IG, just two months, when 
I found that the strain was so great that I was fast breaking down 
under it, and I retired. 

And further, with regard to the events and the causes which led up 
to the late revolution, this affiant says as follows: The causes which led 
to the late revolution in January last are of no recent origin, but date 
back to 1874 when Kalakaua secured the throne. Almost immediately 
after his accession to the throne he began to use his high x>osition to 
gain more power, and this he continu^ to do until the revolution of 
1887. The community was patient and long suffering and for years 
submitted to many annoyances before rising up and protecting its 

No King ever had better prospects for a peaceful and succesfnl reign 
than did Kalakaua, and if he had made a proper use of his rights and 
powers might have made his reign a prosperous one. He seemed to 
be wholly corrupt, and his influence was one which had its effect ui^ou 
the mass of the native i>eople. Kot satisfied with the appointment of 
the House of Nobles, he interfered in the election of representatives by 
using liquor which was taken from the custom-house duty free and 
promising offices under his patronage. He dismissed more than one 
cabinet for nothing, and in some instances sent messages to their houses 
in the middle of the night asking for their resignations, while others 
whom he assured had his implicit confidence he discharged a few hours 
after. Kalakaua surrounded himself with men of bad character and 
gave himself up to habits unbecoming a King. He was always in debt 
and resorted to measures for raising money that were wholly dishonor- 
able for any man, much more a King. The Legislature of 1890 paid up 
his debts and issued bonds to the amount ot 195,000 to meet his obli- 
gations, pledging the income of the Grown lands at the rate of $20,000 
a year to meet these bonds, but when his sister came to the throne she 
repudiated the pledge given by her brother, and now this debt has to 
be borne by the State, only $5,000 having been received on this account. 

When he died the country had much hope tor the better state of 
things from his sister Liliuokalani. When she ascended the throne 
most of the better class of our people associated with her and did all 
in our power to surround her with good influences, and many of our 
best women stood ready to help and encourage her in all good works; 
but it was soon evident that she was more ambitious for power than her : .^ 
brother, and she began to use means to pla.ce herself in power, and ^ 
while she professed friendship for those good women she was scheming [^ 
to get entire control of the Government. She evidently had not profited ^^ 
by the revolution of 1887 and thought herself to be sufficiently strong ^ 
to get back that power taken from her brother in 1887. She was more'^j. 
cunning, more determined, and no coward as he had been. On my .. 
arrival at Honolulu in September, 1892, after a visit of a year in the 1 
United States, I found that the Widemann cabinet had been removed. .'« 
by a vote of want of confidence, and in more than a week no new cab-'^ 
inet had been made up that, would be satisfactory to the Queen andv 
Legislature. ' ^ ■ 

The Queen, however, did finally appoint B. 0. Macfarlane, Paul Neu- ^ 
maun, S. Parker, and G. T. Gulick, and as two of those were members^ 
of the late Widemann cabinet and Macfarlane had betrayed the mem- J^ 
bers of the Legislature, this cabinet was soon voted out, when tiie QueeBy^!; ^ 
still i>ersisting in having her own way, appointed a new cabinet withj^ 


W. H. Gomwell at its head. This cabinet was tnrned »ut a few hours 
after it presented itself before the Legislature, and it became evident to 
the Queen that she must comply with the desires of the majority of the 
Lei^slatare. A committee was appointed by the house to advise the 
Queen that they would support a cabinet made up by either one of 
three men who were named to her. After waiting for a week or more 
she sent for O. N. Wilcox, one of the three men mentioned, and asked 
him to form a ministry. He selected Mr. Cecil Brown, Mr. Mark Eob- 
insoot and myself as his colleagues, and the Queen expressed herself 
as being fully satisfied with his choice. I hesitated to* accept the posi- 
tion, bat I was urged to take the position by many of our citizens and 
by men who were opposed to me in politics, among them Mr. Wide- 
luuiB, who came to me to prevail upon me, saying I had made my 
Boney here and it was my duty to serve the country at this time. 

The Queen sent for me on the evening of November G and asked me 
to take the position of minister of finance with Wilcox as premier, and 
18 an of the gentlemen were nren in whom I had special confidence I 
leiMpted. And it was understood that we should meet at the palace 
on the morning of the 7th to Ijake the oath of office and receive our 
eoiiifflissions. The Queen wanted to have her way here and appoint 
Mr. Brown as premier, but this we refused, as it was contrary to the 
dedsioa of a majori^ of the Legislature, and we sent her word that Mr. 
Wilcox must be premier or we would decline to serve. This message 
v» sent on the morning of the 7th, when we had assembled at Mr. 
Brown's office for the purpose of going to the palace. We soon received 
> message from the Queen by the chamberlain that she was not ready 
for OS, and we learned that she had hopes of sending Mr. Parker back 
apin and so delayed the matter. Mr. Brown and myself at first were 
iw^ed to send back word to the Qaeeu that we declined to accept the 
positions, but at the earnest solicitation of manyfriendswe withdrew our 
oiijections and concluded to accept if she would send for us. Suppos- 
ii^ ^at she could not carry her point and appoint Mr. Parker, the 
Qieai sent for us at noon, November 8. and gave us our commissions. 

We went to the Legislature which had assembled to receive us and 
amuned at once the duties of our respective offices. We had frequent 
nitemews with the Queen and assured her that it was our desire to 
confer fully with her upon all important matters and that we would do 
iQ in oar power to make matters pleasant and agreeable for her. Soon 
ifter we had taken up our duties we ])repared a paper setting forth our 
Pdtiey which we presented to the Legislature. Before doing this, how- 
tfer, we submitted and fully explained it to the Queen and had her 
anorance that it met her hearty approval and that we should have her 
ttpport in carrying it out. The document contained the following points 
€f policy: 

(1) To promote closer relations with the United States to the end 
tkat the products of the Kingdom may be remunerative to those en- 
gaged in their cultivation and production. 

(2) To assist in the passage of such laws as will relieve the present 
vant of labor. 

(3) To carry on all branches of the Government economically. 

(4) To oppose any measure tending to legalize a lottery or license 

(3) To opiK)se any measure that will interfere with or change the 
pvttent monetary system of the Kingdom. 

(6) To remove all employes of the Government who are incapable or 
mi trustworthy. 


Early in December we presented to the Queen the nominations of 
W. A. Whiting and W. F. Frear as circuit judges under the new law 
that was to go into operation January 1, 1893. In this law the Queen 
appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet. We 
decided upon those gentlemen after conferring with the supreme court 
and a large number of the members of the bar. We heard nothing 
from the Queen for several days and finally waited upon her to sign the 
commissions. She informed us that it was her desire to appoint Antone 
Eosa, as she had^received a petition from several natives in his favor. 
We told her we could not approve of a man of his habits, and alter 
discussing the matter at length she said, ^'As there are tour of you 
against one I will yield and will appoint Mr. Frear." We waited several 
days without hearing from her, when we wrote her a letter calling her 
attention to the fact that we had not received the commissions and 
reminded her of her promise to send them. Mr. Paul Neumann told 
several persons she showed him our letter and was angry about it. She 
told him she did not want to sign Frear's commission. He said that 
he replied to her, "Your Majesty, as a woman you have the right to 
change your mind, but as a Queen nev^r." We learned that she fre- 
quently comsulted with Messrs. Neumann, Ashford, and others outside 
of her cabinet. 

On December 31, the very last day, she sent to us the commission of 
Mr. Whiting duly signed, but sent no word about Mr. Frear. We dis- 
cussed the matter, and it was decided that I should go and see the 
Queen and tell her that unless she could see her way clear to sign 
Frear's commission we would decline to accept Whiting. I met her 
and delivered the message, telling her also that the cabinet was re- 
sponsible to the country while she was not and while we held our i>ort- 
folios we should endeavor to give her good advice. She was not pleased, 
but yielded very gracefully and signed Frear's commission, delivering 
the same to me at that time. It was very evident from the first that she 
was not in sympathy with us, although she was always pleasant and 
ladylike in all her interviews, and yet she annoyed us by delaying mat- 
ters, keeping back bills that had passed the house, conferring more 
with others than with her cabinet. We felt satisfied that she was 
using her influence against us with the native members of the Legisla- 
ture and this became more apparent from day to day. We had hardly 
been in office a week before we heard that a vote of want of confidence 
was to be brought up against us, and this was threatened every day. 

Native members were constantly coming to us informing us of the 
state of things with the hope of obtaining money from us. Kanealii, 
representative from Maui, came to my house on two occasions and in- 
formed me that 22 votes had been secured against us and intimated 
that if I would buy the other three, of which he was one, the vote could 
be defeated. I refused to contribute one dollar for any such purpose 
and told him if he or his friends wanted money they had better vote 
against us. On January 4 Mr. Bush, representative from Oahu, brought 
in the long-expected resolution of want of confidence, but only 19 votes 
were secured and it failed to carry. After this it was hardly expected 
that they could secure a sufiicient number of votes to remove us, 
although they kept constantly at it night and day. The Queen inter- 
ested herself and labored earnestly among the native members to 
secure their votes, going down on her knees to Hoapili, noble from 
Hawaii, so, he said, to get him to vote us out. On the afternoon of 
January 11 the final passage of the infamous lottery bill came up and 
was carried by a vote of 23 to 20. It is a singular &ct that the 23 who 


voted for this bill all voted against as the next day, which together 
with the votes of C. O. Berger and Cornwall put us out of ofEiee. It is 
a fiict that the Queen signed the lottery bill, although she pledged her- 
self to support us in opposing it. 

At noon on January 12 the Queen gave a luau, native feast, and after 
recess in the afternoon another want of confidence resolution \.hs 
brought in by Kapahu, representative from Hawaii, who was decked 
out ill a yellow wreath of flowers. It was seconded by Kanoa, Noble 
from Kauai, who also wore the same kind of a wreath, and they were 
the only members who had such wreaths which were said to have been 
placed on them by the Queen. Eepreseutatives Kapahu, Pua, and 
Kanealii all voted for us on the 4th of January, but on this last vot43 
they all went against us. On the morning of the 12th instant the 
Queen sent for C. O. Berger, who had not been in the Legislature for 
several days, and had declared that he would not go there again, and 
urged him to vote against us, promising him that Mr. Widemann, his 
faUier-in-law, should make up the new cabinet. He agreed to this and 
his vote gave her the necessary number, 25. Only three foreign mem- 
bers of the House voted against us, Messrs. Cornwell, Petersen, and 
Berger. Bepresentative Kanealii afterwards admitted to Mr. Bobiii- 
son, one of the cabinet, that he got $500 for his vote against us. We 
could have prevented this vote by the use of money, but we declined 
to resort to any such measure to retain our seats. We felt all the time 
we were in oftice we were between the devil and the deep sea, the 
Queen and the Legislature, and it was a great reUef to us all when the 
result of the vote was announced. 

My experience in office was a revelation. I saw that good bills could 
be defeated and bad bills passed by the use of money, and I have been 
led to the conclusion by my experience in the Legislature that the native 
Hawaiians are not capable of self-government. I feel quite satisfied 
that the Queen and her party did not expect on the 11th of January to 
secure sufficient votes to remove us from office, for oa the evening of 
that day Mr. Henry Waterhouse called at my house and reveal^ a 
plot that had been planned and would have been executed if they had 
failed to carry the vote of want of confidence. I was informed that an 
anonymous letter, written by John F. Colburn, had been sent to me 
asking the cabinet to resign because the Queen hated us all. If we 
did not resign on receipt of his letter the plan was for the Queen to 
invite the cabinet to the palace as soon as the Legislature was pro- 
rogued and demand our resignations. If we declined to resign, as we 
certainly should have done, she was to place us under arrest in the 
palace and then proclaim a new constitution. This I reported to my 
colleagues the next morning, but at that time they could not credit the 
report. The anonymous letter came through the post-office, but did 
not reach me until the following Monday, January 16. The following 
is a copy of the letter: 

January 11, 1893. 
Mr. P. C. Jones : 

"It seems inconsistent with your principle to stay in office when you 
were kept there by open bribery on the part of certain Germans on 
Queen street. Money kept you in office, otherwise you would have been 
voted out; your colleague, Robinson, paid Akani and Aki $25 a piece 
betbre the voting, some days; he calls it a New Year's present; can 
you stomach that! We got the proof Bolte packed money in envel- 
opes just before the vote came ofi' and took it with him to the Govern- 


ment building. George Markbam had a hand in giving it to the nobles, 
Pua and Hoopili, Eepresentatives Eanealii and Kapahu. Can't you 
see these things; ain't you wide awake enough for it; can you t'Cach 
the Sunday school class and feel that you are acting consistent! Bald- 
win makes open brags that they propose to keep you in office if it 
takes coin to do it. Can you stand that! I think when you read 
this and ^^attempt" to make inquiries you will find this to be true, 
and I know you are too honorable to stay in office with this cloud 
hanging over your official head. You better resign before it is made 
public. Peterson has all the facts and he proposes to shove things 
if you and your colleagues don't get out of office which you are hold- 
ing /by unfair means. That is bribery. If you don't get out of office 
and a new constitution is shoved on this country by the Queen you 
four men and your hypocritical supporters will be to blame for it, 
resorting to bribery to keep you in office. The Queen hates all four 
of you and you had better retire. 

*< My name is not necessary." 

This letter was taken from the post-office by my son on Monday the 
16th of January. He recognized the handwriting of John Colburn on 
the envelope, being familiar with it, as he had been in the employ of 
Lewers & Cooke for several years with Colburn. The letter itself was 
written by Miss Parmenter, a niece of Oolburn's, and if it had come on 
the morning of the 12th, as I fully expected it would, my colleagues 
would have credited the rest of the story. Mr. Colburn denied all 
knowledge of a new constitution until Saturday, January 14, when he 
says it was sprung upon the cabinet, but his letter to me dated the 11th 
clearly shows that he was aware of it. It is possible to get positive . 
proof that this letter was dictated by Colburn, copied by his niece, and 
sent in an envelope addressed by him after he himself had written 
below "My name is not necessary." 

On Friday, January 13, the new cabinet was announced, consisting ' 
of S. Parker, W. H. Oornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson. The 
lottery and opium bills were both signed by the Queen and reported 
back to the Legislature on the same day, which was the last one of ij 
the session. On Saturday morning, about 9 o'clock, Mr. C. O. Berger 
went to several members of the reform party and was anxious to join 
with them and vote out the new cabinet, but this they declined to do. 
Mr. Berger had been disappointed, for the Queen had not kept her 
promise to him that his father-in-law should make the new cabinet, >>| 
although she had invited Mr. Widemann to take the position of min- v 
ister of finance with Parker, Peterson and Colburn. This he had de- . 
clined to do, so Comwell was substituted for him. It is rather remark- .>^ 
able that on Saturday Mr. Colburn should have gone to Judge Hart- ,; \ 
well and Mr. Thurston and engaged their services to prevent the 
Queen from proclaiming the new constitution. When he saw the st-ate 
of the people he became afraid and tried to retrace his steps, but it >^ 
was too late. ^ 

There was never to my knowledge any belief or anticipation that the v 
troops of the Boston would be landed for the purpose or would in any ^ 
way assist in the abrogation of the monarchy or the formation of the ^^ 
Provisional Government. 

Petee C. Jones. 



Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D; ^t 

1893. • ^ 

[seal.] Alfred W. Carter, -^ 

Notary Fublia^ <]; 


hawaiian islands. 209 

affidavit of charles m. oooxx. 

Hawaiian Islands, 

Honolulu^ OahUj m: 

C. M. Cooke, being duly sworn, dei>oses and says that he is one of 
the firm of Lewers & Cooke; that John F. Colbnm was in the employ 
of the said firm for many years; that he is familiar with the handwrit- 
ing of the said John F. Colbam; that the words '^My name is not 
necessary" at the close of an anonymous letter addressed to Mr. P. C. 
Jones, dated January 11, 1893, are in the handwriting of the said John 
F. Colbnm. 

' Chas. M. Cookb. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D. 
[seal.] Alfred W. Cabteb, 

Notary Public. 

affidavit of B. a. JONES. 

Hawaiian Islands, 

Honolulu^ Oahu^ ss: 

K A. Jones, being duly sworn, dex>oses and says that on the 16th 
day of Jannaiy, A. D. 1893, he took from the po8t-office an envelope 
addi^sed to his father, P. C. Jones, which contained an anonymous 
letter, dated January 11, 1893, signed, /'My name is not necessary." 
That he has known John F. Colbum for many years, and was associated 
witii him in business for many years; and that the handwriting by 
which the said envelope was addressed was that of John F. Colburn, as 
veil as the words, <' My name is not necessary " at the close of the said 

E. A. Jones. 

Sabflcribed and sworn to before me this 5th day of December, A. D. 
[sBAL.] Alfred W. Cabtee, 

Notary Public. 

The Chairman. Did you save that anonymous letter! 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. I have it with me. If you desire I will turn it 
ovw to yon. 

The Chaisman. Have you a knowledge of the handwriting! 

Mr. Jokes. !No. But my son and Mr. Cook, who are familiar with 
it, declare that they have. There is the original letter. [Producing 
psper.l Here is the second page of it. Perhaps I had better leave 
tint, xoa can see where it says, <^Name is not necessary," and it is in 
I different handwriting. 

The Chairman. There is a memorandum that you have appended to 
tiiis letter, it appears. 

Mr. Jones. Omit that. I have recited that in my testimony. I 
just made a note of the time I received it. 

Senator Gray. That is for your own information ! 

Mr. JoNSS. Yes. 

Hie Chaibman. At what time was the bill signed relating to the 
distfllation of q^iritous liquors, which bill is mentioned there! 

Mr. JojOES. ^at bill was signed some days before that, I think. 

a Bep. 227 14 


The Ohaibman. Signed by the oahinet of which you were a mem- 
ber f 

Mr. Jones. I think that was. That had passed the House and was 
signed by the Queen, and was also approved by Minister Wilcox. That 
is my impression. You refer to the distillation of spirituous liquors f 

TheCHAiBMAN. Yes. 

Mr. JoNBS. Yes, there was a bill of that nature passed; and I think 
that was approved by the cabinet. Of course, it had passed the House, 
and we were bound to recognize it. 

The Ohaibman. That was a bill amending a statute that had been 
on the statute books for several years t 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gbay. Was that the distillation bill, so-called f 

Mr. Jones. Yes: there was a distillation bill passed. 

Senator 6b at. It is the bill to which Mr. Emerson, the last wit^ 
ness, referred! 

Senator FitYE. Yes. 

Senator Gbay. And that was the bill that came to you in the regular 
course, and was approved by your cabinet! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. I am not very positive about that; but that was 
a bill in the interest of commerce. We did not oppose anything that 
passed the House; anything that passed the House we had to accept. 

Senator Gbay. That was a bill that regulated the liquor traffic! 

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was to encourage home manufacture. It was a 
bill that I took very little interest in. 

The Ohaibman. I have a copy of the bill here. I wanted to ask 
Mr. Jones whether under the constitution of 1887 it was requisite, in 
order that an act of the Legislature should become a law, that it be 
signed by the Queen and one 6f her cabinet. 

Mr. Jones. Yes; it was not valid until signed by one of the cabinet. 
The minister of the interior had to approve all bills; otherwise they 
were not valid. 

The Ohaibman [exhibiting blue print heretofore used in the exami- 
nation]. Look at that blue print and state whether you are familiar 
with it. 

Mr. Jones. Yes; I am familiar with it — very familiar. 

The Ohaibman. Is it a correct plat of the city of Honolulu and the 
buildings mentioned there! 

Mr. Jones. Yes; and it is very accurate. 

Senator Gbay. I would like to premise the two or three questions 
that I desire to ask Mr. Jones with the statement that I have no criti- 
cism at all to make upon the desire that he and other good people of 
Honolulu evince for a change of Government in Hawaii; in fact, so fer 
as I understand his statements, I am inclined to sympathize with the 
desire. I beg him to believe that I only wish to get at the facts and 
not his reasons for a desire to change the Government — ^the facts that 
relate to our attitude in the matter. 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gbay. I am going to ask you in regard to this native popu- 
lation about which I, for one, have very little information. The subject 
is quite interesting to me. You have been in Hawaii how many years! 

Mr. Jones. I have been there thirty-six years, and, outside of my 
business I have had a great deal to do with the natives. I have taketi a 
great deal of interest in them. 

Senator Q^AT^ For that reason, what you say about tbem would be 


j&j intereatmg. In the first place, are they a people of &ir intelli- 
Mr. JoNSS. Fair intelligence f 
Senator Gray. Yes. ' 

Mr. JoxBS. Tea ; they are. And many of them are excellent mathe- 
naticians; they seem to take hold of mathematics. 
Senator G-bay. Axe any of them teachers f 

Mr. JoN£S. They are educating them in that direction. The Kame- 
htmdia schools, founded by Mrs. Bishop — she was the last of the 
Kamehameha family — are very liberally subsidized by her husband, 
who is now living. They are preparing a good many young men for 
teaeher&i and they are doing very well. There are two young men in 
New York now receiving, higher education at some normal school — 
fetdng instruction to become teachers. 

Senator Gbay. I did not know that they were so far advanced as 
that How long has education been general among the native popula* 

Mr. Joiiss. Oh, ever since their language was reduced to a written 
language by the early missionaries. I think it is almost impossible to 
find a Hawaiian who is not able at least to read and write. They have 
what we wonld call in this country a common-school education. They 
were educated in the Hawaiian language, and are now being taught 
▼ery largely in the English language, it being their preference. 

Senator Gsay. Then, there has been quit'C a generation, as things 
go, who have been under the influence of the common-school education f 

Mr. JoiTES. Oh, yes; more than a generation. 

Senator Gbay. Do they take much interest in the politics of the 

Mr. JoiTES. Yes; they do. They have taken a good deal of interest 
IB politics, and they are very easily influenced for good or for eviL 

Soiator Gbay. Are they an amiable people, generally f 

Mr. Jokes. Very amiable; yes. 

Senator Gbay. Are they treacherous; have they the characteristics 
of Gor North American Indians! 

Mr. JoTHES, No; but they are untruthfdl — ^not what we would call 
treadierouB ; I would hardly call them treacherous ; but sometimes they 
«e antrathfaL 

Senator Gbay. Have any large number of them accepted the Ohris- 
tiui religion f 

Mr. JoNBS. Yes; there are some of them very exemplary Christian 
mea and women. 

Senator Gbay. How is it among the masses — are most of them edu- 
ttted in the ordinary tenets of Christianity! 

Mr. JoNBS. Yes. 

Senator Gbay. As are the ordinary masses of the population in 
Mme of our States! 

Mr. JoMBS. I would say that they would compare very favorably 
^JA the early Ohristians of Corinth, and those to whom Paul gave his 
instnctions. X do not wish to convey the idea that the Hawaiians are 
A tmeherons people by any means; but they do not hesitate to tell lit- 
tle taradiddles to cover up. 

Seaator Gbait. That is the propensity of all inferior races! 

ir. J0KB8. The Hawaiians are called a good-natured x)eople. 

Senator FiiYJB. Are they capable of self-government! 

to. JoKsa. I should si^y not; although I should be willing to give 


the same privileges to them that I would ask for myself in the way of 

Senator Gray. What day did you go out of office f 

Mr. Jones. I went out on the 12th of January. 

Senator Gray. That was Wednesday! 

Mr. Jones. That was Thursday. 

The Chairman. Allow me to inquire right there, what was the form 
of the vote by which you were removed from office! 

Mr. Jones. Mr. Kapahu, as I have said there, was the introducer 
of the resolution, the one who proposed that a vote of want of confi- 
dence be brought against the ministry. 

The Chairman. In that form f 

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he then went on to laud Mr. Wilcox, Mr. 
Bobinson, and myself, and tell what good men we were— -but brought 
in this vote of want of confidence. That was seconded by Kanoa. 
There was no discussion on it. There was a motion made to in- 
definitely postx>one that motion. That was lost. Then it went back 
to the original motion, and the motion for want of confidence was car- 
ried by- 26 votes. 

The Chairman. Against how many! 

Mr. Jones. I think there were 45 members of the house. That mat- 
ter had been settled by the supreme court only a little while before. 
There are 24 representatives and 24 nobles. They all sit together in 
one house and vote together. There had been one or two vacancies, 
and the matter was submitted to the supreme court. The question 
was, how many votes constituted a majority of the vote of want of 
confidence. The court decided that a majority of the whole house — 48 
members and the 4 ministers. In that vote the 4 ministers could not 
vote, and that leaves 48 votes; and there must be 25 votes. 

The Chairman. I want to get at whether that vote of want of con- 
fidence had any relation to any particular measure. 

Mr. Jones. K"o. 

The Chairman. It was a sweeping vote of want of confidence! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. You say this was Thursday! 

Mr. Jones. The 12th of January. 

Senator Gray. That you went out of office! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. And you had no public function to perform, no pub- 
lic duty again, until you became a member of the committee of safety ! 

Mr. Jones. Minister of the executive council of the Provisional 

Senator Gray. Were you not a member of the committee of safety! 

Mr. Jones. Ko, I was not. 

The Chairman. The committee of safety was the advisory council. 

Mr. Jones. Many of them afterward 1>ecame members of the advi- 
sory council. 

The Chairman. The advisory council is still a separate body from 
the committee of safety! 

Mr. Jones. The committee of safety ceased to exist on the forma- 
tion of the Government. 

Senator Gray. You say you received a telephone message about 
1 o'clock to go to some place, an appointed place. What day was that! 

Mr. Jones. That was on Tuesday, the 17th. 

Senator Gray. About 1 o'clock in the day! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 


Senator Gkay. Where did yon go then; where was the appointed 

Mr. JoiTBS. The apx>ointed place was the office of W. O. Smith, where 
the eommittee of safety and those who had agreed to take part in the 
new GoTemment assembled before going to the Government Honse. 

Senator Ob AT. Whom did yon find there! 

}ltr. Jokes. I fonnd all the members of the committee of safety, 
and Jndge Dole, Capt. King, and W. O. Smith. 

Senator Gray. Those with you constituted afterwards the execu- 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Who else were there! 

Mr. JoNBS. I do not remember any others. I think no others were 

Senator Gbay. After you got there, what did you do! 

Mr. JoHss. We read over the proclamation. 

Senator Gbay. It had been prepared before you got there! * 

Mr. JoNBS. It had been prepared; yes, and sign^. We all signed 
it, and then went to the Government House. 

Senator Gbay. Whom did you walk with; do you recollect! 

lb*. JoNBS. I could not tell you now. It was a very exciting time, 
70Q know. 

Senator Gbay. Did the whole thirteen or fourteen march up in a 

Mr. Jokes. No; part of us went one street and part another. I can 
show yoa by the map. 

Senator Gbay. Show me where you met in Mr. Smith's office. 

Mr. JoNBS. Smith's office is right in there. [Indicating on diagram.] 

Senator Gbay. Which street! 

Mr. JoNBS. Fort street. 

Senator Gbay. Near what! 

Mp. Jonbs. Near Merchant — very near Merchant street. The Gov- 
ernment building is there [indicating]. Some of us went up Merchant 
s^eet and came in here [indicating] ; some went up Queen street and 
wait into the Grovemment building. I went by the way of Merchant 
^eet. I think I walked with Judge Dole. 

Senator Gbay. How many were with you and Judge Dole — dimmed!- 
Mtj with you, right together! 

Mr. Jokes. But we were perhaps half the number. I could not say 
COT. Yon see it was a very exciting time, and this shot had been fired 
i^t up by Hall's comer, on Fort street— just above us. 

Saiator Gbay. What sort of shot was it! 

Mr. JoiTES. It was a pistol shot. Here [indicating] is Hall's corner. 
We were h^re [indicating], and this shot was fired right here [indi- 

Suitor Gbay. Were there any crowds on Merchant street! 

Ifo. JONBS. No. 

Soiator Gbay. This shot drew the people over toward the place of 
ahooting. That was after you had started, or before! 

Mr. JoNBS. Just as we started. Just as we came out I saw the 
llaA of the pistoL 

Senator Gbay. Was there any crowd around Mr. Smith's office when 
jOQ came ontf 

Mr. JoifBS. No. 

Senator Gbay. Was there any up Queen street! Did you see up 

Queen street f 


Mr. Jones. No; Queen street is below Merchant street. 

Senator Fbyb. Were any of* you armed f 

Mr. Jones. I was not. I think some of them had arms. 

Senator Gray. Did you see any arms where you went that day 1 

Mr. Jones. In the Government building f 

Senator Gbat. No; Mr. Smith's ofBice. 

Mr. Jones. No. . 

Senator Gray. You say that you went to the Government build- 
ing. Did you and Mr. Dole arrive first f Did you find anybody at 
the Government building? 

Mr. Jones. I think there were eight persons in the Grovemment 
building when we got there. None of the ministers were there. 

Senator Gray. What did you do when you got in! 

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper immediately read the proclamation. 

Senator Gray. Immediately f 

Mr. Jones. Within two or three minutes of our assembling. 

Senator Gray. Who was Mr. Cooper — one of the committee f 

Mr. Jones. Mr. Cooper was one of the committee, and also one of the 
advisory council. He read the proclamation. 

Senator Gray. His name is what! 

Mr. Jones. H. E. Cooper. 

Senator Gray. One of the committee of safety, you meanf 

Mr. Jones. One of the committee of safety, and afterward he was 
one of the advisory council. 

Senator Gray. Those who went up there, then — Mr. Dole, Mr. King, 
Mr. Sn^ith, and yourself-— were afterward the executive council and 
members of the committee f 

Mr. Jones. And the advisory council, yes. 

Senator Gray. How long did it take to complete the reading of tiie 

Mr. Jones. I should say it took just about ten minutes, and in that 
time our forces, our men, were coming in firom the armory. We were 
ahead of time. 

Senator Gray. Was anybody there when the reading commenced 
outside f Let me ask, first, where was the proclamation read fromf 

Mr. Jones. From the steps of the Government building. 

Senator Gray. What street! 

Mr. Jones. Facing the palace or Palace Square. Here [indicating] 
is Palace Square, and it was read from that part [indicating]. 

Senator Gray. Facing the palace! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Who were in front of the steps when they com- 
menced to read the proclamation — ^how many! 

Mr. Jones. Very few. I do not think there were more than a half 
dozen persons. 

Senator Gray. Yon spoke of ^^our menP coming up. How many had 
come up! 

Mr. Jones. I should say there were fifty or sixty when we got 
through reading the proclamation. 

Senator Gray. Were they organized as a military organization! 

Mr. Jones. As they marched down the street there was very little 
time for organization. 

Senator Gray. Were they in fact organized! 

Mr. Jones. They marched down in squads* - 

Senator Frye. Armed! 



Mr. Joi9^8. Tbey had rifles; yes. 

The Chatkman. Under the command of oflBcerst 

Mr. JoNBS. Under the command of their different captains. 

Senator Grat. How long after the close of the reading of the proc- 
lamation was it that they arrived f 

Mr. JoNfis. Some of them arrived before the reading of the procla- 
nation was finished. , 

Senator Quay. How many do you suppose! 

Mr. JoN£S. Well, I should say 40 or 50. 

Senator Gray. Before the reading had been finishedT 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. 

Senator Gsat. And the balance were a little while afterwards t 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes; they kept coming in. 

Senator Gray. How many men in that crrganization, such as it was, 
were armed with rifles, and were there at the close or directly after the 
dose of the reading of the proclamation f 

Mr. JoNSS. Oh, a short time after, a half hour after, there must have 
been 150 or 200, 1 should say. 

Senator Ery£. Armed? 

Mr. JoiTES. Yes; all the men were armed at that time. 

The Chairman. How did the information get out in the compiunity 
Uiat the proclamation was to be read there at that timef 

Mr. JoNRS. It was spread abroad by the people all over the town 
Of course there was a good deal of excitement in the city that day, and 
people knew that something was going to be done in the way of 
dethroning the Queen, and they were watching for things; and this 
shot having been fired just as we started out, diverted a great many 
«f the crowd up there to see what that was. It was very soon noised 
ikoad, and the people came up. 

Senator Gray. At the meeting the day before, at the Bifles' armory^ 
<rf which yon spoke, and which you attended, I believe f 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. 

Senator Gray. The resolutions which were read there, and which 
n have, did not proclaim this intention of dethroning the Queen f 

Mr. JoN£S. They did not in so many words, but everybody under- 
ilood what they meant. 

Senator Gray. You say the resolutions did not proclaim that inten- 

Mr. JoNSS. No. 

Senator Gray. If you know accurately, state it; if you can not be 
aeeurate, give your best judgment. At what time was the reading of 
the proclamation through — what hour in the dayf 

Mr. JoNRS. It was a quarter of 3. It was a peculiar thing. When 
I weat into the finance ofiice, just as the reading of the proclamation 
VM finished, the clock had stopped at a quarter to 3. 

Seaalor Gray. Had it stopped just as you went inf 

Mr. Jokes. It was stopped just at that time. 

Senator Gray. It was not stopped just as you went inf 

Mr. JoNRS. No — ^it had not been stopped more than a minute or two. 

Senator Gray. How did you know thatf 

Mr. JoiCRS. The clock had been going before that. 

Senator Gray. But getting at the hour — I want to call your atten- 
tioa to it. It would not be much of a guide to look at a clock that had 
itepped, nnless yon saw it stop. 

Mr. Jours. I know it from looking at my watch. We arrived there 


about twenty minntes of 3, and it took about ten minutes to read the 

Senator Gbay. The clock stopped about a quarter of 3f 

Mr. Jones. Yes; we did not intend to be there until 3 o'clock. 

Senator Gbat. After the proclamation had been read you weiit into 
the finance room. Who went with yout 

Mr. Jones. I think I went in there t^ notify the register of accounts 
that I had taken a position as a member of the Provisional Oovem- 

Senator Gbat. You were one of the Provisional Government. 

Mr. Jones. Yes: he recognized me. 

Senator Gbat. What did the Executive Council dof I suppose you 
got together as a body, you four menf 

Mr. Jones. Yes; with the Advisory Council, got together and we 
appointed first Col. Soper as commander of the forces, and then pro- 
claimed martial law. Then some attended to different things. Mr. 
Dole notified his clerk to prepare notices to the various consuls and 
diplomatic corps that we had taken possession of the Government, and 
were in possession of the Government House and archives. 

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect what time it was that notice was 
sent to Mr. Stevens f 

Mr. Jones. I think it must have been about 4 o'clock. 

Senator Gbat. When did you get an answer from him I 

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; it was very soon. 

Senator Gbav. Before darkf 

Mr. Jones. I think it was just about dark. 

Senator Gbat. Kow, you say, that it was about 6 o'clock that the 
captain of the Boston called upon you. When was thatf You say in 
your deposition that '< Capt. Wiltse called upon us and said that we could 
not be recognized as a defa>oto government until we had possession of 
the station house and barracks." When was thatf 

Mr. Jones. This same afternoon. 

Senator Gbat. After the proclamation had been readf 

Mr. Jones. After the proclamation had been read, and I think it was 
before we heard fipom Mr. Stevens. Of course, it was a day of very 
great excitement, and the hours were not very firmly fixed in our minds. 

Senator Gbat. When did you get possession of the station house 
and barracks! 

Mr. Jones. I should say about half-past 7 — 7 or half-past. 

Senator Fbte. That same dayf 

Mr. Jones. That same evening; yes. 

Senator Gbat. Did you go to the station house f 

Mr. Jones. We sent a squad down there and they delivered it over. 

Senator Gbat. Had you previously sent repr^lsentatives to the 
Queen f 

Mr. Jones. As I said a minute ago, the ministers sent for us to come 
to the station house. We refused to go, and assured them if they 
would come up and interview us we wo^d talk over the situation. 

Senator Gbat. When was this t ' 

Mr. Jones. This was a very few minutes after Capt. Wiltse had 
been in. 

Senator Gbat. Did the ministers come upf 

Mr. Jones. They came up. First Mr. Cornwell and Colbum came. 
They 'went back and reported to their colleagues, and Peterson and 
Parker came up with them the second time. It was then that they 
agreed to turn everything over to us. 


Senator GuAY. Was it then that the Queen abdicated — signed her 
abdication 1 . 

Mr. JoKBS. No. Mr. Parker said he did not want to have any blood- 
shed, and they were quite ready to deliver over everything to us. Then 
we sent down to the station house, and Mr. Wilson, the marshal, insisted 
on having an order from the Queen. 
Senator Gbat. How far away was the station house f 
Mr. JoN£S. It was about five minutes walk from the Government 

Senator FsYis. The station house is nothing but the police head- 
Mr. JoNSS. That is all — police headquarters. 
Senator Gbay. Where are the barracks t 

Mr. Jones. There [indicating on the diagram] is the station house 
tnd there [indicating] is th^ government house, and that is about five 
Binntes walk. 
Senator Gbat. Where are the barracks f 

Mr. JoNBS. The barracks are over here [indicating]. 

Senator Gbat. Did you have any conmiunication from the barracksf 

Mr. Jones. !Not until later. 

Senator Gbat. How late was it that you had communication from 
tbe barracksf 

Mr. JoNBS. I think about 9 o'clock Gapt. Nowlein 

Senator Gbat. Was it as late as 9t 

Mr. JoNBS. I think not; I think it was about 8 o'clock that he was 
there. It may have been a little later. 

Senator Gbat. Was that after you heard from the Queen — ^heard of 
ber abdication f 

Mr. JoNBS. Yes. 

Senator Gbat. Her abdication f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gbat. When wan that abdication secured f I do not sup- 
pose she came into your presence and made known her abdication. 

Mr. Jones. Oh, no. 

Senator Gbat. It was brought by her ministers f 

Mr. Jones. She agreed to surrender, and she did it by being allowed 
to make a protest. She made a protest. 

Senator Gbat. About what time did you get that abdication and 
protest f 

Mr. Jones. I should say that was a little before 8 o'clock, as I 

Senator Gbat. And it was after 8 and toward 9 o'clock that you 
Iiad the surrender of the barracks from Gapt. iNowlein! 

Mr. Jones. Very soon after. I do not remember ; there were so many 
ereots that followed so closely upon one another. 

Senator Gbat. You said first 9 o'clock and then about 8. 

Mr. Jones. I do not think 9 o'clock ; nothing as late as 9. 

Senator Gbat. First you said 9 and then you said 8 was the time 
that the surrender of the barracks occurred. The Queen's abdication 
joa said was about 8 o'clock, as you say now. 

Mr. Jones. I think so. 

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect when you got your answer from Mr, 
Stevens f 

Mr. Jones. I do not. 

Senator Gbat. Do you recollect getting it allt 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 


Senator Gbay. Was it dark when you got itt 

Mr Jones. Yes, as I remember, it was dark. 

Senator Gbat. Were yon all together when this ofScer came with 
these gentlemen who composed the Eoyal Government? 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Geay. I wish you would try to recollect, if you can — ^if you 
can not of course you will say so — the coming in of that officer from 
Mr. Stevens; I mean, as to the time. 

Mr. Jones. I would not attempt to do that, because I really do not 
remember. , 

Senator Gbay. Of course, if you do not remember you would not 
attempt to say. This was on the 17th of January, Tuesday! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gbax- You say, <<Many threats were made and many 
rumors were in circulation every day that caused much anxiety and 
constant watching. The strain was very gieat all these days, and so 
many threats were made we consulted with the advisory council and 
decided that to bring about a state of quiet we would ask the protec- 
tion of the American minister, and suggested that the American flag 
be hoisted on the Government building, which we consented to do, 
and the flag was raised on the morning of February 1st." Fow, when 
was it that you first consulted in regard to that request to have the 
American flag raised! 

Mr. Jones. I think it was the last, day of January, as I remember. 
We went up to see Mr. Stevens, up to his house, and to the executive 

Senator Gbay. How long before that had you talked it among your- 

Mr. Jones. Perhaps for a day or so. 

Senator Gbay. Who first told you that the troops had been landed 
from the Boston t 

Mr. Jones. One of our German residents told us. 

Senator Gbay. What did he tell you! 

Mr. Jones. He told us that they were landed to preserve life and 

Senator Gbay. That was the language he used, or was it your under- 

Mr. Jones. Fo, I think that was his language — ^the request of che 
committee, and he probably repeated what he had heard down town. 

Senator Gbay. I only want your recollection. Do you recollect who 
it was that so informed you! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. I can not call his name. Let me see. I know he 
is a clerk in F. A. Schaeffer & Go's. I can not call his name just now. 

Senator Gbay. You say you do not think those native Hawaiians are 
capable of self-government! 

Mr. Jones. I do not think so. 

Senator Gbay. Do you think they necessarily have to be governed 
by a more intelligent class for their own as well as for your benefit! 

Mr. Jones. I think so. 

Senator Gbay. You think that the intelligent and those having prop- 
erty interests will have to control the country for the good of those 

Mr. Jones. It seems to me so. That is my opinion, although I would 
give them the same rights that I ask for myself. 

Senator Gbay. But that is your opinion of whac the best interests 
of the islands require! 

Hawaiian islands 219 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gbat. Is that the general opinion of those who are asso- 
ciated with yont 

Mr. JoNss. I think so. Mr. Lance is that gentleman's name. I 
should be very sorry to live there under native rule entirely, where we 
pay all the taxes. 

Senator Gray. Ton went out of office on the 12th t 

Mr. Jones. Twelfth of January; from the Queen's cabinet. 

Senator Gray. Was there a new cabinet formed immediately t 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 

Senator Gbat. Who composed itf 

Mr. Jones. ComweU, Peterson, Parker, and Colbum. 

The Chairman. Let me ask you just there. Under the constitution 
of fiawaii is it necessary before the new cabinet take office that it 
should be confirmed by the Legislature f 

Mr. Jones. No. The Queen appoints, but the Legislature can vote 
ttan out. The Queen can not discharge the new cabinet. What is 
known as the Ck>rnwell cabinet was voted out. 

Senator Gray. Are they voted out directly, or is a vote of want of 
confidence the process f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Then a vote of want of confidence means that the 
cabinet has ceased to hold office f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. If they secure 25 votes, the cabinet must retire. 

Senator Gray. Is that a majority f 

Mr. Jones. That is a majority. On the 4th of January they brought 
in a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox cabinet, and they secured 
<mlj 19 votes. On the strength of that the minister went up to Hawaii 
vith the Bo9ton and was gone until it came back, on the very day that 
tlie Queen undertook to overthrow- the Government by proclaiming the 
neir constitation. We felt satisfied that she could not get the Wilcox 
cabinet out, and he thought there was no need of holding the Boston 
there any more; that there was no danger. 

The Chairman. When did you first become aware of the fact that 
the Queen intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887 f 

Mr. Jones. On the evening of the 11th of January. 

The Chaibman. About what timet 

Mr. Joi^s. It was about half past 6, just after dinner. 

The Chairman. Who was your informant! 

Mr. Jones. Mr. Henry Waterhouse. 

The Chaibman. What connection had he, if any, with the Govern- 

Mr. Jones. None whatever at that time. 

The Chaibman. Had he previously to thatt 

Mr. Jones. He had been a member of the Legislature; not that year. 

The Chaibman. He was a private citizen t 

Mr. Jones. He was a private citizen. He got the information from 
Colbum's brother. 

The Chaibman. One of the men put into the ministry f 

Mr. JoiTBS. Yes. 

Hie Chaibman. Did you have any communication with any member 
of tiiis cabinet upon that subject f 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chaibman. None of them gave you any information as to the 
intention of the Queen to abrogate the constitution of 1887 1 

Mr. Jones. No. 

220 HAWAIIAN islands: 

The Chairman. Was any statement made at either of these meet 
mgs of which you speak — the citizens' meeting on Saturday or the meet- 
ing of the new Provisional Gk)vemment — to the effect that the Queen 
had abrogated or intended to abrogate the constitution of 1887 1 

Mr. JoN£S. Oh, yes; at the mass meeting it was stated. 

The Chairman. By whomT 

Mr. Jones. By the resolutions that were introduced. 

The Chairman. Who gave information to the meeting of the fact of 
whicb those resolutions were predicated — that the Queen intended to 
abrogate or had abrogated the constitution of '87 f 

Mr. Jones. I think the committee of thirteen. You see, the mass 
meeting was held on Monday, the 16th; the attempt of the Queen to 
abrogate the constitution was on the 14th. 

The Chairman. Saturday! 

Mr. Jones. Saturday. 

The Chairman. It was about that point of time that I wish to make 
inquiry. How did the x>eople become possessed of the fact that the 
Queen ha^l abrogated or intended to abrogate that constitution f 

Mr. Jones. Why, the people who were there at the palace — Chief 
Justice Judd was there and heard her speech; quite a number of the 
diplomatic corps was there; a great many of the citizens and some 
members of the Legislature were there whea the Queen made this 

The .Chairman. Was this after the Legislature had beenproroguedl 

Mr. Jones. Yes; immediately idter. 

The Chairman. Waa it in the Government buUdingt 

Mr. Jones. In the palace. 

The Chairman. lolanit 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. And thisassemblage had met there for whatpurposet 

Mr. Jones. At the request of the Queen. And tkea it was an- 
nounced that there was a great deal of delay; they could not under- 
stand why they were call^ there, and it got rumored about that the 
Queen intended to proclaim this constitution and the ministers were 
afraid to approve of it. 

The Chairman. That was the rumor t 

Mr. Jones. That was the rumor, and it was the fact, too. 

The Chairman. Were you present at the timet 

Mr. Jones. I was not; no. 

The Chairman. As a matter of personal information you can not 
state what actually occurred f 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. What the Queen said or what anybody else said t 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. But, if I understand you, the information that such 
a movement had been made and that the Queen had spoken on that 
subject was disseminated throughout the community f 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; by many witnesses who were there. 

The Chairman. When did you get information that the Queen had 
recalled her intention f 

Mr. Jones. On Monday morning. 

The Chairman. Was that the soonest you heard of it, that there 
was any such intention on her partt 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. So that, between Saturday and Monday, you were 
under the impression that the Queen had abrogated the constitution f 


Mr. Jones. Oh, tio. She had attempted to do it, and had told the 
people that she could not carry out her plans that day, bnt if they 
voald go to their homes, in a very few days she would proclaim the 
D6W constitutaon. 

The Ghaxrman. Did you ever see that new constitution f 

Mr. JoNBS. No. We offered $500 for a copy of it and could not 
seenre it. Oh, they destroyed it after that. 

The CHA.ISMAN. Have you any knowledge who it was prepared that 

Mr. Jones. It was said that the Queen prepared it herself. 

The Chairman. With her own handf 

Mr. Jones. That is as I understand it. That is the rex>ort that came 
tons— that it was her own constitution; she prepared the whole of it. 

TheCHAi&MAN. With your knowledge of the intelligence of the 
QaeeD, would you suppose she is capable of drawing up such a consti- 

Hi, Jokes. I should say not. 

Senator Gray. Does she speak English I 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 

Senator Gbay. What is her customary dialect — ^native language t 

Mr. Jones. She will talk English if those who are about her speak 
English; if there are those about who understand both English and 
Hawaiian, she prefers to talk the Hawaiian. 

S^ator Obay. What is the prevailing language in the city of Hon- 
oinla; the Hawaiian language t 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Do you use it in your business I 

Mr. J0NS& Yes. 

Senator Gray. Do the Portuguese use itf 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

Soiator Gray. Do the Germans and others use itf 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

Senator Gray. As they do our language heref 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. All the discussion in the legislature is in English 
and Hawaiian, because the Hawaiians speak in Hawaiian and then it 
is interpreted, translated into English, and then those who speak in 
English, their language is interpreted, translated into HawaiiaiL 

Seziator Gray. You all understand the Hawaiian language I 

Mr.JoNRS. !Not thoroughly. 

Senator Gray. Can you speak itf 

Mr. JoNRS. Well, tolerably well. 

Senator Gray. Do ybu understand it when it is spoken t 

Mr. JoNRS. YiBS. I should hate to attempt an address in Hawaiian. 

Senator Gray. But you understand itf 

Mr. JoNRS. I can understand it for ordinary purposes. 

Senator Gray. Have the Hawaiians any literature in their own Ian- 

Mr.JoNRS. Very little indeed. 

The Chairman. Before the Monday, before the mass meeting of 
tike citizens of which you speak, did you have any information of the 
iKt, if it was a fact, that the Queen's ministers, the latest ministers, 
ff any of them, had announced that they refused to sign the consti- 
tution with her — ^to assist her in its promulgation f 

Mr. JoNRS. Late Saturday they refused to. 

The Chairman. Well, you had information of that on Saturday f 

Mr. JoNXS. We heard of that on Saturday. 



The Chaibmak. Whom did that infonnation come &Qm — ^the minis- 

Mr. Jones. From the ministers themselves; yes. 

The Ghaibman. Did any of these ministers attend any of these 

Mr. Jones. Yes; Peterson and Oolbnrn.were there. 

The Chairman. When you were present! 

Mr. Joi^s. No. 

The Chairman. So that yon do not know what they saidt 

Mr. Jones. !No, I do not; I was not present. 

The Chairman. Well, you can state whether it was commonly un- 
derstood, rumored there, stated among those people, that the minis- 
tears had disclosed the fact that the Queen had desired them to join 
her in the promulgation of this new constitution! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. They undoubtedly went into office pledged to 
support her in it. 

The Chairman. What reason have you for that statement I 

Mr. Jones. I think Mr. Oolburn clearly pledged himself to it, and 
the others, too. 

Senator Gray. Do you found that opinion ux>on that letter which 
you received! 

Mr. Jones. Partially, and from other information. When the Queen 
— ^you said I might allude to rumors! 

The Chairman. That is what I was asking about. 

Mr. Jones. When the Queen urged them to sign the constitution, 
they asked for more time. She turned to Peterson and said, ^^ Why 
more time; you have carried that constitution around in your pocket 
for more than a month — why do you want more time!" 

Senator Gray. Who gave that account! 

Mr. Jones. That came from the Palace that Saturday. 

Senator Gray. By whom! 

Mr. Jones. Well, I heard it. Chief Justice Judd told me. 

Senator Gray. That he heard it! 

Mr. Jones. I do not know whether he heard it or not; I could not 
say, but that was the rtimor that was about, and I believe it was correct. 

The Chairman. Chief Justice Judd told you! 

Mr. Jones. He was at the Palace. 

The Chairman. He told you of the fact, that he had been authen- 
tically informed! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Gray. Did he state whom he heard it from I 

Mr. Jones. Ko; I could not say that. 

Senator Gray. He stated it as a rumor! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. That is what I want to get at, whether the common 
belief of the people in Honolulu was that the Queen had caused to be 
prepared, or prepared herself, this new constitution, and had asserted 
her purpose to abrogate the constitution of 1887 — supplant it by a new 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. And it had been carried around in the pocket of 
Peterson for a month before that time! 

Senator Gray. Let us understand. Do you mean that that was 
understood for a month before — that he was carrying it around! 

Mr, Jones. Not that for a month. 

Senator Gray. That Saturday you heard that! 


Mr. JoifES. Tes — ^not that the ramor had been in circnlation for a 
month, but the Queen declared that he, Peterson, had carried the con- 
stitation in his pocket for a month. 

Senator Gbat. That rumor came out on Saturday? 

Mr. JoNBS. On Saturday, yes. 

The Ohaibman. State whether it was a part of the understanding 
of the general community that the ministry had revised to sign this 
Mw constitution with the Queen. 

Mr. JoNBS. That day, yes. 

The Chairman. I mean on that Saturday t 

Mr. JoNi:s. On that Saturday. 

The Chairman. Thp^t was the public understan^ngf 

Mr. JoNSS. They did. It was unquestionably so — ^they declined on 
that day to sign it. 

The Chairman. On Saturday t 

Mr. Joints. Yes. 

The Chairman. And they gave information to the community that 
te Queen demanded of the ministry that they sign the constitution, 
and they refused to do it f 

Mr. JoNRS. On that day, yes. 

The Chairman. State whether it was part of that general under- 
itanding or rumor that they came to the citizens or any citizens to get 
sdvice as to what they ought to do under such circumstances. 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes, they £d. But I was not present at those meetings. 

The Chairman. I am speaking of the common understanding of 

Mr JoNRS. Yes. 

The Chairman. Was that a part of it — that they had come to the 
citizens for advice as to what they should dof 

Mr. JoNSS. They came to Thurston and asked his advice, and they 
wefB also present that afternoon at the meeting at W. O. Smith's office. 
I think that is included in Mr. Blount^s report. But I was not present 
tt that meetihg. 

The Chairman. Then, as I understand you, it was the common be- 
lief among the people of Honolulu from Saturday to Monday that the 
Queen hs^ attempted to abrogate the constitution of 1887, and she had 
only failed because the ministry refused to sign with hert 

]fe. JoNRS. Yes. 

The Chairman. And also the common belief that the ministry, or 
nme of them, when they took office had pledged themselves to this 
diaoge of government t 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you know of any combination or any conspiracy 
or eoncerted action or agreement or understanding prior to that revela- 
tion for supplanting the Queen in her government f 

Mr. Jones. No; I do not. • 

The Chairman. Or for establishing a republic t 

Mr. JoNRS. I do not. 

The Chairman. Or for annexation to the United States f 

Mr. JoNRS. I do not. The whole thing was like a thunder clap to 
the oommnnity, so far as I am aware, and nothing was thoaght of it 
iBta Saturday, when it was made public that the Queen was to with- 
tew the institution of 1887, and these things culminated very fast. 
I knew nothing of anything of the kind. 

The Chairman. If there had been any purpose on the part of a 
timber 9f the people of Qawaiij of SoDolulu^ to dethrone tKe Qnib^u 


or establiAh a republican form of government, or different form of gor- 
emment, or entlu'one another royal personage, or get annexation to the 
United States prior to the time that the people were informed of the 
Queen's intention to abrogate the constitution of 1887, do you thin^ you 
would have known of itt 

Mr. Jones. I think I should, because of my intimacy with different 
people there. 

The Ghaibman. You would say that whatever intention was formed 
in respect of these matters about which I have been inquiring, it arose 
from public information that was disseminated on that Saturday with 
regard to the Queen's intentions f 

Mr. Jones. Yes, I say that. 

The Chaibman. Are you in any way connected with the clergy t 

Mr. Jones. I am not. I am a member of the Hawaiian Board of 
Missions — a lay member. 

The Ghaibman. To what extent, using the percentage, if you can do 
so with reasonable approximation of the fact, will you say that the 
native Kanaka population of Hawaii had become communicants of any 
Ghristian church t 

Mr. Jones. Well, I should say, speaking wi^thout an actual knowl- 
edge of the facts, 75 per cent, although Mr. Emerson* who has appeared 
before you, could give you much better information than I could. I 
should think that such information might be furnished; but I am Very 
poor at statistics, carrying things in my head. 

The Ghaibman. So that you think, contrasting this Hawaiian com- 
munity with pagan communities, the Hawaiian community is a Ghris- 
tian community t 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 

The Ghaibman, They have the observance of the Sabbatht 

Mr. Jones. Oh, they are very punctilious about that. 

The Ghaibman. Have you laws also to assist them in the sanctity oi 
the Sabbath f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Ghaibman. Is the marriage relation recognized t 

Mr. Joirajs. Yes, 

The Ghaibman. Is it a secular relation or religious f 

Mr. Jones. The marriage relation is a religious ceremony. 

The Ghaibman. Is it sustained and provided for by law — licensed f 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; the marriage relations there are just as strict 
as they are here. 

The Ghaibman. In regard to deceased persons, do they have regular 
administration of estates! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Ghaibman. Have persons by law the right to bequeath their 

Mr. JoNiB^s. Yes. 

The Ghaibman. Have you courts to enforce those rights! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Ghaibman. The laws in respect to temperance — what is the 
general character of them ! 

Mr. Jones. There are quite a number of laws on the statute books 
regulating the sales of liquors, and it is only for want of public opinion 
that many of them are not enforced. There is a general looseness there 
about enforcing some of the laws. The police are never anxious to do 
any thiug of that sort unless spurred on by public sentiment. 


Senator Gray. They do not differ from communities here? 

Mr. JoNSS. Very like here. 

The Ghaibilan. Is the Kanaka element in the island addicted to 
intemperance f 

Mr. Jones. Many of them. 

The Chaibkan. Well, take the msyority. 

Mr. JoNBS. I am sorry to say that I think so, if they get the oppor 
tnnity — ^not all of them, but I would say a majority. 

The Ghaxbman. So that it is an evil that is not to be controlled 
ftbBolntely by public opinion, but you And it necessary to enact lawsf 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. Are they of a stringent character f 

Mr. JoNSS. Stringent — that is, some; particularly as to licenses. 
We have a high license. There are many stipulations in the license 
▼hieh, if rigidly observed, would make a great deal of difference in the 
bqnor habit. 

The Chairman. Is the distillation of spirits by Government au- 
thority t 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. 

The Chairman. Whoever distils spirits there must have a Govem- 
nent license t 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. And your tariff laws — do they relate to the importa- 
tion of liquors f 

Mr. Jones. There is a high tariff on liquors. 

Senator Gray. To promote home manufacture t 

Mr. Jones. I^o; that is more for the sake of revenue. There is noth- 
ing done there in the way of home manufacture. 

oMiator Gray. I understood you to say awhile ago that the distil- 
lation law was largely for the purpose of encouraging home manufac- 

Mr. Jones. This law that was passed I am not familiar with. It 
ns introduced before I went into the House. I think it became a law 
doling my incumbency, as I stated to Senator Morgan early in our 
eoDversation. I am not familiar with it. 

S^ator Gray. It was this last law to which you refer f 

Mr. JoNSS. Yes. It was introduced, I think, by someone to make it 
a sort of popular thing with some of the natives, and there has never 
be^ anything done about it since. 

The Chairman. This Provisional Government in Hawaii, as I under- 
stand it, has repealed that opium lawf 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes, and the lottery law. 

The Chairman. They have not repealed the distillation billf 

Mr. JoNRS. !No. 

The Chairman. On the subject of education. You have given a 
^ery flattering account of the progress of education in Hawaii. Who 
b?e had that subject in charge since the first appearance of civiliza- 
tion in the Hawaiian Islands — mainly in charge t 

Mr. JoNRS. The missionaries, originally. Since then the board of 
education, which has always been made up of our very best citizens. 
Prod Alexander, who is to appear before you, has been and is now act- 
isg president of the board of education, and he is very fajniliar with 
tbt question. 

The Chairman. Then I will not trouble you on that question. But 
I will ask you this — whether in the absence of the labor of the mis- 

8. Eep. 227 15 


sionaries in the direction of educating the people they woold have been 
educated to the degree they are now! 

Mr. Jones. Oh, nO; it was owing to the missionaries that the Ha- 
waiians have been brought to what they are. 

The Chaibman. What King was on the throne when you went to 
Hawaii f 

Mr. Jones. Kamehameha lY. 

The Chairman. What year did you say that wast 

Mr. Jones. That was in 1857. 

The GHAmM AN. That was after the constitution of 1854 had been 
proclaimed f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did Kamehameha lY have in his cabinet any of the 
American missionary element t 

Mr. Jones. In my day, no. 

The Chairman. Did he have any American citizens in his cabinet f 

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had, I think, David L. Gray. I think he took the 
position of minister of finance in the cabinet of Kamehameha lY. 

The Chairman. How long did he remain in office f 

Mr. Jones. I do not remember; two or three years, perhaps. 

The Chairman. Was there any other person who was a member of 
the Kamehameha cabinet — Kamehameha LY — any American citizen t 

Mr. Jones. I do not remember any American except Gray. Mr. 
Wilie, a Scotchman, was in for Diany years. 

The Chairman. Was he a missionary t 

Mr. Jones. Oh, no; he was rather an anti-missionary. 

Senator Gray. What do you mean by '* anti-missionary ?^ 

Mr. Jones. I do not think he was in fiiU sympathy with the mission- 
aries. I would not call him what we call an anti-missionary man to-day. 

Senator Gray. What was he? 

Mr. Jones. He was minister of foreign affairs for many years. 

The Chairman. Then Kamehameha Y had white men in his cabinet! 

Mr. Jones. He had three Americans in his cabinet. 

The Chairman. Who were theyf 

Mr. Jones. He had Charles Coffin Harris, formerly of New Hamp- 
shire; he had J. Mott Smith, who was then Hawaiian minister here; 
he had Stephen H. Phillips, a lawyer. Phillips was his attorney- 

The Chairman. All Americans t 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. American citizens t 

Mr. Jones. American citizens; yes. 

The Chairman. Then did he have other white men, from Europe, in 
his cabinet — I mean Kamehameha Yf 

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had Dr. Hutchinson for years: I think he was 
an Englishman. 

The Chairman. Well, the next Kingt 

Mr. Jones. The next King was Lunalilo; he lived but fourteen 
months. That cabinet was comprised of three Americans. They 
always speak of the missionary children there as Americans, because 
they always claim to be Americans. That cabinet was composed ot 
Hon. C. E. Bishop, minister of foreign affairs; E. O. Hall, minister of the 
interior — he was formerly connected with the mission; and A. F. Judd, 
who was attorney-general. 

The Chairman. And then chief justice of the supreme conrtt 

Mr. Jones. Yes. He was attorney- generaL 


The Chairman. Under Lunalilof 

Mr. JoNBB. Yes. 

The Ghaxbman. Then, after Lnnalilo came Kalakauat 

Mr. JoiTES. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did he have AmericaDS in his cabinet f 

Mr. JoNSS. Yes. He had A. S. Hartwell in his first cabinet and 
Sam Wilder, an American. I forget the other two now. He had a great 
many cabinets. There were generally one or more Americans in his 

The Chairman. He changed his cabinet very often t 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

The Chairman. Were those changes made because of want of con- 
fidence t 

Mr. JoNRS. Oh, no. It was his own sweet will that he turned them 

Senator Frte. That is, he was King. 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did Kalakaua have the right to dismiss his cabinet 
without the Legislature f 

Mr. Jones. Yes, under the constitution of '87. 

The Chairman. Under that provision of the constitution giving 
Mthority he made frequent changes in his cabinet f 

Mr. JoNRS. Yes. 

Bie Chairman. Kow, speaking of these men in the different cabi- 
nets, commencing with Kamehameha Y down to Kalakaua and his cabi- 
Qeta, were any of these men impeached by the people of Hawaii for 
any disloyalty to the Government t 

Mr. JoNRS. No. 

The Chairman. Or any crime against the Government t 

Mr. JoNRS. No. 

The Chairman. Were they men of fine character t 

Mr. JoNRB. Many of them were. Do you include Kalakauat 

The Chairman. I am speaking of the first cabinet of Kalakauat 

Mr. JoNRS. I should say most of them were men of good character. 

The Chairman. You would consider that they were not a disin- 
t^rating or disloyal element in the monarchy f 

Mr. Jonrs. No. 

The Chairman. T^ey gave full support there t 

Mr. Jonrs. They gave full support there. Yes, so far as I ever 
faiew. Of course I knew nothing of the inner workings of the Govern- 
ment in those days. But none of them were ever impeached for dis- 
koaesty of purpose, doubted, to my knowledge. 

The Chairman. What is the opinion among the more intelligent 
people of Hawaii as to the reasons that influenced Kalakaua to make 
aomany changes in his cabinet f 

Mr. Jonrs. Well, for the purpose of gaining supreme power. K he 
foand an obstacle in his way he would do it at once. 

The Chairman. Was it the opinion of the people of Hawaii that 
K^kaoa wanted that supreme power of government for the benefit of 
tie government, or for his personal advantage! 

Mr. Jonrs. For his personal advantage only. 

The Chairman. There was at one time a colony of Mormons there t 

Mr. Jonrs. Yes. 

The Chairman. Who established that colony! 

Mr. Jonrs. Gibson. He was afterwards Kalakaua's factotum. 

The Chairman. In Kalakaua's cabinet f 



Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Ohaibman. Do you know where Gibson came from before he 
arrived at the Hawaiian islands f 

Mr. Jones. I think he came from the Mormon settlement in Salt 

The Chairman. Do yon remember whether he brought any Mormons 
over with him! 

Mr. Jones. I do not. 

The Chairman. Was ther^" :n any particular part of the islands a 
populous Mormon colony f 

Mr. Jones. The island of Lanai was set apart as a colony ibr Mor- 
mons — as a Mormon settlement. 

The Chairman. Who controlled that settlement f 

Mr. Jones. Gibson. 

The Chairman. It was after that settlement was made — set apart — 
that Gibson became a member of Kalakaua's cabinet f 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes; long after. 

The Chairman. How long did Gibson remain in E^lakana's cabi- 
net T 

Mr. Jones. He remained through several changes. Gibson would 
always be in the new deal. 

The Chairman. During the time that Gibson was a member of Kala- 
uaka's cabinet Don Celso Caesar Moreno appeared there f 

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. I think Moreno— I have forgotten ; I 
was away when Moreno went in; I was away in the States. 

The Chairman. You do not know of that except by public reputa- 
tion t 

Mr. Jones. I was not there. 

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet t 

Mr. Jones. Moreno t 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Jones. He '^as there only three days. 

The Chairman. He became a member of the cabinet? 

Mr. Jones. Yes, minister of foreign affairs for three days, I think. 

The Chairman. Do you know what circumstances led to his being 

Mr. Jones. At the request of a public meeting. 

The Chairman. Of the citizens, demanding tiijtt he should be re- 

Mr. Jones. Yes; and he was. As I say, I was not there at the time. 

The Chairman. I am speaking of the general rumor or historical 
traditions of Hawaii on that subject. Before his removal what disxK)- 
sition did he make of the foreign ministry? 

Mr. Jones. Who? 

The Chairman. Moreno. 

Senator Frye. During the three days that he was in there, what did 
he do? 

Mr. Jones. I have forgotten. For matters of history you will find 
Prof. Alexander right up. He has written a history of the islands. 

The Chairman. I was trying to get from you the general impressions 
of the people of Hawaii on this subject. I know you do not know it 
in detail. Did Moreno leave the islands? 

Mr. Jones. Oh, he had to leave. 

The Chairman. Was he banished? 

Mr. Jones. The opposition was so great that he had to leave. 

Xhe Chairman. He came there, to the islands, from Ohinat 



Mr. Jones. I have not known anything of him since that time, only 
ihat he has been here in Washington. I have heard of him occasionally. 

The Chairman. Had the people of Hawaii any opinion as to the 
reasons or causes which gave Moreno the ascendancy over Kalakana — 
made him premier of Kalakaua's cabinet f 

Mr. Jones. I am not aware of the reasons! 

The Chairman. You do not know the reasons t 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. No public sentiment or belief in regard to the 

Mr. Jones. None that I know of. 

The Chairman. What became of Gibson f 

Mr. Jones. Gibson in 1887 — ^the revolution of 1887 — was put out of 
office, and then he was virtually deported. He went to California and 
never returned. 

The Chairman. What became of his Mormon colony that he took 
over with bimt 

Mr. Jones. That disappeared, went to pieces, and then Gibson 
obtained x)ossession of the island of Lanai for his own purposes, and 
that is all broken up now. 

The Chairman. Did he sell itf 

Mr. Jones. No; his daughter inherited the property of Lanai. 

The Chairman. She is in possession of the whole island f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. About how mucht 

Mr. Jones. There are* crown lands there and other lands in the 
island. She is the owner of the property that was originally pur- 
chased for the Mormons, as I understand. 

The Chairman. This daughter has succeeded to the title f 

Mr. Jones. She enjoys all that Jones died possessed ofL 

The Chairman. Considerable estate! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. About how muchf 

Mr. Jones. I suppose it is worth perhaps $100,000. And there is 
sometliing of a mortgage upon it; I do not know how much. I have 
never been on the land. 

The Chairman. Do you know the areaf 

Mr. Jones. I do not know. 

The Chairman. You do not know whether it is good land or notf 

Mr. Jones. It is mostly for sheep-raising; very little for other pur- 
poses. I have never been upon the land. 

nie Chairman. You have mentioned two members of the Kalakana 
cabinet — ^Moreno and Gibson. Was there any other man in Kalakaua's 

cabinet whose reputation was not good among the people of Hawaii for 

bonesty and loyalty t 
Mr. Jones. I do not recall to mind any others. I do not know how 

many he had. He had a large number of cabinets, but I do not recall 

any of them to mind just now but those two. 
The Chairman. Were Gibson and Moreno there in the cabinet 

before this revolution of 1887 occurred f 
Mr. Jones. Yes; Gibson was in the cabinet in the revolution. 
The Chairman. During the revolution f 
Mr. Jones. Yes. 
The Chairman. And he was dismissed in consequence of the revo- 

Mr. Jones. Yes, 


The Chaibmai?- Just state generally the manner in which that reve- 
lation was set on foot. 

Senator Gray. What revolution! 

The GuAiBHAN. Of 1887. State generally the inanner in which the 
revolution was set on foot. I mean by that whether it was done by 
the citizens meeting or by the King himself, or how? 

Mr. Jones. It was by a series of acts of the King that stirred the 
citizens up, and a secret league was formed. An organization that 
culminated in a mass meeting and a demand for a new constitution to 
clip the wings of the King — to which the King acceded without any 

The Chaibman. Did he first ma>ke resistance by armst 

Mr. J ONES. No ; his native soldiers all fled. He was in a much better 
position to resist than Liliuokalani was when the revolution of last 
year came. But he could not depend upon his native forces. 

The Chairman. They abandoned himf 

Mr. Jones. They abandoned him and there was no courage in hnn. 

The Chairman. Did they abandon him through fear or disgust! 

Mr. Jones. Oh, through fear. 

The Chairman. Fear of the people! 

Mr. Jones. Yes ; he did a great many things that were unbecoming 
a king. His ambition was to get control of everything, and the people 
rose up and stopped it. And his sister seems to have followed right, 
in his footsteps. 

The Chairman. Kalakaua was seated on the Hawaiian throne by an 
act of the Legislature f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860! 

Mr. JoNSS. 1860. 

The Chairman. He was not a member of the royal family t 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. Was any vote of the people of Hawaii taken as to 
whether Kalakaua should be by them elected kingf 

Mr. Jones. No; no vote of the people; vote of the Legislature. He 
was not the choice of the people by any means. 

The Chairman. Who would have been the choice of the people at 
that timef 

Mr. Jones. Queen Enmia. 

The Chairman. She had royal blood in her f 

Mr. Jones. No; she was the wife of K^mehameha lY. Lanalilo 
submitted his election to the people and he got almost the entire vote 
of the country. I think there were only six votes against him. When 
he died he declined to appoint his successor. He was allowed by the 
constitution to appoint his successor, but he declined to do it. He said 
he was elected by the people, and he would rather submit it back to 
the people. The Legislature had the power under the constitution to 
elect a king, and they elected Kalakaua. 

The Chairman. A man without any pretensions to royal blood f 

Mr. Jones. Yes; he had no pretensions to royal blood f 

The Chairman. There was a person at the time of his election in 
Hawaii, a relative of the royal family t 

Mr. Jones. Mrs. Bishop was one of the Eamehamehas, but she de- 
clined to take the throne also. 

The Chairman. Was there not a mant 

Mr. Jones. Kuniakea, do you meanf 

The Chairman. Yes; he was a scion of the royal fiimily f 


Mr. JoNE^. I thiuk he was, perhaps, an illegitimate son of Kameha- 
meha III; I am not sure. 

The Chatkman. Not recognized as belonging to the royal family. 

Mr. JoNBs. No. 

The Ohaxbman. Is he still living! 

Mr. Jokes. Yes, he is still living. 

The Chjltbman. But no importance attaches to him as of royal 

Mr. JoNSS. No. 

TheCHAiBMAN. So that the election of Kalakana was an entire 
departnre, so far as the royal blood was concerned — a new dynasty t 

Mr. Jones. Yes; a new dynasty altogether. 

TheCHATBMAN. And Lilinokalanif 

Mr. Jones. LiliuokaJani is the sister of KaJakana. Princess Kaiu- 
lani is the daughter of Princess Likelike. 

The Chairman. So that Kaiulani is the niece of Lilinokalanif 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. How did Lilinokalani become possessed of royal 

Mr. Jones. Her brother appointed her his successor, under the old 

The Chairman. Under the constitution of 1860! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. Was that done before the revolution of 1887! 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. It was done almost, I think, as soon as he 
ascended the throne. He appointed his brother and then his sister. 
He appointed his brother first and then his sister Lilinokalani, and she 
appointed, under the constitution of 1887, Kaiulani as her successor. 

The Chairman. That was after LUiuokalani ascended the throne ! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. So that Kalakana was elected by the Legislature, 
ad during his reign he appointed his sister Lilinokalani his successor! 

Mr. JoN£S. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then came the revolution of 1887 and the new con- 
stitution of 1887 ! 

Mr. JoNBS. Yes. 

The Chairman. That did not disturb Liliuokalani's apx>ointment 
voder the constitution of 1860 ! 

Mr. JoN£S. No, they recognized that. 

The Chairman. Were the claims of Lilinokalani in any way sub- 
mitted to the people! 

Mr. Jones. Kb. 

The Chairman. Or of Kaiulani! 

Mr. Jones, l^o. 

The Chairman. None were since Lunalilo VI ! 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. That was done entirely on his request! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. Having his successor confirmed by the people! 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Chairman. Has any constitution ever been submitted to the 
people for their vote or ratification! 
Ibr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. Any amendment! 

Mr. Jones. Amendment! Yes — ^not to the people direct. 

The Chairman. I mean to the people. The process of amendmftut 


is by mc^ority vote, and it goes to the next Legislature, and by a two- 
thirds vote it becomes an amendment to the constitution; 

Mr. Jones. Yes. There were one or two amendments to the consti- 
tution of 1887 at the last liCgislature. That is, the former Legislature 
voted and it was confirmed by the present Legislature. 

The Chairman. But there has been no original vote on an amend- 
ment of the constitution or an original amen£nent by the people t 

Mr. Jones. No. 

Senator Fete. The present constitution takes firom the Queen prac- 
tically all power, does it not, and vests it in the cabinetf 

Mr. Jones. Yes. There is no act of hers that is valid without the 
signature of one of the ministers. The ministers are directly responsi- 
ble, and she is not responsible. 

Senator Fete. I understand that; we have the constitution. Now, 
when you went into the Government building to take possession the 
Queen's ministers disappeared, as I understand f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Fete. And you immediately took possession of the various 
offices of the building, the archives, the treasury, and everything t 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

The Ghaibman. Now, when you were at that mass meeting at the 
armory building, was not information conveyed to that meeting that 
the Queen was going to x>ostpone that new constitution, and was not 
the question asked that meeting whether that would do f 

Mr. Jones. Yes. 

Senator Feye. What was the reply t 

Mr. Jones. The unanimous reply was, "No, no.'' They would not 
believe in it. Kalakaua tried the same dodge. 

Senator Feye. In Mr. Blount's rei>ort he speaks of the Queen having 
six or seven hundred troops and sixteen cannon, etc. Did the Queen 
have any such people there f 

Mr. Jones. No. There were about, as far as we were informed, 
fifty or sixty men down at the station house, and there were seventy or 
eighty troops at the barracks. 

Senator Feye. What are those Hawaiian troops — ^the Queen's 
Guard f 

Mr. Jones. Yes; around the palace; do palace duty, do the review- 
ing on state occasions, and things of that sort. 

Senator Feye. That Queen's Guard and the police at the police 
station made no attempt during all these proceedings against your 
meeting or toward taking possession of the Government building! 

Mr. Jones. No. 

Senator Feye. Were your people armed at the public meeting t 

Mr. Jones. Many of them may have had pistols on them, but not to 
my knowledge. I saw no arms. 

Senator Feye. Was any attempt made to disperse that meeting! 

Mr. Jones. No. The only attempt made was by getting up a 
counter meeting to draw people away from attending. But the house 
was packed. 

Senator Feye. Now, as to the landing of troops. You were there 
shortly after the troops were landed! You were in Honolulu! 

Mr, Jones. Yes, I was in Honolulu. 

Senator Feye. Do you know where the troops were located and why 
they were located and howf 

Senator Geay. Of your own knowledge. 

Mr. Jones. Oh, yes. I know that there was a squad stationed at 


the American minister's, and another one at the American consuPs, and 
the balance of tliem at Arion Hall. 

Senator Fbt£. And Arion Hall was off to the east or west of the 
Goyemment building f 

Mr. Jomss. West of the Government building. 

Senator Fhyb. A street between! 

Mr. JoHSS. Yes. 

Senator Fbye. Do yon know whether or not any attempt was made 
toobtaun other locations? 

Mr. JoNSS. I think there was an attempt made to secure the Music 
Hall, just in front. 

Senator Fbte. That failed? 

Mr. Joivss. That failed. 

Senator Gray. Of your personal knowledge? 

Mr. Jones. All I know of that is, I have read the reports of it. That 
b the way I obtained the knowledge. 

Senator Fbye. You were at the Government building frequently. 
Did you ever see, during thisTevoIution, any of the American soldiers 
marching on the streets? 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. Did you, as a member of the new Government, ex- 
pect to receive any assistance from them? 

Mr. Jones. Ko. 

The Chairman. Do you know whether or not your fellows were look- 
ing for any help? 

Mr. Jones. I never knew that they were. 

Senator Frye. As a matter of fact, did they give any assistance to 
tbe revolution at all ? 

Mr. Jones. No. 

The Chairman. Let me ask you right there, is it your belief that 

tbt revolution would have occurred if the Boston had not arrived in 

the harbor t 
Mr. Jones. I believe it wonld have gone on just the same if she had 

beea away from the islands altogether. 
Senator Gray. Was anything said in your conferences that day or 

tfae next in regard to the troops — anything said about that at all in 

jour hearing! 
Mr. Jones. No. I was not at any of those meetings until Tues- 



The Chairman. You are a native of the United States? 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I was bom in Ohio. 

The Chairman. What is your age? 

Mr. Spalding. I am 56 — was bom September, 1837. 

The Chairman. When did you first go to Hawaii? 

Mr. Spalding. I was sent out to Hawaii in 1867 by Secretary 

The Chairman. As an official of any character? 

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I was what was termed secret or confidential 
tf^t of the State Department. I was bearer of dispatches to the 
amister at Washington and under pay fi:om the State Department, 
tem its secret-service fhnd. 


The Chairman. Was there any particular emergency of the Govern- 
ment in Hawaii that caused you to be sent there! 

Mr. Spalding. It was at that time the treaty of reciprocity was 
being talked about and advocated, and Secretary Seward wished to 
have all the information possible upon that subject My instructions 
were rather indefinite. I received my instructions from the Secretary 
himself, and, as he told me, he did not wish to be committed by put- 
ting explicit or specific instructions upon paper, but he wished to know 
what effect the reciprocity treaty would have upon the future relations 
of the United States and Hawaii. 

The Ghaxrman. What was your vocation in life before tbatt 

Mr. Spalding. I had come out of the army but a short time before. 

The Chairman. What was your rank in the army? 

Mr. Spalding. I commanded the Twenty-seventh Ohio Begimeot. 

The Chaibman. As Colonel! 

Mr. Spalding. Lieutenant-colonel. Our Colonel was commanding 
the Brigade. 

The Chairman. What was your age when you went to Hawaiit 

Mr. Spalding. I went out there in 1867. I was then 30 years old. 
I was bom in 1837. 

The Chairman. Were you a married manf 

Mr. Spalding. I was married out there. 

The Chairman. Did you marry a native t 

Mr. Spalding. My wife was born in Honolulu, but her father was 
from Massachusetts and her mother from New York. 

Senator Frye. Who was your wifet 

Mr. Spalding. The daughter of Capt. James McKee. 

The Chairman. A sea captain f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; he was wounded on board ship near Honolnla 
so severely that he was obliged to give up his vessel. He was unable 
to leave his bed, and his wife went out from New York City to him. 
He always lived there after that. He was one of the early sugar- 
planters there. 

The Chairman. Did you continue to reside in Hawaii from the time 
you went out there as a Government agent f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; I have lived there most of the time since then. 
I have bee^ a short time in California. I came over to San Francisco 
in 1875 or 1876. I lived there about a year, until about the time of the 
reciprocity treaty being passed, when I went back and purchased the 
land I have now. 

The Chairman. Where are you residing at present f 

Mr. Spalding. My family is in Paris. 

The Chairman. There, educating your children t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Where were you during the month of January 

Mr. Spalding. I left Honolulu — I think it was on the 4th of Janu- 
ary — on the steamer coming to San Francisco— on my return to my 
family in Europe. 

The Chairman. What stay had youmade in Honolulu, on the islands, 
prior to your return to Paris t 

Mr. Spalding. I had been there, prior to that, three months. I had 
been there twice during the year. But I had been there about three, 
months putting some new machinery in my factory. 

The Chairman. Eeflneryf 


Mr. Spai^ing-. No; sugar factory. 

The Chaismah . Were you a mauufactarer of sugar cane into sngart 

Mr. SPALMTia. Yes. 

The CHAXKMATi. What is the extent of your landed possessions in 

Mr. SPALi>iNa. I haye27,000 acres there; something like 12,000 in fee 
simple, and the balance— 15,000 acres — ^under lease. 

The Gh AIRMAN. You are cultivating sugar f 

Mr. Spax.1>ino. Yes. 

The Chairman. Anything elsef 

Mr. SPALi>iNa. Nothing else of any importance. 

The Chairman. You raise provisions, 1 suppose t 

Mr. SPAiiBiNa. Oh, yes; I have also a large herd of cattle. This 
plantation was formerly cattle laud. 

The Chairman. On what island is itf 

Mr. SPAiiBiNG. Kauai. 

The Chairman. Is it a fertile island f 

Mr. Spalding. It is called the most fertile island of the group. 

The Chairman. Do you raise crops there by irrigation f 

Mr. Spalj>ing. Yes. 

The Chairman. So that you have expended a good deal of money 

Mr. SPAU)iNa. I have expended a good deal of money upon the 

The Chairman. About how much have you invested theret 

Mr. Spalding. The original investment that I made was only about 
liO^OOO in buying up the land without the cattle, because when I 
hoDght it there was hardly a fence on the place. 

S^tor Gray. When was thatf 

Mr. Spalding. I think it was about fifteen years ago. I think it 
▼as in 1878; whether it was just before or aftier, I do not remember. 

The Chairman. Have you put much machinery ui>on your plauta- 

Mr. Spalding. Yes, I have expended a good deal of money upon the 
pbntation; money that I have made out of the plantation has mostly 
gone into it. 
The Chairman. What have been your expenditures for the ma- 

Mr. Spalding. For the machinery alone f 
The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Spalding. I think I have spent $250,000 or $300,000 for ma- 
Hie Chairman. Is your machinery very finet 
Mr. Spalding. Yes. I have what is considered among sugar men 

oaeof the most perfect sugar factories in the world — that is, for cane 

ne Chairman. It is located on this island f 

Mi. Spalding. Yes, on the island of Kauai. 

The Chairman. What labor do you employ! 

Mr. Spalding. Just now we are using Japanese and Chinese labor. 
Wf have had all kinds of labor, that is, all kinds we could get, because 
Uifir has been the one thing that we have been short of. 

The Chairman. How about the native labor; do you employ that 

Mr. Spauqkg. ^We employ that whenever we can get it; but the 


natives are not fond of regular work. I use a good many natives for 
cattle work. ' 

The Chairman. That is, located on your lands t 

Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes; they live on the place. 

The O^A^BMAN. Talking generally, how are the natives provided 
with homes; what kind of homes have theyt 

Mr. SPALDiNa. They are very comfortable; they have their little 
lands, what we call kuleanas, from which they raise the tare plant. 

The Chairman. Patches of ground which you would sell themf 

Jiir. Spalding. Oh, no; patches of ground they have used for a good 
many years. To explain that I would have to give you some informa- 
tion ot our land laws. 

The Chairman. We would like to know how the land became dis- 

Mr. Spalding. In the reign of Kamehameha III — I do not remember 
exactly what year he came onto the throne, but I think somewhere 
about 1820— the King changed from the feudal system, if you might so 
term it, or the system by which he held all the lands in the country, 
and everybody was subservient to him, to a system by which he gave 
away the lands of the Kingdom, di^sesting himself of this right in, I 
think, three divisions. He gave certain lands to the Crown, to remain 
Crown lands forever — large tracts of land; he gave what were termed 
kuleanas — that is, small patches of lands that could be watered, some- 
thing like a rice patch, sometimes not more than twice the size of this 
room— lands capable of raising taro, which has been always the food of 
the people — ^he gave to the people all these lands, with the proviso that 
they should make application to the Government, through the proper 
channel, and receive from the Grovernment what is known as a royal 
patenty and that is where all the tities to lands in that country come 

The Chairman. Are these kuleana titles fee simple titles! 

Mr. Spalding. They are royal patent titles; they are from the Gov- 

The Chairman. They are in fee f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We consider them the best possible title. 

The Chairman. No reversions t 

Mr. Spalding. Ko, except mineral rights. But there are no min- 
erals in the country, and never have been. 

The Chairman, what is the third class of lands f 

Mr. Spalding. The third class of lands the King gave to the (Gov- 
ernment what ore called Government lands. 

Senator Gray. Were they distinct from the Crown lands t 

Mr. Spalding. They were distinct from the Crown lands. The 
profits from the Crown lands were to revert to the Crown.. For instance, 
I have what are called aihupuaoi or large tracts of land, sometimes run- 
ning up into the mountains and containing a great number of acres* 
Some of these a/tupiiaa« belong to the Crown — that is, they were re- 
served as Crown lands. I pay a rental on these ahup%Mas to these 
Grown commissioners. 

The Chairman. Those are what you call the leased lands t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Also, we have lands that belong to the Gov- 
ernment. These are the lands that the King so set apart — ^lands whidi 
belong to the Government, to the Crown, not to one King or another 
King, but to the Crown inperpetuity; the others to the people by royal 
patent. Kamehameha III divided up the land in that way. 


The Ohaibman. When you came to bny up this large estate to 
which yoa have the fee simple title, from whom did you buy itt 

Mr. Spalding. The fee simple title came from the man who had 
previously owned it. 

The Chaikman. Where did he get itt 

Mr. Spalding. I do not know where he got it originally, without 
looking back over the papers to see where these lands came from. 
The large chiefs took these pieces as the people took the kuleancut. 

The Ohaibman. So that to this land that you have you derived 
title from the chiefs f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; in the old times. And some of them are Grown 
lands for which I pay rent. 

The Ohaibhan. In the disbursement, were these lands open to 
native settlers t 

Mr. Spalding. Preference was given to natives who were living 
upon the KuleanM — there was sometimes 1 acre, sometimes 5, some- 
times 10, as the case might be. But the common people generally took 
tlie lands that could be watered, for the reason that the big lands 
running up into the mountains furnished nothing but pasturage; were 
of no particular use to them. 

The Ohaibman. In order to raise their native food, taro, the Natives 
were obliged to have water t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; the lands that could be watered. 

The Ohaibman. The taro grows in water t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. It belongs to the Oaladium family and is ktiown 
as the Arum Esculentum, 

Hie Ohaibman. Are the natives, employed by you when not engaged 
in their own industries? 

Mr. Spalding. A great many of them are when they want work. 
Some of them raise taro on my land. To some of them I lease land. 
Some of them work entirely in handling cattle. Some natives I have 
as overseers. 

Senator Gbay. This plant that you call taro. What is its character t 

Mr. Spalding. It is a bulbous root that grows in the moist ground. 
Taro grows in a certain amount of water, as rice does. 

Senator Gbay. Is it anything like the potato? 

Mr. Spalding. Something Uke the potato. It is starchy in its 
nature, like the potato; but before it is cooked it has a very strong, 
pungent flavor and bums the mouth; it must be cooked to eat it. 

Senator 6bat. Something like the turnip? 

Mr. Spalding. Like the Indian turnip when it is raw. But taro 
after baking, or boiling, becomes like a potato, and can be mashed up. 

Senator Gbay. That is the staple food of the islands? 

Mr. Spalding. That is the staple. When it is mashed it becomes 
pai. After it has been broken up, it becomes like hasty pudding. 
When they mix it with water and allowed to stand it becomes sour, and 
they prefer it as it becomes more and more acid. 

Senator Gbay. Do the natives make a liquor of it? 

Mr. Salding. No. From the ti plant they make liquor. 

Senator Gbay. You have eaten taro? 

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes. 

The Ohaibman. Is it palatable? 

Mr. Spalding. Very nutritious and pleasant to the taste, especially 


after yin become accustomed to the pai. The uatives eat it with the 
finger, when it is thick. When thick they eat it with one finger, a little 
thinner with two, and a little thinner with three or foor. They dip it 
up with their fingers, roll it around and put it in their months. 

The Ohaibman. Is this a fo6d common to all those countries f 

Mr. SPAXDiNa. Common to the Pacific islands. 

The Chairman. How many natives have you upon your estate t 

Mr. Spalding. We have not a great many natives on KaoaL 
Withii} the limits of my lands I do not think there are over 500. 

The Chairman. Do you find the natives tractable, people easy to 
be controlled? 

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes. I have never found the natives to be any- 
thing else. They are a good-natured people, not prone to quarrelling 
or fighting. 

The Chairman. How are they about public affairs; do they feel 
much interest in x)olitical affairs t 

Mr. Spalding. They are very fond of lawsuits; they are very fond 
of arguing, very fond of making speeches. I have known a native to 
talk for two or three hours. Of course, he would repeat himself a 
good many times. But they are very fond of everything of that kind* 
We have a great many native lawyers. They have a great idea of 
making speeches. 

The Chairman. Of course, then, in their speeches they are fond of 
talking about politics f , 

Mr. Spalding. Oh, yes; they talk about politics and most anything 
else. They ring in anything in a political speech. 

The Chairman. Do they seem to take any real, deep or sincere con- 
cern in public affairs, management of the Government? 

Mr. Spalding. No, not as a rule. 

The Chairman. What do you say of them as a governing race t 

Mr. Spalding. I have always found them very easily governed. 

The Chairman. No, not to be governed, but as governing. 

Mr. Spalding. They acquire an education up to a certain point very 
readily, and all kinds of education, musical and others; but that point 
is not very high up in the scale. They are apt to be very fanciful in 
their ideas, rather than practical. We have never found any of them 
to be practical enough to transact business of any importance. 

The Chairman. Do you know any native Hawaiiaus who could take 
your sugar estate, for instance, and make a success of it? 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there was ever a native on the islands 
who could run it for five years without ruining it. I was in partnership 
with Kamehameha Y when he was King, and got to know him pretty 
well. I started a sugar plantation on the island of Maui at his request. 
He owned an interest in the plantation. I agreed to take the manage- 
ment of it on certain terms. In the management of the plantation I 
came in contact with the governor of Maui, who was an old-fashioned 
native and quite smart for his times. I found there was so little busi- 
ness about him that we were constantly having trouble. 

Senator Gray. You mean the governor and youf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes, about the King's hinds. His idea was that the 
mill should furnish money for the planting of the cane, and the King 
to get his rent whether the proceeds came to the amount advanced or 
not. That is a matter we could not agree upon, and I sold out my 

The Chairman. I wonld like to ask you about the healthfulness ot 
Oie Hawaiian islands. 


Mr. ^Ar.i>iNe. I think a Isxge part of the race is diseased. 

Hie Chajrmak. I am speaking of the healthftilness of the climate. 

Mr. Spauding. The climate is a veiy salubrious one, and particlularly 
good for young people and very old people. It is not a good climate 
for an acthre man, because it is too even and equable to be, perhaps, 
healthful for a vigorous man. 

Senator Grat. Enervating t 

Mr. Spalbing. Enervating, yes. 

The Chaikman. You spoke of the whole population in a certain sense 
being diseased. That is not the result of any climatic condition! 

Mr. Spauding. No. If I had the time and you had the leisure, I 
ooold tell yon from' my own ejq[>erienoe with the natives how easy it 
vas for them to drift into corrupt ways of life and government. They 
are naturally indolent and careless about health or property. Kala- 
kaua, the last king, was a good-natured, indolent sort of man. He was 
a aaan of very fair education ; but he was, of course, a thorough native, 
and his idea of moraUty was not very great. I had occasion to know 
him pretty well, because he owned a quai'ter interest in my plantation at 
one time. He undertook to furnish the native labor to do the work, which 
would have been a valuable consideration for the plantation. If that 
had been carried otit it would have been quite consistent with business 
news to have furnished him the means of pa3ring the assessments on 
the interest which he held. But within a very few months after he 
attempted to do this, I found it was utterly useless to depend on him. 
He had engaged people to do work in the fields. They would start 
out to do the work, then would stop and have a little talk over it, and 
then go fishing instead of going to work. The result was the first crop 
was less than a ton of sugar to the acre on land that I have harvested 
sate 4 to 5 tons to the acre, by good cultivation. I was obliged to buy 
Kalakaua out. I held his notes, and the ex-Queen, his sister, who had 
some property, was the indorser on the notes, but I gave his notes 
baek to him and took his interest, simply because there was no use in 
my carrying him, finding that he could not get the labor to help me 
earxy oo the plantation. 

The Chaikman. He was not a man of business capacity t 

Mr. Spalding. No, none of them are. They attempt to do some 
things. The King used to go down to the plantation himself and rid^s 
around ; bat it was simply the lack of capacity on the part of the native 
to carry out any important business. That is why the whole countr>, 
aa tar as it is worth anything, has drifted into the hands of others. 

The Chairman. Yon knew Kalakaua, I suppose, and his personal 
~ political history at the time he was King? 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. And up to the revolution of 1887 1 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. When that revolution was inaugurated, was it done 
by »iy particular organization for the purpose of annexing the islands 
to the United States f 

Mr. Spalding. There was no particular talk of annexation at that 
tine. But there was an organization gotten up for the purpose of 
fimng the King into a bettor form of government. He had rather 
iDidertaken to do the whole business hunself— in this way: he had a 
■Jnister of foreign affairs who was also ex-officio minister of the interior, 
ei-officto minister of finance, and ex-officio attorney-generaL 

Hie Chairman. Who was that t 


Mr. Spaldii«ig. Oibsoo. When one of his cabinet associates would 
resign Gibson would take the office himself, and he was the i&OYing 
spirit of the whole Government. He had gotten into the good graces 
of Kalakaua, so that he was the governing spirit of the country, and 
he was treating the King with a good deal of deference until he had 
obtained this power. We put up with it so long as it was possible to 
put up with a thing of that kind, and finally this organization was 
formed for the purpose of changing this business. 

The Chairman. What was that organization called? 

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that you can say there was any par- 
ticular name; it was a League. 

The Chairman. Was it a secret or public organization f 

Mr Spalding. It was a secret organization. 

The Chairman. Were you a member of itt 

Mr. Spalding. I was not a known member of it, because, as I told 
them at the time, if Mr. Gibson knew that I was one of the advisors 
he might take some pains to thwart it. But I furnished my share of 
the sinews of war. 

The Chairman. Money t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. After the organization was formed, did you proceed 
to arm the members of itf 

Mr. Spalding. These arms were all in the hands of private indi- 
viduals. We had these arms simply in the event of desiring to use 
them. We then had a meeting of the citizens of Honolulu. 

The Chairman. Outside of the league? 

Mr. Spalding. The league was there, but this was a public meet- 
ing where they could come. 

The Chairman. What was the number of that league at the time 
of the revolution of 1887 1 

Mr. Spalding. I could not tell you how many men. 

The Chairman. Give us an idea, whether there were hundreds or 

Mr. Spalding. Oh, no; it was not anything more than i>erhaps 
about a hundred. 

The Chairman. That is, a hundred people of the Hawaiian islands 
were banded together in a secret organization for the purpose of 

Mr. Spalding. Reform in the Government. Let me express one 
tbiug before going any further. Up to the time of the revolution of 
1887 there was what was called the " House of Nobles,'' not elective — 
the nobles were api>ointed for life by the King, so that the King had 
actually control of the Government. 

The Chairman.. That was one of the points of your reform t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And we had no way of obtaining a majority 
vote in that house as against the King on account of his being able to 
put these nobles in. 

The Chairman. They were his creatures! 

Mr. Spalding. They were his creatures. 

The Chairman. And you had to go to work and create a revolution 
in the Government to reform the Government! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. To take th e nobles out of the King's hands and have 
them voted for by the people! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 


The Chairman. The people who were to vote for the nobles were not 
the generaL masses of the voters f i 

Mr. Spalbtng. The people who voted for the nobles must have sepa- 
rate qualifications, property qualifications, separate from the qualifica- 
tions to vote for the representatives. Both houses sat together. 

The Chairman. But the sufirage was very much larger in respect to 
election of members of the house than in respect to the election (k the 

Mr. Spali>tng. Yes. 

The Chairman. They were organized by districts, I suppose! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. When you got to the point of this secret organiza- 
tion, got to the point of a determination to work this revolution in the 
Government, a meeting of the citizens was held in Honolulu t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Was that a public meeting t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Open meeting f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. What was the general character of the declaration 
made by that meeting? 

Mr. Spalding. Simply that there must be a change in the admin- 
istration of the Government. 

The Chairman. That the people would no longer submit to the then 
workings of the Government? 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. It was not then, as I understand, a project to destroy 
the monarchy? 

Mr. Spalding. !No. 

The Chairman. Nor to dethrone the King? 

Mr. Spalding. No. 

The Chairman. But to compel him to grant restrictions on his power 

in fiivor of the x>eople ? 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. We could have made a republic at that time — 

leposed him. 

The Chairman. Was there anything of the kind in that movement 

-a desire to make a republic of Hawaii? 
Mr. Spalding. No. There might have been in a few individuals. 
The Chairman. I am speaking of the purpose of that movement. 
Mr. Spalding. It was that the constitution should be so amended 

tlut the rights of property and the rights of the white people should 

be more respected and observed. 
The Chairman. Was there any purpose of annexing the islands to 

tk United States at that time? 
Mr. Spalding. No. One of the principal leaders was an Englishman 

^bo was opposed to annexation — even to reciprocity — with the United 

The Chairman. So that you intended to let the monarchy remain, 

uuithe King on his throne? 
Mr. Spalding. Yes. 
The Chairman. And the constitution to remain intact, except as 

yw had amended it^ with the grants in it? 
Mr. Spalding. Yes. 
The Chairman. Therefore the citizens met in this secret society to 

i&^ demands on the King? 

8. Rep. 227 16 


Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes. These men had anned themselves for matual 
protection in the event of its becoming necessaiy. 

The Ghaibhan. The result was that the King granted the constitu- 
tion of 1887! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Ohaibman. And it wa« proclaimed t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Then the King went on to act under that constitu- 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Of course, under very restricted power! 

Mr. Spalding. The main improvement was this. Under the constitu- 
tion of 1887 the House of Nobles was abolished and made elective and 
the King's ministers were made responsible for the Government. 

Senator Fryb. They were the Government! 

Mr. Spalding. They were the Government — ^the King could do no 
act without the ministry. 

The Chairman. No legislative act! 

Mr. Spalding. Ino legislative act. 

The Chairman. Could not pass any law! 

Mr. Spalding. No. Of course it reduced him, you can see, to a 
flgarehead. The only thing left to him, and which afterward proved a 
very great trouble, was the veto. 

The Chairman. The veto was left to the monarch. Then he had the 
right to appoint his ministers! 

Mr. Spalding. No. He could not appoint his ministers without the 
consent of jthe Legislature, of these two Houses. That was the very 
thing. And he could not discharge his ministry. He had been in the 
habit of discharging his cabinet one day and appointing a new one the 
next. Under the new constitution he could discharge his cabinet by 
the passage through the Legislature of a vote of want of confidence; 
and he could not appoint a Cabinet without the consent of the Legisla- 
ture — the cabinet must be approved by the Legislature. It made quite 
a difference in that way. 

The Chairman. You are familiar with the Hawaiian legislation and 
Hawaiian affaiis up to the time you made your last visit in January, 

Mr. Spalding. In a general way; not very minutely. 

The Chairman. You knew the state of public opinion! 

Mr. Spalding. I knew how there came to be ^' twoBichmondsinthe 
field." At the time of the constitution of 1887, the first election held 
under that constitution was without a dissenting vote, almost, and 
every single member — I do not know of any exceptions — was elected as 
a candidate or as a member of what was called the reform party. And 
even the members, natives and others, who had been in the previous leg- 
islatures, as you might say creatures of the King to carry oat his 
wishes, voted the reform ticket. I remember that in my district there 
was not a dissenting voice — every vote was cast in the one line. After 
a few years this party, known as the reform party, became partially 
broken up, and some of the members of the reform party who wanted to 
get into office themselves, started another party, which they called the 
national reform party. That was the beginning of what has since 
resolved itself into the two parties; one in favor of the Crown or Sov- 
ereign, the other in favor of the people. 

The Chairman. Which is the reform party! 


Kr. 9iPAiJ3inm. Thftt which is represented by the Provisional Oov- 
ffnment is the reform party; the national reform party is represented 
bjr the roymlists. We had two or three other names to these parties, 
but these two parties were the original one^. 

The Gkaibman. When did yon last leave Hawaii— before the month 
of January, 1893 T 

Mr. SPAiJ3iif6. I had been there the previous June or July, I 

TheCHAiBKAN. Tou left in July t 
Mr. SPAi^me. I think so. 

de Chairman. Had you made a considerable stay during that 
visit to Hawaii? 
Mr. SPAXDUie. I had been there several months. 
The CHAiBMAjf . Looking alter your personal interests t 
Mr. 8PALJ)iNa. Yes. 

The CHAtBMAN. After yoa left there did you know of any concert of 
action^ conspiracy, open or secret society, organized or projected for 
dumgiBg the Gkivemment firom a monarchy to any other form of gov- 
Mr. SPAUDine. Vo. 

The GHAiBMAif. Or of dethroning the Queent 
Mr. Spalding. !No, I did not. 

The Chaibman. Or of forcing her to accept a particular cabinet t 
Mr. Spalding. No. 

The Chaibman. Did you know of any political movement that might 
he called in any sense a movement in antagonism to the Government of 
Hawaii at that time — I mean when you were there f • 

Mr. Spajlding. I did not know of any, and I do not think there was 
The Chairman. Had you reasons for knowing there was any t 
Mr. Spaxding. I have not seen the signs of any. . 
The Chairman. Have you made inquiry f 

Mb. Spalding. I have inquired of some of my friends in Hono- 
Wo. I was on my plantation most of the time. Of course, I heard of 
the niiDor that word had been received from Washington that annex* 
ilMi niffht possibly be agreed to or brought aboat, and I did not 
believe that any such intelligence had come from Washington, because 
I had kept a pretty good run of matters here for many years. I dif- 
widi my friends there in that respect. Of course, a good many 
cypiiiiims were to the effect that it would be a very easy matter 
to annex the country to the United States. I always maintained the 
gremd tiiat it would be a very easy matter to annex the country to 
te Dftitod States so soon as the IJnitiBd States would give us any reason 
tebeiieviBg that it would be agreeable on this side. I knew it would 
take very much to bring it about if that were so, and I so stated, 
Janitary, before this affair tood place. I was told by one of 
royalists there that $100,000 would be sufficient to upset the 
ly in ease annexation could be brought about. 
He ftwFATwifAw Have yon any objection to giving the namef 
Mr. Spaij>ing. !No: l&at was a Frenchman, Dr. Trouseau. That 
wm his opinion, and I thought the money could be raised ; I would be 
viiiiig to givo a reasonable sum myself toward it. But I would not 
any monej, and I have not wasted any money on this proposition 
I never saw the time that the United States bad given us a 
rt iadiotdion that the isbuids would be accepted. I had never 


The Ohaiuman. How long before this emeute was it that you were 
last in Honolulut 

Mr. Spalding. Just a few days before. I was crossing the Atlantic 
when the vessel arrived at San Francisco with the news. 

The Chairman. Then you went on to Paris with your family f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I got the news at Queenstown. 
.The Chairman. I want particularly the period when you were in 

Mr. Spalding. January, 1893. 

Senator Gray. And you left there the 4th of that month t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I perhaps had not left Kew York when this 
thing took place. 

The Chairman. When you left Honolulu in January, 1893, had you 
any information of a movement that was on foot to annex Hawaii to 
the United States! 

Mr. Spalding. No ; I had information to the contrary. If there was 
anything going on I was likely to be informed by men who would cer- 
tainly know about it, men who were afterward engaged in this up- 
rising^ I was informed by those men that there was no chance of any- 
thing of that kind; that there would be no trouble, so far as they were 
aware; that there was no organization, and would be no trouble unless 
something occurred which they did not know about. 

Senator Frte. Then Mr. Stevens must have left on that BosUm trip 
about the time you leftt 

Mr. Spalding. I do not know whether he was in Honolulu when I 
left. I think the Bost-on was there. I think Mr. Stevens left about the 
time I did— just about the time J did. 

The Chairman. From what you stated here, the drift of your 
inquiry had reference to your personal affairs, as to whether the condi- 
tion of the country was likely to be firm and prosperous. 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaikman. You were not inquiring because of any expectation 
that there would be an uprising or a revolution t 

Mr. Spalding. !N'o. It was only in regard to the general matter, to 
the conduct of the fiiture Government. 

The Chairman. You, as a property holder, were inquiring for the 
puri)08e of protecting your interests f 

Mr. Spalding.. Yes. 

The Chairman. And you made this inquiry of the persons who were 
afterwards engaged in this emeute, who informed you that nothing of 
the kind was contemplated f 

Mr. Spalding. Nothing of the kind contemplated at that time. 

Senator Gray. Will you state of whom you made the inquiries f 

Mr. Spalding. One of the gentlemen is Mr. Wilder, who is now one 
of the council and one of the commissioners to come on here. Mr. 
Wilder and I had agreed in politics. He knew that I was an annexa- 
tionist of long standing, and he was a pretty good American himselt 
We talked the matter over, and he assured me that there was nothing 
in these rumors of which I had heard incidentally; that there was no 
news received from Washington that was at all indicative of anything 
of that kind. I certainly would not have left there if I had thought 
there would be any change in the Government that way. I should 
have remained there and been in the thick of it, because I should have 
considered that my property interests there demanded it. 

The Chairman. Was the rule of Liliuokalani up to the time you left 
there agreeable to the better part of the population t 


Mir. SPAXBiNa. Her rule was not exactly agreeable to herself or any- 
body else because it was a forced rule; she was forced into everything 
she did. And her last ministry was obliged to force her to every act 
they accomplished. 

The Ghaibman. The people were conscions of her reluctance f 

Mr. Spalbikg-. The people were conscious of that, because there was 
this fight^ if you might term it so, between these two parties. But we 
soppooed we had sufficient control in the majority which we possessed 
in the Legislature and in the cabinet. She had a cabinet before that 
which was quite obuoxious to the people, and that had been ousted. 

The Ghaikman. By a vote of want of confidence f 

Mr. SPAX.BING. Vote of want of confidence, and that she must appoint 
a cabinet agreeable to the Legislature. What we termed tlie reform 
party had a majority; that is, it was a coalition of the reform party 
and the best men of this national reform party^t was the best men 
of aQ parties who had joined in this coalition to have a good cabinet 
appointed, and we deemed we had. When I left there in January 
things were in better shape than ever before. When I left there 
appeared to be less liability of auy trouble than there had been for a 
year, because we had the best cabinet that we had had for a long time. 
That is this Jones- Wilcox cabinet; they were all respectable men — 
Bien of position and men whom we could depend on — very safe bauds 
ao long as that cabinet remained in possession. But, to the surprise 
of everybody, the Queen managed to get a majority in the Legislature 
a very few days after I left, and that cabinet was ousted. 

The Chairman. Was that done by election or manipulation f 

Mr. Spaxding. It was done by manipulation. 

The Gh airman. Do you recollect when you left Honolulu, in Jan- 
itary, 1893, these bills, the opium bill and the lottery bill, were pending 
before the Legislature f 

Mr. Spalding. We supposed at that time they were killed; because 
it WBS understood, of course, that so long as the Wilcox- Jones ministry 
remained in those bills could not be passed. 

The Ghairman. No member of that ministry could be gotten to 

Mr. Spaxding. Ko. And with the majority we had in the Legisla- 
ture — the cabinet ministers had a vote in the Legislature — the opium 
and lottery bills could not pass. Of course, we supposed that everything 
vas secure for two years, as the Legislature would be prorogued and 
this cabinet would hold over for two years, and the Queen could not 
pat them oat after the Legislature was prorogued. Therefore, she made 
the final effort of obtaining a majority in the Legislature just after I 
kit there in January, and after she got that minority she had every- 
thing in her own hands. 

The Ghairman. When did you return to Hawaii f 

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean when I last returned f 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Spai^bing. In October, 1893. 

The Ghaibman. You were not present, then, during any part of 
this emeutef 

Mr. SPAiJ>rNG. Ko, I was not there at all between January and 

The Chaibkan. When you got back to Hawaii, what impression 
did yon find amongst the people there in respect to the means by 
vhidi Lilioukalani had (Ranged the Legislature so as to get the new 

246 HAWAnAN I8LAin)8. 

cabinet, so as to get authority, power, to enact the opium bill and the 
lottery bill — ^what was the impression f 

Mr. Spalding. The impression as to the means that die nsedf 

The Chaibman. Yes. 

Mr. Spalding. I do not know that I got aiiy very definite idea, except 
what seemed the result, i)erhap8, of my own previous knowledge For 
instance, on the island of Kauai we elected <me of the nobles at the 
previous election ; elected him on the reform ticket. We considered 
him just as much a member of that Reform party as Mr. Jones, Mr. 
Wilcox, or anybody else. He was an ignorant old fellow, but good- 
natured. As there did not seem to be anybody on the island willing 
to spend the time to attend the sessions of the Legislature, and as tiiis 
old fellow was willing to go— of course he had to pay his own expenseih^ 
he was nominated by this BefcHin party. He was considered just as 
good a man, so far as his principles were concerned, as good a B^brmist 
as anyone else. But it was hiis vote that had been obtained in seme 
way or other which gave the Queen the balance of power^-his and that 
of the son-in-law of this Judge Weidemann. Of course, at the time I 
left there was no doubt of this noble from Kauai continuing to vote, as 
he had done before, with the Reform party. But he was a great friend 
of Paul Neumann who came on here^ you remember, in the interest of 
the Queen. He probably gained this vote for the Queen. Paul Neu- 
mann had been in the previous cabinet — ^had been elected to the Legie^ 
lature as a noble from Honolulu; only a few months before that he had 
been elected by a sort of joint vote. The cabinet went out for want of 
confidence, and he was out of it entirely. This man from Kftuai was a 
sugar planter. We always supposed that he would vote in the same 
lines that he had always express^ his opinions. We knew his opinions, 
and he was nominated by this Reform party, nominated against a man 
who was running as an Independent, but more in favor of the Queen's 
party than the Reform party. But it was losing this vote that upset t he 
whole thing. I had no reason to think it would happen at the time I 
left Honolulu. 

The Chairman. What is the opinion, the belief, of the men engaged 
there in promoting the interests of what you call the reform party as 
to these men having been corruptly infiuenced to go into the meshes of 
the Queen and vote for the opium bill and the lottery billf What did 
you find to be the state of opinion in Hawaii about that when yoa 
returned f 

Mr. Spalding. I found this — that the men who voted for that opium 
bill and lottery bill were the men who were known and acknowledged 
there as being the most corrupt, men of the least reputation. Some of 
the natives, for instance, with no shadow of reputation, belong to that 
class or party. 

The Chaibman. The class that voted for t&ese bills t 

Mr. Spalding. That voted for these bills. 

The Chairman. I am speaking of the change. 

Mr. Spalding. You mean the effect, the change by which the votes 
from the reform party were carried overt 

The Chairman. What is the opinion as to the means employed to 
procure this change f 

Mr. Spalding. Some claim that money was used and others bribery 
of one kind and another. But I do not think there was any more 
bribery used than is general in such cases. I think this man from 
KMtai was influenced more by Paul Neumann simply talking to hiaiu 


Tliejr are botli G^rmoiiB, and he has a great idea of Paxil Neumann's 
greatness. My own idea would be that he was more inf uenoed by 
Keamann than any other influence. 

TheCHAiBMAN. That is your idea f 

Mr. 8PAL.i>nfa. Yes. 

The Chairman. What is the prevailing idea or opinion on that sub- 

Mr. Spaxbing-. A great many think there was bribery used. 

Senator Gbat. And others agree with the ot)inion you express? 

Mr. Spaxding. I suppose so. But, of course, I could not say much 
of my own knowledge how the people did regard it. I do not think I 
paid much attention to it. I know that I heard with a great deal of 
astonishment of this old fellow from Kauai and his' false position 
toward the reform party. 

Senator Gbat. Was he a native f 

Mr. Spaxding. Ko, a German. He married a native, had a native 

The OhatrmaNv What is the present state of things in the Hawaiian 

Mr. SpaIjDING. It is quite depressed. Of course, certain lines of 
business that have to be carried on, cultivation of the cane, manufacture 
of Uie sugar, and moving of the sugar are going on; but what you call 
mercantile business, selling supplies and other things, is very much 
depressed, because of the low price of sugar. 

The Chairman. Is it want of confidence in the Government that 
produces this depression f 

Mr. Spalding. Ko. 

The Chairman. Do the people of Hawaii, the native Kanakas, seem 
to resent this change in the Government f 

Mr. SPAXBmG. I have never seen anything that indicated a marked 

The Chairman. Ton were on your estate there, were youf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Saw thei>eople who were there f 

Mr- Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Did they exhibit any dissatisfaction at the existing 
state of affairsf 

Mr. Spalding. No. They have talked among themselves, not with 
me, but I have heard of their talking about their having something to 
say in the Government; that is, having a vote, the franchise the same 
as they had been in the habit of having it. But at the same time I do 
not think they care particularly about that. I do not think they are 
much interested in that. If you will allow me to say it — without blow- 
ing my own trumpet — when it was awaked of the natives in my neiglibor- 
Imd what they thought of the annexation question, they said they 
vanted first to know what Spalding thought about it; if he did not 
want to have it, they did not. It shows that I am a sort of adviser to 
llieBL They come to me with all their troubles. 

The Chairman. Have you always occupied that position toward 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Do you enjoy the confidence of the natives t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes, the best of them, because they always know that 
they can come to me, and my manager when I am away, and have any 
beneitB which are necessary, any assistance which is necessary. For 


iuBtance, when they want a church, I give them a piece of land to put 
it on, and give them the use of my carpenters in building it, and help 
them secure the money to build it with — ^help them secure their churchea 
and schools. 

The Chairman. Are the natives interested in such matters as 
those f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; they are all, as a rule, interested in their little 
churches and in their schools. We have two quite good-sized school- 
houses, which makes quite a large school, on my own plantation, a short 
distance from the miU. I gave the land to them and assisted them in 
putting up their building. The school may be said to be right under 
my eye. My financial clerk is the agent of the Government school board, 
or board of education, in all its financial transactions. 

The Chairman. Do the natives participate in all these public insti- 
tutions f 

Mr. Spalding. Tes. 

The Chairman. Freely and with spirit t 

Mr. Spalding. They attend these schools. Education is compulsory 
up to a certain age. 

The Chairman. Are the people in harmony with that sentiment of 
progress, improvement, and enlightenment f 

Mr. Spalding. As far as you could expect them to be. 

The Chairman. Is there any antagonism to itf 

Mr. Spalding. I think not. In some cases, where the natives are 
by themselves, away from the plantations, they may have been im- 
bued with the idea that the foreigners are aggressive people, trying to 
get possession of their property, and it is necessary to fight them ofi:; 
and in political campaigns stories have been told to them by office- 
seekers that would, perhaps, in some instances, estrange them from 
foreigners with whom they would otherwise have been on good terms. 

The Chairman. So that you would say that amongst the native 
Kanaka population the general drift of feeling or opinion would be in 
favor of those institutions first established by the missionaries f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. And the natives have looked more upon the 
United States as the father of their Government. They always speak 
of the American war ships as ^^our war ships," in contradistinction from 
the British war ships; and the 4th of July, has been the gala day of 
the country. We have the Kamehameha day. The Kamehameha day 
Is the first; that is the 11th of June; but they have always celebrated 
the 4th day of July as the gala day of the country. 

The Chairman. Kamehameha I was a chief f 

Mr. Spalding. He was a high chief. He was not Royal blood but he 
was a nephew of one of the Kings of Hawaii. 

The Chairman. At the time he came to the front there w^ere kings 
over these islands f 

Mr. Spalding. A half dozen. There were three kings on Hawaii 

The Chairman. He established himself by uniting all these king- 
doms into his empire f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; by force. 

The Chairman. And there is where the Kamehameha family took 
its origin as a royal dynasty f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. One part of the island of Hawaii was left by the 
king of that section — there were three kings there — to Kamehameha 
and to the son of the old King when he, the old King, died. Afterward 


the son, fhrongli the influence of some of his chiefs, attempted to wrest 
fnm Kamebameba his share of this part of the Kingdom. He was de- 
feated, killed, slain in battle. Then Kamehameha went to work and 
eonqnered the balance of Hawaii and the other islands. 

The Chairman. I suppose yon have examined Jarvis' History of 
Hawaii 1 

Mr. Sp ALBINO. In old times. 

The Chairman. Is that considered authentic — a correct history f 

Mr. Spalding. I think so. One of the best histories is a short one 
by Prof. Alexander. 

The Chairman. But Jarvis' History is a standard workf 

Mr. Spalding. It has always been so regarded on historical ques- 

The Chairman. What are your annual taxes to the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment 1 

Mr. Spalding. I pay on my plantation— of course I practically own 
the whole plantation ; I have it in the form of a stock company, but I 
own 4,915 shai-eH out of 5^000, so that my taxes amount to $8,000 or 
19,000 a year. 

The Chairman. What are your estates there valued at; what do 
you think a reasonable value on your estate f 

Mr. Spalding. My estate f 

The Chairman. The estate which you control by this arrangement 
i}f which you have been speaking. 

Mr. Spalding. I should consider it worth from a million of dollars 
upwards. It depends somewhat upon the outlook. 

The Chairman. The taxes you speak of paying, (8,000 or (9,000 a 
year, I suppose are direct taxes to the Oovemmentf 

Mr. Spalding. Direct taxes ; yes. 

The Chairman. In addition to them you pay the tariff tax f 

Mr. Spalding. Oh, certainly. 

The Chairman. So that your entire taxation during the year would 
amount to considerably more than thatf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes^ $10,000 or 912,000 a year. 

The Chairman. Let me ask you what is your estimate — it is not 
expected to be accurate — of the present value of the investments made 
hy American citizens in the Hawaiian Islands f 

Mr. Spalding. If the times were good I should say those invest- 
ments were $50,000,000 ; being very bad the value is not over $30,000,000 ; 
bat anywhere from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000. 

The Chairman. Thirty million doUars would be the nunimumf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Are you a citizen of Hawaii f 

Mr. Spalding. I voted in 1887, but I have not taken the oath of 
aDegiance in HawaiL I have not lost my citizenship in the United 

The Chairman. That is a process of naturalization there, to take 
te oath of allegiance f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes ; I do not know how the United States would 

regard it. Previous to 1887 you could not vote without having taken 

the oath of allegiance. That was changed under the laws of 1887 so 

tbtyou could register, and you would simply have to take the oath to 

Bvpport the constitution, but not become a citizen. 
The Chairman. Somewhat similar to the privilege granted by some 

^the States with regard to signifying an intention f 


Senator Feyb. In the estimate of the property held by the Ameri- 
eanfi at $50,000,000, nrhat would be your estiniate of the property held 
by others, ia good times f 

Mr. Spalding. You want to divide it up among the Americans, 
English people, etc. 

Senator Fbte. What is the proportion held by the natives and what 
is the proportion held by the whites of the islands f 

TheCHAiEMAN. Of allnationalitiesf 

Mr. Spalding. I should say at least nine-tenths. 

Senator Fbye. And of that, what proportion is held by the Ameri- 
cans f 

Mr. Spalding. Probably of all the whites over three-fourths by 
Americans; that is, what we call Americans, people born there of 
American parentage. 

The Chairman. So that the representation in the National Legisla- 
ture of Hawaii, so £ftr as the natives are concerned, is a very small pro- 
portion of the real wealth of the country f 

Mr. Spalding. A very small proportion. No natives have property. 
This man Parker, who was in the last cabinet of the Queen, and who is 
the Queen's mainstay now, was the nephew of a half white, who died 
some time ago, leaving him a large property. But he squandered it all ; 
he is bankrupt; and some say he has spent $300,000 — ^I suppose he has 
spent $150,000 — ^in tlie last^six or eight years. 

Senator Fbte. Is he a dissipated man! 

Mr. Spalding. He is not a common drunkard, by any means, but a 
careless man, spendthrift. 

Senator Gbay. Who is thatf 

Mr. Spalding. Samuel Parker, the minister of foreign afifairs und^ 

The Ghaibsian. In the last cabinet! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. He is now a bankrupt He was left a large 
estate by his uncle. 

The Chaibman. Since your return, in the situation of affairs have 
you discovered any organization, or effort at an organization, for the 
purpose of overturning the Provisional Government and reinstating the 

Mr. Spalding. I have not seen any, what you might call an organi- 
zation; I have only heard these same parties who have been opposed to 
what we call the reform party, talking about restoring the Queen--^ 
men like Wilson. But it was only when they expected to have aid and 
assistance fi*om the United States in doing it. I have not heard of 
their having any organization of their own. I have heard they have 
arms secreted, but I do not think the Provisional Government have 
any fear of that. 

The Chaibman. If Liliuokalani were restored to the throne under 
existing conditions, do you believe she would be able to retain her seat 
on tiie throne! 

Mr. Spalding. Not unless the people who are at present in power 
were disarmed, and the arms given to somebody else, and the people 
prevented getting any other arms. 

The Chaibman. That is not practical, is it! 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think it is. There is no iK>wer to put 
Liliuokalani back on the throne, except a force sufficient to oust the 
Provisional Government and sufficient force to support the monarchy 
after it is in power. 


The Ghaibman. Do you think that woald have to come from abroad f 

Mr. SPAXBiNa. I think so. After this attempt the people there 
ooold not keep it up. 

The CHAiBMAii. Suppose that France, the United States, England, 
tennany, Japan, and China should strictly adhere to the doctrine of 
noninterference in the present affairs of LiUnokalani or any other per- 
son— allow them to conduct political aftair^ in those islands^--do ^on 
believe that the Kanaka sentiment, the sentiment of the native Indian, 
is of snch a cbaracter that Liliuokalani or Kaiulana could hnild up a 
lojal dynasty in Hawaii f 

Mr. SPAXBrNG. Ko, not so long as the white foreigner, white people, 
desire to msdiitain the ascendency. I think they can do it in spite of 
any force, internal, that may be brought against them. 

The Chaibhan. You mean, as against the opposition of the member- 
diip of the present Government and its supporters, that it would not be 
practicable to reinstate a monarchy in Hawaii f 

Mr. Spaxbing. Not without a force from the outside. But there 
eoBkl a time come when all this would be changed. Perhaps I am a 
little different from many persons who live in the country; I do not re- 
gfnd the country simply. Of course, it is fertile in some spots, the cli- 
Bate is a beautiful one or favorable one, but simply on that account I do 
Bot think that there is a great future for Hawaii in sugar. Hawaii is 
not a sugar eountry, and with all our advantages — and we have given 
more thought to the business and developed it to a higher scientific 
d^ree than any otner sugar country known — ^at the same time I am 
qaite confident that with all those advantages, with capital I could go 
to the island of Cuba, and with my knowledge of the sugar business 
I eould produce sugar for $10 a ton — half a cent cheaper than in 
HawaiL Hence I do not regard Hawaii as a sugar country, a valu- 
able country. We would not have arrived at the x)oint we are now 
except for Uie benefits from the reciprocity treaty. We received great 
weooragement from that; received what you might torm a large lK)nus 
from the United States, and the money receiv^ was put into these 
plantations to build them up. <3on8equent]y we are in a very favora- 
ble position to manufacture sugar. With our advanced methods and 
all the advantages of machinery we can make sugar fully as cheap, 
periiapa (in our best places, I now speak of), as any other sugar coun- 
tnes. But our labor is necessarily high; there is nothing to induce 
laborers to come there except wages, of course, and we have not 
caongh of that i>opulation in the country to supply the wants. Gonse- 
qoently, when the price of sugar goes down as it is now, our planta- 
tkms are yalueless. 

The CHArRKAN. You mean they are not profitable f 

Mr. Spalding. Not profitable — ^valueless as producers of revenue. 
Last year we received as high as H cents a pound for sugar: that was 
the market price; this year it is down to 2J cents per pound. 

The Chaibmam. You do not consider Hawaii a natural sugar country, 
as being very superior to or the equal of other countries. What ad- 
Tutages are in that country f 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think there are any advantages except the 
ehmate. I saw advantage in the reciprocity treaty, and I would not 
have stayed there had it not been for reciprocity; because before the 
reciiHtxsity treaty had passed all the plantations h^ gone through 
bsokmptoy. I do not think there was a single plantation that had not 
gone into bankrnptoy. 


TheCHAiBMAN. Do you mean through the legal course of bank- 
ruptcy t 

Mr. Spalding. They had failed; they had passed into other hands; 
sunk their origiDal capital. 

The Ghaibman. You have announced that you are an annexationistf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. And loyal citizen. 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. As loyal to your country as*eyer before! 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; just as when in 1861 1 stood guard at this Cap- 
itol in the cold nights of April. 

The Chaibman. What made you an annexationistf 

Mr. Spalding. Because I believe the possession of the islands by 
the United States would give the United States practical possession 
of the Pacific Ocean. 

The Chaibman. The commercial controlY 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. How about the military control and naval controlt 

Mr. Spalding. The Hawaiian Islands are so located that an Ameri- 
can fleet could be located in Pearl Eiver harbor and with a cable from 
San Francisco those ships could be sent at will to any part of the ocean 
by the authorities at Washington. 

The Chaibman. You read Gen. Scofield^s report on thatt 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. Do you agree with the general's statement on that 
question f 

Mr. Spalding. Fully. 

The Chaibman. He goes into the question of the width of the bar. 
The depth is 14 feet. 

Mr. Spalding. You mean in Honolulu harbor. 

The Chaibman. No; the entrance to Pearl Eiver harbor. 

Mr. Spalding. The entrance to Pearl River harbor is practically 
closed by the coral reef outside. 

Senator Fbte. That is a soft coral f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. There are 13 or 14 feet of water at low tide. 

Mr. Spalding. I do not know. We have never spent any money in 
making a survey of that harbor, and there has never been any survey 
made except by the crews of the warships there, at very little expense. 

The Chaibman. Still, light vessels can run into Pearl River harborf 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. Have you any idea of its width t 

Mr. Spalding. How far it extends out into the ocean f 

The Chaibman. Yes. 

Mr. Spalding. No. I have been by there a great many times on a 
steamer. I could see about how far it runs out; but it would be more 
a matter of opinion. 

The Chaibman. Is it a mile widef 

Mr. Spalding. Less than a mile. From my observations I should 
say less than a mile. 

The Chaibman. In order for the United States to avail itself of that 
harbor for a naval station it would be necessary for the United States 
to dredge out the harbor t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chaibman. There is plenty of water f 


Mr. SPAi^iNa. Yes. 

The Chatrmaiy. And the configuration of the harbor is such that 
fte Tessels can get protiectionf 

Mr. SPALJ>rNa. Yes; get way in behind the inland. It is a sort of 

The Chairman. You could haye forts there t 

Mr. SPALDENa. Yes; right at the front entrance of the sea. 

The Chaibican. And they would command the Honolulu district f 

Mr. Spalbing. I do not know about their commanding Honolulu 
frran Pearl Biver. That would be a very long reach. But Honolulu 
eoold be defended from the hill back of it. 

The Ghaibman. The Punch Bowlf 

Mr. Spauding. The Punch Bowl right behind it. 

The Chaxbman. Honolulu Harbor is formed, as I understand it, by 
a bight in the land and this coral reef f 

Mr. Spalding. There is not much of a bight in the land. There is 
this coral reef that runs all around the island, and wherever there is a 
stream of fresh water that prevents the coral insect from working, 
there is the channel. Now, in Honolulu there is a small harbor inside 
tiie reef where the stream of fresh water has been in the habit of flow- 
ing down and then running out through the coral. But this coral 
reir is covered with water^ sometimes not more than a foot or foot and 
a half deep, because the tide at Honolulu is not more than 3 feet at the 
outside, and very seldom as much as that. 

The Chairman. The entrance is through this coral f 

Mr. Spaxding. Bight through this coral reef. This entrance to 
Honolulu is marked by a line of buoys and is only a few hundred feet 

Senator Obat. Kot more than a few hundred feett 

Mr. Spaxding. Not more than a few hundred. 

The Ohaisman. The breakers define the leef 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Ghaibman* And inside is this little bay) 

Mr. Spalding. It is very small, but it is very well protected by this 
leef on the outside and the shallow water on the reef. 

The Ghaibman. Protected against the Pacific Oceant 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

Mr. Spalding. Yes; a natural protection. 

The Ghaibman. Is Pearl Biver harbor a full land-locked harbor f 

Mr. Spalding. The only place where you can combine sea and land 


The Ghaibman. And that is perfectly practicable f 

Mr. Spalding. Perfectly practicable at Pearl Biver harbor; to get 

tie passage through the reef is the only thing to do. 

The Ghaibman. Is Pearl Eiver surrounded by forests f 

Mr. Spalding. There are a few trees in the neighborhood, but it is 

Bome little distance back in the mountains. 
The Ghaibman. But the nation that has possession of Pearl Biver 

Wbor and fortifies it has virtually the military and naval control of 

ill Uiose islands f 
Mr. Spalding. Yes. 
The Ghaibman. And, to extend the inquiry, that nation would have 

i6€at in the center of the Pacific Ocean that is valuable in a military 

mm aad valuable in a commercial sense t 


Mr. Spalding, Yes. 

The Ghairmak. As a resting place, ooaling stetion— -phhee for rest- 
ing ships f 

Mr. Spalding. It has been a coaling station for the United States 
for a number of years. 

The Ghaibman. As a place I have described, is it resorted to by ves- 
sels in numbers f 

Mr. Spalding. Do you mean Pearl Biver harbor f 

The Ghaibman. Honolulu f 

Mr. Spalding. The Austrian war ship Donem came in there several 
years ago with her steering apparatus ^one. She had to spend a few 
months there and thousands of dollars in temporary repairs. Vessels 
are coming all the time for the same purpose. It is the only place that 
I consider valuable in the North Pacific. The South Pacific is fall of 
islands: the North Pacific has no islands practically. There are a 
few little spots in the North Pacific beside the Hawauan glx>upy but they 
are hardly inhabitable. 

The Ghaibman. Then your zeal as an annexationist is built on the 
naval and commercial value of the islands to the United States. 

Mr. Spalding. If it is not desirable for the United States to hold 
Pearl Biver, if it is not desirable for the United States to have thai 
country as an outpost, it is not worth while for them to have anything 
to do with the country, because as an agricultursd country, minertS 
country, and mercantile and manufacturing country it is of small value. 

Senator Fbte. How would the building of the Nicaragua canal 
increase the importance of those islands to tiie United States f 

Mr. Spalding. It would make Honolulu just so much more impor- 
tant as a stopping place in crossing the Pacific Ocean. 

Senator Fbye. If the Nicaraguan canal were built, what, in your 
judgment, would be the result upon our country's interests to have the 
Hawaiian Islands go into the hands of the English Grovernmentf 

Mr. Spalding. Since 1867 I have felt that it would be a very bad 
thing for the islands to go into the hands of Great Britain with or with- 
out the Nicaraguan canal. During thecivil war we had tibe privateers up 
north among our whaling ships, and those privateers never could have 
gotten up there if one of our war shii>s had rendezvoused at Honc^ulu. 
The Hawaiian Islands are in a direct line between the British posses- 
sions of North America and the British possessions of Australta. 

The Ghaibman. Without the annexation of Hawaii in conaeelion 
with the Nicaraguan canal, but taking the conditions as th^ atei yea 
think the construction of a cable to the United States between San 
Francisco and Honolulu would be of great importancef 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. I tried to bring it about some years ago. We 
had a concession from the Hawaiian Government which we proposed to 
turn over to any company that might be formed under the auspices of 
the United States, but we could not get the aid of the United States 
in building the cable, and, of course, there was not enough business 
to attempt it without that. ' 

The Ghaibman. What is the general character of the Poitoguess 
who occupy Hawaii f 

Mr. Spalding. The Portuguese who came there were mostly men 
brought out from the Madeira Islands for laboring on the plantations. 
So long as we paid them pretty good prices for their labor, of course, 
they remained. They were under agreement to remain with us tir a 
term of years, three years I think, and at the expiration of their agree- 


■cnt a good many of them went to Oaliforma, thinking that they ooold 
do better. They are not a people who are reliable as settlers; we oao 
not depend upon their settling in the commanity. 

The Gh AIRMAN. You mean, remaining in the commanity f 

Mr. SPALBiNa. Remaining. They move about. If they think they 
ean get a small addition in the way of wages they think it better lor 
them to go. I was instrumental in erecting a Catholic church on my 
plantation, gave them the land and helped them put it up, beoause I 
kad quite a nomber working for me. But I find that most of them 
liaTe g&ne away after the expiration of their contracts. 

The Chaibman. As to their citizenship f 

Mr. Spaxj>£NG. I do not think they are very advantageous people as 

The Chaibhan. Are they disadvantageous f 

Mr. SPAi^nraa. Not if you have them in small numbers. If you have 
them in large numbers, yes ; if you had too many of them, that would 
be disadvantageous. 

The CHAntMAH. Are they turbulent f 

Mr. Spajcding. They are apt to be quarrelsome, and not always relia- 

The Chairman. How do they get along with the native population f 

Mr. Spai«ding. I do not think they have any trouble with the native 
population. They are a very saving people — ^in some respects a very 
bard working people-^-especiidly where they are working for them- 

Senator Fbtb. Th^ are pretty thrifty people f 

Mr. SPAJLDiKa. Pretty thrifty. 

The Chaibmak. How about the Japanese. What kind of citizens do 
they becomef 

Mr. SPALDnvG. We have not had them long enough to say. We do 
not expeet citizena on the plantations to do as in the towns and cities. 

The Ohaibman. But the Portuguese have the right as citizens to 

Mr. Spaxbing. Yes. 

The Chaibhan. The Japanese have not the rightf 

Mr. Spalding. The Japanese and Chinese. The Japanese Govern- 
Bent have claimed that right, but we have never allowed it. I say 
▼e; I speak of the country. I was not an official. 

The Chaibhan. The Chinese--how do they demean themselves in 
that ooun try t 

Mr. SPAiiDiNG. Fairly well. 

The Chaibhan. Do they intermarry with the natives f 

Mr. Spaxding. They do not intermarry with the natives very much. 

The Chaibhan. Now, taking the Portuguese, the Europeans, the 
Ammcans, and the Kanakas, with their present rights of suffrage 
legolated by the constitution of 1887, and supx>ose you were to con- 
tumethat and have your Government republican in form, under a writ* 
tea constitution^ would you consider that a safe form of government 

br that country) 

Mr. Spaij)ING. No; I should not consider that a republican form of 

gOTeram^ity with the suffrage as we have had it since 1887 (which was 

^ccy Ubcoral), a good form of government for that country, because 

thoe is not enough to the country. The country is not valuable 

CBoogh; it is of no use to divide it up into smaU farms^ because one 

futt would bftve to sell to another fiEurmer. I have known but me 


indastry to amount to anything specially, and that is the sugar indus- 
try—sugar and rice. 

Senator Obay. How about the coffee industry f 

Mr. SPALDiNa. They have tried to raise coffee, but the coffee has 
been blighted. It may succeed better in the future — also tobacco. 
In California they can raise grain and send it down there cheaper 
than we can raise it; consequently we buy a good deal in Oalifomia. 
We get better potatoes from California. They can raise them cheaper 
than we can. There is nothing that I know that can be raised cheaper 
in Hawaii than it can be raised in any other country. Consequently, 
even our sugar, without some kind of fostering protection, is not worth 
much to us. But it has been remunerative to us under the reciprocity 
treaty, and is remunerative to us now because of that treaty. I would 
not to-day attempt to start a sugar plantation on the Sandwich Islands 
any more than I would put my hand in the fire — ^I would not start a 
factory there. 

Senator Gbat. You do not think a republic would be a good form of 
government for the people of that country who are now entitled to 
suffrage f 

Mr. SPALDiNa. No. 

Senator Fryb. With the suffrage practically universal f 

Mr. Spalding. Not as it is now: under the constitution of 1887. 

Senator Obat. Would you think the outlook for a republican form of 
government better if the right of suffrage were more extensive Y 

Mr. SpALDiNa. No; Ishould think that the people there, from the cir- 
cumstances surrounding them, are not favorable to a republican form of 
government. There is not enough interest in the country for a 
republic — there are too many waves of prosperity and depression. 

Senator Fbte. Suppose there were a limit to the suffrage f 

Mr. Spalding. If you were to limit the suffrage, then you might have 
a government which would, in my opinion be safe and advisable in the 
proportion that it would be limited. 

Senator Fbye. But that would not be a government of the x>eopIeY 

Mr. Spalding. It would not. 

Senator Gbay. The more narrow the suffrage, the more stable the 

Mr. Spalding. Yes, because these people are like a good many in 
the United States — ^better governed than governing. 

Senator Gray. They ne^ to be governed f 

Mr. Spalding. I think so. 

The Chairman. What do you think of the future success of Hawaii 
as a government, having reference to the welfare of all classes in that 
country, if that government — ^taking the constitution of 1887 as a 
basis — should be placed in the hands of a native Kanaka dynasty f 

Mr. Spalding. If it were placed in the hands of a native Kanaka 
dynasty it would probably run back to where it was when Capt. Cook 
visited it. 

The Chairman. You think those people need to be under control f 

Mr. Spalding. While the King has been on the throne the brains 
of the white man have carried on the government. 

Senator Gray. You think they need an autocratic government f 

Mr. Spalding. We have now as near an approach to autocratic 
government as anywhere. We have a council of fifteen, perhaps, com- 
posed of the business men of Honolulu — some of them workingmen, 
some capitalists, but they are all business men of Honolulu. They go 


np to fhe palace, which is now the official home of the cabinet — ^they 
go up there perhaps every day and hold a session of an hour to examine 
into the business of the country, just the same as is done in a large 
fiatctory or on a farm. 

Senator Gray. They control the Government t 

Mr. SPALBiNa. They control it. They assemble — " now it is desired 
to do so and so; what do you think about it?" They will appoint a 
committee^ if they think it necessary, or they will apix)int some one to 
do something, just as though the Legislature had passed a law to be 
carried out by the officers of the people. 

The Chatbman. Coming back to my proposition again. You say 
you do not think the restoration of the monarchy, with the native 
Kanaka rulers on the throne, would be a success f 

Mr. Spalding. No, without some backing. 

The Chairman. I am talking df an independent government. 

Mr. Spalding. No. ♦ 

The Chairman. It would not be to the interest of the people nor of 
the investors who have spent their money there f 

Mr. Spalding. No. 

The Chairman. You think it would be difficult, if I get your idea^ 
either under a republican form of government, or dynastic or monarch- 
ical form, to bmld up in the Hawaiian Islands a government that will 
be equal to the commercial necessities of the Pacilc Ocean f 

Mr. Spalding. Most decidedly so. 

The Chairman. You are of that opinion f 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 

The Chairman. Suppose we should come to the point of the restora- 
tion of the monarchy in Hawaii, would it be preferable that Liliuoka- 
hni should be restored under existing conditions and surroundings, or 
that Rainlani should be restored ! 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think — ^it would be a choice of evils: I do 
not think it would make any diHerence. But I think it would be oetter 
to have Kaiulani, for we generally prefer the ills we know not of to 
those we do know. 

The Chairman. Looking over this whole field and the possibility of 
Kaiulani being restored to her rights, as alleged, what would be the 
drift of the Government under her administration in respect of the in- 
ilaence of the United States as compared with that of Great Britain f 

Mr. Spalding. If we had a sovereign on the throne f 

The Chairman. Kaiulani. 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think we can have any sovereign on the 
throne, either Kaiulani or anybody else, unless she go there tor a pur- 
pose, with the consent of the business interests of the country. I 
think it either means that the business interests of the country shall 
be overlooked, thrown one side, or kept in view and something done 
for their benefit and prott'ction. 1 think if a sovereign were put on 
the throne and it should become again a monarchical form of govern- 
ment, it would have to be under the protection of some strong power, 
md that strong power must be of a character that would give to these 
hrterests, especisdly the sugar interests (which is the main industry of 
the country) some compensation. It is requisite for the manafacture 
of sugar to have two things : a favorable soil and climate and a favor- 
aUe condition of labor. If we had the same climate and the same 
toil here in Washington that we have in Hawaii, we could not raise 
sugar in Washington, because the negroes of Washington would charge 

8. Eep. 227 ^17 


80 mach for cultivating the cane that it would be cheaper to buy sugar 
from some other country than to make it here. 

The Ghaibman. That relates to one interest only. 

Mr. Spalding. And that is the only interest that I know of in that 

Senator Obat. There is no other wealth-producing industry in that 

Mr. Spalding. That is the only thing that produces money there, 
because it is the only thing that goes out of the country. We can not 
have manufactures there. 

The Chairman. Your opinion would be that with Kaiulani on the 
throne her government would not be a success if not backed up by 
some other country! 

Mr. Spalding. I do not think she would be of any use to the country 
at large. We have got to do one of two things — ^run the government 
by ourselves and support it by necessary taxation and stand the ex- 
penses of it, or have it under some foreign protection that would relieve 
us of those expenses. 

The Chairman. Do you believe that the people representing the rul- 
ing, controlling interests in that country (which are intelligence and 
wealth) are the people to govern the country under a permanent form 
of government (whichever you may select, republican or monarchical) 
so as to make it a success and contribute to the happiness of the whole 

Mr. Spalding. They are doing it now. The native people are bet- 
ter oflF now than they have been at any other time. 

The Chairman. Do you believe that a Government on the existing 
basis, under the control of those who are now in authority, with the 
influence that they exert, can be established into a permanent form of 
government with such benefits to the people as to make it the best that 
can be done for that country! 

Mr. Spalding. I would not like to say that I do believe that, be- 
cause it depends upon whether we can support the present Govern- 
ment. I say I do not know about that. We are doing it for the present, 
but whether we can do it with sugar a half cent a pound lower thau 
now is quite another question. And it dependaupon how much money 
we have to pay out for our Government. But, if we have a powerful 
Government to back us, we get rid of a very large proportion of the 
expenses of the present form of government, and the expenses of the 
last Government, the monarchical Government. If the American flag 
were flying over the islands and one of the smallest and poorest war- 
ships with a crew of flfty men on board were s^ationed in Honolulu 
Harbor, you might give the suflrage to every man in the country, Chi- 
nese and Japanese, and there would not be any attempt to overthrow 
the Government. They might have their disputes in little afllairs; but 
they could not overthrow the Government. But we do not know how 
safe we would be if we were to do away with the troops that we have. 
If that were done somebody else might want to have the ofiBicial part of 
the Government to administer. 

Senator Gray. Do you think that a democratic-republican govern* 
ment, as we understand it here in the States, could be maintained in 
those islands with an independent sovereignty, without the outside sup- 
port of which you speak ! 

Mr. Spalding. We can maintain a government there so loiig as we 
can afford to keep an armed force; but not without. 


Senator Gbay. Oould you maintaiD a state government there as we 
understand a State government heref 

Mr. SPALDiNa. Do yon mean if the islands were annexed to the 
United States f 

Senator Gbat. Yes. 

Mr. SPALDiNa. Yes^ we could. That would be a republican form of 

Mr. Gray. That is what I meant. 

Mr. SPAXBiNa. I have already said that a republican form of govern- 
ment would not be suitable for that people. That is an independent 
form of government. You might, for instance, if the Hawaiian Islands 
were a part of the State of Galitbrnia do very well. I think they would 
send two or three or four representatives to the State capitol, who 
would be equally respectable with the representatives sent from the 
present counties in California, and I do not think there would be any 
trouble— all the struggle would cease. But we have there now these 
adventurers, an element that wants to rule or ruin. They have noth- 
ing to lose and everything to gain; and it would be simply men who 
have something to lose fighting men who have nothing to lose. 

Senator Fbye. That would require the maintenance in arms of a 
thousand menf 

Mr. SFAXJ>iifa. Whatever would be necessary — a few hundred or a 

Senator Fbye. But the expense of keeping them is the question? 

Mr. SPAL.DIN0. That is all. And the question would be, where 
shall we get our taxes. If we had a sufficient revenue from the manu- 
facture of sugar to pay these taxes, that might answer; we might say, 
"Yes, we can afford to pay for these troops to preserve good govern- 
meiit." But if the price of sugar is to be so low, and the expenses of 
nmning the plantations so high, what would become of the country? 

Senator Fbye. Do you not think three hundred men under a good 
officer would exert complete control over those islands? 

Mr. SPALJ>mG. Oh, very likely. We have not a very large force 
tt^e now, and times have been probably as bad as they can be. What 
▼e want is to make something out of the country; make expenses out 
of the a>antry. It is not a commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, or 
mineral producing country; it has no resources, no available resources; 
never has had. All this prosperity has come from this reciprocity 
treaty with the United States. Before that time we were making a 
Batter of 15,000 or 20,000 tons of sugar a year. 

Senator Ob ay. Are you a large sugar producer there? 

Mr. Spalding. The largest personal producer. There are others, 
eompaniea, producing more. 

Senator Obay. Has Mr. Spreckels a factory there? 

Mr. SPAXDme. He is interested with his friends. He has a mercan- 
tile agency and several plantations ; but, of course, we send all oui 
ngar to San Francisco. 

teiator Fbyb. Have you ever thought over the question of annexa- 
two to California f 

Mr. SPAiJ>nfa. Yes, a good deal. 

Senator Fbye. How would that dof 

Mr. SPAi^Dma. I do not see any objection to it. 

Senator Fbyb. You would elect your members of the house and 
•eaate, and i>erhap8 one member of Congress? 

Mr. SPAlJ>iKa. All these things would follow the change. To <)arry 


on oar basioess it would be necessary to have some advantage, just b^ 
the State of Louisiana has some advantage, because she has to pay 
more for labor than is paid in other sugar-producing countries. 

The Chairman. How are the men in this present Government f 

Mr. Spalding. The four men in office there are four as good men as 
we have in the country. 

The Chairman. You mean the advisory council) 

Mr. Spalding. The advisory council is made up of as good men as 
are in Honolulu. 

The Chairman. Who are the four men! 

Mr. Spalding. The executive officers. 

Senator Fryb. You can not find better in any country! 

Mr. Spalding. Ko. Dole is a man ; a lawyer of ability. He was 
upon the supreme bench for years, and is a man of integrity and char- 

The Chairman. Your supreipe court, how is thatf 

Mr. Spalding. The chief justice is a son of Dr. Judd, who was one 
of the early missionaries to go out there. He belonged to what we call 
the lay missionaries. He was not a minister. Old Dr. Judd, as he was 
called, was the private adviser of King Kauikeaouli in his questions 
with Great Britain; and this chief justice is the son of that man. 

The Chairman. Is the chief justice a man of ability) 

Mr. Spalding. Of ability, and has always given good satisfaction. 
If anything, he has a leaning to the native population. He has always 
been considered, perhprps, the greatest friend, the most consistent, the 
best friend of the native population of any white man in the country. 
He has been noted for that-. 

The Chairman. Take the conduct of these men called missionaries 
and of those who were their associates in the Gk)vemm6nt, would you 
say that their motives, as indicated by their acts, were in favor of build- 
ing up enlightenment and the establishment of all the higher virtues in 
the people of Hawaii, the Kanakas, or were they in the other direction f 

Mr. Spalding. I should say they were more in favor of the develop- 
ment of the best interests of the country, and especiaJly of the native 

The Chairman. Is there any sentiment of hostility amongst those 
people toward the native population f 

Mr. Spalding. Among the missionaries f 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Spalding. Quite to the contrary. They have not only been the 
most intelligent and most business-like men that we have had, but men 
of the highest integrity. 

The Chairman. You have not been connected with the church in 
any way. 

Mr. Spalding. Ko; I have not been considered as belonging to the 
missionary element, but I have always had a high respect for the work 
that has been done there. 

The Chairman. I suppose the fact is that the missionaries have 
done all the work that has been done there. 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. Some of the others have gathered in without 
scattering so much ; but the missionaries have always done everything 
in their power to benefit the native population. 

Senator Gray. You went out there in 1867 as the special agent of 
the State Department, under Mr. Seward t 

Mr. Spalding. Yes. 



Senator GitAT. Was that before the treaty of reciprocity t 

Mr. Spalding. Before the treaty of reciprocity. 

Senator Gray. And your instructions were verbal? 

Mr. SPAiJ>iNa. My instructions were verbal. I went out as a bearer 
of dispatches, ostensibly. 

Senator Gray. You say you had a general letter; of what kind f 

Mr. Spalding. I had a general passport from the State Department 
allowing me to go anywhere over the world. 

Senator Gray. Had you any special instructions to the Minister f 

Mr. Spalding. I had only to carry to the Minister the key of the 
State Department code. That was the ostensible mission on which I 
was sent j but the real mission was to inform the Secretary himself, not 
the State Department, what the feeling of the country was and what 
^ect this reciprocity treaty would have upon the two countries. I 
reported adversely to the reciprocity treaty on the ground that I 
thought it would perhaps impede or prevent annexation of that coun- 
try in the near future. But in one of my letters from the Secretary he 
toM me that the plan which I had suggested could not be followed by 
the United States at that time, as the public mind of the American 
people was dweUing too much upon the settlement of the matters 
^wing ont of the civil war, and they refused at that time to take up 
the annexation of any foreign country. 

Senator Gray. Did you return in person with your report! 

Mr. Spalding. I came back to Washington to settle my accounts 
tfter I gave ap the consulate. I was appointed consul while I was out 
there; in fact, I was left with the consulate and legation both, before I 
was appointed consul. i 

Senator Gbay. Then you returned and made your business arrange- 

Mr. Spalding. I cameback to Washington and settled my accounts. 
Ihaif I think, was in IstO. But I had already made my arrangements 
fsr starting in the sugar business, starting my plantation, and I have 
heoi in it ever since. 

A^umed until to-morrow, the 3d inst^ at 10 o^dock a. m. 



Washington, D. 0., January 3, 1894. 

The committee met pnrsuant to adjournment. 
Present: The Chairman (Senator Morgan), and Senators Gray and 
Absent: Senators Butler and Sherman. 


The Chaibman. How long have you resided in Hawaii f 

Mr. Alexandeb. I was iK^rn there in 1833. 

The Chairman. How long had your parents resided there before 
your birth t 

Mr. Alexandeb. About one year. 

The Chairman. Was your father connected with the missionary 
work of the islands! 

Mr. Alexandeb. Yes. 

The Chairman. To what denomination did he belong! 

Mr. Alexandeb. The Presbyterian. 

The Chaibman. Where did your father locate when he went to the 

Mr. Alexandeb. The first part of the time the northernmost part 
of the islands — at Kauai. 

The Chairman. What is your age! 

Mr. Alexander. Sixty. 

The Chairman. So you have been fifty-nine years in Hawaii! 

Mr. Alexander. I have spent about eight years in this country. 

The Chairman. But that has been your place of residence! 

Mr. Alexander. Yes^ I finished my education in this country. 

The Chairman. Where did you get the foundation of your education ! 

Mr. Alexander. At a school near Honolulu. It t^as a mission 
school, and since it has become Oahu College. 

The Chairman. Is that now a flourishing institution! 

Mr. Alexander. It is on a very good footing; it has a good endow* 

The Chairman. About how much! 

Mr. Alexander. About $230,000. 

The Chairman. From what sources was that endowment derived! 

Mr. Alexander. Mostly given by residents of the islands. The 
largest doner was Charles E. Bishop. 

The Chairman. He married a Hawaiian woman! 

Mr. Alexander. Yes. She was a chiefess of very high rank. 

The Chairman. How far advanced were you in respect of your edu- 
cation when you came to the United States to complete your studies! 

Mr. Alexander. I was nearly fitted for college. I studied one sum- 
mer at Harrisburg. My mother was a Harrisburger. 

The Chairman. What college did you attend in the